A chronicle of the late intestine war in the three kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland with the intervening affairs of treaties and other occurrences relating thereunto : as also the several usurpations, forreign wars, differences and interests depending upon it, to the happy restitution of our sacred soveraign, K. Charles II : in four parts, viz. the commons war, democracie, protectorate, restitution / by James Heath ... ; to which is added a continuation to this present year 1675 : being a brief account of the most memorable transactions in England, Scotland and Ireland, and forreign parts / by J.P.

A CHRONICLE OF THE CIVIL WARS OF ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, and IRELAND. THE FIRST PART: BEING The Commons War. (Book 1)

NO higher or greater cause can be assigned for this War (setting aside the sins of all Times and Nations, to which the Justice of Heaven is seldome long a Debtor) but the fate and catastrophe of Kingdoms and Monar∣chies, which do at certain periods of time taste of that vicissitude and mutability, to which all other sublunary things are more frequently subjected.

The secondary causes of it, are so many and so un∣certain, so variously reported and believed, that it would spend much of the paper allotted to this History in ascertaining them. There∣fore to contain and keep within the limits of this designment; something onely shall be said of them, that was obvious to every eye, not savouring of partiality or affection.

Many disorders and Irregularities no doubt there were in the State, contra∣cted through a long and lazy peace, bolstred up with an Universal trade, which procured a general wealth, the Parents of Wantonnesses; the excess of Nati∣onal riches being but as the burden which the Ass carries, and mistakes for pro∣vender; people being onely the better able to sustain their future misery, with their present plenty.

These conceived abuses in the manage of the State (like ill humours, where they finde an equal resistance, or over-power of nature,) sunk and descended upon the Ecclesiastical Regiment, too impotent to sustain those general assaults which were given it.

No storms or tempests can be raised or maintained below, without the Cele∣stial influences, or disturbances in the upper Region; nor often are there any Commotions or Wars among or in Nations, where Religion, which ought to be the peaceablest and most innocent perswasion, is not the Primum Mobile, the great mover of the Machine of Destruction.

Quantum Religio potuit suadere malorum?

Nothing from abroad could any way break off that continued series of peace we had so long enjoyed; we had made the Nations round about us to wonder at, and to dread the putting forth of that strength which had been matured and ripened by the sunshine of so great a prosperity, so many years together, while the world about us was hurled into the confusions of Ruine and War, ready to become a prey to the next potent Invasion.

* 1.1Strange moreover it is, That the miserable Distractions and Confusions which ensued, should be derived from no greater beginnings then a few Ceremo∣nies in the Church; that War, which stands upon none, should be founded and fixt upon them: and yet nothing more certain can be charged with the guilt of so much misery as these Kingdoms so long suffered under; but the Cavils, Discontents and disputes about them.

A grudging there was for many years before, in the Raigns of Queen Eliza∣beth and King Iames, in whose days, and at his first assumption to this Crown, a Conference was before him managed by the Reformists about them,* 1.2 where that learned King so justified the use of them, that for a while all ob••oqu••es against them were silenced, and the Church and State enjoyed its greatest bles∣sings of Peace and Uniformity.

Nor was there much noise about them in the beginning of the Raign of King Charles; but towards the middle it began to threaten a storm, in the year 1635. towards the conclusion whereof, some Uproars and Commotions were raised,* 1.3 decrying those Ceremonial Rites used and practised in the Church; such being the ushering in by a general murmur, what was plainly and distinctly declared in the beginning of the year 1637. (from whence this Chronicle takes its rise,) by Mr. Pryn, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr Burton; seconded and asserted by that famously known person, Iohn Lilburn.

These men, though questionless from different grounds and respects (as this age hath lived to see by Mr. Pryn, who proved a great and happy instrument in the Kings Restitution, and consequently, the resettlement of the Church) printed several Books against the aforesaid Ceremonies; for these Books they were apprehended (which were charged also to be full of Invectives against the Bishops and Episcopal Government) and were severely censured in the Star-Chamber, to the exasperation of a great part of the Kingdom.

* 1.4They were all three sentenced to be set in the Pillory, and to have their ears cut off, Mr. Pryn to be stigmatized on both cheeks, each of them fined five thou∣sand pounds apiece to the King,* 1.5 and to be imprisoned during the Kings pleasure; which was accordingly executed in every point of the sentence, and as valiantly and stoutly undergone by these sufferers, who after they had stood in the Pillory (three thereof being set up in the Palace-yard at Westminster) were sent to re∣mote Castles in the adjacent Isles of Guernsey and Iersey; from whence, as we shall see hereafter, they were brought back to London.

I may not dis-joyn the story of Iohn Lilburn from theirs, though divided by time,* 1.6 he suffering the year after, being whipt at a carts tail for imprinting and vending several Books of the same purport and contents against the Bishops. This man proved a great trouble-world in all the variety of Governments af∣terward, being chief of a faction called Levellers: he was a great proposal-maker and modeller of State, which by his means was always restless in the Usurpa∣tion. He died a Quaker; and such as his life was, such was his death.

This year also Dr. Williams then Bishop of Lincoln, and Dean of Westminster, formerly Lord Keeper, relapsed again into the Kings disfavour, for some disho∣nourable

words uttered against the King, which were taken hold of, and pro∣secuted in the Star-Chamber,* 1.7 where he was fined ten thousand pounds; though his enemies would rather have had him resigned his Bishoprick and Deanery: but he was of too great a spirit to relinquish either of them, as being places conferred on him by Patent from his bountiful Master King Iames; and so chose to pay the aforesaid fine, which upon a new score was soon after doubled. These harsh proceedings against him so exasperated his mind, that in the troubles ensuing he openly sided with the Parliament. In effect, this whole years revo∣lution, as to matters of importance, was concerned in Episcopacy.

But this smoak and smother in England concerning Ceremonies,* 1.8 broke out into fire in Scotland; these petty and particular discontents here, being blown up there into a National dislike and abhorrence of them; so that this here, was but the forerunner of that conflagration there, which afterwards laid waste Three Kingdoms. And because of the remarkable and strange eruption and effects of it, I think fit to give those Scotish Troubles their particular Narrative, con∣next and intire together: Which here follows.

The Troubles and Tumult in Scotland, about the Service-Book, Book of Canons, High-Commission, and Epis∣copacy.

THe great and long designed Union of the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland had taken its desired effect,* 1.9 by the assumption of King Iames the Sixth to this Crown; and the National feud between the two people thereof well allayed, if not wholly extinguished; being both as one body under one supream Head and Governour.

That King,* 1.10 at his departing from that his Native Kingdom, had left it in a very flourishing condition, as ever it boasted of; the State well provided for by wholsom Laws, and the management thereof committed to the prudent∣est and most honourable of the Nobility, the Church-Regiment under a godly and a learned Orthodox Episcopacy, reverenced and well accepted by the people.

All things both in Church and State being well ordered, supported and maintained by that accession of power and greatness to their Soveraign in this Kingdom, that Nation continued in a firm and unvariable quiet till about the middle of the Reign of King Charles the first of blessed memory, by whom, as also by his Royal Father,* 1.11 several endeavours were used for the better strength∣ning and perpetuating the Union a••oresaid, by conforming the Discipline of that Church to the pattern of this. Religion being the most sure and indissol∣vable tie and mutual security.

In the time of King Iames, those memorable Five-Articles were made by the Assembly at Perth,* 1.12 whereby the High-Commission, the Book of Canons, and other Rites and Ceremonies were introduced and established. By King Charles the First, the Book of Service or Common-Prayer was endeavoured likewise to be brought in,* 1.13 it having constantly been used for twenty years before in his Ma∣jesties own Royal Chappel in that Kingdom, before his Majesties Ministers of State, and the Nobility and Gentry attending them.

And now all things appeared Retro sublapsa referri, to precipitate into Con∣fusion and Disorder; the period of that peace was come, which had so long blest that Kingdom. Not that really and singularly that Book was the cause of those Commotions, but accidentally ministring the male-contents of that King∣dom an occasion of revolt and disloyalty: For the seeds of that Sedition were sown by the Plotters of the Covenant, which was afterwards so magnified un∣der the pretence of Religion, long before any of the grievances or pretended in∣novations in Religion complained of by them were ever heard amongst them.

* 1.14The true Original of these Tumults, was a Revocation made by King Charles the first, of such things as had passed away in prejudice of the Crown, especi∣ally by some of the late Princes in their minorites; by this course some of the principal Contrivers of this Covenant, found their Estates within the danger of the Laws: And though the King, to rectifie that proceeding of his, had made appear his clemency, in waving all the advantages which the Laws afforded him, not one of his Subjects being damnified by the said Revocation; yet for all this, the principal persons laboured a disaffection to the Government, lay∣ing the envy of procuring that Revocation upon the Prelates,* 1.15 who in this were as innocent as the thing it self; onely because they hoped, that the very name of Church-men or Religious persons, should in the point of Faction have that operation with their followers, which they conceived the Church or Religion it self might have had, if they could have seen how to have perswaded them, that by this Revocation either of them had been endangered. Other things there were relating to the Ministers themselves, the Gentry, and their Farmers, who paid the Tythes to the Nobility; being the burthen of Impropriations: This the King thought to remedy by granting out a Commission to a great number of the prime of all estates and degrees, to relieve, if they should see cause, both the Ministers and others who suffered by that grievance: This Commission was called,* 1.16 The Commission of Superiority and Tythes; which effe∣cted, as to the agrieved, its intended effect, and for which all possible thanks were rendred to his Majesty

Nor were the most of the Nobility unsensible of the advantage by this means to matter of profit, but they fretted privately for being robbed of that Lordli∣ness over the Clergy and Laity, which by right of Tythe they enjoyed; and therefore had recourse to the former fetch of making the Bishops (when in∣deed it was obtained by the importunity of Clergy and Laity) the Procurers also of this Commission.

* 1.17The last ingredient to this bitter Cup, which was prepared in Scotland for the three Nations, was matter of Honour and Title: For the King going to his Coronation there in 1631. a Parliament being called to honour the same (where∣in an Act passed, that gave his Majesty power to appoint such Vestures for Church-men which he should hold most decent; and another for ratifying all Acts heretofore made concerning the established Religion, and the liberties and priviledges of the Church) his Majesty finding some principal men who were suitors at the same time for the Dignities aforesaid, dissenters to the confirma∣tion and allowance of the said Acts, did not confer such expected Honours, but passed those by, and justly advanced more Loyal persons; at which they then muttered, but mutined not till his Majesties departure.

* 1.18Then they with Seditious private Libels, taxed this Parliament with preva∣rication and obliquity in their proceedings, as if it had been pack'd; and also, that the voyces were not truly numbred, but that some Acts were past without plurality of Votes. This being sifted by the Kings Privy Council there, the Author was known, who fled; but the principal engager, the Lord Balmerino,* 1.19 was apprehended. His Father had been raised by King Iames to his Barony and Fortune, but for the most ungrateful of Treasons, was condemned by his Peers: His Son at his time fell into the same crime and condemnation; but both, by their Majesties favour and clemency, restored to Life, Honour, Liberty and Estate.

But all these devices could not serve their turn, without Religion, and such specious pretences were pleaded, to the subversion of the Government; there∣fore the Service-Book opportunely offering it self (though in 1616. at Aber∣deen, a piece very like it had passed by the General Assembly (onely altered in some places, lest in totidem verbis, some factious spirits might have misconstrued it as a badge of dependance of that Church upon England, to the prejudice of the Laws and Liberties) and by their own Bishops afterwards, and revised by the King, who observed many of that Nation reverently here to use it; and also that it had been read in the Koyal Chappel in Scotland, as aforesaid) being

enjoyned to be read on Easter-day, 1637. in Edinburgh, but deferred for some reasons, though no opposition appeared then, till the twenty third of Iuly; on that day such a Tumult and Riot happened,* 1.20 the heads of the vulgar being se∣cretly prepossest (as deep waters run smoothest till they come to some breach) as for everlasting notice and memorial of so paltry an introduction to the grand∣est and miraculous change, and subversions which followed, it is here briefly, though satisfactorily transcribed.

ON the Twenty third of July, being Sunday, according to publique warning given the Sunday before, the Service-Book was begun to be read in Edin∣burgh, in St. Giles Church, called the Great Church; where were present (as usual) many of the Privy Council, both the Archbishops and other Bishops, the Iu∣stices, and the Magistrates of Edinburgh. No sooner was the Book opened by the Dean of Edinburgh, but a number of the vulgar, most of them women, with clap∣ping of their bands, cursing and outcries, raised such a barbarous hubbub in the place, that none could bear or be heard. The Bishop of Edinburg, who was to Preach, stept into the Pulpit, which is immediately above the place where the Dean was to read; intending to appease the Tumult, by putting them in minde of the sacredness of the place, and of the horrible prophanation thereof: But then the rabble grew so enraged and mad, that if a stool aimed to be thrown at him, had not been pro∣videntially diverted by the hand of one present, the life of that Prelate had been en∣dangered, if not lost. The Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Lord Chancellor, with divers others, offering to appease the multitude, were entertained with such bitter curses and imprecations, that not being able to prevail with the people, the Provost, Bailiffs, and divers others of the Council of the City, were forced to come down from the Gallery on which they usually sit, and with much ado, in a very great Tumult and confusion thrust out these disorderly people, making fast the Church-doors. After all which, the Dean proceeded to read Service, which was devoutly performed, being assisted by the Lords and the Bishops then present: Yet the clamor, rapping at Church-doors, and throwing of stones in at the Church-windows by the rabble with∣out was so great, that the Magistrates were constrained to go out and use their endea∣vours for to appease the multitude. After a little pause and cessation, the Bishop of Edinburgh Preached; and after Sermon done, in his going from Church, was so invironed with a multitude of the meaner sort of people cursing and crowding him, that he was near being trod to death, if he had not recovered the stayrs of his Lodg∣ing, where he was again assaulted, and was like to have been pulled backwards, if the Earl of Weems from his next Lodging, seeing the Bishops life in danger, had not sent his servants to rescue him; who got the Bishop almost breathless into his Chamber. In other Churches the Minister was forced to give over reading: And so that Morning passed.

Between the two Sermons, consultation was held how to suppress those out-ra∣ges; and 'was so ordered, that the Service was quietly read in St. Giles & other Churches in the afternoon: But yet the rabble intermitted nothing of their madness;* 2.1 for staying in the streets, at the comming home of the Earl of Rox∣borough, the Lord Privy Seal, with the aforesaid Bishop in his Coach, they so fiercely assaulted him with stones, that he had like to have suffered the death of the Martyr St. Stephen; so that if his footmen had not kept the multitude off with their drawn Swords, their lives had been very much indangered.

Thus the Reformation began there with such terrible profanations of the Lords day, and of the Lords House; an ill omen, what in future would be the conclusion; and this done by the same many-headed Monster, that in like man∣ner began the troubles in England; nor ever was the Union more perfect and streight, then in such mischiefs.

To prevent and redress these ills,* 2.2 the Privy Councel set forth a Proclamation, thereby discharging all concourses of people and tumultuous meetings in Edin∣burgh under pain of death; at which time the Magistrates of the said City, before the Council-Table, professed their detestation thereof, and profered their

utmost power in the discovery of the principals in that uproar;* 2.3 though they afterwards shamefully failed in their promise, and appeared among the chief of the Covenanters, even while they were glozing with the King and the Archbi∣shop of Canterbury in England, by letters full of duty and affection to his Maje∣sty, and his Churches service.

All businesses of note for a time seemed to be hushed and calmed, by reason of the long Vacation, (which in that Kingdom beginneth always on Lammas∣day) and the Harvest, which drew all sorts of people from Edinburgh, except the Citizens, so that all was quiet till the ensuing October, and then the conflux of all sorts soon enlivened the tumults again; the Ministers who undertook the reading of the second Service-book,* 2.4 publiquely relenting their forwardness, and recanting, and reneging it, and to that purpose presented a Petition, de∣siring it might not be imposed on them: this being backt with such an Uni∣versal rendezvous of all sorts, gave the Council the fear of an Insurrection; for prevention whereof, a Proclamation again was published, which under pain or Rebellion commanded all persons, except they should show cause of their further stay about their particular affairs, to depart the City, and return to their Houses; Seconded also with another, whereby his Majesties Council, and Session (which is the Term) were declared to be removed from Edinburgh to Dundee; and a third for seizing and discovering of a certain seditious Book against the English Ceremonies, which second book was ordered to be publique∣ly burnt upon the seizure.

* 2.5These Proclamations were next day overtaken with another Insurrection: For on the 19 of October, 1667. the Bishop of Galloway, and Sir William Elphinston Lord chief Justice of that Kingdom, being appointed by the Lords of the Council to examine witnesses in a Cause depending before them, passing through the streets to the Council-House, were suddenly encountred and sur∣rounded with an enraged multitude; the Bishop hardly by the means of one of the parties in that Suit getting safe to the Council, where, through the like irreverence to that Tribunal, he could find no Sanctuary, being threatned in∣stantly with death. Upon report of this outrage,* 2.6 the Earls of Traquair and Wigton came with their followers to his relief, where with much ado they got entrance, but found themselves in no better case than the Bishop, the peoples rage being thereby the more increased.

The Lords and the Bishop being thus beset, sent privately to the Lord Provost and Bailiffs of Edinburgh,* 2.7 for relief; who sent them word that they themselves were in the same condition, if not worse, if the Lords attempted not to appease the people, who had forced them in their Council-House, for fear of their lives, to subscribe a Paper then instantly presented them, which contained three par∣ticulars. First, that they should joyn with them in opposition to the Service-book, and in petitioning to the King. Secondly, that by their Authority they should restore Mr. Ramsey, and Mr. Rolloch, two lately silenced Ministers. Thirdly, that they should restore one Mr. Henderson a silenced Reader; which three persons were notable Ringleaders of the faction; three most important grounds for so fearful a Commotion.

* 2.8Thereupon the Lords resolved to go and confer with the Magistrates, and either by their authority or perswasion to reduce the people to obedience and reason; but all in vain: for at their return re infecta to the Council-Table again, they were set upon, the Earl of Traquair being troden down,* 2.9 losing his white Staff, the Ensign of his Office of Treasurer, with his Hat and Cloak, and so with much ado got back again to the Council; who seeing the impendent danger from the fury of the people, were forced to apply themselves to some Noblemen who were of the faction, by whose influence upon and respects from the people, they with the aforesaid Bishops were conveyed to their respective dwellings; but the Provost was pursued with threats, rayling and danger, unto the yard of his own house.

This Mornings storm being blown over, another Proclamation was made against further unlawful Assemblies, and meeting in the streets of that City,

under the most severe pains the Laws in those Cases had provided;* 2.10 but so little regard was thereunto given, that the next day they demanded of the Lords what they had demanded of their Magistrates; and to that purpose two Petitions, as well from the Rabble, as also now from greater hands, the chief Citizens, Gentry, and Nobility, were presently tendred to the Lord Chancel∣lour of that Kingdom, which imported the whole substance of the present Commotion; the English Service-book still bearing the burthen: Withal in this last petition, making their greivances swell, adding their dislike of the book of Canons, to their former distast of the Service-book; so one demand ushered in another, till they had nothing to ask, but what they resolved to take: the parallel of our troubles. These petitions were afterwards sent up to the King,* 2.11 who by a Proclamation resented the injuries and affronts done his Royal Au∣thority, by those attemps upon his chief Ministers, and also declared his firm intentions to maintain the Protestant Religion, commanding also all persons to forbear further meetings and petitions of this nature, upon pain of treason. But this Proclamation was encountred with a Protestation made by the Earls of Hume and Lindsey,* 2.12 two great Covenanters, who avowed therein the whole action, with a resolution added to adhere to them to the last, requiring also some of the Bishops to be removed from his Majesties Councel, and such other more unreasonable expostulations, which yet came short still of those that they made afterwards, their number and power still increasing their peremptory and haugh∣ty designes upon the Government.

Soon after, this sedition began to arm it self, and assume another name; they of the faction took the authority of the Kingdom to themselves;* 2.13 erected four Tables, as they called them, of the four ranks of Noblemen, Gentry, Burgesses and Ministers, out of all which was formed one general Table, that was supreme. This Table, after some consultation and reports from the other, resolved upon a Covenant to be taken throughout the Kingdom,* 2.14 which for substance was the same with that Solemn League, afterwards taken in England; onely Bishops in express terms were not therein then abjured, but implicitely no doubt included, and more plainly, their sitting in civil Judicatories.

The King was most highly incensed against this Usurpation of his Royal Au∣thority,* 2.15 especially at the obtruding this Covenant, wherewith the greatest part of the Nation were already infected, and others through compulsion and force scared into a compliance with it, though with a great deal of stir and reluctan∣cy: Wherefore to obviate the imminent danger it threatned, the King dispatcht away the Marquess of Hamilton as his Commissioner to that Kingdom,* 2.16 to apply some present remedy to the distemper; he being a person of great honour and influence on that Nation.

Before his arrival, of which the Covenanters had timely notice, they made the more hast to engage the people against any accommodation: Nor did they with the usual respect entertain the Commissioner; but after some few days stay, after some overtures by him made on the Kings part towards them,* 2.17 and his demands of them, particularly their deserting and relinquishing their Covenant, he received a slighting answer, that they would descend to no particulars of their part, till a general Assembly should be called: But as for the Covenant, they would sooner part with their lives, than abate a syllable of it; and resolved never to hear more against it:* 2.18 And thereupon new guards were by them clapt upon Edinburgh Castle, the Watches of the City multiplied, and the Mini∣sters began to convert all their Sermons into Libels, warning the people to take heed of Crafty Compositions, when they were resolved against any.

These difficulties caused the Commissioner to repair to London, having first received order to publish the Kings Declaration against the supposed Popery; and removed also the Term, for the further satisfying of the City of Edinburgh, back thither again;* 2.19 which indeed was for a while magnified by the Citizens as an Act of favour, but presently was undervalued as a trick to cajole them; so instructed by those who grudged the King any esteem or love in the minds of his people.

* 2.20The Kings Declaration, bearing Date Iune 20. 1638. was soon after pub∣lished; which contained his dispensation of the Service-book and Canons, with a promise of calling a general Assembly and Parliament with all convenient Ex∣pedition; requiring his subjects to contain themselves in their duty, and not further to hearken to any Rebellious suggestions.

* 2.21As soon as the Herauld had proclaimed it, the Covenanters were ready. upon a Scaffold there erected, with a Protestation against it; (having before possest the People, that if this Declaration were hearkened unto, it would bring un∣doubted ruine to their Religion, Laws and Liberties) which they publiquely read, importing some new additions to their former demands, and cavils at the uncertainty of the Kings intentions in the matters declared.

* 2.22The Marquess Hamilton being arrived at London, gave the King an account of the whole business; and according to his new instructions, returned back again by their appointed time, the 15th of August, 1638. and entred presently into a Treaty with them about the manner of calling the General Assembly; which they would not hear of, but that a General Assembly should be immedi∣ately called; and of the due Elections thereto, when they were met, them∣selves should be the judge: For otherwise there would of necessity be some pre∣limitations, which the freedom thereof might not suffer.

Upon this Emergency all things growing worse and worse, the Marquess was forced upon another journey to consult the King (the Covenanters con∣cluding,* 2.23 that if he returned not before the 21 of September, they would of themselves Indict this Convention) who concluded of giving that Kingdom the utmost satisfaction; and with a Commission to summon this Assembly re∣turned: But the day after, the Covenanters, contrary to promise, made an Election in one of the Presbyteries Adjacent, of themselves; whereas through∣out the Kingdom, according to the directions of the Tables, Lay-Elders and Ministers were chosen together; a thing never seen before in that King∣dom.

* 2.24This Assembly, the Source of those calamities which afterwards embroyl'd and enslaved that Nation, was held at the City and University of Glasgow, in November 1638. in which they so carried and packt the Elections, that there was scarce one Dissenter from those Resolutions they had profest in their Cove∣nant. The Bishops were Totally excluded from sitting or voting therein,* 2.25 but were cited to compeer as offenders, and answer their charge. Against these proceedings, and the illegality of the constitution of this Assembly, they first protested, and tendered their reasons, but they would not be admitted for such; so that the Lord Commissioner seeing no hope of Justice, Law, or Reason, or Loyalty taking place there, at seven days end dissolved them by a Proclamation;* 2.26 which they took no further notice of, then only by opposing another Protesta∣tion, wherein they declared, that the Assembly ought not to be, nor was as dis∣solved, until such time as those ends so often before expressed were fully attained; and so proceeded in their Session.

Strange and desperate was the Pride of this Assembly, far beyond the Popes infallible Councils, taking upon them to be the Supreme Judicatory on earth, above all Laws and Parliaments, and King himself, as Christs Council; and that if the Judges and other Ministers of State should not obey their Command∣ment, they might proceed to sentence of Excommunication against them: Which was effectually put in practice afterwards against the Bishops, and their adherents, before they armed themselves otherwise against their Soveraign.

Yet notwithstanding, they did pretend that the King, should he be satisfied of the equity and lenity of their proceedings, would no doubt comply with them in the matters they Petitioned for; which more exasperated his Majesty than all the Violations and Usurpations of his Authority.

* 2.27The Earl of Arguile, who had hitherto kept fair with the King, and was one of his Privy Council there, now owned the Covenanters, and professed his adherence to their cause. It is believed he was one of the first that stirred in this unfortunate business, and that therefore the better to satisfie him, the King

after the first Pacification, made him a Marquess. More certain it is, he was the last that suffered in it, as in the conclusion of this Chronicle will appear.

I have insisted the longer on this story, because the general Commotions that followed it, ran almost the same parallel in their respective commencements in the three Kingdoms; and to shew, that neither prudence nor arms, both which were seasonably applyed, could stop or prevent those judgements of Con∣fusion and Ruine, which soon after ensued this Tragical Prologue in a misera∣ble catastrophe.

For the Scots presently began to arm,* 2.28 having first sent to the French King▪ craving his aid and assistance; which was readily proffered them by Cardinal Richlieu his chief Minister of State, who was supposed to have fomented the quarrel from the very beginning, to quit scores with the King of England for siding with the Rochellers in the beginning of his Raign.

But before any blood was drawn, came over the Queen-Mother,* 2.29 whom the generality of the people took for a Prognostick or ill Omen of a War, or some Rupture approaching. Many scandals were raised against the King for her ad∣mission hither; but all things were gone too far beyond the contribution of her advice, to make her guilty of our troubles: However, she seemed the Comet that did portend and foretel them, the like Commotions having happened for some years past in the places of her residence.

The Scots towards the end of the year 1638,* 2.30 had gotten together a compe∣tent Army, raised by the Authority and Ordinance of the aforesaid Assembly, for the pretended defence of the Kingdom, its Religion and Laws. Nor did the King neglect the affairs of that Kingdom, but was arming here in England, with all the speed his Purse would afford; which was then in a low ebb: Yet by the Loans of the Nobility, Gentry and Clergy, he had raised a gallant Army,* 2.31 with which he marched towards the borders.

Over this Army the Earl of Arundel was made General,* 2.32 the Earl of Essex Lieutenant-General of the Foot, and the Earl of Holland Lieutenant-General of the horse. A Fleet also was rigged and well manned, and set to Sea under the command of the aforesaid Marquess Hamilton, which soon after came to an Anchor in the Frith neer Edinburgh.* 2.33 The King being thus in readi∣ness, Emitted another Declaration, wherein he taxed the Scots with seve∣ral rebellious Libels, for their Protestations against his commands, for usurp∣ing his Authority, and for refusing the Oath of Allegiance and Supre∣macy upon account of their having taken the Covenant; reiterates his resolu∣tions of maintaining Episcopacy in that Kingdom, and lays the blood (if any were spilt in that quarrel) upon themselves as Rebels, whom he ought not lon∣ger to suffer to proceed in those undutiful and destructive courses, but hoped to reduce to their former and due Obedience.* 2.34 To which the 22 of March the said Assembly reply by an Ordinance, wherein, after expostulating the Kings De∣claration, they curse themselves if they intend any harm to England; concluding their War to be meerly defensive, and grounded upon the natural and Civil Law.

Anno Dom. 1639.

THe King set forward with his Army, and in April came to York, and in May to Barwick, where both Armies came in view one of another. When the King was at York, the Earls of Roxborough and Traquair,* 2.35 two formerly of his Council, and Officers of State, came to him as Commissioners from the Covenanters, under pretence of Treating with the King; who wanting their due Commission, and being suspected to have been sent on an errand purposely to tamper with the English Lords; and to perswade them of the honest intentions of the Scotch Nation, were therefore for a while committed,* 2.36 but soon after set at liberty; having in part effected their errand, and insinuated a good opi∣nion

of their proceedings, withal begot an intelligence and correspondence with some of the Peers, who before were well inclined to their cause. This ap∣peared soon after in the English Councils of War, where the first Gallantry and Resolutions of the Principal Commanders were seen to flag and abate, and dis∣solve into more soft and pliable dispositions to peace.

The English Army being far superiour in Arms, men, and bravery, was en∣camped near Barwick, and the Scots at Dunslo; when by mediation of the per∣sons aforesaid,* 2.37 a Treaty was begun (which ended presently in a short-lived Peace,) upon several Articles, which being not performed on the Scots part, are needless here to repeat. In the mean time, the Parliament of Scotland, accord∣ing to the Kings Proclamation when he also summoned their Assembly, met on the appointed 15th of May, and was prorogued till the last of August;* 2.38 at which time they sate four days, and therein formed four demands for the King. The Assembly also sate a little before, and abolisht Episcopacie, the Liturgy, and the Book of Canons,* 2.39 with the High Commission, &c.

These things coming to the Kings knowledge, together with a Pamphlet pre∣varicating the conditions of the late Treaty, their Letters to the King of France for aid, their new Provisions for Arms, their levying of Taxes of ten marks per Centum, and continuing their Officers and Fortifications, induced him by his new Commissioner the Earl of Traquair to command the Adjournment of the Parliament until the second of Iune next ensuing,* 2.40 upon pain of Treason. Against which Command the Covenanters declare, and send a Remonstrance to the King by the Earl of Dumfermling and the Lord Loudon,* 2.41 the Chan∣cellour of that Kingdom afterwards; who coming without Warrant from the Kings Commissioner Traquair, were sent back again. Whereupon Traquair, a person suspected to have abused his trust, comes himself, and advising with Ha∣milton, they both propound to the Council, the affairs of Scotland being so de∣sperate, whether it were not more expedient the King should go himself in person into Scotland, than to reduce them by Arms: which after many politique considerations, was Resolved in the Affirmative, That nothing could reclaim them to their duty, but force of Arms. This again brought the Earl of Dumfermling and the Lord Loudon to London, with two other Commissioners; where before the King again, they insisted upon the justification of their inno∣cence, and withal desired that the King would ratifie and confirm their proceed∣ings, and that their Parliament might proceed to determine of all Articles or Bills brought to them, to the establishing of Religion and Peace: But instead of an Answer to their requests, the King charged them with the aforementioned Libel, and their Letters and Intelligence held with the French King, which then came to English light, and were known by the Characters to be the writing of the Lord Loudon,* 2.42 who was thereupon committed for a short time, but released upon the mediation of the Marquess Hamilton. After his release, he and Dum∣fermling presented their Assemblies and Parliaments Remonstrance to the King; and the Commissioner returned also, and gave a full account of the state of that Kingdom. All three of them being admitted unto the Council together, the matter was there managed with so much anger and sharpness, that the King and the Scots were more exasperated against one another than before.

* 2.43The Prince Elector Palatine, the Kings Nephew by the Queen of Bohemia, a∣bout this time came into England, having utterly lost his interest in the Palati∣nate, by the late defeat given him there, by Count Hatsfield the Emperours Gene∣ral, where Prince Rupert, so famous afterwards in our Wars, and the Lord Cra∣ven, were taken: he staid not long here, but departed again, and was taken at Lions by the French,* 2.44 having past so far undiscovered: he was soon after released, and returned into England, where by the Parliament he had 8000 l. a year as∣signed him out of his Uncles the Kings Revenue; till after His Murther, he de∣parted home upon the Articles of Munster-Treaty, by which he was restored to his Dignities and Sovereignty, being conveyed hence in 1649. in a man of War to the Brill in Holland.

This year was signalized also by a famous Sea-fight between the Flemings and the Spaniards in the Downs.* 2.45 Don Antonio Ocquendo was Admiral of the Spa∣nish Fleet, which consisted of seventy Sail of great Ships and Gallions, on which were put aboard, as the report went, twenty five thousand men designed for the service of the Spaniard against the Dutch of the one side, and the French on the other, and were ordered to be landed at Dunkirk with money for the paying of his Armies then afoot. On the 17th of September, they were met by the Vice-Admiral of the Holland-Fleet,* 2.46 who engaging them in the Chanel, was wor∣sted; but getting to windward, kept near them, continuing firing to give Van Trump, then before Dunkirk, notice of their approach. Betwixt Dover and Ca∣lice the two Dutch Fleets joyn, and attaque the Spaniard (the English Fleet under the Command of Sir Iohn Pennington looking on the while) who being sore bruised,* 2.47 was forced to the English Coast, where the Spanish Ambassadour desired they might be protected for two Tides by the Kings Ships; but that could not be allowed, for the Kings Neutrality between both. Whereupon, in the night, some part, with the most of the Treasure, and fourteen Ships, got safe to Dunkirk; the rest, Van Trump being recruited with an hundred Ships in an instant almost of time, set upon and dispersed, sinking and taking, and strand∣ing very many, so that few escaped home. This was the second luckless Ar∣mado of the Spaniard, on which the malecontents of this and the Kingdom of Scotland, grounded many false and scandalous surmises against the King.

To return again to Scotland,* 2.48 where I may not omit one fatal passage. On the 19th day of November, being the Anniversary of his Majesties Birth, part of the Walls of the strong Castle of Edenburgh fell down; which was likewise in∣terpreted for an ill Omen: such another, though more unhappily, and nearly significant,* 2.49 was that of the fall of the head of his staff at his Tryal, be∣fore the pretended High Court of Justice. For the repairing of these ruines, the King sent the Lord Estrich, Col. Ruthen and others, who were resisted by the Covenanters, as men not qualified for the service.

No hopes for these and other reasons being conceivable of treating, and per∣swading the Scots to obedience, a Resolution was taken vigorously to prosecute the War commenced the year before; to which purpose it was debated at a Ca∣binet-Council, where none were present but the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Earl of Strafford, and Hamilton; and there agreed that a Parliament must be cal∣led in England and Ireland; and that in the mean time, for the speedy raising of money, the Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy should subscribe what sums of mo∣ney they would advance to this service for the present occasion, till the King could be otherwise helped by Subsidies.* 2.50 To this purpose the Earl of Strafford first subscribed twenty thousand pounds, the like did the Duke of Richmond, and the Nobility according to the several values of their Estates. The Clergy granted four shillings in the pound in their Convocation, which presently fol∣lowed, to be paid for six years together; only the City of London were refracto∣ry, and could not be induced to lend one farthing to the carrying on of that War.

By these Loans (however) of the Kings Loyally affected Subjects, he was again in a formidable posture; and the Earl of Strafford, besides his own per∣sonal disbursments,* 2.51 had procured four Subsidies, to maintain ten thousand foot and fifteen hundred Horse, from the Parliament of Ireland he had newly cal∣led; for which he was honourably brought into the House of Peers in the Par∣liament of England; whither by his Majesties call from his Lieutenantship of Ireland he was then arrived, to assist the King with his prudent Counsels.

Sir Thomas Coventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal,* 2.52 dieth the tenth of Ianu∣ary, after he had for fifteen years behaved himself in that place like a wise and honest man. Sir Iohn Finch,* 2.53 Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, succeeds him; of whom more anon.

Anno. Dom. 1640.

* 2.54THe 13th of April, this year, being the 16th of the Kings Reign, a Parliament was summoned at Westminster; at the opening whereof, the King ac∣quainted them with the affronts and indignities he had received from his Scotch Subjects,* 2.55 whom he spared not to call Rebels; which was somewhat resented by the Members of the House of Commons, who out of dislike of Episcopacie here, did not much favour that War against them, which by a nick-name was then called Bellum Episcopale.

Therefore upon the Kings desires to them for a supply of money, by which he might be enabled to reduce the Scots, they presently started their old grievances; which caused a debate, whether the King or the Subjects should be relieved first; for so they made the Scotch War the Kings personal and distinct business.

* 2.56This alteration, and the apparent unwillingness of the House of Commons to advance any mony except their previous desires (viz. of clearing the proper∣ties of the Subject, and the establishing of the true Religion, and Priviledges of Parliament) were confirmed and granted by the King, reduced his Majesty to a present necessity and dilemma, either of complying with the Scots, or to take mony as he could raise it, by his own credit and Authority, to subdue them: for there was no hopes in the Parliaments delays. And this was the true Reason of the dissolving that Parliament,* 2.57 which happened May the 5th, to the great grief of all good people, who were sensible of the Kings difficulties, and the approach∣ing evils.

The Convocation of the Clergy sate at the same time, and were continued beyond the Parliaments dissolution, though contrary to practice and custom; where,* 2.58 as before is said, they contributed and confirmed the Grant of the fifth part of their Ecclesiastical Livings for six years, towards the carrying on of the War against the Scots. I may not omit the concession of the King in this affair to the Parliament, wherein he offered upon the granting of him some Sub∣sidies, to remit and acquit his claim of Ship-mony, and other advantages of his Prerogative.

* 2.59At this Convocation some new Canons were made, with Salvoes and dispen∣sations for some which had been strictly heretofore enjoyned, but especially and mainly for Episcopacie; and the Doctrine of the Church of England in opposi∣tion to Popery, was hereby established by the Oath of &c. As likewise in oppo∣sition to the Scotch Covenant. This Convocation ended May 29. none dissent∣ing but Dr. Goodman Bishop of Glocester,* 2.60 who since died a Roman Catholique, and owned that faith. As a testimony of the sincerity of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury in the Protestant Religion, I shall here insert therefore a passage re∣lating to these Canons:* 2.61 Upon the Bishop of Glocester's refusal thereof, the Arch-Bishop would have proceeded to the Censures of the Church im∣mediately, and therefore gave him, according to the Canons, three admoni∣tions one upon the neck of another, that he should forthwith subscribe: and if he had not been whispered, that so weighty a matter required deliberation and distance of time, he would there have suspended him from his Dignities and Office.

This Noble Prelate, for these and the like vigorous actings both in Church and State, fell into the obloquy of the male contents, the Chief of whom were the Nonconformists, then called Puritans, who abounded in London; the most whereof, upon a distaste taken from the censure of Mr. Pryn, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton, did mightily maligne him; so that on the ninth of May, a Paper was posted upon the Exchange,* 2.62 animating Apprentices to rise and sack his house at Lambeth next Monday; which they were the more forward to do, because it was rumoured, that he was the first instigator of the King to dissolve the last

Parliament: But he had intelligence of their designes, and provided to receive them. According to their appointed time, in the dead of the night they came, to the number of five hundred, and beset his house, and endeavoured to enter; but were quickly beaten off, and glad to retreat, having in some measure vented their anger against him in railing and scandalous language (such as the streets were full of before in scattered Libels) and breaking his glass-windows. The day following,* 2.63 many of them upon enquiry were apprehended and imprisoned, but three days after forcibly rescued from thence by their Companions, who broke open the Prison-doors; for which one Bensted a Sea-man was apprehend∣ed, and hanged afterwards in St. Georges-fields, and his head and quarters set upon the several Gates of the City.

The Scotch Parliament now sat again, and were more violent in their pro∣ceedings than before:* 2.64 for having notice of the discontents in England, they presently advanced with their Army thitherwards, about the same time that the Queen was delivered of a Son, Henry Duke of Glocester (of whose decease we shall speak in its place.) The King, to be in a readiness to receive them, had also appointed an Army, of which he made the Earl of Northumberland General, and the Earl of Strafford Lieutenant-General; but the Earl of Northumberland fal∣ling sick, he himself sent away part of the Army under the Command of the Lord Conway, and advanced out of London with the remainder, and came in person to Northallerton. During his March, the Lord Conway had but ill suc∣cess. He had drawn about 1200 Horse and 3000 Foot to secure the Passes upon Tine near Newborn; So far was the Scotch Army advanced under the Command of General Lesly, (Earl of Leven, an old Souldier in the Swedish Wars) better armed, intelligenced, and provided than the last year: on the 27th of August, Lesly desired leave of my Lord Conway for his whole Army to pass to the King with their Petition; which he, as before, avowed to be the hones••est, loy∣allest, and innocent thing in the World;* 2.65 but was refused and stopped. Thereup∣on three hundred Scotch Horse attempted to cross the River, and were therein repelled by the shot of the English Musquetiers, who were placed under the shelter of a Breast-work. This was no sooner done, but the Scots with nine pieces of Ordinance, which they had placed on the side of the River, and blind∣ed them with bushes, plaid upon those breast-works; which so affrighted the English Infantry, being raw Souldiers, and not used to the noise and execu∣tion of Canon, that they presently forsook their Posts, cast down their Arms and fled. Instantly the Scotch Horse with their General himself advanced, but were handsomely welcomed by Commissary-General Wilmot, who with the Cavalry, which consisted mostly of Gentlemen, very stoutly stood to it, till they were over-born by number, and galled with great Bullets, and so forced into a disorderly retreat. Here were slain two or three Gentlemen of Quality, among which was Cornet Porter, Son to Endymeon Porter of the Bed-chamber, with some fourscore and odd of common Souldiers.

The Lord Conway,* 2.66 after this defeat, carried himself the first news of it to the King, that it might not be told by others to his prejudice; and Sir Iacob Ash∣ley Governour of Newcastle, knowing the place not tenable, deserted it, sinking the Ordnance in the River; so that upon Lesleys approach, both that Town and Durham rendred themselves into his hands.

These losses accelerated the Earl of Strafford into those parts, who having the supreme Command of the Army therefore conferred upon him, and know∣ing his Honour and Reputation to be embarqued in this business, resolved to put it to the decision of the Sword, which he was as well able to manage as his Pen: Challengeth the Lord Conway for the disaster at Newborn,* 2.67 before the King, as if his ill conduct had occasioned it; who as stoutly denied it, laying the fault, as indeed it ought, upon the rawness of his Souldiers.

In Scotland the Earl of Haddington, who commanded as Major-General the Forces raised, and to be raised in Lothian, having recovered from the Soul∣diers of Berwick Garrison the pieces of Ordnance which Lesley had left behind

him at Dunslo,* 2.68 and brought them to Dunglass, was the next day slain, with twenty more Knights and Gentlemen, in the midst of his Court, by the stones that flew from the Vault neer adjoyning, which was then blown up with the Magazine that lay in it.

Though the Earl of Strafford was so eagerly and intensly bent on fighting with the Scots, yet with the King (who was loth to run that hazard, not knowing how to recruit himself, if he were worsted, unless he should condescend as much or more to his English Subjects in Parliament) those Martial resolu∣tions soon abated, to the regret of that Noble Earl, whose safety as well as glory consisted in driving the Scots out of this Kingdom. So that though the King had declared them to be Rebels and Traytors by Proclamation,* 2.69 and commanded that publick Prayers should be put up against them in all Churches, and had set up his Royal Standard at York; yet now he was contented to treat with them, and to that end received from them a Petition stuft with their grievances; to which he returned answer, by his Secretary of Scotland, the Earl of Lanerick, That he expected their particular demands; which were tendered to him with∣in three days after, and imported his Majesties calling a Parliament in England, without which there could be no satisfying redress for them. Thay had like∣wise published sometime before their marching into England, a Declaration in∣tituled, The intentions of the Army; which signified that they would not lay down their Armes, till the reformed Religion were setled in both Nations upon sure grounds, and the causers and abetters of their present grievances and troubles were brought to publique Justice, and that in Parliament.

In order to the speedy accommodation therefore of this quarrel, Twelve of the Nobility who were there with the King, by name, Hertford, Essex, Bedford, War∣wick, Mulgrave, Bristol, Bullingbrook, Say, Mandevil, Howard, Paget, and Brook, drew up a Petition to the King, and had it delivered: after which, others of the same contents were brought from London and other places of the Kingdom, which unanimously agreed in this, That nothing could satisfie the people, nor relieve their grievances and pressures, but a Parliament.

* 2.70This the King willingly assented to, and in part condescended to other of the Scots demands; and for the present summoned the Lords of England to ap∣pear at York, where accordingly they met; and on the first day of their sitting in Council, it was agreed that a Parliament should be called, to convene the third of November next. And in reference to the Scotch business, and the poor oppressed Northern Counties, where both the Armies that Summer had quartered, (the Bishoprick of Durham being then taxed by the Scots at three hundred and fifty pound, the Country of Northumberland at three hundred pound a day) it was also resolved that a Treaty should be had; and thereupon sixteen En∣glish Lords, whereof eight were Earls, the other Barons, should meet with so many of the Scotch Nobility; and the place was assigned at York; which was refused, as not safe enough for the Scotch Commissioners, by reason of the pre∣sence of the Lord Deputy Strafford, who had proclaimed them Traytors in Ire∣land, and against whom they had matters of high Complaint:* 2.71 And so it was resolved it should begin at Rippon.

* 2.72The first thing the English insisted on, was a present Cessation; but the Scots objected against that, and said that other things were more expedient to be first considered: For as they would obey the Kings command in advancing no fur∣ther, so would they not go back again till they had accomplisht the business they came for; and therefore propounded four Praeliminaries to be resolved on, which were concluded on and agreed to.

* 2.73At the first of these, That the Scotch Army should be paid and maintained out of the English purse, the Earl of Strafford was highly incensed and enraged, being so dishonourable a thing to the Nation; and therefore would have per∣swaded the King to give him leave to fight them, no way doubting but that he should be able to drive them presently into Scotland again, though accounted then far superiour in Discipline and Souldiery to the English Army.

But the affair of the Treaty was so far advanced, for the reasons aforesaid, that there was no fair way of receding, if the King had been powerful enough to have combated them,* 2.74 as some made no scruple; so that on the 16th of Octo∣ber, the English Commanders, some through fear, others out of compliance with the major part, agreed to the ensuing Articles, which for an envious remark I have transcribed.

First,* 3.1 That there be a Cessation of Arms both by Sea and Land from this pre∣sent.

Secondly, That all Acts of Hostility do thenceforth cease.

Thirdly, That both parties shall peaceably return during the Treaty, whatever they possess at the time of the Cessation.

Fourthly, That all such persons who lived in any of his Majesties Forts beyond the River of Tweed, shall not exempt their Lands which lye within the Counties of Northumberland, and the Bishoprick, from such Contributions as shall be laid upon them for the payment of eight hundred pound per diem.

Fifthly, That none of the Kings Forces upon the other side of. Tweed, shall give any impediment to such contributions as are already allowed for the competency of the Scotch Army, and shall fetch no victuals nor forage out of their bounds, except that which the inhabitants and owners thereof shall bring voluntarily to them; and that any restraints or detention of Victual, Cattel or Forage, which shall be made by the Scots within those bounds for their maintenance, shall be no breach.

Sixthly, That no recruit shall be brought into either Armies, from the time of the Cessation, and during the Treaty.

Seventhly, That the contribution of eight hundred and fifty pounds per diem shall be onely raised out of the Counties of Northumberland, Westmerland, and the Bishoprick, and the Town of Newcastle; and that the not payment thereof shall be no breach of the Treaty, but the Counties and Towns shall be left to the Scots power to raise the same, but not to exceed the sum agreed upon, unless it be for charges of driving, to be set by a Prizer of the forage.

Eighthly, That the River Tweed shall be the bounds of both Armies, (excepting always the Town and Castle of Storkton, and the Village of Egyshiff;) and the Counties of Northumberland and the Bishoprick, be the limits within which the Scotish Army is to reside, having liberty from them to send such Convoys as shall be necessary onely for the gathering up of the Contribution which shall be unpaid by the Counties of Northumberland and Cumberland.

Ninth and Tenth Articles of private injuries.

Eleventhly, No new Fortifications to be made during the Treaty against either Party.

Twelfthly, That the Subjects of both Kingdoms may in their trade of Commerce freely pass to and fro without any stay at all▪ but it is particularly provided, that no member of either Army pass without a formal Pass under the hands of the Gene∣ral, or of him that commands in chief.

This was the sum of that unlucky Cessation, which was afterwards at London concluded in a Treaty soon after the sitting of the Parliament, who in February next paid the Scots off, giving them the stile of their dear brethren: which much pleased them, but the money which accrewed by an arrear of 124000 l. was a great deal more acceptable. And thus with their pay and dismission out of this Kingdom, I dismiss them for this time from any further Narrative, and look home to our own affairs in England.

The Parliament sate down on the third of November,* 3.2 and immediately fell to questioning several chief Ministers of State, Bishops and Judges; pretending thereby both to satisfie this Nation and the Scots: Monopolies also were voted down, and much more good was promised and expected from the Parliament.

The principal of those Grandees that were accused, was the Earl of Straf∣ford, against whom Mr. Pym is sent from the Commons to the Lords, with an

Impeachment of High Treason;* 3.3 whereupon he was sequestred from sitting as a Peer, and his Privado Sir George Ratcliff was sent for out of Ireland, by a Ser∣jeant at Arms. Soon after, the aforesaid Earl was committed to the Usher of the Black Rod, and so to the Tower, in order to his ensuing Tryal; yet he obtain∣ed the assignation of Councel, and a Sollicitor for the better managing his de∣fence.

The Bishop of Lincoln contrariwise was released out of the Tower; and Mr. Pryn, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton returned from their kind of banishment in great pomp and bravery, (attended by many hundreds on Horseback, with boughs in their hands, to London) for the Tide was turned, and ran strong the other way.

In the interim, the Lord Keeper Finch, and Sir Francis Windebank Secretary of State, both charged with no less than High Treason, wisely withdrew them∣selves into Forein parts, and weathered the storm that would have sunk them.

One Iohn Iames, the Son of Sir Henry Iames of Feversham in Kent, and of the Romish Religion, audaciously adventured to stab Mr. Howard a Justice of Peace, in Westminster-Hall; the said Mr. Howard being about to deliver to the Committee for Religion a Catalogue of such Recusants as were within his li∣berty.

The House of Commons now Voted the Assesment of Ship-mony (about which there had been so much ado, and so many contests) together with the Opinions of the Judges, and the Writs for it, and the judgment of the Exchequer a∣gainst Mr. Hambden, to be all illegal: and the Arguments of the two Justices, Crook and Hutton, shewing the illegality thereof, to be Printed; and also order∣ed a Charge of High-Treason to be drawn up against eight others of the Judg∣es. Which business of Ship-money being made so accessary to our ensuing Troubles, I have thought fit to insert these Records concerning the same.

The Case, as it was stated by the King to the Judges:

CHARLES REX,

* 4.1WHen the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is con∣cerned, and the whole Kingdom in danger, Whether may not the King by Writ under the Great Seal of England, command all the Subjects in this Kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships, with Men, Victual, and Munition, and for such a time as he shall think sit, for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such danger and peril, and by Law compel the do∣ing thereof, in case of refusal and refractoriness? And whether in such cases the King is not sole Iudge both of the danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided?

Their Opinions.

* 5.1MAy it please your most excellent Majesty, we have according to your Majesties command severally and every man by himself, and all of us together, taken into serious consideration the Case and Questions, signed by your Majesty, and en∣closed in your Letter; And we are of opinion, that when the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned, and the whole Kingdom in danger, your Majesty may by Writ under the great Seal of England command all the Subjects of this your Kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such a number of Ships, with men, victual, and munition, and for such time as your Majesty shall think fit, for the de∣fence and safeguard from such a danger and peril, and that by law your Majesty may compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness. And we are also of opinion, that in such case your Majesty is sole Iudge both of the danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided.

This was signed by all the Judges but Justice Hutton and Justice Crook, whose Arguments were against it for Mr. Hambden, who was sued for not paying the Twenty Shillings Taxed upon him for Shipmoney.

DEcember 27th, 1640.

Resolved by the Commons,* 6.1 that the Charge impos'd upon the subjects for the providing and furnishing of Ships, and the A••••es∣ments for that purpose, commonly called Shipmoney, are against the Laws of the Realm, the Subjects right of property, and contrary to former resolutions in Par∣liament, and to the Petition of Right.

Resolved, That the Extrajudicial opinions of the Iudges published in the Star-chamber, and inrolled in the Courts of Westminster, are in whole and in every part of them against the Laws of the Realm, the Liberty of the Subject &c.

This was also so resolved by the Lords, and by the Parliament ordered, That a Vacat be brought into the Parliament-house of all those Records concerning Ship-money. Which was accordingly done, February 27. the same Year, the 16 of the King.

Die Veneris 26 die Februarii, 1640.

UPon the report of the right honourable the Lords Committees appointed to consi∣der of the way of vacating of the Iudgment in the Exchequer concerning Shipmoney; It was ordered by the Lords spiritual and temporal in the High Court of Parliament assembled, that the Lord Keeper, or the Master of the Rolls, the two Lord chief Iustices, and the Lord chief Baron, and likewise the chief Clerk of the Star-chamber, shall bring into the Vpper House of Parliament the Record in the Exchequer of the Iudgment in Mr. Hambdens case concerning Shipmoney,* 7.1 and also the several Rolls in each several Court of the Kings-Bench, Common-Pleas, Ex¦chequer, Star-chamber, and Chancery, wherein the Iudges extrajudicial Opinions in the Cases made touching Shipmoney be entred▪ and that a Vacat shall be made in the Vpper House of Parliament of the said several Records. And likewise the Iudgment of Parliament touching the illegality of the said Iudgments in the Exche∣quer, and the proceedings thereupon, and touching the illegality of the extrajudi∣cial Opinions of the Iudges in the said several Courts concerning Shipmoney, be an∣nexed and apostiled unto the same: And that a Copy of the Iudgment of Parliament concerning the illegality of the said Iudgment in the Exchequer, and the said ex∣trajudicial Opinions of the said Iudges concerning Shipmoney, be delivered to the several Iudges of the Assize: And that they be required to publish the same at the Assizes in each several County within their Circuits, and to take care that the same be Entred and Enrolled by the several Clerks of Assizes. And if any entry be made by any Custos Rotulorum, or Clerk of Assize, of the said Iudgment in the Ex∣chequer, or of the said Extrajudicial Opinions of the Iudges, That several Vacats be made thereof per judicium in Paliamento, by judgment in Parliament. And that an Act of Parliament be prepared against the said Iudgment and extrajudicial Opinions in the proceedings touching Shipmoney.

Vacatur istud Recordum & Judicium inde habitum per considerationem & judicium Dominor. spiritual. & temporal. in Parliam. & irrotulamentum eo∣rum Cancellatur.

The two Iustices Arguments also against it were likewise Printed and pub∣lished.

They likewise ordered a Committee to draw up a Charge against the Archbi∣shop of Canterbury;* 7.2 which was done, and delivered to the Lords by Mr. Hollis; which was seconded with another from the Scots Commissioners: upon which he was committed to the black Rod, and ten weeks after voted guilty of High treason, and sent to the Tower.

The Parliament having thus removed these men, and growing every day more and more upon the affections of the people, they began to hammer upon

the Bill for Triennial Paliaments,* 7.3 which soon after passed both Houses; and to the universal content of the Kingdom, was signed by his Majesty; for which the Parliament, by the Lord Littleton Keeper of the great Seal, gave him their most humble and hearty thanks.

Some former Overtures and Propositions had been made by the Dutch Am∣bassadors of a Marriage between the Princess Mary the Kings eldest Daughter, and William Prince of Aurange; which upon the arrival of the said Prince, was afterwards accomplished,* 7.4 being well approved of by both Houses; by the lower whereof, a Vote passed against Bishops temporal jurisdiction; which was afterwards framed into an Act, passed the Lords, and was confirmed by the King, who in all things (saving his Honour and Conscience) complyed with the desires of this Parliament.

* 7.5Now came the Earl of Straffords Tryal, which after various debates about the Place, was appointed in Westminster-Hall: the King, Queen, and Prince, had a place built for them; the Nobility had seats at the upper end of the Court; the Commons in a Committee sate below; several of whom, as Mr. Pym, Mr. St. Iohn, and others, managed his Accusation: the Earl of Arundel was Lord High Steward, and the Earl of Lindsey Lord High Consta∣ble. The Charge or Impeachment consisted of Twenty eight Articles; all which he so learnedly and warily answered, defending himself with such sinewy Eloquence, and warded the points of his accusation so dexterously, that the Lords could not find the guilt which the Commons so highly exclaimed a∣gainst, as the greatest treason imaginable.* 7.6

Among other witnesses, Sir David Fowles, and Sir William Pennyman ap∣peared against the Earl; the first of whom the Earl declared was his enemy, and the latter, a Member of the House; of whom it was observed, that having testifyed against the Earl, he could not abstain from weeping.

Anno Dom. 1641.

THe Commons seeing they could not condemn him by this proceeding, they betook themselves to another, by Bill of Attainder; which conceding the matter of Fact sufficiently proved against him at his Tryal, and by the Testimo∣ny also of the Parliament of Ireland, who had prosecuted him there for the said offences,* 7.7 condemned him as guilty of high treason. This Bill stuck for a while with the Lords, till the Tumults coming down and stopping their Coaches, and menacing to post up the names of those who favoured him un∣der the name of Straffordians,* 7.8 with an impetuous cry of Iustice, frighted many of the Peers to assent to the Bill, which yet passed but by the plurality of seven voices against him. No sooner was it past there, but the Commons pre∣sented it to the King for him to sign; who very much declined it▪ but being over-perswaded by the dangers that were represented as inevitable consequents of his refusal, and being also desired by the said Noble Earl himself to give the Parliament content, though through the mediation of his own blood; His Majesty after advice with the Bishops, did pass that fatal Bill, which pro∣ved the Ax against his own life.

I cannot pass the Tragedy of this excellent States-man▪ without a very nota∣ble remarque,* 7.9 which hath received credit from the mouthes of many honora∣ble persons; twas this: At the time of the passing the Bill of Attainder in the House of Commons, Sir Bevil-Greenvile, and Sir Alexander Carew, sitting together, they both serving for the same County of Cornwall, Sir ••evil bespoke Sir Alexander in such-like words: Pray Sir let it not be said, than any member of our County should have a hand in this ••minous business, and therefore pray give your Vote against this Bill. To whom the other instantly replyed: If I were siere to be the next man that should suffer upon the same Scaffold, with the same Ax, I would give my consent to the passing of it. And we have seen how exactly and in

every circumstance this presagious saying of his was afterwards verified and ac∣complished.

It is observable,* 7.10 moreover, that none of all the Bishops that were advised with by the King, in reference to his satisfaction concerning the Earls death, escaped the fury of that Parliament and the times; he only excepted, as the King himself notes in his Book, who counselled him by no means, not for any considerations or reason of State or Time whatsoever, to act against his con∣science; but that obeying the Dictates thereof, he should refer the Issue to God: which Counsel had it been followed, doubtless those miseries which en∣sued presently after had, never befallen him nor his Kingdomes; the Earl being indeed one of the chief Pillars and Basis of his Authority and Government, without whose ruine the Grandees of the Faction knew they could not effect or accomplish any thing; such an absolute, rare, honest, and loyal master-piece of Reason and Prudence, (so much strength of spirit to quicken his undertakings joyned therewith) the age present saw not, and well will it be for the next if it may compare and parallel him. Thus far to the memory of his most useful life; we must also parentate something to his lamented and most causeless death, from which, as we shall see in the conclusion of this History, he had a most honoura∣ble Resurrection here.

On Sunday May 2. was solemnized at Court the marriage between the young Prince of Orange and the Princess Mary.* 7.11

Before we attend the Earl to the Stage, it will not be unworthy the Readers patience, to observe Sir Dudley Carleton, the Earls Secretary, bringing him the news of the Kings passing the Bill of Attainder: the Earl believing the King would not have done it, arose from his chair, and lifting up his eyes to Heaven, clapt his hand upon his heart, and said, Put not your trust in Princes, nor in the sons of men, for in them there is no salvation.

A design was laid for his escape, if we may believe Sir William Balfore Lieu∣tenant of the Tower at that time, whose report upon examination was, that the Earl sent for him four days before his suffering, and endeavoured to perswade him to connive at his escape, promising to reward him with twenty thousand pounds, and his Daughter in marriage to Balfores Son. The said Balfore say∣ing further, that he was commanded to admit Captain Billingsley to march in∣to the Tower with an hundred men, for the better securing of the place; but the said Billingsley coming he was denyed entrance by Balfore: whereupon the Earl expostulates with the Lieutenant, of the danger of opposing the Kings command; Balfore answering, that a design of his escape was discovered by three good-wives of Tower-street, that peeping in at the key-hole of his door, they saw him walking with Billingsley, and heard them advising thereon, and of a Ship to be in readiness for him below the River.

On the 8th of May, 1641. the said Earl was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill, where were present some of the Nobility, Sir George Wentworth his Brother, and the Archbishop of Armagh, to whom principally he directed his Speech (which being so publique,* 7.12 and transmitted by so many pens, cannot certainly fail posterity) and with much Christian resolution, was offered there as a Sacrifice to popular fury, heightned and enraged by the artifices and de∣signs of some innovating principal Leaders to the following breaches and Rebel∣lion. To sum up all our misery in the total of this noble person, the same day the King signed the Bill for his Execution, he signed also another for the con∣tinuing of this Parliament till they should dissolve themselves; the only lasting monument of all our troubles.

The Scots having thus obtained their aims against this honourable person,* 7.13 whom they termed the enemy of their Country, and having received a vast sum of money (blood, and the price of blood together) were now pleased up∣on the disbanding of the English Army, to march home and disband also, as was before intimated; having first obtained of his Majesty a grant to be present at the next sitting of their Parliament at Edinburgh; which his Majesty conde∣scended

to, and in August came thither, having before his departure constituted the Earl of Leicester Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in the place of the Earl of Strafford; but through the Rebellion, and other contingencies and reasons of State falling out, he never went over in that quality, though preparations were made both here and there in order to his Government.

On the seventeenth of May, divers of the Kings chiefest Officers of State, fear∣ing they might likewise be subject to the same destructive change with the Earl of Strafford, resigne their places; viz. The Lord Cottington Master of the Wards, to the Lord Say.

Doctor Iuxon then Bishop of London, resignes his office of Treasurer of England, to five Commissioners.

Marquess Hertford was also sworn governour to the Prince, in the stead of the Earl of Newcastle.

The Earl of Pembroke displaced from being Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold, and the Earl of Essex ordered to succeed him.

Upon the Kings going for Scotland, the Parliament was Adjourned till the 20 of October;* 7.14 during which recess, and his Majesties absence, the ill humours of discontents gathered amain. The Faction was strengthened at home, by open and avowed correspondencies, which became publique in menaces and threatnings against the remaining disorders and abuses in the Government. The Ax had but tasted of that blood, of which it soon after glutted it self; all persons of all Ranks and Conditions, King, Archbishop, Duke, Marquess, Earls, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Ministers, Mechanicks, suffering under its edge. A re∣markable thing, the parallel of it being no where in our English Chronicles: But so the Noble Earl of Straffords blood was expiated, and his innocency atten∣ded with the like victimes.

The Parliament now met together after their adjournment, the King being still in Scotland,* 7.15 where he so ordered affairs by his indulgence and bounty, that it was verily thought upon his departure, he had not left a malecontent in that Kingdom: to the confirmation of which opinion, the Scots were not wanting themselves; it being their complement, grown to a publique expression, that his Majesty departed a contented King, from a contented people.

The Parliament at Westminster had scarce yet sat in a full House from their Ad∣journment, curiously prying into the Errors and male-Administration of the Government here, but the fearful news came of a horrid Rebellion broke forth in Ireland.* 7.16 It seems no sooner that careful diligent eye of the Earl of Strafford was first distorted by the Scotch affairs, and after put out and extinguished by the English envy, but the Irish resumed their wonted desires after liberty, which they never yet attempted upon a less foundation than a total Massacre, and ut∣ter extirpation of the English in that Kingdom; so that in effect, however the Parliament threw the odium of that Rebellion there upon the King, Question∣less it can be no where imputable ab extra, from without, but from their un∣warrantable proceeding against the said Earl, whose name and presence alone would have been sufficient to have prevented it, or his wisdom and power able to have suppressed it.

This affrighting news when the Kingdom was already in a trepidation, la∣bouring with its own fears and pretended dangers, soon brought the King from Scotland,* 7.17 with all possible haste to London; where, notwithstanding those trou∣bles, he was most welcomly, and as magnificently entertained; the Citizens on Horseback with Gold-chains, and in their several Liveries, in Rayles placed along the streets, chearfully receiving him; the sober part of the Nation not valuing the Irish troubles, if the King and his Parliament should but happily agree: if the breaches could be but closed here, there was no doubt of stanching the wound there. But it was otherwise meant by the faction, who added that conflagration as fuel to this; suggesting to the multitude, that what was acted against the Protestants there, was likewise intended to be put in Execution here; the Authors of one, being also so of the other; sinisterly traducing

the King as inclining to Popery,* 7.18 which they point-blank charged upon the Archbishop of Canterbury; which imputation diffused it self afterwards upon the whole Order.

This torrent of the multitude was swelled so high, even at this reception of the King, that one Walker an Iron-monger, as his Majesty passed from Guild-Hall (where he was most sumptuously feasted at the City-charge, Sir Richard Gurney being then Mayor) threw into his Coach a scandalous Libel, Intituled, To your Tents, O Israel: which indignity the King complained of, and thereupon Wal∣ker was put in Prison; yet afterwards he Libelled a great deal worse, both in Press and Pulpit. But since the settlement of the Church, he procured a law∣ful Ordination. I mention this man, as the shame of that zealotry which so fu∣riously commenced this unnatural War.

The first business transacted with the King by the two Houses, was an ac∣count of the Irish Rebellion; the King having acquainted them in a short Speech of his composure of the Scotch troubles, and soon after conjuring them to joyn with him in the speedy suppressing of the Irish,* 7.19 whose dangers grew every day greater, Iobs Messengers perpetually bringing over worser and wors∣er news from that Kingdom, where most of the Nobility were confederated in that horrid revolt, having made Sir Phelim Oneal (the chief of the family of Tyrone, the late famous Rebel there in the latter part of the Raign of Queen Elizabeth, and bred in Lincolns-Inn, and then a Protestant, but turned a bloody Papist, though a most sneaking and silly Coward) the supreme Com∣mander of their Forces, which then were raised in great numbers throughout all the Provinces.

Deep waters run stillest,* 7.20 and with the least noise; so was it with this Plot. It was very strange that a designe of such vastness, of so great mischief and hor∣rour, should be concealed among a multitude that were concerned in it: But this devilish secrecy was imputable onely to the ancient irreconciliable malice of the Irish against the English, whose yoke sundry times they had attempted to shake off; not for any oppression they were under, but out of a natural desire of being Lords and Masters of their own liberty. But nevertheless it pleased God that it came in the very nick of the execution of their Plot to be revealed by one of that Nation, or otherwise that Kingdom had been in danger to be lost, as Sicily was from the French, by a sudden massacre.

The chief Instrument in carrying on this horrible Plot,* 7.21 was one Roger Moor, descended of an ancient Irish family, but allyed to most of the Gentlemen of the English Pale: He made several journeys into all the four Provinces of this Kingdom, communicating his intelligences from forrain Popish Courts, and the transactions of their Priests and Fryars there, to the encouragement of this Revolt.

Another of the greatest confidents and complices in this designe, was the Lord Viscount Gormanston,* 7.22 of the English Pale, which generally sided with the Rebels, (as being inoculated into Irish stocks, and were Papists generally) though against all opinion of the Council, for that they had been such enemies to the Earl of Tyrone, in his grand Rebellion. But the menacing speeches, and denunciations of the English Parliament against Papists in both Kingdoms, especially in this, where they threatned a total extirpation, cannot be denyed to be one, if not the principal cause why they made this defection from their Country and Allegiance.

The 23 of October was the day pitcht upon for the general rising; and the Lord Macguire, Col. Mac Mahon, Col. Plunket, and Capt. Fox, Hugh Birn and Roger Moor, were appointed for the seizure of Dublin-Castle; which would at once have done their work: those persons (with a competent number of men to their assistance) came one day before to Town, and had conference to∣gether at the Lyon-Tavern near Copper-Ally, where one Owen O Conally an Irish Gentleman, but a retainer to Sir Iohn Clotworthy, was admitted, and by Mac Mahon informed of the conspiracy. After a large drinking to their next

mornings success,* 7.23 O Conally privily repaired to the Lord Justice Parsons, (to whom, and Sir Iohn Borlace the other Justice, the Government was commit∣ted after my Lord Straffords death: The Lord Dillon was likewise named and constituted; but to avoid the jealousie, and grudgings thereat, the King had disauthorized him) and very disturbedly and confusedly, by reason of the drink, and his horrour at the story, revealed the chiefest part of it. It was thereupon advised by the said Lord Justice, for a fuller and certainer account, to send him back again to the said Mac Mahon, commanding him to return that night again to him; which he did from the said Tavern and company (who would have kept him there all night) by pretending to ease himself; and thence leap∣ing over a wall and a set of pales into the streets.

In the mean time the Lord Justice Parsons went to the Lord Borlaces house, and there assembled a Council, by the coming of Sir Thomas Rotheram, and Sir Robert Meredith; who resolved first to attend the return of O Conally, who in his way to them had been seized by the Watches, which by the order of Justice Parsons had been doubled and reinforced, and the Castle of Dublin manned and guarded very stoutly. But by the diligence of one of the Lord Parsons ser∣vants, who was set expresly to walk the streets, and attend the motion of Co∣nally, he was found in the Constables hands, and brought before them, where being recovered from his distemper, he gave a perfect narrative of the Treason intended; and that when the Conspitators had gotten the Cas••le and the Ammu∣nition and Stores, &c. they would batter the Chimneys, and then the Houses of the Town, till it yielded, and then kill all the Protestant Inhabitants; and that the like would be executed the same time in all parts of the Kingdom.

* 7.24Upon this discovery, the Lords ordered the Lodgings of Mac Mahon and Mac Guire to be set and watched; but upon further advice, they sent before day and seized Mac Mahon. He and his man at first made some resistance with drawn swords; but seeing he was overpowred, yeilded, and being brought before the Council, confessed the whole Plot, adding, that it was impossible for them to prevent it; and that it was true, they had him in their power, and might use him as they pleased, but he was sure he should be revenged. He was the Grandson of the Rebel Tyrone. The Lord Macguire was next seized; but the other four got away in the dark, by the aid of some of the Townsmen: and of all those that came up in numbers to the City, and left their horses in the Su∣burbs, of which the Council had notice betimes, and seized some of them, and got notice thereby of the owners, there were not (by the slack pursuit of the Inhabitants) above thirty, (and those servants, and inconsiderable per∣sons) that were taken. Mac Guire and Mac Mahon were committed to the cu∣stody of the Constable of the Castle.

* 7.25The same day, October 23. the Councel emitted a Proclamation, giving no∣tice of the Rebellion, raised by some evil affected Irish Papists: which character, at the instance of the Lords of the English Pale, and to give them content, in whose Loyalty at present rested the hope of the Kingdom, was changed into this discrimination, The evil affected of the old Irish in the Province of Ulster. But notwithstanding, soon after they absolutely declared themselves for the Rebels; having by their temporizing in this manner, gained a great quantity of Arms from Dublin, and then refused to appear there at the summons of the Council; giving themselves the name of the Confederate Catholick Army.

* 7.26The same night, the 23 of October, the Lord Blawey arrived at Dublin with the news of the surprizal of his House, Wife and Children by the Rebels of the County of Monaghan; and the day after, Sir Arthur Tyrringham brought news of the suprizal of the Newry; which was seconded with notice of the like seisure of Fort Montjoy, Carlemont, To••rages, Carick, Mac-Ross, Cloughouter, and Castle of Monaghan, being all of them places of considerable strength, be∣sides a multitude of other Houses of strength, Castles and Towns filled with British Inhabitants, who by immuring themselves, and not joyning in a Body, were ruined easily one after another, whereas otherwise they might have been

able to have defeated this barbarous Enemy.* 7.27 These successes were obtained under the ensigns and Conduct o•• Sir Phelim O Neal, Turlough O Neal his brother, Rory Mac Guire Brother to the Lord Mac Guire, Philip O Rely, Mulmore O Rely, Sir Conne Gennys, Col. Mac Brian, and Mac Mahon; who with their torces advancing Southwards, took in Dundalk, and besieged Tredagh; the Lords of the Pale publiquely joyning with them, Viscount Gormanstone being made Lord General thereof; Hugh Birn Lieutenant General, and the Earl of Fingale General of the Horse. Every day and hour came Tydings of the most horrid massacres committed in the Counties of Down, Fermanagh, Monaghan, Antrim, and Armagh: those that escaped to the Sea-Towns, the Inland being all lost, pe∣rishing there by their hard and starving march, both hungry and naked, and pestring the few Garrisons of Colrain, Carick-fergus and London Derry; and of the multitude of those that got to Dublin, not one in five survived the want and tire of their journey; insomuch that some being over-driven by the Rebels, have been forced to leave their Infants and young Children in the High-ways, which were knocked on the head by them. Nor was this calamity all; such as got shipping for England were most of them drowned, and others three moneths at Sea, the winter and that season of the year was so rude and tem∣pestuous; while the Rebels gloried in their successes and cruelties, and this ex∣traordinary displeasure of the Almighty towards these their causless Adver∣saries.

That I may not pass this doleful subject without some particular testimony of their barbarousness, I will instance that inhumane murder at Portnedown Bridg, where in the very beginning of the Rebellion at several times they forced 1800 men,* 7.28 women and children with pikes and halberts off that Bridge into the Ri∣ver, and drowned them all: soon after which, there were such ghastly appari∣tions seen, and such screeches of revenge heard, that the Irish inhabitants were forced to remove their Creats or Hovels out of the dreadful noise and clamor thereof. In sum, there was never such a Diabolical Fury, Treachery and Per∣fidiousness in the world, which consumed in five moneths time no less then 150000 persons;* 7.29 nay, some good Authors have reckoned more in that one Pro∣vince of Vlster. Sir Phelim O Neal & his party cruelly upon their defeat at Dundalk and other places, wreaking their revenge upon such innocent persons, as from the beginning of the Rebellion they had kept in miserable durance and captivity. Dublin was now in great streights and frights; which the miseries of those poor Wretches that made it their refuge, rendred more dismal. The whole Irish Army consisted but of 2000 Foot and 1000 Horse, and so dis-joyned, that there was as much danger of embodying them, as staying there where they were, (for seven Companies of Foot had been lost, with their Garrisons, al∣ready, to the Rebels, most of the Souldiers being Irish. Nor was there any money in the Treasury; onely 3000 l. destined to pay a publick debt in Eng∣land, was stopt for present use; by which means a Regiment was raised for Sir Henry Titchburn,* 7.30 to reinforce the Garrison of Tredagh, into which the Lord Moor now Earl thereof had opportunely put himself with his Troop of Horse; for the Townsmen were false and wavering: Sir Henry arrived safe thither in two days march from Dublin, November the 4th. Another Regiment was raised for Sir Charles Coot, who was to be Governour of the City, now in great fear and despair; for the Rebels were near it on every side: this Regiment was made up mostly of those men who came stript and despoiled out of the North, and who lived to see themselves revenged of the Irish. Applications were like∣wise made, and Expresses sent to the King, then in Scotland; to the Lord Lieutenant the Earl of Leicester, and both Houses of Parliament at Westminster, who readily voted a potent relief; but by their debates and quarrels with the King, on purpose retarded it, till all was near lost in that Kingdom; the envy whereof they loaded upon his Majesty, than whom no Prince could e∣ver be more affected with the sadness of such a calamity, I may not omit that Owen O Conally, who was sent with the express to the Parliament, was rewarded

by them according to the desire of the Council of Ireland with 200 l. in money,* 7.31 and 200 l. a year pension, till lands of inheritance could be setled on him.

The Earl of Ormond was now marched to Dublin, with the title of Lieu∣tenant-General; and a Troop of 100 Cur••asiers compleatly armed; Sir Tho∣mas Lucas, and Captain Armstrong, old Souldiers, and Captain Yarner, arrived out of England, as did Col. Crawford, for whom a Regiment was raised, as Troops for the other; 600 Foot had been also provided under the conduct of Major Roper, to march as Recruits to Tredagh, at the instance of the Gover∣nour; and accordingly on the 27th of November they begun this short Expedi∣tion, accompanied with 50 Horse of the Earl of Ormonds under Sir Patrick Weems; but by ill conduct, and loytering in the way, and the unexpertness of those raw foot-Souldiers, they were of a sudden in a mist attaqued by a body of the Rebels near Iulian Town-bridg, and there being deserted by the horse, most shamefully routed; three of the Captains with all the English, except 100 that escaped with Major Roper to Drogheda,* 7.32 being cut off: The news whereof arrived to the Governour, just as he was returned from the place of his disappointed meeting with them the day before, by reason of their delayed advance.

Proud with this success, as with the taking of Mellefont-house, the Mansion of the Lord Moor, which had been stoutly defended, they made sure of Tredagh, and drew their ••orces about it; whereas had they marched for Dublin, where they had too many friends, and whence Sir Charles Coot was marched into the County of Wicklow to repress the insolencies of the Birns and Tools towards the poor English, from whom they had taken Carews fort, and possessed them∣selves of the chief Gentlemens houses; they might have carried both places. At Wicklow Sir Charles executed some murderous Irish;* 7.33 but being ca••••ed to Dublin, he was encountred by Luke Tool, and 1000 Irish, whom he quickly made run into a Bog, with some loss, and came safe home.

Now the Lords and Gentry of the English Pale plainly discovered them∣selves, and, as is touched before, assisted in the siege of Tredagh; and thereby Lemster and Vlster became United in this Rebellion, in which Munster was not engaged till December. (At this time also they emitted their Declaration, wherein they dec••ared for the exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion, their Rights and Priviledges, and the Kings Prerogative; and justified their taking arms to those purposes, by the example of the Scots, who had obtained their demands thereby: And next, they presume to face Dublin, theatning to encamp at Clantarfe very near the Harbour thereof, which they intended to stop from receiving any succours, but at the approach of Sir Charles Coot they fled thence, and the Town was pillaged, and some part burnt, for that they had robbed a Barge, and some of the goods were found in Mr. Kings house, who with Luke Nettervil, and others had now encamped themselves again at Swords within six miles of Dublin with 20000 men, and had possessed the Castle of Artain and other places within two miles thereof: At Castle-Lyons and Rath there lay 2000 more, who came out of Caterlagh, Kings County and Kildare, under Roger Moor. This was on the East-side: on the South-side lay the Birnes and the Tools, who had lodged themselves in Castles near the Sea-side, and some Villages at the foot of the Mountains,* 7.34 so that their Forces now in Lemster amounted to 20000 men. About this time the Naas and Kildare were taken, as were Trim and Ashbey in the County of Meath, by the Rebels; and no better news was to be hoped for or expected: besides, now the market of Dublin could not be supplied, the ene∣my every where so encompassed it.

* 7.35Tredagh nevertheless held out gallantly, till the arrival of Sir Simon Harcourt with his Regiment out of England, and some supplies of money; and more men and arms were daily expected; which deceiving the opinion of the Rebels, so disheartned them, after many fruitless attemps made upon that Town, that they broke up their siege, and marched Northwards; but in their way Sir Henry Titchburn sallied out and overtook them, and gave them a defeat; and pursuing

his success,* 7.36 recovered Dundalk again by storm; while Sir Phelim O Neal hard∣ly escaped over the River, and fled back to Vlster, where Major-General Sir George Monro, who commanded the Scotch forces (whose Plantations fared no better than the English, when the Irish had once mastered ours) lent the Parlia∣ment by agreement at Edinburgh, in revenge of those spoils and massacres com∣mitted, made the same bloody havock and waste, and in the beginning of the next year took in and recovered sundry Towns and Castles, particularly the Newry; which, with the like successes of Sir Simon Harcourt and Sir Charles Coot in Lemster, had almost flag'd the hearts of the Irish, and made them willing to a Cessation.

Leave we that Kingdom in a forlorn, miserable, bleeding condition, and cast an eye homeward. The King soon after his return, to rest and vacate himself a little from the toil and burden of business, retired to Hampton-Court, whence notwithstanding, the importunity of his affairs straight recalled him to his Court at White-Hall, where he was sundry times tumulted by a numerous rabble out of London,* 7.37 crying out No Bishops, with other affronting language to the King himself, as they passed by the Court-Gates to Westminster, where Col. Lunsford (then nominated to be Lieutenant of the Tower, but not confided in by the Citizens no more than others appointed to that charge, till Sir William Balfour had possession thereof) and some other Gentlemen, drew upon them, and wound∣ed some of them; which so exasperated them, that the next time they came down armed, and in greater numbers, to the terror and affrightment of the parts adjacent to the Court: an ill omen or presage of those dire revolutions which followed.

The beginning of these uproars were like themselves, at first tumultuary, and consisted of the rabble onely; but the kind reception they found from some Parliament-Members, who tacitely encouraged their rude clamours, and smiled upon their numbers, moved Citizens of the best quality to joyn with those Club∣men; and now they began to marshal their multitudes into rank and File; the eminent zealots, some of them Aldermens fellows, being right-hand-men, or else placing themselves in the intervals like Officers; and upon their return by night, which was the usual course, carried Links in their hands, like right boute∣feus, to light their Complices and Partakers in this monstrous Riot: So that the danger appearing in a method and form, the dire prognostick of Battalia, and flighting the opposition of a Corps du Guard erected over against Scotland-yard,* 7.38 which was maintained by the Trained Bands of St. Clements and St. Martins; the Gentlemen of the honourable Society of Grayes-Inne, under the leading of Sir William Mason, in good order ranked two and two, marched from their ran∣dezvouz at Covent-Garden to White-Hall, and proffered their Loyal Service to the King, as a Guard to his person, against those formidable tumults. They were received by the King with all respect and acknowledgements of this seasonable tender; which manifested that Law, Reason, and Civility were disengaged from the Rebellion: but the Kings sudden remove dispensed with their Duty.* 7.39

The King, sensible from what quiver this Arrow came, and not longer able to endure these indignities, which he had so often moved the two Houses, though in vain, to prevent or punish, resolved to seize on those Grandees who principally abetted those tumults, and also had had a deep hand in the Scotch troubles, (having intercepted Letters of correspondence between them and the Covenan∣ters) the untoward Issue and Event whereof (as whereby his English Subjects had presumed to obtain by tumults the same demands) lay yet heavy on his heart, and boded the fame conclusions.

Taking therefore with him a Guard of his own domestick Servants, and some Gentlemen casually then in the Court, late in one of the Christmas-nights,* 7.40 he came to the door of the House of Commons, and entred, and demanded five members thereof, (as also one of the House of Peers, the Lord Kimbolton) viz. Mr. Pyns, Mr. Hambden, Mr. Holles, Mr. Stro••d, and Sir Arthur Haslerig; but they having notice of the Kings coming to this purpose, by one Langrish a Ser∣vant

of the Queens, had time, and but just enough, to withdraw themselves into Westminster-Hall, where they lay hid in the Kings-bench-Court, until the business of that night was over, and then betook themselves into London to the Guild-Hall, whereto the House not long after adjourned it self in a grand Committee, for their safeguard and security.

* 7.41This attempt of the King, the House presently voted a breach of priviledge; and ran so high as to complain of evil Councellours about the King, demanding the persons of those who gave that advice to the King: Nay, so highly did they insist upon and urge this violation of their freedom, that all the King could do, gave them no satisfaction, though he endeavoured to excuse it; so that it con∣tinued their plea throughout the War: But how it was retaliated upon them both by themselves and Oliver, in the several Exclusions and Forces afterwards put upon that House, needs no particular indigitation.

* 7.42Having therefore got this claw against the King, they resolve to revenge them∣selves on the Bishops; some of whom they suspected to be the chief instruments in that business: Particularly, to gratifie the City, (whom they had wholly devoted at their service) who might see the Parliaments readiness to comply with their clamours against that Venerable Order, Twelve of these the Com∣mons accused to the Lords as guilty of High Treason, whereof ten were com∣mitted to the Tower,* 7.43 and two to the Black Rod. At the same time also the Irish were proclaimed Rebels; thirty Proclamations hereof being onely Printed, for some reasons of State the King reserved to himself then, though afterwards when the Parliament among other things taxed him with this, he gave them a full and satisfactory answer, as not willing to make the Irish desperate, and utterly undo his Protestant Subjects, who were (as then) far too weak to withstand so potent a Rebellion, which the King was willing so far to comply with the Parliament as to declare it so. For the number of them, he said it was the request of the said Lords Justices of Ireland there should be but twenty, as many of themselves well knew.

* 7.44Like wise to satisfie the Parliament about that business of the five members, he now declared his charge against them, which consisted of several things rela∣ting to intelligence held with the Scots, while declared Traytors.

That they trayterously endeavoured by many foul Aspersions upon his Majesty and Government, to alienate the affections of the people, and to make his Majesty odious to them.

That they trayterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamental Laws and Go∣vernment of this Kingdom, and to deprive the King of his Regal, and to place on Subjects an arbitrary and illegal power.

That they endeavoured to draw his Majesties late Army (in the North) to dis∣obedience to his Majesties command.

That they invited the Scots to invade England.

That they trayterously endeavoured the subversion of the rights and very being of Parliament.

That for the compleating of their trayterous designes, they have endeavoured as far as in them lay, by force and terrour to compel the Parliament to joyn with them in their trayterous designes, and to that end countenanced and raised the tumults against the King and Parliament.

That they had trayterously conspired to levy, and had actually levyed war against the King.

* 7.45This was (as I said before) declared by the King; but in hopes and order to accommodation (this course being thought a good expedient thereto) was laid aside, and not prosecuted: But the Parliament left it not so, imprisoning for a while the Kings Atturney, Sir Edward Herbert, demanding those evil Coun∣cellours that gave this advice against the five Members to punishment.

* 7.46Herewith the Tumults so increased about White-Hall and Westminster, that the King, Queen, Prince, and Duke of York, were forced for security of their persons, to retire to Hampton-Court; being necessitated to take sufficient forces of his Courtiers for his guard.

About this time there was a false rumour raised,* 7.47 by the Lord Digbies passing through Kingston neer London, of a plot to raise Horse against the Parliament; whereupon Col. Lunsford then with him, was committed to Prison, and this story improved into a calumny against the King.

The Scots now interposed themselves betwixt the King and Parliament, though siding clearly with the Parliament, having by Treaty agreed with them to send over 2500 men into the North of Ireland, upon the English pay. Through their thus taking of their parts, the Parliament flew high now in their demands, requiring the disposal of the Command of the Tower, and the management of the Militia; which being refused, they desisted not, but on the 26 of Ianuary Petitioned the King for them both; to which the King by several reasons an∣swered in the nagative. Now again they insisted upon it, as also upon the bu∣siness of the five Members, still to exasperate the people (who cryed out against Popish Lords and Bishops sitting in Parliament) to which the King answered as before, and declared his readiness to pass an Act of general Pardon, to take away all suspition from the five Members.

Several Petitions were presented to the Parliament from the Countries about the foresaid matters,* 7.48 and one from the Buckinghamshire-men to the King him∣self, in vindication of their Countryman Mr. Hambden. To this Petition the King demur'd, intent onely on the Irish business, whose miseries pierced him to the quick, being neither able effectually to relieve them, the Rebels being Ma∣sters of the chiefest places there; nor to put any thing here in a way o•• forward∣ness thereto,* 7.49 through the cross proceedings and difficulties of his affairs here.

The King was departed from Hampton-Court, in company with the Queen and his Daughter the Princess of Aurange to Dover, to see them shipped for Hol∣land. Whither the Queen conveyed away most of the Crown-Jewels, which she pledged for money and Arms for the King her Husband, and for which she was afterwards voted a Traytor, the Parliament being doing it at her depar∣ture. Now he returned straight to Greenwich from thence, having the Prince in his company, to Theobalds. Still the difference widened more and more ac∣cording as he removed from London, to which he was importunately desired to return by both Houses, by the Members thereof who continued sitting; though the Grandees of the Faction were well contented with what distance he kept from them, as rendring their pretended Jealousies and Fears more and more cre∣dible to the deluded people. From Theobalds, the misunderstanding still in∣creasing betwixt the King and two Houses, he removed North-ward, first to Royston, thence to Newmarket, and in conclusion to York; having received and answered several Messages from the Parliament by the way.

The principal difference between the King and them was the Militia;* 7.50 this was disputed betwixt them; the King claiming it as an unseparable right of the Crown, and the Houses urging the management of it for present satisfaction and safety, and had thereupon nominated Officers; which designation the King disallowed. And now the rupture was visible.

I have thought fit therefore to insert both the Commission of Array, and the Ordinance of the Militia, they seeming to be as the Challenge to the War en∣suing, though they both are here inserted out of order of time.

CHarles by the grace of God,* 8.1 King of England, Scot∣land, &c. to our most dear Cozens Henry Earl of Hunting∣don, and William Earl of Devonshire; and also to our beloved and trusty, Henry Hastings Esquire, Son of the said Earl of Hun∣tingdon; Henry Barkley, George Villiers, Thomas Burton, Baro∣nets; Henry Shipwith, &c. Knights; Henry Hasting of Humber∣ton, &c. Esquires; and the Sheriff of our County of L. for the

time being, greeting. Know ye, that we willing to take care and pro∣vide for the safety and defence of Our Self and Kingdome, and our Lieges thereof, according as our duty is, and by Gods good favour resolving to resist the malice of our enemies, if they s••all presume to invade this our Realm of England: Have appointed you, or any three or more of you, to array and trayn all and every person and persons in arms, bowmen, &c. dwelling within your said County, within liberties and with out; and that you cause to be Armed all such as are able of body, and sit to bear them, who have of their own wherewith to arm themselves, viz. every one according to his estate or condition, to rate and proportion accord••ng to your advice and discretion, or of any three of you; and to distrain all those who have Lands and Possessions, and through debility of body are unable for service, causing them to find according to the quality of their Lands and Goods, what Arms conveniently and reasonably (saving their condition) they can bear; and to provide men at Arms, armed but with Bows and Arrows, so that they who shall stay and continue at their own home in their County for the defence of this our Kingdome against our enemies, shall receive no wages nor expences for this their stay at home aforesaid: and that you like∣wise dispose and cause to be disposed the said men so Armed and Arrayed, into Regiments, Troops, and Companies, or other Divi∣sion as you shall see convenient. And we have assigned you, or any three or more of you, whereof you the said Earl of Huntingdon, and in your absence you the said Earl of Devonshire, or you Henry Hastings, son of the said Earl of Huntingdon, to be one of the said men at Arms, and Bowmen, so arrayed and trained, as well to the Sea-Coasts as to any other places, where, and as often, and as need shall r••quire, to expel, overcome and destroy our said enemies, from time to time, in any eminent peril, to command and lead. And we have likewise Commissionated you or any three or more of you, to cause Muster or Musters of the said men so armed and arrayed to be made, and to supervise them, as oft as occasion shall require.

And also to proclaim, ordain, and diligently examine, and see that all, and every such men at Arms, armed men, and Bowmen in such Musters, be armed with their own, and not others wea∣pons, upon penalty of loosing them; those onely excepted who are to be armed at the charge of others. And to arrest, take, and in our Prisons to put all, and every of those who in this behalf you shall find enemies or Rebels, and to continue them in such Prisons until they shall be thence delivered by Law. And therefore, as straightly as we can, upon your Faith and Allegiance which you owe us, we enjoyn and command you, that forthwith upon the sight of these presents, that in the best and safest manner you can, you▪ arm and array your selves; and that before you at certain days and places which you shall judge most convenient and expedient, and of least hindrance to our people, you cause all men dwelling in your County by whom the Array and Arming may be best effected and compleated, to be called and come together, there and then to be arrayed and armed; and them so arrayed and armed, to keep in the same array. And fur∣thermore,

that you cause Beacons to be set up in the usual places, by which the several Counties may in fit time be fore-armed against the coming of our Enemies. And the same men so arrayed and armed in imminent danger, in the defence of the Kingdom and Country aforesaid, from time to time, as well to the Sea-side, or to other places where need shall require, you cause to be led and conducted, or some of you, of whom you the aforesaid Henry Earl of Hunting∣don, or in your absence, you the aforesaid William Earl of De∣vonshire, or you the aforesaid Henry Hastings, Son of the said Earl of Huntingdon, we will to be one, do cause to be conducted as aforesaid; so that through default of defence, array or conduct of the aforesaid Souldiers, or through your negligence, no hurt or damage be done to the aforesaid Country, as far as to your power it can be letted. And we streightly command all and every our Earls, Barons, Knights, Mayors, Bailiffs, Constables, Ministers, and others our faithful Liege-people of our County aforesaid, as well within Liberties as without, by vertue of these presents, to be counselling, aiding, and assisting to you, and every one of you, in all and singular the Premises. And we likewise Command you the said Sheriff, that at certain times and places which you or any three or more of you as aforesaid shall appoint, shall cause to convene before you all such men in the County aforesaid, by whom the Array, Assesment and Appointment, can best be effected and compleated; and to de∣tain those in Prison, who for their Rebellion shall happen thither to be committed. In witness whereof, we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents. Witness our self the 11th day of June, in the 18 Year of our Raign.

Per Ipsum Regem.

The Reader must know, that this Ordinance of the Militia was framed in February, and declared to be a Law, whether the King should give his Royal assent or no, in March ensuing; and several things done at that time in the seve∣ral Counties, in pursuance of it: So that it long precedes the Kings Commission of Array, though for dignity sake I have here Postposed it.

The Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament, for Ordering the Militia of the Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales.

WHereas there hath been of late a most dangerous and desperate design upon the House of Commons,* 9.1 which we have just cause to believe to be an effect of the bloodie Councels of Papists, and other ill-affected persons, who have alrea∣dy raised a rebellion in the Kingdom of Ireland; And by reason of many discove∣ries, we cannot but fear they will proceed not onely to stir up the like rebellions and insurrections in this Kingdom of England, but also to back them with forces from abroad:

It is ordained by the Lords and Commons, now in Parliament assembled, that shall have power to assemble and call together all and singular his Majesties Subjects within the County of as well within Liberties as without, that are meet and fit fothe Wars, and them to train, exercise and put in readiness, and them after their abilities and faculties well and sufficientlie, from

time to time, to cause to be arrayed and weaponed, and to take the Muster of them in places most fit for that purpose. And shall have power within the said Countie to nominate and appoint such persons of quality as to him shall seem meet to be his De∣putie-Lieutenants, to be approved of by both Houses of Parliament. And that any one or more of the said Deputies so assigned and approved of, shall in the absence or by command of the same have power and Authoritie to do and execute within the Countie all such Power and Authoritie before in this pr••sent Ordinance contained. And so shall have power to make Colonels and Captains, and other Officers, and to remove out of their places, and to make others from time to time, as he shall think fit for that purpose. And his De∣puties, Colonels, Captains and other Officers, shall have further Power and Authority to lead, conduct and employ the persons aforesaid, Arrayed and Weaponed, as well within the County of as within any other part of this Realm of England, or Dominion of Wales, for the suppression of all Rebellions, insurrections and inva∣sions that may happen, according as they from time to time shall receive directions by His Majesties Authority, signified unto them by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament.

And it is further ordained, that such persons as shall not obey in any of the Premises, shall answer their neglect and contempt to the Lords and Commons in •• Parliamentary Way, and not otherwise, nor elsewhere; and that every the powers granted as aforesaid, shall continue until it shall be otherwise ordered or declared by both Houses of Parliament, and no longer.

John Brown, Clerk Parl.

How contrary to any Law, Practice or Precedent of any Parliament, this Ordinance was, I refer the Reader to examine in his Majesties Answer to it.

* 9.2Many Messages and Answers, and Papers past betwixt the King and the Parliament, which though out of their order, we shall present at one view in∣tire in this Place; this History not allowing every one a particular room. Those of the Kings were less strained, yet more elegant then the Parliament's: the great ingredients and most substantial part of their Addresses were Jealousies and Fears; with which the King was constantly baited, for want of more solid Argu∣ments, and which no reason could rectifie or dispel, being irrefutable, because in∣existible; it being like fighting with a shadow, which canot be driven away. They protested all along, that if his Majesty should persist in the denyal of the Militia, the Dangers were such as would indure no longer delay, but that they should be forced to dispose of it by Authority of Parliament, and must resolve so to do, as it was by them propounded: Desiring, that for the safety of his person and people, in much jealousie and Fear, he will be pleased to reside in or neer London, and to continue the Prince at St. Iames's, or any other Houses neer London, to prevent the Jealousies and Fears of the people. Affirming, That by the Laws of the Realm the power of the Militia, of raising, ordering, and disposing thereof in any place, cannot be granted to any Corporation by Charter, or otherwise, without consent of Parliament; and that those par••s of the Kingdom that have put themselves in a posture of defence, have done it by direction and Declaration of Parliament.

The King much troubled with those unreasonable Papers, replyed, that he was so much amazed at this Message,* 9.3 that he knew not what to answer. You speak of jealousies and fears, said he; lay your hands to your hearts, and ask your selves whether I may not in earnest be disturbed with jealousies and fears; and if so, I assure you this Message hath nothing lessned them. For the Militia, I thought as much before. My last answer being agreeable to what in Iustice or reason you can ask, or I in honour grant, I shall not alter in any point. I wish

my residence near you might be safe and honourable, that I had no cause to absent my self from Whitehal; Ask your selves, whether I have not? I shall take that care of my Son, which shall justifie me to God as a father, and to my Dominions as a King. I assure you upon mine honour, I have no thoughts but of peace and Iustice to my people, which I shall by all means possible seek to pre∣serve, relying upon the goodness of God for the preservation of my self and my rights.

This quickned in the Parliament a resolution that the Kingdom be put pre∣sently into a posture of defence,* 9.4 and a publique Declaration thereupon to be made. They talkt of advertisements and extraordinary preparations of for∣raign Princes by land and Sea. In order to this, the Beacons were made up, new Sea-marks set up, much riding, posting with packquets, whispering and tales telling. The Earl of Northumberland, Admiral of England, is comman∣ded with all speed to rigg the Kings ships, and equip them forth-with for the Sea: And because of his indisposition, that charge is conferred on the Earl of Warwick, against whom the King took great exception; one very affectionate to the Cause which then first began to be in every mans mouth.

The Declaration aforesaid was carried to Royston, whither the King was removed from Theobalds, by the Earls of Pembrook and Holland, who deliver∣ed him the substance of it: to which he returned in a most polite Declaration also, and verbally told the Lords, that for the Militia, he would not trust his wife and children with it for an hour; that it was never asked of any King: That to their Fears and jealousies he would take time to satisfie all the world, hoping that God would in his good time discover the bottoms and secrets of all plots and treasons, and set him upright with his people. The substance of his Declaration was this.

That he had little encouragement to Replyes of this nature, when he is told of how little value his words are with them, though accompanied with Love and Iu∣stice: That his honour ought not to be wounded under the common stile and impu∣tation of evil Councellours: That he had formerly declared his faithful affection to the Protestant Profession, his whole life answerable in practice; which should ra∣ther be acknowledged by them, than any designe of his framed and declared to alter it in this Kingdom; calling God to be witness, and wishing that the judgement of Hea∣ven may be manifested on those that have or had any such designe. Concerning his sense of his good Subjects in Ireland, what had he not done in his Messages to both Houses, offering his own person ready to venture for their preservation and redem∣ption, being to give God an account of his interest in them? Denyes any designe of forcing the Parliament by his Army; and other particulars of the Petition, of passes granted Col. Leg, my Lord Jermins Pass, as likewise the Lord Digbies. And as for advertisements from Rome, Venice, Paris, the Popes Nuncio, the Kings of France and Spain, He is confident ••o sober man in the Kingdom will believe that he is so desperate or senceless to entertain such designes, to bring the Kingdom to de∣struction, and bury his name and posterity in perpetual infamy. He adds in conclu∣sion, could there yet want evidence on his part to joyn with his Parliament? Look back upon their own Remonstrance in November last of the State of the Kingdom, which valued his Acts of Grace and Iustice at so high a rate, that it declared the Kingdom a gainer, though it should charge it self by Subsidies and Pole-money six millions of pounds, besides the Contracting the Sents demands of two hundred and twenty thousand pounds. Nay more, he hath passed those Bills for the triennial Par∣liament, for relinquishing his Title to impose upon Merchants goods, and his power of pressing of Souldiers; for suppressing the Court of Star, Chamber, High-Com∣mission, regulating the Council-Table.* 10.1 Are these but words? The Bills for the Forrests, the Stannery Courts, the Clerk of the Markets, the taking away the Vote of the Bishops, nothing but words? what greater earnest can be given, than the Bill for the continuance of the Parliament? The length of which he wishes may never alter the nature of Parliaments. And for a perfect reconciliation with his

people, he offers a free pardon. Nor doth he repent of his favours done them, but will meet them in an honourable way, to add more, with the greatest readiness and kindness, for the peace, Honour and Prosperity of the Nation.

This seemed satisfactory to the unprejudiced and sober; but prevailed not at all with the factious and giddy multitude, and less with their Chiefs and Abetters, who now emit the Ordinance for the defence of the Kingdom, which is resolved to be no whit prejudicial to the Oath of Allegiance and Supre∣macy; and next, that the Kings Commissioners of Lieutenancy over the re∣spective Counties are illegal and void: That their Ordinance for the Militia is to be obeyed as the fundamental law of this Kingdom▪* 10.2 and prepare ano∣ther Declaration to that purpose.

As the King removed North-ward, his mind went South-ward, though the Showers gathered there, which soon after came down in a storm. But it is a question whether if the King had returned, his influence had not dispelled and dissipated them▪ which thickned presently together, and resisted that light which Majesty dispenced in many after-gratious offers and condescentions, till the setting of it, after a big and fatal revolution.

* 10.3Therefore he sends another Message to them from thence, that he means to take up his residence at York; conjures them to dispatch the business of Ireland; and if calamities increase upon his Protestant Subjects there, he shall wash his hands before all the World from any imputation upon him.

He saith, that as he hath been forward to retract any thing intrenching upon them, so he expects an equal tenderness in them towards him, in any unquesti∣onable and fundamental priviledge. That his Subjects be not obliged to obey any Act, Order or Injunction, to which his Majesty hath not given his consent. And therefore requires that they presume not, upon pretence of any Order or Ordinance (to which his Majesty is not a party) of the Militia, or any other thing, to do or execute against the laws: he being to keep the laws himself, and his Subjects to obey them.

* 10.4To this all the reply they made was, That to have their Vote questioned or con∣tradicted, is a high breath of priviledge of Parliament: and a Committee was by them appointed to examine where and by whom this Message was counselled: and as the total of all this absurdity, they justifie their last Declaration in every par∣ticular.

The King knowing what the Parliament drove at chiefly, to render him suspect of favouring Papists,* 10.5 being at Stamford, published a Proclamation for putting the Laws in due execution against Papists: this somewhat abated the charge which his enemies laboured to fix on him for this particular, though they wrested this also, giving out that it was a time-serving policy, and that nothing less was intended.

* 10.6What the two Houses did ambiguously supplicate, the York-shire Gentry did cordially beg of the King, desiring by such expedients as his Majesties own judgment should dictate, a right understanding betwixt him and his Parlia∣ment, to whom they would likewise address themselves. The King returned a gratious answer, with thanks; tells them that he is not mistaken in the confi∣dence of their affections,* 10.7 nor will he ever deceive their expectations from him: But as to the prayer of the Petition, the alone way of a good understanding, was for the Parliament to consider of his Message of the 20th of Ianuary, that the Militia be setled by Act of Parliament, explained in his Answer to their Petition for it; and wishes them in the sence of those, to apply themselves to the Parliament for the good of All.

* 10.8The King was now resolved, since he saw how slowly the Irish business pro∣ceeded, for the dispatch of that Rebellion to pass over thither; and to that pur∣pose sent a Message to the Parliament from York: From which expedition they disswade the King, and in lieu of using the Magazine of Hull for that service, desire it may be sent to the Tower of London, to supply that, almost exhausted;

guessing indeed that the King intended to possess himself of it:* 10.9 but they preven∣ted him, by Sir Iohn Hothams admittance into the Town, standing affected to their Cause, before the coming of my Lord Newcastle to the same purpose.

Thereupon they again petition the King in the matter of the Militia,* 10.10 as to his Forts and Magazins, inserting the old standing matter of Popery, in rela∣tion to some Jesuits whom the King had reprieved. To this Petition the Kings Answer was, that he wondred why a Garison was put into Hull without his con∣sent, and Souldiers billeted without Law, contrary to the Petition of right, and that they could mention to him the transferring of his Magazine without reason or judge∣ment:* 10.11 he would know why he might not be thought sufficient to impower and intrust any person of unquestionable honour and worth with the custody of a Fort, Town, or Magazine of his own; when they were so confident as to commit it without his knowledge or consent to Sir Iohn Hotham, though he doubts not but it will be rendred to him when he shall demand it. Hopes that they will not do in this case, as they have done in the Militia; petition him, and make themselves the Carvers: and tells them, that if they attempt any thing herein without his con∣sent, he will hold it as an act of violence against him, and so declare it to all the world.

For the Priests,* 10.12 he refers them to the Law and their Sentence, the time of his Reprieve granted them being expired. But in that answer to his expedition into Ireland, they court him there with a Compliment of their fear of the danger of his person,* 10.13 besides the interruption of the proceedings of Parliament. Though to the first, they were more afraid of that force he should raise to accompany and attend his person; and as to the second, the distance lay onely in their averseness to an Accommodation: until they were nearer in duty and affection, the proximity of his person availed not: but they would in no wise endure to hear of being governed by Commissioners in his Majesties absence, because it was presumed there were more then enough of themselves already, that looked like such things in his presence, if not more Soveraign and imperious than such could be.

To this Reply the King rejoyns, that he looks upon them as his great Coun∣cil with great respect, but also upon himself as not d••prived of his understan∣ding, or devested of any right he had before the Parliament assembled: he cal∣led them by his Writ and authority, to give him counsel; but did not resign his interest and freedom, nor will subject himself to their determinations; nor hath he dissented at any time without his reasons given with candour and con∣science; and though a Major part may bind them in their consultations and opinions, yet he holds himself free to dissent from them.

Anno Dom. 1642.

NOw this great controversie of the Militia came to be decided; and what had been bandyed with so many words, to be summed up and stated in the case of Hull, and the Magazine there, which the King as before had refused to be translated any otherwhere than for his own accommodation in the service of Ireland:* 10.14 besides, the County of York added their instances to the Kings resolu∣tion, requesting him, as well for his own as the publike safety, it might be con∣tinued where it was. Therefore to end the dispute, and ascertain the matter without any further contest, the King resolved to go and possess himself there∣of, taking with him a Guard onely for his person, which consisted of his me∣nial servants, and the Gentry adjacent thereabout.

On the 23 of April his Majesty came before the Town,* 10.15 when, contrary to all expectation, especially of the King, the enterance was denyed him, the gates being shut against him, as Sir Iohn Hotham then upon the Walls of the said Town peremptorily told him, by Authority of Parliament, by whose trust he kept it; nor by any means, after a long Parley and perswasion, would admit

the King into the Town, unless under certain disloyal and undutiful limitations, which the King so abhor'd, that moved with just indignation, he caused Hotham instantly and before his face to be proclaimed Traytor; a name that stuck to him or all sides, and was his Sentence long before his Execution; and which, (in such very heynous matters not usual) reached the life of his eldest Son also. But because his late Majesties own Sacred Pen hath so compassionately delivered his story, it will be rudeness to that blessed Prince, and barbarity to Sir Iohn Hotham, to rake further in his ashes than what we shall have occasion for in the depositing them after Execution.

* 10.16The Duke of York and the Prince Elector Palatine were gone into the Town the day before, and were now after some deliberation suffered to go out again; who came to the King, then in a very great discontent retreated to Beverly, whence he sent Letters to the Mayor of Hull, which signified to him his Majesties displeasure and resentment of the affront done him; thereby also warning him and the Garrison (which consist••d of a thousand men) not to partake with Hotham,* 10.17 but to lay down their arms and receive the King, who would rather enlarge than lessen and diminish their Charter and Priviledges.

After this Message, he likewise dispatched another to the Parliament, re∣quiring the Town and Magazine to be delivered to him, and that his honour be repaired by some signal and remarkable Justice upon Hotham;* 10.18 that injury so closely ••ying at his breast, that till satisfaction be given him therein, he can in∣tend no other business whatsoever, as portending those undutiful actions which afterwards succeeded: This is, saith he, to make me worse in condition than the meanest Subject, since I cannot enjoy my own; 'tis time therefore to examine how he lost them, and to try all possible ways by the help of God, the Laws, and his good Subjects, to recover them, and vindicate himself; concluding, that if he fail in the reducing of the place, he is the first Prince in Christendom that hath done so; and prays God to bless him in these resolutions.

* 10.19This was answered no otherways, but by a Command to their Lord Lieute∣nant of the County of Lincoln to suppress all Forces that should be gathered and raised against the said Town of Hull, and presently expedite the Ordi∣nances of the Militia framed by themselves, having rejected that of the Kings own appointment, and drawn by his Council, though not a word in answer a∣gainst it to satisfie him; excluding all persons named by the King in his draught, and committed the trust and power thereof for two years,* 10.20 to such in whom they confided. Soon after they seized upon Sir Richard Gurney Lord Mayor of London▪ whom for an example to other Loyal Magistrates they sent to the Tower of London; not long after which usage he deceased.

* 10.21Sir Iohn Hotham is also impowered by the Parliament to Summon the Trayn∣ed Bands of the County to his assistance; which through the factiousness of others, and his own menaces, he compass••d; and having them within his reach, to prevent the King of any supply of Arms thereabout, he disarms the Country∣men, and dismisseth them.

* 10.22Her••upon the King Summoned the Gentry and Free-holders of the County of York, to whom he complains of all those lawless proceedings of the Parlia∣ment and Hotham, to the danger of his person, which he thinks fit to secure by a guard from among them; reiterates his Protestation to the Lords then that w••re with him, some of whom were sent from the Parliament, and continued there, that he intended not to raise a War, or embroyl the Kingdom; but since he had so lately received such an indignity so neer his residence, it could not be interpreted other than an Act of Prudence, to provide this way for his safety; that being the onely end in this designe: Which publike Declaration was at∣tested by all the Lords to be his Majesties intention.

* 10.23Now had the Parliament the occasion they waited for; no Salvo's or Pro∣testations on the Kings part would serve turn, but it was taken for granted ••hat the King intended War, and therefore they proceeded presently to put the peo-into a posture of War, by vertue of their late Ordinance of the Militia, to

rescue the King from his evil Counsel,* 10.24 who had engaged him in a War against his Parliament. I will not wade further in this Question, Who began it? be∣cause his Majesty on his dying Royal word, hath asserted it by this undeniable proof, Who gave the first Commissions?

In order to this open Hostility intended, they prohibit all resort to the King, save of those in his special service; and Command the respective Sheriffs to seize all other than such, as the disturbers of the peace, and to raise the County-power against them; who were so divided in themselves by contrary com∣mands, that no difficulty remained to the near ensuing rupture; sides being ta∣ken and avowed, every man on his guard, waiting for the first blow, and prepared to return it as his judgment or fancy led him. To b••ow up this ani∣mosity into fire and fury,* 10.25 next comes out another Remonstrance from the Par∣liament, the Daughter of that which was presented to the King at Hampton-Court; that taxed the male-administration of the Government till the calling of the Parliament, this recited all their complaints from the very first day of their sitting to the date thereof; their dispute of the Militia, the business of the five Members, &c. and so brought the state of their quarrel into one entire body, that their Partisans, by such a heap of grievances, i•• not by the weight of them, might without more scrutiny own them, and stand by their Caus••.

This miss'd not of a plenary and satisfactory Answer from the King;* 10.26 but Hands had no Ears; the Faction was busie and employed in arming themselves, like Caesars,* 10.27 write and fight together; solliciting also in the mean time their dear Brethren the Scots to their party, whom though the King so lately had obliged, and vouchsafed them a particular account of his intentions throughout all these unhappy transactions, summed up in a Letter to his Privy Counsel in that Kingdom,* 10.28 which after communication begot a Protestation from that Kingdom of all the Loyalty and affection imaginable, with many serious expressions of their thanks, and gratitude to his Majesty, whose Royal word in the concerns both of Church and State, they deemed a grievous sin to doubt or question: Yet nevertheless presently after they declared themselves in favour of the Parliament, in a large manifestation of their most cordial affection to them, with as many more good words as they had received Pounds; and in conclusion, order the said Privy Council not to meddle with any verbal or real engagement for the King against the Parliament of England, but to keep close to their Covenant and their English brethren. For all which kindness the Parliament claw them again, and returned them thanks by their Commissioners resident in London.

But this Remonstrance did not reach all the matter;* 10.29 therefore out comes a third, comprehensive enough; which the King likewise answered. It will be te∣dious to recite them, because little new matter in them, only more passionately written, as bordering betwixt the Gown and the Sword, which was as good as half drawn already.

As the last essay for an Accommodation,* 10.30 that the people might see the Parlia∣ment would leave no way untryed, Nineteen Propositions are sent to the King at York, which in strict terms comprised the licentiousness of all their former Papers. To these if the King assented, as they withal Petition him to do, they promise to make him a glorious Prince.

For the Answer to these by the King,* 10.31 I refer the Reader to the Kings book, where the vncivility and unreasonableness thereof is justly censured; though the reply he made to them presently after their tender, was so argumentative and honest, that it stumbled many of their friends, and confirmed the Kings good Subjects in their Loyal integrity.

All hopes being now lost of this Paper-scuffle,* 10.32 the King addresses himself to the Gentry and Commonalty of the County of York (the populacy being those on whom the Parliamentary pretences so greatly operated) and declares to them the same resolutions he had formerly made, desiring to undeceive them of those opinions the Parliament had instilled every where; and chuseth out of them a guard of Horse, and a Regiment of the Trained Bands, as a guard to his

person; which they cheerfully undertook, and did Duty in that quality: Here he also found an addition of many worthy Gentlemen and Nobles ready for his service.

* 10.33The City of London was likewise as affectionate for the Parliament, having profered their service, which was accepted, to secure the two Houses. This caused the King to send a Letter to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen,* 10.34 forbidding them either to levy Arms, or raise money upon that account. But seeing them to persist in the same courses, he first sends out his Commissions of Array to the respective Lord-Lieutenants and their assistants, according to the Statute of 5 H. 4. and other subsequent Records, which by the Parliament (on the question) were resolved to be against Law, and the liberty of the Subject, &c. And then summons his Lords and Privy Council attend∣ing him at York, and declares that he will not require any obedience from them, but by the Laws of the Land; charging them not to yeild obedience to any commands illegally imposed by others, and that he will defend them and all others from the Votes of Parliament. Lastly, that he will not engage them in any War against the Parliament, except for necessary defence against such as invade him or them.

* 10.35Then came out his general Declaration, where after he had fully unmasqued the pretences of the Parliament in their project of Liberty and Religion, he ex∣cites all his loving subjects, according to their Oaths of Allegiance and Supre∣macy, to contribute their aid and assistance for the opposing and suppressing those Trayterous attempts of such persons as would destroy his Person, Honour, and Estate,* 10.36 and engage the Kingdom in a Civil War: D••claring, that who∣ever shall bring unto him Money or Ammunition, Horse and Arms, for his or the publique defence, shall receive 8 l. per centum interest, to be assured out of his Forrest-Lands, Parks, and Houses. And then issues out a Proclama∣tion shewing the Legality of his Commissions of Array.* 10.37

To all these the Parliament respectively answer; justifie their proceedings, and promise to use the money advanced for the Irish service, according to the first designation of it, though herein they failed abundantly, converting the most part of it to their own use and necessities.* 10.38

Though the Parliament was intent on the business of levying Arms, yet se∣veral Patriots of both Houses did what they could to perswade to an accommo∣dation; amongst whom Sir Benjamin Rudyard was one of the chief,* 10.39 who all along warned them of the miseries of a Civil War; and what a shame it would be to them in after-times, and so consequently to all Parliaments, if when the King had condescended so far, they should proceed to the effusion of blood upon so unnecessary a quarrel. He dyed soon after the first blood was drawn; and that speech of his on his death-bed is very remarkable: Mr. Pym, and Mr. Hambden (the Grandees of the then Faction) told me,* 10.40 (saith he) That they thought the King so ill beloved by his Subjects, that he could never be able to raise an Army to oppose them. Which mistake of theirs, cost many thousand lives.

On the contrary also, many elaborate vehement Speeches were made by Mr. Pym and other Grandees, to encourage the Citizens to stand fast to the in∣terest of the Parliament; and the City was not wayward to such councels. Isaac Penington was Mayor;* 10.41 a busie stickler of the Faction; and many of the Court of Aldermen were little better affected: the Common Council were ge∣nerally of the same temper; and indeed the greatest number of the people in∣habiting the said City were alike disposed.

Now the Militia was on foot: every where the Parliaments Cause had the precedency of affection,* 10.42 their Ordinances being obeyed like Acts; wherefore the King prohibited by Proclamation any Levi••s or Musters of his Subjects any where in England without his command, and sets on foot his Commission of Array; which the Parliament likewise inhibit to be obeyed any where: but neither of them signified any thing to those that were bent and inclined to each Cause; so that the preparations for War, both of Men, Horse, Money and

Arms, went on very fast, especially on the Parliaments side at London, where all persons of all ages and Sexes contribute so excessively to the furtherance of the War,* 10.43 that the sum which it amounted unto is almost incredible. This money was borrowed upon the credit of the PVBLIQVE FAITH, by an Ordi∣nance of Parliament; a name much adored then, and as much contemned and hated afterwards.

The King finding how the pulse of these distracted Kingdoms did beat,* 10.44 gi∣ving symptoms of some violent disease and distemper approaching, redoubled his instances to the Houses for peace, adjuring them to prevent that blood-sh••d now so threatning and imminen••; and they reg••st the like entreaties and ••••••••••stations upon him (but not bating an ace, or receding a tittle from the••r 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Demands) so that there was no hopes or likelihood of a Pacification.

Nor wanted there Artifices to uphold and maintain this Credit and Autho•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which the Parliament had gained over the City,* 10.45 their Purses and Affections: they were told, and that in solemn Assemblies, that the evil Counsellors about the King intended the abrogation of their Cities Charter; and if they prevailed, would expose their Wives and Children to Rapine, Violence, and Villany, and the wealth and riches of the City; a prey to desperate and necessitous persons: All which while they continued in the Parliaments protection, they should have no cause to fear.

With these preparatory discourses and incentives,* 10.46 the War was presently ushered in; nay, the Citizens were ready to court it, as the certainest way of safety. Add we also the encouragements of the Ministers of London, to the other incitations, who were so violent in their crying up the Cause, that even meer Children became Volunteers, forsook their Parents, and followed the Camp.

Thither also are we now come: For from the Kings leaving his Court at York, with an intent to encourage his party in the Commission of Array, and stitle the Ordinance of the Militia, we cannot call his removes a Progress, but Expe∣dition; and indeed it was a perfect War levyed, though at such distances, that the twilight of peace was preserved only by his hovering neer the Solstice of his Kingdom, the midland, without engaging the confines of their Association; which if he had done speedily, it is probable we had not seen that night of confusion that followed in his setting and declination.

His Majesty therefore having again called the Gentry of York together at rendezvous, protested his unwillingless, as well as unprovidedness for a War; desiring (if he should be thereunto compelled) their assistance in the maintain∣ing his most just Cause; and then departed for Lincolnshire to Newark,* 10.47 whither he had sent before his Letters Mandatory to my Lord Willoughby of Parham, charging him to desist from raising, levying, or exercising any forces within that County, by vertue of his Commission from the Parliament; wherein ne∣vertheless he had proceeded. Here the King convened the Gentlemen of this County, and made to them the like Protestations; and having received some small supplies, returned back again to York. At the same time the Parliament were listing men apace, and appointing their General, and the Superior Officers of the Army.

His Majesty about this time meeting with some oppositions from the Earl of Stamford,* 10.48 Lord-Lieutenant of Leicestershire for the Parliament, was pleased to proclaim the said Earl and his adherents Traytors; to the great dissatisfaction of the Parliament.

On the other side,* 10.49 Insurrections happening in Essex, the Parliament send down Sir Thomas Barrington and Mr. Grymstone to quell their Tumults, where they seize Sir Iohn Lucas and his Lady at Colchester, commit them to the Goale; send his eight Coach-horses to General Essex; and in order to Sir Iohns Tryal, he is proclaimed Traytor, sent to London, and committed prisoner to the Gate-house.

Iames Lord Strange,* 10.50 Son and Heir of William Earl of Derby, was likewise

by the Parliament impeached of High Treason, for that he upon the 15th of Iuly last, did at Manchester in the County of Lancaster summon and raise Forces for the service of the King: They further charging him with being the death of Richard Percival, a Linnen-webster; and cause their said Charges to be pub∣lished in the Churches of Lancaster and Chester.

* 10.51Sir Iohn Byron raiseth some Troops in the County of Oxford for the King, and being suddenly surprized by the Parliamentarians, sustaineth some loss; and by them he and his Associates are declared Rebels. He then marcheth to Worce∣ster, which Town he seizeth for the King.* 10.52

At York the King made the Marquess of Hertford Leiutenant-General of the Western Counties, intending forthwith himself to set upon Hull (whose stores he had designed once to have made a Magazine for Ireland, to reduce those Rebels; which he had often declared to the two Houses;* 10.53 but they would by no means consent to it) but upon deliberate advice he past by it, onely making one at∣tempt neer it, to shew his just indignation, and to satisfie his Honor, where he lost unhappily some twenty men, and marched directly into Nottinghamshire.

* 10.54About the beginning of August, he came to Nottingham-Town, and on the tenth of the same month published his Royal Proclamation, commanding and enjoyning all his Subjects to the Northward of Trent, and twenty miles Southward, to Rendezvous at Nottingham the 23 of that instant; where he, according to the purport of his Proclamation, set up his Standard, and where ap∣peared five or six thousand men.* 10.55

After a view and Muster of these Royal Volunteers, the King proceeded to the nomination of a General, who was the Right honorable the Earl of Lindsey, General formerly for the Rochel-Expedition; and the Parliament made Robert Earl of Essex their Captain-General,* 10.56 the Earl of Bedford General of the Horse.

Essex about this time departed from London in great state and magnificence.

The King leaves Nottinghamshire, and marched into Staffordshire, thence into Leicestershire,* 10.57 car••ssing the Gentry all the way he went; so into the Confines of Wales, and sat down at last in Shrewsbury, where after he had a while rested, the Gentry,* 10.58 Freeholders, and Inhabitants of that County, with other additions out of Wales, being assemb••ed, he made this Oration, which for its excellency, and because it contains the truth of the quarrel,* 10.59 is here inserted.

GENTLEMEN,

* 11.1IT is some benefit to me from the insolency and misfortunes which have driven me about, that they have brought me to so good a part of my Kingdom, and to so faithful a part of my people. I hope neither you nor I shall repent in coming hither; I will do my part that you may not, and of you I was confident before I came. The resi∣dence of an Array is not usually pleasant to any place, and mine may carry more fear with it,* 11.2 since it may be thought (being robbed and spoiled of all mine own, and such terrour used to fright and keep all men from supplying of me) I must onely live upon the aid and relief of my people; but be not afraid: I would to God my poor Subjects suf∣fered no more by the insolence and violence of that Army raised a∣gainst me (though they have made themselves wanton even with plenty) than you shall do by mine; and yet I fear I cannot prevent all disorders; I will do my best. And this I promise you, no man shall be a looser by me,* 11.3 if I can help it.

I have sent hither for a Mint; I will melt down all my own plate, and expose all my Land to sale or morgage, that if it be possible, I may not bring the least pressure upon you: in the mean time, I have sum∣moned

you hither to do that for me and your selves, for the main∣tenance of your Religion, and the Law of the Land (by which you enjoy all that you have) which other men do against us. Do not suffer so good a Cause to be lost, for want of supplying me with that which will be taken from you by those who pursue me with this vio∣lence. And whilst these ill men Sacrifice their Mony, Plate, and utmost industry to destroy the Common-wealth, be you no less liberal to preserve it. Assure your selves, if it please God to bless me with success, I shall remember the assistance that every particular man here gives me, to his advantage. However, it will hereafter, (how furi∣ously soever the minds of men are now possest) be honour and comfort to you, that with some charge and trouble to your selves, you did your part to support the King, and preserve the Kingdom.

With those expressions, to which his actions agreed, he so won the affectio••s of that County,* 11.4 and the adjacent, that before the middle of October▪ which was about three weeks after his first coming to Shrewsbury, with a small party, rather than any force or Army, he was grown to a compleat strength, consisting of about 6000 foot, 3000 brave horse, and almost 2000 Dragooners.

From thence, having issued out Warrants for Horses and Ca••ts, in order to his removal, he marched along within view of Coventry,* 11.5 but made no essay or attempt upon it; not intending to lose any time in sitting down before it, un∣less the Town had been freely surrendred to him. From thence he came to Sou∣tham, not many miles distant from their Lord General.

This March of his struck some terror into the City of London it self,* 11.6 though all their Army was then in a readiness, and attending the King; therefore the Trained Bands were speedily raised for a guard of the City, and fortifications, such as the time would allow, were ordered to be forthwith made round it; ac••ording to which Order, many hundreds of men were set on work, who were soon alter seconded by the several Companies and Parishes in London and the Suburbs, as also by the Wives and Maids, who followed a Drum in rank and file, with a Rampier-basket between two of them, until a regular Line and Circumva••lation, taking up twelve miles in circuit, was quite finished.

Windsor-Castle was at this time garrisoned by the Parliament,* 11.7 Col. Ven being sent down with twelve Companies of foot, in one whereof Barkstead the Regi∣cide commanded, it being his first military employment as Governour. Divers Citizens suspected for their affection and loyalty to the King, were also at this time secured. And the association of the several Counties first projected and begun, and mony and plate raised for the Parliament: in so great danger did the Cock-sure Grandees of the Faction then see and find themselves.* 11.8

Indeed the Kings design was London, which at the approach of such an Army would put his friends in a capacity to appear for him, and facilitate and end the War in its begining, which the King passionately desired. But considering that it was dangerous venturing to be inclosed between the Army and the City, with their entire forces, he resolved to face about, and fight the Earl of Essex first, who having garrisoned several places, and lessened his numerous Ar∣my, was advancing after him.

Portsmouth was now taken by Sir Iohn Merrick,* 11.9 having first surprized South∣sea Castle, and held it for the Parliament: Colonel Goring being forced to yeild it, the Town being commanded by that Castle, before the Marquess of Hert∣ford could come to the relief of it, being then besieged in Sherburn by the Earl of Bedford; Goring,* 11.10 according to agreement, passing for the present over into France.

The Earl of Essex advanceth into Worcestershire, while the Kings Army staid still at Shrewsbury, expecting forces out of South-Wales; to prevent the con∣junction

of whom, Essex sent a party of Horse under the command of Colonel Sands and Colonel Feinnes, betwixt whom and Prince Rupert and the Lord Byron, happened a smart encounter in the lanes neer Worcester City,* 11.11 where at first the Parliament-Army had the better; but Prince Rupert falling in the Rear, forced them to leave their design. Colon••l Sands was mortally wounded, his Major Douglass was killed, with the loss of threescore men; nevertheless Essex hastily advancing, the Royallists quitted Worcester, which thereupon was Gar∣risoned for the Parliament.

While the Earl of Essex staid here about settling the Militia, the King passed directly away from Shrewsbury, (where he had coyned money out of the Plate freely brought him by the Gentry) towards London,* 11.12 having got the start of Essex, who thereupon doubled his haste after him. The King therefore resolved to fight him, and staid at Keynton, whither next morning came the Essexians.

* 11.13On Sunday, Octob. 23. the King in Battalia descended from Edge-hill; whence with a Prospective-glass he viewed the Parliaments Army; and being asked what his Majesty thought of them, he answered: I never saw the Rebels before in a body; I am resolved to fight them: God and good men assist my righteous cause. The King had the advantage both of the ground and Wind, his Army drawn up in very good order; his main Battel of Foot winged on both sides with a number of brave Horse; but those on the right, where Prince Rupert commanded, were the most choice and couragious. The other Wing was led by the Lord Wilmot, Lieutenant-General of the Horse; the Battel by the Earl of Lindsey General of the field, on foot in the head of them, with a half-Pike in his hand. In the whole Army, were very many expert and valiant Commanders: all the distrust was in the Welch Infantry, who at first beginning were somwhat skittish. In this posture the King marched into the Vale adjoyning, called The Vale of Red-Horse, a name sutable to the colour that was that day bestowed on it: which Essex having notice of, he presently drew his Army out of Keynton Town, where he quartered that night, and put it into this order. He himself, as the other General, on foot at the head of his Infantry, which made up one entire body, op∣posed himself to the Kings; on the left Wing stood Col. Ramsey a Scotch man, with five Regiments of Horse; on the other Sir William Balfour, and Sir Phi∣lip Stapleton, who commanded the Generals Life-guard of Horse, that fought stoutly; and behind them, as a Reserve, was placed the Lord Fielding with his Regiment of Horse.

* 11.14Both Armies thus facing one another, the fight began with the exchange of Artillery; which doing no great execution on either side, Prince Rupert fell with fury upon Col. Ramsey, and utterly overthrew him, so that that whole Wing fled with speed towards Keynton. The Foot placed neer to that Wing seeing the rout and slaughter, threw down their Arms, and fled also; of which Colonel Essex's Brigade was the greatest part. The Colonel being thus forsaken, put himself into the battel, and was of great service afterwards that day, till he was shot in the Thigh with a Bullet, of which he soon after dyed. Prince Rupert following the chase to Keynton-Town,* 11.15 fell there on the Waggons Essex had left behind him, and returned not to the Field, (which else had been totally the Kings) until Colonel Hambdens Regiment,* 11.16 and some other Forces which were coming to joyn with Essex, forced him with their Canon out of the Lanes wherein he continued his pursuit. (The Earl of Carnarvan seconding the same mistake, through heat of Courage.) On the other Wing,* 11.17 Sir William Balfour had put my Lord Wilmot to it, and had beat him from his ground; so that the Kings Foot on that side were left naked, and both Front and Flank attaqued by Foot and Horse. The main Battel was here joyned: Balfour breaking in pieces two Regiments of the Kings, had opened the way to the Standard. Here the Earl of Lindsey was mortally wounded, performing the part of 2 valiant man, as well as an expert General; and his Son the Lord Willoughby coming in to his rescue, taken prisoner.* 11.18 Sir Edmond Varney the Standard-bearer was slain under it: But another brisk charge being made upon Balfour, and fresh supplies

coming into that part so distressed;* 11.19 the Standard taken by Essex, and in the hands of one Chambers his Secretary, was rescued by Sir Iohn Smith, whom the King after the battel Knighted, and made him a Banneret for his noble service; and the Parliamentarians were repelled again.

It was neer evening, and both Armies stood at a gaze; Horse being drawn, as in the beginning of the fight, on both sides of the Foot, neither of them at∣tempting any more on either part:* 11.20 the Royalists knew that Essex had received an addition as aforesaid under Hambden, and so were stronger in Foot; the Es∣sexians likewise knew that Prince Ruperts Horse, which were the best, were as good as fresh and untouched, and they had tasted of their Gallantry. In this consultation they stood till night, when the King retreated to the place from whence he descended, the side of Edge-Hill, where with the Prince in his Coach he passed that night, his Army keeping great Fires; and in the morning march∣ed his Foot away, while the Horse stood in Battalia towards Ayno. The Earl of Essex lodged that night on the place where the fight was, and then (not with∣out fear and discouragement) marched to Warwick, leaving the King to pursue his way for London, which was the thing by this fight he attempted to hin∣der.

The Victory is questioned by either part: the King was denyed it, because he left the field, and the dead to the disposal of the enemy, and marched away. That was answered, that it was agreeable to the Kings designe, which was no more than to make his way free for London aforesaid; and expedition was requisite. It is denyed also to the Parliament, for that they lost somewhat more men, and more Standards, and received a confess'd defeat in one part of the Army: But the main was, that they durst not offer to set upon or impede the King in his March the next morning, but go away far enough from him to Coventry, and thereby lost Banbury (wherein was a well-appointed Garrison) to the King; which was a remarkable Trophee of his Conquest.

However, both parties gave God solemn thanks (on days set apart) for their success and victory; the Parliament adding other to their General for his va∣lour and good conduct in that business, and presented him with 5000 l. for a reward of his service.

On both sides were slayn here neer 6000 men, as by the Country it was judged, who had the burial of the dead. On the Kings party were slayn of note, the right Noble and valiant the Lord Aubigney, who died of his wounds at Abingdon, and was buried in Christ-Church Oxford, (Father to the most illu∣strious Charles Duke of Richmond); the Earl of Lindsey, Sir Edmond Varney, as before, and Colonel Monro a Scotch-man. On the Parliaments side, the Lord St. Iohn of Bletso, who dyed also of his wounds; Colonel Essex, and Lieutenant-Colonel Ramsey; all men of singular courage and resolution.

The Earl of Essex next day marched towards Coventry, and the King by Ayno, (where his Army refreshed themselves) to Banbury, which was presently de∣livered to him; and so to Oxford.

The King marching from Oxford, was by the way to London met by Com∣missioners from the Parliament, tendring Propositions, and desiring that during the Treaty the Kings Army should march no neerer this way; to spin time, while Essex could recruit his Army: Wherefore the King advancing from Cole∣brook, came to Brainford, where part of the Parliaments Army, (being the Re∣giments of Colonel Hollis, Hambden, and the Lord Brooks) for a while main∣tained their ground stoutly; but being over-powred, some were driven into the River, and there drowned, and three hundred slayn, among whom was Lieute∣nant-Colonel Quarles, and as many taken prisoners. This brought a general consternation upon the City of London; all shops were shut up, and all the Re∣giments, both Trained Bands and Auxiliaries, were drawn out: So that the Earl of Essex had a most compleat and numerous Army of a sudden. Hereup∣on the King presently marched away, fearing to be encompassed by the Parlia∣mentarians, over Kingston-bridge (which he broke down, to stop the pursuit

Essex made after him) to Reading, and so to Oxford,* 11.21 where he took up his Win∣ter-quarters.

* 11.22The Cities of Winchester and Chichester delivered to the Parliament, Marl∣borough to the King, and the Lord Hopton armed against the Earl of Stamford; several Towns taken for the King in the West, others for the Parliament in the North.

Cyrencester had been Garrisoned by the Parliament-Forces of Glocester, being the mid way betwixt that City and Oxford. Upon this place Prince Rupert had a de∣signe, though his march that way was given out for the regaining of Shudly Ca∣stle, (out of which Colonel Massey had smothered the Royallists with wet hay:) for afte•• he had passed some ten miles beyond Cyrencester, he suddenly re∣turned back, and surprized the Guards, within two hours time became Master of the place, putting the Earl of Stamfords Regiment to the Sword, who made a stout opposition, taking 1100 prisoners, and 8000 arms, and other provisions for War; it being newly made a Magazine. From thence the Prince came be∣fore Glocester, summoned the Town, and departed.

* 11.23The Lord Brook and the Earl of Northampton were in Arms against each other in the Counties of Warwick and Stafford, where several small skirmishes had been between them: At last, in March, the Lord Brook came and besieged Litchfield Close, Garrisoned by the King; and as he was viewing the approaches to it out of a Window in the Tower, a single Bullet from the Close shot him in the head through the eye; of which he fell down dead: nevertheless the siege was continued, and the Close delivered to the Parliamentarians.

His death happened by the shot aforesaid on St. Chads day, in whose memory the Minster from whence he was killed is called by the name of St. Chad, he being the first Bishop of that See.

The Kings Forces under the command of Lieutenant-General the Lord Wil∣mot, assisted with his own Regiment of Horse, that of the Lords Grandisons and Digbies, with Sir William Pennimans and Colonel Blagues Regiment, of Foot, and Colonel Vshers and Colonel Greys of Dragons, took the Town of Marlborough, defended by Colonel Ramsey a Scot, and about five hundred Foot; the said Ramsey, and divers of the chief Rebels brought prisoners to Oxford; all their Arms taken, and four Colours, and the Town Garisoned for the King.

This day paid success to the King also in the North, where the Earl of New-Castle besieged Tadcaster,* 11.24 a place well fortified, and better manned; the strength of the Parliament-Forces being summed up in this Town and Hull. Several Assaults were made most part of that day and evening, wherein several were killed, among whom was Captain Lifter. This resolution so discouraged the defendants, that they Slipt away in the night to Cawood and Selby, leaving the Town in a very tenable condition for his Majesties service.

Leeds stormed by the Lord Fairfax, and a defeat given to the Royalists there∣abouts, and Belvoir-Castle, belonging to the Earl of Rutland, surprized for the King;* 11.25 while neer the same time, Colonel Massey played feats in Glocester-shire, and Salisbury plundered by another party of the Parliaments. Yarum-fight al∣so betwixt Colonel Goring and General King, against some Forces of the Par∣liament, as Colonel Goring was conveying the Arms and Ammunition he brought over with him from Holland, who had the Victory.

About this time happened a Skirmish betwixt Colonel Hambden and Sir Gilbert Gerrard at the Brill, of which Sir Gilbert was Governour: wherein a∣bout a hundred were killed and wounded of the Parliaments side; the rest fled.* 11.26

The Queen having taken Shipping at Scheveling neer the Hague in Holland, on the 22 being met by the Earl of Newcastle, the Marquess of Montros••, and the Lord Ogilby, she landed at Burlington-Bay,* 11.27 where on the 24 came four Ships of the Parliaments, who making several shots of cross-Bars against the house, she was forced to rise out of her Bed, and to get under a Hill to save her life;

and then was honourably conducted through Maltou and Norburton to York, and from thence not long after (to his Majesties great content, who most entirely loved her, as she him) met the King at Edge-Hill.

After General Essex had recruited his Army with new supplies, the first thing he attempted was the siege of Reading;* 11.28 which being manfully defended by Sir Arthur Aston, till he received a wound on his head by the falling of a Brick∣bat; and the relief brought by the King himself from Oxford being worsted at Caversham-bridge, after ten days siege was yielded by Colonel Fielding (then substituted Governour) to the Parliament.

In the North, things went something equaller then before on the Parliaments side: Sir Thomas Fairfax had defeated the Kings Forces under the Marquess of Newcastle at Wakefield, and buoyed up the sinking interest of that Cause. Mon∣mouth likewise was taken by the Parliaments Forces under the command of Sir William Waller; who also took Hereford and other places.

This in sum: more particularly now. Of the West, where the Kings inte∣rest bore the greatest sway, we have hitherto said little: It will be now time to turn that way, and see from what beginnings the War arose in that quarter, where for the most part, its principal events and concerns were placed.

Two Proclamations were about this time published; one from the Earl of Cumberland, the other from the Earl of Newcastle; whereby Ferdinando Lord Fairfax▪ Sir Thomas Fairfax, Sir Matthew Bointon, Sir Edward Loftus, Sir Henry Forbes, Sir Thomas Malleverer, Sir Richard Darby, Sir Christopher Wray, Sir Hen∣ry Anderson,* 11.29 Sir Iohn Savil, Sir Edward Rodes, Sir Hugh Cholmley, Sir Thomas Rennington, Sir Thomas Norcliffe, and others, were declared Traytors; which the Parliament retaliate upon the Earls in like manner.

The menage of the Military matters there, were on the Kings part, as to the remote Counties of Cornwal and Devon shire, (after the Retreat of the Marquess of Hertford, Lieutenant-General of the Western Association, with Sir Lewis Dives out of Sherburn (where they were besieged by the Earl of Bedford, but in vain) in Dorcester-shire) was committed to four eminent persons, viz. the Lord Mohun, Sir Ralph Hopton, Colonel Ashburnham, and Sir Iohn Barkley; by whose joynt Counsels and Forces, levyed by their respective Friends and Inte∣rests, an Army was framed to oppose the Earl of Stamford, then coming down from Glocester, where he first was made Governour, as Lord-Lieutenant joyntly with the Lord Roberts of the same County, to settle the Militia for the Par∣liament; having a Commission therefore, according to that Ordinance; which service was well advanced.

At the approach of this enemy, near Liskard,* 11.30 it was taken into conside∣ration to whom the alone charge and ordering of the Battel should be intru∣sted, for four would breed distraction: whereupon the business of the day was deservedly devolved upon Sir Ralph Hopton, who had been an old Souldier in the Low-Countries; and yet before the War, had been taken for a Puritan, and a Commonwealths-man, against the Prerogative: he was desired by them all, as hitherto they had prevented any such division, by an equal moderation, to take it upon him.

After therefore he had commanded publique prayers in the head of every Squadron,* 11.31 (which was performed) he drew up the Foot in the best Order he could, placing a Forlorn of Musqueteers in the little enclosures, and then wing∣ed them with the Horse and Dragoons he had.

This done,* 11.32 two Minion small Drakes being fetched from the Lord Mohuns house, were planted within random-shot of the enemy, concealed by the Horse from them; which were discharged with such success, that the enemy quickly quitted their ground, and in a rout fled; on which the Royalists did sparing execution. There were taken 1250 prisoners, most of their Colours, all their Canon, Arms and Ammunition; and so the Victor-Army came that night to Liskard.

Salt-Ash was assaulted and forced by Sir Ralph Hopton,* 11.33 where he took ten

pieces of Ordnance, 700 more Prisoners, 400 Arms, and a Ship with 16 pieces of Ordnance.

* 11.34Litchfield was no sooner delivered to the Parliamentarians, but Spencer the valiant Earl of Northampton comes and besieges it again for the King, and summons the Governour Lieutenant-Colonel Russel to deliver it to him: he re∣fuseth; and in the interim Sir Wiliam Brereton and Sir Iohn Gell advance to his relief, with 3000 men and upwards: against these the Earl draws off a Party from the Leaguer, and at Hopton-Heath, on a ground full of Cony∣boroughs, (which afforded ill footing for Horse, of which the Earls Forces chiefly consisted) Charges the Parliamentarians, where at last he obtained a Victory with the price of his life; a dear bargain for the King and his Cause, of which he was a most magnanimous Assertor; he was first unhors'd, whether by the disadvantage of the Ground, or born down by the Enemies, is uncer∣tain: he refused quarter, and was killed by a private unlucky hand. His For∣ces returned afresh to the Siege, where soon after they were seconded by Prince Rupert, who having coasted the Country from his summons of Glocester into Wales,* 11.35 returned back by Litchfield, where he so powerfully carried on the Siege, that the stout Governour was compelled to hearken to his Terms, and surren∣der that place, which continued for the King throughout the War, the price it cost being well worth, and requiring the safe keeping of the Jewel. The rendition was the 16 day of April: I would not disjoyn the story, for the years sake.

* 11.36Colonel Charles Cavendish reduced Grantham to the Kings obedience, taking 350 Prisoners, with Officers and Colours, and then demolished the Fortifica∣tions; the like fortune had the Parliamentarians in recovering Marlborough from the King,* 11.37 which was regained by them; but soon after, as not tenable, was slighted by all parties.

Anno Dom. 1643.

THis year began with the smart actions,* 11.38 as before, of Prince Rupert, who on the third of April entred and Mastered Brimingham Town, the resi∣dence of a famed Lecturer. Some Welchmen were here got together for the Parliament, where they made some little defence; but were soon beaten up to their Barricadoes, which they forsook likewise and fled; betwixt 150 killed and taken,* 11.39 some good Ammunition, but all not worth the life of that stout old Earl of Denbigh, who was here killed in the Service of his Soveraign.

* 11.40Next ensued a revolt of a notable place in the North to the King, as the year before began with a notable revolt of Hull to the Parliament: such another parallax was throughout the War in the Western and Northern Battels; if one had the better in the West, at the same time the other had it in the North. Now Scarborough was delivered to the King by the means of one Captain Brown Bushel, who long afterwards paid for it with his head at Tower-hill.

* 11.41The Lord Fairfax, who commanded in chief for the Parliament in the North, after several Velitations and Skirmishes betwixt him and the Earls of Newcastle and Cumberland, Generals for the King, who had declared this Lord and his Adherents Traytors, was overthrown at Bramham-Moor; and the Parliaments Cause, through this and other losses in those parts, greatly endan∣gered; whereupon the Scots were hastily sollicited to come into the aid of their English brethren, as we shall see at large hereafter.

* 11.42Now the Parliament flew high in their consultations at home; the Grandees working upon the sober part of the Parliament, that the action of the Queen, in bringing over Arms, Money, and other provisions for the assistance of the King, was a dangerous destructive business, wound up the anger of the two Houses to such a pitch, that she was proclaimed Traytor: and at the same time,

down went all the Crosses throughout England;* 11.43 particularly, the third of this moneth, Cheapside-Cross was demolished.

And for the better carrying on of the work of Reformation, Mr. Henry Martin a Member of Parliament enters violently into the Abby-Church at West∣minster, defaces the Ornaments of the Church, and breaking open two doors makes his way to a private place where the Crowns, Scepters, and other Uten∣sils of State used by Kings on their day of Coronation were: but Mr. Wheeler perswaded him to be more moderate, he only secured them by sealing up the Doors.

After this beginning of Reformation,* 11.44 the Parliament took the Solemn League and Covenant at Westminster. It was first framed in Scotland, and was general∣ly taken by them in the Year 1639. The main drift of it was against the Epis∣copal Dignity, and was now, for the mutual indearment of the two Nations (assurance being promised the Parliament from Scotland) pressed upon all in England, where the Parliaments power was Paramount, being taken through∣out London the fifth of this moneth.

The Earl of Essex advanceth from Reading to Tame,* 11.45 where a general sick∣ness seized upon the Army: during their quartering there about, Prince Rupert fell into part of their quarters; but the Essexians taking the Alarm, and drawing out, the business came to a Fight in Chalgrave field, where Colonel Hambden that great stickler against Shipmoney was mortally wounded.* 11.46 It was observable, that in this place the said Colonel Hambden first Listed and Trained his men in the beginning of the War.

The Lord Keeper Littleton having departed with the Great Seal to Oxford,* 11.47 according to the Kings Command, the Parliament voted a new Great Seal to be made.

To cast an eye to the affairs of the West, Sir Ralph Hopton, after his little victory at Liskard, having made sure of the County of Cornwal, and established all things to the advantage of the Kings affairs there▪* 11.48 marched into Devonshire, to oppose the Earl of Stamford and Major-General Chudleigh for the Parliament; with whom on Tuesday, May 16 a Battel happened at Stratton in that Coun∣ty. The Kings Forces had the disadvantage, both in want of Ammunition, and being necessitated to March up a ste••p Hill; open to all oppositions, to come to fight; being in number not above 3000, the sixth part whereof was Horse and Dragoons. The Enemy were above 5000, with the same quantity of Horse, but supplied that defect with the strength of the Hill, on which they were fortified.

The Royalists attempted their ascent four several ways,* 11.49 and were as resolute∣ly beaten down; the fight continuing from five in the morning, till three in the after-noon, without any certainty of event or success on either party. Major General Chudleigh charged stoutly against a stand of Pikes commanded by Sir Bevil Greenvile, to the disordering of his Party, and the overthrowing of his Person; but in time came Sir Iohn Berkley, and restored the fortune of the day, by taking Major-General Chudleigh Prisoner.

Towards the end of the day, the several parties met at the top of the Hill, with great shouts of joy; which the routed Enemy confusedly forsook and fled. There were taken seventeen hundred Prisoners, all their Cannon and Am∣munition, being thirteen brass Pieces of Ordnance, seventy barrels of Pow∣der, with a Magazine of Bisket, and other provisions proportionable. By this opportune Victory, all that Nook of the West was reduced to the Kings entire obedience,* 11.50 except Plymouth; and for which important service, the King pre∣sently honoured Sir Ralph with the Title of Baron Hopton of Stratton, from the place where he atchieved his honour.

The Parliament had appointed first Colonel Thomas Essex,* 11.51 then Colonel Na∣thaniel Fiennes, to be Governour of Bristol, of which in the beginning of the troubles they had possest themselves: and having discovered a Plot of deliver∣ing the City to Prince Rupert, (who accordingly was drawn down near the

place expecting the Signal,* 11.52 which was ringing of a Bell, and opening a gate) surprized and secured the intelligencers, viz. Mr. Robert Yeomans, and Mr. George Bourcher,* 11.53 two of the Citizens; and soon after, notwithstanding the King and his Generals mandates, and threats of retaliation, disloyally executed them in that City.

* 11.54Iames Earl of Northampton defeats a body of Parliamentarians in Middleton Cheiny Town-field, under Colonel Iohn Fiennes, killed 200, took 300 more, with their Arms (while the rest fled to Northampton) and brought them into Banbury his Garison. At this time also Wardour-Castle in Wilt-shire was taken by the Parliaments Forces, and not long after retaken by Sir Francis Dorrington. But enough to be said of such petty places.

* 11.55Sir William Waller was now advanced into the West with a well-furnished Army, to prevent those dangers which the growing Fortunes of the Lord Hopton threatned to the Cause, and the well-affected in those Counties. By force part∣ly, and partly by perswasion, he had screwed himself into a great many Towns, chiefly Taunton and Bridge-water, which he Garisoned: whereup∣on the Lord H••mpton joyning with Prince Maurice and the Marquess of Hart∣ford,* 11.56 advanced East-ward, and at a place called Landsdown met with Sir William drawn up in a place of great advantage with Forlorns. Sir Bevil Green∣vil and Sir Nicolas Slanning advanced first upon them, and some Horse; but Sir William had so lined the Hedges,* 11.57 and the Horse were so galled with Musquet-shot, that they were forced to retreat disorderly towards the Rear of their Foot:* 11.58 when the Cornish-men came on with resolution, and beat them out of their Hedges; and pursued them up an ascent, where they had almost regu∣larly fortified themselves by Hedges, and laid Stone-walls. From hence Waller charged with a body of Horse, and again disordered them; yet they rallied, and received another Repulse▪ in one of which Major Lowre (that comman∣ded part of the Horse) was slain in the Head of them,* 11.59 as also that noble person Sir Bevil Greenvil in the Head of his stand of Pikes, with which he had done signal Service so o••ten; divers Gentlemen of less note falling with him, until in conclusion night drawing on, nay quite spent, for it was one of the clock in the morning, and past, before they gave over, the Battel might be said (or a continued Skirmish it was) to be drawn betwixt them, the Royalists continu∣ing in the Field all ••ight, having possession of the Field, dead, and of 300 Arms, and nine barrels of Powder le••t by the Enemy, which by some accident or treachery was fired,* 11.60 and the Lord Hopton thereby hurt and endangered. Here were slain besides on the Kings part Mr. Leak, son to my Lord Deincourt, now Earl of Scars-dale,* 11.61 Mr. Barker, Lieutenant-Colonel Wall, Capt. Iames, Capt. Cholwel, and Mr. Bostard.

* 11.62That which on the other side seems to say that Sir William Waller had the better of it, is, that within two days after he had cooped up my Lord Hopton in the Devises; this again is imputed to the want of Ammunition, the Royalists be∣ing forced,* 11.63 as they were taught by their expert General, to boyl and beat their Bed-cords to make Match of it.* 11.64 But long they were not surrounded in that untenable place, before Prince Maurice, the Earl of Carnarvan, the Lord Wil∣mot, and Lord Biron, with 1500 choyce Horse, came to their rescue, and pre∣sented themselves on the 13 of the same Month by break of day, to the Ene∣mies Leaguer; and having given a signe to their Friends within, fell with much valour on their Enemies, and routed them on Round-way-down: Which Onset being seconded from the Foot within, proved a total rout to the Enemy, whose Curassiers under Sir Arthur Hazlerig made some resistance;* 11.65 but being once broken, became the ruine of the Infantry, who presently submitted, and had quarter given them. Here were slayn 800, besides what fell in the pursuit, which was continued ten miles an end with great Fury; but then their tired Horses began to lag: And so Sir William and Sir Arthur came first to Bristol, thence to Farnham, and from thence with expedition to London.

There were taken two Thousand Prisoners, four Brass Guns, with their Am∣munition and Baggage, eight and twenty Colours, and nine Corners.

Upon this fortunate day,* 11.66 the Queen with the King from Edge-Hill made her joyful Entry into Oxford; and not long after, the Earl of Lindsey, who was taken Prisoner when his Father was killed at Edge-Hill, was welcomed to the Court there from his restraint.* 11.67

This loss soon reduced Bristol into the Kings hands, being delivered by Colo∣nel Fiennes after three days siege to Prince Rupert;* 11.68 for which surrender he had like to have lost his head.

These successes drew the King into the West,* 11.69 where Dorchester, Portland, Wey∣mouth, and Melcomb, submitted themselves: Bidiford, Appleford and Barnstable, surrendred, and after a little dispute before Exeter, and some Granadoes thrown in, and firing part of the Suburbs, the great Sconce being taken in storm, that City was delivered to Prince Maurice, and Sir Iohn Berkly made Governour.

We must retrospect a little, lest the hurrying of the War carry us from other remarkables. The Marquess of New-Castle a little before, Fryday Iune 30, obtained a victory over the Lord Fairfax at Adderton-Heath, where he rout∣ed the Parliamentarians, gained their five pieces of Cannon, and so amazed them, that they fled to Leeds, which way was precluded and obstructed; then to Bradford, in their flight whither, he took and killed two thousand, while Fairfax hardly escaped to Leeds with the Convoy of one Troop of Horse. The next day the said Earl came before Bradford,* 11.70 which after the Battering of forty great Shot, he took, with two thousand more of the same party the next morning, with all their Arms and Ammunition. Hereupon Hallifax was quit∣ted by the Parliamentarians; and Sir Hugh Cholmley took Beverley.

The Lady Aubigney, Wife to that Noble Lord who dyed of his wounds at Edge-Hill, had brought to London (according to the intelligence and desires of some Citizens of London) from the King a Commission of Array; the designe whereof was, that they should seize into their custody the Kings Chil∣dren, some Members of Parliament,* 11.71 the Lord Mayor, and Committee of the Militia, all the City Outworks and Forts, the Tower of London, and all the Magazines. Then to let in the Kings Army, to surprize the City, to destroy all opposers; and this grounded upon refusal of paying of Taxes imposed without Authority.

The Plot however came to be discovered,* 11.72 and great noise was made about it. The principal men were Mr. Edward Waller a Parliament-man, who with much ado and great friends,* 11.73 came off with the fine of ten thousand pounds. (Some Lords were suspected to favour the business also.) Mr. Tompkins Clerk of the Queens Council, Mr. Chaloner a Linen-Draper, Mr. Hasel, Mr. Blink∣born, Mr. White, and others.

These were all Arraigned before a Council of War at Guild-Hall,* 11.74 where four of the last were sentenced to be hanged; and two of them suffered accord∣ingly, leaving sad and mournful Widows behind them, for their Loyalty and affection to their Soveraign.

The Parliament now set a Fine of twenty thousand pounds upon Judge Berk∣ley,* 11.75 who had been a long time Prisoner for encouraging the designe of Ship-money; he is likewise voted incapable of any Office or Dignity in the Com∣monwealth, and to remain in Prison during pleasure.

By the King it was concluded to set upon Glocester, being the only consi∣derable place that held out for the Parliament in the West, and lay very incon∣venient, hindering the intercourse betwixt Wales and the West-Countries. In order whereunto, his Majesty on the tenth of August came from Oxford in Person before it with a Royal Army, (while it was hardly imaginable where the Parliament could raise another Army) and that done, to march for London: which proved a Fatal mistake to the King; for if he had gone directly for London, there was no opposition in readiness against him, nor any place to stay him.

The King being resolved to gain Glocester, after Prince Rupert had summoned it at a distance, having close begirt it, and being displeased that such a forlorn City should stand out against him, yet desirous to gain it without blood and loss of time, which seemed then precious in his Career of victory, sent in this honourable Summons by two Heraulds.

CHARLES REX.

* 12.1OVt of Our tender compassion to Our City of Glocester, and that it may not receive any prejudice by Our Army, which We can∣not prevent if We be compelled to assault it; We are therefore person∣ally come before it, to require the same; and are graciously pleased to let all the Inhabitants of, and all other persons within that City, as well Souldiers as others, know, that if they shall immediately sub∣mit themselves, and deliver this City to Vs, We are contented freely and absolutely to pardon every one of them without exception; and do assure them on the Word of a King, that they, nor any of them, shall receive the least damage or prejudice by Our Army in their per∣sons and estates, but that We will appoint such a Governour, and a moderate Garrison to reside there, as shall be both for the ease and se∣curity of that City, and the whole Country. But if they shall ne∣glect this offer of Grace and Favour, and compel Vs by the power of Our Army to reduce that place (which by the help of God We shall easily and shortly be able to do) they must thank themselves for all the calamities and miseries which shall befall them. To this Mes∣sage We expect a clear and positive answer, within two hours after the publishing hereof; and by these presents do give leave to any persons safely to repair to, and return from Vs, whom that City shall desire to employ unto Vs in that business. And We do require all the Officers and Souldiers of Our Army quietly to suffer them to pass accordingly.

To this Summons an Answer was returned in Writing, delivered by Major Pudsey, and a Citizen, in these Words.

WE the Inhabitants, Magistrates, Officers, and Souldiers, within this Garrison of Glocester,* 13.1 unto his Majesties gracious Message return this hum∣ble Answer: That we do keep this City according to our Oath and Allegiance, to and for the use of his Majesty, and his Royal Posterity; and do accordingly con∣ceive our selves wholly bound to obey the Commands of his Majesty signified by both Houses of Parliament; and are resolved by Gods help to keep this City accord∣ingly.

This equivocal strange answer the King received without any passion; onely wondered at their confidence, saying before the Messengers that brought the Answer, Waller is extinct, and Essex cannot come. Upon the return of the Messengers,* 13.2 Colonel Massey the Governour set fire on the Suburbs, whither Prince Rupert was advanced, but was driven out by the flame. The same night the Kings Army intrencht on two sides of the City, within Musquet-••hot of the Wall, under shelter of some Houses which the Fire had not catched; which caused the Besieged to sally out upon them, in commanded parties of an hundred and fifty Musqueteers at a time, then greater parties of five hundred; which came off with safety, and did some execution, save the two last, where they received some loss by misguidance; which made them afterwards cautious

how they ventured out, having but a few men in the Town; the vanquishing of any one of those parties, being like to run the City into extream hazard, whose whole strength remained upon the Works day and night, except the re∣serve of a hundred and twenty men at the Main Guard.

The King was loth to spill bloud,* 13.3 and throw away the lives of so many men as the Storming would cost, if he should prevail; and therefore fell to Undermining, and shooting out of Morters and Granadoes into the City; which the City answering, would speedily consume their Magazine, which was at last reduced to three Barrels of powder, by continual shooting of their Cannon into the Leaguer, which did much mischief. And to the Mining, the Governour used Countermines; both parties working with great industry, while the King thought it not honourable to vouchsafe to send them another Summons: And they held out in hopes of a sudden and potent relief; which came soon after, as we now shall relate.

The Parliament was in great perplexity to recruit an Army so much wasted,* 13.4 and therefore since they could not raise a strength abroad; were resolved to make use of the Trained Bands: Those that were well-affected to the Parliament en∣couraged each other to the work; though by wise men the enterprise was des∣paired on. For the General, Essex, was eighty miles off, and his march lay through those Countries which were already harrased by the Enemy.

Sir William Waller,* 13.5 who first had received his Commission about the time of Edge-bill ••ight, and had been defeated as we mentioned before, in regard of his vigilance and experience, though he failed therein, was intended for a Reserve to Essex in this Expedition; but that Ordinance of Parliament for him took no sudden effect, farther than the constituting of him Major-General of Kent, Sur∣rey, Essex, and Hampshire.

On the twenty fourth of August,* 13.6 General Essex Rendevouzed on Hounsloe-heath, whither he was accompanied with most of the Members of the Parlia∣ment, and from thence marched on his way, lodging that night at Colebrook. Upon intelligence of this Armies advance, Prince Rupert with the greatest part of the Kings Horse drew off from Gloucester to oppose their march, that so the Siege might not be interrupted. Several incounters were made by parties before, who mis-judged the whole by the most resolute Troops in the Van, who were spirited with Money, and the Cause, and so reported it; so that the King fearing a powerful enemy from without, and an obstinate enemy within, drew off in the very nick, when he might probably have been possessed of it by delaying his remove.

We will not mention other encounters,* 13.7 than that which happened on the fourth of September, so commonly known by the name of the fight at Stow in the Would. The General sent Colonel Harvey with his Regiment of Horse, and two Regiments of Foot, to advance a little before towards the right-hand, and the City-Regiments upon the left, under the conduct of Lieutenant-General Boyly, Adjutant of the Foot. Prince Rupert having notice thereof, appear'd with about three thousand Horse drawn up on the Hills, facing the Parliaments Forces; and a strong party (which speedily executed their Errand) to enclose those Forces: which being perceived, three Regiments advanced to Colonel Herveys rescue, and thereupon the Kings Forces retreated to their main Body.

Better order was afterwards taken for that small distance from Gloucester by Essex;* 13.8 so that on the fifth of September the General advanced and came to Presbury-hills, where he drew up his whole Army in view of the City of Glou∣cester, and discharged four pieces of great Ordnance, to give them notice of his approach. Soon after which, he saw the Kings quarters on fire; for immedi∣ately he deserted the siege, and marched away all night, hoping to take better advantages than the surrender of the Town would have offorded him; for Essex was concluded to be tired.

The Relief being come, as before is said, the Town was freed, with much re∣joycing both of the Garrison and Army; the City extolling and praysing

the General for his timely and valorous advance, and he extolling their courage and constancy, and highly applauding the Governour for his skilful defence of the City. The Generals Reer-guard stayed on the top of Presbury-hill, by rea∣son of the steepness thereof, darkness of the night, and tempestuousness of the weather;* 13.9 but the General quartered at Cheltenham: though during his March, the Kings Forces skirmished with part of his Army, and divers times beat up his quarters while he staid at Cheltenham, which was two days.

It was hardly thought indeed that ever he could have been able to have effected the business; but providence pleasing to continue our troubles, which either by the taking or letting alone that City would have been at a neer Period, suffered the King to fail in the height of his hopes and expectations.

* 13.10At Glocester solemn thanks were rendered to God for this great deliverance, with all expressions of Joy and Triumph; and notice being sent to London, the like was done there, especially by the Women, whose Husbands were many of them Engaged in that service.

* 13.11The King continued-in his Quarters upon the borders of Wilt-shire, with a resolution to fight Essex in his return; which he must necessarily do, for recruits and refreshments,* 13.12 having suffered many discommodities in the Expedition. He departed with this resolution from Tewksbury, which Garrison and that of Glo∣cester he had provided with necessaries,* 13.13 to Cheltenham, where he had notice that a party of the Kings Forces were quartered at Cyrencester, being the Regiments of Sir Nicholas Crisp, and Colonel Spencer; which at midnight he surprized, and took the Town, where he found forty ••oad of Victuals, which mightily heart∣ned his Army, who had almost been famished.

From Cyrencester in leisurable short Marches, of five Miles a day, he came to Cricklade, and so to Swinden, intending to pass to Hungerford. But when the Van and Body of his Army had marched almost over Auborn-Chase, a Gallant Body of the Kings Horse,* 13.14 consisting of about five thousand, tell upon the Rear of his Army; which being soon disordered, indeavoured to make a Retreat to their Body; but they were pursued too hastily both on Rear and Flank, so that it was done with great loss and confusion. Being come to their Body, they faced the same Horse, who again put them into the like disorder, until some of the Van coming to their assistance, the Kings Horse were repelled; but fresh reserves coming on,* 13.15 stopt the fury of the Parliaments Foot. Two gallant and brave Charges were made, presently one after another, and the Parliamentari∣ans driven again to their main Body; at which time Sir Philip Stapleton, who had the Van for that day (as they changed it for reservation every day) came purposely back and drew up his Regiment to succour them, which caused the Royallists to retire; and so the night parted them. On the Kings party, in those smart charges and encounters, were slain a French Marquess, De Vieu ville, with other Officers of good quality,* 13.16 whose worth appeared highly; on the Parliament side were slain two Captains, Middleton and Hacket: The worst fell upon Colonel Sheffields Regiment of Horse, which was utterly broke, and two Standards taken, and very many men killed.

* 13.17On Thursday the 19 of September, from his quarters at Hungerford, the Earl of Essex marched to Newbery, and upon approach to the Twon, saw the Kings Forces upon an hill, just in opposition to their March; which the General per∣ceiving, himself first advanced to a place neer the Enemy, and thence com∣manded Colonel Barcleys and Colonel Holborns Brigades to charge them:* 13.18 That was done very fiercely,* 13.19 but was as resolutely recharged by Prince Rupert, who never wanted the first and most furious brunts. This place of advantage was contested for hotly by both parties, till both Armies being ready to grapple, the difference of ground was not reckoned on; and the Kings Forces departed to their several Posts.

The Battle being then begun, Sir Philip Stapleton advanced with his Regi∣ment of Horse, and the Generals Life-guard; who being received by the Earl of Carnarvan,* 13.20 he briskly Charged them, and pursuing them to their Foot, was unhappily shot in the head of his Troops.

(A Noble-man certainly of as great spirit and affection for the Kings service as any, and as much deservedly lamented by them; and to whose memory more publike Honours are due, than a private Interment in Iesus Colledge Ox∣ford.)

The Royallists thus desperately Charging, were soon fallen upon the Parlia∣ments Body of Horse; who giving close Fire upon them, put them to the ••out, and made Prince Rupert hastily return to his whole Body of Horse. This gave opportunity for all the Parliaments Horse of the right Wing,* 13.21 in which were the Regiments of the aforesaid Sir Phil. Stapleton, Dolbeir, Ramsey, Harvey, and Good∣win, with the General's, to draw up together; whom the Prince most resolutely again Charged, and that so thoroughly, that some Regiments were so mixed toge∣ther, that they knew not how to disengage themselves. In this confusion ma∣ny were slain on both sides, and the Parliamentarians at last forced to the Lanes end, where in the morning they entred, and where their Foot stood, in very great disorder. Some of the Royalists Troops pursued them into the Lane, but being roundly saluted by the Foot, came back with some loss and danger. In those Charges were wounded Colonel Dalbeir, Commissiary Copley, Captain Hammond, Captain Pym, and Captain Fleetwood. The left Wing of the Par∣liament and the right of the King could not be Engaged but in small parties, by reason of Hedges.

As to the Fight made by the Infantry, 'twas so divided, dispersed and dis∣continued, that a stable fixt account cannot be given of it further than in parcels.* 13.22 The Lord Ruthen a Scotchman, lately made Earl of Brentford, an expert Souldier, was here the Kings General, who warily managed the Bat∣tel: on the other side, under the Earl of Essex, Major-General Skippon com∣manded principally in the Foot-service,* 13.23 which he prudently and couragiously performed; preventing the King, which was Ruthens design, either to seize his Artillery, or to fall on the Rear of his men that fought on the Hill, or gayning that Hill behind him, or their last nights quarter. Very many men were lost in this dispute; the Royalists having seized on some of the Artillery, but were forced to desert it, leaving some of the most daring of their Souldiers behind them. About four a clock in the Afternoon, all the whole Army of Foot was engaged in the Fight; which had proved a great deal more bloody, if night had not drawn on; when the Kings Army, both Horse and Foot, stood in good order on the further side of the Green,* 13.24 intending in the morning to fall on the Parliaments Army afresh. But other Counsels prevailing, as sup∣posing better advantages ought to be made in their March home, they suffered them the next morning to March on; which was very acceptable to men who had endured much hardship, both for want of rest and dyet.

In pursuance therefore of a resolution to fall upon them in the Lanes, next day Colonel Hurry, one of both sides, newly revolted to the King, with a commanded Party of 800 Musqueteers, and a body of Horse, was sent after them; who charging furiously in those narrow passages, put the Rear into an absolute Rout, who were compelled to stop the pursuit, to overthrow their Carriages across the way. Being thus fled to their main body, who were drawn up in Battalia in a Heath, whither they were still hotly followed, they faced about, and gave the Royalists such a welcome, that they stood not to a∣bide it, but made all the haste possibly back again. In this after-Skirmish were slain on both sides near 500 men; and in the main Battel the day before, and in Auburn-chase, betwixt five and six thousand; the greatest loss whereof, if any material difference, fell on the Parliaments side, of which the most con∣siderable were Colonel Tucker,* 13.25 and two Captains, Massey and Hunt: on the King's, the aforesaid Earl of Carnarvan, the Earl of Sunderland, and Lord Viscount Falkland;* 13.26 both which were killed near the Kings person; (which was here very much endangered by shot) and other Colonels and Officers; both Armies with great valour and obstinacy maintaining their ground, especially

the London Trained Bands and Auxiliaries, against whom the Royalists had the greatest spleen, and therefore tasted of their resolution.

This Battel was fought Wednesday the 20 of September, and on Thursday in the evening.* 13.27 The General Essex after that encounter in the Lanes, drew up the Army of Theal, and taking some refreshment there, Marched the next morning, being Friday, with the whole Army to Reading, where he stay∣ed till the Sabbath was past, and caused publique Thanks to be given for his victory.

About this time Sir Nicholas Crispe, Farmer of the Kings Customes, and a Commander for the King by Land, and afterward by Sea, commanding a Regi∣ment of Horse, had the Convoy of the Train of Artillery from Oxford to the S••ege of Glocester; which he brought safely thither, and quartered at a Knights house in Rouslidge near Glocester, where he findes the best part of the house ta∣ken up by Sir Iames Enyon and other Gentlemen of no Command in the Ar∣my. These Gentlemen chanced to miss some of their Horses out of their Pa∣stures, and suspecting the Colonels Souldiers, very rashly demand satisfaction of the Colonel; who refusing to draw forth his Souldiers upon Sir Iames his pleasure, the said Knight departs, and sends a Gentleman to him with a Challenge,* 13.28 the contents of which was, That he should meet him in a certain adjoyning Field with his Sword; which if he did refuse to do, he would Pistol him against the Wall. Sir Nicholas accompanied with only one Friend, within an hour goes to the appointed place, where he findes Sir Iames and the Gentleman that brought the Challenge, and desired to understand of Sir Iames the ground of his quarrel with him; adding, that his Command in the Army might excuse him from fighting; however, he was come with a Christian resolution to give him all reasonable satisfaction for what injury he had done, of which he pro••essed to be ignorant. Sir Iames replied, he expected justice from his Sword; and thereupon drew, Sir Nicholas doing the like: the encounter followed,* 13.29 wherein Sir Iames received an unfortunate thrust about the rim of his belly, and was straightway conveyed to the aforesaid house, and within two days died.

On Munday the 2 of October following, a Council of War sat upon Sir Ni∣cholas: but considering the provocations that were given him in his own quar∣ters,* 13.30 they thought it justice to acquit him from any punishment in that Court, and referred him to the King, who being informed of the occasion of their dif∣ference, Sir Nicholas was admitted to kiss his Majesties hand,* 13.31 and received his Gracious Pardon under the Great Seal.

Pity it were so worthy and learned a Divine as Doctor Featly should be buried in Oblivion,* 13.32 though by the Parliament he was for some years in the Lord Peters House in Aldersgate-street London, for opposing the strict Rules of the Cove∣nant: he was formerly Minister at Lambeth, but his Livings were given away, and his Books bestowed on Mr. White of Dorchester.

From Reading the General was received at London with great Triumph; the Army Marching into the City,* 13.33 and were welcomed, especially the Trained Bands, by their Friends, and met by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen at Temple-bar;* 13.34 and the King departed to take up his Winter-quarters about Oxford.

This Expedition, though not so successful as the Parliament voyced it, yet buoyed them up in their reputation, which was before very low; so that soon after they came to ballance the Kings fortune, which went less, through the Confederation of the Scots, who were then in preparation, according to the agreement and Covenant entred into here, to enter this Kingdom in assist∣ance of the Parliament.

The King sensible of this, and for practising whereof, or at least intelligence with the main Agitators therein,* 13.35 he in Ianuary sent the Marquess Hamilton Prisoner to Pendennis-Castle, who had all along assured him to the contrary. And being daily sollicited by the pressing miseries of his Irish Subjects, who were

not able to subsist longer under them, to procure them some rest and respit from the violence of that Rebellion, as also the better to withdraw his Prote∣stant Army out of that Kingdom to his own assistance here against the Inva∣sion of the Scots, by the Marquess of Ormond, his Lieutenant there, conclu∣ded a Cessation for a year with those Rebels,* 13.36 and then gave order that 3000 of his English Army should be Embarqued; which soon after, in November, landed in Wales, under the Command of Sir Michael Earnely, a Wilt-shire Gentleman, slain in the second Newbery Battel, and Colonel Monk (after, the most renowned General, Duke of Albemarl) which being afterwards divided to make up several broken Regiments, by Prince Rupert, were rendred not so serviceable, by reason of the change of Officers, and parting with their old Comrades, as they might have been, had they continued in a Body to∣gether, being most of them veterane and well-experienced Souldiers.

The greatest part of those Forces besieging Nantwich in Cheshire,* 13.37 were sur∣prized, after a sudden and stout resistance made, by Sir Thomas Fairfax, who was sent thither with all speed to keep them from taking head in those Counties. Among the Prisoners was this Colonel Monk, who was sent up to the Tower of London, where he continued a Prisoner in very hard durance, till the War was near expired; and then took a Commission for Ireland; from which auspi∣cious employment have sprung all his Heroick most glorious Actions towards the King and Kingdom.

But to give a more particular account of the War, which was parcelled out into all the Corners of the Kingdom, we must insert here other actions of the noble Marquess of Newcastle,* 13.38 and those Forces which he sent the Queen upon her advance Southward to Newark. The hot news whereof alarmed the Mem∣bers at Westminster, most of the Northern parts being already reduced for the King, and these considerable places since the Battel at Adderton-Heath (gained chiefly by the valour of Sir Henry Howard, and Sir Savile, who both lost their lives there, and were interred together in York-Minster:) Howly House, Tamworth Castle, Burton upon Trent, and Bradford yeilded to the Marquesses Forces. Hallifax was likewise quitted by the Lord Fairfax,* 13.39 himself with much ado shifting up and down with his broken Party, and suffering Beverly near Hull to fall into the same hands; until the Parliament sent down the Earl of Manchester to oppose this torrent of the Royal success;* 13.40 who rising with his Associated Forces from Lyn, which was yeilded to him September 16 (part of which had toward the end of Iuly, under the Command of Cromwel and Ire∣ton surprized Burleigh House and Stamford, and seized several eminent Gentle∣men of those parts, who were sent Prisoners to a new Goal in Maiden-street, London,) Marched to the assistance of the Lord Willoughby of Parham, then hardly put to it, and who had lately yeilded Gainsborough upon Articles to the said Marquess of Newcastle.

And here I must not omit the death of a most eminent honourable person, upon account of this unfortunate Garrison, while in my Lord Willoug••bies possession. Some of his Forces had surprized the Earl of Kingston,* 13.41 Father to the present Marquess of Dorchester, and brought him hither; whence for better security of his person, which was of great concernment to the Kings affairs thereabout, they resolved to send him to Hull. In the way thither, Colonel Cavendish, brother to the Earl of Devon-shire, with a party pursued the Pin∣nace to a shallow, which she could not pass; and demanded her, and the Earls surrender: which being refused, a Drake was discharged, which un∣happily killed the said Earl, and one of his servants, being placed on purpose on the Deck to deter the Royalists from shooting: whereupon they presently struck Sail and yeilded; but with a just revenge, were all sacrificed to the Ghost of that most Loyal and Noble Peer.

Notice of this party and their design being given to the Garrison, a sufficient number under Colonel White a Lincoln-shire Gentleman were hastned to relieve the Boat, or recover it if taken, who accordingly encountred with the Royalists,

and being too many for them, this right valiant Personage was forced to take the Trent with his Horse, which swam him safe to the other side, but there stuck in the owze and mud; and as soon as the Colonel had got ashore off his Horse-back, the Enemy was come round by Ford, and seeing him desperately wounded, offered him quarter; which he magnanimously refusing, and throw∣ing his Blood he wip't off his Face among them, was killed outright upon the place.

To return: the Earl of Manchester with his Horse approaching these parts, and this particular place, most part of the Earl of Newcastles Army, then quartering thereabouts, advanced to meet him; but the Associate Horse were so well disciplined, and such chosen able men, that after a very sharp and sore conflict near Horn-Castle in Lincoln-shire,* 13.42 the Royalists were forced to flye, ha∣ving sustained a great loss, viz. 30 Colours (the Parliamentarians said 35) ta∣ken, 400 slain, the chief of whom were Sir Ingram Hopton,* 13.43 Sir George Bowls, and Lieutenant-Colonel Markham, with other inferior Officers; 1000 Horse taken, and as many Arms, and 800 Prisoners. After this Victory the Earl of Manchester marched to Lincoln, and beleaguered it round, and summoned it; which the Towns-men slighted: hereupon a storm was resolved on, after a weeks patience, and expectation of a surrender; and on the 20th of October put in execution just at day-break all round the City, which was speedily en∣tred by Manchester's Regiment of Foot,* 13.44 who slew all they found in Arms, and most cruelly plundred the Town, leaving it not worth a farthing. The Minster and Close were surrendred after a little resistance upon quarter onely, and 2500 Arms taken therein;* 13.45 and presently Gainsborough was quitted and deserted by the Royalists, and Sir Iohn Meldrum possest it ••or the Parliament, as not long after my Lord Willoughby of Parham took in Bullingbrook-Castle.

* 13.46These successes in those parts, the Parliamentarians making opposition afresh in York-shire, assisted by the Mancashire-Forces, under Colonel Rigby and Sut∣tleworth, and who had fortified Lanchester and other places in the County (which was generally for the Parliament, as to the vulgar, in hatred of the Roman Ca∣tholick Gentry, with which it abounded) caused the King to send away Sir Lewis Dives and Colonel Hurrey with a party of two or three thousand Horse in∣to Bedford-shire,* 13.47 and so to make an eruption into the Associated Counties, thereby to divert Manchesters further Progress, who was now with Cromwel and Sir Iohn Meldrum set down before Newark, but upon this invasion was presenty recalled; for the danger was judged very great at London, which instantly took an Alarm; and by Essex's order the Hartford-shire-Trained Bands were pre∣sently raised to oppose this unexpected enemy. Sir Lewis came first to Ampt∣hill, thence to Bedford; where he entred, and took Sir Iohn Norris and some other Officers,* 13.48 who would have encouraged the Towns-men to a resistance, but they fared the better for their compliance, whether out of their Loyalty or dis∣cretion, I will not say. Thence this flying party came to Sir Samuel Lukes house, and served that as Sir Lewis was served before in the same County by the Sequestrators;* 13.49 and so proceeded as far as to face Hitching in Hartford-shire; and having soundly frighted those parts, informed of Manchesters re∣turn, they speeded back again to Oxford. The Members at Westminster were so vexed with this incursion, that they voted Sir Lewis Dives a Traytor, for levying War against the Parliament; as they had voted the Judges Sir Robert Heath, Justice Forster, Sir Iohn Banks, and Serjeant Glanvile, who declared and affirm∣ed at Salisbury, in the Circuit, the several Treasons of Essex, Manchester, and other superior Officers of their Army, to be guilty of the same Crime charged upon them; which was the recriminative temper of those times: And those persons that were threatned with the Curse of the Law, were ani∣mated in their Disloyal service by the thanks of the House.

* 13.50There had been a dangerous Insurrection in Iuly this year in Kent, about the heart of that County towards Sevenoke, but quasht by the early prevention of Major-General Brown (just as they were seizing most of the Parliement-af∣fected

Gentry having already Sir Thomas Walsingham a member of the House in custody) who was sent with two London-R••giments to suppress them: A small skirmish or two happened, but not worth notice: for he had no Commission to fight; it sufficed him to keep them from joyning with more of that Malecon∣••ent party, and driving them further towards Canterbury, whence by the care and diligence of the Committees, a party of their own Country-men came and reduced them at Feversham, with some little Execution. Several persons ei∣ther fled or suffered for this R••sing; but the greatest damage fell upon Sir Ed∣ward Hales, who was accused of promoting it; as the like Loyal principle had in the beginning of the War endangered the Estate of Sir Edward Dering, a person formerly very eminent in the House for his defence and assertion of E∣piscopacy.

These tendencies and offers of these Kentish-men towards their duty, in∣vited the King at some of their own instances also to send my Lord Hopton thi∣therward,* 13.51 as he had done Sir Lewis Dives into Bedford-shire, to make a new di∣version; and the Parliament to obviate such proceedings, though in the depth of Winter,* 13.52 dispatcht away both Essex and Waller with recruited Armies to their several charges. Wallers Forces consisted chiefly of Volunteers which lifted themselves in the new Artillery-ground London, where he was greatly be∣loved and favoured, presently after his defeat at Roundway. Essex marched by the way of St. Albans (where Colonel Fiennes the late Governour of Bristol was Condemned and Sentenced by a Council of War for cowardize in deliver∣ing it in Ianuary) and so to Newport-Pagnel,* 13.53 which had first been Garri∣soned by Prince Rupert, and was of great convenience and accommodation to the intelligence and commerce (besides hindrance,* 13.54 dividing and distracting of the enemy) between London and Oxford, the chief Garrison for the King, but now presen••ly abandoned upon his approach;* 13.55 and so to Tositer and North∣ampton; Waller to Farnham and those parts, to attend the motion of the Lord H••pton, who had faced Petworth, and entred Midhurst, and at last was clapt down before Aundel-castle, the extremest parts of Sussex; whose shore before we leave,* 13.56 we must conjoyn a short account of the Isle of Iersey, which by Sir Peter Osburn was now delivered to Sir Iohn Pennington, still Vice-Admiral for the King in the narrow Seas; in exchange of which good fortune, the Garri∣son of Pool had received a very great success, in an Expedition into the Coun∣try, and the Earl of Warwick had joyned at Warcham with Col. Earl upon a designe against C••rf-castle, but that succeeded not.

Monsieur le Prince de Harcourt came hither a while before,* 13.57 as Ambassador Ex∣traordinary, to offer the French Kings interposition and arbitrement of the dif∣ferences between King and Parliament; and was convoyed and splendidly re∣ceived at Oxford; but his Coach and Pacquet searched as he passed the London-Fortifications; which he highly complained of to the Parliament, who to evade his Peace-making errand, would not own him as an Ambassador Extraordi∣nary. He was followed upon the same account to Oxford, whence he went and came twice, with a Duch Ambassador; but all to no purpose: For the Parlia∣ment had now two fresh Armies asoot raised by the City, and a third (the Scots) now upon their march, though a little before they earnestly be••ought an Accommodation.

It is time here to remember other memorable things which happened a little before;* 13.58 the first was that of the two Hothams, Sir Iohn and his Son; these persons eminent (more especially the Father) for adherence to the Parlia∣ment, having first of all men denied the King admittance into his Towns and Magazines, by putting themselves into Hull, and keeping it by vertue of a pow∣er from the Lords and Commons, now either touched in conscience for the un∣lawfulness and the undutifulness of that action, or else not so highly regarded and considered, as that important and leading piece of service might justly challenge from the Parliament, the Queen being also newly arrived in those parts, who probably might have dealt with Sir Iohn in the matter, he began to falter

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

from that firmness he had professed for the Parliament, which being guessed at by some strict observers of him, he not being reserved enough in a thing of that consequence, a party was made against him in his own Garrison; and he too late endeavouring to have secured Hull for the King, was in the bustle knockt down in the streets, secured with his Son,* 13.59 and both sent up prisoners to the Tower, whence not long after they were brought to tryal and execution. At the same time also returned Sir Hugh Cholmly, a Member likewise of the House of Commons, and who had secured Scarborough for them, which (as before) was afterwards put into the Kings hands by Brown Bushel.

The other thing remarkable was the death of Mr. Iohn Pym, the great stickler against the King and his Prerogative,* 13.60 the Speech-maker of the House of Commons, that could wiredraw money with every word he uttered to the City. He died when the Kingdom was in a flame, which he had chiefly blown up, not likely to be extinguished. Nothing is reported of his end cer∣tainly; and though there was a fable of his body being full of Lice, sure we may be, it was full of worms afterward; and let judgment be left to God, whether he engaged in the Times and Quarrel, out of a misguided or a reclaim∣ing Conscience.

* 13.61Insert we here also, as matters of State, not War, that upon the carry∣ing the Great Seal to Oxford by the Lord Keeper Littleton, a new great Seal was made by the Parliament, which the King declared to be treasonable; and soon after sent a Messenger to London, one Daniel Kniveton, to forbid the hold∣ing of the Term by any colour of the said Seal; and did therewith adjourn the said Term: but the Parliament were so far from giving heed to that Message of the Kings, which was according to his duty delivered to the Judges in West∣minster hall by the said Kniveton,* 13.62 that by a Council of War held at Essex-House they sentenced him to be hanged for a Spy; which was accordingly executed upon him at the old Exchange, London, on 27 November. Add we also, that in February the King convened the Members of both Houses who had deserted them at Westminster, as a Parliament in Oxford.* 13.63 They met in the Schools accor∣dingly, and proceeded to several Consultations; but within a year totally dis∣appeared.

To conclude this year with Military affairs; in Ianuary the Scotch Forces ac∣cording to compact entred England with a well-accomplisht Army,* 13.64 and in February cross'd Tine. And to sum up the rendition of places on both sides, take this account: Scarborough, Brimingham, Litchfield, Howley-house, Burton up∣on Trent, Bradford, Hallifax, Bristol, Gainsborough, Dorchester, Portland, Weymouth, Melcomb, Beverly, Bidiford, Appleford, Barnstable, Exeter, Dart∣mouth, Howarden-Castle, Arundel-Castle, taken by the Lord Hopton; Beeston-Castle, Lapley-House, Crew-House, Hopton-Castle, Warder-Castle, regained; Stur∣ton-Castle, and Newark relieved for the King,* 13.65 where Prince Rupert gained a compleat victory against Sir Iohn Meldrum, who commanded there with 7000 men against the Town; The Parliamentarians were beaten from their entrench∣ments, into a House called the Spittle, or Exeter-House, where they came to a surrender upon capitulation, leaving their Arms, and Bag and Bagage behind them, and a thousand men slain on their side; Reading, Wardour-Castle, Mon∣mouth, Taunton, and Bridge-Water, Tamworth-Castle, Burley-House, Glocester relieved, Lyn yeilded to the Earl of Manchester, Grafton-House, and Arundel-House taken by Sir William Waller again, being again recruited with a fresh Army, and a new Commission given him to be a Major-General of the four Coun∣ties of Kent, Surry, Sussex, and Hamp-shire; which leads this Chronicle next to some remarkable actions of his (which were much in expectation) in the ensuing year.

Anno Dom. 1644.

SIr William Waller, after his reducement of Arundel-Castle, Marched to find out the Lord Hopton,* 13.66 to cry quits with him for his defeat at Roundway-Down. Both Armies were near one another a good space: for his Lordship hovered about Winchester, and those parts; and at Brandon-Heath near Alsford, was drawn up (having a little before in his intended March to the relief of Arundel beaten Colonel Norton into Chichester, who endeavoured to impede him) and stood ready to receive Sir William, who had taken the advantage of a Hill, from which the Royalists with fury beat him, and drove him to another; where under the shelter of some Bushes and Trees, he so galled the Kings Horse,* 13.67 that they were forced in some disorder to retreat to their Foot. There was a hollow betwixt both bodies, which each endeavouring to gain, many men found it for their Graves on both sides. The Lord Hopton therefore seeing the slaughter that was made,* 13.68 and likely to continue upon his men, timely drew off his Artillery and Cannon towards Winchester, and then whee∣ling about, Marched for Basing, and so presently to Oxford. In this fight was killed on the Kings part, that valiant person Iohn Lord Stuart second Bro∣ther to the Duke of Richmond,* 13.69 who dyed at Abbington of his wounds; as also Sir Iohn Smith, Colonel Sandys, Colonel Scot, and Colonel Manning, father to that person who betrayed the King to Cromwel while he resided at Colen, in the designe of Colonel Penruddock; for which he was shot to death in the Duke of Newburghs Country; with divers Persons of Quality wounded, among whom was Sir Edward Stowel, Eldest Son to Sir Iohn; and Sir Henry, after Lord Bard; besides private Souldiers above 1400. Of the Parliaments side, few men of note were killed, about 900 common Souldiers; Colonel Dolbeir wounded, and Colonel Tompsons Leg shot off by a Cannon-bullet.

About this time the Dutch Ambassadors came to Oxford again,* 13.70 endeavouring to mediate between the King and Parliament, but returned re infecta; from whence the King also was designing to march, being newly come thither from Reading, which he slighted. Sir Charles Blunt,* 13.71 a couragious Gentleman on the Kings side, was slain about this time. Great and extraordinary preparati∣ons were now made for this Campagnia, which I shall next relate.

Essex and Waller,* 13.72 (who had followed the Lord Hopton to Basing, and there shewed a mind of Besieging the house) now joyned their Armies together, a∣mounting to a very great strength, with intention to set upon the King at Ox∣ford; wherefore the Queen was sent away with a sufficient Convoy to Exeter:* 13.73 In the mean time Essex plunders Abbington,* 13.74 and makes a Garrison of it soon after.

In this place, (which afterwards proved a Thom to the Kings foot, not being able but in great Parties to stir out of Oxford) Essex left Colonel Brown,* 13.75 and constituted him Governour thereof. This famous Person, as his actions all along after declared, especially his latter, in his Industrious Loyal endeavours for the Restitution of his Majesty, was no inconsiderable part of the War, having been designed by the Parliament to the suppression of the Kentish-Com∣motions, and then as an assistant to Sir William Waller at the taking in of Win∣chester and Chichester, was afterwards, when the War was ended, and the King brought to Holmby, made one of the Commissioners to attend his Majesty; where he was so gained upon by his Princely Goodness and Vertues, that from that time he was wholly changed,* 13.76 and reduced from all false Opinions concerning his Majesty, and afterwards proved a most Cordial and Loyal actor and sufferer for him and his Cause.

To return: the King in the mean while marched with his Army from Ox∣ford to Worcester; which caused the two Parliament-Generals to divide their forces again: Waller was to go after the King, as they termed it, A King-catching,

while Essex marched with another gallant Army into the West, which was totally fallen from the Parliament. The King had but few Forces about him, by reason that Prince Rupert was sent with the greatest part of the Army to the relief of York,* 13.77 then Besieged by the joynt-power of three Armies, the Scots, Manchester's, and Fairfax's. In his way he Storms Bolton, and takes it: but of that by and by.

The King having Traversed his ground, came back again from Worcester; and Sir William Waller from out of the Skirts of Glocester-shire, was ready at his heels: Insomuch that he overtook him neer Banbury,* 13.78 at a place called Cro∣predy-bridge. Waller drew up in Battalia on a Hill, expecting the advantage of the Kings passing the Bridge: which the King adventuring to do,* 13.79 Waller de∣scends from his Post, and falls upon the Kings Rear beyond the Bridge, where he was so gallantly received by the Earls of Cleaveland and Northampton, that he was quite Routed, Six hundred killed, and Seven hundred taken Prisoners, his Train of Artillery, and many of the Officers; so that Sir William was for∣ced to flie, and have recourse to London for another recruit.

It was therefore resolved, upon this defeat of Waller, that the King should immediately follow the Earl of Essex, who was advanced so far, that the Queen, who was delivered of the Princess Henrietta at Exeter the sixteenth of Iune,* 13.80 in the Month of Iuly was fain to be gone from thence for fear of a Siege (lea∣ving the young Lady to the tuition of the Countess of Dalkeith) to France, where she landed on the 25th at Brest in Britany. At the beginning of August, the King had overtaken the said Earl at Lestithiel;* 13.81 his Forces in so ill a condi∣tion through their long march, and their want of necessaries, which the Coun∣try-people kept from them, that it was concluded an easie thing to conquer them: The King therefore resolved to coop them up, and keep all manner of Provision from them. After two or three days leaguer in this manner, the Parliament-horse broke through the Kings Army by night; the General, and the Lord Roberts, at whose instance this Expedition was undertaken, got by boat from Foy to Plymouth; and the Foot being destitute, and deserted by the Horse, under the command of Major-General Skippon, came to a Capitulation; by which it was agreed, they should render their Arms, Ammunition, Artillery, and Stores, into the hands of the King, and have liberty (as many as would) to pass home; they engaging never more to bear Arms against the King. So that by this defeat the Parliament were quite undone in the West, as to present appearance.

* 13.82The Marquess of Newcastle had been besieged above nine weeks in York, by the joynt Forces of the Earl of Manchester, the Lord Fairfax, and the Scotch Army under Lesly; for the relief whereof, Prince Rupert was sent; who passed through Shrop-shire, and thence through Lancashire, increasing his Forces by the way from the several Garrisons and Parties thereabouts. In his way he raised the Siege of Latham-house, where the Countess of Derby had stoutly defended her self for a long time:* 13.83 He moreover took Stopford, Leverpool, and Bolton; the last whereof refusing his Summons, and being in no condition to withstand his power, he deservedly (having mastered it by a Storm the third time) pil∣laged, using the right of Arms to those who had provoked him by their impo∣tent obstinacy. Besides, it was noted for a Town of Sectaries, and such-like people.

On Sunday the last day of Iune, the Prince came to Knaresborough, fourteen miles from York; the next morning over Burrough-Bridge, and that night by the River to York;* 13.84 upon whose approach the besiegers quit their quarters, and those in York pursued their Rear, and seized some Provisions: the next morning, Iuly the second, the Prince advanced after them, resolving to give them Battel: which resolution was opposed by the Marquess of Newcastle, as one who well knew the several concerns of the three confederate parties, among whom there had passed some Jarrings in their Councels for Command.

But the Prince was determined to put an end to the Scotch danger, (which

onely retarded the Kings entire success) by a present fight; and though he be much blamed for it, yet it seems and appears he had the Kings express com∣mand to fight that Army with all convenient speed and advantage. According∣ly it was his intention to fight them that morning, or at least by noon; march∣ing in view of them on the plain called Marston-Moor:* 13.85 But it proved seven at night before both Armies Engaged. The Parliamentarians had taken the ad∣vantage of a Corn-hill, on the South-side of Marston-Moor, four miles from York;* 13.86 so that the Prince accepted of what fighting ground they had left him. His Army was divided into Wings, whereof the Marquess of Newcastle com∣manded one, the Prince the main Battel; though he charged in the left Wing, where was General Goring, Sir Charles Lucas, and Major-General Porter, Son to Mr. Endymion Porter of the Bed-Chamber.

Being thus resolved, and drawn in Battalia, ready to charge and begin the Encounter, it was resolved upon the signal, that the Princes left Wing should commence the Battel; whither some new Reserves were brought to enforce and assist them.

The right Wing of the Parliamentarians Horse,* 13.87 which consisted of the L. Fair-fax's Troops in the Van, and of the Scotch Cavalry in the Rear, (against which the Prince had a more peculiar indignation) was at the first Onset of the Kings left Wing of Horse, (commanded as aforesaid) put to Total rout; the Royalists following them in the pursuit so far, (as it was their unhappy custom) that thereby they became the overthrow of their own Army. The Scots some of them ran ten miles an end, and a wey bit, crying out Quarter, with other lamentable Expressions of Fear.

During this Slaughter and Conquest in that part of the Field,* 13.88 the Victory stood dubious on the other, where the Earl of Manchester's Horse were on the Left Wing of their Army. These were Raised out of the Associated Counties of Bedford, Cambridge, Suffolk, Buckingham, &c. commonly called the Eastern Associates; and both for Arms, Men, and Horses, the compleatest Regiments in England: They were more absolutely at the command of Colonel Cromwel,* 13.89 then Lieutenant-General to Manchester; an indefatigable Souldier, and of great courage and conduct: of whose ••••••ions we should have spoken before, and have mentioned how he first secured those Counties for the Parliament, purging, that is to say, extinguishing the University; suppressing several endeavours for the King namely, taking Sir Thomas Barker,* 13.90 Sir Io. Pettus, and Capt. (since, Sir Thomas) Allen, Admiral of the Seas, and other the prime Gentlemen of Suffolk, Prison∣ers at Lowestoft in Suffolk, as they were met at a Rendezvous there, to pro∣mote the Commission of Array; as he did Sir Henry Connisby at Saint Albans soon after; having reclaimed himself from the open vanities of Youth, and taken up the secret Vices of Old men; so that certainly a stranger change was never wrought in any man; each Vice skipping over its medium of vertue, (which he touched not at all) becoming the contrary extream; his youthful Debauche∣ries proving in his Old Age all manner of Atheistical Prophaness, as Perjury, Hypocrisie, Cruelty; in a word, what not? so that indeed they had no more parallel, than his as strange Fortunes.

He was born April the 25th in Saint Iohns Parish,* 13.91 in the Town of Hunting∣don, and was Christened in that Church the 29th of the same month, Anno Dom. 1599. where Sir Oliver Cromwel his Uncle gave him his name, being received into the Bosom of the Church by her Rites and Ceremonies; both which he afterwards rent and tore, and ungraciously and impiously annulled and renoun∣ced. That I may use my own words in his Life and Death lately printed, and transcribe a Paragraph or more which are of use here, for the information and satisfaction of Posterity.

That year 1599, was the last of that wonderful Century, and did just pre∣cede the famous and celebrated Union of the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland under King Iames; as if it were congenial to Crowns, as to other lesser accessions of Felicity in private persons, to have at the same instant a tem∣perament

and allay to their Lustre and Greatness; th•••• ••s Fortunes right hand presented a Scepter, so her left hand was ready with a Scourge to wreak her Envy and fury upon the glory and Grandeur of that renowned Succession to, and accrument of Dominion. The subtilties, Arts and Policies of his that Goddess, un∣der the name of Providence, potently and irresistibly conspiring with his, as close Treasons and dissembled Treacheries, to the ruine and overthrow of this Church and Kingdom, singly and insensibly accomplished by the mean and unobserved hand of this bold and perjurious Politique.

Every thing hath its Good and Evil Angel to attend it; and that grand and happy Revolution was to be afflicted and persecuted by this Fury, to an almost dissolution of its well-composed and established frame.

* 13.92He was descended of a very ancient Knightly Family of his name, in the County of Huntington, where for many Ages they have had a large and plen∣tiful Patrimony: it will suffice therefore to deduce him from no further Origi∣nals then Sir Henry Cromwel his Grandfather, a Gentleman highly honoured and beloved both in Court and Country; who had issue Sir Oliver his eldest Son, Henry, Robert and Richard, and Sir Philip the youngest (whose Son, upon sus∣picion of Poysoning his Master, was accused thereupon, convicted and hanged, some thirty five years ago.) This our Oliver was Son of Mr. Robert Cromwel, the third Son of Sir Henry, a Gentleman who went no less in esteem and reputation, that any of his Ancestors, for his personal worth, until his unfortunate production of this his Son and Heir,* 13.93 whom he had by his wife Elizabeth Steward, the Niece of Sir Robert Steward, a Gentleman of a competent for∣tune in this County, but of such a maligne effect on the course of this his Ne∣phews life, that if all the Lands he gave him (as some were Fenny ground) had been irrecoverably lost, it might have past for a good providence, and a happy prevention of those Ruines he caused in the three Kingdoms.

For that estate continued him here, after his debauchery had wasted and con∣sumed his own Patrimony; and diverted him from a resolution of going into New-England, the Harbour of Nonconformists; which design, upon his sudden and miraculous conversion, first to a civil and Religious deportment, and thence to a sowre Puritanism, he straightway abandoned: by the former Repentance, he gained the good will and affection of the Orthodox Clergy,* 13.94 who by their perswasions, and charitable insinuations, wrought him into Sir Robert Steward's favour, insomuch that he declared him his Heir to an Estate of four or five hun∣dred pounds a year: by his second change to Non-conformity, and Scrupulous Sanctity, he gained the estimation and favour of the Faction;* 13.95 some of the Heads whereof, viz. Mr. Hambden, and Master Goodwin, procured him the Match with a Kinswoman of theirs, Mistris Elizabeth Bowcher, the Daughter of Sir Iames Bowcher; and afterwards got him chosen a Burgess for Cambridge, by their interest in that Town, which was totally infected with Puritanism and Zelotry: and this was his first projection and design of ambition, besides that it priviledged him from Arrests, his Estate being sunk again, and not to be repair∣ed but by the General Ruine.

I have the rather insisted upon him here, because this is the place from whence he began to appear in that eminence which shewed him to the people as a most able Champion of the Parliaments cause, and from whence it is thought he first derived those ambitious thoughts which after Ruined three King∣doms.

To give him his due, the Honour of this Field was mainly, if not solely as∣cribable to his courage; for with his Regiment of Curassiers he broke through all that withstood him,* 13.96 Defeating all the Northern Horse under the Marquess of Newcastle; at which time the main bodies joyned, animated and incoura∣ged by his success.

Being thus over-powred both in Front and Flank, the Royallists began to flie, and Cromwel being impatient of any longer demur to his victory, which he had so fairly bid for, omitted not to prosecute the same. In this unhappy juncture,

the Princes right Wing returned to the field; but all was grown so desperate, and in such confusion and disorder, that it was impossible to Ralley them; and the fearful execution that was made among them, had quite taken away the hearing of any Command, or obedience to Discipline.

There was yet standing two Regiments of the Lord New-castle's,* 13.97 one called by the name of his Lambs; these being veterane Souldiers, and accustomed to fight, stood their Ground, and the fury of that impression of Cromwel, which Routed the whole Army besides; nor did the danger nor the slaughter round them, make them cast away their Arms or their courage; but seeing them∣selves destitute of their friends, and surrounded by their enemies, they cast them∣selves into a Ring, where though quarter was offered them, they gallantly refu∣sed it,* 13.98 and so manfully behaved themselves, that they flew more of the enemie in this particular fight, than they had killed of them before. At last they were cut down, not by the Sword, but showers of bullets, after a long and stout resistance, leaving their enemies a sorrowful victory, both in respect of them∣selves whom they would have spared, as in regard of the loss of the bravest men on their own side, who fell in assaulting them. A very inconsiderable number of them were preserved, to be the living monuments of that Brigades Loyalty and valour.

The Prince after this defeat fled to Thursk,* 13.99 and so through Lancashire and Shropshire the way he came: (Night ended the pursuit: for it was eleven a clock before the fight ceased,* 13.100 else more blood had been shed) and the Parliaments Ge∣nerals to the siege at York, from whence they rose to give the Prince battel. Here were slain to the number of 8000 and upwards in the field and flight; which at certain was divided equally between both Armies: For what slaugh∣ter was made by the Prince upon the Scots and Fairfax,* 13.101 was requited by Crom∣wel on the left Wing as aforesaid, and the fight was furious and bloody there. It must needs be a great carnivage; for a month after the Battel, though the slain bodies were put into pits and covered, there was such a stench thereabouts, that it almost poisoned them that passed over the Moor; and at Kendal, a place near adjacent, the Bell for six weeks together never ceased tolling for the inha∣bitants who were poysoned and infected with the smell.

The Marquess of Newcastle,* 13.102 and the Lords and Colonels of his party who complyed not with the Prince in the resolution of fighting, (his men having been so long cooped up in York, and in no present condition for battel) took ship∣ping at Newcastle, and passed over to Hamburgh; among whom was the Lord Widdrington, General King, Sir William Vavasor, killed afterwards in the Swedes service at Copenhagen, and many others; which proved the utter loss of the North to the King.

Here were slain of persons of quality a good number,* 13.103 such as Knights and Squires, and the like; particularly on the Kings side, the Lord Cary Eldest son to the Earl of Monmouth, and Sir Thomas Metham; on the Parliament-side, the Lord Diddup a Scotch Lord,* 13.104 remarkable by this, that when it was told the King at Oxford, that such a Lord was slain on the Parliaments side, he answer∣ed, that he had forgot there was such a Lord in Scotland. To which one reply∣ed, That his Majesty might well do so, for the Lord had forgot he had such a King in England.

The Victor Army being come again before York,* 13.105 summoned the City again: they had used before their utmost indeavours, by Mines and Assaults, (in one whereof they lost near one thousand men, and were beaten off) to have entred; to which the Governour returned answer, that he was no whit dismayed with their present success; yet nevertheless on equal Conditions he would come to a Treaty and Surrender; which in nineteen days after the battel was concluded on. The main Articles were:

That the Garrison should march out according to the honourable custome of War: That the Garison the Parliament put in should consist two parts of three of the Coun∣ty of York: That the Citizens should be indempnified, as well those absent as pre∣sent,

and have the benefit of those Articles: That the Cathedral and Churches should receive no prejudice, &c. According to which agreement, the Governour and Garison departed the 23 day of Iuly; but the Articles were most of them basely infringed and violated, by plundering the people that departed out of York to Skipton, whither by Articles they were to be convoyed.

* 13.106New Levies were at this time ordered to be made by the Parliament, amoun∣ting to twelve thousand Horse and Foot in the Southern parts of England, and as many more were by their directions to their Commissioners in Scotland in∣tended to be raised there, for a supply and reinforcement of that Army then in England; and like sums of money proportioned thereunto; the Scots crying Give, give, while the Citizens of London paid for all: (upon whom this year an odd kind of Tax was laid for the setting out of Sir William Wallers Army, as was unpractised ever in any War,* 13.107 that every Citizen should pay as much every Tuesday, as his expences for a meal for his family usually amounted to.)

* 13.108During the Kings absence in the West, and the Princes in the North, Sir William Waller had recruited himself, and joyned with the forces of Colonel Norton, and Colonel Morley, who had drawn down before Basing, a house of the Marquess of Winchesters, garrisoned by him, and kept for the King; which being distressed for want of Ammunition and provision, was close laid to by the enemy. Many brave Salleys were made, and a multitude of men they slew;* 13.109 so that it was afterwards called Basting-house. Waller was resolved not to rise, cost what it would: at length relief was put into it, under the conduct of Colonel Gage, and Colonel Sir George Buncley, who with a party of 800 Horse, each having a Sack of Meal behind him, resolutely passed through the Leaguer to the House; and having unladen themselves, as valiantly return∣ed back safe again to Oxford.* 13.110 Nevertheless they persisted in the enterprize, till after Newbery-fight, the King marching that way, the Forces left to block it up rose and departed without it.

* 13.111Dennington-Castle neer Newbery was Garrisoned by the King; wherefore Colo∣nel Middleton Lieutenant-General to Sir William Waller, came and sate down before it with the broken remains of Cropredy, amounting to three thousand Horse and Foot; he presently made his Approaches, and seized a Barn from the besieged, and then sent in his Summons; which for the honour of Sir Iohn Boys the Governour, who did the King Knight-service then and afterwards, (as by and by will appear) in that place, are here inserted.

For the Governour of Dennington-Castle.

* 14.1SIR, I demand you to render me Dennington-Castle for the use of the King and Parliament: if you please to entertain a present Treaty, you shall have ho∣nourable terms. My desire to spare-blood, makes me propose this. I desire your Answer.

John Middleton.

For Lieutenant-General Middleton.

* 15.1SIR, I am entrusted by his Majesties express command, and have not lear∣ned yet to obey any other than my Soveraign. To spare blood, do as you please; but my self, and those that are with me, are fully resolved freely to venture ours in maintaining what we are here intrusted with; which is the Answer of

John Boys.

* 15.2Middleton perceived words would not do, and therefore advanced with Foot and Scaling-ladders in three places; the fight lasting six hours, in which he lost one hundred men, a Colonel, a Major, and other Officers, leaving them to

the disposal of the Governour; and broke up his siege, and departed Westward to Essex; and by the way was met with by Sir Francis Dorrington, and Sir Wil∣liam Courtney,* 15.3 who had laid an Ambuscado for him in a Lane five miles long, beyond Bridgewater, where being pelted with their Shot from the Hedges, he faced about in some disorder, and fell upon the two Knights, who routed his Party, killed some, and took many Prisoners. Retreating thence as unable now to effect his business, which was to second Essex in the West, he fell upon a Par∣ty of the Kings Horse neer Sherburn in Dorsetshire, which he totally routed, and with this different strange success speeded for London.

Colonel Horton comes next to Dennington, and Summons it again, as Adjutant-General to Major-General Brown;* 15.4 and to as little purpose, being answered with scorn: this so incensed him, that with a furious Battery from the foot of the Hill, on that side next Newbery, which lasted twelve days, every day spending eighty shot, he at last beat down their Towers, with a part of the Wall; and being increased with three Regiments more from the Earl of Manchester,* 15.5 he in another Summons acquaints the Governour of his strength; but all in vain: at last came the Earl himself, who removed the Battery on the other side, and proceeded by Mines also;* 15.6 but the Garrison sallying out, sent them out of their Trenches, killed a Lieutenant-Colonel, and other Officers; which made the Besiegers slacken in their heat. They continued nevertheless Battering two days after, and then seeing it bootless to lye there longer, rose from the Siege; the Earl to Reading, Windsor-Forces to Newbery, and Horton to Abingdon.

About this time, the Reformation of the Church in defacing of its Paintings,* 15.7 breaking Glass-windows, pulling down Communion-Tables, and the like, was almost brought to pass in London; the last Church left, was his Majesties Chappel at White-hall, which by the order of Sir Robert Harloe,* 15.8 the Parliaments Com∣missioner in that Irreligious business, was likewise visited in the same rude man∣ner, and several Sculptures and Paintings, as guilty of Superstition, indeed of other mens Avarice and The••ving, were pur••oyn'd and sold.

The King had sent a Message for Peace,* 15.9 soon after his success at Lestithiel, as he had done before from Evesham. This last Message from Tavestock in Devon∣shire coming to the notice of Somersetshire and Wiltshire Inhabitants, they pro∣fessed their Concurrence with the King, and that they would petition the Parlia∣ment to comply with the King, and end those differences. From this root sprung afterwards that Association of the Club-men (after the Fatal business at Naseby) in the Western Counties.* 15.10

Next to Dennington-Siege, remarkable was that of Banbury,* 15.11 where Col. Iohn Fiennes commanded for the Parliament, and where he used Batterings, Mines, and Stormings against the Castle, wherein Sir William Compton was Governour for the King; whom he summoned twice, and at last had answer, that the Gover∣nour wondred he would send again. Then Granadoes were used, which made a breach, & gave them encouragement to Storm it again; which was begun on the 23 of September: But they were Repulsed with great loss, yet nevertheless they continued their Granadoes and Battery,* 15.12 till the Earl of Northampton was come from the Rendezvous neer Newbery, and had joyned with the Forces under Colo∣nel Gage, newly made Governour of Oxford. Upon the approach of the said Earl, the Parliamentarians Retreated to the West-side of the Town towards Hanwel, while the Foot in some disorder drew out of the Town, following their Horse; having sent away their Baggage and Artillery the night before. The Earl followed them, while Sir Henry Gage relieved Banbury. The Enemy be∣ing briskly Charged, made away in haste, and dispersed themselves several ways, by Cropredy and Compton. The Earl of Brainford and Colonel Web were here wounded, as also Lieutenant-Colonel Smith and Captain Bo••eler slain. The Ene∣my lost many men, a field-Piece, eight Waggons of Ammunition, and six barrels of Powder, four Cornets, and some Horse. Thus was this Siege Raised,* 15.13 which had continued from the nineteenth of Iuly, to the five and twentieth of October.

While these things were acting hereabouts, when there was little motion in any parts else of the Kingdom, at least not considerable, another design was laid upon Glocester, by the united Forces of Worcester-shire and Hereford, while Massey was abroad on parties; who having notice thereof, having got an addition of three hundred and fifty men from T••wksbury, to enable him to fight with Colonel Myn,* 15.14 a gallant expert Commander, followed after him to his quarters at Elderfield. By break of day both parties engaged; Massey bea∣ting the Royalists from their Ambuscadoes, put their Horse to flight, and so fell upon the Van of their Foot, routed their whole body, killed and wounded several of them, and took many Prisoners. The Noble Colonel Myn, who commanded a Regiment of English which he brought with him out of Ireland, was killed here fighting and bringing up his men, and keeping them from the rout, with neer two hundred more slain, and the like number taken Priso∣ners. This defeat happened by reason the two County-forces aforesaid were not joyned, who came just in the close of the fight, and killed some of Masseys men who followed the pursuit; but he himself, with his ••ooty and Prisoners, got safe to Glocester,* 15.15 where he very honourably interred the body of the aforesaid Colonel Myn.

Some attempts, designs, and skirmishes about passes upon the Severn, whereabout Prince Rupert was quartered, after his de••eat at Marston moor, hap∣ned every day:* 15.16 such being the fortune of war, that the Prince, who had bid battel but the other day to thirty thousand men, now pidled and trifled with a Brigade or two, to seek the advantage of a private and commodious march, being dogged but with a Squadron or two of Horse at A••t Ferry, where betwixt some of his forces and Colonel Massey a b••••k••ring fell out, wherein Massey prevailed,* 15.17 but to no great loss or concernment.

While Colonel Massey was thus every day upon parties marching up and down, one Kirle, who for a while before had intelligence with him about the delivery of Monmouth,* 15.18 being Lieutenant-Colonel to Holtby the Governour, took the advantage of his approach to effect it: for Massey having shewed him∣self thereabouts, gave out that the enemy being plundering about Bristol, he was constrained to depart: whereupon Kirle is sent out with a Troop of Horse to pursue his rear: him and his party Massey takes, secures his men all but a Coronet, who gave the Allarm to Monmouth, where Kirle suddenly coming with a hundred Horse of Masseys, commands the Gates to be opened to let him in speedily (as he said) with his Prisoners; which after some dis∣pute being done, and the Draw-bridge let down, he entred, and presently decla∣red hin••••••••; Mastering the Guards, and making good the bridge, till a body of Horse and Foot close behind came on and entred the Town. The Gover∣nour escaped over the dry Graft, leaving this place (the key of South-Wales) thus in the enemies hands;* 15.19 but it was regained from them soon after by as good Conduct, as it was lost by base Treachery.

Several other encounters and velitations there were in those parts, wherein Massey's activity and vigilance manifested it self;* 15.20 but because they were of no great moment, it will be to as little purpose to relate them. Come we now to that which is most material and remarkable.

Hitherto the King seemed to have fortune equal, if not favourable and incli∣nable to him, saving in that unfortunate business of Marston-Moor. Now the Cause came to be disputed. The King in his march out of the West, sent part of his Army on several services; his reduced enemy still marching before him towards London, as far as Basing, where they had Arms put again into their hands, and r••c••••i••s from all parts thereabouts sent them. Neer that House they gathered into one body, but attempted not the place. Here joyned the Earls of Essex, Manchester and Sir William Waller, with some trayned Regiments of London.

The King came to Kingsclear, Essex to Aldermarston, and thence privately over the water to Padworth, and so to Bucklebury-Heath, and thence to Newberry,

where the King was.* 15.21 On Sunday-morning, about a thousand of the Earl of Manchesters forces, and London Trained bands, came down the hill very early, and undiscerned passed over the Kennet, and advanced upon some few of the Kings Foot,* 15.22 and over-powred them, till they were seconded by Sir Bernard Astley, who drove the enemy back again over the River, and the Reserves that were passed to assist them, altogether in the same rout. Essex his design was to surround the King toward Spr••; to which purpose, about three a clock in the afternoon, four thousand of their Horse and Dragoons, and a stand of five hun∣dred Pikes, and some Cannon, appeared on the West-side of Newberry beyond the King;* 15.23 where the Cornish Foot and the Duke of Yorks Regiment comman∣ded by Sir William St. Leger, with five field-Pieces, and a Brigade of Prince Mau∣rice's Horse, charged home, but were repulsed, and so over-powered with num∣ber, that they were forced to forsake their ground and their five Field-pieces, which the enemy seized, and maintained. Essex's Horse also were too hard for the Kings, whom they discomfited, and then with a part of them and some Musqueteers fell upon the Kings Life-guards,* 15.24 and Sir Humphry Bennets Bri∣gade; they also over-powered Major Leg, who was sent with a party of Horse to their reserve; and made Colonel Bennet to bear off in some disorder: but be∣ing seconded by the Lord Bernard Stuart, who fell upon the enemies Flanks, they routed them, killing in the conflict a Captain and several private Souldiers. On the Kings side Captain Cathlin was slain, and Captain Walgrave woun∣ded.

On the East-side of Newberry the Parliaments forces were not less successful; against whom General Goring and the old Earl of Cleaveland opposed them∣selves, with the said Earls brigade, which consisted of the Regiments of Colonel Thornhill, Colonel Hamilton, Colonel Culpepper, and Colonel Stuart. In this dispute the Kings forces had the better, killing Major Hurry, Colonel Hurry's Kinsman; but fresh supplies coming in, the Earl was forced to recede, and was at last taken Prisoner, and the Kings person very neer the same condi∣tion.

Let us cast a view now into the bloodiest parts of the field, on the North-East of Newbery, where Manchester and the London Trained bands ••ought against the Lord Ashley and Sir George Lisle, who had secured one Mr. Dolmans house, as a place of some advantage,* 15.25 having Colonel Thelwel for his Reserve: Man∣chesters Horse and Foot descending the Hill with the aforesaid Trained bands, advanced hastily upon those Foot of Sir Georges, and worsted them; but Sir Iohn Brown, with Prince Charles his Regiment, coming in time, gave a stop to their fury, diverting some part of their Horse, to the relief of their Foot; which he fell upon, and so retreated: when the Reserve under Thelwel made good his beginnings; and Colonel Lisle animating his own Regiment by his example, by pulling off his doublet, brought them three several times to the Charge, and maugre all the force and fury of the enemy, could not be beaten from his ground, which he quitted not before command. Several times here it came to the butt-end, with very great resolution on both sides; which ceas∣ed not while they had any light to see what they did;* 15.26 In the Covert of night the King drew all his Artillery, Ammunition, and Waggons, under the walls of Dennington-Castle, and marched away to Wallingford (though his Rear staid that night in the place till almost morning) and so to Oxford.

This was a most fierce and bloody Battel, though of short continuance, but of four hours, from four a clock in the afternoon till eight at night; wherein the Parliamentarians strove to revenge their disgraceful defeat at Lestithiel▪ and the Royalists to redeem their loss at Marston-Moor: but it was observed, that none fought so eagerly as those Souldiers who took the engagement never to bear Arms against the King, at their rendition in Cornwal; so that the King was well rewarded for his lenity▪ and sparing of blood, which was at this place plenteously drawn from his own Army: Of which, of men of note, were slain fewer than in any Battel whatsoever; there being reckoned but three;

Colonel Sir William St. Leger,* 15.27 Lieutenant-Colonel Topping, and Lieutenant-Colonel Leak: There were wounded Sir Iohn Greenvile, the General the Earl of Brainford in the head, and Sir Richard Campfield, Colonel of the Queens Regiment of Horse; of Common Souldiers a greater quantity than of the Par∣liaments, neer three thousand: But of their side not any person of note above a Captain,* 15.28 and some five and twenty hundred killed. The Earl of Essex had indubitably the honour, as he had the pillage of the Field, on which he lay all that night; and having buried the Dead, marched to Besiege Demington-castle, where the Kings Artillery was secured by the care of the aforesaid Colonel Boys,* 15.29 who intended not to part with them at any Rates, though encompassed with so great and powerful an Army, which after three several Summons, three several days together assaulted it.

The King having marched his Army through Oxford on the thirtieth of the same month, on the sixth of October Rendezvouzed them on Burlington-Green, within a Mile Eastward of Oxford; and so marched by Dorchester to Walling∣ford, and forward for the relief of Dennington-castle,* 15.30 which yet stifly defended it self: Upon his approach, and some resolute attempts upon their out-Guards over-night, which passed with sundry Skirmishes, the Enemy drew off next day, and departed, although they were two for one.

* 15.31Hereabout, and in this matter, appears the first dissatisfaction of the Par∣liament, as to the good management of their Arms; the Earl of Essex being now suspected as careless or discontent: And therefore they fell to debate con∣cerning the Army in the House. For Colonel Norton had writ a Letter to them, that he had received a Warrant from a chief Commander in the Army to withdraw from Basing; which was a thing to him unexpected, but yet he obeyed: and besides, the commands of the Committee of both Kingdoms to the Army were lately much neglected▪ and complained of. This debate flew so high, as it came to this question: How chance the Parliament-forces permitted the Enemy to relieve Dennington-castle, when they were two for one? and why the Town of Newbery was quitted before the Enemy was marched away? as the pretence of not fighting was, because they would not quit Newbery.

It seems it was first resolved by the Council of State, that Essex his Forces should not quit Newbery, or draw out into the Field, lest the King should take it for Winter-quarters; but when the King should retreat from the relief of Dennington, to fall upon his Rear: But no such matter was prosecuted; for the King possest himself of that Town, as a good covert and quarter for his Army, while the Parliaments Forces lay in the open Fields, who being by the Kings ap∣proach to them at Hungerford, and one thousand Horse sent under the same Co∣lonel Gage from thence, hastily dislodged also from the Siege of Basing, (where Manchester and his whole Army had shewed themselves onely) departed to their Winter-quarters in Reading, Henly, Abington, and Farnham; and the King's to Basing, Odiam, Newbery, Blewbury and Marlborough.

Whilst they thus are lodged in their quarters, there will be respite to look upon the Counsels and debates of the Parliament, and the consultations of the King, and the debates likewise in his Court and Parliament at Oxford.

* 15.32And first, the Earl of Manchester made his relation concerning the manage∣ment of the business at Dennington-castle of great length in Writing, which was in the nature of a Charge against his Lieutenant-General Cromwel, who had fought so Fortunately for the Parliament: He thereupon made answer to seve∣ral particulars therein mentioned, and pleaded first, point of Priviledge, because of the transmitting of that business from the Lords, before any Charge was brought into the House of Commons. This private Quarrel was presently qua∣shed, but the Publike disgusts were not so soon laid.

For the Independent Faction began now to appear, and to be powerful in the House of Commons; so that a suspicion was raised and somented by them, that the Earl of Essex was more Royal than the Parliament ever intended, when they gave him his Commission. Upon this pretence, and after several discourses,

it came at last to a debate,* 15.33 wherein it was resolved to new model their Army, and so by degrees to quit themselves of their General, and to bethink of a new one, that should not be of that dangerous greatness and honour, who might not well be disputed with; but to chuse one of a middle Estate betwixt the Peers and the People; and so to be at last rid of all the Lords: which afterwards they brought to pass.

To this end they began with a subtle Order,* 15.34 That no Member of either House shall during this War, enjoy and execute any Office or Command military or civil, which hath been granted or conferred on any Member of either House, or by any Au∣thority derived from either House. The Reasons published for this Order, were these fine ones. That all Commissions to Parliament-men being void, the new modeling the Army may be carried on with the less exception, when all are concern∣ed alike; That Military differences among the great Commanders being Parliament-men which might retard the work, will hereby cease; Those that shall be new ele∣cted Officers being of lesser quality and sooner subject to question and punishment, and the Army also maintained at a lesser charge.

Forty days were limited from this Order, by which all such Commissions and Commands were in the Army declared void; with a resolution nevertheless expressed, to pay off their Arrears; which was meanly performed, and at the same rate that the Earl of Essex had the Ten thousand pounds a year assigned him (for the good service he had done the State) out of the Lands of the Lord Capel (whose Heirs now have his Honour) and other Delinquents, pun∣ctually paid him.

This Ordinance for new modelling the Army met notwithstanding with great opposition;* 15.35 and as much (after it was received into the House) of alte∣ration: The Lords being instructed to soresee the evil consequences; nor would they plenarily consent, before the old trick of Petitions from City and Country compelled them to pass it. The Title whereof was, An Ordinance for the raising and maintaining of Forces for the defence of the Kingdom,* 15.36 under the comand of Sir Thomas Fairfax.

He thereupon is sent for, and privately comes out of the North; and on the nineteenth of February, was brought by four Members into the House of Commons, where a Chair was set, and he desired to sit therein; the Speaker telling him of the great confidence and trust the Kingdom had put upon him in the Command of this Army (from a sence of his Valour and Fidelity) for the defence of the Laws and Religion.

While this Army was a modelling, many disorders happened, which retarded their settlement: it was to consist of fourteen thousand Foot, and seven thou∣sand Horse and Dragoons effective; so that the Spring was well advanced, before they were in any readiness.* 15.37 Therefore the Scots Army was intreated to advance South-ward with all speed, to assist the Parliament in the mean time.

It is to be noted,* 15.38 that the first contrivance of Addresses was from Oliver Crom∣wel, who having by this Model (and by a Salvo to him from the injunction of the Ordinance) the Regiment of Colonel Leg, (which had been in some mut∣tering and discontent against the Parliament) conferred on him, did, as soon as he had Mustered them, present a Paper to them, wherein they professed their future adherence to the Parliament in all duty and affection, as to the utmost ha∣zard of their lives: which Precedent and leading Case was followed throughout the Army, and since throughout the Times.

The Scots (we said before) were sent for to march more Southward,* 15.39 having left all things secure behind them, save Carlisle, which was then Besieged; for Newcastle they had taken, of which we must speak a little. They had layn a long while for many months a close and desperate Siege to it, where several Sallies and Skirmishes had happened, it proving one of the hardest resolutest

Sieges in the Kingdom; all sorts of policy, of peace and war, by Treaty, by Mines, by Assaults, having been frequently used, but to little purpose; the Inha∣bitants resolving never, if possible, to fall into the Scots hands.

But on Saturday the nineteenth of October, all the Scotch Army furiously set upon the Town: and having weakened the defences thereof, both as to the Fortifications and the Garrison, having made three breaches by their Battery and Mines, after a tedious Storm they at last mastered it. Sir Iohn Morley and Sir Nicolas Cole, and Sir George Baker, got to the Castle, where being forced by necessity, they came to a Capitulation, which in Articles concluded a surren∣der on the twenty seventh of the same month. The town being taken by assault, was plundered sufficiently over and over again;* 15.40 and thanks was given solemn∣ly at London,* 15.41 for the giving of Newcastle up to their Brethren of Scotland. And very great reason they had to do so; for the poorer sort of people had been almost starved for the last two years, for want of fuel; Coles having risen to the price of four pound a Chaldron, never heard of before in London, as to the half of it.

Sir Iohn Hotham and his son had been prisoners in the Tower of London since Iuly 1643. Now upon the new Model, several of the old strains were heard, as every Change began with Outcryes: the noyse was justice now against Delinquents; the Sword had glutted it self almost with blood, now the Ax was to tast some of it: but because of order, it is fit to put Sir Alexander Carew in the forlorn of those men,* 15.42 who on the three and twentieth of December was be∣headed on Tower-Hill, being condemned by a Council of War held at Guild-hall, for endeavouring to betray Plymouth-Fort, where he was Commander, to the King. This unfortunate person, of whom something strange as to the busi∣ness of the Earl of Strafford hath been said before, was brother to the more mise∣rable Iohn Carew, one of the Judges of his late Majesty.

On the twenty seventh of December Sir Iohn Hotham received sentence in like manner, for his endeavour to betray Hull to the King, and for holding and main∣taining correspondence and intelligence with the Marquess of Newcastle and others: the Earl of Manchester, and other great persons, sitting in the Hustings Court at Guild-hall as Judges. He would have evaded the Charge▪ but he could not throughly do it, and so mainly insisted on the great service he had done before at Hull, when he might have expected great honour and preferment. He also produced some witnesses of quality, on purpose to take off the testimo∣ny of the Examinants against him; but they were not received for suffici∣ent.

* 15.43His Excecution should have been on the thirty first of December upon Tower-hill, where the multitude was assembled, the Scaffold, his Co••fin and Executio∣ner was in readiness; but as he was on his way thither, a Reprieve came from the Lords for four days longer; which the Commons so stomacked, that conceiving their Priviledge hereby invaded, they ordered he should dye on the second of Ianuary; which was accordingly performed, (his son suffered the day before for the same offence; and both of them) dying with great reluctan∣cy, and reflecting upon the Parliament; being assisted in this sad business with no better comforter than Hugh Peters.* 15.44 In their grave we leave them, with that most excellent memorial of them in the Kings book, than which nothing can be more truely or pathetically said of them; give me leave, for an example to posterity, to transcribe a Paragraph.

* 16.1Nor did a solitary vengeance serve the turn; the cutting off one head in a family is not enough to expiate the affront done to the head of the Common-weal; the eldest son must be involved in the punishment, as he was infected with the sin of his father, against the father of his Country; Root and Branch, God cuts off in one day.

That which makes me more pitie him, is, that after he began to have some inclinations towards a repentance for his sin, and repara∣tion of his duty to me, he should be so unhappie as to fall into the hands of their Iustice, and not my Mercie, who could as willingly have forgiven him, as he could have asked that favour of me.

Poor Gentleman! he is now become a notable Monument of un∣prosperous Disloyaltie; teaching the world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle, that the rude carriage of a Subject carries always its own Vengeance as an unseparable shadow with it; and those oft prove the most fatal and implacable Executioners of it, who were the first em∣ployers in the service. Less than this could not be afforded to this most notable passage of the times, whose ill beginning with this man brought him to this ill and unfortunate end.

The Assembly of Divines Convocated by the Parliament had sate a good while in consultation of Church-Government;* 16.2 and though they were forward enough to subvert what they sound standing, yet by the interposition of more moderate and learned Divines, who happened to be chosen among the rest, such as Dr. Featly, (whom at last the Parliament stifled in restraint) and Dr. (after Bishop) Gauden, and others, that speed was retarded: but upon this request of the Parliament to the Scots for their speedy advance, in exchange of mutual kindness, they demanded the speedy settlement of the Presbyterian Government, and that the Orders and Ceremonies of the Church of England might not be used, in the interim, in any of the Churches of the places where they should happen to quarter. Presently upon the receipt of this Letter, the Assembly was ordered to bring in their Model of Church-Government; and those Re∣solves were urged afterwards by many hundred Petitions,* 16.3 and the Covenant prest to be universally taken. Towards the end of this month, they had licked up the form of their Directory, but could not agree about the receiving of the Sacrament; which dispute was then committed.

Hereupon the Parliament proc••eded, and voted the abolishing of the Com∣mon-Prayer-Book;* 16.4 which gave some satisfaction to the Scots, yet not fully contended them: they had in the beginning of our Troubles openly named the Archbishop of Canterbury, and prosecuted him as an Enemy to their Country, as the great Incendiary of the broyls between both Nations, and did not desist while they had him safe in the Tower; now they would have his life also as a gratification of their assistance: His head must be danced off, like St. Iohn Baptist's, at the Musick of their Bag-pipes. This they publikely demanded; so that an Ordinance (for the Parliament durst not venture his Tryal at the Common-Law, as was thought by some, because of the clause of that Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford, that his Case should be no precedent; and they knew the Judges (though they might pack a Jury that should) would never venture to condemn him: And his tryal by Peers they vouchsafed not, as alike dangerous) passed the House of Commons, whereby he was de∣clared guilty; and that sent up to the Lords for their concurrence, who bogled at it,* 16.5 as a very ill precedent; so that it stuck for a while, until Sir David Hawkins with his veterane Troops of Justice-cryers came, bawled at the Lords House for speedy Execution of Delinquents: And then a new Expedient was set on foot for the better dispatch, that the Lords should come and sit in the House of Commons as to this business, and make one work of it; which some of them unworthily did: an ill Omen or Presage, what that degenerateness would come to, when after some of the same persons sate there as Commoners.

By this trick, after several brave Defences made at the Bar of the Lords House, where with might and main his Enemies prosecuted his Innocence, he was condemned; (the main Argument against him being used by Serjeant

Wild, That he was so guilty an offender, that he wondred the people did not pull him in pieces as he came to and fro to his tryal,) and on the tenth of Ianuary brought to Tower-hill, from a most sound and sweet repose that night, till awakened by Pennington the Lieutenant of the Tower,* 16.6 to go to his Execu∣tion, whereat he was no whit dismayed, his colour being as fresh in his Face as ever it was in his life; which continued to his last minute. At his death he made a Funeral-sermon for himself, which was in lieu of a Speech, where this is (as he hinted it) to be observed,* 16.7 that though other Arch-bishops had lost their lives in this manner, yet not the same way: He being the first En∣glish-man that ever was condemned by an Ordinance of Parliament.

His body was decently interred in Alhallows Barkin, London, according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England,* 16.8 of which he had been the chief Defender and Assertor; leaving Sir Iohn Robinson his Nephew, (since Lieu∣tenant of the Tower) to inherit the remains of his Estate, and the rewards of his great Services and Munificences to this Church and Kingdom.

Abington had been made a Garrison ever since the Earl of Essex marched into Cornwal; and became so troublesome a neighbour to Oxford, and the Country adjacent, by the continual excursions of the Horse, which were never less than a Regiment, that Colonel Sir Henry Gage (to prevent this perpetual annoyance,* 16.9 no man daring to travail upon any of the Roads towards Oxford with provi∣sions or other business, more especially hindering the intercourse betwixt Oxford and Wallingford) resolved to build a Fort at Culham-bridge, within a mile of Abington, on the London-road, to repress the boldness of those parties, who were constantly out thereabouts upon designes. In the attempt thereof, and to obstruct so dangerous an obstacle to their Eruption, the Abingdon-forces under Colonel Brown Sally out, Engage, and maintain a short fight with the Royalists, with little hopes of prevailing, till an Unfortunate shot wounded Colonel Gage in the head, of which he dyed as soon as he came to Oxford; and so that project was laid aside.

The King had so closely prosecuted his intentions for Peace, that it being in the depth of Winter, both Armies in their quarters, and the two Factions of Presbytery and Independency jealous of one another, the modelling of the Army requiring also some gain and advantage of time; a Treaty, so often pro∣posed by the King, was now admitted to be managed at Vxbridge,* 16.10 by Commis∣sioners on both sides.

The Kings Commissioners were as Follow:

• * 16.11Duke of Richmond and Lenox,
• Marquess of Hertford,
• Earl of Southampton,
• Earl of Kingston,
• Earl of Chichester,
• Lord Capel,
• Lord Seymore,
• Lord Hatton,
• Lord Culpeper,
• Sir Edward Nicholas,
• Sir Edward Hide, after∣wards Lord Chancel∣lor.
• Sir Richard Lane,
• Sir Thomas Gardiner,
• Sir Orlando Bridgeman,
• Mr. Iohn Ashburnham,
• Mr. Ieffery Palmer,
• Dr. Stuart, and
• Dr. Hammond, Divines.

The Parliaments Commissioners were,

• Earl of Northumberland,
• * 16.12Earl of Pembroke,
• Earl of Salisbury,
• Earl of Denbigh,
• Lord Wenman,
• Mr. Denzil Hollis,
• Mr. William Pierpoint,
• Sir Henry Vane, Jun.
• Mr. Crew,
• Mr. Whitlock,
• Mr. Prideaux,
• Mr. Vines a Minister.

The Scotch Commissioners.

• * 16.13Lord London,
• Sir Charles Erskin,
• Mr. Dundas,
• Mr. Brackley,
• Mr. Alexander Hender∣son, Minister.

The main things first to be treated of,* 16.14 were, first Religion; second, Militia, third, Ireland. For Religion, the King would not alter Government by Bishops, but would give way to some amendments in the Liturgie upon advice. For the Militia, he would consent some Forts and Garrisons should remain in the Parliaments hands pro tempore,* 16.15 for security of the agreement; the King hav∣ing the nomination of half the Commissioners. For Ireland, the King would not abrogate the Cessation, until he were sure the Rebellion here were at an end; having, to avoid that popular demand, and to prevent any insisting upon that point, given Order to the Marquess of Ormond to conclude a Peace, but however to continue the Cessation for a year; for which he should promise the Irish,* 16.16 if he could have it no cheaper, to joyn with them against the Scots and Inchiqueen: for by that time, the King said he hoped his condition would be such, as the Irish should be glad to accept of less, or he enabled to grant more.

The Parliament on the contrary side, insisted, as to Religion, upon the ta∣king away of the Kings Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, his Donations and Temporal∣ties of Bishopricks, his First-fruits and Tenths of Bishops, Deans, Deans and Chapters; not offering to constitute the least dependance of the Clergy upon the King, to the Presbyterian mode; compensating him with Bishops Lands, in lieu of all those; which of themselves, if dissov'd, belong unto the Crown. For Ireland, the King should annul the Cessation, and leave the management of that Kingdome to the Scots. And for the Militia, that it should be mana∣ged altogether by such Commissioners as they should appoint; so that the King should not have the least power of his own to assist his Neighbours and Allies, or defend himself at home.

They had also so obstructed any hopes of a conclusion, by limiting the time of the Treaty to twenty days, and trying up the Commissioners with such limi∣tations, that the good effect thereof was despaired at the entrance into it. Much perswasion was used by the Kings side, to the Parliaments Commissio∣ners, that they would gain longer time, and that the Treaty might be revived; but all to no purpose. And to this matter, notable is that of one Mr. Love,* 16.17 who by some private means or other was admitted to Preach before the said Commissioners there; where he said, It was as possible for Heaven and Hell, as the King and Parliament to agree; strange words to be uttered in such a juncture, and in such a place, and before such an Assembly! but the end of that man shewed him the folly and wickedness of that expression. So after two and twenty dayes Conference, the Treaty ended in vain.* 16.18 The Kings Commissioners complained of this Love; but answer was made, he was none of their train, but the Parliament should be informed of him, who would do justice upon him; but the business was husht.

In the interim, the Lord Macguire,* 16.19 and one Colonel Mac Mahon, who were, as was said before, seized in Dublin the night of the breaking forth of the Rebellion in Ireland, and had been Prisoners in the Tower ever since, and some while before broke out from thence, and wading over the Moat escaped away, being found in Drury-Lane London, at a private house, were brought to the Kings-Bench-Bar, (though Macguire pleaded his Priviledge of Peerage, and insisted peremptorily on it, while over-ruled by the Court and Parliament together) and there after a Tryal, both sentenced for their Treason, to be hang'd, drawn and quartered; which they underwent with a great deal of stoutness, and their way of Piety; clearing the King from any privity to that Rebellion.

Shrewsbury,* 16.20 a most important and strong Garrison for the King, was by some treachery not yet brought to light, betrayed just at the conclusion of the Treaty aforesaid to Major General Mitton for the Parliament: It seems the Parliament rather tampered under-hand, than dealt fair above-board, and openly, during the time thereof. For this good service, the said Major-Ge∣neral Mitton, being a Member of the House of Commons, at his coming thither,

had the thanks of the same given him by Mr. Speaker.* 16.21 Abundance of Per∣sons of Quality were surprized in this place, as thinking it one of the securest Retreats in these parts; the List of whom I find after this sort: Eight Knights and Baronets, forty Colonels, Majors, and Captains; 200 private Souldiers; some few slain.* 16.22 About this time also Scarborough and Weymouth were taken for the Parliament, and Plymouth-Siege for a while raised, and a day of Thanksgiving therefore set apart.

Sir Marmaduke Langdale, an eminent man for the King in the North, was sent from Oxford to relieve Ponfract-Castle in York-shire, Besieged by the Forces of the Lord Fairfax: This Expedition he so prudently and valiantly underwent, that in his way thither he routed Colonel Rossiter, who opposed him at Melton-Mowbray, and passed forward; and with resolution, though twice inferiour in number, so charged the Besiegers, that after a sharp conflict he beat them from the Siege, and having relieved the Castle, departed back again to the assistance of the King, then threatned with a fresh and potent Army from London.

For the Earls of Essex, Manchester and Denbigh had resigned their Commis∣sions in the House of Peers,* 16.23 few of their Officers also continuing in their ser∣vice; for whom the General Essex in a Speech, when he laid down his said Com∣mission, desired that the Parliament would take care of their Debentures: which they abundantly promised, but performed thinly, leaving them the un∣satisfied name of Reformado's. Their General himself having lost the op∣portunity of Blessing the Kingdom with a Peace when it lay in his power, to which he was courted by the King a while before at Lestithiel, seeing how the Pulse of the times beat, and what Counsels were likely to prevail, withdrew himself in a Discontent to Eltham-House in Kent, where not long after he de∣ceased, as in due time shall be declared.

At that same time that Shrewsbury was thus surprised, the Kings Forces had a Success,* 16.24 for the handsomness, though not for the consequence of it, very No∣table. The Kings Forces had Garrisoned a repayred Castle at the Devises, and Colonel Devereux had a Garrison at Roudon-House between Malmsbury and that; which therefore for its inconvenience was Besieged. Colonel Stephens of Glocester-shire came to its Relief with 200 Horse, and as many Foot from Malms∣bury, and forced his passage with provision into the House. While he stayed to take further order for the security of the place, the Royalists surround the House again, cast up a Work where he entred, and keep him in; and Sir Iacob Ashley comes to second the Siege with 3000 men. Massey understanding this, did what he could to draw off Sir Iacob, by facing Cyrencester, and sending a Party of Horse from Glocester, which were to joyn with a like number from Malmsbury again; but all in vain: the besieged were compelled at last to render themselves upon very hard terms and conditions.

About this time there was a kind of Faction in the Kings Court at Oxford, and some altercations betwixt the parties concerning the Kings Council;* 16.25 so that some Lords, Savil, Percy, and Andover, were confined; and the Parliament, that this, the Members of the same Houses at Westminster who adhered to the King, who by the Kings Order were the year before convened at Oxford, were for some Reasons and Discontents arisen about the Army,* 16.26 Adjourned till the 10 of October. But that Parliament signified nothing.

The House of Commons Voted, that in their new Generals Commission, the words,* 16.27 For preservation of his Majesties Person, should be left out; and accord∣ingly they were so. And so ended the year 1644. the last of the Kings Feli∣city.

Anno Dom. 1645.

WE will begin this year, though we post-date the time, that we may recite all the exploits in Scotland,* 16.28 together with the actions of the renowned and ever-glorious Marquess of Montross, appointed Governour of that Kingdom. The year before, he came into Scotland, attended onely by two, Mr. William Rollock, and Mr. Sibbalds, in whose company he came at last to his Cousin Mr. Patrick Graham in the Sheriffdom of Perth, with whom he staid a while disguised, till he had sent to discover the State of the Kingdom. He had all along given the King information of the Scots Rebellions, and siding with the Parliament; but Hamilton was over-trusted. Much ado he had to pass, the ways being so strictly guarded, while the Scotch Army was in England. At his arrival in the Highlands,* 16.29 being supplyed with 1100 men from the Mar∣quess of Antrim out of Ireland, and another addition under the Lord Kilpont, and the Earl of Perths Son, he marched to find out the Army of Covenanters, then gathered under the command of Tullybarn,* 16.30 the Lord Elch, and Drummond, consisting of a great Force, into Perth-shire, where at Tepper-Moor he obtained a great Victory; his Souldiers, for want of Arms and Ammunition, making use of the Stones lying advantagiously on the Fighting-ground. Here he killed no less then 2000 men; whereupon Perth-City opened its Gates to the Con∣querour.

To withstand and repress so dangerous an Enemy within the Bowels of the Kingdom, another Army was raised, and put under more Experienced Captains. In the mean while, Montross had fallen into Argyles Country,* 16.31 where he made miserable havock, intending utterly to break the Spirits of that people, who were so surely Engaged to Arguiles side. Here the Earl of Seaforth followed him with an Army, and the Marquess of Argyle had another of the other side. Montross therefore resolved to fight with one first; and so fell upon that party under Argyle; which he totally routed, killed 1500 on the place, the rest escaped; and so the Marquess of Montross bent his way after the other Army, which he defeated at Brechin,* 16.32 being newly put under the command of Colonel Hurry; afterwards offers Battel to Bayly, who had another Army ready to fight him; but he waited for advantages: whereupon he marches after Hurry, who had recruited, and was pressing upon the Lord Gourdon (having taken Dundee in his way) and at Alderne discomfits him, killing 1800, and dispersing the rest.

He seeks out Bayly, to whom was joyned the Earl of Lindsey; and at Ales∣ford-hills forced them to fight, utterly routed them, and obtained a remarkable Victory: But that which lessened the Triumph, was the death of the Lord Gourdon,* 16.33 one that was as the right hand of Montross. A very Loyal Right Noble Gentleman,* 16.34 being Eldest Son to the Marquess of Huntley. After this, he comes to St. Iohnstons, where he alarm'd the Parliament there sitting; and so into the Lowlands, where the Kirk had another Army in readiness, under the command of the aforesaid Bayly.

At a place called Kilsith,* 16.35 both Armies met; and a cruel Battel it was; but in conclusion, Success and Victory Crowned Montross's Head, and almost 6000 of his Enemies were slain in this fight, the pursuit being eagerly followed for a great way; the Covenanters at first fighting very resolutely; but the fortune of Montross still Prevailed.* 16.36 The Nobility now every where readily assisted him, and the Towns and Cities declared for him;* 16.37 so that the Kingdom, which afford∣ed men and assistance for the Invasion of another Kingdom, was not now able to defend it self; the Governour (so was Montross dignified) being seized of all places almost of strength, even as far as Edinburgh, where some Royal pri∣soners were delivered to him. The Estates of Scotland therefore sent for David Lesley, while Montross expected Forces from the King under the Lord Digby;

which staid too long, and were afterwards defeated at Sherburn in York-shire. Upon the arrival of Lesley, most of the Forces under Montross, not dreading any Enemie so soon out of England, were departed home; so that Lesley finding Montross in a very weak condition at Philips-Haugh, fell upon him before he could retreat, almost before his Scouts could give him intelligence, and there routs him. He at first resolved to lose his life with the field; but being per∣swaded of better hopes, he resolutely charged thorow, and brought the flying remains of his Army safe into the High-lands, where he began new Levies: But the fortune of the King failing every where, he was the next year ordered by the King,* 16.38 then in the Scots custody, to disband, and depart the Kingdom. And so we leave him till a more unhappy revolution of time.

In the beginning of this year Colonel Massey received a defeat at Lidbury, the manner thus: Prince Rupert,* 16.39 who had for some time quartered thereabouts to make new Levies, had intercepted some Scouts, and by them understood the Col. had taken up his quarters there, intending to fall upon Sir Iohn Winter, who had been his restless adversary throughout the War in Gloucester-shire, and who being called into the Army, had tired his house, which he had main∣tained as a Garison against all opposition: When the Prince was within half a mile of the Town, Massey took the Alarm, commanded his Horse to mount, and gave order for his Foot to march, that the Royalists might not get before them, which the Prince aimed at. A furious Charge the said Horse maintained, consisting principally of Officers, among whom was Kirl that betrayed Mon∣mouth: at last Massey was forced to flye, narrowly escaping taking, Major Backhouse his great second being mortally wounded,* 16.40 with divers others, and some common Souldiers taken Prisoners, the rest fled to Gloucester in haste with the Governour.

But that which deservedly ought to begin the year, was the investiture of Sir Thomas Fairfax in the supreme Command of the Army:* 16.41 It was the first of April when he received his Commission, and on the twenty third of April he went from London to Windsor to perfect the new Model; where he continued in that troublesome affair to the end of the month. In the mean time Colonel Cromwel (who had been commanded out of the West, by the Ordinance of the Parliament against Members continuance in any Military command, whose limitations of forty days was then expired) came thither to salute the General, and next morning was stopped there with a dispensation from his attendance on the House for forty days longer (which was extended to the length.) For Prince Rupert and his brother Maurice had gathered a compe∣tent Army of Horse in Worcester-shire,* 16.42 and the confines of Wales, and were ordered by the King to come and fetch him off with his Infantry and Train of Artillery from Oxford. To which purpose a Convoy of Horse was presently dispatched, consisting of near 2000, being the Regiments of the Queen, the Earl of Northampton, the Lord Wilmot, and Colonel Palmer; while the Prin∣ces advanced in a body after them. Upon advertisement thereof, the Com∣mittee of both Kingdoms recommended it to the General, to send Lieute∣nant-General Cromwel with some Horse to march beyond Oxford, and lye on the way to Worcester, to intercept the same Convoy.* 16.43 With a party of Horse and Dragoons therefore then on the field, neither mustered nor recruited, as of the new Model, Cromwel immediately marched, found the enemy, and engaged them neer Islip-bridge, routed them, took 400 Horse, and 200 Priso∣ners, and the Qeens Standard.* 16.44 And to make up this a kind of a victory, presently summoned Blechington-house within four miles of Oxford, where Co∣lonel Windebank commanded, and whither some of these routed Troops had fled for shelter. At his approach, he instantly summoned it in a very threat∣ning Message, if he rendred it not immediately, (his Horse casting out words for the Foot to fall on, when there was none there.) The governour over-ruled by his fair young Bride, and some Ladies that were come thither to visit, and frighted with the menace, delivered the House, with all the Arms and Amu∣nition

therein. For which, the hopeful young Gentleman, for all the prayers and intreaties of his Wife,* 16.45 and the merit of his Father, was shot to death against Merton-Colledge-Wall in Oxford; to the great regret afterwards of the King, when he understood the business, and for which he was highly displea∣sed with Prince Rupert.

After the taking of this Blechingdon-House, Cromwel sent the Prisoners away to Alisbury, and slighted that Garrison; and having intelligence of a party of 350 Foot under Sir William Vaughan, who were marching that way towards Radcot-bridge,* 16.46 he pursued them, and took the said Sir William, Lieutenant-Co∣lonel Littleton, and about 200 more Prisoners.

His next attempt was upon Farringdon, having borrowed 600 Foot from Abingdon, of Major-General Brown; here he lost some 50 men withont any success, and so gave over the design; but before he could get off, was attaqued by part of General Gorings Horse, commanded by himself, then newly come out of the West from Taunton-siege; who by his valour so ordered his busi∣ness, that he gave Cromwel the first brush he received,* 16.47 taking Major Bethel Pri∣soner, and three Colours; and then retreated to Letchlade, in order to his re∣turn to strengthen and renew the siege against the aforesaid Town of Taun∣ton.

The new modeled Army on the first of May began to march,* 16.48 after a de∣bate whether it should march Westward to the relief of Taunton, or to besiege Oxford. The first designment was followed; and so on the 7 of May, from Windsor, General Fairfax reached Blandford in Dorset-shire, whither he march∣ed without any opposition, save a little skirmish betwixt some of his Troops and one Lieutenant-Colonel Hacket, whom they took Prisoner.

The King taking this opportunity of the Armies marching Westward,* 16.49 drew his Forces and Artillery out of Oxford into the field: Which the General fore∣seeing, had left Cromwel and Major-General Brown to attend his motions; but they being not of strength sufficient to impede his Marches, or Conjuncture with Prince Rupert, who advanced out of Hereford-shire and Worcester-shire, Fairfax was recalled out of the West,* 16.50 and ordered by the Committee of both Kingdomes to allot onely a portion of his Army for Taunton; which was a Brigade consisting of four Regiments, the Supreme Command whereof was given unto the eldest Colonel Welden. Upon approach of those Forces, the Roy∣alists thinking it had been the whole Army, (for Fairfax made such semblance, marching as far as Dorchester with the said relief) drew off, and gave them the liberty of entrance the fourteenth of May, where they were welcomed by the resolute Governour, afterwards General Blake, a man more famous in the Times succeeding.

General Fairfax on the 14 of May likewise arrived at Newbery, where two days he rested his wearied Foot, and there again received new Orders to lay Siege to Oxford;* 16.51 and Cromwel and Brown were recalled from following the King, to joyn with the General in that Enterprise: Nevertheless a party of 2500 Horse and Dragoons under Colonel Vermuden (Cromwel not being so acceptable to that Nation) were sent to joyn with the Scots in their march Southwards. Fifteen days the Parliaments Army lay before the City, while the King was at liberty, and irresistable in the Field. Fairfax despairing of reducing the Town, never sent in a Summons; thereby intending to save the first reputation of the Army, when it should rise from thence without it. Nothing occurred of any remark, during this Siege, but that a Bridge was laid over the River for a Communica∣tion, and a resolute Sally made by the Garrison upon a Corps du Gard neer Hed∣dington-hill, which they surprized, killed twelve, and took the rest, which made up 100 Prisoners, who were Exchanged for the like number which the Adju∣tant-General Fleming took neer Newnham, under the command of Captain Gar∣diner, who had been sent Prisoners to Abingdon,* 16.52 where a cruel custom had been practised of hanging all the Irish without any manner of Tryal; under which notion, very many English also suffered: A barbarity so common, that it grew

into the Proverb of Abingdon-Law.* 16.53 Borstal-house was likewise besieged by Skippon, whither the General went himself, but to no purpose. Gaunt-house being battered by Colonel Raynsborough, and a breach made after a resolute an∣swer, was glad to abate from its stubbornness, and take Conditions upon quarter from the Enemy.

But while General Fairfax trifled at Oxford, news came that the King having relieved Chester,* 16.54 distressed by Sir William Brereton and the Neighbouring County-forces, was now marching towards Leicester, and the Association; the Scots Army, instead of advancing against the King, being gone more Northward towards Westmerland, their own affairs at home so requiring: And also that General Goring,* 16.55 Sir Ralph Hopton, and Sir Richard Greenvile, had joyned all their Forces against Colonel Weldens Brigade, in a manner besieging them, and the Town of Taunton together. And that which brought up the Rear of these intelligences was worst of all, that the King had taken Leicester by Storm, the manner thus.

After Prince Rupert had summoned it, wherein he offered quarter to the Town, the Committee of that County then resident there, assembled all the Com∣manders, and read the Summons unto them; by whom it was resolved to give answer next morning. The Trumphet was no sooner returned, but a Drum was presently dispatcht for a full answer within an hour; which while they debated beyond their stint, the Kings Guns played from the Battery, and all Souldiers were commanded to their respective Posts; the great and small Shot never in∣termitting that day and night; when next morning they Stormed at six or seven places. At Newark-breach they entered first, where Colonel St. George was slain with a great shot, in a Bravery and Gallantry of Courage, venturing upon the mouth of the Cannon. The Works being seized, there yet remained a Work of greater Bloudshed, the Market-place, where the Defendants had drawn up their Artillery, and for three hours space maintained the fight at the Cross there∣in. They were at last over-powered; the Committee-men, with Sir Robert Pye,* 16.56 Colonel Hacker, and Colonel Grey, taken Prisoners, and put into custody; onely Sir Robert had some more respect shewed him. The Town was plun∣dered, and some of the Inhabitants for the present secured; the spoil part of it carried away to the Kings adjacent Garrison of Newark, Ashby-Delazouch and Belvoyr-Castle: But the Parliament-forces found very neer as good Booty in those sudden spoils that came from Naseby.

All men upon this Success looked upon the Kings Army as far the more puissant.* 16.57 Great Fears and Distrusts were arisen in the Parliament it self, not much different from despair; several Members being over-heard to say in their passage to the House out of Westminster-hall, that there was no hopes but in the Kings mercy, and that the speediest recourse thereto would be the safest Expedi∣ent for them. And the Royal party were as good as Cocksure (as we say) that the day was their own; which they made appear, even in London, by all publike signes and discourses.* 16.58 The King himself deceived also with this Lightning be∣fore his Ruine, which he construed for the greatest Sunshine of his Felicity, was of the same Opinion; the result whereof appeared in a Letter written to the Queen, Iune the 8th, where he used this Expression. I may without being too sanguine affirm, that since this Rebellion, my affairs were never in so hopeful a∣way. But behold the inconstancy and fate of War! This his greatest Exalta∣tion, proved his utter Crushing and Final overthrow, in the approaching En∣counter at Naseby.

For the Parliament being alarm'd with this imminent danger, gave speedy command to Sir Thomas Fairfax to rise from Oxford,* 16.59 and march after the King, and put their disperate condition to the decision of a Battel: For they were now upon a ticklish Point; and Treachery and Division at Home, with the Kings growing Success, would no doubt improve to a publike desertion of the Grandees of the Faction; than which to them a Conquest could not be worse, if not advantagious, by linking and involving so many in the danger, that in the multitude of the offenders they might find shelter.

The King was now in dispute whether he should turn his Arms to raise Ox∣ford or Pomfret-siege,* 16.60 march Southward or Northward: The York-shire-men insisted on going homeward to their own Country, that had so long been harra∣sed by and under the Dominion of the Scots; of which opinion was Sir Mar∣maduke Langdale, and that in going thitherward probably Fairfax would rise and follow, where some notable advantages might be taken of him, so far di∣stanced from any place or succour of relief. Others were of opinion that the King should march into the Association,* 16.61 and bending a little Westward, joyn with General Goring, who now again besieged Taunton with a gallant Army, and had worsted Colonel Welden, sent thither with succours as aforesaid; and then with his United Forces, which Fairfax would be in no case to resist, to march directly to London, and put an end to the War.

While this Consultation was held,* 16.62 Fairfax was ordered to rise from before Ox∣ford by the Committee of both Kingdoms, who startled with the loss of Leicester, resolved as before to put the business to an Issue by the fortune of a Battel, if the King would be brought to it. From Oxford the Army arose, intending to put themselves between the King and the Associated Counties, and fight him if he advanced; if not, to follow him with the same resolution.

The 5th of Iune the Parliaments Army marched to Marsh-Gibeon,* 16.63 ten miles from Oxford; and Major-General Brown put a substantial Garrison into Gaunt-house, as a Curb and Bridle to the Oxonians; when news was brought them that the King was come to Daventry with an intent to raise the Siege. Iune the 6th, the Army marched to Brickhil, designing Stony-Stratford for the Head-quarter, but that intelligence came that the King had faced Northampton with some of his Horse, and it was thought dangerous to come so near him, before the Horse under Vermuden were returned out of Derby••shire, and joyned with them.

Lieutenant-General Cromwel,* 16.64 who had been sent with three Troops of Horse a little before to secure the Isle of Ely in case the King should make an irrupti∣on as was supposed, was now by a Letter from the General to the Parliament desired to return to the Army to command the Horse; and accordingly by their order he came back with 600 Horse of the Association: the General writ like∣wise to Sir Iohn Gell, Colonel Rossiter, and the respective Governours of War∣wick, Coventry, Northampton, and Nottingham, to send what Forces they could spare; and then came Colonel Vermuden with 2500 Horse and Dragoons.

After this Conjunction, the Army marched within three miles of Northampton, where they were informed that the King was still about Daventry,* 16.65 Quartering all his Foot and Carriages upon Burrough-hill, as if he intended to fight upon that ground if they should advance; but he stayed onely till 1200 Horse which he had sent to Oxford, as a Convoy of the Cattel out of Leicester and Northam∣pton-shire were returned.

The Parliaments Army then came to Gilsborough,* 16.66 within five miles of Bur∣rough hill; where, as their General was riding in the morning (having been stopt in the night, which was rainy and tempestuous, by a private Souldier for the Word, till the Captain of the Guard being sent for gave it him) about three a clock he discerned the Royalists to ride fast over the said hill, making fires in abundance, as if they were firing their Huts; which gave some cause to believe that they were about to march, as it presently appeared.

About five in the morning, Iune 13, certain notice was given, that the Roy∣alists were drawn off from Burrough-hill, having stood in Arms all night, being amazed that the Parliaments Army were so neer; it having been spread abroad among them, that they were gone for security into the Association: So that the Convoy of Horse being come from Oxford,* 16.67 they speedily resolved to march to Pomfret, thinking that Sir Tho. Fairfax would not follow them; or if he did, they should fight him with more advantage.

Hereupon the Parliaments Drums and Trumpets began to sound;* 16.68 and a strong party of Horse was sent under Colonel Ireton to fall upon the flank of the Kings Army if he should see cause; and the main Body came that night to

Gilling; the Kings Head-Quarters being at Naseby,* 16.69 which Ireton Alarm'd; so that the King not having notice of it till eleven a Clock at night, as he had little imagined the nearness of an Army, or that they durst bear up to him, much a∣mazed, left his own quarters at that unseasonable time, and for security went to Harborough, where Prince Rupert and the Van of the Army quartered; and as soon as he came thither, sent to call up his Nephew, resting himself in a Chair in a low room. In the mean time a Council of War was also presently sum∣moned, where it was resolved, that seeing there was no bringing off the Rear if they should march further for Leicester, but that the whole Army would be put in hazard, they should give the enemy battel, relying upon the valour of the In∣fantry, and in a bravery to march back and find him out. But this was more the Kings unhappy resolution, than his Commanders, who would have avoyded fighting till General Goring were joyned with them.

* 16.70On Saturday, Iune the 14, a day fatal to the King, the Parliamentarians ad∣vanced by three a clock in the morning to retard the Royalists March with their Horse.* 16.71 By five a clock they Rendezvouzed neer Naseby; and immediately great bodies of the Kings Horse were discerned on the top of the hill short of Har∣borough; which shewed that he intended not to draw away, but that he would come forward and engage them on the ground where they stood; which they presently took the best advantage of, possessing the edge of a hill, from which they afterwards retreated 100 paces, that the Kings Army, marching upon plain ground, might not well discern in what form their Battel was drawn, nor see any confusion therein.

* 16.72The King being falsly informed that the Parliaments Army was drawing off in haste and flying to Northampton, marched on with the greater precipitancy, leaving many of his Ordnance behind him. The place of the fight was a large fallow-field on the Northwest-side of Naseby, flanked on the left with a hedge, which was lined with Dragoons, to prevent the annoying of the left flank of the Parliaments Army, that was drawn up in this posture: Leiutenant-General Cromwel commanded the right Wing of Horse,* 16.73 wherein were five Regiments, and the addition of Colonel Rossiters Troops, who was newly come when the fight began, and took his post there: Commissary-General Ireton commanded the left Wing of Horse and Dragoons; and the General and Major-General Skippon the main Battel of Foot. Both the Wings of Horse charged toge∣ther upon the King's, who were drawn in the same Order, and marched swift∣ly, but very regularly upon the Enemy. Colonel Whaley, being in the right Wing, charged first two Divisions of Horse of the Kings left Wing, commanded by the Lord Langdale, who made a gallant resistance, firing at a very close charge, and came to the Sword; but were by force Routed and driven back to Prince Ruperts Regiment, being the Reserve of the Kings Foot. But the whole Right Wing of the Parliaments advancing (which was with some dif∣ficulty, by reason of a Coney-warren they passed) they were totally routed, after a Rally made, and put to flight, from which they never returned to their ground again; so that in this part there was an absolute Con∣quest.

* 16.74 The success of the left Wing, which charged the right Wing of the Kings, was quite contrary: Prince Rupert commanding it, according to his wonted custome, charged furiously, and broke in upon and routed the three rightmost Divisions of that left Wing, which was also distressed by a Brigade of the Kings Foot, in which Ireton himself charged, and therein being run through the Thigh with a Pike, and into the face with a Halbert, was taken Prisoner, and kept so; till the battel and fortune of the day changing, he changed his condition, giving his Keeper that liberty which he timely offered, and came over to Sir Thomas Fairfax.

The left Wing being thus routed, Prince Rupert pursued his advantage and success almost to Naseby-Town; in his return summoning the Train, and of∣fering them Quarter; who instead of accepting it, fired lustily upon him;

who despairing of forcing it, being well guarded by Fire-locks, and percei∣ving the Success of the right Wing of Horse, retreated in great hast to the res∣cue of his friends, whom he found in such general distress, that instead of at∣tempting any thing in their Relief, being close followed in the Rear by the Par∣liaments Horse of both Wings, who were joyned, he stopped not until he came to the ground where the King was rallying his broken Forces himself in per∣son.

In the main Battel, the Kings Regiment, Sir Bernard Ashley's and Sir George Lisle's Tertia's stood manfully to it; their Horse being in the Rear of them, but could no way assist them, being kept from it by part of the Enemies Horse, who kept them in action;* 16.75 the other part fell in with their own Foot, and joyntly poured their whole strength upon the Kings Infantry, which now, except one Tertia, were all at mercy, the Reserves being likewise routed. This standing parcel of Foot Cromwel endeavoured to break with his Horse; attempting them in Flank, Front, and Rear, but in vain, till the Generals own Regiment of Foot came up, and fell in with the butt-end of their Musquets; the Horse Charging them at the same time, and so trampled them down.

The King had now nothing in the Field but his Horse,* 16.76 (where he himself was) which he had put in as good order as the time and the near pressing of the Enemy would permit: which Fairfax perceiving, he resolved to stay for his Foot, who were a quarter of a mile behind him, that he might not put the day in hazard again. As soon as they came up, the Horse opened at great di∣stance to receive their Foot in the midst of them, and stood again in the same form of Battalia as before the commencement of the Fight; having not onely the advantage of ground, but the Kings Artillery, who besides had no Foot to entertain the levelled Volleys against his Cavalry.

During this respite,* 16.77 the Dragoons of Fairfax under Colonel Okey advanced (a person miserable by nothing more than his valour, which betrayed him to the Artifices of Cromwel in the matter of the King) and with notable courage and smartness fired upon the Kings Troops; his Majesty now discharging the part of a Souldier, animating his men to a second round Charge upon the Horse op∣posite to him, not yet secured by their Infantry; but they soon appearing, the gallantry of that resolution was lost, and the danger and despair of doing any good by any further resistance prevailed against the Kings entreaties, and indeed against the reasonableness of the attempt.

For who can but expostulate the misery of this day!* 16.78 the Troops of those calamities that broke in upon the Kingdom, sadly upbraiding the relasch and weakness of that Cavalry, which might by a generous Bravery have saved them∣selves, their honour, the King, and the Kingdom, and, which is more, the inno∣cence of the Nation.

But the Justice and over-ruling Wisdom of Almighty God vouchsafed not his assistance and favour to those Arms, reserving the Honour and Reputation of the Cause they defended to his unquestionable all-puissant Arm; that it might hereafter be transcribed to posterity from the visible and glorious manifestations of Digitus Dei.

Read then and peruse with thine eyes, O guiltless Posterity, the Fates of the flying Royalists, on whom for fourteen miles (the despicable condition of the Enemy, but that morning, proving the most potent and formidable strength) the Parliamentarians did Execution, no parties of them making any notable resistance;* 16.79 but were freed from the extremity of the pursuit, more by the tire of their enemies Horse, than by the celerity of their own.

The Prisoners taken at this fight, were 6 Colonels, Commissioned and Refor∣madoes, 8 Lieutenant-Colonels, 18 Majors, 70 Captains, 8 Lieutenants, 80 En∣signes, 200 other inferiour Officers, besides 4 of the Kings Footmen, 13 of his houshold, 12 pieces of Ordnance, 8000 Arms, 40 barrels of Powder, 200 Car∣riages, all their Bag and Baggage, the Kings Standard, and neer 100 Colours of Horse and Foot, and (the dishonour of the Parliamentarians Triumph) the

Kings Cabinet of Letters, published afterwards in a most impudent manner (of which the King most elegantly complained) by the irreconciliable Enemies of his and his Kingdoms peace.

The number of the Common Souldiers taken, amounted to 4500, who were afterwards brought to London, and enclosed in the new Church-yard in Westmin∣ster by Tuttle-fields; from whence they were freed by another Captivity, the service of forreign Princes.

* 16.80This Battel was fought much upon equal advantage for number both of Horse and Foot; the ground also as equal: For the fury of the fight dispensed with the first commodiousness of the Campania, which was uncertainly maintained by the diversity of Success; being thereunto very fit, by reason of its playnness, which was a mile broad from the utmost Flank of the Right, to the left Wing of the Parliaments Army, who first disposed of it; and the neutrality of the Wind favoured both alike.

The Commanders on both sides behaved themselves worthy of their places: (nothing can be faulted in matter of courage, but the Northern Horse for the King, who were disgus••ed in the beginning, for that they fought unwillingly, as resolute upon the enterprize of Pomfret.) To give them their particular dues, will be too filling for this Volume;* 16.81 we will onely mention my Lord Bard, be∣cause this Chronicle hath given no former account of his Honour, to which he rose from a Commoner, by excellent services done the King; and Colonel Iohn Russel, of whom before in Marston-Moor; the whitest name in the Roll of Fame.

And since it is by the Victor-party, even by the General himself, thought a crime, this Relation shall not spread it. He himself became the Command, had it been lawful; the other his Officers were men, and pity onely they were Eng∣lish. Skippon here received a mark of his Disloyalty.

* 16.82The next day Colonel Iohn Fiennes with his Regiment was sent up to London by the General with the Prisoners and Colours taken in the fight, who had been all along eminent in the services of that side.

* 16.83The Kings Forces being thus vanquished, Fairfax gave orders for the Army and Train to march after them the next day, being Sunday, without any more intermission; the pursuit of the Victory being of parallel consequence with the obtaining of it. These Orders were chearfully obeyed, though the long march of the Foot for many days together, and the vehemency of the Battel, might have made them rest: That night they quartered at Great Glyn, four miles short of Leicester; but the Horse came nearer; which so much Alarm'd the Nobility and Gentry that had fled thither for security, that they fled thence in great haste, leaving the Lord Hastings to defend the place.

* 16.84The King in the mean time not judging it safe to lodge at Leicester, departed to Ashby de la zouch, where he reposed himself some few hours; but stayed not there, making all speed he could from Litchfield in the night, and from thence into Wales. The other part of the rout, being the Northern Horse under Sir Marmaduke Langdale,* 16.85 fled incontinently from the Battel to Newark, and narrow∣ly escaped Sir Iohn Gell, who was advancing with 2000 Horse from Nottingham, to joyn with the General.

The General Fairfax was once unresolved whether he should presently march to relieve Taunton sorely distressed by the Lord Goring,* 16.86 or undertake Leicester. He had received full information of the strength of that Army, and what a desperate forlorn condition Blake the Governour was in; yet knowing that now there was no possibility of juncture with the King, of which before the fight Goring had assured his Majesty within few days,* 16.87 he resolved to reduce Leicester first.

* 16.88On Munday the 16 of Iune, the whole Army came before the Town, when the General sent a Summons to the Lord Hastings to deliver it to the use of the Parliament; who very resolutely refused them, and thereupon command was given for a present Storm.

On the 17, being Tuesday, great store of Ladders were brought in, a Battery raised, upon which two Demy-Cannons and a whole Culverin taken at Naseby were planted upon an old Work against the Newark, being the very same Guns which the King not many days before had used against the same place. Whereupon the Lord of Loughborough, seeing this resolution of the enemy, sent a Trumpeter out that day with Letters, desiring a Parley concerning the surrender of the Town; which began that evening, and con∣cluded in an agreement; and on Wednesday morning, Iune the 18, the Gar∣rison marched out,* 16.89 the Governour to Ashby-de-la-zouch, the Souldiers and other Officers to Litchfield, with staves onely in their hands.

There were taken in the Town 14 pieces of Ordnance, 30 Colours, 2000 Arms, 500 Horse, 50 barrels of Powder, and other Ammunition proportio∣nable thereunto.

Then consultation was held whether any Horse should be sent after the King, who hastned to Hereford; but the distress of Taunton in the West sway∣ed the Parliaments Army thither-ward, being newly mustered, and gratified with their pay sent down from London.

With this intention the Army marched towards Marlborough,* 16.90 where they should be nevertheless in the mid-way to Hereford and Taunton, if the King should appear formidable; but no such account being likely to be given of him, they advanced further West-ward, and by the way took in Highworth-Garrison, and came to Salisbury, where their General had noti••e that the Coun∣try-men under the Stile of Club-men were generally risen in those Counties,* 16.91 (being distinguished by a white Ribon in their hats) and had been bickering with part of Major-General Massey's forces, which were the onely consider∣able for the Parliament thereabouts; and that there might be some suspition of danger, either in their Quarters or in the field from them: For it was supposed they were risen in favour of the King, however they pretended a neu∣trality, and preservation of themselves. To this purpose they presented the General with two Petitions; the one to the King, the other to the Parlia∣ment;* 16.92 desiring a Safe-conduct to go and deliver them. They were reputed neer the number of ten thousand, then ready at an hours warning to be em∣bodyed together; Armed with Country-weapons, Bills and Pitchtorks, and Clubs, and some Fire-Armes, under the command of one Mr. Hollis, who trans∣acted with Sir Thomas Fairfax in the matter aforesaid. Their Demands were high, though reasonable: but of these men more anon.

Goring hearing of this advance of the Army,* 16.93 made a semblance and show of drawing off from Taunton (where Colonel Welden and the relief lately sent were besieged:) after he had marched some two miles, the Garrison sally'd out to fall upon his Rear; when on a sudden he faces about, falls with fury and execution upon the party, kills many, and pursues the rest into the Town up to the very Gates,* 16.94 and then sets down closer than before: But his Scouts giving him continual notice of Fairfax's approach, he finally departed, to prevent the enemies hastie advance, and to get an opportunity of joyning with the Forces which he expected to his assistance from the King.

To this purpose he commodiously quartered his Army at Long Sutton,* 16.95 keep∣ing the River betwixt him and his enemies, having the Garrisons of Bridge∣water, Langport, Burrough, and Ilchester, and several Passes upon the River, to friend; the Bridges every where broken down; and it would have been ha∣zardous to force a passage in view of his Army, who were in good order, rea∣dy to receive any attempt. It was therefore concluded by the Parliamentarians, to force a passage at a Town called Evil, and there to put up the bridge again, and so fall upon him. The Royalists understanding that Evil was gained, marched to Langport, and quitted Ilchester, and a Pass at Load-bridge; and made show as if (leading the most part of the Army that way) they would surprize Taunton.* 16.96 To prevent that, Major-General Massey was ordered to fall on their Rear,* 16.97 being of that side the water; which he resolutely

attempted, but with loss, for nevertheless the Royalists kept themselves in their station and way.

* 16.98The next day, Iuly the 10, General Goring advanced from Langport with his Foot to the Pass, having lined the hedges thick with Musqueteers, and drawn up his Ordnance, the main Body being placed in good order upon a hill, about a Musquet-shot from the Pass. The fight began with the roaring of the Cannon from Fairfax's Camp with some execution; then the Foot advanced, and beat the Royalists from their hedges,* 16.99 and made way for their Horse, who char∣ged resolutely under Major Bethel, and were couragiously received by the Roy∣alists Horse, drawn up in a lane; who with pure valour beat them back in disorder, and made notable execution; especially the Regiment of Colonel Nevil, formerly that of the Earl of Carnarvan, did with their wonted, yet extraordinary magnanimity, renew the encounter, till Desbrough coming in with fresh supplies, of which Goring knew they had store, he in some handsome or∣der drew off, having given their Cavalry such a smart entertainment, that they were willing to stay till their Foot came up. By this time the Royalists had marched two miles in the Lanes, when the whole Army appearing again, giving another Charge, they drew off in haste and confusion towards Bridge∣water, having fired and deserted Langport. In this fight and pursuit, of both sides,* 16.100 were slain about 1000, about 1200 Prisoners taken, some 1000 Horse, two Pieces, 30 Colours of Horse and Foot; the flight and pursuit continuing till within two miles of Bridgewater, where that night Fairfax took up his Quarters,* 16.101 in deliberation whether he should follow the Lord Goring, or besiege that Town, through which the Royalists in their flight p••••••ed to the North of Devonshire,* 16.102 where Sir Richard Greenvile and Sir Iohn Berkley joyned with him, making 6000 strong; and Prince Charles and the Lord Hopton were raising Forces in Cornwal for the same purpose.

Fairfax determined therefore not to weary his Foot with a sudden march, but to attaque Bridgewater; and resolution was made after a little respite to storm it. It was a natural-well-fortified place, lying level with the adjacent valley; the Works about it very regular and strong, the Foss or Ditch deep, and about 30 foot wide, which was filled up every Tide to the brim; the Line of no great compass, and well manned with 1800 Souldiers; having a Castle also of a considerable strength within, and the support and maintenance of all provision, victual and Ammunition, every way sufficient.

Such was the difficulty of undertaking it; and the disreputation of leaving it after a siege, was cast likewise into the danger: But trusting to their uncon∣troulable Fortune, the Parliamentarians resolved to storm it, as a way condu∣cing to free the Army to follow their success abroad, and make a final end. Accordingly, on Munday-morning, Iuly 22. (Hugh Peters having encouraged them the day before) just at break of day the Forlorn was led on by Lieute∣nant-Colonel Hewson, and seconded by Lieutenant-Colonel Ashfield, (men known,* 16.103 and infamous afterwards) who da••ingly having thrown their Bridg∣es over the Graft, mounted the Walls; and for all the showers of Bullets, beat the defendants from their Cannon, and turned them upon the Town, and let down their Draw-bridge, where Captain (afterwards Colonel and Comissary) Reynolds entred with the Forlorn of Horse immediately, and se∣cured that part of the Town called Eastover, charging as far as the Draw∣bridge of the other. Hereupon 600 of the defendants, who were assigned to the defence of that place, and had made manful resistance, craved Quarter, and had it granted; the whole Storm falling upon them, while the other on the West-side were but alarmed; but they perceiving this unhappy stratagem, soon after with Granadoes fired that part of the Town possessed by the enemy, and gave signs of an obstinate resistance.* 16.104

Both sides continued in quiet till Tuesday-night, at which time another round alarm onely was given, to keep the besieged waking: the General then sent in another Summons, which was refused; but the Cannon playing, and se∣veral

Granadoes lighting in the Town; after some Messages past, the General proving very difficult to any Conditions,* 16.105 and prepared for an Assault, the Town was rendred by the Governour upon Quarter onely for life, on the 23 of Iuly; 1000 more Gentlemen, Clergy, and common Souldiers being made Prisoners. Both Towns were lamentably fired. The adjacent Garrison of Burrough was a little while before rendred to Colonel Okey.

After this surrender,* 16.106 the General before he would march further Westward, resolved to reduce the Clubmen, who were so peremptory in their demands: Colonel Fleetwood on the second of August encompassed them in Shaftsbury with 1000 Horse,* 16.107 and took fifty of the principal, who were Mr. Hollis, Dr. Goche, Mr. Cary, &c. and disarmed and sent them to Prison; but on the fourth of August, Lieutenant-General Cromwel was sent against several parties of 10000 of them, who threatned much danger; some he perswaded to return to their dwellings; but on Hambleton-hill neer Strawton 4000 of them stood on their guard, in a place which had been an old Roman-Work, deeply tren∣ched: Thereupon Cromwels Troop charged up the hill, and were repulsed at the passage into the Fort; but Desborough coming behind on their Rear, they were presently dispersed, some 40 killed, and 200 wounded, and 400 taken Prisoners, with about 12 Colours taken, in one whereof was Written,

If you offer to plunder, or take our Cattel,* 16.108 Be assured we will bid you Battel.

No doubt, as was said before, they had some design for the King, as was guessed from the general affection of these parts formerly and constantly to his Cause: but what ever it was, it was now defeated; and the Club-folks had Club-law.

Sherburn-Castle was now besieged,* 16.109 while Colonel Rich took in the City of Bath, having none but Horse and Dragoons with him, and the place Tenable: and Prince Rupert was also on his way to relieve it from Bristol with 1500 Horse and Foot; but Okey's Dragoons creeping on their bellies over the Bridge to the Gate, which they fired, made the Governour surrender Iuly the 29. upon Articles.

To return to Sherburn-Castle;* 16.110 there Sir Lewes Dives was Governour, who made a most notable defence; which for the honour of that noble Knight, who so constantly, and through so many hazards adhered to the King, and because this was a place of remarque, and the first that endured a formal siege in the beginning of the War, shall be more largely spoken of. A Hay-stack (August the fifth at night) within a stones throw of the Works was gained; a Storm was then resolved on, but afterwards deferred, and Battery and Ap∣proaches pitcht upon, together with Mining, for that the ground wherein the Castle stood was minable. Much hurt was done out of the Castle by Birding-peices, by very skilful Marks-men; several Officers and Gunners being killed by such shot.

Both Mines and Galleries were now made;* 16.111 every worker being rewarded with twelve pence a day and twelve pence a night, so hazardous was the ser∣vice; and then a second Summons was sent in, with an offer from the Gene∣ral that the Ladies and Women might depart. Sir Lewis acknowledged that civility, but contemned the peremptoriness of the demand. The Miners were got within two yards of the Wall, where the Rock appearing, they be∣gan to doubt of any effect; but it proving but a soft stone, on the 14 of August the great Guns played, and had made a Breach by the evening in the middle of the Wall, so that ten a breast might enter; and one of the Towers was beaten down, when the Parliament-Souldiers were so venturous, as for six pence a Bullet to fetch off all the Cannon-shot that rebounded from the Castle, of which there was great scarcity.

A third Summons was now sent in,* 16.112 to deliver the Castle, or expect ex∣tremity; to which Sir Lewis told the Drum, that he would hang him: That the language was so far different from what he had formerly received, that he could not believe it came from the same hand: That whatever happened, he would not lose his honour to save his life, which he should think well bestowed in the ser∣vice.

* 16.113The Mine being now ready to spring, a general Assault was resolved on, the Gallery being advanced so neer the Works, that the Souldiers pulled the Wool out of the Woolsacks from the besieged, who made fires all night to dis∣cover the Mines and Approaches. Two of the Towers were also gained, and with that encouragement the Assaylants without order improved it, forcing them within from their Guns, which they had planted to oppose their entrance at the Breach; so that presently they were forced to quit the great Court with∣in the Castle: Which so disheartned them, that the Besiegers hastily, and be∣fore the time appointed, leapt over the Works, and so into the Castle; which was followed by the whole Army, who presently possessed themselves of it, and plundered it sufficiently, stripping every person within it; but because of the little opposition they found,* 16.114 giving indifferent good quarter. Sir Lewis was taken Prisoner, and kept so a long while in the Tower, till after the death of the King, being designed for the slaughter also, he made an escape from his Keeper at White-hall, whither he was brought to be examined, and soon after did notable service in Ireland for his present Majesty. There were taken also 400 Prisoners, Colonel Giles Strangeways, Sir William Walcot, Colonel Thorn∣hil: and the Clubmen of the parts adjacent fully quieted by the loss of this place, their Leaders being sent Prisoners with those of Sherburn.

The next place designed as a further Trophee of the Parliaments victorious Army, after some dispute (because Plymouth was straightly beset, and in the same plight now, as Taunton formerly) was Bristol. In the march of the Army thither, Colonel Rainsborough took in Nunny-Castle the 21 of August, upon condition of liberty to go to their own houses.* 16.115 Commissary-General Ireton was first sent with 2000 Horse to secure the Villages and Towns adja∣cent to Bristol, from being fired by the Royalists in that City, which because of its importance, being justly reckoned in the first rank of populous Cities of the Kingdom, and the onely considerable part the King had for Shipping, Trade and Riches, and lay advantagious for supplies from Ireland, was thought necessary to be reduced;* 16.116 and the danger of leaving so considerable a strength of 3000 Horse and Foot, as Prince Rupert could make in the field, and leave a sufficient Garrison besides, was no inconsiderable motive to the attempt.

At the setting down of the Army, several Salleys were made, with different success;* 16.117 Sir Bernard Ashley mortally wounded and taken under the Walls, when on the fourth of September a Summons was sent in unto Prince Rupert; which for its extraordinary civility and stile, and that seeming reverence it bears, (for here the game began, this being the first tast of this Model, and drawn by Ireton) is very delightful to insert.

For his Highness Prince Rupert.

SIR,

* 17.1FOr the service of the Parliament, I have brought their Army before the City of Bristol, and do Summon you in their Names to render it, with all the Forts belonging to the same, into my hands for their use.

Having used this plain language, as the business requires, I wish it may be as effectual unto you, as it is satisfactory to my self, that I do a little expostulate with you about the Surrender of the same; which I confess is a way not common, and which I should not have used, but in respect to such a person, and such a place. I take into consideration your Royal Birth, and Relation to the Crown of England,

your Honour, Courage, the vertues of your person, and the strength of that place, which you may think your self bound and able to maintain.

Sir, the Crown of England is and will be where it ought to be; we fight to maintain it there; but the King misled by evil Counsellours, or through a seduced heart, hath left his Parliament, under God the best assurance of his Crown and Fa∣mily: the maintaining of this Schism, is the ground of this unha••pie War on your part; and what sad effects it hath produced in the three Kingdoms, is visible to all men. To maintain the rights of the Crown and Kingdom joyntly, a principal part thereof is, that the King in Supream Acts is not to be advised by men of whom the Law takes no notice, but by his Parliament, the great Council of the Kingdom, in whom (as much as man is capable of) he hears all his people as it were at once advising him, and in which multitude of Counsellours lies his safety, and his peoples Interest: And to see him right in this, hath been the constant and faithful endea∣vours of the Parliament; and to bring those wicked instruments to justice that have misled him, is the principal ground of our fighting.

Sir,* 17.2 if God makes this clear to you, as he hath to us, I doubt not but he will give you a heart to deliver this place, notwithstanding all the other considerations of Honour, Courage, Fidelity, &c. Because of their constancy and use in the pre∣sent business, depends upon the right or wrongfulness of this that hath been said. And if upon such conviction you shall surrender it, and save the loss of blood, or hazard the spoiling of such a City, it would be an occasion glorious in it self, and joyful to us, for the restoring of you to the endeared affections of the Par∣liament and People of England, the truest friend to your Family it hath in the World.

But if this be hid from your eyes, and through your wilfulness, this so great, famous and ancient a City be by your putting us to force the same exposed to the ruine and extremities of War (which yet we shall in that case as much as possible en∣deavour to prevent) then I appeal to the righteous God, to be judge between you and us, and to require the wrong. And let all England judge whether the burning of its Towns, ruining its Cities, and destroying its people, be a good requital from a person of your Family, which hath the Prayers, Tears, Purses, and blood of its Parliament and People. And if you look on either as now divided, hath ever had that same party both in Parliaments and People, most zealous for their assistance and restitution, which you now oppose and seek to destroy, and whose constant grief hath been, that their desires to serve that your Family, have been ever hindred or made fruitless by that same party about his Majesty, whose Counsel you act, and whose Interest you pursue in this unnatural War.

I expect your speedy Answer to this Summons, with the return of the Bearer this evening, and remain

Your Highness Humble Servant, THO. FAIRFAX.

The Trumpeter was detained all the night,* 17.3 during which there was a volunta∣ry Cessation on both sides; which continued all the next day, when this Answer was returned.

SIR,

I Received yours by your Trumpeter;* 18.1 I desire to know whether you will give me leave to send to the King to know his pleasure in it.

Your Servant, RVPERT.

To which this was the Reply next day.

SIR,

YOur overture of sending to the King to know his pleasure, I cannot give way to, because of delay.* 19.1 I confess your Answer doth intimate your intention not to surrender without his Majesties consent; yet because it is but implicite, I send again to know a more positive Answer from you self, which I desire may be such as may render me capable of approving my self

Your Highness Humble Servant, THO. FAIRFAX.

In the mean while, additions of Country-forces, by means of Mr. Ashe and others, promoting the Generals Warrant to that purpose, being come to the Leaguer, a Storm was concluded on, for that intelligence came to the Army, and was seconded with advice from the Committee of both Kingdoms, that the King, who was then newly come out of the Associated Counties, of which by and by, was intended for the relief of Bristol, and to that purpose was to joyn with General Goring, who was newly inforced, as was said before, and was now about Collumpton in Devonshire; whose Letters intercepted, being sent to Secretary Nicholas, said, that within three Weeks time he should be in a condition to relieve the Town: So that the Prince did prudently tem∣porize with Fairfax, by sending out a Draught of very high Articles, while suc∣cour might be sent him, and his Lines finished; though others, and those va∣liant expert Commanders, of whom for honours sake Colonel Pretty ought not to be forgotten, declared, that the Town was tenable by force, and nee∣ded not the courtesie or charms or words to preserve it: but it since appears, that the Prince had Orders from the King, if it came to extremity, to surrender it upon honourable Articles.

On the 10 of September, the City having been alarmed two nights together, about two of the Clock in the morning the Storm began,* 19.2 which was round the City; (for the Sea-men also having (by the loss of Portshed, which was rendred to Colonel Weldens Regiment) free riding in the River, attempted it of their side; but the Tide failed them) the disposal of the several posts of the several Regiments was after this manner. The signal being given, which was by setting on fire a great heap of straw and faggots on the top of a hill, and the shooting of four great Pieces of Ordnance against Pryors Fort, from the place where the General was to reside all the time of the Storm, the General Assault began: Colonel Montague and Colonel Pickerings Brigade, with their Regiments, at Lawfords gate entred speedily, and recovered two and twenty great Guns, and took many Prisoners in the Works; them Major Desborough seconded with his Horse of the Generals Regiment, and part of Colonel Graves. Sir Hardress Waller's Regiment, and the Generals, between Lawfords gate and the River Froom. Lieutenant-Colonel Pride's Regiment part against Pryors Fort, and part to alarm the great Fort, who in the mean while took a Fort wherein were some Welch-men. Colonel Horn, and Co∣lonel Raustings attempted neer Pryors Fort. The Horse that entred here, were led on by Captain Ireton, seconded by Major Bethel, who received a shot in the thigh, whereof he after dyed: whose Troops likewise mortally wounded Colonel Taylor of the Kings party. The Line being thus thrown down by the Pioneers, and mastered both by the Foot and Horse, the Royalists Horse retreated, and stood in a Body under the favour of the great Fort, and Coulstons Fort. Priors-hill-Fort held out the most obstinately, but at length was resolutely ma∣stered, where Prides Souldiers gave no quarter except to a very few, in regard of the great slaughter they within made by their gallant defence.

But on the Somersetshire-••ide, the success was not answerable, where Co∣lonel Weldens, Ingoldsby, and Herberts Regiments were appointed to storm; these, by reason of the height of the Work, which they had not rightly calculated, the Ladders proving too short, were repulsed with great loss of a∣bove 300 men; Leiutenant-Colonel Purefoy, and Major Cromwel killed in the general Assault; and soon after, some part of the Town was set on fire, to make the other more defensible:* 19.3 And then the Prince thought good to treat, and obtained the Conditions he first propounded, saving that the General would not admi•• of freeing the City from any Garrison. I may not omit, that Sir Richard Crane,* 19.4 a familiar and Favorite of the Prince, was killed some time before in a Salley.

According to the honourable Articles of the Surrender, on the 14 of Sep∣tember the Royalists Marched out, and then assigned (as was before agreed) Oxford for the place they would go to; and because of the danger of the Clubmen, had 1000 Arms lent them at the Princes intreaty for his Foot, to secure them in their way, which in all amounted to 1500, and the Horse to near half as many; and were exactly to their Conditions convoyed to the City aforesaid,* 19.5 the General waiting upon the Prince two miles out of Bri∣stol.

After this Rendition, the General thought it not fit to reside at Bristol, because of the Plague that was rife in the City: It seems that infection hath an antidote against its communicableness in right and Battel,* 19.6 and onely kills in peace; To God orders it, that two such devourers should not at one time be entertained together; nor was it ever known that two contrary Armies were at the same time, though never so neer one another, afflicted with the same Contagion. The General therefore, to avoid the after-clap, removed to Bath,* 19.7 to intend his health, and repose in that salubrious place, assigning the Ar∣my their refreshments against a March further Westward, where it is now time to leave them to their surfetting sweets of Conquest.

We will now therefore travel on with this discourse Northward, where the Town and Castle of Scarborough, so gallantly defended for a long time a∣gainst several Commanders, and lately against Sir Iohn M••ldrum the Scot, (of whom before at Newark) who laid his bones under the Walls thereof, was now freshly and more vigorously besieged by Sir Matthew Boynton in his place; to whom, after a long and tedious leaguering, the Garrison worn out by sickness, many slain, and no hopes of relief, and the North possessed by the Scots and Parliament,* 19.8 the valiant Loyal Governour Sir Hugh Cholmly deliver∣ed it after a long Treaty, upon very honourable Conditions. Raby-Castle suffered the like fate, and had the like Articles; and Skipton and Sandal-Castle did afterwards the same; and the Castle of Pomfret some time before to General Poyntz, the Garrison marching to Newark.

The Scots, with much intreaty, and more money, were now prevailed with to march Southward, and in the way took Canon-Froom a strong Garrison by Storm. On the 15 of August they sate down before Hereford, having made miserable spoil in their march, which they hoped to compleat at this City, a∣gainst which they proceeded in all hostile manner, by Mines, Batteries and As∣saults; but all to no purpose, more than the perswasion, Summons, and induce∣ment from the oppressed▪ Country, some Gentlemen whereof were wrought up∣on to request Sir Barnabas Scudamore to deliver the Town to their burdensome guests the Scots, and so deliver them from their present charge and oppression. A great number of men they lost here daily, being rejected with scorn upon all their Summons;* 19.9 and at last hearing of the Kings approach, who was come from Oxford that way, they raised their shameful Siege, and by the way of Glou∣cester departed to Warwick, and so Northward again, to the hissing and laughter of the people through whom they passed. But now to a more sorrowful busi∣ness, the distracted unpleasant progress of the King.

The King after his defeat at Naseby had fled towards Wales, with an intention

to recruit; but the necessity of his affairs requiring no long stay thereabout, he posted back again, his Armies being thus bestowed: The Lord Hopton and the Prince neer Exeter, Sir Richard Greenvile about Southam, Goring at Okington, and Prince Maurice at Worcester, and the King with a flying Army every where. The first account of his actions was from Bewdley (whither he advanced from Litch∣field) where he Encountred some of the Scots Horse and Dragoons,* 19.10 and worsted them; then he passed to Sedbury and Ashburn in Derby-shire, and Skirmishes with Sir Iohn Gell, and defeated his party; and on the 16 of August came to Wel∣beck-house, belonging to the Marquess of Newcastle in Nottingham-shire. Here he stayed not long, but made all the hast he could, (being at liberty to go whither he would, but of no strength to make use of and enjoy it; like Consumptive bo∣dies, whose Legs do last of all fail them) into the Association. His Marches were so volatile, uncertain, and swift, that no preparatory resistance could be made; so that he mastered where e're he came, Alarming his Enemies every where; who while they consult to joyn Forces, are forced to dis-joyn those they have together, to meet with every emergency his nimble Troops occasioned. In this manner he surprized Huntingdon-Town, which he entred on Sunday after Noon in Service-time, with some little opposition made against him at the Bridge, where he slew the Captain and Lieutenant that maintained it, with most of the Souldiers, and put the Town to ransome, August 24.

* 19.11From thence he marched with the like expedition and celerity, faced the Town and University of Cambridge; but out of his favourable regard to that place, departed as suddenly; but yet the fright of his Coming had driven the most factious out of Colledges and Town; while his Majesty contented himself with casting a benevolent look upon that Nursery, that had been Planet-strook with the astonishing seizures of the Rebellion.

His next Stage was Ouburn, having by the way fined St. Ives in 500 pound: and good reason of State there was for this manner of Tax in such places as the Association,* 19.12 which had so largely contributed to the Rebellion, and so far as∣sisted and maintained it, free besides from the burthen of the War; and the great Bulwark, as London was the Castle and Magazine, of the Parliaments Cause. His next remove was to Doncaster, the way he took for Oxford, whither he came on the 28 of August.* 19.13

* 19.14At his first arrival he found his Court much altered; some of the Nobility (besides others) very Right Honourably run away to the Parliament, being thereto allured by the late Propositions of Peace, which the House after much importu∣nity vouchsafed his Majesty; which imported in one clause, that all such as would come in, should be received upon payment of the tenth part of their Estates: which for the richer sort signified to be clapt in Prison, and received into custody; but yet this stratagem mainly helped forward the sinking of the Royal Cause, which having no Arms to protect it self, fell thus into the treache∣rous embraces of its enemies: For while they adventured rashly upon the secu∣rity of the Propositions, they found themselves mistaken upon the Prelimina∣ry, and stumbled at the threshold, not having obtained Passes for their access to the Parliaments Quarters; which error being rectified at last, the two Hou∣ses enhanced that commodity; such a quick Trade there was of the same, that Composition could not be had at the first rate; the Publi••ue Faith being alike good, and of the same value, in taking from Friends and Enemies: for now the expiatory money of their Loyalty was come to the Fifth part, and a time limited for that favour too, if men made not extraordinary hast to un∣do themselves and their Families, to save a little bread and salt, the remainders of some fair Estates. Oh unfortunate Allegiance and Duty!

* 19.15These heavy misfortunes both of publique and private concernment, the King not able, or unwilling to be enured to, by a constant sight of them, de∣parted with his flying Army towards Wales again, intending for the relief of Chester: with this purpose, on the 19 of September he came to Ludlow, and there understood that General Pointz out of the North was dogging him at

the heels, being thereto appointed by the Committee of both Kingdoms, ex∣pecting an advantagious juncture of time and place to fight him; which up∣on the Kings neer advance to Chester, offered it self. It was fore-thought that his design was there, and therefore it was agreed by the besiegers and Poyntz, that as soon as the King should approach, he should instantly engage, and upon signal accorded on, they should draw off, leaving a convenient force to make good the Leaguer, and joyn with him in the fight.

At Routon-heath,* 19.16 within two miles of Chester, the King made a halt, to give notice to the besieged likewise, when Poyntz desperately fell on, and be∣ing far engaged, was presently worsted and beaten, the Kings Horse, which was all his strength, fighting couragiously; but while he was Rallying again, in the very nick of a compleat Victory to the King (which had disowned and forsook him) in come his Reserves commanded by Colonel Iones and Louthian, with neer 1000 Horse and Foot; which gave so much encouragement to Poyntz broken Forces, that they returned to another Charge. While the King was a musing what to do, being beset in Front and Rear, in fine, he made ano∣ther brave Charge, where though he had the worst, yet he made thereby his Retreat good in part, though in some disorder, and with loss particularly of that thrice-Noble Lord Bernard Stuart, Earl of Litchfield, the last of the three Illustrious Brothers of the Duke of Richmond late deceased; and so got into Chester with the remains of his Army,* 19.17 where there was no safety for him to continue, but upon advice it was held expedient to depart again for Wales, of the fixed affection of which people the King had had constant experi∣ence.

After so many disasters upon the neck of one another, yet did not the King despair of his Arms, nor with pusillanimity give himself over to the com∣plaints of his hard Fortune: Though he had lost Armies in the field, and Fortresses and Cities in every Corner of the Kingdome, yet was he inexpug∣nable and invincible in his own mind, and in the Loyal affection and constant sincerity of his Friends and good Subjects, whose firm adherence (till he to∣tally disarmed them himself, by his express command) and Gods Soveraign assistance and strengthning of him within, when there was no help from with∣out, was admirable, and more admirably improved in his Meditations on this subject.

FRom small beginnings on my part,* 20.1 he let me see that I was not wholly forsaken by my peoples love, or his protection. My sins sometimes prevailed against the justice of my Cause; and those that were with me wanted not matter and occasion for his just chastise∣ment both of them and me. Nor were mine enemies less punished by that prosperity, which hardned them to contrive that Injustice by open Hostility, which was begun by most riotous and Vnparliamen∣tary Tumults. I never had any Victory which was without my sor∣row, because it was on mine own Subjects, who like Absalom died many in their sin. And I never suffered any defeat which made me despair of Gods mercy and defence.

When Providence gave me or denyed me vitory, my desire was neither to boast of my power, nor charge God foolishly, whom I be∣leived at last would make all things work together for my good. I wished no greater advantages by the War, than to bring my Enemies to moderation, and my Friends to peace. I was affraid of the temptation of an absolute Conquest; and never prayed more for Victory over others, than over my self. When the first was de∣nyed, the second was granted me; which God saw best for me.

* 20.2For notwithstanding these sad losses so thick together, the King by moving up and down recollecting the scatterings of several parties, had gotten to∣gether a good body of Horse, with which on the 10 of October he marched to Texford, thence to Welbeck, and quartered part of his Army at Blits the 13 day, and rendezvoused the 14 at Walsop, where, to answer the instant re∣quest of the Marquess of Montross (who was de••••ated as beforesaid at Phi∣lipshaugh) for some assistance in Horse, he divided his Army, and appointed Sir Marmaduke Langdale and the Lord Digdy to march Northwards, and with all convenient speed to joyn with the said Marquess. This they at∣tempted, while the King went for Newark, taking such a way, as amazed the Parliaments Forces whither they were designed, or how they should way-lay them,* 20.3 and intercept their passage. About Sherburn they wheeled off, and beat up a guard, intending to rendezvous at Bramton-Brierly, the whole number of their Horse amounting to neer 1600. At this Camisade, they surprised at Sherborn and Mylford 800 Foot, and disabled Colonel Wren's Regiment of Horse. All their Arms they endeavoured to have carried off, lay∣ing them in heaps on the street, till they could get Carriages to convey them away.

* 20.4While they were providing, Colonel Copley, and Colonel Lilburn, who had attended their Motion, fell upon them with the like number of fresh Horse; and after a sharp dispute, where Copley's Regiment were first defeated, the Royalists were forced to give back, and so fled Northwards; the enemy re∣covering all their Arms and Prisoners, took 400 of them Prisoners, (among the slain was Sir Francis Carnaby, and Sir Richard Hutton, with 40 more) the Countess of Niddisdale, and four or five Colonels, twelve Captains and Offi∣cers; and the best prize of all, was the Lord Digby's Coach, wherein, besides the rich spoil, were also the Trophees of other mens shame, private Letters of the King's, which were published with those taken at Naseby, to the great scandal of all ingenuous and civil people. But as the War began with Tu∣mults, so it was to be ended with worse indignities,* 20.5 those base and Vulgar Prostitutions. The Lord Digby was met and routed again at Carlisle-Sands, and from thence with 20 men got to the Isle of Man, and so to the Mar∣quess of Ormond in Ireland.

* 20.6The King was at Newark▪ where a dissention happned concerning this very misfortune, as if it had not been calamitous enough it self, while the King and the Lord Bellasis (then Governour of that Town) sided with the reputation of the Lord Digby, against the imputation with which the two Princes Rupert and Maurice, the Lord Gerrard, Sir Richard Willis, (formerly Governour of the same) charged him, as disloyal and treacherous. For upon t••••s difference, which was grown to a quarrel, the Lord Gerrard, and Sir Richard Willis, with some hundreds more, withdrew themselves in a discontent, and laid down their Commissions; and the two Princes, as they were coming to take their leave of the King in the same mood, were treating with General Poyntz for Passes and Terms according to their respective qualities. This was first agitated at Worton-house, some fourteen miles from Newark, and was accor∣dingly entertained by the Parliament, who gave Colonel Rossiter order to give such Passes and Conditions; the severest whereof was, That all persons going beyond Seas by Warrant of either Houses, and after returning, shall have neither pardon nor quarter given them by the Parliament.

* 20.7The King staid at Newark about ten days; it being reputed the safest Gar∣rison he had, for that there was no considerable enemy neer it; and the Souldiers within were numerous and resolute, and the place known to be tenable and well provided, and besides, lay most advantagious for the King to draw together any Force, having lost and drayned most of his Garrisons in other Counties: But upon this Feud, and untowardness of his affairs, he in the beginning of November departed from hence, with a Convoy of 600 Horse to Oxford; so free and safe was the passage in that part of England

from any Armies, while the Westermost Counties were full of them, and la∣bouring to be delivered.

But though the King escaped any Encounter,* 20.8 the said Convoy returning home, were set upon by General Poyntz, and routed, the sixth day of Novem∣ber, and so shifted away to their Garrison; while the Victor sets down before Belvoyr-Castle where Sir Gervas Lucas was Governour for the King; summon∣ed it, and assaulted it, but both to the like purpose, till after a siege of four months, the House and Castle was delivered up to him on the 2 of February, upon honourable Conditions, Sir Gervas and his Officers being convoyed to Litchfield.

Fairley-Castle in Somersetshire▪* 20.9 the Devises, Lacock-House (to Colonel Pic∣kering) Ch••pstow-Castle delivered to the Parliament, the last to Colonel Mor∣gan Governour of Gloucester; and Berkley-Castle, where Sir Charles Lucas com∣manded, to Colonel Rainsborough, after a Noble defence; when the Out-works were taken,* 20.10 and two Summons refused, Sir Charles saying, he would eat Horse-flesh first, and mans flesh when that was done, before he would yeild: But upon the planting of the Guns upon those Works against the Castle, was glad to Surrender, and spare those dainties for another extremity, when he made good his Bill of Fare.

The Devises,* 20.11 and Winchester, after a breach made in the Castle thereof by the great Guns, surrendred by the Lord Ogle to Lieutenant-General Crom∣wel: there marched out thence to Woodstock 700 men, the chief whereof were the Governour, Sir William Courtney, Sir Iohn Pawlet, and Doctor Curl Bishop of that Diocess, to whom Hugh Peters offered some civilities. A Reverend Pre∣late, who resided amidst his Flock, even in these days of danger and trouble; and quitted not his Charge, while he was suffered no longer to continue in it.

The period of the glory and honour of Basing-house was now approaching,* 20.12 for thither next came Cromwel, who after his Batteries were placed, setled the several posts for the Storm; Colonel Dalbeir on the North-side of the House next the Grange, Colonel Pickering on his left, and Sir Hardress Wal∣ler's and Colonel Mountague's Regiments next him. The Storm was October the 14▪ at six in the morning: Pickering stormed the new house, passed through, and got the gate of the old house; whereupon the defendants beat a Parly, but it would not be hearkened, to. In the mean time Mountague and Waller's Regiments assaulted the strongest Works, where their Court of guard was kept, which they resolutely recovered, with a whole Culverin; and draw∣ing their Ladders after them, got over another Work, and the House-Wall, before they could enter. Sir Hardress Waller was slightly wounded here; ma∣ny of the defendants were put to the Sword, being about one hundred, and one Virgin, Doctor Griffith's Daughter,* 20.13 whom the enemy shamefully left naked: of note, Major Cuffle, slain by the hands (as supposed) of Major (since Major-General) Harrison. There were taken Prisoners 400, with their Officers, among whom the Noble Marquess of Winchester himself, and Sir Robert Peak the Governour, who with the Colours also taken, were sent up together to London.

This Fortress of Loyalty, (the place being called by that name, Love Loy∣alty being written in every window of that spacious house) which Mr. Peters said, (who gave the relation of its taking to the house of Commons) would become an Emperor to dwell in, by the spite and fury of a Rebel∣lious crew was turned into Ashes,* 20.14 to the incredible loss of the Marquess, who notwithstanding in the very ruining of it was heard to say, That if the King had no more ground in England but Basing-house, he would adventure as he did, and so maintain it to the utmost. It was commonly called Basting-house, and that truely enough; but now it must needs crumble under the heavy load of the Kings adverse fortune, which brought three Kingdomes with it to no less a ruine.

* 20.15Great and rich was the plunder here; one Common Souldier getting 300 pounds in silver, and was left in an instant by his Camerades worth but one Half-crown of it all. And no less was the quantity of provisions, which were enough to suffice for some years. All which came into the Conquerours hands entire, with a Bed worth 1400 pounds; who unhandsomly enough sei∣zed and disposed of them; the account whereof will one day be as justly re∣quired.

* 20.16These Services being over, and the Western-Road cleared, Cromwel was commanded to attend on the General, now advanced after the Lord Goring: in his way thither, he came and besieged Langford-house, belonging to the Lord of Colerain, neer Salisbury, and upon Summons, had it delivered to him up∣on fair and equal Conditions, October 18. While the General on the 19 in∣tending to storm Tiverton, the Chain of the Draw-bridge by one unlucky shot broke in two, and let down the bridge; whereupon the Souldiers ran in, and seized all but the Church and Castle, which were presently yeilded, and quarter upon their asking for it given; but plundered they were even to their skins. Here was taken one Major Sadler, an active valorous fellow, who had revolted from the Parliament-side, and had now held intelligence, and proffered them the like service he had done the King, for his pardon; not∣withstanding he was cond••mned, and yet made a shift to escape to Exeter, where upon the same score of Treachery to them,* 20.17 having understood of his practices (by collusion no doubt of both parties) and for deserting of his post at Tiverton, he was sentenced and executed. Here was also taken Sir Gilbert Talbot the Governour, and 4 Majors, and 200 Common Souldiers, who were made Prisoners of War.

There was nothing now left the King in the West, but what lay in the farthermost parts of Devonshire and Cornwal,* 20.18 and 6000 Horse, of whom the onely fear was, left they might break through and get Eastward: The Country therefore was commanded to keep diligent Watch, and to be assistant in intel∣ligence, if the Royalists should attempt it: and because it was Winter-time, and the Army wearied, it was not thought fit to advance after the Royalists, but to set down before Exeter.* 20.19 During this siege, which was at a good di∣stance, blocking up the City by Forts round about it, an Accommodation was endeavoured by the Prince with the Lord Fairfax, by a Letter sent to him from the Lord Capel for Passes and such other previous things to a Treaty, which he desired should take effect betwixt the King his Father and the Parlia∣ment: but Fairfax refused that, saying he was a Souldier, and but the servant of the Parliament, who alone might so allow, or consider of such desires. This was seconded by General Goring,* 20.20 whose design was like that intended before when the Earl of Essex was at Lestithiel, to have both Armies joyn, and make the King and Parliament come to a conclusion and peace;* 20.21 but this with no other effect than formerly. Soon after this, General Goring passed over into France, leaving his Troops to the command of the Lord Wentworth, resolv∣ing to return with supplyes by Spring: but providence had otherwise deter∣mined of the Kings affairs.

The King was very industrious, but his Councels so distracted with the re∣fractoriness of his Fortune, that he could effect nothing; nevertheless, to shew his willingness,* 20.22 and to be doing, he sent a party of Horse Westward, which for a while rambled up and down about Oxford, fetching in Contribution, to the regret of the Parliament, who complained of it to their General, who presently sent away a party of Horse, who fell upon some of those Horse neer Corf-Castle, and rescued the Committee-men of Dorset at War••ham taken by them; and seeing no further danger of those Horse, returned to their Army, there being some likelihood of engagement.

For it was now resolved by the Prince, by all means to free Exeter, a∣bout which City some inconsiderable skirmishes had happened, till the taking of Pouldram-Castle; Captain (afterwards Colonel) Deane, Comptrouler

of the Ordnance, appearing therein very active: and it was informed the Lord Hopton, that the Army was wasted with sickness; which indeed was true, but they never wanted recruits, nor any other necessary: so that the Prince having come as far as Okehampton, in his way understanding the force of the Army, drew back again; whereupon Fairfax presently set down before Dartmouth,* 20.23 being so far advanced, and gave notice of the Princes retreat to Plymouth, to encourage them in their defence; who having been long besieged, and bar'd of all Trade by land, were impatient of the Siege, but had lately made a successful Salley, and expected a final deliverance from their General, now something neer them; which accordingly happened without the Generals presence, for the onely Rumour of his coming served turn.

The Prince being marched back without any encounter,* 20.24 save that Cromwel beat up one of my Lord Wentworth's Brigades quarters at Bovey-Tracy, and took some 50 Prisoners, and 300 Horse; and a skirmish by Sir Hardress Waller, where he took some Prisoners also; the General resolved to attaque Dartmouth, a Port-Town, and where supplies from France or else-where might be landed; and therefore summoned Sir Hugh Pollard the Governour, who refused to treat;* 20.25 which put him in a resolution to storm it. He came thither on the 12 of Ianuary, and on the 18 at eleven at night furiously assaul∣ted it, having no Artillery with him; yet his men went on against 100 Pie∣ces ready mounted, which being but once discharged against them, they got under them, and quickly turned them against the Town, which they present∣ly mastered, together with the Castle which commanded the River. There were two other great Forts, wherein were 34 pieces of Ordnance, that stood a mile from the Town;* 20.26 who beat a Parley, but in the hurry and noise could not be heard: at last one of them, in which was Sir Henry Cary, had Condi∣tions to march away, he and his Officers with Arms; but the Governour, the Earl of Newport, Colonel Seymor, and Mr. Denham, in the other, could gain no other Conditions but Quarter. Here the General practised a civil Strata∣gem, giving all the Cornish-men their liberty, and two shillings a man to carry them home; they being the onely standing, as they had been constant, ene∣my to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parliament. The General went on board Vice-Admiral Batten, who ••••••ked ••he place up by Sea, and was nobly treated.

From thence the Parliament-Army marched to Totnes, and so back again to the Siege at Exeter; but were from thence diverted again by another acti∣on: for news came that the Prince was fully resolved to attempt something in relief of that City, and to that purpose had made up his Army neer 10000 strong, having mustered and assembled a great many of the Cornish at Laun∣ceston, and were come as far as Torrington;* 20.27 and Letters were intercepted from the Lord Wentworth to Sir Iohn Berkley the Governour, encouraging him with expectation of Relief. On the 15 of February, the Parliaments Army rendezvoused within two miles of Torrington, where the Lord Hapton conti∣nued; and an eye was kept by Colonel Cook, who for that purpose lay about Barnstable, that they should not break through. On the 16 of February, the Army marched, and by five in the evening drew up their Van in the Park, and Forlorns were sent out, betwixt Torrington and Mr. Roll's house, to line Hedges, to make good the retreat of the Horse. The Lord Hopton likewise drew out of the Town, four or five Closes off, and lined the Hedges within a Close of the enemy, and flankt his Foot with Horse; whereupon the Enemy sent good Reserves, lest by the advantage of the ground they might be encom∣passed. Towards night the Lord Hopton drew off from some of the Closes he formerly possessed; which the enemy entred, and made a halt, intending not to venture upon the Town, barricadoed, and such a strength within it, in the dark: but hearing a noise in the Town, as if the Royalists were retreating, and being loth that they should go off without some taste of their old Fortune and Success, the Parliamentarians sent a party of Dragoons to fire on the enemy neer the Hedges and Barricadoes, and withal to get some intelligence

of the estate of the Royalists in the Town. This being accordingly attempt∣ed, the Dragoons were answered with a round Volley of Shot; thereupon their Forlorn Hope of Foot went and engaged themselves to bring off the Dragoons; and the Reserve fell on to bring off their Forlorn. The Royalists also drew out Supplies and Seconds, and reinforced the Hedges, standing as before. Both Armies far engaged, the Parliamentarians manifesting a reso∣lution to go on for all their disadvantage of the night, it came at last to a plain Fight, the Regiments successively falling on; which continued a hot service for two hours, till at last the Royalists were beaten from their aforesaid Hedges, and up to their Barricadoes, where they again disputed it, manfully maintaining them at push of Pike, and with the But-end of their Musquets; and then by command drew off, and gave the Fairfaxians entrance; where the Foot first entred, and then the Horse, who there joyntly charged the enemy drawn up in the Town; the Lord Hopton commanding the Rear to make their retreat good; in which action he had his Horse shot dead under him. Here the Par∣liament-foot were forced back again to the Barricadoes, where Colonel Ham∣mond opposed himself, and by the assistance and timely supply of Major Ste∣phens, beat Horse and Foot into the Town again,* 20.28 from whence the Foot marched away, but the Horse made several stands, and charged in at several Avenues of the Town, and at the Barricadoes which themselves had deserted. In fine, all their Horse marched over a Bridge, and at several other passes of the River, and so Westward; the Parliamentarians not adventuring to pursue them, but contented themselves with those Prisoners whom they took in the Town, being disordered and divided from their Body by the darkness of the night; who being put into the Church, where the Lord Hoptons Magazine of 80 Barrels of Powder was kept, and there guarded by some of the Parlia∣ments Forces;* 20.29 the said Powder either casually or by design was fired, the Church blown into the Air, those Prisoners and the Guard killed, and the whole Army all over the Town endangered by the stones, timber, and lead, which with the blast were-carried up very high, and scattered throughout, and beyond the Town; so that neer as much mischeif was done by this Powder, as by the Powder and Bullet together in the Fight, scarce a stone being left standing of the Church, which since is raised from its ruines.

The Royalists fought resolutely here, the Cornish not forgetting the reputa∣tion they had formerly got during the War: For here were not taken in all above 400 Prisoners, the chief whereof were Lieutenant-Colonel Wood, eight Captains, Commissary Boney, six Lieutenants, one Cornet, three Ensignes, one Chyrurgion, four Serjeants, fifty two Troopers, one hundred twenty seven Gentlemen, and about 150 common Souldiers, and six Colours. The slain were Major Threave and Captain Fry, the Lords Hopton and Capel wounded, and the Lord Hopton's Commission to be General under the Prince,* 20.30 and 500 pounds in money left in Portmantles, came also to the hands of the Victors.

The Lord Hopton after this Encounter made back into Cornwal, where he rendezvouzed his Army again; whither the Princes Regiment of eight hun∣dred Horse, and some other additional Cavalry of the County, not before joy∣ned with them, came in, and so made up a new entire Body of five thousand Horse, able to give Battel again to their enemy, on convenient Champion ground, or at least in such a condition as to make their own terms. And the poli∣cy of the Lord Hopton was as eminent as his valour in the late service, having thereby given a fair earnest for a Victory;* 20.31 and made them consider of his For∣ces, if reduced to a necessity of fighting, as of couragious brave spirits, to whom Fortune could not but be obliged to a favourable aspect; and her least inconstancy would undo the Fairfaxians.

We will now draw off from those main Bodies, this whole Winter in the field,* 20.32 and return to the Garrisons, who thick and threefold rendred them∣selves to the Parliament: We will begin with Shelford-house, where Colonel Stanhop, akin to the Earl of Chesterfield, was Governour; which after Summons

refused,* 20.33 was stormed by Major-General Poyntz, who put all to the Sword they met with: some Gentlemen getting within a Seiling till the fury was over, found quarter; the Governour himself was killed in the defence after the House was entred, and the House demolished.

On the 4 of December, the magnanimous Countess of Derby, who had endu∣red a Siege off and on for two years last past, rendred Latham-house to the Parliament upon very fair terms;* 20.34 the Governour, Officers, and Souldiers to march out either to the Garrison of Tidbury, or Ashby de la zouch. In this Siege I may not omit one Military neat Stratagem: The besiegers at dinner-time were jearing the Garrison with Shoulders of mutton and fresh-meat they shewed them:* 20.35 whereupon a Captain sallied out, took both the guests and the provision, and two Colours, and brought them into the House; Whereupon the Assaylants took the Alarm, both great and small Guns playing on both sides. This continuing for a while, the Captain caused the Colours he had taken to be set on the Works backward from the Post where he had surprized them; which they of that quarter seeing, and imagining their men on the other side had entred the House, and erected their Ensigns, they fell on with∣out fear or wit,* 20.36 and were presently cut down in heaps, and beaten to their Trenches, Bolton-Castle, and Beeston-Castle in Lancashire, were likewise de∣livered to the Parliament; and Hereford-City surprized by another Stratagem, the manner thus.

The Garrison was strong and well appointed,* 20.37 the inlet also for the Kings Welch Forces, and therefore much aimed at; and to that purpose intelligence had been held by some within, from Colonel Birch and Colonel Morgan Gover∣nour of Gloucester; but their greedy and impatient desire of the present pos∣session, abrupted all those practices, and put them upon an honester and safer way: With 2000 Horse and Foot they came from Gloucester in one day and night, where they had provided six men in Country-habits, with a seventh like a Constable (in pursuance of Warrants directed the day before to the adjacent Villages, for some Labourers to be sent in to break the Ice in the Trenches, and such other work) by morning to present themselves at the Gates; and as seconds to them, were placed 150 Firelocks, which in the covert of the night were lodged as neer as possible out of discovery; and next them, a Body of men ready at hand to succeed in the attempt, and enter with them. According∣ly the stratagem took effect; the Draw-bridge was let down to the Constable and his crew, with their Pickaxes and Spades; which they no sooner posses∣sed, but the Guard began to suspect, and make some resistance; but the Reserves powring in upon them, after three of them were killed, the Town was entred, first by Colonel Birch and his Firelocks, and then by Morgan: The Garrison amazed, presently submitted, and yeilded themselves Prisoners; the chief where∣of were the Lord Brudenel,* 20.38 fourteen Knights, Judge Ienkins, (of whom more hereafter) four Lieutenant-Colonels, five Captains, Officers and Gentlemen neer a hundred more, besides eleven Pieces of Ordnance mounted, with Pro∣vision sutable to the strength and quality of the place. This loss was very much regretted by the Royalists, who now perceived that Fortunes right and left hand, Valour and Policy, were lifted up against them.

The next place of importance which followed the fate of the Kings de∣clination,* 20.39 was the City of Chester, which had been long besieged, and thrice attempted to be relieved;* 20.40 and still rendred worse, by the loss and slaughter of their friends that came to its rescue, as we have said before. Sir William Brere∣ton now commanded in chief, as Major-General of those Counties; who civil∣ly courted the Lord Byron the Governour to a Surrender, laying before him the impossibility of any Army of Forces that could be advanced that way, for that the King was beset in all his Garrisons, either by close or open Sieges: which at last the Noble Lord hearkned unto,* 20.41 and upon very honourable Con∣ditions, Surrendred it by Articles, the 3 of February. And thence Sir William went to besiege Litchfield-close, which not long after he gayned by the same

way of Treaty, as will appear in its due place. Several other places of les∣ser concernment without much parley surrendred likewise, suspected of bribery or such-like practises, which were finely palliated by the necessity that compelled the greater to their rendition.

* 20.42The House now upon discharging the Wardship of the heirs male of Sir Christopher Wray, a Member of the said House, take an occasion to Vote down the Court of Wards and Liveries.

* 20.43All the Kings strength in the field, except that Army that was pen'd up in Cornwal, was now collected under the Command of the Lord Ashley, who was marching to joyn his Infantry with the Kings remains of his Cavalry about Farringdon, whereabouts Colonel Rainsborough and Fleetwood kept their Post, having an eye upon that design of conjunction; and Colonel Morgan and Sir William Brereton pursued him in the Rear, from Hereford and Worcester∣shire. At Stow in the Would, they overtook and set upon him, wearied in his Quarters; but his men were yet not willing to resigne their swords, till after a fair dispute they were over-powred, 1500 taken Prisoners, with him∣self, and all his Baggage and Ammunition.* 20.44 This was the last battel that was fought hac vice for the King in England, and which put a period to any further attempts in the field; the Royalists being forced to take up in their strong Holds, or submit to the Parliament, and endeavour a Composition; which was the main work, but too hastily entred upon, as their own sad expe∣rience soon informed them.

* 20.45And just before this, the 14 of March, the Lord Hopton accepted of Terms for the disbanding of his Army, which was in this manner. After this worst∣ing at Torrington, and marching back into Cornwal, General Fairfax followed him within two days to Launceston, (where Colonel Basset with 500 men at first made opposition, but was compelled to abandon it, as likewise Saltash was quitted, and Mount Edgecomb offered a Treaty) and not far from thence Sir Iames Smith with a strong party fell upon some of the Van of their Army with good success;* 20.46 but having notice of Cromwels approach, timely withdrew, and gave them liberty to possess Bodmin, while the Lord Hopton made his head-Quarters at Truro: from whence the Prince embarqued, and set Sail for the Island of Scilly, with the Lord Culpeper and others: which occasioned Ge∣neral Fairfax to complement the Lord Hopton to a disbanding, as reckoning them, by the Princes forsaking them, as good as lost. Among other terms offered him, this to his particular self, as being honour from the mouth of an enemy, is requisite to be inserted.

* 20.47Lastly, for your self, besides what is imployed to you in common with others, you may be assured of such Meditation to the Parliament on your behalf, both from my self and others, as for one whom for personal worth and many vertues, but es∣pecially for your care of, and moderation towards the Country, we honour and e∣steem above any other of your party; whose error (supposing you more swayed with principles of Honour and Conscience) we most pity, and whose happiness, so far as is consistant with the publique welfare, we should delight in, more than in your least suffering.

In the mean while the Army advanced, and neer St. Columbe beat up the Quarters of the Princes Regiment,* 20.48 who made a gallant Charge through the enemy, and broke their first divisions; but fresh supplies coming, they drew off in order, leaving behind them Major-General Pert, a gallant person, mor∣tally wounded, a Prisoner; but so rebated the edge of the enemies courage, that they halted a while, and part of the Army drew back to Bodmin, more resolved for Treaty than Conquest: To which place came the Lord Hopton's answer, wherein he pretended his understanding of a likelyhood of agreement between the King his Master and the Parliament, which he said without any other Treaty would conclude him, and desired to be referred thereto: but Fairfax urging this Overture to his advantage, would allow of no such de∣lays; but his Terms he offered being honourable, was all he could grant; ac∣quainting

his Lordship that there was no such probability of Accommodation (and indeed his Lordship was greatly mistaken, for there was never any such in∣tention before nor after) and delays were dangerous, in respect of assistance both from the French and Irish, which had been promised to be landed for the Kings service in that County.

Hereupon the Army also advancing,* 20.49 a Treaty was concluded on at Tresilian-bridge, and a Cessation agreed to; and the General thereupon, though with much reluctancy of the Lord Hopton, made Truro his Head-quarters; so that now the Kings Forces had but six miles in bredth, being as it were pounded up, as Essex before. The conclusion of the Treaty was followed by the ren∣dition of St. Mawes Castle.

The number of the disbanded was nine Brigades;* 20.50 the French consisting of three Regiments, the Lord Wentworth's of four, Sir Iames Smith's of three, the Lord Cleveland's of four, Major-General Web's of three, the Lord Hopton's commanded by Colonel Bevil, the Lord Goring's of five, and the Princes Regi∣ment consisting of seven hundred, and Sir Richard Greenvil's Reforma∣does.

The Conditions were,* 20.51 That they should march away with Horse and Arms, in number according to their respective qualities more or less, as they should chuse to go abroad to Foreign Service, or with Passes to go home: each Co∣lonel with eight or six horses, six or two pair of Pistols; and so other inferior Officers respectively; the common Troopers to have twenty shillings a man for their Horses; which, upon ratifying the Agreement being noised, many of the Royalists sold their horses before-hand, and got spittle-Jades in their stead, which upon their disbanding were turned upon their hand. The Lord Hopton was allowed fourty Horse and Arms for himself and twelve men; the Lord Wentworth twenty five Horse and Arms for himself and eight men.

These were the most material,* 20.52 and in six days performed. All the French were presently shipped for their Country, by provision made by the General at Plymouth, whither he went accompanied by Lieutenant-General Cromwel, be∣ing welcomed by the discharge of 300 Pieces of Ordnance, while the Army retreated back into Devon-shire, to make an end of the Siege of Exceter, where Sir Hardress Waller had continued during this Cornish Expedition; and the Lords Hopton and Wentworth, not deigning the Jurisdiction, or indeed any favour from their fellow-subjects at Westminster,* 20.53 who Lorded it at a brave rate, gallantly waived and declined any advantage (but what was Military) in the Articles, and Sailed after the Prince into Scilly.

About this time a resolute Attempt was made upon Abingdon,* 20.54 where Ma∣jor-General Brown was Governour (as before) then absent in London, by a strong party under the command of Sir Stephen Hawkins from Oxford: The Foot had gained the Works, and had entred the Town as far as the Market-place; but some resistance being there made, and the Horse-guard taking the Alarm by the appearance of Major Blundel, who desperately charged, they were by Force driven out again; no Horse, but onely three Gentlemen of Christ-Church Oxon, clambering over to assist them;* 20.55 the Pioneers and their instruments being so far behind in the Rear, that they could not timely ad∣vance to make a breach for the Cavalry to enter: and so that noble design, not without suspition of treachery, was frustrated. Ashby de-la-zouch, the maiden-Garrison, that was never before Besieged during the War, was now rendred by the Lord Loughborough, (whose Government it was) upon honourable terms to the Parliament.

And so we have finished this unfortunate year, which with its period and re∣volution may be said to have concluded the Government; Monarchy being bea∣ten out of the field and out of doors together; the Enemies thereof having nothing more of hazard to do, but to encounter its Authority at the Bar with Pleas, not in Battalia with push of pike; and so the main of the Interregnum

between that and the Kings death, was spent in contrivances, designs and new models of I know not what; whereof (after the reduction of some other places in the beginning of the year 1646, which languished in a Consumption till May, the Critical month for that disease) there will be unwelcome occasion for this Chronicle next to discourse.

Anno Dom. 1646.

* 20.56DEnnington-Castle leads the dance; and though it had withstood the many Sieges and attempts made by the enemy, could not now resist its Fate, nor the easie Summons of a Brigade of the Victor-Army; but despairing of Relief, and so of honourable Terms, if they should stand to their usual extre∣mity, submitted: But out of revenge for the slaughter and disappointment the Parliament had suffered under its walls, by the resolution of the Governour, he upon his return to his own house according to Articles, was notwithstand∣ing, contrary thereunto, sued and impleaded for several demolitions by firing of the out-houses, for the strength and security of the Castle; and by the neigh∣bours for damages. And to palliate this breach the better, they made an Ordi∣nance, being cock-sure of a plenary Conquest, That all Articles of Surrenders should insert the damages by wilful firing; which as it was most unjust, so was it as uncivil and base, and befitting none but tumultuary, head-strong, and un∣disciplined enemies. And for the fuller satisfaction of their spleen and adust choler against this Fortress, they themselves, not thinking of any reckoning, laid the goodly Fabrick in ashes;* 20.57 made yet more notable by its loyal ruines, than it could have been if standing.

* 20.58Then followed the Rendition of Ruthen-Castle in Wales to Colonel Mitton, (whither some of the residue of the divided Forces under Sir William Vaugban had betaken themselves) upon less equal Conditions than the main Army of∣fered to any place whatsoever.

* 20.59Then was Corf-Castle in Dorsetshire taken without any offer of Terms, by vio∣lence and policy mixt together; and to make those Surrenders a Pair-royal, Exeter was added, whither Fairfax was come, and on the 31 of March drew all his Army round the City within Musquet-shot, having made Bridges over the River,* 20.60 and then sent in another Summons, which resolved into a Trea∣ty. Sir Iohn Berkley the Governour sent out the names of his Commissioners to treat, which at first were ten; but Fairfax for expedition desiring a less num∣ber, eight were consented to, and six of his: viz. for Exeter; Sir Henry Bark∣ley, Sir George Cary, Colonel Ashburnham, Colonel Godolphin, Captain Fitz-Gerald, Mr. Iohn Weare, Mr. Robert Walker, and Mr. Thomas Knight. For the Parliaments Army; Colonel Hammond Lieutenant-General of the Ord∣nance, Colonel Sir Hardress Waller, Colonel Edward Harley (now a Confident, shortly after a Reprobate of the Army) Colonel Lambert, Commissary-Gene∣ral Stane, and Major Watson Scoutmaster-General: By whom, after five days debate, it was agreed as followeth:

* 21.1That the City should be rendred to General Fairfax on Monday the 13th of April, with all the Stores, &c. The Princess Henrietta to depart any where with her Governess, in England and Wales, until His Majesty should give order for her disposal. The Cathedral nor Churches to be defaced. That the Garrison shall march out according to the most honourable custom of War, and to have free quarter all the way, and not to be compelled to march above ten miles a day, and with their Arms, to the places agreed upon for their laying them down. The Composition of persons of quality shall not exceed two years purchase. That all persons comprised within these Articles, shall quietly and and peaceably enjoy all their goods, debts and moveables, during the space of four moneths next ensuing: And be free-from

all Oaths, Covenants and Protestations, and have liberty within the said time of four moneths, in case they shall not make their Composition with the Parliament, and shall be resolved to go beyond Sea (for which they shall have Passes) to dis∣pose of their said goods, debts, and moveables, allowed by these Articles.

These were the chief Articles, though there were a great many more; very honourable all of them, as it was the humour or else policy of the Army to grant them, and served as the original Draught for other places. In these Articles Sir Iohn Stawel was included,* 21.2 who for his constant avowance of those Immunities in these Articles from Oaths, &c. was most dishonourably and sa∣vagely used; insomuch that the Faith of the Army, with their disloyal and perfidious actions towards the King, appeared at the same time alike villanous and tyrannical.

After the Articles were signed,* 21.3 which was the ninth, the General would not lose so much time as to stay till Munday the thirteenth, the time of their Rendition; but though the weather was unseasonable, marched away to Ti∣verton, and so to form a Siege at Barnstable, which concluded upon the same Terms with Exeter; and then Dunstar-Castle, who embraced the same Condi∣tions; of which anon.

The West being cleared, Pendennis-Castle onely excepted, General Fairfax on the 18th of April began his march towards Oxford,* 21.4 it being then rumoured that the King in the perplexity of his affairs would escape thence; but whither, it could not be so much as conjectured. In his way thither, saith one of their own * 21.5 Historians, so many Complaints were made to him of outrages and barba∣risms done in contravention of the Articles both of Cornwal and Exeter, by the Committee-Troops, (forsooth) that if they were particularly related, would make such a Volume as would scarce be imagined.

In the interim of this March,* 21.6 Colonel Rainsborough, who had beleaguered Wood-stock, and attempted it by storm with very great loss, it being manfully defended, and as well fortified, had it at last Surrendred to him upon such Articles as manifested the Governours worth and honour in the acknowledg∣ments thereby given him from his Enemies.

The King foreseeing that Oxford was the next place which they designed,* 21.7 not to make his own Court his Prison, what ever should be done by his Ene∣mies, if it should please God to reduce him to that distress, resolved to with∣draw himself in time to the Scotch Army, who (as was reported and ge∣nerally believed) had given him some assurance, that not onely his Majesty, but all others, that adhered to him, should be safe in their persons, honours and con∣sciences in their Army; yet not to lay more upon them, having so much alrea∣dy, I can hardly credit it. The manner of the traverse of the King is thus related: He went out of Oxford, as Colonel Rainsborough informed the Par∣liament (who no doubt were well acquainted with it before, for they had no other means to be rid of the Kings instances for Peace (of which hereaf∣ter together) that continually sounded in their ears so neer hand, than to have him removed from so neer a convenience of personal accommodation) in the disguise of a servant to Colonel Iohn Ashburn••am, who was accompa∣nied with one Mr. Hudson a Minister, who for his singular Loyalty and fideli∣ty was intrusted in the menage of that affair, and for which he deserves a bet∣ter remarque, than this Chronicle can contribute or set upon him; losing his life afterwards in the same Cause, in 1648, in the Commotions of that unfor∣tunate year. By his Examination upon this business, it appeared that the King came first to Henly, then to Brainford, and so neer London, removed back to Harrow on the hill, there being a general Training of the City-Forces in Hide-Park, whither the King was expected to come, General Essex being them in the field, and his Majesty almost perswaded to venture himself into their hands; but other Counsels prevailing, he departed to St. Albans, and thence to Harborough in Leicestershire, where he expected the French Agent with some

Horse to meet him,* 21.8 and conduct him to the Scots: but he mssing, the King went (yet uncertain and irresolute what to do) to Stamford in Lincoln∣shire, and thence to Downham in Norfolk, from whence the examinant was sent to the Agent; and upon his return, they three passed into the Scotch Army, where for the present we shall leave him with this account of it from the Ge∣neral of that Army to the Parliament at London, which imported thus much.

That out of a desire to keep a right understanding between the two King∣domes, he acquainted them with a strange providence with which his Army was surprized, together with their carriage and desires thereupon: That the King came the 4 of May, in so private a manner, that after they had made some search for him▪ upon the surmises of persons who pretended to know his face, yet they could not find him out in sundry houses. Trusting to our integrity, we are so far perswaded that none will so far misconster us, as to make use of this seeming advantage, for promoting any other ends than are expressed in the Covenant — We do ingenuously declare, that there hath been no Treaty nor Capitulation be∣twixt his Majesty and us, nor in our names; leaving the ways and means of Peace unto the Parliament of both Kingdomes. And with such twilight of language concluded.

This was the happiest oportunity that ever offered it self, to do honour to the Scotch Nation, who had the Peace of three Kingdomes, but their own particular glory, at their sole Arbitrement; and how miserably they abused this advantage, and how they debauched their duty to their Prince, and their re∣putation to the World, we will not descant upon, since the Parliament of Scot∣land, in the year 1661, have so passionately protested against the conduct of this business, and have exempted from pardon whomsoever shall afterwards be found guilty of this most base and disloyal usage of the King; of which in its time.

Before this adventure, which the King would have avoided, if the insolence of the prevailing Houses at Westminster could have been by any means rebated, his Majesty had courted the Parliament to a Peace by several Letters and Mes∣sages from Oxford;* 21.9 the abstracts whereof it will not be tedious to recite. The first of them was soon after the aforesaid overture from the Prince by the Lord Fair∣fax, and was onely to desire a Pass or Safe-conduct for the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Southampton, John Ashburnham and Jeffery Palmer Esquires, for their journey and continuance at Westminster, being furnished with such Proposi∣tions as his Majesty was confident would be the foundation of an happy Peace.

* 21.10To this Address, if I may so term it, though the Houses thought lesser of it, as appears by their Answer, they retort, That had his Majesties intentions been the same with his pretences and expressions, a happy Peace had been settled long since: That they cannot agree to his desires, as to the coming of those Lords and Gentlemen into their Quarters, in regard the designe (for Peace) may be of dangerous consequence: That they are in debate of Propositions, which they will draw up, and send to be signed by way of Bill, by his Majesty. This was in December 1645. The Reader will excuse this retrospection, because we will repeat this transaction in its own series.

* 21.11To this the King ten days after replies with more quickening Language; That his Majesty cannot but extremely wonder, that after so many expressions on their part, of a deep and seeming sence of the miseries of this afflicted Kingdom, and of the dangers incident to his person, during the continuance of these unnatural Wars; their many, great, and so often-repeated Protestations, that the raising of these Arms hath been onely for the defence of Gods true Religion, his Majesties

honour, safety, and prosperity, the peace, comfort and security of his people; they should delay a Safe-conduct to the persons mentioned in his Majesties Message of the 5 of this instant December, which are to be sent unto them with Propositions for a well-grounded Peace. A thing so far from having been denyed at any time by his Majesty, whensoever they have desired the same, that he believes it hath been seldome practised among the most avowed and professed Enemies, much less from Subjects to their King. But his Majesty is resolved that no discouragements what∣soever shall make him fail of his part in doing his utmost indeavours to put an end to these Calamities, &c. And therefore doth once again desire a Safe-Con∣duct.

This would not do neither;* 21.12 the King therefore aggresseth them anothe way, and offers a personal Treaty ten days after. His Majesty laying aside all expostulati∣ons, as rather losing time, than contributing any remedy to the evils, will not complain of their neglect of him, and delays of Answer, but sends these Propositions this way, which he intended by the forementioned persons. For conceiving that the for∣mer Treaties hitherto proved ineffectual, chiefly for want of power in those persons that treated, as likewise because those from whom their power was derived (not possibly having the particular information of every several debate) could not give so clear a judgment as was requisite in so important a business; his Majesty there∣fore desires that he may have the engagement of the two Houses at Westminster, the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, the Mayor, Aldermen and Com∣mon-Council and Militia of London, of the chief Commanders in Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army, for his Majesties free and safe coming to, and abode in London or Westminster, with such of his Servants and Train, not exceeding the number of three hundred, for the space of forty days; and after the same time, for his free and safe repair to any of his Garrisons, Oxford, Newark, Worcester, &c. which he shall appoint, there to have a Personal Treaty with his two Houses, to begin with the three heads which were Treated on at Oxford. And for the better ingredience and expedition thereto, will commit the great trust of the Militia for seven years into the hands of a mixt number of his own and their party; and calls God to witness of his sincere intentions to Peace, and adjures them likewise to the same.

To this he is instant with them for an answer;* 21.13 and for the facilitating of the way to a Treaty, and their better inducement, without any expostulation, which he says he purposely forbears, he adds now more particularly, and to the respective interests, That upon his repair to Westminster, he doubts not but so to joyn his indeavours with his two Houses of Parliament, as to give just satisfaction not onely concerning the business of Ireland, but also for the setling a way for the pay∣ment of publique debts, as well to the Scots, as to the City of London and others: and resumes his desire afresh for a Personal Treaty, and that they would accept of his former offers.

But the House of Commons resolved to keep to their first Answer,* 21.14 not to treat, but to send Propositions; the main whereof was an absolute avoydance of the Kings concession as to the Militia, which they would have solely vested in themselves, and no other. And to give colour to this unreasonable stifness, and to obstruct a Personal Treaty, they Vote how great danger there is already to the Parliament and City, in the resort of so many Cavaliers to London; and thereupon an Ordinance is made anew, setling the Militia thereof, and re∣quiring them to provide for the safety of the City, and to search for Delinquents, and to expel them the Lines of Communication: and then on the 14 of Ia∣nuary returned his Majesty this Answer.

They repeated the innocent blood spilt by his Majesties Command and Com∣mission,* 21.15 Irish Rebels brought over, and more, with Forraign Forces, on com∣ing; the Prince of Wales heading an Army in the West, and Garrisons kept

against them, and Forces likewise in Arms for him in Scotland. That for that reason, until satisfacton and security be given unto both Kingdoms, his com∣ing cannot be convenient; nor do they conceive it can be any way con∣ducing to Peace, that his Majesty should come to his Parliament for a few days, with thoughts of leaving it, especially with intentions of returning to Hostility against it. And do note likewise, that his Majesty desires not onely the engagement of the Parliament, but of the Lord Mayor, and the Officers of the Army, and the Scotch Commissioners; which is against the honour and priviledges of Parliament, those being joyned with them, who are subject and subordinate to their Authority.

They insist upon their Propositions as the safest and surest way to settle Peace, as well in England as in Scotland, of which Kingdom in his Letters he makes no mention.

In proceeding according to these just and necessary grounds for the putting an end to the bleeding calamities of these Nations, his Majesty shall have the glory to be the principal instrument in so happy a work, and they (however misinterpreted) shall approve themselves to God and man. But what?

Before this came to hand, the King sends another Message, to know the rea∣son of the detention of his Trumpet;* 22.1 and farther offers the free and publique use of the Directory (as commanded by the Parliament, and then practised in some parts of the City of London) to such as shall desire it; and testifies to God and the World, who they are that not only hinder, but reject this Kingdoms future happi∣ness; it being so much the stranger, that his Majesties coming to Westminster, which was the first and greatest pretence of taking up Arms, should be so much as delayed, much less not accepted or refused. But his Majesty hopes that God will no longer suf∣fer the malice of wicked men to hinder the Peace of his too much afflicted Kingdoms.

From Oxford, Ianuary 15.

In the mean while, some Papers concerning the Kings Transactions about a Peace in Ireland were published on purpose by the Parliament, to cast a scru∣ple into the minds of men, as if while the King Treated, he meant a new War by Ayds from thence; and so to prejudice him in his peoples minds, who began to murmur at the averseness and delays of the Parliament: which news coming to the Kings ears, he sends them a stinging and sharp Message, which was the next day after he had received their Answer.

* 23.1His Majesty thinks not fit to Answer those aspersions which are returned as Argu∣ments for his not admittance to Westminster to a Personal Treaty, because it would enforce a stile not sutable to his end, being the peace of these miserable Kingdoms; yet thus much he cannot but say to Those that have sent him this Answer, That if they had considered what they had done themselves in occasioning the sheding of so much inocent blood, by withdrawing themselves from their duty to him, in a time when he had granted so much to his Subjects; and in violating the known Laws of the Kingdom, to draw an exorbitant power to themselves over their fellow-Subjects, (to say no more, to do as they have done) they could not have given such a false Character of his Majesties Actions.

That his Majesty with impatient expectation requires their Answer to his desire of a Personal Treaty, as the onely expedient. For certainly no rational man can think their last Paper can be an Answer to his former Demands, the scope of it being, That because there is a War, therefore there should be no Treaty for Peace. And is it possible to expect that the Propositions mentioned should be the ground of a lasting Peace, when the persons that send them will not endure to hear their own King speak? But what ever his success this way hath hitherto been, or how small his hopes, considering the high strain of those who deal with his Majesty,

yet he will not want Fatherly Bowels to his Subjects, nor will he forget that God hath appointed him for their King with whom he treats.

At His Court at Oxford, January 17. 1645.

This was well resented by the House of Peers; but the averse Commons would hear them no more at their Conference than the Kings Messages; where∣fore the King plies them again with a large Message, wherein he shows tha reaso∣nableness and necessity of his desires for a Treaty.

His Majesty being resolved not to desist (though his discouragements be never so many and great) from his endeavours after Peace,* 24.1 till he see it altogether im∣possible, thinks fit to make this Answer to the Objections of his two Houses in their Answer of the thirteenth instant, against his coming to Westminster; expecting still a Reply to his Messages of the fifteenth and the seventeenth, which he hopes by this time have begotten better thoughts and resolutions in the Members of both Houses. And first, as to the innocent blood spilt, he will not dispute who was the Author of it, but rather presseth there should be no more; it being no Argument to say, There shall be no such Personal Treaty, because there have been Wars; it being a strong inducement to have such a Treaty, to put an end to them. As to the next Objection of the assistance he had from some of his Irish Subjects; he saith, they are Protestants, who were formerly s••nt thither by the two Houses, and im∣possibilitated to stay there longer, by the neglect of those who sent them thither▪ who should have better provided for them. And that for Forraign Forces, their Ar∣mies have swarmed with them, when his Majesty had few or none. Thirdly, to the Princes heading an Army in the West, that there are divers Garrisons yet standing for him, and Forces likewise in Scotland; it must be as much confessed, that as yet there is no Peace, and therefore is this Treaty required. But his Majesty desires it may be remembred how long since he hath pressed the disbanding of all Forces; the refusing whereof hath been the Cause of this Objection. As to the time of fourty days limited for the Treaty, whereupon they infer that he would again return to H••stility; his Majesty protesteth the sincerity of those resolutions he bringeth with him for Peace, which if they meet with the like inclinations from them, will end all these unhappy bloody differences. To his requiring those engage∣ments of the City, &c. for his security; whosoever will call to mind the particular occasions that enforced his Majesty to leave his Cities of London and Westminster, they will not think his demands unreasonable. But he no way conceiveth how the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council, and Militia of London, were ei∣ther subject or subordinate to their Authority, there being neither Law nor practice for it, and so not to be parallel'd. That the breach of priviledge they mention, is more likely to be infringed by hindering his Majesty from this Treaty. As for Scotland, and their Religion, and securing the peace, his Majesty conceives it was included in his former Messages, particularly that of the fifteenth; but his sin∣cere meaning and endeavours are after it, as he new expresseth himself for their better satisfaction. Lastly, he saith, that there is but two ways of finally end∣ing these distractions; either by Treaty, or Conquest: The latter of which his Majesty hopes none will have either the impudence or impiety to wish for: and for the former, no better Expedient can be in the managing thereof, than by his Personal assistance in it; before which no Propositions can be effectual, which will remove all unnecessary delays, and make the greatest difficulties easie. Where∣fore his Majesty, who is most concerned in the good of his people, doth again de∣sire a speedy Answer.

Amidst these importunities,* 24.2 the King was not less sollicitous and instant at the High Court of Heaven; having commanded a general Fast in Oxford, up∣on Fryday weekly, according to the laudable example of the Primitive Chri∣stians:

in which devotions,* 24.3 another unhappy Cavil was raised against him, by the intercepting or discovering of his Commission to the Earl of Glamorgan, the Marquess of Worcester's Son, impowering him to treat with the Irish (for which he was afterwards impeached by the Lord Digby, charged on suspi∣cion of high Treason, and imprisoned for a while; (but soon after set at li∣berty) as having concluded a Peace against the Honour and Dignity of his Majesty, and to his great scandal with his English Subjects) of which said Transactions, to wipe off the imputation laid on him thereby he gives this ac∣count to his two Houses. And the words of this Prince are of such unqu••stio∣nable credit and veracity, that this affair needs no other defenc••, which was this, (having intermingled therewith, and subjoyned his former d••sires for a Personal Treaty.)

* 25.1His Majesty having received inf••rmation from the Lord-Lieutenant and Council in Ireland, that the Earl of Glamorgan hath without his or their directions or privity entred into a Treaty with some Commissioners on the Romane Catholique party there, and also agreed unto certain Arti••les, highly derogatory to his Ma∣jesties honour and Royal dignity and prejudicial to the Protestant Religion there, whereupon the said Earl is arrested, &c. hath thought fit to give this relation thereof, to shew how contrary it was to his Majesties intention and directions; the Earls Commission being onely to raise Forces in that Kingdom, and to conduct them into this, for his Majesties service; and not to treat about any thing else, much less about Religion, or any propriety belonging to their Church or Laity. That what the Earl did there, came to his knowledge meerly by accident; protesting, that until the news of the said Earls restraint, he had no notice of any Capitulation with those Rebels, so destructive to Church and State, and repugnant to his Maje∣sties publique professions: That therefore he is so far from considering any of those Articles framed as aforesaid, that he doth absolutely disown the said Earl therein; having given order to his Lieutenant there, the Marquess of O••mond, to pro∣ceed against the said Earl, as one who either out of falseness, presumption, or folly, hath hazarded the blemishing of his Majesties reputation of his own head, &c. But true it is, that for the necessary preservation of his Majesties Protestant Sub∣jects in Ireland, whose case was dayly represented unto him to be desperate, his Majesty had given a Commission to his Lieutenant to treat and conclude such a Peace there, as might be for the safety of that Crown, &c. And yet if the Houses will admit of a personal Treaty with him at London, and will send him a Pass or Safe-Conduct for a Messenger to be sent immediately to Ireland, he will dispatch one thi∣ther to prevent any accident that may hinder his Majesties Resolution of leaving the Manage of the business of Ireland wholly to the two Houses; and will make no Peace but with their consent.

And further, in order to this desired Personal Treaty, he offers the Militia for seven years, with such limitations as were expressed at Uxbridge the 6 of Fe∣bruary 1644, all Forces disbanded, and Garrisons dismantled, and then all things to be in Statu quo. That the Houses shall nominate the Admiral, Officers of State, and Iudges, to hold their places during life, or quamdiu se bene ges∣s••rint, which shall be best liked. And likewise liberty to Tender Consciences be∣having themselves peaceably, with a general Act of Oblivion, in both his Parlia∣ments of both Kingdoms respectievly. These Concessions extending likewise to his native Realm of Scotland.

And now his Majesty having so fully and clearly expressed his intentions and de∣sires of making a happy and well-grounded Peace, if any person shall decline that happiness by opposing of so apparent a way to attain it, he will sufficiently demon∣strate to all the World, his intention and design can be no other, than the total subversion and change of the ancient and happy Government of this Kingdom, un∣der which this Nation hath so long flourished.

This was followed with two Messages more; the first of the 26 of February,

where he saith, that he needs make no excuse, though he sent no more Messages unto them, for he very will knows he ought not to do it, if he either stood upon pun∣ctilio's of honour, or his own private interest: but nothing being equally dear unto him as the preservation of his People, he passeth by many scruples, neglects, and delays, and once more desires a speedy Answer; which he provokes by a second Mes∣sage of the 3 of March, complayning of their unexpected silence, and offering up∣on the faith of both Houses for the preservation of his honour, person, and estate, and liberty given to all who adhered to him to go quietly to their houses with∣out any manner of Sequestration, and not to be compelled to take any Oath save what was warranted by the Laws of the Land, to disband his Forces, and dis∣mantle his Garrisons, and with no Martial but Royal attendance return to his two Houses, and there reside with them: And Concludes with a tender of an Act of General Pardon and Oblivion.

Yet notwithstanding all these forcible and reasonable perswasions, and as many obliging Caresses and Condescentions, with which never Subjects or Par∣liaments of England were so treated, they continue inflexible, and rather the worse and more arrogant than at his first overture: for they resolved to pro∣ceed in their own method, spending their spare time in wrangling and deba∣ting their most quarrelsome Propositions; and on purpose totally to obviate and preclude the Kings designe (if he should so resolve) of coming to London, they throw these rubs in the way thither, by this Ordinance, in the first place.

That in case the King shall, contrary to the advice of Parliament already given him, come or attempt to come within the Lines of Communication, that then the Committee of the Militia of the City of London shall have Power,* 26.1 and are here∣by enjoyned to raise such Forces as they shall think fit, to prevent any Tumult that may arise by his coming, and to Suppress any that shall so happen, and to apprehend and secure any such as shall come with him, and to secure his Person from danger. That all persons whatsoever, that have born Arms against the Parlia∣ment, are to depart the City and Lines of Communication, by the 6 of April; or to be taken for Spies, and proceeded against according to the Rules of War in such cases. This Order to continue for a month, and no longer.

Which shewed it was a sudden Legislative by-blow, made temporary, ac∣cording to their present apprehension, fear and occasion. And then to bear the people in hand, and to seem to intend their satisfaction, they promise to dispatch their Propositions with all speed; and to make this shew to appear more real, as if they were about a Settlement, they resolve to vouchsafe to give the Prince a like account of it,* 26.2 That Commissioners shall forthwith be sent, &c. Which Letters and Cajole were turned afterwards into another deeper fetch, or invitation (upon his Majesties going to the Scotch Army) of the Prince to the Parliament; whom, it was spread by the Faction, if the King should by his complyance prevail upon the Scots to take upon them his Interest, they would set up as a balance to his Majesties Authority, having the Scale of indubitable Succession on their side, against the quarrelled and perplexed posses∣sion of the Crown and the Person of the King on the Scots. But these were but sudden emergent thoughts, pro re nata, and to be used onely if the Rebel∣lion came to such extremity. And here we may wonder, how through so many patches of policy, and the changes of designes, one single Usurper at∣tained the compleat intire result of so many inconsistent devices and practi∣ces.

The Prince was then departing for France, when this sollicitation was in∣tended; and we shall see how soon their mind changed.* 26.3

Exeter being delivered while the General was before Barnstable with the

other part of the Army,* 26.4 that Town and Fort also rendred it self upon Terms: so that now there was nothing left the King in the West, and very few places elsewhere; the Garrisons that were yeilded this month, being no less than six, and those considerable, viz. Ruthen-Castle, Exeter, Barnstable, St. Michaels Mount, Woodstock, and Dunster-Castle, to Major-General Mitton, the Gene∣ral, Colonel Hammond, Colonel Rainsborough, and Colonel Blake: And this Iune also the Arch-Bishop of York declared himself for the Parliament, and maintained his House for them at Purin in Wales. Dudly-Castle, May the thirteenth, Surrendred by Colonel Levison to Sir William Brereton.

General Fairfax having done here, marched now East-ward, and on the 19 of April came to Newbury, and advanced directly to Oxford, from whence the King (as before) escaped.* 26.5 Upon his approach, he summoned a Council of War, to advise which way to proceed: by whom it was agreed, that con∣sidering the strength of the place, they should make a Line and Starve them, for that it would be very hazardous to attempt it by Storm; to which was ad∣ded another reason, pretence of their Civility, lest by Batteries they should de∣molish the Colledges, and destroy the Library by their Shot and Granadoes preceding the assault. To this purpose a regular Circumvallation was finish∣ed, and a great Fort raised upon Hedington hill, within half a mile and less of the City (Eastward thereof) and a Battery likewise; but to little effect. Sir Thomas Glemham was Governour,* 26.6 who to his everlasting Honour had so well def••nded York, and made very honourable Conditions; but, to the wonder of Valour and Gallantry, had defended the City of Carlile against the Scots, (which was forgot to be mentioned in its place,* 26.7 other Act••ons c••owding it out) for nine moneths, and upward, against Sickness, Famine, and War, having eaten things most reluctant to nature; till the Kings affairs 1645, being desperate, he accepted of no less honourable (than his York) Conditions, and was now deservedly, and as the onely fit person, intrusted with this chief Bulwark and Fortress of Loyalty. By him many additions were made, to render it impregnable; one most dangerous to the enemy was, that he had ca••s••d the ground before the Trenches to be broke and digged into pits, where∣in he had driven stakes; so that it was neither safe for Horse nor man, if they should attempt to storm, to approach the Works. But all this strength avail∣ed not against the Fate upon the Kings Cause: besides that there was some Division among the Nobles at Court,* 26.8 to whom the King had left a power of Treating with the Enemy, insomuch that after a Summons, the Governour by the advice of the Lords condescended to a Treaty, which was managed at Mar∣ston at Mr. Crooks House, by Commissioners on both sides; and after a long debate, all Hostility being exercised in the mean time (especially when it was thought they would agree, the besieged shot their great Guns continually, by which they did some hurt, killing a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Works; and Prince Rupert received a shot in a Salley that he made, rather to take the air, than out of any great designe) the Treaty came to a conclusion, upon very noble Terms; which Fairfax was willing to grant, not knowing but that he might have been forced to continue there till the depth of Winter, at which time the over-flowing of the Rivers, which were now diverted, might make him rise and leave the Siege; there being plenty of all provisions in the Town to maintain it beyond that time. The Articles being tedious, and like those of Exeter, need no repetition.

* 26.9On Wednesday the 23 of Iune, according to Agreement, Sir Thomas Glem∣ham marched out with a Body of 3000 compleat Foot, through two Files of the Enemy, which were placed at the East-Gate, and extended to Shotover∣hill, where their Horse were drawn up in the Rear, in a Solemn Military posture; and having marched to Tame,* 26.10 900 of them laid down their Arms, and had Passes to their own houses; the rest, or the most part of them, took service under Colonel Tillier, one of the Garrison, for the French, and some for the Spaniard. A thousand more marched out at the North-gate, whose

habitations were in Glocester-shire, and the Counties that way.* 26.11 Prince Rupert and Maurice departed on the Monday before to Oatlands, upon special Articles for themselves; and a number of Gentlemen on Tuesday; besides near 2000 that staid a••••er the Army was entred, for Passes; so that there could not be less than 7000 men (besides three Auxiliary Regiments of Scholars and Towns∣men, which were disarmed by the General upon his entrance) then in the Town, being the very flower and the Chivalry of the Kings Army.

There marched out likewise the Duke of York,* 26.12 the Marquess of Hartford, the Earls of Dorset and Southampton (the Duke of Richmond, and Earl of Lindsey, being comprised in the said Articles, who departed Oxford some while before the Siege, and rendred themselves) the Lords Cottington, Lane, and Dunsmore; Secretary Nicholas, Sir George Lis••e, and abundance of brave Gen∣tlemen and Officers: so that it was a pleasant martial fight, and many were the spectators from London, to behold their exit. The Duke of York was con∣veyed to St. Iames's to his Royal Brother and Sister under the Government of the Earl of Northumberland; from whence, by means of Colonel Ioseph Bam∣field, he was conveyed away, (according to the directions of the Queen his Mother) into Holland, as some while before, the Princess Henrietta, (after married to the Duke of Orleans) was by the Lady Dalkeith, her Governess, privately carried into France. In these Articles Faringdon was also included; the Governour, Sir George Lisle, being then in Oxford, ratifying the same.

Colonel Poyntz and Colonel Rossiter had joyned their Forces,* 26.13 and with the access of the Scottish Army resolved to besi••ge Newark, upon which they long had a hankering desire. They began the Siege in December, which was conti∣nued with all obstinacy, the Town defending it self resolutely, and by often Salleys annoyed the besiegers, doing notable Execution upon them. The Scots lodged on the North-side with 6000 men, making good Muschams bridge; Poyntz on the South-side, Colonel Rossiter and Lebunt at Blechington; Clay∣pool, (the first time he appears in service, now put on by Cromwel) with Lei∣cester and Ely forces at Bennington; the Nottingham Brigade at Stoak, where the Lord Bellasis, (the Noble stout Governour) gave them such a Camisade by a sudden eruption, that he totally routed their Horse, (Poyntz being there) and had near surprized the Foot, but that Rossiter came opportunely in, and de∣signing to get between the Salliers and the Town, made them leave their Victo∣ry, and make home: in their way whither, they defeated the said Colonel Rossiter, and safely returned in at their Works.

Nevertheless, and though General Leven with his Army was drawn off from Newark,* 26.14 disgusted for want pay, Poyntz would not give over; but having turned the River Trent quite from the Town on the North-side, and the Scots having taken Sands Fort before, who paid dear for their Approaches, and the other River being also turned aside, and several Forts and Batteries new raised within Musquet-shot of the Town, a second Summons was sent in unto the Governour; which had not prevailed, for all their bravado's of danger, had they not been reinforced with a command from the King to his Lordship, to make as good Terms as he could, and deliver the place, for that the Peace of the King∣dome might the sooner be r••stored. Accordingly, on the 4 of May,* 26.15 a Treaty was entred into; the Articles very fair, but not so comprehensive as those given by Fairfax, but yet such as signified the noble Governours resolution, and pointed at his great desert; he having approved himself an eminent Souldier and Ser∣vant of his King and Country throughout the War, and was afterward his Ma∣jesties Governour of his Town of Hull.

While the Army was marching to Oxford,* 26.16 Colonel Whaley with a thousand Foot, and-four Troops of Horse, was sent to besiege Banbury; who lay before it ten weeks ere the Governour would hearken to any Terms, as nobly angry with the Fortune of his Cause, as disdainfully vext with the disparagement of the Siege; the Castle able to defie their entire Army, and which had often disap∣pointed

and beaten several united strengths that beleaguered it. But I cannot so regretfully partake with that Loyal Garrison, as Mr. Sprig * 26.17 doth zealously with the Town, in a Paragraph of his worthy observation, and which m•••••• very justly be construed in a better sense than he meant it, being a full ••ccount of that once-famous place for Zealotry.

Banbury, once a great and fair Market-Town, before the late Troubles, but now having scarce the one half standing to gaze on the Ruines of the other, was ever till now unfortunate in all means and endeavours used for its recovery, having lain under the possession and Tyranny of the Enemy from the beginning, without almost any intermission; which happened to it, partly through the commodiousness of its Si∣tuation for the Enemy, as lying but eighteen miles North from Oxford, and in such a convenient place as gave it a command into divers other Counties, viz. North∣hampton-shire, Warwick-shire, &c. from out of which it gathered large Contri∣butions from Oxford: the sweetness that the Enemy tasted in the fruits and effects thus reaped by this Garrison, made them, that upon all our attempts to reduce it, they were still ready with great Forces to relieve it.

But yet I cannot but also look upon and observe the end, a special hand and in∣timation of God against that Professing▪ Place, where in a manner Judgment began as at the House of God, and was removed with one of the last. The strange sights in the Air over it, as fighting, &c. whereof I was an eye-Witness, might po••∣tend the portion which providence hath since prepared for them.

All endeavours were used by the Besiegers, by Sapping, and Mining; which were again Countermined by the vigilance of Sir William Compton,* 27.1 Brother to the Earl of Northampton the resolute Governour, who by flinging down stones and hand-Granadoes, mightily annoyed the Enemy; who nevertheless couragiously persisting in their work, being advanced close to the Wall, Sir Wil∣liam accepted of honourable Terms, and yeilded it on the eighth of May, the Anniversary of his Majesties Proclayming. I may not pass this notable place without another remarque.

When the Grandees of the Faction in 1648 were dividing the spoyls of the Kingdom, and Loyal demolitions (which made entire structures of some of their partisans Fortunes) were conferred mutually by them, (of which in its place) and several Castles were then ordered to be rased; A friend of the Lord Say's,* 27.2 (the Proprietor of the place,) moved in the House of Commons, that this Castle also might be ruined, as having been such a thorn to the Parlia∣ment; and that the Lord Say's consent might be procured (who had all along ser∣ved them as chief of their Council and Cabal, and dyed after the King's restitu∣tion, to say no more of him, though a grand engine of our Troubles) Two thousand Pounds should be given him in compensation:* 27.3 A Member, (that understood his Lordships drift, who put in for his share among the Commoners, while they were of the giving hand, and the Lords looked onely on others boun∣ty) stood up and said, that the Publique had no need of such penny-worths, as to give his Lordship two thousand pounds for that which cost him but five hundred; a cheaper time might be expected: which his Lordship was forced to await, and be content with an under-sale; when it was enviously by them, and dishonourably by him laid in its dust; the rather to be pitied, because of its reviviscency, having bravely and vigorously recovered it self from the decays of a long Antiquity; so much Art and industry being bestowed on it, that neither the Approaches of Time, nor the Batteries, fury and violence of the Enemy, were to be seen in any part of it. But it seems the Loyal Genius, the new Penates, agreed not well with their Mansion, and so abandoned it to the lust and spight of a deforming Reformation. May the present inhabitants consider, and the Reader pardon this digression.

* 27.4From Banbury, Colonel Whaley was ordered to march to Worcester, and with some Troops of Horse to assist the Siege began by Colonel Morgan, who was

then commanded to the Siege of Ragland, to command in chief the Forces be∣fore that place; so that the Carrying on of Worcester-siege was devolved upon Colonel Whaley, who for want of Foot could not lay a close and regular Lea∣guer, until that defect was supplyed by Colonel Rainsborough,* 27.5 who came with a Brigade thither, and lustily p••yed the raising of Forts and Approaches, which in short time he effectually brought to pass; so that the Governour (Colonel Washington, who had done the King excellent service throughout the War, particularly at the first taking of Bristol, where the breach he couragiously en∣tred was afterwards called by his name, made terrible thereafter by his brave Regiment of Dragoons, whose fierce and active gallantry bestowed a Pro∣verbe on every resolute exploit,* 27.6 Away with it, quoth Washington) who be∣fore had refused Terms, (or to accept a Summons) but upon his own high Conditions, seeing how feasible the forcing of the City might prove, and that no Relief could be expected, having also information of the surrender of Ox∣ford, inclined now to a Treaty, which took effect Iuly 19. and rendred the 23 of Iuly; the Articles being something less equal than the General gave; which was the manner of those substitute Commanders, who either might not, or rather were not indued with so much Military honour, as to grant them honourable Articles, the best Military policy: a courtesie, for which the Low-country-war is very deservedly famous; and the great master-piece of Souldiery in the late Princes of the House of Aurange.

At the same time the Generals Regiment and Colonel Lilburn's were sent to assist and carry on the Siege before Wallingford,* 27.7 where Colonel Thomas Blague commanded; and after Oxford was yeilded, the General came himself thither in person, to honour the Noble Governour, by the rendition of it to the main Army. His Terms were as good as any that had been given before; Sir Thomas as well respecting the merit and worth of the person, as the value and considerableness of the place. By Treaty it should have been surrendred on the 29 of Iuly; but a mutiny happening among the Souldiers of the Gar∣rison, the Governour was forced to render it the day before, having had six days time, from the conclusion of the Treaty, to prepare for his depar∣ture.

After this rendition, Sir Thomas Fairfax went to the Bath to refresh himself,* 27.8 after so tedious attendance on several Leaguers; and from thence, being in∣formed of the resolution of the Noble Marquess of Worcester in defending his Castle of Ragland (where he had made many desperate Salleys, and kept the besiegers at hard and constant duty) he advanced to the aid and assistance of his Forces under Colonel Morgan, Sir Trevor Williams, and Colonel Laughorn; and upon his arrival sent in the Marquess this Summons.

My LORD,

BEing come into these parts with such a strength as I may not doubt, but with the same hand of good providence that hath hitherto blessed us,* 28.1 in short time to reduce the Garrison of Ragland to the obedience of the Parliament: I have, in order thereto, thought good to send your Lordship this Summons, hereby requiring you to deliver up to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the Parliament's use, the said Garrison and Castle of Rag∣land, which as it onely obstructs the Kingdom's universal Peace, the rendition may beget such terms as by delay or vain hopes cannot be expected. Aug. 7.

Your Lordships humble servant, THO. FAIRFAX.

To which the Marquess Answered thus:

SIR,

* 29.1ALthough my infirmities might justly claim priviledge in so sudden an An∣swer, yet because you desire it, and I not willing to delay your time to your Letter of Summons to deliver up my house, and the onely house now in my possession to cover my head in; These are to let you know, that if you did understand the condition I am in, I dare say, out of your Judg∣ment, you would not think it a reasonable demand. I am loth to be the Author of mine own Ruine on both sides, and therefore desire to have leave to send to his Majesty to know his pleasure,* 29.2 what he will have done with his Garrison. As for my house, I presume he will command nothing; neither know I how, either by Law or Conscience, I should be forced out of it. To this I desire your return, and rest,

Your Excellencies humble Servant, H. WORCESTER.

* 29.3To which the General replyed, that for sending to his Majestie, it had been denyed to the most considerable Garrison in England, further than an account of the thing done upon the Surrender; which he offered: that for the destruction of his Lordships house and Garrison, he should not have troubled his Lordship, were it disgarrisoned. And repeats inconveniences upon a refusal.

To this the Marquess answers,* 29.4 that he hath twenty thousand pounds due from the King lent out of his Purse, (it is believed the Loyal Noble Marquess might have said four times as much, being the richest and freest Subject the King had) which would be lost, if he in this matter should displease him, al∣ledges his familiarity with Sir Thomas his Grandfather in Henry Earl of Hunting∣tons time, President of the North; for whose sake, he supposeth, were it known to him, the General would do what safe courtesie he could: Desires, if he might have his Means, and be at quiet by the Parliaments approbation, and not vexed with the malice of the Committees of that County, to be quit of the Garrison, and to that purpose expects what Conditions he will give.

* 29.5The General returns, that he will give such as shall be fit and satisfactory for the Souldiers, to his Lordship and Family all security and quiet from any that belongs to him (note that the Marquess was then excepted out of Pardon;) he will interpose betwixt his Lordship and the Committees, that they shall do no∣thing without order from the Parliament,* 29.6 to whom he hath liberty to send, and from whom, upon a present Surrender and submission to their Mercy and Favour, he may presume on better Terms than if he stand to extremity. Proposeth the sad example of the Marquess of Winchester, who lost all by the same resolution. For the twenty thousand pounds, he may send to the King at the same time with an account of the Surrender.

The Marquess rejoyns, and desires to be satisfied, whether if any conclusion shall be made, he shall afterwards be left to the mercy of the Parliament for alteration at their Wills and pleasures;* 29.7 and cites to that purpose the Earl of Shrewsburies case, and divers others, whose Conditions were broken. He knows that by the Generals Will and Consent it should never be; but Souldiers are unruly, and the Parliament Vnquestionable, and therefore desires Pardon for his just cause of Fear.

This was Answered by Sir Thomas, that what he granted, he would under∣take to make good. And as to the instance of the Lord of Shrewsbury, the Actors in that breach, who were none of his Army, have received their Censure, and by this time he believes Execution.

The first result between them,* 29.8 was, at the desire of the Marquess, a Cessation for six hours; but nothing being concluded on, the Army proceeded in their Approaches, which were cast up within sixty yards of their Works; when the Marquess was induced and perswaded by them within to come to a Capitula∣tion, which was in effect, the same with others: And on the 19 of August the Castle was Surrendred, according to Agreement; into which the General entred, and had some speech with the Marquess, and so back again to Bath.

There marched out besides the Marquess,* 29.9 who cast himself wholly upon the mercy of the Parliament, the Lord Charley his Son, the Countess of Glamor∣gan, Sir Philip Iones, Doctor Bayly, a Commissary, 4 Colonels, 82 Captains, 16 Lieutenants, 6 Cornets, 4 Ensigns, 4 Quarter-masters, 52 Esquires and Gentlemen, as by the Catalogue of them taken by the Advocate of the Army appeared.

I do not wonder the gallant Marquess was so loth to part with his house: for not long after,* 29.10 and 'tis presumed from some thought, sadness, and trouble of minde, of being forced from this his Castle, and exposed to the fury of his Enemies, he departed this life. A man of very great Parts, and becoming his Honours, of great Fortitude of mind, either Actively or Passively, and to whom the King was much beholden. He was nevertheless better at his Pen than the Sword and a great deal happier; for he hath used that with rare success, as some of his Works in print, viz, his Apophthegms and Discourses, and Disputes with his Majesty concerning Religion, do abundantly demon∣strate. He lived ••o see himself undone, and a most plentiful estate spoyled and Ruined; but anticipated and fore-ran that of the Kingdom, which soon after followed.

Conway-Castle was taken by storm, by Forces under Major-General Mitton,* 29.11 to whom Sir Thomas Fairfax would have spared some Forces, but he would have no partakers of his Trophies, but those men he had raised himself, and hitherto kept as a distinct Body, pretending he had more men than money to pay them. He also took in Carnarvan-Castle, seconded by Major-General Laugborn his Country-man, being delivered upon good Articles by the Lord Byron, who had before so stoutly maintained Chester. Ludlow was likewise delivered, and Litchfield-Close to Sir William Brereton; Borstal-house by Sir Charles Campian, slain after at Colchester; together with Goth••ridge. So that the Pen is quite worn out with scribling of Articles, and desires to be excused from further particulars.

Onely we may not omit Pendennis-Castle (and Mount Michael in Cornwal taken during the siege of Exeter by Colonel Hammond) which stood out still,* 29.12 by the resolution and Loyalty of a right Noble Gentleman of that County, Iohn Arundel of Treacise Esquire, the Governour: it had been blockt up by Land by Colonel Richard Fortescue, and by Vice-Admiral Batten by Sea, ever since the General departed: no Summons could prevail, without his Majesties special Order to Surrender; whom the Governour was very instant to have leave to send to. All the deficiency was in Provision; and no Relief could enter, save two Shallops, who got in at the break of day, at which time the Parliaments Shallops that in the night-time lay close to the Castle to intercept them, drew off, for fear of being discovered as they were so neer within the reach of the Cannon. The Governour therefore gave the Prince notice; who not being in a condition to relieve the place, there being a numerous Garrison within, he accepted of Terms, which, to give Colonel Fortescue his due, were the best given by any but the General himself, and came the neerest his gene∣rous way of Treating, and caressing an yielding Enemy.

Not long after followed the rendition of Scilly-Island;* 29.13 and the Prince de∣parted for France: the like of Denbigh, and Holt-Castle, which concluded the Military Actions, and left the Conquerours (whose wreathed Bays would not well twine together; the Presbyterian Thistle, and the Independant Bramble,

not apt to such coalition, but scratching and tearing one another,) worse em∣broyled than they had been throughout, or before the War, in the greatest dif∣ficulties of their designs or defeats.

The Pricks of these Triumphant Coronets sharply troubled the heads of the wearers; and how to set them easily they knew not. Ambition was the most poi∣gnant and grievous to Cromwel, Disdain and Envy to the old Presbyterian Commanders; from whence resulted a just indignation in some of their Grandees of having taken Arms to such ill purposes against the King: But in most others of them, the Itch of Sacriledge and Covetousness, the longing after the spoils of the Kingdom, rebated the acuteness of those animosites, jealousies and di∣strust, intending their private advantages, and chiefly aiming at the kirnel, Wealth and Riches, and leaving the shell of Government to be crackt and bro∣ken by other mens teeth, to give them the fruition of their projected profits and Estates.

For Cromwel (as it might well be presumed) now took up these resolutions, which he had staggered at some while before, to invade the Soveraignty: un∣to which end, incredible will it be, how he had wrought upon the Grandees of his Faction, and they upon the Rascality and rabble of the same leaven, into so great a popularity,* 29.14 that he became the very Idol of those (so then called) Saints. The News-books every day were filled with the wonders of his Atchievements; where he was present at any success, all was attributed either to his fortune or Valour; where they had Victory in his absence, it was acknowledged to his Counsel and Prudence: insomuch that by sober men it was well hoped such af∣fronts to his General might have awakened him to some distruct of his aspiring method; but by the secret wisdome of God he was blinded, not onely in a de∣structive and supine compliance with this Rebel, by a guilty omission of his care and inspection over him, but infatuated into his most scelerate and abominable practises, to the subversion of the Parliament, and the execrable murther of the King. They who Raised this Army against their Soveraign, being Raised af∣terwards by that (one of their own listing) Usurper.

* 29.15His main and first engine to the overthrow of the Government and Laws, which took its mischievous effect, was the disbanding part of the Army under Major-General Massey, a Noble person, and though formerly an enemy to the King in that unlucky Siege of Gloucester, now suspected as inclinable to a mo∣derate use of that Victory the Parliament had obtained. He was known to have much affected General Essex, of whose principles, and intentions of duty to his Prince, one may without danger say they were tainted by the contagion of the times, but never corrupted or alienated from the Kings person, Authority, or Family, or Peace of the Kingdom. By disbanding the Forces under him, the design of Cromwel was first to make a division,* 29.16 and stir some ill humour in the Army, as if that were the leading case; next, to make the standing Officers, when they should know they were at his disposal, more sure and obliged to him, and then to instil into them his own Trayterous devices; in sum, to perpe∣tuate the War till he had attained his ends, and then continue them, as the Turk doth his Ianizaries.

* 29.17Accordingly, at the Devises, General Fairfax (for upon him it was put) disbanded Major-General Massey's and Colonel Cook's Troops, being in all 2500 Horse, prepared, but falsely * 29.18 to obey the Ordinance of Parliament, re∣ceiving onely six weeks pay for many moneths Arrears: and because the Parlia∣ment so vehemently tax the King for entertaining of Forreigners, and also because it is very strange, observe what * 29.19 he saith further: Sir Thomas Fairfax his Pen travelling as far as great Alexanders Sword.* 29.20

Divers of the disbanded came from very remote Countries, and bad Passes, some for Egypt, others for Mesopotamia and Ethiopia.

Upon consideration of this passage (besides that it wipes away the cavil of the Kings entertainment of Forraigners, a more general and no less envious

observation ariseth, viz. that in some sort it may be said (what was spoke of the Roman Civil Wars, That all Nations and people were engaged in the for∣tune and Fate of Caesar or the Senate) that the whole World was concerned in our English Confusions: for by this black list of Auxiliaries from the other side of the Line, and such remote Regions (it being also unquestionable how dex∣terously and designedly all our potent Neighbours thrust themselves in at our Breaches) our troubles and intestine feuds may be allowed to pretend to a like obnoxious greatness and reputation; since the fame of our conflagration and incendiaries flew to such distant and scorched Climates. Those Salamanders embroyled themselves in the fire of our contentions, and by their Hue it had been no great prejudice to the Cause they maintained, if a man had guessed them to be the Tutelary Angels thereof; the inside of all the pretences of the War against the King, appearing as black and foul as the outside of these their fellow-Souldiers.

So that while we shall now in its order and time repeat the subsequent per∣petrations of the Party and Faction, the War being wholly finished, and they by the wise providence and permission of God possessed of all they quarrelled for; (though it is not fair to prepossess posterity) the Reader and after-times will suspect or think there is some Hiatus or deficiency in the Register of these troubles, if after such a promising conclusion (wherein the necessity and blessing of Peace seemed to be well accommodated in that juncture, besides the opportunity and obligation of the Parliament to make appear their many Declarations and Protestations, both in behalf of his Majesty and the King∣dom) he shall be on a sudden, without any pause or expostulation, or account of the designes and practises of the Parliament and Army, plunged imme∣diately, and involved again in new,* 29.21 and worser, and more perplexed actions and politicks than in the middle of the War: for now having laid aside the mask, the smooth and soft cover of their beautiful pretences, they put on the gastly and terrible Vizor, that personated the Tyranny and Usurpation which soon after followed. To proceed then,

The state of the matter was briefly this: It was thought now high time by the principals of the conquering side, to share the Soveraignty; but the difficul∣ty of doing it, in regard of those mutual distrusts that waxed every day stron∣ger betwixt the two factions of Presbytery and Independency,* 29.22 delayed a while the actual fruition of their desires. The Bucket of interest went up and down a long while, one side secretly closing with the King in a seeming tenderness for his Rights and Person, to ballance the other, who by an obstinacy against him and his Government, engaged most of the first leaven of that tumultuous rabble to an adherence and strengthning of their party, from an expectation of spoil and preferment upon their Models, after their subversion of Monarchy. In these their distractions, the onely expedient for both, was to protract time, and await a more advantagious and favourable juncture for either of them, wherein to compass and accomplish their several aims and divided projections upon the Kingdom. Therefore the same publike ends and common concern∣ments, which were the pretended causes of the War, were now declared to be insisted on, as to constant and perpetual security, viz. the Laws, Religion and Liberty. That the b••••ting the Enemy in the Field, was not sufficient alone to that purpose, but that some provision must be made for the future; and that those establishments of the publike upon a firm Peace, would require time, af∣ter so many commotions and dislocations, such disorder and confusion of the policy of the Government.

To this purpose the King was held out to his people as an obstinate person,* 29.23 no way changed in his mind as to their good, but that all his offers of Treaty and Peace were meerly to impose upon their credulous affections, intending nothing less than satisfaction to his Parliament, against whom he had waged a long and bloody War. That in a just resolution, they had proceeded, and would persist on their way of Propositions, on which alone a lasting Peace

might be grounded and expected. That in the mean time they would take care that the Common Enemy should take no advantage of raising a new War, (indeed their tyrannical method of Composition for their Loyalty in the first, might well make them as good as their words.) And with the old flourishes of Liberty, and happy times, inculcating their Successes, and ascribing them to their Cause, they thus offered to amuse the people, exchanging their fine∣ness and smoothness of words, for the real repose and tranquillity looked for by the Kingdom.

This proceeding highly exasperated the Kings party, and as much encoura∣ged the desperadoes of their own,* 29.24 to claw them with Petitions and Addresses of Thanks for these resolutions, proving the onely means to continue the rupture, and consequently their Power and Authority; which how then and hereafter they executed, we will now more particularly relate, having laid down these SEEDS of the SECOND WAR, as they, and from then their Sequestrators and Committees were most wrathfully pleased to call it, when they wrongfully pla∣ced it upon their score and account.

* 29.25These were the transactions and the devices of the English Parliament and Army: it will be requisite to see what the same bodies of Scotland do in refe∣rence to the Peace of both Kingdoms; and we shall finde them in as great a strangeness to it as the former, and not with far different purposes and inten∣tions: For the Scots would have money in Coyn and Specie, the other were for the value in great penny-worths, and purchases of Delinquents Estates. The Scots, as was said before, had the King in their possession, a good pawn and pledge for the debt accrued to them before, for the pay due for their service in England; which being not over-hastily pay'd, they quitted their post at the Siege of Newark, and with the King marched Northwards, bearing him in hand that they were his gude Subjects, and would stand as far as 'twas con∣sistent with their Covenant, for his person and interests. As the Army marched, so did the King, making the limits of their Quarters to be his Court, until by leasurable journeys (and which were interrupted by several Expostulations, Expresses from Westminster) he came at last and took up his residence at New∣castle, where appeared such a deal of Scotch bravery, especially among the Commanders of their Army, that the place appeared like the revived Court of King Iames after his assumption to the Crown of England. Every rag worn by them, being bought and purchased (if so fairly come by) with English gelt.

* 29.26In the mean while the Parlianent were debating concerning the Person of the King; but it was so ticklish a point, that they agreed not to any present positive settlement or entertainment of it, but negatively, in signifying to the Scots, that in England his Majesty might be disposed by none but the Parlia∣ment of England: That their Army in England is theirs, and under their pay, and pretending the inconvenience of the great distance of the King from them, as to obtaining of his assent; and then the Covenant.

This begat in the King another meditation, in his Eikon Basil. where he discourseth and deplores those events, which put him to such a choice; but resolutely fixeth himself on his own Honour and Conscience, however it should please God to order this disposition of him in the Scots hands. And con∣trariwise it raised in the faction Soliloquies and Charms, which way they might extricate this puzling difficulty. As the first expedient, the old stalk of courting the Prince was agreed upon; and therefore they sent a Letter to the Governour of G••ernsey to be conveyed to him.

* 29.27At the Kings Arrival at Newcastle, he was there received with all demon∣strations of respect, both from the Town and the Scots; on the Towns part, with the usual customes of Bone-fires, and ringing of the bells, and ap∣precations for his Majesties happy restitution, and speedy accommodation with his Parliament; on the Scots, in a semblance of the same gladness and duty, with protestations to the same purpose as the inhabitants wishes; but which

suddenly lost belief,* 29.28 when their General signified by Proclamation, not onely that no Papists or Delinquents should come neer his Person, but also, That although his Majesties Person were present, yet all men whatsoever should yield Autho∣rity to the Ordinances of the Parliament. A parcel of which Authority they themselves imitated, laying heavy Assessments upon all the Northern Counties, pretending the Parliaments negligence of their pay; so that those poor people were ready to rise and free themselves from these oppressors, having in vain Petitioned them at Westminster for relief: which the Scots senting, they pri∣vately sent for their Horse under David Lesly, who had defeated Montross at Philipshaugh (of which briefly before) and driven him far enough into the High-lands, to return to their main Army then at Newcastle, to reinforce it, and to secure themselves in their Quarters, till the bargain should be made.

They at Westminster understanding hereof, do resent this additional force of Scots, and thereupon in anger Vote,* 29.29

That this Kingdom hath no further need of the Army of their brethren the Scots in this Kingdom, and that the sum of one hundred thousand pounds should be advanced and paid to that Army, as followeth, viz. 50000 l. after their surren∣der of Newcastle, Carlile, and other English Garrisons possessed by them in Eng∣land, and the other 50000 l. after their departure into Scotland; and order should be taken for the payment of their Arrears.

This was a good come on, and a handsome induction to greater sums: in the mean while the Scotish Commissioners,* 29.30 with their Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile Dulci, address themselves to the Parliament with their glozing ora∣tory, protesting the good intention of their Army and Nation, and obtesting some speedy satisfaction of money, that they might not be burdensome to the Country; assuring them on one hand, of their complying with the Parliament according to Covenant, and offering something for the King too a la Mode the same Covenant; like the man in the Fable, that could blow hot and cold with the same breath. But where so many words pass between buyer and seller, a man may suspect little honesty or reason in either.

To confirm this their firm adherence in all fairness to the Covenant,* 29.31 Mr. Alexander Henderson, the Moderator formerly in that illegal Assembly at Glas∣gow in 1639. and Commissioner here in England afterwards, a famed preach∣er, Scholar, and Presbyter, was set upon the King at Newcastle, whom the King handled with that acuteness both in private Conferences and Disputes, as also in discussive Papers of the Controversies of the Discipline of the Church of England, and so well plyed him (his Majesties prudent and laborious un∣dertaking of this person serving to stop the weaker yet more malapert assaults of his English Reformists who followed this grand Pattern) by asserting the practice and universal consent of the Primitive Church beyond any private or modern opinion whatsoever, that it is more than credible that Mr. Henderson convinced in his conscience of the errours he had maintained to the promoting of Schism and Rebellion, from such a Church, and against so excellent a Prince, whose Learning, Clemency and Courtesie, were alike eminent, not long after upon his return,* 29.32 or rather sending home into Scotland, languished with grief and anxiety of mind; and with plain symptoms thereof, and no other outward cause, dyed.

Mr. Stephen Marshal,* 29.33 another Presbyterian Minister, and a famous Teacher of the Covenant, was there also; but the King would not be troubled with his discourses, having such cause of offence at his prayers; which made him after∣wards wholly decline any intercourse with him: the Papers wherein he had so rationally refuted the same principles with Mr. Henderson, being publike, and therefore he might well be disobliged from further trouble in that Controversie.* 29.34 Nor were the disputes less between the Scots Commissioners and the Parliament, which every day came in Print, being politick, subtile wranglings for nothing, de lana Caprina, each party endeavouring to cajole the other into absurd beliefs:

meer names of things, and distinctions, as the Person of the King, &c. wholly imploying those State-Logicians, with whom Majesty and duty were non••En∣tia. Into these frivolous jars, Cromwel and his Army-Fellows put in their Pleas, and suborned some serious fools to throw in their considerations of the matter;* 29.35 which reflected bitterly on the Scots, not by way of Reason, but bold im∣pudent aspersions, and indeed, as to them, ungrateful and unmannerly dict••∣ries. Those the Commissioners take notice of, complaining to the Parlia∣ment; but in vain, the Independant party laughing secretly at the pudder they made for such trifles as Religion and Government, which so forwardly and designedly they themselves had overthrown, and aukwardly and scrupu∣lously they would now seem to intend and establish. It being generally recei∣ved by them, as proclaimed by others, That all was but a Juggle; and the con∣clusion credited that report.

Setting aside other punctilio's between them, concerning Presbytery (which now laboured grievously in the birth, being ready for the Midwifery of an Ordinance, and was hereby retarded, A Proviso for Tender Consciences being to be added as a superfaetation of that Discipline by the Independents, and rejected as an after-birth, inlet and receptacle of all Heresies, Sects, and Schisms by the Scots, of which there will be occasion hereafter) matter of State shall be first related, as coming first to the Kings consideration in the Propositions after ten months time sent to him by Commissioners while he was at New∣castle. To omit also all their disputes concerning the obligations of the Cove∣nant, as to mutual interests and polity of Government, whereby the one Kingdome might not act without the concurrence of the other, insisted on by the Scots, and waved by the Members, because these shadows and the Cove∣nant it self is vanished, and the best friends of it would be loath to have these absurdities and clashings of the said League revived; the Confederates, as at the building of Babel (such our after-Commonwealth) being divided within three years time among themselves in the very language of it; and some great promoters of it then, calling it now an Old Almanack: I say, not to rake in this unconcerning matter, which is intended to be forgotten, let's proceed onely with this due insertion of another matter, That Cromwel seeing how the Scots drove at money for pay, to ripen a division betwixt them and the Houses,* 29.36 set Poyntz's Souldiery and Garrison of York, where he was Gover∣nour, to mutiny for pay, and to force it as the Scots did, whose example they pleaded; and with the same blow to discard Poyntz first from the affection, and then from the command of his Forces; one suspected to be honester than the designes of the Army could suffer.

* 29.37On the 11 of Iuly the Propositions were finished, and sent to the King by the Earls of Pembroke and Suffolk, Mr. Goodwyn, Sir Walter Earl, Sir Iohn Hippesly, and Mr. Robinson: who met on the way with a Message from the King to the Two Houses in answer to their demand for the Marquess of Or∣monds disbanding in Ireland; wherein he desires their Propositions, as the rea∣diest and safest way to gratifie them in that and other things conducing to the Peace of the Kingdom. A little while before this also, Monsieur Bellieure, a French Ambassador being sent to accommodate the difference between the King and Parliament,* 29.38 received thanks from the Parliament, to whom he first ad∣dressed; but the interposition of his Master was wholly denyed: whereupon he did the like fruitless office to the King; and having had some private Audi∣ence with him, after many good morrows departed.

* 29.39To keep a punctual account of the Prince his Son's peregrination; the first forrain place we find him in is about this time at the French Court in Paris; of which the Queen, then there also, gave notice to the King by Mr. Montril the French Agent residing there.* 29.40

The Propositions sent now to the King were quarrelled at by the Scots Com∣missioners; first, because they were not the same with those formerly sent to Oxford and Vxbridge. Secondly, Because all the additions, omissions and alte∣rations

made in them, are in those things which concern the joynt interest and union of both Kingdomes. And thirdly, the danger of wholly excluding the King and his Posterity, and so the Crown, from their right to the Militia; which was an alteration of the Fundamental Laws. And fourthly, the uncer∣tainty of the Religion the Parliament would establish, they refusing to give their Brethren, the Scots, the particulars thereof; Presbytery being then piece∣meal offered by the Assembly of Divines to the Parliaments considera∣tion.

In this point,* 29.41 the Scots urged how many promises of UNIFORMITY the Parliament had made at their instances to them throughout the War; and that this Uniformity might be extensive, and become the Discipline of the Re∣formed Churches every where, and so be the Catholick Rule, had ordered the Covenant as a Model or Pattern to be printed in most of the Forrain Lan∣guages; that it should be a sin and shame to England, that all sorts of He∣resies, Sects and Schisms should be so multiplied; Liberty of Conscience not onely pleaded for, but in place already, and all the kindnesses done them, so unhandsomly slighted. And as to the Presbyterial Government to be esta∣blished here, Exceptions were taken at the subordination of Church-Assemblies to Parliament, in the words prescribed, lest it should be interpreted as if the Civil Power were not onely conversant about matters of the Church and Re∣ligion, but were formally Ecclesiastical, and to be exercised Ecclesiastically, and be counted such a Supremacy in the Church, as in the Pope and the late High-Commission of England. Next, they scrupled their Provincial Commis∣sioners for judging of Scandal, there being no such Warrant for such a mix∣ture of Lay with Spiritual Officers; which they suppose may be the laying of a New Foundation of the said High-Commission or Episcopacy. Thirdly, That admitting the Power of calling and convening a National Assembly be in the Civil Magistrates as positive, yet they cannot allow it privative or destru∣ctive, and that therefore such Assemblies may not be restrained to times of Session, the safety of the Church being the supreme Law; That therefore it should not be left ad libitum to the pleasure of the Civil Power, but that fixed times for their meeting might be appointed.

From this the English perceived that the Scotch Yoak would not fit their necks; and though they could be content with their Spirituals, there was no enduring of their Temporals: which consideration, with those Cavils printed and published, produced a Declaration of the House of Commons,* 29.42 wherein (being now in no need of further assistance, having no Enemy left but that Army) they come to a point, and withal thus gird their gude Brethren (we shall repeat onely one Paragraph.)

Concerning Church-Government, we having so fully declared for Presbyterian Government,* 30.1 having spent so much pains, taken up so much time, for the settling of it; passed most of the particulars brought to us from the Assembly of Divines (cal∣led onely by us to advise of such things as shall be required of them by the Parlia∣ment) and having published several Ordinances for putting the same in execution, because we cannot consent to the granting of an arbitrary and unlimited Power and Jurisdiction to near TEN THOVSAND IVDICATORIES to be erected within this Kingdom, and this demanded in a way INCONSI∣STENT with the FVNDAMENTALS of GOVERNMENT, excluding the POWER of PARLIAMENT in the exercise of that IV∣RISDICTION; nor have we resolved yet, how a due regard may be had, that TENDER CONSCIENCES which differ not in any Fundamen∣tals of Religion, may be so provided for as may stand with the word of God, and peace of the Kingdom. And let it be OBSERVED, that we have had the more reason not to part with the Power out of our hands, since all by-past Ages manifest, that the Reformation and purity of Religion, and the preservation and protection of the people, hath been by Parliament, and the exercise of this power:

our endeavours being to settle the Reformation in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, according to the Word of God, and the example of the best Reformed Churches, and according to our COVENANT.

That's the burden of the Ditty; but how that comes to be set in opposition to the Scotch Model of Presbytery, may be left to the distinguishing Expositors, between Bell and the Dragon. The Poets Fiction concerning Proteus, was cer∣tainly a meer vaticination and prediction of this variable Monster; for the King, the Kirk, the Parliament, the Sectaries, for every thing according to its present interest, as the Camelion appears in the colours that are neerest it. A serious Kirk-fallacy, made a Parliament-Riddle.

* 30.2Come we now to those long-hammered Propositions sent to the King at Newcastle, Iuly 11. as aforesaid, which were twenty three in number.

First, That his Majesty would pass an Act for nulling all Declarations and Pro∣clamations against both or either Parliaments of England or Scotland. Secondly, The King to sign and swear the Covenant, and an Act for all persons in the three Kingdoms to do the like. Thirdly, An Act to take away Bishops, &c. Fourthly, To confirm by Act the Assembly of Divines at Westminster. Fifthly, To settle Re∣ligion as the Parliament shall agree. Sixthly, In Vnity and Vniformity with Scot∣land, as shall be agreed by both Parliaments, [Kill Episcopacy point-blank, and shoot at Scotch wild-fowl at randome] Seventhly, An Act to be confirmed against Papists. Eighthly, Their Children to be educated in the Protestant Religion. Ninth∣ly, For taking away part of their Estates. Tenthly, Against saying of Mass in England. Eleventhly, And the same in Scotland if they please. Twelfthly, For observation of the Lords day, against Pluralities and Non-residents, and for Visi∣tations and regulating the Vniversities. Thirteenth, That the Militia of the three Kingdoms be in the hands of the Parliament for twenty years, with power to raise money and suppress all Forces, &c. Fourteenth, That all Honours, and Titles, and Dignities, conferred on any since the great Seal was conveyed from the Parlia∣ment, May 21 1642. be nulled; and that those who hereafter shall be made Peers by the King, shall not sit in Parliament, without consent of both Hou∣ses. Fifteenth, That an Act be passed to confirm all the Treaties between England and Scotland, and a Committee of both Houses to be nominated Conservators of the Peace between both Kingdoms. Sixteenth, An Act for the establishing the Decla∣ration of both Kingdoms of the THIRTIETH of JANUARY, 1643. touching Delinquents, with other qualifications added now, which were so com∣prehensive, that they seemed accommodated for the fatal prognostick of that days Revolution in 1648. when accumulative treason (a word invented by them∣selves against the Earl of Strafford) was extended to other the Kings Friends as to number, and in the amassed guilt of all impiety, afterwards practised upon the life of his Martyred Majesty; exempting from pardon all such as had proved themselves zealous and stout asserters of the King and his Cause; Sequestra∣tions, Bonds, Fines, and Securities abiding the rest: as to the King himself, they had left him nothing but the name and Title of Regality, the honour and support thereof being quite taken away. The rest of them were private re∣serves and advantages for themselves and their partisans, and some relating to the Kingdom of Ireland; such an unreasonable miscellany, that the Scots for pretence of honour could not digest them, but scrupled at most of them, as they were framed at Westminster, for some of the reasons afore mentioned, but swallowed then, and were satisfied at their delivery at Newcastle, by the Solution of Two hundred thousand pounds, when in a peremptory manner, as will presently be related, they told him he must assent.

At the delivery of those Propositions on the 23 Iuly, the King asked the Commissioners if they had power to Treat; who replyed, No: then said the

King,* 30.3 Saving the honour of the business, an honest Trumpeter might have done as much. I hope you expect not a present Answer to this high concernment. To which they answered, that their time was limited to ten days. By which time the King having viewed them, declined them altogether, though hardly be labour∣ed and sollicited on all hands to comply with them; and put into the Com∣missioners hands a Paper containing offers of coming to London to Treat there; which they nevertheless excused themselves from sending to the Parliament: whereupon the King sent this Answer to the two Houses by a Messenger of his own.

The Propositions tendered to his Majesty by the Commissioners,* 31.1 &c. (to which the Parliament have taken up twice so many moneths for deliberation, as they have assigned days for his Majesties Answer) do import so great alterations of Govern∣ment both in Church and Kingdom, as it is very difficult to return a particular and positive Answer, before the explanations, true sense, and right reason thereof be un∣derstood; and that his Majesty upon a full view of the whole Propositions, may know what is left, as well as what is taken away or changed. In all which he finds that the Commissioners are in no capacity to Treat with him. That it is impos∣sible for him to give such a present judgment of, and answer to the Propositions, whereby he shall be able to answer to God, that a safe and well-grounded Peace will ensue; and therefore desires to come to London upon the security of Parlia∣ment and Scotch Commissioners, where, by his personal presence, he may not onely raise a mutual confidence betwixt him and his people, but also have those doubts cleared, and difficulties explayned unto him, which he now conceives destructive to his Royal power, if he shall give a full consent as they now stand: as likewise to make known unto them his reasonable demands, which he is assured will be con∣ducible to Peace, &c. and will be there ready to give his assent to all Bills for the security and stability thereof, not having regard to his own particular. Conjuring them as Christians, as Subjects, and as men, who desire to leave a good name behind them, that they will so receive and make use of this Answer, that all Is∣sues may be stopped, and these unhappy distractions peaceably settled. And post∣scribes, that upon such assurance of agreement he will immediately send for the Prince his Son, not doubting of his perfect obedience, to return into this King∣dom.

This Answer had a various reception in the House of Commons; it start∣led the Presbyterians, as who found it difficult to effect their purposes other∣wise than by and with the King; it tickled the Independents, who did all they could, by thrusting in harsh words and terms, to make the King indisposed and averse to all. Both became very sensible the King was not the man they took him for, but a Prince of prudence and resolution; no evil Counsellors being to be taxed with the penning of this, as their custom was, except Duke Hamilton,* 31.2 and his Brother the Earl of Lanerick, both of whom were very in∣dustrious in perswading his Majesty to consent: nay, even better friends than they to the King, who feared this peremptoriness of the Parliament would grow to somwhat worser, were almost of the same mind, as far as preferring the safety of his life would indulge such thoughts: whom the Presbyterians saw there was no way, but by strict and undutiful restraint, to bend to their will; and the Independents, by treachery and barbarous villanies to break and utterly to destroy.

Most highly incensed therefore was the Parliament at this refusal of those means which they said their most elaborate prudence, and diligent ponderation of every circumstance (after so long a time) conducing to the King and King∣doms happiness, had prepared and digested to such an equal temperament of the rights of the King and the people.* 31.3 The King was scandalized and repor∣ted every where as obstinate and perverse; while nothing but the ipse dixit of the equity, justice, or reasonableness of their Propositions was produced; nor was

the Kingdom at all satisfied with their shallow suggestions. But this served the turn with those who were glad it should be so, and gratified the Rabble and the Army, who fearful of a disappointment of their shares in the Ruine of the Kingdom, the hopes whereof had so long flattered them, more especially by the better perswasions and irresistible. Arguments of money, they (suspecting the Issue some while before) prevailed upon the Scots reason, and faith, and honesty to Boot, who were so clearly convinced of the Kings refractoriness to the Counsel of his Parliament in denying those Propositions, that they would nor could no longer maintain nor abet such his persistency therein, but would leave him to the disposal of his English Parliament; having first procured from him an Order and severe Injunction to the Marquess of Montross to lay down Arms (though in a probable condition of recovering his late Defeat) and to accept such Conditions as he could procure for him;* 31.4 which indeed were mean, and full of secret fraud and revenge against that Noble and famous Captain. He was forced,* 31.5 in the disguise of his Captains habit, at his prefixed time, to put himself on board an old and leaky vessel, (designed for him by the Estates of Scotland, but pretending want of Victual and other necessaries, while the time of his embarquing) and set sail for Norway, where it pleased God he arri∣ved in safety, and after traversed much ground, solliciting the Kings cause in several forain Courts, where he refused all imployments, intent onely upon his Majesties affairs; and at last betook himself to the Court of King Charles the se∣cond: but of that, and what afterwards happened to this illustrious Heroe, there is yet room for another Memento.* 31.6

The Scotch Compact being concluded, the Earl of Lowdon very fairly tells the King (still at Newcastle) what he must trust to, if he will not comply with the offers of the Parliament.

If you refuse to assent, you will lose all your friends in Parliament, lose the Ci∣ty and all the Country;* 31.7 and all England will joyn against you as one man: they will process and depose you, they will charge us to deliver your Majesty to them, to render their Garrisons, and to remove our Armies out of England; and so both Kingdoms for eithers safety to agree, and settle Religion and Peace without you, to the Ruine of your Majesty and posterity: and if you lose England, you will not be admitted to come and Reign in Scotland. We confess the Propositions are higher in some things than we approved of, but we see no other means of closing with the Parliament. And immediately thereupon, Instructions are sent them from Scotland,* 31.8 concerning the giving over of the King. It had been debated in their Parliament, and from thence sent to the Assembly for their advice, by whom it was remitted in the affirmative, and carried but by two voices in the Parliament: and was accordingly transacted at Newcastle and Lon∣don.

* 31.9But the Scots were not so willing to be rid of the King, as the Northern Counties were to be rid of the Scots; of whom, besides free quarter, that Army had levied 20000 l. a month; an unheard-of rate, and a most unreasonable. Several general complaints had been made, but now they made up a charge of particulars, with variety of imputation upon them; which being also Printed, the Scots Commissioners desired the suppression thereof, or some other repara∣tion; which was,* 31.10 as one may think, well repaid in the sums of money they re∣ceived upon this Contract, which at first demand was no less than a Million; but in consideration of a present round sum, abated to 400000 l. whereof 200000 l. to be paid at two payments, the first upon quitting Newcastle (and marching beyond the River Tine) the other upon the delivery of the King, and their departure out of England, and surrendring Carlile and Berwick: to the performance on either part, Hostages to be given. The Scots insisted upon security for the remaining 200000 l. naming very conscionably and brotherly, the sale of Delinquents estates; but the Parliament would not so undervalue their credit, nor prostitue it to their lustful eye, cast upon so fair a partage of their Conquest; nor buy the King, and sell his friends. The money they had

was enviously enough bestowed on them,* 31.11 being the sacrilegious rapine of Church-Lands then exposed to sale by Ordinance of Parliament, but conveyed in pomp to the place of payment in thirty six Waggons, six Regiments of the Army by the order of the General going with it for its Convoy; and accor∣ding to the agreement, the first 100000 l. was paid at Northallerton in December.

Not to prosecute this subject further through so many diversities,* 31.12 and change of countermines, nor to touch on those irreverend Declarations from the Scotch Parliament and Assembly, and their Reasons as unmannerly, of not admitting the King into that his Kingdom, it will suffice to say, that at last they acquaint∣ed the Parliament (having received their money) that they were now upon going home, and desired to know what service the Parliament would command them to the Parliament of Scotland: which the King foreseeing, and that he should be thus basely abandoned by them, he betakes himself afresh to his sollici∣tation of his English Parliament, wherein he saith,

That he had endeavoured by his Answer of the 24th of July last,* 32.1 to their Pro∣positions delivered him in the Name of both Kingdoms, to make his intentions fully known. But the more he endeavoured it, he more plainly saw that any Answer be could make, would be subject to misinformations, and misconstructions; which upon his own explanations he is most confident will give such satisfaction, as to establish a lasting Peace. He proposeth therefore again his coming to London,* 32.2 upon security of both Houses, where by his personal presence he may not onely raise a mutual con∣fidence betwixt him and his people; but also have all doubts cleared, &c. To con∣clude, it is your King who desires to be heard (the which if refused to a subject by a King, he would be thought a Tyrant for it) and to that end which all men did profess to desire. Wherefore he conjures them, as they desire really to shew them∣selves what they profess, as good Christians or subjects, that they accept this his Offer, which he is confident God will so bl••ss as to a happy Settlement, &c.

A Reply was sent to the former by Sir Peter Killigrew, one who had been the Parliaments Messenger throughout; but none to this, the two Houses being taken up with the business of disposal of his person somewhere else, which was wholly remitted to them by the Negative Resolves of the Parliament of Scotland,* 32.3 upon the Question of the Kings coming into that Kingdom: That the Government shall be managed in the same manner and way as it hath been these five years last past, and that fresh Assays and all means in the interim shall be used to make the King take the Covenant. That if he shall do so, yet the taking of it, or passing the Propositions, will not warrant them to assist him in England; nor is the bare taking of it sufficient otherwise. That the clause in the Covenant for defence of the Kings person, is to be understood of the defence and safety of the King∣dom. That if he refuse the Propositions, he shall be disposed according to the Co∣venant and Treaty. That he shall execute no power or Authority in Scotland, till he do signe them, and take the Covenant; and that the Vnion be kept between both Nations.

His Majesty guessing at this their desperate and perfidious desertion of him, had sounded their Commissioners then attending him, in what condition or estate he was among them; whether at Liberty, or a Prisoner: and put the Dilemma upon them, If at liberty, why he might not dispose of himself any-whither? if in restraint, what did they mean by his assenting and signing the Propositions, which in no case could be valid or binding, if agreed by him while a Prisoner? To this the Scots had nothing to say, but their Covenant with the English, which they might not contravene; and that according to the above mentioned Resolves, which they now declared, he was to be rendred to such hands as the Parliament of England should appoint, who were expected every day upon that errand. They further excused themselves from their reception

and admission of his Majesty into Scotland, from the danger and hazard they might incur, his party being not yet so disbanded, but that by his neer pre∣sence, and advantage of his person, they would resume their Arms and Cou∣rages, and put that Nation in a worse broyl than before: and for conclusion, they told him, they were in no condition to entertain him in that state and dignity due to his person; the Treasure exhausted, and his Revenews eaten up: so that there was but one way for his Majesty to turn, which he might make hereafter large and convenient enough, by a present speedy complyance with his two Houses at Westminster.

This made the King to look about him, and to cast about which way to pre∣vent and eschew this streight in which the baseness of the Scots had thus en∣gaged him.* 32.4 A design was therefore thought on of his escape from them; but it was presently discovered, and the surrender of him the rather expedited: for the Scots were such honest dealers, that having received their money upon the bargain, they would not defeat their Chapmen of their purchase. A wretched advantage to either! the Scots never thriving after it, but being totally at last vassalized and subdued; and the Presbyterians in England every day growing less and less, till they were swallowed up in the Anarchy and Medly of the following times, and benighted in the succeeding confusions and Schisms. We will leave the King thus in the Ballance between England and Scotland,* 32.5 and cross over to Ireland, of which little mention hath been yet made, but shall now be remembred in its own series.

In the first four months of that Rebellion, no less than 150000 Men, Wo∣men and Children were Massacred there by the Irish Rebels; an account where∣of hath been published, taken by the Rebels themselves, lest they should have seemed more Cruel and Barbarous than indeed they were. Some of these Mur∣ders were committed by old English Families Grafted upon Irish stocks, and thereby became Roman-Catholicks; such as were the Lords of the Pale, who openly sided with the Irish, and were their Chief Officers and Leaders. The Earl of Leicester had been appointed Lord Deputy; and he hastned thither; but some difficulties intervening, he by Commission appointed the Earl (after∣wards Marquess, then Duke) of Ormond to be his Lieutenant-General in that ser∣vice; who after many successful Encounters with the Irish (whose numbers maintained the War more than their Valour, (though raised by the greatest incentive imaginable, Natural desire of Libertie) from the pressing Calamities of the Protestants there, and the urgency of his Majesties affairs in England) had concluded a Cessation by order of the King in 1643. Notwithstanding the Parliament-party and the Scots still carried on the War: And to shew the Irish what they should trust to, the Parliament in 1644, had Arraigned Mac Mahon and the Lord Macquire (who a little before had broke out of Prison,* 32.6 and af∣ter a months hiding were taken) at the Kings-Bench Bar, where Macquire insisted mainly on his Peerage, but was over-ruled, and both by a Jury of Mid∣dlesex-Gentlemen found guilty, and sentenced for High-Treason, for which soon after they were Executed as Traytors at Tyburn. The Lord Inchiquin and the Lord Broughil condescended not likewise to this Treaty, but with intermixed success stood out against the whole power of the Rebels, and were at last greatly distressed. To remedy this, the Lord Lisle, Son to the Earl of Leicester, was now ordered to go for Ireland, with an Army of 8000 men: the Lord Muskerry was likewise General for the Irish in the Southern parts of the Kingdome,* 32.7 who took several places of strength in a short time; where∣upon the Marquess of Ormond proceeded to make that Cessation a kind of Peace; it being judged by the Lords of the Council there, not onely an ex∣pedient for their safety (for the Rebels threatned to besiege Dublin) but also to divide them against one another: the more moderate of them, who had some sence of the Kings condition, and had not altogether Renounced their Loyalty, being for a composure; but the Popes Nuncio and the inveterate Irish, such as the Family of Oneal and Masquire, and generally the Popish

Clergy Opposing themselves thereto. Notwithstanding it took some effect; for the Marquess perceiving that no good could be done at present with the Parlia∣ment of England, with whom he had Treated for supplies and assistance, and had in lieu of it offered the Surrender of the places he held, upon conditions, to them and the Forces they should send, came to agreement with the Rebels there; and though the King had by his Letters from Newcastle ordered him not to proceed farther to any conclusion with them, according as the Parliament had desired him, yet seeing the necessity of falling into the hands of the Rebels or the Parliament, and considering that the King when he writ this was in restraint, and so his Commands might be dispensed with, and that the Kings intention was to be judged better by them who saw the necessity of it upon the place, and so not give way to other mens designs and false representations of it to his Majesty; received these Propositions for Peace following, being signed in November 1646, from the haughty Irish, who thought themselves absolute.

• First, That the exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion be in Dublin, and Drogheda, and in the Kingdom of Ireland, as free as in Paris or Brussels.
• Secondly, That the Council-Table consist of Members true and faithful to his Majesty, and who have been enemies to the Parliament.
• Thirdly, That Dublin, Drogheda, Team, Newby, Cathirly, Carlingford, and all Protestant Garrisons, be manned by the confederate Catholicks, to keep the same for the use of the King, and defence of the Kingdom.
• Fourthly, That the said Counsellours, Generals, Commanders, and Souldiers, do swear and engage to fight against the said Parliament of England, and all the Kings Enemies; and that they will never come to any agreement with them, to the prejudice of his Majesties rights, or the Kingdoms.
• Fifthly, That both parties, according to their Oath of Association, shall to the best of their power and cunning, defend the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, the Kings rights, and liberties of the Subject.

These the Irish insisted upon, and were held in play, that they should be granted with such Provisoes as should become the Kings Honour and Consci∣ence, of which, if that Loyalty they pretended was any way Real, they ought not to be less sollicitous than the Marquess; and in the mean while, the Peace to be as good as Established:* 32.8 which indeed by the said moderate party was thenceforward observed, as to his Majesties Interest in that King∣dom.

The Parliament to stop this Agreement, a little before dispatcht away the Lord Lisle, who weary of his Journey at his setting out, was recalled; but part of his Army was Transported, with whom was Colonel Monck (the after Re∣nowned General) who being Tampered with,* 32.9 and for his Liberty, having en∣dured a long Imprisonment in the Tower for the space of three years, under∣took an Employment for the Parliament in Ireland. The Forces shipped from Chester were neer two thousand, accompanied with three Commissioners from the Parliament to the Marquess, who having offered Dublin upon some Terms, which they were to present to his Majesty for him to signe; upon non∣performance thereof on their part, by keeping the Paper from the Kings sight, now refused the delivery of the City without his Majesties Command: so that after a Noble Treatment given the Commissioners, they for the present ceased any further Transaction, and shipped away the said Forces, under Colonel Monck, for Belfast in the North of Ireland, where they did very good service against Oneal and his fellow-Rebels.

The conclusion of this Peace was as ill resented by the Nuncio,* 32.10 and all the said Popish party, as it was by the Parliament: For the Catholick Armies ha∣ving lately had several great successes, and neither of the two other King∣doms then in a condition to relieve that of Ireland, thought upon nothing less

than a shaking off the English yoak, which so often in former ages they had attempted, but never had the like probabilities as now: the Clergy therefore, who were generally addicted to the Spaniard, under whose protection they would render themselves and the Nation,* 32.11 thundered out Excommunication against any that should acquiesce in the said Peace and Agreement, and with an Army of 17000 Horse and Foot, resolve, notwithstanding thereof, to march and besiege Dublin. This result begot a division among them, as by the Mar∣quess was afore consulted;* 32.12 but yet so great a strength remained to that party against the Peace, that the said Marquess was forced to resume his former Trea∣ty with the Parliament, concerning the delivery of those places he held to their Commissioners; who being sensible how difficult a work it would prove to be∣gin a new Conquest of that people, if either by force or a Treacherous Peace they should possess themselves of that little that was left to the English Prote∣stant interest, did labour with the King, the Marquess, and the Scots, that there might be no entertainment of any Accommodation with them, being ready (they said) to Transport over a numerous Army, to r••duce and sub∣due that Rebellion; which they pretended had ere long been done, if the King would have permitted them, by a complyance with their Propo∣sitions.

The King indeed was loth to abandon himself and his hopes in that King∣dom, with his Forces in England and Scotland at the same time, sadly foreseeing how the two Houses would use their Victory, and plainly seeing how his Scotch Subjects had already abused him; therefore he with no little reluctancy was brought to give way to the demand concerning Ireland: but there being no re∣medy, (all the assurances he had from the Marquess, and the Lord Digby, as well as from the transaction of the Marquess of Worcester, then Earl of Glamor∣gan, being disappointed by the Rebels falseness and Treachery, who indeed thought of nothing less than Peace, whereby the English Forces there could not be spared to his assistance) he consented to supersede and cease all manner of Treaty with the Enemy as aforesaid; which it is probable they coming to un∣derstand, did therefore the rather Violate their Accord which so unwillingly they entred into, as doubting of the performance of it, it being wholly out of his Majesties Power and Authority. Whatsoever the matter was, the Lord of Ormond was at last constrained (as the lesser Evil) to close with the Parlia∣ment, and surrender: of which, and the War prosecuted there by them, in the next year.

* 32.13The 13 of September, the Earl of Essex (the former General) dyed of an Apo∣plexy, suddenly (having for a little while before retired himself to his house at Eltham,) not without great suspicion of poyson, or some such practice. For he was known to have had his judgment rectified concerning the Quarrel, and to have stickled for a composure of the War in the House of Peers; and his influence on the Army not yet so weakned, but that he could make a party there to any design he should stand for, and the Reformadoes his fast friends. He was an able Souldier, confest; whether so much a man, disputed; the reproaches of his debility that way, as loud and unmannerly, as the praises of his Valour and conduct were justly due and renowned. The Royalists derided him with the stile of his OXCELLENCY, jeering him with his two unfortunate Marriages,* 32.14 first with the Lady Francis Howard, from whom he was divorced for his impotency and frigidity, quoad hanc; and the Daughter of Sir Amias Pawlet in Wiltshire, suspected of incontinency with Mr. V••edal. Her he had declined himself, who during the War continued at Oxford, while her Husband was in the field. Nor did he suffer less reproach from the P••anatick Rabble, who prostituted his honour at the same rate: They that were once most highly in love with his person, scorning and contemning him; like adul∣terous fondness, which converts into extreme hate and contempt. By them whom his popularity had estranged from their first love to their Prince, was he alike repudiated, with publike dicteries and representations in Pictures.

So Transitory is Vulgar esteem, grounded no other where than upon levity and desire of change, the deserved fate of such Grandees, who with the spe∣cious debauchery of good Commonwealths-men and Patriots, corrupt the minds, and alienate the affections of the Subject, to dote upon the bewitches and flatteries of Liberty, of which such persons are held forth by their courtesie and affability to be the main ass••rtors: so that it may be said of this Earl, that he was alike served with his wives, and the Commonalty; saving that by the last he lost his innocency, and the real honour of his house and Family.

But the Parliament (to which the Faction very readily concurred) to make reparation for those indignities done him,* 32.15 of which they could not otherwise acquit themselves, ordered his Exequies to be performed in a very solemn and magnificent manner. The Independent party, to colour and allay with the pomp and honour of his Funerals the envy and suspicion of his death, not grudging belike to make a golden bridge for a departing Enemy; as they might well reckon him to prove to their succeeding designs, when his duty to his injured Prince, and love to his abused deluded Country, and indignation of those affronts and contumelies put upon him, should raise in him a spirit as able to lay that white Devil of Reformation, as he was to conjure it up in the dreadful shape of an unnatural and disloyal War.

— Cineri Gloria sera venit. Mart.

He was drawn in Effigie upon a Chariot,* 32.16 from Essex-house in the Strand, to the Abby-Church at Westminster, (where Mr. Vines an eminent Presbyterian Preached his Funeral-Sermon upon this Text, [Knowest thou not, that a Prince is this day fallen in Israel?] very learnedly and elegantly) most of the Parlia∣ment-Nobility in close mourning following him on foot. The Effigie was af∣terwards placed in the uppermost Chancel in very great state, till a rude vindi∣ctive fellow laid his prophane hands upon it, and so defaced it privately in the night, that it was by order removed. Very few condolements were made after, he being like to be soon forgotten, who had neither interest, nor relation to his Honour, remaining; dying childless, and leaving his Estate to be divided betwixt the Marquess of Hertford who married his Sister, and his Cozen Leicester De∣vereux, after his decease Lord Viscount Hereford, which onely title of all the rest he now enjoys; his Title and Dignity of the Earldom of Essex being transfer∣red long after to the Noble and most Loyal Family of the Capels, in the 13th year of King Charles the second.

The very soul of Presbytery now departed, that which actuated its mass and matter, the inform Schism in the Church, to a most unnatural division in the State, and armed its hands with Force and violence to propagate its dominion, and Magisterial Usurpation; when from pretentions of Ecclesiastical Autho∣rity, it invaded the Civil Supremacy and Government: it was now culminant, and with this great Patron and Champion of it was come to its 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or full stop, having been declared by Ordinance of Parliament, for the onely Religion and manner of Worship in England:* 32.17 but to make an experiment of in onely, the Ordinance was to continue no longer than three years; a limitation which boded its abolition, and forespoke the inconveniences and unsuitableness there∣of to our Laws, Manners and Customs. Nothing but the best things are per∣petual, say the Philosophers, all immoderate things are short-lived; and 'twas a secret, but mortal wound, this prescription of time gave to the pretended Divine Right of Presbytery, which by that Plea must always be invariable, un∣changeable and indeterminable. But when this first great Pillar of it fell, (as it is observable, such Great Ones seldome go unaccompanied) it submitted to its period; its great blaze and flames it had raised waning into a glimmering and suspicious light, lookt upon rather as a Meteor or Exhalation, that any fixed Luminary, the ill influence thereof confirming our belief. And the Directory established the same time,* 32.18 was clearly such an ignis fatuus, which was to serve

as a guide to the wandring extemporary excursions of prayer, not allowing any certain or sure Form, the onely help and promoter of true Piety and Devo∣tion. It languished for a while after in London, but with such slighting and disregarding, as was due to the worshipful Pageantry of that Motly and time-ser∣ving Ordinance, wherein Presbytery and Independency were so blended and moulded together, that the least touch would separate and divide them; as was presently seen in the Contests between these two parties.

* 32.19It will be therefore requisite to give an account here of the manner and de∣sign of that rupture between them, it proving the rise of all those calamities that after befel the King. The Presbyterians were more numerous, the Inde∣pendents more active, vigilant and restless, watching all opportunities, and present both in publike and private Counsels: oft have they wearied out the House with long unnecessary debates, to unseasonable times of night; and when the Members of the other faction, being tyred and diseased, had with∣drawn themselves, slipt in a Vote of great concernment, and carried it by them∣selves. If in a full House any thing contrary or destructive to their designs was ready to pass, by putting in Proviso's, and perplexing the matter, or by in∣stance of further consideration of affairs of such importance, they so hinder'd it, that it dyed an Embryo abortive. Some of the Grandees of the other party they likewise so wrought upon, that they became false friends to their own side; the weaker sort of them they amused with fair offers. They scrued themselves by one means or other,* 32.20 by promises, preferments, largesses, into all manner of persons who could either hinder or advance their designs; and when they had proceeded so forward by this smooth way, they attained the rest by Menace and Threats, and the formidable insolence of their Army, which they had solely at their Devotion: yet notwithstanding they were shreudly put to it, and countermined by some eminent Patriots, whose indefatigable diligence and saga∣city was yet deluded by these following Artifices. Their prodigal liberality of bestowing 5000 l. and 10000 l. on some of the chief of the Presbyterian Members for their losses and sufferings, far beyond the value of them, was the first. This clearly begot in them a supine negligence of their main drift. Next, they surrogated and substituted in the place of those Members whom they had expelled for their Loyalty, men of mean fortunes, and wholly addicted to, and of the Army, who awed (by drawing their Troops thither,) the several Boroughs at their Elections, by which means they became at last a com∣petent party in the House to carry any thing. But the main Engine was the Self-denying Ordinance, whereby all Members of either House were dischar∣ged from bearing any Office Military or Civil,* 32.21 and obliged to quit all their places of profit and preferment, that the publike business might be better atten∣ded. By this shift they heaved out many eminent Presbyterians, who were possessed of Places and Offices in the Treasury, Garrisons and Commands of like consequence, and put in their friends, or those whom the profit would soon render such, in their stead. So that by this device the Presbyterians were absolutely stript of all Power, and were wip'd and cheated out of the Militia, for which they began the War, and which they had violently wrested from their Soveraign. Who cannot here but admire the wonderful steps and traces of Di∣vine Justice?

The Presbyterians were not wholly insensible whitherto this tended; but they could not with any pretence of honesty resist the plausibility of this Ordi∣nance, lest they should seem all along to have sought themselves, and not the Kingdoms good. A cry very rife and loud, put into the heads of some Demo∣cratical and Levelling Scriblers of the Fanatick Rabble, by Cromwel and his Privy Council. They cast about therefore to check and counterplot this grand Stra∣tagem by another as subtile,* 32.22 and altogether more feisible and necessary, that was, to disband the Army, since they perceived they had lost their Command and disposal of it. The Independents had used the same trick with good suc∣cess in their modelling and disbanding Colonel Massey; and the Peace of the

times, and the charge of the Kingdom, did seem more instantly to require an end of the War here, as Ireland the translation of it thither.

But the Independent Faction soon smelt out the design,* 32.23 and gave notice to Cromwel (who was still licensed to continue in all his Commands, his Iron∣sides, by which name he was now called, being ORDINANCE-PROOF) of its undoubted effect, if the Army interposed not. He upon conference with his Privado Ireton, agrees to spread it among the Souldiers, and withal to add their own comment, That the Parliament by the prevailing Vote of some unsound Members, were resolved to disband the Army, and cheat them of their Arrears, and send them in a wanting condition into Ireland, to be Butchered by the Rebels, for having thus faithfully served them in England. And we may soon imagine what a quarrel and hatred this begot in the lump of the Souldiery against the Parliament; but it was best judged by the irreconcile∣able malice against them, which they made appear not long after, in those most insolent and daring affronts, in assaulting, seising, impeaching, and secluding them several times in the two years ensuing. From this Military rage and in∣dignation they were presently put upon an unpractised, and as licentious as dangerous a design, even to the Authors themselves (as it afterwards proved, though their confident ambition made them venture it) of chusing out two out of each Company and Troop to be their Adjutators,* 32.24 and to draw up the sence of the Army, and to assist at the Councils of War, and advise therein for the Peace and safety of the Kingdom, even to such a sawcy degree of strange freedom, as to give their Vote, and to put in their spoke to any debate. This highly conciliated them and the whole Army to act whatever was privately suggested to them by Cromwel, and engaged them alike in the hazard which by these des∣perate courses he was resolved to run; counting it no diminution of his great∣ness, if by the basest servilities, and wretched Familiarities, he could attain his Tyranny.

By these ADJUTATORS, or AGITATORS, a Protestation of the Army was drawn and published, where they declared not to disband nor go for Ireland,* 32.25 until all their Arrears were paid, and the people restored to those rights for which they had engaged, and the Kingdom setled, and Peace secur∣ed, by an Act of Indempnity principally for themselves. Which demands be∣ing formed into a Petition (which was pretended to be no more than a Tran∣script of a nother from several Counties to the General to the same purpose) was delivered to the House by Colonel Hammond, Colonel Rich, and Colonel Ireton. The Presbyterians now plainly saw what they must trust to, and therefore put on a good face, and generously shewed their displeasure of this undutiful procedure; and to cry quits with their Country-cheat, put the County of Essex, and some other adjacent, to Petition them to pursue their resolutions of disbanding. In the intrigues of which affair, we will leave them embroy∣led, and proceed to their no less perplexed consultation concerning the King.

On the sixth of February the King was delivered,* 32.26 and Newcastle at the same time, by the Scots, to the Parliament Commissioners, whose names were as followeth: the Earl of Pembroke, Earl of Denbigh, Lord Mountague, Sir Walter Earl, Sir Iohn Holland, Sir Iames Harrington, Sir Iohn Cook, Mr. Crew, (afterwards Lord Crew of Stene) and Major-General Brown, and two Ministers, Mr. Marshal and Mr. Caryl, whom they might well have spared▪ Marshal being an Amphibiam or Hermaphrodite of Presbytery and Independen∣cy; to this as a Pensioner, to the other a Chaplain; and was not much unlike Ma∣jor-General Skippon, who had the same Ianus aspect to the Army and City, to the last whereof he approved himself a most Treacherous friend, as in all other the secret practices of the Presbyterians afterward. Caryl was downright Independent; both of them so inacceptable to the King, that he would by no means admit either of them to preach before him; which begat such a disgust in Caryl, that he mightily promoted ever after the Independent slander of the

Kings obstinacy: Marshal lived not long after, being discovered and slighted by all Parties.

* 32.27 The Commissioners having kist his Majesty's hand, acquainted him with their Order and Instructions to convey him to his house at Holdenby, in North-hamptonshire; but the King desired New-Market, as more convenient, and near∣er to London: but understanding he was not at their disposal, who were tyed up by the Parliament, he acquiesced, and with a sorrowful mind departed, attended with near 1000 Horse, accompanied by the Commissioners. On the eighth of February at night he lodged at Durham, next to Aukland, to Richmond, to Kippon, to Leeds, to Wakefield, to Rotheram, to Mansfield (whereabouts he was met by the General, who at his approach alighted, and his Majesty gave him his hand to kiss, and this commendation, That he was a truely Noble person, and had kept the Articles and Conditions he had so fairly given) to Leicester, and so to Holmby; being all the way thither gratulated by the people, as if in a Pro∣gress. So far was any part of the Kingdom (and those had been his sharpest and sorest Enemies) from thinking him the cause of their Troubles, (as he was afterwards most untruly Blasphemed,) that with all joy and gladness ima∣ginable they would have brought him in with their Peaceful Troops, without more ado, to his innocent Throne, instead of a Prison; where, upon his arrival,* 32.28 Proclamation was made, That none that had assisted him, or deserted the Parlia∣ment, should presume to come near his person.

This solitude gave him opportunity, though (as he saith most elegantly himself) sad occasion for some of those excellent Meditations in his Eikon Basil. particularly that of his restraint in this place; which was so much the more tedious,* 32.29 by their barbarous refusal of admitting his Chaplains, or but any two of them, to minister to him in this distress. He had twice so passionately, and with such obliging language (that his Christianity passed on his Regality) wooed the House of Lords to do him that favour, that they could not in pity and Piety refuse; but the House of Commons peremptorily withstood them, alleaging that those Chaplains would the more indispose him, and avert him from complying with them as to Religion. This denyal grievously troubled the King; but since there was no perswasion of them, he endeavoured to con∣vince their Commissioners, in whose company he past some hours of his confine∣ment at Bowles and other exercise; which he in particular affected with Ma∣jor-General Brown, who most dutifully reconciled himself to the King, pro∣testing his sorrow to have engaged so far against him,* 32.30 and his resolution to hazard as much for him if there should be occasion. With this Gentleman and the Earl of Pembroke most an end he diverted the duress of this recluse life,* 32.31 shewing himself pleasant in the intervals of his studying and devotions; and when the said Earl fell sick, most kindly visited him: but to all of them he shewed himself so affable and courteous in his converse, so obliging in his dis∣course, yet so Majestick and Authoritative in his Argumentation and State-conferences, that they were all (save Harrington his ungrateful domestick) meerly constrained to acknowledge their errour, and to profess a most willing obedience for the future to his person and Government.* 32.32 Though we shall con∣clude this year with an indignity done him by their Masters, who a while be∣fore had caused the Great Seal of England,* 32.33 which the Lord Littleton had car∣ried to Oxford, to be broke in pieces in the House of Lords; presuming there∣by to cancel whatever had passed it since that time: But it made too deep an impression to be so easily obliterated, as we shall see in the year 1660.

Anno Dom. 1647.

THus had Providence been pleased to favour the Arms of the Parliament, by putting all into their hands they had con••ested for: we shall see them putting all that under their feet, trampling upon the King, his Prerogative, the Laws, and the Subjects Liberty. The City of London, their great Magazine, from whom th•••• had exhausted so much treasure, expecting now the repleni∣shing of those veins, and to see her Exchange filled, straight beheld the whole Trade managed at Goldsmiths and Habordashers-hall; Mortgages and Purcha∣ses of Land, not Traffick and Returns from Sea, busying and employing the Usurer. Incredible is the mass of Money extorted from Royalists for Compo∣sition: most barbarous and Italian villany, to make them swear illegal Oaths, such as the Covenant and Negative Oath, directly contrary to that of Allegi∣ance: most pertidious and abominable Treachery, to deny their Articles, and by subornation and Trapans to justifie themselves; and not sufficed with that, to prosecute the innocent sufferers for their lives also, as in the case of Sir Iohn Stawel, and others, whom they kept first in long durance, seized all their estates, and lastly arraigned at their pretended Courts of Justice.

Et quando uberior vitiorum Copia, quando Major Avaritiae patuit sinus?

A heap of these enormities following thick upon the neck of one another, will wholly take up the ensuing sheets.

Nostra haec farrago libeli, Juven. Sat. Prima.

This perhaps might be indured by Subjects from their fellows, from the con∣sideration of precedents of other the like Commotions, especially from such starveling States-men as these; but in prudential manners, they could not be presumed to be more cruel to their Soveraign. He had waged no War for the lust of any Favorite, nor exercised any Tyranny over his people, but had been defended and ayded in his just quarrel, by the Noblest and most considerable of his Subjects; not abandoned like Edward the second, Richard the second or third; but in the decay and decli••ing of his fortune, more intently beloved, by how much his vertues in such a fiery probation became more conspicuous and relucent. But for all this, he is treated by his two Houses as one of the worst, and most undervalued and slighted of all his predecessors; they vouchsafe not a thought of him, but what's scared with the jealousie of publike safety, the main thing to be attained: it is sufficient for him, that he breathes the fresh Ayr, theirs is indeed too hot and contagious.

While they thus neglect him (we speak still of the Presbyterian party,* 32.34 who had yet the Major part of the House, and were sure of the Lords to concur with them) the King, by an Audacious Policy, which puzled most men what to make on it, is on the 4 of Iune late at night seized on by a Guard of 1000 men from the Army, under one Cornet Ioyce a great Adjutator, who being very importunate to speak with the King, though at such an unseasonable time, was at last admitted; where he declared his Arrand was to remove his Majesties person to the Army, for his and their security. The King told him it was too late for that night, but in the Morning he would speak with him.

Next morning the King arose early,* 32.35 and had conference with the Commis∣sioners, who were highly troubled with the news; but their Guards were not sufficient to maintain them in the resolution of keeping him; onely General Brown offered to adventure; but 'twas concluded to no purpose: for 'twas not

to be doubted that they who durst attempt so dangerous a thing, had seconds neer at hand to reinforce them; and the House was so guarded, that there was no hopes neither of his escape: so that the King went down into the Court-Yard, and after some few private words with Ioyce, asked the Souldiers,* 32.36 By whose Authority they came thither. They Answered, From the Army. He was instant, if from Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army? they continued, From the Army. His Majesty then replyed, What if I should refuse to go with you, would you compel me? They Answered, We hope your Majesty will not refuse; but we have com∣mand to bring you. His Majesty concluded, I have these Questions to put to you, which if you grant, I will go with you.

* 32.37First, That he might have no violence offered his person. To which they all together shouted, and cryed, None, None. Secondly, He desired that his Trunks and Papers might not be rifled and tumbled, (here were parcels of his Eik. Basil. and some other choice Pieces, as was known since.) They promised to set a guard upon them, and that they should not be touched. Thirdly, He required such servants to attend him, against whom there were no just exceptions. They An∣swered, He should. And Lastly, desired that nothing might be imposed on him contrary to his conscience. They Answered, that it was not their judgment to force any thing against Conscience on any one, much less on his Majesty. Whereupon his Majesty took horse,* 32.38 and was conveyed by them to the Head-quarters at Childersly, where he was welcomed by the General, but with greater Reverence and expressions of Loyalty received by Cromwel, who now plaid his Master-piece of dissimulation, professing himself a devoted servant to his Ma∣jesties interest, and that the strangeness of this action of the Army, proceeded of meer care of his person, and out of respect to his Authority, which they should equally assert with their own rights and the Liberty of the Subject, against any persons whatsoever.

His Majesty then propounded that they would conduct him to Mewmarket, the house he had formerly designed to go to, there to expect what judgement or resolutions his two Houses would make of his Treasonable enterprise; where∣in though he dealt as warily with Cromwel, as he did fallaciously with his Ma∣jesty, not seeming to look upon it as so heinous a fact as it was, yet he expected the Parliament, (if they were absolute, and not awed; which by this means would be experimented) to call the principals and complices in it to a severe account, and therefore reserved himself to Cromwel, till he could thence judge of it; hoping if the Army were masterless, to make better Terms with them, than he had yet hopes of from his two Houses; and the Impostor did not stick to declare as much; which was more manifest and easier of belief, when all persons that were formerly of his side,* 32.39 without any distinction, were admitted; his Chaplains, suffered to attend him, and the use of the Liturgy and Common Prayer publikely allowed him.

Upon the Kings first arrival at the Head-quarters, the General sent to the Parliament, giving them an account thereof, but withal clearing himself from any hand in it, and saying as much for the Council of Officers: And 'tis very credible he knew not who it was did it, or by whose direction it was done, but was informed by his Council of Officers, that now it was done, 'twas very requisitely and oportunely done; and it being the sence of the Army, he had done enough in giving them at Westminster (for the Parliament sounded no more at the Head-quarters) an account of Him. But of this presently at large.

* 32.40Most certain it is, that this designe was laid solely by Cromwel and Ireton, and personated by the Agitatours, suspected many of them, and that ratio∣nally, for Jesuits; who were as good at wicked Plots and Contrivances, as either of those Catilines; but most accomplished for execution, having such Lawless, yet most powerful Indemnity, not onely to protect them, but to shroud their other Conspiracies for themselves, against this Church and State. It is strange indeed to consider how many several interests were driven on a∣mong the Belials of this Army, as then, under the appearance of honest and most just ends; the same pretence whereof served, and was accommodate

to each particular combinating against the Publike, as so many lines tending to one Center: with all which Cromwel wisely temporized, giving secret encourage∣ment to them all, professing to intend the same things, and to be of the Party, but that for a while there was a necessity of concealing his resolutions: To this purpose cares••ing the Papists, upon all addresses or discourses with him; as also familiarizing himself with the Levellers,* 32.41 as the men indeed that were to do his business, and were right of his complexion for the spoyl of the Kingdom, to be compassed any manner of way, but by setting up a Government or Laws (for their projected Democracy was but a more exact method or Rule of Thievery) of all which they most abominated Monarchy, as the most regular and strict, whose awful Authority could solely restrain their loose and licentious practises, and keep the mad vulgar within their bounds from invading all propriety, secured by the ancient Tenure of all Lands and Inheritances from the Crown,* 32.42 and the Laws, which their devilish intention was to abrogate and abolish, and by a Wild parity lay all things in Common.

But for fuller satisfaction what this Intrigue or designe meant, it will be requisite to consult the King's and the General's, or rather the Armies account thereof, just as it was done: and first from the Actors, the General and Council of War.

Sir Thomas Fairfax his Letter.

MAster Speaker,* 33.1 yesterday the King was taken from Holdenby by some Soul∣diers, who brought him thence by his consent, the Commissioners going along with Him: That his Majesty lay that night at Colonel Mountagues, (after Earl of Sandwich,) and would be at New market next day: That the ground of the re∣moving the King, was from an apprehension of some strength gathered to force the King from them; whereupon he sent Colonel Whaley with his Regiment to meet the King and the Commissioners, and to return them back again; but they refused, and were come to Sir John Cuts neer Cambridge. Professing That this remove was without his consent, or his Officers about him, or the body of the Army, or without their desire or Privity, and that he will secure the King's person from danger. Fur∣ther assuring the Parliament, that the whole Army endeavours Peace, will not oppose Presbytery, nor affect Independency, or to hold a licentious freedom in Reli∣gion, or interest in any particular party, but will leave all to the Parlia∣ment.

Tiberius Letters about Sejanus were not half so mystical as these, nor was there ever so daring, braving an attempt done in the face of the Sun, to the face and person of a Prince, so covered and concealed under such obscurities and pre∣tended ignorances, which rendred the impudence of the action more dange∣rously fearful, by how much the less it was conjecturable what it portended; nor could the King himself at present well resolve himself or his two Houses in this juncture, as we shall see in his acquainting of the Parliament with it by the Earl of Dunfermling, where he saith, contrary to what Fairfax before,

That he was unwillingly taken away by a strong party of Horse:* 34.1 and desired of the Parliament to maintain the Laws of the Land; and that though he might signe to many things in this condition, yet he would not have them believed till fur∣ther notice given by him to his two Houses.

The King imagined they would make use of his Authority, by forcing his consent to some Proposals and designes of Government; but they onely made a stalking Horse of his person, keeping his interest, by pretences of respect to him, on foot, meerly to countenance their own, and outvy and awe the Pres∣byterian party.

* 34.2At the news of it in London, both Parliament and City were in such con∣fusion, and so distracted, that they might well be excused from rightly judg∣ing of the fact; therefore they first bethink of remedy: the Houses order the Committee of Safety to sit all night, and provide, ne quid detrimenti accipiat respublica; and dispatch a Messenger to the General, requesting him not to come neerer London than twenty five miles; for news was brought them they were upon a speedy March for the City, who at the same time shut up their shops, run to their Arms, and make a fearful hurry for a while, and then re∣solve to send Commissioners likewise, and attend the Issue in peace: in such a maze did this accident put them.

In the mean while the King is caressed by the Army, and shown in state to the people, who with great joy every where receive him, and applaud the Ar∣my, who to carry their business the fairer, suffer some of his Majesties old Friends to have access to his person, as the Duke of Richmond,* 34.3 the two Doctors Sheldon and Hammond, his Chaplains, who Officiated with him in publike, ac∣cording to the Church of England, and divers others of lesser note. At this the Parliament take exceptions, and send again to the General, expostulating the matter, and desiring him to re-deliver the King to the Commissioners afore∣said, to be brought to Richmond, and there to be guarded by Colonel Rossiters Regiment of Horse.

* 34.4In Answer to this, the Army declare, and require (after their like manner of expostulation about the Irish Expedition, and Transporting the Army thither, that it was against former Declarations of the Parliament, the precedent case of the Kingdom of Scotland, and the liberty and freedom of the People)

That the Houses may speedily be purged of such as ought not to sit there.

That such who abused the Parliament and Army, and endanger the Kingdom, may speedily be disabled from doing the like or worse.

That some determinate period of time may be set to this and future Parliaments, according to the intent of the Bill for Triennial Parliaments.

That provision be made that they be not adjournable and dissolvable by any power but their own consent during their Respective period, and then to determine themselves.

That the freedom of the people to present Grievances by Petition to the Parliament, may be vindicated.

That the exorbitant powers of Country-Committees may be taken away.

That the Kingdom may be satisfied of the Parliaments accounts for the vast sums received, and in other things where the Kingdom hath been abu∣sed.

That after Delinquents have passed their Compositions, an Act of Oblivion may be passed.

Then they proceed to a Charge against ELEVEN Members; which be∣ing read to them, they stood up and made defence. Their names were as followeth:

Denzil Hollis, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Lewis, Sir Iohn Clotworthy, Sir William Walter, Sir Iohn Maynard, Colonel Massey, Mr. Glyn, Colonel Long, Colonel Edward Harley, Anthony Nichols Esquire; all of them active men for Presbytery, and obnoxious to their future undertakings, and therefore by all means to be removed.

This was sent up by Colonel Scroop, Okey, Hewson, and Pride, Lieutenant-Colonel Goff, Major Desborough, Colonel Berry, Clark, Carter, Rolph, Saxby: to which Charge a Paper was added, wherein they set forth, That in pur∣suance of these Representations, they have the heads of the Charge ready, and shall appoint fit persons on their and the Kingdoms behalf to make it good.

That if the Parliament shall admit this Charge, that the persons impeached may be forthwith suspended from fitting in the House, having appeared notoriously to the prejudice and provocation of the Army.

That another Months pay be sent down.

That if those who deserted the Army, and have engaged for Ireland, have received more, that the Army be equally paid, and that such have no more pay till the Army are paid their Arrears.

That because of secret practices and designes to raise new Forces, and to bring back to London those ordered for Ireland; That no Forces be raised or invited back or other Forrein preparations to interrupt the Liberty and Peace of the King∣dom.

That all this be speedily performed; the condition of the Army, the Kingdom and the King (mark the order) so requiring.

This concerning no raising of Forces,* 34.5 &c. was agreed to; but to the suspen∣sion of the Eleven Members the Parliament demur, and answer, That by law no judgment can be given to suspend those Members, before the particulars of their Charge be produced, and proofs made. Nor have those Members said or done any thing for which the House can suspend them.* 34.6 Nevertheless not to enrage them, the Mem∣bers forbore of themselves; whereupon the Army drew off to Berkamstead, twen∣ty seven miles distant, and so to Vxbridge, having marched the King from Roy∣ston to Hatfield, and so to Causam neer Reading.

To this Answer of the Parliament,* 34.7 the Army returned, That by the Laws and the precedent case of the Earl of Strafford, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (observe how that blood is thrown or flyes in ••he faces of the Parliament) and the Lord keeper Finch (who upon Papers of accusation were suspended sitting) they might not be permitted likewise; but are contented as yet, because they of them∣selves have forborn the House.

From Vxbridge the Army marched to Wickham, in complyance with the de∣sires of the Parliament.

See here the Villanous Artifices of this Independent faction, to so neer an imitation of Machiavel, that they were neither discoverable nor resistible, cheat∣ing and overpowring the King,* 34.8 the Parliament, the City, nay the whole King∣dom at once: for while all men stood at gaze what would be the event, they had so obliged opportunity by their diligent attendance on her, that they were already in fruition of it: for remarkable is that speech of Cromwel, who, upon notice given him that Ioyce had the Kings person in his possession, replyed, Then I have the Parliament in my pocket; making sure of his full attainment of all his ambitious purposes, by this auspicious entrance and beginning of them. For he dared now to shew his teeth, and manifest that quarrel with the Presbyterians, which had festred inwardly so long; and by widening the rupture, give vent to that filthy matter enclosed betwixt them: All which cannot better be laid open, than the excellent Pen of the King hath done it, in this ensuing Medita∣tion thereupon.

WHat part God will have me now to act or suffer in this new and strange Scene of affairs,* 35.1 I am not much sollicitous; some little practice will serve that man, who onely seeks to present a part of honesty and honour.

This surprize of me tells the World, That a KING cannot be so low, but he is considerable; adding weight to that Party where he appears.

This motion, like others of the times, seems excentrick and irre∣gular, yet not well to be resisted or quieted: Better swim down such a stream, than in vain to strive against it.

These are but the struglings of those Twins, which lately one womb enclosed, the younger striving to prevail against the elder: what the Presbyterians have hunted after, the Independents now seek to catch for themselves.

So impossible is it for Lines to be drawn from the Center, and not to divide from each other, so much the wider, by how much they go farther from the point of union.

That the builders of Babel should from division fall to confusion, is no wonder; but for those that pretend to build Jerusalem, to divide their tongues and hands, is but an ill omen, and sounds too like the fury of those Zealots, whose intestine bitterness and divisions were the greatest occasion of the last fatal destruction of that City.

Well may I change my Keepers and Prison, but not my captive condi∣tion; onely with this hope of bettering, that those who are so much professed Patrons for the Peoples Liberties, cannot be utterly against the Liberty of their King: what they demand for their own Conscien∣ces, they cannot in reason deny to mine.

In this they seem more ingenuous than the Presbyterian Rigour, who, sometimes complaining of exacting their Conformity to Laws, are become the greatest Exactors of other mens submission to their no∣vel Injunctions, before they are stamped with the Authority of Laws, which they cannot well have without my consent.

'Tis a great Argument that the Independents think themselves ma∣numitted from their Rivals service, in that they carry on a business of such consequence, as the assuming my person into the Armies custo∣dy, without any Commission, but that of their own will and power. Such as will thus adventure on a King, must not be thought over-mo∣dest or timorous to carry on any designe they have a mind to.

Their next motion menaces and scares both the two Houses and the City; which soon after acting over again that former part of tumultuary motions, (never questioned, punished, or repented) must now suffer for both; and see their former sin, in the glass of the pre∣sent terrours and distractions.

No man is so blinde, as not to see herein the hand of Divine Iu∣stice; they that by Tumults first occasioned the raising of Armies, must now be chastened by their own Army for new Tumults.

So hardly can men be content with one sin, but add sin to sin, till the latter punish the former. Such as were content to see me and many Members of both Houses driven away by the first unsuppressed Tumults, are now forced to flie to an Army, to defend themselves against them.

But who can unfold the Riddle of some mens justice? the Mem∣bers of both Houses who at first withdrew, (as my self was forced to do) from the rudeness of the Tumults, were counted desertours, and outed of their places in Parliament.

Such as stayed then, and enjoyed the benefit of the Tumults, were all asserted for the onely Parliament-men: now the flyers from, and forsakers of their places, carry the Parliamentary Power along with them, complain highly against the Tumults, and vindicate them∣selves by an Army; such as remained and kept their stations, are looked upon as Abettours of Tumultuary insolencies, and Betrayers of the freedom and Honour of Parliament.

They will find that Brethren in iniquity are not far from becoming

insolent Enemies, there being nothing harder, than to keep ill men long in one minde, &c.

The King, as before, desired the free enjoyment of what company exception∣less he should need, wherein in part he had been gratified (though to avoid offence the Duke of Richmond had withdrawn himself:) he thought fit there∣fore by a more equitable request to desire the company of his Children,* 35.2 which the Parliament had denied; which the General civilly undertook, in this Letter.

MASTER SPEAKER,

I Was sent unto by the King on Fryday last,* 36.1 to desire the Parliament to give him way to see his Children, and that they might for that purpose be sent unto him. If I may be bold humbly to offer my opinion. I think the allowance of such a thing may be without the least prejudice to the Kingdom, and y••t gain more upon his Majesty than by denying it. And if it be in the Prayers of every good man, that his heart may be gained, the performance of such Civilities to him is very suitable to those desires, and will bear well with all men▪ who if they can imagin•• it their own case, cannot but b•• sorry if his Majesties natural affection in so small a thing shall not be complied with, I engaging for their return within what time the Parliament shall limit. Denies (occasion being taken hereby by some) any underhand contract or bargain with the King, and assures them of their Fidelity to them and the Kingdom; nothing being so likely to settle an agreement and peace, as an accord betwixt them and the Army, which they shall study to preserve. What is done in reference to a just consideration and settlement of the Kings Rights (he first giving his Concurrence to secure the Rights of the Kingdom) is declared in our Remonstrance, since which several Addresses have been made to him by several Officers, to clear the intentions of such Papers as the Representation and Remonstrance, whereunto his Majesty might make any question, but no bargain of advantage for our selves, having thereby ut∣terly disclaimed any such thing: But the onely intent and effect of those Addresses, hath been to desire his Majesties free Concurrence with the Parliament for establishing and securing the Common Rights and Liberties, &c. and to assure him (that being done) that it is fully agreeable to their principles, and that they should be de∣sirous, that in such setling of the publike, the Rights of his Majesties Royal Family should be also provided for. And that as we had declared, so in general, if things came to a settlement, we should not be wanting in our Sphere, to own that ge∣neral desire in any particulars of Natural or Civil Rights to his Majesties Person or Family, which might not endanger the publike. And in the mean time, that his Majesty shall finde all personal respects and civilities, and all reasonable freedom from us, that might stand with safety, &c. And f••r that particular of the Duke of Richmond and his two Chaplains, Doctor Hammond and Doctor Shelden, lately admitted to attend his Majesty, it was not done without much reluctancie, because we doubted we might therein be misunderstood by the Kingdoms best friends. But upon his Majesties continual importunity, we did allow him such Company, of persons least dangerous, such as we hoped would not do ill offices, and in whom his former acquaintance might cause him to take pleasure, being both reasonable and just; and the debarring of that liberty▪ especially of his Chaplains, would but make him the more prejudiced against their Ministers.

In general, we humbly conceive, that to avoid all harshness, and afford all kinde usage to his Majesties Person, in things consisting with the peace and safety, &c. is the most Christian, honourable and most prudent way; and we think that tender, moderate, and equitable dealing both towards his Majesty, his Royal Family, and late Party (so far (again) as may stand with the safety, &c.) is the most hope∣ful course to take away the seeds of War, future feuds amongst us for Posterity, and to procure a lasting Peace, and settle Religion, &c. And if God shall make us in∣strumental thereto, we shall thenceforth account it our greatest happiness and honour (if God see it good) to be disengaged from any publike employment whatso∣ever.

This in the name of the Army, or at least most considerable part thereof.

* 36.2In this Letter he likewise enclosed another from the King to the Duke of York, wherein he ordered him to ask leave of the two Houses, for Him, his Brother, and Sister, to come and see Him, if but for a Dinner-time; acquaint∣ing him, that if the Parliament should make any scruple for fear lest the Army should d••••ain them also, that he had assurance from the General and other principal Officers (such caut•••••• was then necessarily used, for they did what they pleased without the General that they should freely return according to the time limited, to ••••eir Gov••rnour the Earl of Northumberland, who then kept them by a small all••••vanc out of his Majesties Revenue, at his Mannor of St. Iames. D•• the media••••••ns o•• the General, who could do more with a 〈◊〉〈◊〉,* 36.3 than the King by a Proclamation, he had the pleasure, or rather favour done him to see them at Maidenh••ad, where they dined with their Father, and thence went with him to Causam, •• house of my Lord Cravens, where for two days they were dispensed with in his company and ••hen remitted to their for∣mer tuition and cus••••dy.* 36.4 He was visit•••• also 〈…〉〈…〉 while before, by his Ne∣phew the Prince Elector Palatine (eldest Brother to the Princes Rupert and Maurice) who had all along continued from his coming ••ver l••st, in the Parliaments Quarters, allowed by them a stipend of 8000 •• per annum, till in 1649. after the murther of his Uncle, they dismist him into Holland.

To digr••ss a little to the review of the Generals Letter, but the p••oduct of Iretons brain, who was Secretary all along to these whidling and ••••••lacious Paper-Kites; no less than ten Salvo's or Restrictious to the ••••••ttlement of the King: yea to curry with him, setting forth a necessity of 〈…〉〈…〉 his just rights, and the equity of their declaring for them; still not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the per∣formance of the least Syllable they wr••••••••r uttered in his behalf. They desire not to be misunderstood, and it is impossible for any man to understand them aright, their Language and Actions being so distanced: yet so plausible and swimmingly they carried it, that no Party was disobliged save the Presbyterian, with whom upon any sl••nder pretence••, they desired and had offered to be at open defiance. But their conclusion of this Epistle bewrayed all, and gave some light to th••se designes in the dark behind, in that they so voluntarily offered to disband, and to take it for an honour to be dismist, (tho••gh with a Reserve of a Settlement) when as a more honourable service, and a most Christian work, of assisting their poor Countrymen in Ireland, was with so much indignation and mercilesness upbraided and refused by them. But of this enough.

* 36.5The Armies now thinking the King securely confident, turned their designes upon the City, which seeing they could not separate from the Parliament, and because the late purge of the 11 Members had not awed them sufficiently; (though they had patiently enough put it up, considering their insolence to the King, on his demand of their Five Members) the Country being lulled also by their pretences, they by a Remonstrance demand the Militia of London to be put into other hands: which insolent bravado in••••••gated this Petition to the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, &c. of the City of London; being stiled, The humble Petition of the Citizens, Commanders, Souldiers, and Officers, in the Regiments of Trained-bands, and Auxiliaries, Apprentices, Sea-Commanders, Sea-men and Water-men of the same City.

* 37.1That your Petitioners taking into serious consideration, that their Religion, his Majesties Honour and Safety, the Priviledges of Parliament, and Liberties of the Subject, are at present greatly endangered, and like to be destroyed; and also sadly weighing with our selves what means might likely prove the most effectual to pro∣cure a firm and lasting Peace, without a further effusion of Christian English-blood: We are therefore entred into a solemn Engagement, which is hereunto annexed; and do humbly desire, that this whole City may joyn together, by all Lawful and possible means, as one man, in hearty endeavours for his Majesties present coming up to his

two Houses of Parliament, with Honour, Safety, and Freedom, and that with∣out the approach of the Army; there to confirm such things as he hath granted in his Message of the 12th of May last [which was his Answer to the Pr••positions from Holdenby, not inserted, because insignificant to that unreasonableness of the Parliament, being loth to weary the Reader with the Kings unwearied desir••s after Peace to no purpose] in Answer to those Propositions of both King∣doms: And that by a personal Treaty with his two Houses of Parliament, and the Commissioners of Scotland, such things as are yet in difference may be speedily settled, and a firm and lasting Peace established. All which we desire, may be presented to both Houses of Parliament from this Honourable Assembly.

The Solemn Engagement,* 37.2 so was it called, run thus: Whereas we have en∣tred into a Solemn League and Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion, the Honour and Happiness of the King, the Priviledges of Parliament, &c. All which we do evidently perceive not onely to be endangered▪ but ready to be destroyed; we do therefore, in pursuance of our said Covenant, Oath of Allegiance, Oath of every Free-man, and Protestations, Solemnly engage our selves, and Vow unto Almighty God, that we will to the utmost of our power ardently endeavour, that his Majesty may speedily come to his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Houses of Parliament, to the end here specified. For effecting whereof, we do protest, and re-oblige our selves, as in the presence of God, the searcher of all hearts with our Lives and Fortunes, to endeavour what in us lies, to preserve and defend his Majesties Royal person and Authority, the Priviledges, &c. and the Cities of London and Westminst••r, and Lines of Communication, and all other that shall adhere to us in the said Engagement. Nor shall we by any means admit suffer, or endure any kind of Neutrality in this common Cause of God, the King, and Kingd••m, as we do expect the blessing of God, whose help we crave, and wholly devolve our selves upon, in this our undertaking.

This was the honestest, and most genuine aspect, as to the fair pretences of the Covenant, Presbyter•• ever appeared in; here being some realities of those many semblances that Party had made before, and shewed that there was a sober misled number, and that for the major part too, who were onely Church-dis∣senters, hurt onely in their opinions, not festered or corrupted in their affe∣ctions to the State, the Kings Person and Government. For they prosecuted this Confederacy so vigorously, (and with all manner of diligence, openly aver∣ring the justice and equity of his Majesties offers, listing and encouraging all men to a present undertaking of his quarrel, of which more particularly by and by) that the Ind••pendents perceiving the sudden dangerous consequence thereof, they prevailed upon the Houses in a Vote, (which they wire-drawed by arguments of the indignity and affront, and breaches of Priviledge of Par∣liament, by such illegal and Tumultuous Combinations) and got it digested in a Declaration, ••orbidding all subscriptions to the said Engagement. See it here transcribed.

Saturday 14 Iuly 1647.

The Lords and Commons having seen a printed Paper entituled,* 38.1 A Petition to the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, &c. and the names of divers Citizens, &c. together with a dangerous Engagement of the same persons by Oath and Vow, con∣cerning the Kings present coming to the Parliament, upon terms far different from those which both Houses, after mature deliberation, have declared to be necessary for the good and safety of the Kingdom; casting reflexions upon the proceedings both of the Parliament and Army and ••••nding to embroil the King∣dom in a new War: And the Lords and Commons taking notice of great endea∣vours used by divers ill-affected persons to get subscriptions thereunto, whereby well-meaning people may be misled; do therefore declare, That whosoever after publica∣tion, or notice hereof, shall proceed with, or promote, or set his name to, or give

consent that his name be set to, or any way joyn in the said Engagement, shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of high Treason, and shall forfeit Life and Estate, as in cases of high Treason accustomed.

Mark how eagerly they fall upon men, the very same persons, credibly, whom at first they had put upon the very same course to commence our Con∣fusions▪ that is now by their Authority high Treason, which by their Lawless perswasions, then, was but the Liberty of the Subject, the birth-right of Eng∣lish Free-men. A good caution for the Vulgar, and for such Democraticks also, how they imbibe, or how they instil such dangerous and leud suggestions not warranted by Law, which every unhappy emergency or displeasing event may retort upon their own heads; as was most apparent in the ensuing Tumults, which the King excellently observes as a just judgement of God upon the Au∣thors and Actors of the like violences and insolences against himself in the be∣ginning of our Troubles.

But the City of London were not so scared with this Ordinance, as they thought they would be; the cause of their discontent not onely not ceasing, but being more exasperated, by a justification of the injuries they were resolved to redress; they continued their Subscriptions; and while the Army was yet at some distance, and abundance of cashiered Officers, (the Presbyterian party in Parliament being some time before surprized in a Vote, whereby all Officers and Souldiers not of General Fairfax's Army were disbanded from their Com∣mands) and old Reformado••s of the Earl of Essex's now in the Town, to attempt the execution of what they had so publikely declared.* 38.2 A great and fatal over-sight, in lying so open to so subtle and cunnig an Enemy, whom they needed not to have valued, if by equal and considerate progressions, they had silently advanced their enterprize, not precipitated it with noise, and pre∣sumptuous ostentation. For the City was furnished with men, both Souldiers and Officers, as expert, daring, and ready for such a piece of Service, as they could have desired. In some, their recent animosities for those cheats put upon them by taking away their Commissions, in recompence of their good service: In others, a true and rectified sense of what they had done a∣miss against the King: In others, and the most indifferent, the very Employ∣ment it self, which was sure to be gainful, by the certainty of Pay. But be∣fore they could be formed, or the designe digested into that formidable appea∣rance which the other Faction jealously dreaded, the Plot was spoiled by a Tu∣mul••uous Rabble, who on the 26 of Iuly, (a Petition being delivered that morning to the Parliament for the settlement of the Militia,* 38.3 as of the 4 of May by that Committee of Citizens) ran down to Westminster, and forced the House of Commons to comply with their Commands, the Lords having granted that Petition before.

For on the 26 of Iuly, the Parliament had made an Ordinance whereby the Militia of London was changed, and put into the hands of a mixt number of Pres∣byterians and Independents, but where the latter were most prevalent; reversing thereby their Ordinance of the fourth of May, which had vested it in the Lord Mayor, &c. for that year. From disgust of this change, the occasion of this Riot was taken; first therefore, the Speaker thinking to leave the Chair, and depart at the noise of their coming, ••a man of a covetous mind, who being in fear of being questioned for several sums of money purloined from the Publike, and wisely foreseeing the Army would have the better of it, stuck to that Party (though he had also held intelligence with the King formerly) firmly for the future) was seized on by them, forced to return to his Chair, and there, with the like comp••lsion of th•• rest of the Members, to Unvote that Ordinance for the change of the Militia, which now stood entrusted in the said hands before, as if that Ordinance had never been. Next they obtained another Vote, where∣by that Declaration against abetting, carrying on, or subscribing to the said Engagement, under penalty of high Treason, was annihilated. Yet not con∣tent with this, (which had not done any great mischief, and seemed another

matter, no way relating to the King, whose interest was to be carryed on by the said sp••cious sh••••••s, though honested otherwise than those of the Army, with whom the counterparts of the said deceits were to be practised, and their juggles colluded) a madder crew of the said multitude, just as the House was risen, and after the Speaker had adjourned it, did constrain them back again, and both Lords and Commons to Vote this Resolve; That his Majesty shall come to London forthwith to Treat.* 38.4 To the sollicitation and forcing whereof, it was more than suspected, that the multitude was instigated by the Fanaticks, who had mixt and dispersed themselves among them for that purpose; it being clearly besides the first intention of that Tumult; which nevertheless yet ceased not, till the Sheriffs with what force they could get together (the Militia then unsetled, through the contradicting Order of Parliament) pacified them, and brought the Speaker home in safety.

The Lords, who had been more ready to this complyance with the City, e∣specially as to the Militia, it being its custom all along before the said alteration, to name their Commissioners for the Parliaments approbation; and because they smelt the Armies designe in it, (whose partakers in the House of Commons said, that otherwise there was no stopping them from coming to London, which they had hitherto in duty forborn, and greatly magnified as their respectful ob∣servance of the Parliaments Commands) adjourned from the 26, to the 30 of Iuly, the Commons to the next day the 27. where they sate quietly, and ad∣journed to the said time with the Lords. And the next day being Wednesday, the Monthly Fast, they observed it at their usual Churches of St. Peters Abb••y, and St. Margarets Westminster.

On Friday many of both Houses met accordingly,* 38.5 where of the Commons ap∣peared 140. but the Speaker was missing,* 38.6 and the House after some inquiry was informed that he was gone to the Army, fetcht thither it seems by this menace from Cromwel, That if he did not comply with their designes, he would cause the Army to impeach him, for cozening the State of many vast sums of money. The Earl of Manchester, Speaker likewise to the House of Lords, was gone the same way: Both Houses thereupon, without more hesitation, chuse two new Speakers, which were the Lord Grey of Wark for the Lords,* 38.7 and Mr. Henry Pelham for the Com∣mons, who wanted 40 of their number that were Army-driven; and then pro∣ceeded to Vote, and Act as a Parliament.

The first thing they did as such, and as became English-men, was to Vote the re-admission of the 11 Members who had subducted themselves; and then they revived and set up again the Committee of Safety,* 38.8 by Ordinance of both Hou∣ses, enabling them to joyn with the Committee of the restored Militia of London; giving them power to List and raise Forces, to appoint Commanders and Offi∣cers, and to Issue forth Arms and Ammunition,* 38.9 for defence of both Houses and the City, against all that should invade them.

This would clearly have done the business,* 38.10 had not their openness before, layd the rubs and obstacles in the way, which so much time of preparation against it had contrived. For while the City was in a great division by the sticklers of Independency, yet carrying on their levies, having appointed Major-General Massey and Poyntz to Command in chief the Forces so to be raised, who were listed at Guild-hall; several multitudes of Fanaticks broke in, and distur∣bed the Court of War, to so great an affront, that the two Major-Generals were forced to draw their Swords, and wound some of those Tumultuaries, before they could be quiet; and were scarce returned to their seats before they had no∣tice of the approach of the Army, who in scorn of the Parliaments Com∣mands of keeping at 30 miles distance,* 38.11 were approached to 10, and had appoin∣ted a Rendezvouz on Hounsloe-heath. This Alarm begot strange and different passions in the Citizens: the wealthier sort began to flinch from those resolutions of adhering to their Engagement, to save their bags; nothing being more vogued

among the people, than that the City would be plundered▪ as it was given out by some of the Grandees of the Army: but the Milita•••• ••••en, and those of meaner fortunes, seemed to take courage from the nearness of the danger, offer∣ing to meet it; and if the pusillanimity of the Court of Aldermen had not hin∣dred, Massey would have given the Army, then quartering (part of it) on this side Braynford, a salute or Camisado, by that means to make Rupture wide, and past the cure of a reconciliation.

Nevertheless the defensive part, from their own concerns, they undertook, guarding the Works and Fortifications round the City, quartering several re∣serves in whole Regiments in the fields, more particularly those parts nearest the Army, out of dread of another Wat Tyler, or Iack Cade with his Rebel-rout, (a judgement this famous City hath been more subject to than any City in the World, most of which have often suffered by their own intestine divisions) but were in fine glad to seek Peace, (betrayed at their own doors by one Hard∣wick, Colonel of the Southwark Regiment, and who then guarded the Works on that side, which were opened to Colonel Hewsin;) by their Commissioners Fouk, Gibs, and Estwick, (acceptable men to the Army, for they durst not for fear of a dismission re infecta send others) then attending the General at Hounsloe. The King hears this, and to avoid the Scandal of these Uproars, which he in prudence did see primarily concern others, though they would right or wrong be Loaded upon him, emitted this Paper to clear himself from them.

* 39.1THere having been many Rumours spread, and Informations given, which may have induced many to believe, that We in∣tend to make War against Our Parliament; We profess before God, and declare to all the World, That We always have, and do abhor all such designes; and desire all our Nobility and Commoners who are here upon the place, to declare whether they have not been witnesses of as frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions to this pur∣pose, whether they see any colour of pr••parations and Counsels that might reasonably beget a belief of any such designe, and whether they be not fully perswaded that We have no such intention, but that all Our endeavours (according to Our many Professions) tend to the firm and constant Settlement of the true Protestant Religion, the just Priviledges of Parliament, the Liberty of the Subject, the Law, Peace, and Prosperity of this Kingdom.

* 39.2This even course of the Kings, and constancy to himself so well known to the Army, made them speak less to the Kings prejudice in the altercation about the priviledges of Parliament, of which they now (forsooth) were the main assertors; so that the King, as he got nothing, lost as little by this brangle be∣tween both Parties, neither of them having whereon to fasten any cavil on the King in this matter, who without medling with their differences, further than his own private descants upon them, awaited the Issue of Divine Provi∣dence.

* 39.3The Army therefore, the better to proceed and countenance their Rebellion, His Majesty and Parliament being made a meer Cypher, invite and engage the two Speakers and Fugitive Members, to sit in consultation, and pass Votes pro∣miscuously with the Council of War in the nature of a Parliament; and to Signe an Engagement, dated the 4 of August, to live and dye with Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Parliament and Army, both under his Command; affirming therein, that generally throughout, their sense agrees with the Declaration of Sir Thomas Fairfax and his Council of War,* 39.4 which shewed the grounds of their present advance towards the City of London. In this Declaration the Council

of the Army took upon them also to be the Supream Judges of the Parliament, discriminating whom of the two Houses they held for persons in whom the publike trust of the King remained, and by whose advice they meant to govern themselves in managing the weighty affairs of the Kingdom. They highly resent the late choice of a new Speaker by those Gentlem••n at Westminster, and say, that as things now stand, there is no free nor legal Parliament sitting, such being through the violence of the 26 of Iuly suspended. That the Orders and Votes, &c. passed the 29 of Iuly last, and all such as shall pass in this Assembly of Lords and Gentlemen at Westminster, are void and null, and ought not to be submitted unto.

This Remonstrance was the second to a Letter to the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen, upbraiding them with the late Tumult, as Enemies to the Peace of the Kingdom, Treacherous to the Parliament, and uitable to secure that, or themselves; and therefore demanding the City to be put into their hands, to which purpose they were then on their way. And to brave the City to a surrender, their General sends out Warrants to raise the Trained-Bands of the near Counties to march with him against the City and both Houses,* 39.5 although such Bands were not under pay of the Parliament, and so not under any Command of the General by any Or∣der or Ordinance. But armed violence was not to be stopt with Lawyers niceties. A Bumkin in a Leather-doublet, must be a Red-coat; by the same rule, that Foxes have Horns.

This brought the City to the expected submission,* 39.6 by which they obtained (and thank you too) these most dishonourable Conditions: That they should yield to desert the Impeached Members, call in their Declaration newly published, relinquish their Militia, deliver up all their Forts and Line of Communication to the Army, together with the Tower of London, (which they had so clamorously and impudently extorted out of the Kings disposal) and all the Magazines and Arms therein; disband all their Forces, and turn all the Reformadoes out of the Line; withdraw ail their guards from the Parliament, and receive such guards of Horse and Foot within the Line, as the Army should appoint to guard them; demo∣lish their Works, and suffer the whole Army to ma••ch through their City: all which were suddenly and dishonourably yielded to, and insolently executed; the Souldiers marching in Triumph, with Bays in their Hats, through all the prin∣cipal streets of the City, boasting of their civil march as a great courtesy, when there was men enough, if they had offered to Plunder, to have ••aten them.

This envious disdainful Triumph being over,* 39.7 the next work was to reseat the Fugitive Members, whom the General himself brought to both Houses with a strong party, (the two Palaces filled with Souldiers, and double Files clean through Westminster-hall up to the stairs of the House of Common, and so through the Court of Requests to the Lords House; the Souldiers looking scorn∣fully upon many of these Members (as they were instructed to know them) that had sate in the absence of the Speakers) and seated the Speakers respective∣ly in their Chairs, and was by them, in return, placed in a Chair of State, where they gave him special thanks for his service to the Parliament;* 39.8 and like∣wise appointed, to signalize his desert, a solemn day of Thanksgiving for the re-settlement of the Parliament, their usual prophane and impious practice of mocking God: to which they now added the abuse of the Creature, at a Dinner provided for the Parliament and chief Officers of the Army by the City;* 39.9 at whose costs they s••r••eited, while the Poor thereof starved through want of Trade,* 39.10 which decayed sensibly in a short time; no Bullion likewise being after∣wards brought to the Mint.

Sir Thomas Fairfax was now likewise constituted Generalissimo (so sudden their favour, and so great their confidence) of all the Forces and Forts in Eng∣land, to dispose of them at his pleasure;* 39.11 and Constable of the Tower of Lon∣don. The Common Souldiers were likewise ordered a Months gratuity, and the General remitted to his own discretion, for what Guards he should please

to set upon both Houses; in such a servile fear were those Members that sate in the absence of the Speakers, that they durst not dissent from any thing pro∣pounded by the contrary Faction. The effect of this was, that the Indepen∣dents displaced immediately all Governours, though placed by Ordinance of Parliament, and put in men of their own party, which they could not so currant∣ly do before; and by vertue of the same, the Militia's of London, Westminster, and Southwark, from whence was their sole danger, which were all united be∣fore, were now divided, to make them the weaker; the Lines of Communication dismantled, that the Parliament and City mightly open to any sudden invasion, that so they might have a perpetual and easie awe upon their Counsels and actions.

* 39.12The Eleven Impeached Members, before mentioned, who had superseded themselves, and were newly re-admitted, (the Army not being able to pro∣duce their Charge, upon pretence of more weighty affairs) now altogether withdrew, and had Passes, (though some staid in London) some for beyond Sea, and other for their homes; in the way whither, one of them (Mr. Ni∣chols) was seized on, and basely abused by Cromwel: another, Sir Philip Sta∣pleton, one who had done them very good service, passed over to Calice, where falling sick, as suspected, of the Plauge, he was turned out of the Town, and perished in the way near to Graveling; whose end was inhumanely commented on by our Mamaluke like Saints, who inscribed it to the Divine Vengeance.

* 39.13Having thus Levelled all things before them, they proceed to an abrogation of all those Votes, Orders, and Ordinances, that had passed in the absence of the said Speakers. This was first carried in the Lords House without any trou∣ble; the Peers that sate there that time absenting themselves, so that there was not more than seven Lords to make up their House. By these an Ordinance was sent to the Commons for their concurrence, to make all Acts, Orders and Ordinances passed from the 26 of Iuly to the sixth of August following, when the Members did return, Void and Null, ab initio. This was five or six days severally and fully debated, and as often put to the question, and carried in the Negative; yet the Lords still renewed the same Message to them, being promp∣ted and instigated by the Army, rejecting their Votes, nor would acquiesce, but put them to Vote again, contrary to the priviledge of the House of Commons; nor could it pass, for all the threats of the Sollicitour-General Saint Iohn, one mancipated to the Faction▪* 39.14 nor the fury of Hazelrigg, when he used these words—Some Heads must fly off, and he feared the Parliament of England would not save the Kingdom of England, but that they must look another way for safety. To which sence spoke Sir Henry Vane junior, Thomas Scot, Cornelius Holland, Prideaux, Gourdon, Sir Iohn Evelin junior, and Henry Mildway, (all Regicides, and Contrivers of it) until the Speaker perceiving some plain apparent en∣forcements must be used, pulled a Letter out of his pocket from the General and General Council of the Army, (for that was now their stile••) pretending he then received it; which soon terrified the Members, (either by withdraw∣ing themselves, or sitting mute, as if they had been Planet-struck) into a com∣pliance; so that the next morning, August the 20. in a thin House, the Ordi∣nance passed; the procuring thereof being palpably and notoriously forced and Arbitrary. This Letter to the Speaker, was received by him over-night, as was conceived,* 39.15 with directions to conceal it, if the Question had passed in the Affirmative: But that not fadging, it was was produced in the nick, accom∣panied with a Remonstrance full of villanous language against those that conti∣nued sitting while the two Speakers were with the Army, calling them preten∣ded Members, and taxing them in General with Treason, Treachery, and Breach of Trust; declaring, that if they shall presume to come there, before they have cleared themselves that they did not give their assents to such and such Votes, they should sit at their Peril, and he would take them as Prisoners of War, and try them at a Council of War.

Having thus invalidated or annihilated those Laws, the Law-makers could

not think to escape untouched:* 39.16 Iudgement began with the House of Lords, whose degenerate remnant, upon an Impeachment (carried up by Sir Iohn Evelin the younger) of High Treason in the name of the Commons of England, for their levying War against the King, Parliament, and Kingdom, committed the Earls of Suffolk, Lincoln, and Middlesex, the Lords Berkley, Willoughby of Parham, Hunsdon, and Maynard, to the Black Rod. Then divers of the House of Com∣mons were suspended, as Mr. Boynton; others committed to the Tower, as Recorder Glyn, and Sir Iohn Maynard: but the wrath of the Army ••ell prin∣cipally on the Citizens, the chief of whom were, viz. the Lod Mayor Sir Iohn Gayre, Alderman Adams, Alderman Langham, Alderman Bunch, and Sheriff Culham, with others; these without any more ado than an Impeachment pre∣ferred against them by Miles Corbet, one of the Regicides, and Chair-man to the Close-Committee of Examinations to the House of Lords, were (never being called to any Bar) sent Prisoners to the Tower of London, where they lay a long time, and could never obtain a Trial; but at last sued out a precious and precarious liberty:* 39.17 so that by this means the Spirit of Presbytery was quite daunted, and the Independent Faction absolutely ruled the roast, and were pa∣ramount: Poyntz and Massey fled over to Holland, and so escaped.

Having concluded this Contrast or Feud betwixt them, we will see with what aspect they regard their Soveraign, upon whom, having worried one ano∣ther in this despiteful manner, they fly as freely, as if there had been no such quarrel.

His Majesty after several removes by direction of the Council of Officers,* 39.18 was brought to Hampton-Court, whither, on the 7 of September, the Houses having hammered out the same substance of the former Propositions, into a new but stranger shape, sent Commissioners, to whom were joyned some Scots in the like quality from that Kingdom. The names of both were as followeth; the Earls of Pembroke and Lauderdale, Sir Iohn Holland, Sir Charles Erskin, Sir Iohn Cook, Sir Iames Harrington. Major-General Brown, Mr. Hugh Kenedy, and Mr. Robert Berkley. The preface to which Propositions (omitting them∣selves, as recited before) was this.

May it please your Majesty,* 40.1 We the Lords and Commons Assembled in the Parlia∣ment of England, in the name and in the behalf of the Kingdoms of England and Ire∣land, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, &c. Do humbly pre∣sent unto your Majesty the humble Desires and Propositions for a safe and well-grounded Peace, agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively; unto which we pray your Majesties Assent, and that they, and all such Bills as shall be tendred to your Majesty in pursuance of them, or of any of them, may be Established and Enacted for Statutes, and Acts of Parliament, by your Majesties Royal Assent, in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively. — And never a good word after.

To these, his Majesty, being accustomed to the unreasonableness of the men, in two days returns this Answer.

For the SPEAKER of the House of Lords, &c.

C. R.

HIs Majesty cannot chuse but be passionately sensible (as he be∣lieves all his good Subjects are) of the late great distractions,* 41.1 and still languishing, and unsetled state of this Kingdom: And he calls God to witness, and is willing to give Testimony to all the World, of his readiness to contribute his utmost endeavours, for re∣storing it to a happy and flourishing condition.

His Majesty having perused the Propositions now brought to him,

finds them the same in effect which were offered to him at New∣castle:* 41.2 To some of which, as he could not then consent, without vio∣lation of his Honour and Conscience, so neither can he agree to others now concerning them, in many respects more disagreeable to the present condition of his Majesty, than when they were formerly presented to him, as being destructive to the main principal interests of the Army, and of all those whose affections concur with them. And his Majesty having seen the Proposals of the Army, to the Com∣mi••sioners from his two Houses residing with them, therewith then to be Treated on, in order to the clearing and securing the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom, and the settling of a just and lasting Peace, to which Proposals, as he conceives his two Houses are not strangers, so he believes they will think with him, that they much more conduce to the satisfaction of all interests; and may be a fitter Foundation for a lasting Peace, than the Propositions which at this time are tendered unto him: He therefore Propounds (as the best way in his judge∣ment in order to Peace,) that his two Houses would instantly take into consideration those Proposals, upon which there may be a perso∣nal Treaty with his Majesty, and upon such other Propositions as his Majesty shall make; hoping that the said Proposals may be so mode∣rated in the said Treaty, as to render them the more capable of his Majesties fu••l Concession; wherein he resolves to give full satisfaction unto his People, for whatsoever shall concern the settling of the Protestant Profession, with Liberty to tender Consciences, and the securing of the Laws, Liberties, and Properties of all his Subjects, and the just Priviledges of Parliament for the future. And likewise by his pre∣sent Deportment in this Treaty, He will make the world clearly judge of his intentions in matter of future Government. In which Treaty his Majesty will be well pleased, if it be thought ••it, that Commis∣sioners from the Army (whose the Proposals are) may likewise be admitted.

His Majesty therefore conjures his two Houses of Parliament, by the Duty they owe to God, and his Majesty their King, and by the Bowels of compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects, both for the relief of their present sufferings, and to prevent future miseries; That they will forthwith accept of this his Majesties offer, that here∣by the joyful news of Peace may be restered to this distressed King∣dom. And for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland mentioned in the Propositions, his Majesty will very willingly Treat upon those particulars with the Scotch Commissioners, and doubts not but to give reasonable satisfaction to that his Kingdom.

* 41.3The Kings h••rping upon those Proposals of the Army, (acknowledging a greater equity, and just mensuration, and comprehensiveness of them, and that they did much more conduce to the satisfaction of all interests, and were a fit∣ter foundation for a lasting Peace than the Propositions) seemed very pleasing to Cromwel,* 41.4 who complemented the King with the Armies glad sense of his pre∣ferring their ways and method to Peace before the Parliament's, which would no doubt credit them likewise to the People; not sticking to upbraid the Mem∣bers with their disloyal and peevish carriage toward the King, and yet secretly He enraged the Vulgar against him. The Traytor yet knew that the King did

but shew them Art for Art, for that it was impossible to produce any thing out of that Chaos of their Proposals, without a Divine Fiat; which being made to serve onely as a temporary shift, a bone of contention, could not beyond the purpose of the Contrivers be durable: it will be requisite therefore to take a short view of them, that posterity may see what curious Legislators these Soul∣diers were, and how well capacitated for Government. — Bless us from the Goblin, this idaea of STRATOCRACY.

The first principle is the dissolution of the Parliament,* 42.1 [a preposterous begin∣ning, where Nature ends; but yet not intended by them till they had served their own ends, lust, and ambition, from whence these structures.] 1. That there be Biennial Parliaments, and at more certainty than these. 2. Each Bien∣nial Parliament to sit 120 days certain, afterwards adjournable or dissolvable by the King. 3. This Biennial Parliament to appoint Committees to continue during the interval, for such purposes afore mentioned in the Proposals. 4. That the King, upon the advice of the Council of State, in the Intervals call a Parliament extraor∣dinary, with limitation of meeting and dissolving, that the course of the Biennial one may never be interrupted. 5. That a better rule of proportion may be observed in Electing, all Coun••ies to have a number of Parliament-Members competent to their charges as they are rated to the publike; that no poor Boroughs have any more Elections; and that an addition of Members may be allowed great Counties, that have now less than their due proportion; and that effectual provision be made for the freedom of such Elections. 6. That the Parliament onely have Power to direct fur∣ther, as to Parliaments: and for those two ends expressed before, their Orders there to pass for Laws. 7. That there be a Liberty for Entring Dissents in the House of Commons; and no man further censurable for what he shall say in the House, ex∣clusion by, &c. from that Trust, and that by the House it self. 8. That the Iudi∣cial Power in the Lords and Commons without further Appeal may be cleared. The King not to be capable to forgive persons adjudged by them, without their consent. 9. That the Peers have no Iurisdiction against the Commons, without the concur∣ring Iudgment of the House of Commons, as also may be vindicated from any other Iudgement, &c. than that of their equals. 10. That Grand Iury-men be chosen by several parts or divisions of each County respectively, not left to the discretion of any Vnder-Sheriff; which Grand Iury-men at each Assize, shall present the names of persons to be made Iustices of the Peace, and at the Summer-Assizes the names of three, out of which the King may prick one for Sheriff.

Secondly, [being another principle,] For the future security to Parliaments, and the Militia in general, in order thereunto, That it be provided by Act of Par∣liament, 1. That the power of the Militia by Land and Sea▪ during the space of ten years, shall be disposed by the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament, or persons they shall nominate. 2. That it shall not be exercised by the King, nor any from him, during the said space, nor afterwards, but by advice of the Parliament, or Council of State, or such Committees in the Interval. 3. That the said Lords and Commons, &c. raise and dispose of Money for the Forces thought necessary, and for payment of publike debts, and uses of the Kingdom. 4. That these ten years security may be the firmer, It be provided, That none that have been in hostility a∣gainst the Parliament in the late War, shall be capable of any Office or Trust for five years without consent of Parliament; nor to sit as Members thereof, till the second Biennial Parliament be past.

Thirdly, For the ordering of the peace and safety of this Kingdom and Ireland. 1. That there be Commissioners for the Admiralty, an Admiral and Vice-Admiral now agree on, with power to execute amply the said Offices, and pay provided for the service. 2. That there be a Lord-General for the Forces that are to be in pay. 3. That there be Commissioners for the standing Militia in every County (consisting of Trained Bands and Auxiliaries not in pay) to discipline them. 4. A Council of State to surperintend the powers given those Commissioners. 5. That the said Council have the same power with the Kings Privy Council, but not make War or

Peace without consent of Parliament. 6. That that Council consist of trusty and able persons, to continue si bene se gesserint, but not above seven years. 7. That a sufficient Establishment be provided for the pay of the standing Forces;* 42.2 the Establish∣ment to continue till two months after the meeting of the first Biennial Parliament, or Saint Tibs Eve.

Fourthly, That an Act be passed for disposing the great Offices for ten years by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, and by the Committees in the Intervals, with submission to the approbation of the next Parliament; and after that time▪ they to name three, and the King out of them to appoint one for the succession upon a vacancie.

Fifthly, For disabling the Peers (made by the King since the Great Seal was car∣ried away May 21. 1642.) to sit and Vote in Parliament.

Sixthly, An Act to make void all the Acts, Declarations, &c. against the Parlia∣ment and their Adherents; and that the Ordinances for Indempnity be confirmed.

Seventhly, An Act to make void all Grants passed under the said Seal since May 1642. and to confirm and make those valid that passed under the Great Seal made by Authority of Parliament.

Eighthly, An Act for Confirmation of Treaties between England and Scotland, and constituting Conservators of the Peace between them.

Ninthly, That the Ordinance for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries be confirmed by Act; but the Kings Revenue made up another way, and the Officers thereof to have reparation.

Tenthly, An Act declaring void the Cessation of Ireland, leaving that War to the prosecution of the Parliament.

Eleventhly, An Act to take away all Coercive Power, Authority, and Iurisdiction of Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Officers whatsoever, extending to civil Penalties upon any; and to repeal all Laws whereby the Civil Magistracie hath been or is bound upon any Ecclesiastical Censure, to proceed ex O••••icio unto any Civil Penalties against any persons so censured. [Mark, here is not a word of abolishing Epi∣scopacy, or confirming the sale of their Lands, in which they knew the Presby∣terians were entangled; but the King extreamly gratified, who abominated Sacriledge, and so was the likelier never to comply with the Parliament, (who made it one of their principal demands) which Cromwel designed.]

* 42.3Twelfthly, That there be a repeal of penal Acts or Clauses enjoyning the Common-Prayer, and imposing Penalties for not coming to Church; some provision to be made for discovering of Recusancie.

Thirteenthly, That the taking of the Covenant be not inforced upon any, &c. but that all Ordinances enjoyning that be repealed.

* 42.4Fourteenthly, That the things before proposed being provided for, his Majestie, his Queen and Royal Issue, may be restored to a condition of Safetie, Honour, and Freedom in this Nation, without diminution to their personal Rights, or further limitation to the exercise of their Power than according to the particulars afore∣going.* 42.5

Fifteenthly, For the matter of Compositions. 1. That a less number out of the per∣sons excepted in the two first qualifications,* 42.6 (not exceeding five for the English) being nominated particularly by the Parliament, besides the Irish Rebels, may be reserved to the Iudgment of the Parliament, &c. [And many more good morrows in favourable restrictions of the Parliament's severity to poor Cavaliers, whom they reserved for their more ravenous jaws; thinking by these wiles, first to betray, and then devour them: and therefore now the Tyger is become a mediator to the Wolf, to spare the innocent sheep that's encompassed between them.] The rest of this batch was for particular redresses of the Law, and abuses of the Lawyers; concerning Imprisonments for Debts, Regulating Assessements, and reme∣dies against the contentious Suits of Tythes; for asserting the peoples right in Petition∣ing; against Forrest-Lands; and almost all particular grievances, especially the Ex∣cise and Monopolies; against Corporation-Oaths, as grievous to tender Conscien∣ces, being too long to enumerate. The drift of all being to please all sorts of people, one or other hitting the humour of every man; but chiefly gratify∣ing

the Fanaticks, and miserable Vulgar, who were to be deluded, and then used as a bridge to their own slavery. The conclusion of them, was to tye the hands of the Militia of the Trained-Bands, by regulating the Commissioners and Officers, from their former Arbitrariness, that so the Souldiers might be under no Command, and unable to offend them: To which was subjoyned a demand of their Arrears to the utmost penny, and the publike Faith to be satisfied and relieved. [And then they have more particulars to offer; if any body that knew their jugling should take them now at their word, which they would ra∣ther eat their Swords than perform.]

Signed by the appointment of his Excellency Sir Tho. Fairfax, and the Council of War. Ioh. Rushworth, Secretary.

This Hodgpodg or Alchoran, containing Jewish, Turkish, and some Chri∣stian sentences; some of the Parliaments, and some of their own, and some of the Kings Condescentions too, were far more tolerable than those Heathenish and Pagan Institutes of the Parliaments, sent to the King in the name of Pro∣positions: which He having declined, did hope to effect his and his Kingdoms Peace and restitution at easier terms from the Army; and therefore was in∣stant with Cromwel and other Grandees of the Army,* 42.7 who were evermore at his Elbow, to appoint Commissioners to Treat with him of those Proposals: His Majesty not doubting, but so to temper them, as to come to a right understanding; which if it should happen, it would be the Glory and Honour of the Army, that they had laid such a platform and expedient, for the good, quiet, Peace and happiness of their King and Country.

But Cromwel began to turn a deaf ear to those Charms,* 42.8 to ••alter in his Addres∣ses to the King, to be full of uncertainties and scruples; and at last, to tell his Majesty that He did not rightly understand them, and so interpret their words o∣therwise than they were spoken, and that they had forgotten they had promised him any such things. He excused himself at another time, for not performing of their Engagements, from a reverence to the Parliament, whom as yet they durst not so openly oppose, as to take up his Quarrel. And lastly, as the main artifice, he acquaints Him with the boldness and malice of the Agitators and Levellers, who Conspired his Murth••r; and that for the present he could not mitigate their vio∣lent and wicked Counsels; but when the Discipline of the Army should be recover∣ed, he would make good what he had undertook to perform. And so from time to time courted the King, till the Plot, which he might well forespeak, was rea∣dy for execution; of which by and by.

The King was kept at Hampton-Court in very great State,* 42.9 as usually in times of Peace, his Chaplains and Friends about him, all people permitted to see him, Liberty of Hunting with the Duke of Richmond, and others of the Loyal Nobility allowed him together; so that great was the concourse thither; and most men that judged by the outside and fine appearance of things, concluded all things would do well, and that the Army would prove honest and Loyal. Others contrarily thought that the Army had some designe in this pompous and open Treatment of the King, who thereby imagining himself in his Rega∣lity and proper Orb, would keep and maintain the greater distance from the bold approaches of the Parliament upon his Soveraignty; as all men in prosperity are naturally more elated, more jealous of affronts, and less ductile, than in an ad∣verse condition. These came nearest the Mark, and yet the Kings constancy to himself not disputed; nothing being able to make him recede from those his two great principles of Honour and Conscience; which yet may admit of a magis and minus in the accidental and circumstantial defence of them, sometimes more magnanimously, and sometimes more warily.

This concourse to the King, which shewed the love the people, especially

the Citizens of London,* 42.10 bare him, began to be no way pleasing to the Faction, less to Cromwel and his party, who feared a surprize of his person out of his hands to London, and then his designes and wits were at an end. He resolved therefore speedily to be rid of that fear: and though he had deliberated whe∣ther it were more conducing to his purpose to assassinate the King there, and in∣vade the Government by a sudden and impetuous violence, when all men should have been in a consternation at the atrocity of the Fact, and would save all those tedious arts to be practised in a solemn way of Regicide; yet more slower Counsels prevailed, the image and fright of Death should serve turn at present. To this purpose, Colonel Whaley is ordered to tell the King,* 42.11 that the Adjuta∣tors were grown to that height of violence, as that they had combined to Murther Him; and therefore as his duty was, besides his particular affection for his Majesty, he could not but acquaint him, desiring him to consult for his own Safety; it being also (as he said) the advice of the chief of the Ar∣my, who were loath he should be Murdered while they helplesly looked on.

* 42.12The designe of this parricide had purposely been muttered up and down the Court, and so came to the ear of the Kings Friends, by whom he was near the same time acquainted with it. The King therefore called to him Sir Iohn Berkley and Mr. Iohn Ashburnham then attending him, and advised with them concern∣ing his Escape, where between them they unfortunately, and upon deceitful grounds, concluded to fly to the Isle of Wight, the Government whereof was newly conf••rred upon Colonel Hammond, (Brother to that Reverend Doctor Henry Hamond, the Kings beloved Chaplain) whom the crafty Traytor did fore∣cast, the King in such a perplexity would chuse to trust, from that Relation. Horses being therefore laid ready on the other side of the Water, the King leaves his Chamber November the 11. (in a very dark and tempestuous night) with his Cloak spread in the floor thereof, and by the back-stayrs descends to the Vault, and so ever the Thames to his Company, who were the same of his Counsel; and by Farnham (after much tedious straying in the night out of the way in that bad weather) came to the Sea-side neer Southampton, where mis∣sing of a passage, the Boat ••ailing the prefixed time, he was conveyed to the Countess Dowager of Southampton at Tedworth,* 42.13 where he lay that night, while Sir Iohn Berkley and Colonel Ashburnham passed over to the Isle of Wight to the said Governour, concerning the entertainment of him: where we rest this relation▪ and return to Hampton-Court.

* 42.14About 9 a clock at night the King was missed, but no doubt to the little wonder, less trouble of his Guardians; for the Centries had been on purpose drawn off, to give him free passage: and it had been discoursed in the Army some while before, that He would ere long be in the Isle of Wight. No more ado therefore was made of it, but onely a Letter with a bare account of his flight sent to the Parliament, and the watchful Guard remanded to the body of the Army; Whaley having first taken up the Papers which the King had left, the contents of which are as follow; the first superscribed,

To the Lord Mountague of Boughton.

MOUNTAGUE,

* 43.1FIrst, I do hereby give you and the rest of your fellows thanks, for the civilities and good conversations that I have had from you. Next, I command you to send this my Message, which you will finde on the Table, to the two Houses of Parliament; and likewise to give a Copy of it to Colonel Whaley, to be sent to the General. Like∣wise I desire you to send all my Saddle-Horses to the Duke of York. For what concerns the resolution that I have taken, my Declara∣tory

Message says so much, that I refer you to it; and so I rest

Your Assured Friend, C. R.

The second to Colonel Whaley.

Col. WHALEY,

I Have been so civilly used by you and Major Huntington,* 44.1 that I cannot but by this parting farewel acknowledge it under my Hand, as also to desire the continuance of your Courtesie, by the protecting of my Houshould-stuff and Moveables of all sorts which I leave behind me in this House, that they be neither spoiled nor Imbez'led. Only there are here three Pictures which are not mine, that I desire you to restore; to wit, my Wives Picture in Blew sitting in a Chair, you must send to Mrs. Kirk; my Eldest Daughters Picture Copied by Belcan, to the Countess of Anglesey; and my Lady Stanhop's Picture, to Cary Raleigh. There is a Fourth, which I had almost forgot, it is the Original of my Eldest Daughter, it hangs in this Chamber over the board next the Chimney, which you must send to my Lady Aubig∣ney.

So being confident that you wish my Preservation and Restitution, I rest

Your Friend, C. R.

CHARLES REX.

I assure you it was not the Letter you shewed me yesterday that made me to take this resolution, nor any Advertisement of that kind. But I confess, that I am loath to be made a close Prisoner, under pretence of securing my life.

I had almost forgot to desire you to send the Black Grew Bitch to the Duke of Richmond.

The third was the Message to both Houses.

CHARLES REX.

LIberty being that which in all times hath been,* 46.1 but especially now is, the common Theme and desire of all men; common Reason shews, that Kings less than any should endure Captivity. And yet I call God and the World to Witness, with what patience I have endured a tedious Restraint, which so long as I had any hopes that this sort of my suffering might conduce to the Peace of my Kingdoms, or the hindring of more effusion of Blood, I did willingly undergo: But now finding by too certain proofs, that my continued patience would not only turn to my Personal ruine, but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the Publike good; I thought I was

bound as well by Natural as Political Obligations to seek my safety, by retiring my self for some time from the publike view both of my Friends and Enemies. And I appeal to all indifferent men to judge, if I have not just cause to free My self from the hands of those who change their Principles with their Condition, and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of the Nobility by taking away their Negative Voice, and with whom the Levellers Doctrine is rather countenanced than punished. And as for their intentions to My Person, their changing and putting more strict Guards upon Me, with the discharging most of all those Servants of Mine, who formerly they willingly admitted to wait upon Me, does sufficiently declare. Nor would I have this My Retirement misinter∣preted: for I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour the settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wherever I am, or shall be, and that (as much as may be) without the effusion of Christian Blood. For which, how many times have I desired, prest to be heard, and no ear given me? And can any reasonable man think, that (according to the ordinary course of affairs) there can be a settled Peace without it, or that God will bless those who refuse to hear their King? Surely no! nay, I must further add, that (besides what concerns My self) un∣less all other chief Interests have not onely a hearing, but likewise just satisfaction given unto them, (to wit, the Presbyterians, Inde∣pendents, Army, those who have adhered to Me, and even the Scots) I say there cannot (I speak not of miracles, it being in My opinion a sinful presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them) be a safe or lasting Peace. Now as I cannot deny, but My Personal secu∣rity is the urgent cause of this My Retirement, so I take God to Wit∣ness, that the Publike Peace is no less before My eyes: and I can finde no better way to express this My Profession, (I know not what a wiser man may do) than by desiring and urging that all chief Interests may be heard, to the end each may have just satisfaction. As for example, The Army (for the rest, though necessary, yet I suppose not difficult to content) ought (in My judgment) to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences, have an Act of Oblivion or Indempnity, (which should extend to all the rest of My loving Subjects) and that all their Arrears should be speedily and duely paid; which I will undertake to do, so I may be heard, and that I be not hindered from using such lawful and honest means as I shall chuse. To conclude, Let Me be heard with Freedom, Honour, and Safety, and I shall instantly break through this Cloud of Retirement, and shew My self to be Pater Patriae.

From the hazard of a faigned attempt to be made on His person, behold the Majesty of so excellent a Prince really enda••gered, and in the very pit of de∣struction which his Enemies had digged for him. For upon notice given to Hamond by the said Attendants, of the Kings Adventure, which they would have to be valued at no less than His Liberty; He presently replied, that for se∣curity of Him from danger he would undertake, but His Liberty and that were in∣consistent, nor could be answer it to his Superiors the Army and Parliament; where∣upon since they perceived the necessity of yielding to these terms, they Boated over with him, accompanied by one Captain Basket to the place where the King

was,* 46.2 who delivered Himself into their hand, and was presently conveyed over to the Castle of Carisbrooke in the said Island.

In the interim the Parliament had made it High Treason for any man to con∣ceal His person, and with Spies and Guards laid every place to intercept Him: but being soon informed by Hamond that He was in his custody, they derived their fury upon those Gentlemen that accompanied Him, commanding Hamond to send them up to London to be proceeded against; which he refused; pretend∣ing first, the just offence thereby given the King, in removing His only Friends and Familiars: then, his Honour engaged, as he said, for their indempnity; and declaring, that what they had done therein, was out of a desire of the Peace of the Kingdom: whereas the meaning was, that their safety and protection was obliged partly to that unwitting service they had done the Faction, who were (honourably) pleased to shield those, who had skreened them from the odium of that unfortunate and pernicious Escape; and partly to the King, who inter∣posed himself in the matter, declaring, If those Gentlemen were taken and punish∣ed as evil doers, for Counseling Him not to go out of the Kingdom, but rather to come to the place where he now is, for the ends aforesaid, and for their endeavours in at∣tending Him thither, He cannot but expect to be dealt with accordingly, His Case being the same.

The next consideration of this affair by the Parliament was a result of five Votes,* 46.3 which forbad any Cavaliers or Papists to be admitted in the Island, and left the guard of his Person and the nomination of Officers to attend Him to the General, and allowed 5000 l. for the expences of his Court; the last of which Hamond quarrelled at, as an incompetent pittance, but it's questionable whether he meant not for himself; and no doubt he was better paid for his ser∣vice. He also required more aid, that (forsooth) he might be as good as his word, in keeping the King in security and out of danger, who having passed — (Per varios casus per tot discrimina rerum, — ad Latium tendit,) so many perils and discouragements, gave not yet over his endeavours after Peace, but with a just resolution of not being denied this time, when he now granted almost the whole controversie, He wooes them in this Message from His Prison at Carisbrook, (where He had only the liberty of the Walls under a Guard:) It indeed comprehends and clears all the differences between the King and Parliament.

CHARLES REX.

HIs Majesty is confident that before this time His two Houses of Parliament have received the Message which he left behinde Him at Hampton-Court the 11th of November,* 47.1 by which they will have understood the reasons which enforced Him to go from thence, as likewise his constant endeavours for the settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wheresoever he should be. And being now in a place where he conceives himself to be at much more freedom and security than formerly, He thinks it necessary (not only for making good his own Professions, but also for the speedy procuring of a Peace in these languishing and distressed Kingdoms) at this time to offer such grounds to His two Houses for that effect,* 47.2 which upon due ex∣amination of all Interests may best conduce thereunto.

And because Religion is the best and chiefest Foundation of Peace, His Majesty will begin with that particular. — That for the abo∣lishing Arch-bishops, Bishops, &c. His Majesty clearly professeth, that he cannot give his consent thereunto, both in relation as he is a Christian and a King. For the first, he avows that he is satisfied in his judgment, that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles

themselves, and ever since that time hath continued in all Christian Churches throughout the World, until this last Century of years; and in this Church in all times of Change and Reformation it hath been upheld by the wisdom of His Ancestors, as the great preserver of Doctrine, Discipline, and Order in the Service of God. As a King, at his Coronation He hath not onely taken a Solemn Oath to maintain this Order,* 47.3 but His Majesty and His Predecessors in their Confirmation of the Great Charter, have inseparably woven the Rights of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of their Subjects. And yet he is willing it be provided, that the particular Bishops per∣form the several Duties of their Callings, both by their Personal residence,* 47.4 and frequent Preaching in their Dioceses, as also that they Exercise no Act of Iurisdiction or Ordination, without the consent of their Presbyters; and will consent that their Powers in all things be so Limited, that they be not grievous to Tender Consciences.

Wherefore since His Majesty is willing to give ease to the Conscien∣ces of others, He sees no reason why he alone, and those of his Iudge∣ment, should be pressed to a Violation of theirs. Nor can His Maje∣sty Consent to the Alienation of Church-Lands, because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the Highest Sacriledge, as also that it subverts the intentions of so many Pious Donors, who have laid a heavy Curse upon all such prophane Violations, which His Majesty is very unwil∣ling to undergo: And besides the matter of Conscience, His Majesty believes it to be a prejudice to the Publike Good; many of His Sub∣jects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier rates than if those Possessions were in the hands of Private men: Not omitting the discouragement which it will be to all Learning and Industry, when such eminent rewards shall be taken away, which now lye open to the Children of the meanest persons. Yet His Majesty considering the present great distempers concerning Church-Discipline, and that the Presbyterian Government is now in practice, His Majesty, to eschew Confusion as much as may be, and for the satisfaction of His two Houses, is content that the said Government be Legally permit∣ted to stand in the same condition it now is for three years: pro∣vided, that His Majesty and those of his Iudgement, (or any other who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto) be not obliged to com∣ply with the Presbyterian Government, but have free Practice of their own Profession, without receiving any prejudice thereby: and that a free Consultation and Debate be had with the Divines at West∣minster (twenty of his Majesties nomination being added unto them) whereby it may be determined by his Majesty and the two Houses, how the Church-Government after the said time shall be set∣led, (or sooner, if differences be agreed) as is most agreeable to the Word of God; with full Liberty to all those who shall differ upon Conscientious Grounds from that Settlement. Always provided, that nothing aforesaid may be understood to tolerate those of the Po∣pish Profession, nor the exempting of any Popish Recusant from the penalties of the Laws, or to tolerate the publike profession of Atheism or Blasphemy, contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostles, Nicene, and Athanasian Creeds, they having been received by, and had in reve∣rence

of, all the Christian Churches, and more particularly by us of England ever since the Reformation.

Next, the Militia being that right which is inseparably and un∣doubtedly Inherent in the Crown, by the Laws of this Nation, and that which former Parliaments, as likewise this, hath acknowledged to be so; His Majesty cannot so much wrong that Trust which the Laws of God and the Land hath annexed to the Crown for the pro∣tection and security of his people, as to Devest himself and His Suc∣cessors of the Power of the Sword: Yet to give an infallible evidence of His desire to secure the performance of such Agreements as shall be made in order to Peace,* 47.5 his Majesty will consent to an Act of Parli∣ament, that the whole Power of the Militia both by Land and Sea, for and during his whole Raign, shall be ordered and disposed by his two Houses of Parliament, or by such persons as they shall appoint, with Powers limited for suppressing of Forces within this Kingdom to the disturbance of the Publike Peace, and against Forain Invasion; and that they shall have Power during his said Raign to raise money for the present purposes aforesaid; and that neither his Majesty that now is, or any other (by his Authority derived onely from him) shall execute any of the said Powers during his Majesties said Raign, but such as shall act by the consent and approbation of the two Houses of Parliament. Nevertheless His Majesty intends that all Patents, Commissions, and other Acts concerning the Militia, be made and acted as formerly; and that after His Majesties Raign all the Power of the Militia shall return entirely to the Crown, as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King Iames of Blessed Memory.

After this head of the Militia,* 47.6 the consideration of the Arrears due to the Army is not improper to follow; for the payment whereof, and the ease of his people, His Majesty is willing to concur in any thing that can be done without the violation of His Conscience and Honour. Wherefore if His two Houses shall consent to remit unto Him such benefit out of Sequestrations from Michaelmas last, and out of Compositions that shall be made before the concluding of the Peace, and the Arrears of such as have been already made, the assistance of the Clergy, and the Arrears of such Rents of His own Revenue as His two Houses shall not have received before the concluding of the Peace, His Majesty will undertake within the space of eighteen months, the payment of 400000 l. for the satisfaction of the Army. And if those means shall not be sufficient, His Majesty intends to give way to the sale of Forrest-Lands for that purpose; this being the publike debt which in His Majesties judgment is first to be satisfied: And for other publike debts already contracted upon Church-Lands, or any other Engagements, His Majesty will give His consent to such Act or Acts for raising of moneys for payment thereof, as both Houses shall hereafter agree upon,* 47.7 so as they be equally laid, whereby His Peo∣ple (already too heavily burthened by these late distempers) may have no more pressures upon them than this absolute necessity requires.

And for the further securing all Fears, His Majesty will con∣sent that an Act of Parliament be Passed for the disposing of the great Offices of State, and naming of Privy Counsellours for the

whole term of his Raign by the two Houses of Parliament; their Pa∣tents and Commissions being taken from His Majesty, and after to return to the Crown, as is exprest in the Article of the Militia.

* 47.8For the Court of Wards and Liveries, His Majesty very well knows the consequence of taking that away, by turning of all Tenures into common Soccage, as well in point of Revenue to the Crown, as in the protection of many of His Subjects being Infants: Nevertheless, if the continuance thereof seem grievous to His Subjects, rather than he will fail on His part in giving satisfaction, He will consent to an Act for taking of it away; so as a full recompence be settled upon his Majesty and His Successors in perpetuity, and that the Ar∣rears now d••••, be reserved unto Him towards the payment of the Arrears of the Army.

* 47.9And that the memory of these late distractions may be wholly wiped away, His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament for the Suppressing and making Null Oaths, Declarations, and Proclamations, against both or either House of Parliament, and of all Indictments and other Proceedings against any persons for adhering unto them. And His M••jesty proposeth (as the best expedient to take away all seeds of future differences) that there be an Act of Oblivion to ex∣tend to all His Subjects.

As for Ireland, the Cessation there is long since determined; but for the future (all other things being fully agreed) His Maje∣sty will give full satisfaction to His Houses concerning that King∣dom.

And although His Majesty cannot consent in Honour and Iustice to avoid all His own Acts and Grants, past under His Great Seal since the 22 of May 1642. or to the confirming all the Acts and Grants passed under that made by the two Houses; yet His Majesty is confi∣dent, that upon perusal of particulars, He shall give full satisfaction to His two Houses, to what may be reasonably desired in that par∣ticular.

And now his Majesty conceives that by these his Offers (which he is ready to make good upon the settlement of a Peace) he hath clearly manifested his intentions to give full security and satisfacti∣on to all Interests for what can justly be desired, in order to the fu∣ture happiness of his people. And for the perfecting of these Con∣cessions, as also for such other things as may be proposed by the two Houses, and for such just and reasonable demands as his Majesty shall finde necessary to propose on his part, he earnestly desireth a Personal Treaty at London with his two Houses, in Honour, Freedom, and safety;* 47.10 it being in his Iudgment, the most proper, and indeed only means, to a firm and settled Peace; and impossible, without it, to reconcile former, or to avoid future misunderstandings.

All these things being by Treaty perfected, his Majesty believes his two Houses will think it reasonable, that the Proposals of the Army concerning the Succession of Parliaments, and their due Election, should be taken into consideration.

As for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland, his Majesty will very readily apply himself to give all reasonable satisfaction, when

the desires of the two Houses of Parliament on their behalf, or of the Commissioners of that Kingdom, or of both joyned together, shall be made known unto him.

This Answer was full, and apportioned to all interests, and shewed the incom∣parable prudence, as well as invincible constancy of the King: at which the Parliament shewed themselves much offended, and communicated this their displeasure to the Scots Commissioners, (who participated seemingly with them therein) but made no Reply to the King; their custom being to set other Pens on work to discant upon them,* 47.11 and pick out some jealous Observations, to keep the people still to their party, by bold assertions of His Majesties preva∣••ications and injustices in all his Papers and Messages to the Parliament; some of them writ meanly, scurrilously and impudently, (among the rest, a most execrable and blasphemous Paper called a Hue and Cry after the King, upon his flight from Hampton, by one Needham that writ afterward the News-Book for them) in others more modestly and politely, with a fine but false edge, which yet served to wound His Majesties Reputation, and to carve to the Grandees the spoils of the Kingdom, which were to be secured by these misunderstand∣ings.

But against these Writers there appeared a Champion of Loyalty, Judge Ien∣kins, who out of the Parliaments Wrath,* 47.12 (with the Earl of Cleveland, Sir Lewis Dives, Sir Iohn Stawel, and others Royalists) was Committed to the Tower, and being brought to the Chancery-Bar, refused to own the Court and the Authority thereof, and so was remanded in Order to a Tryal at the Kings-Bench, where in the me••n while he fully Answered all those Cavils against the King, by Reason, Law, and from the Parliaments own words and Declarations, ridling their nice, time-serving distinction of the Kings Person and Authority, his Po∣litick and Natural Capacity, to be a meer Fiction never heard of before; and that their as bold assumption of the Kings Vertual presence in the two Houses, was also and alike Treasonable, as he cited in the Case of the two Spencers, in the 7 of Edward the 2. from their own Oracle Sir Edward Coke, in the 7 part of his Reports, fol. 11. He then runs over the whole Case and state of the Question and Dispute betwixt the Royalists and Parliamentarians; which being published, incredible it is how greedily they were bought up, and how many honest people undeceived; so that His Majesties Cause was every where under the nose of the Faction well spoken of. We will, for the honour of that Noble person, give this short and summary account of it, as a Sea-mark to Posterity.

First, The Royalists have aided the King in this War (contrary to the Parlia∣ments Negative Oath and Votes,) warranted by the Statute of 25 Ed. 2. ch. 2. They have maintained the Commission of Array by the Kings Command against their Votes, by the Statute of the 5 Hen. 4.3. They have maintained Arch-bi∣shops, Bishops, &c. from Magna Charta, and many other Statutes. 4. They have maintained the Book of Common prayer, warranted by five Acts of Parliament, in Edw. 6. Queen Eliz. for Libels against which and Church-Government, some have been Executed. 5. They maintained the Militia of the Kingdom to belong to the King, from the Statute of the 7 Edw. 1. and many Statutes since. 6. They maintained the Counterfeiting of the Kings Great Seal to be High Treason, as like∣wise the usurpation of the Kings Forts, Ports, and Shipping, &c. from the said Statute of 25 Ed. 3. and divers others since, and the practice of all times. 7. They maintain, that the King is the only Supreme Governour in all Cases; the Parlia∣ment, that his Majestie is to be governed by them. The former's warrant is the Statute of Queen Eliz. &c. 8. They maintain that the King is King by an inhe∣rent Birth-right, by Nature, by Gods Law, and by the law of the Land; These say, that his Kingly Right is an Office upon Trust. Their warrant is the Statute of

the 1 of King James, and the 5 of Queen Eliz. 9. They maintain that the politick capacity is not to be severed from the natural; vide Coke, as before, their Oracle, who hath declared to posterity, that it is Damnable, Detestable, and Execra∣ble Treason. 10. They maintain, that who aids the King at home or abroad, ought not to be molested or questioned for the same. (These practice the contrary.) Their warrant is the Statute of 11 Hen. 7. 11. They maintain that the King hath power to disassent to any Bill agreed by the two Houses; which these deny. Their warrant is the Statute of 2 Hen. 5. the practice of all times, the 1 Car. ch. 7. and 1 Jam. ch. 1. 12. They maintain that Parliaments ought to be holden in grave and peaceable manner, without Tumults; These abet and keep guards of armed men to wait upon them. Their warrant is the Statute of 7 Edw. 2. 13. They maintain that there is no State within this Kingdom but the Kings Majesty, and that to adhere to any other State within this Kingdom is High Treason. Their warrant is the 3 of King Jam. and 23 Eliz. 14. They maintain that to levy a War, to remove Counsellours, to alter Religion, or any Law established, is High Treason; These hold to the contrary. Their warrant is the resolution of the Iudges, Queen Elizabeth, and Sir Edward Coke. 15. They maintain that no man should be imprisoned, put out of his lands, but by due Course of Law; and that no man ought to be adjudged to Death, but by the Law established. These have practised the contrary in London, Bristol, and Kent. Their warrant is Magna Charta, ch. 29. The Petition of Right, 3 Car. and divers others. 16. They believe what the Laws say, that the King can do no wrong, that He is Gods Lieutenant, and not able to do an unjust thing; These charge Him with the spoil and blood of His Subjects; which false imputation was like the rest of their actions, con∣trary to all Law, Reason, Christianity, or Humanity.

* 48.1This eye-salve made the wilfully blinde more peevish, and fuller of smart and anguish, so that they were resolved to have hanged him; but he had so hedged up their way to it, by upbraiding them with their former Illegal and Tyrannical Cruelty, that they only kept him in a strict duress, which was enlarged by degrees, till the time of Restitution 1660, when he was in health, and at perfect freedom.

He was a great stickler likewise in the Feud betwixt the Presbyterian and Independent, siding with the Army, and doctrinating them with the Principles of Allegiance, which they pretended to; and animating them against the Par∣liament, by perswading them that all their Ordinances made for their Indem∣nity and Arrears, were insignificant and invalid, and were but so many blinds for the present; and that their security and satisfaction depended wholly upon the King: which designe of his, in that juncture of time, did operate success∣fully, until the cause of the contention ceasing, Cromwel having mastered and surmounted all the rubs to his designe, the effect, the ruine of both, likewise failed.

Miserable now were the complaints from several parts of the Kingdom, by reason of the burden of Free-quarter.* 48.2 In the third year of King Charles, upon the Expedition for the Isle of Rhee, the Lords and Commons in their Petition of Right, when not above 2 or 3000 Souldiers were thinly Quartered upon the people, but for a Month or two, complained thereof to his Majesty as a great grievance, contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Realm; and humbly pray∣ed, as their right, according to the Law of the Land, that he would remove it: which his Majesty presently granted. Yet now, though the Country was ten times more oppressed, no remedy could be had; the Army under pretence of Lodging, Fire, and Candle, taking all other necessaries: for which if at any time they pretended to offer money, yet durst none take it for fear of greater damage, the spoiler being only triable by a Council of War. This, the Souldiers were taught likewise by their Adjutators to load upon the Parliament,* 48.3 through their neglect of paying them; when indeed the supernumeraries with which Cromwel daily recruited the Army, without any Authority, far beyond the

pay or number established, was the cause of the Arrears, and this oppression of Free-quarter; for upon complaints thereof made in the House, the Army being quartered in several Brigades, supernumeraries have been disbanded in one Bri∣gade, their Arms taken by their Officers, and shortly after they have been listed again in another Brigade, and their Arms sold again to the State after a while, to new arm them. By which means Cromwel had amassed a Magazine of such, which being lodged in the City, and rumoured by some zealots to be for arming some Reformadoes, were now upon examination found to belong unto Him, and so the business was husht up; which if they could have fastned upon the other Party, should have been noised for horrid Treason.

By this grievance of Free-quarter they were doubly and trebly payed, taking it in one place, and Composition for it in another, perhaps in three or four places at once, by false Billets; yet nevertheless, though by these tricks they owed money to the State, they demanded and compelled an Ordinance from the Par∣liament to secure their Arrears of the 24 of December, whereby they had the two thirds of Delinquents Estates, mentioned or comprehended in the three first qualifications of them, in the Propositions sent to the King at the Isle of Wight; and all the money arising out of the remaining part of Bishops Lands, appointed to be sold by former Ordinances;* 48.4 and the sum of 600000 l. charged on the receipt of EXCISE, (with the Forrest-Lands and other incomes) for the securing of the said Arrears, to be issued out to the Treasurers at War, to such and such persons for the uses aforesaid, in such manner as the Committee of Lords and Commons for the Army, or any five of them under their hands would limit and appoint, which was by way of Audit and Debentures,* 48.5 sold not long after upon doublings on purchases of the Crown and other forfeited Lands for Half a Crown in the pound, besides innumerable cheats by counterfeit hands, but more to the talk than trouble of the Kingdom, whose general Note was — Caveat Emptor.

Wonderful it is (since we have now mentioned that Dutch Devil, as it was called, the Excise) what vast sums of money the Parliament had raised by it, amounting, as by their Ordinance of the 28 of August this year appears, to that time, from its Commencement some three years before, to One million three hundred thirty four thousand five hundred thirty two pounds ten shillings and eleven pence half peny, clear, and deducted of all charges in the levying of it, which defalked not above two shillings in the pound.* 48.6 No wonder therefore they did so carefully enjoy▪ and uphold this Tax, which had supported and en∣abled them in all their atchievements; and upon this score they made it over to the Souldiers, several Uproars and Tumults happening in the refusal of payment,* 48.7 particularly at Smithfield-bars London, where the Butchers who then paid Excise for the Flesh sold, at two shillings in the pound, rose and fired the Excise-house neer adjoyning, with all the Papers of Books of Account; for which several of them were tryed, but acquitted: thereafter, that Duty upon Cattle, as likewise upon all Salt made in the Kingdom, was wholly laid aside. But a most severe injunction was now made for the continuance of the rest, and the refractory threatned with exemplary punishments.

So that while Cromwel could finde Men and Arms at such a rate, and the Par∣liament such heaps of Money by several Revenues, it was in vain to think of a Peace, when such visible powerful advantages subserved to those wicked designes of inthralling King, Parliament, City and Kingdom, now mainly prosecuted by the Adjutators; but so lendly and unseasonably, that Cromwel, to palliate his secret impiety, abandoned one of the Ringleaders, one White,* 48.8 to his Execu∣tion at Ware, by a Sentence of a Council of War, for mutinous speeches and Papers of the Levelling principle (but suspected also to aim at himself) among the Common Souldiers. Neer the same time, one Tompson of the same Crue, was seized on in the Lobby of the House of Commons, supposed to be ready with some Impeachment or Articles against him, and condemned in the same manner by a Council of War. They cryed out of the King as useless, and

had got a Stork of their own making ten times more dangerous, who durst crush them to Ruine in the very rise of his Ambition.

These misdoings, and no Government, highly displeased and incensed the people, who too late (— Sero sapiunt Phryges) saw how they had fool'd themselves into slavery; the resentments whereof became so publike, and so fearlesly Voyced, that the Parliament was constrained to humour it, and to per∣sonate a serious study to an Accommodation. Hereupon, the same 24 day of December on which they had Voted Security for the Armies Arrears, (an ill Omen of what Kindness they had for the King, whom they would not bate an ace of their demands) their Commissioners present to the King at Carisbrook-Castle four Bills to be Passed as Acts of Parliament,* 48.9 (with divers other Proposals, such or worse than those at Hampton-Court) before any Treaty might be ad∣mitted.

* 48.10The first was an Act with this Title, Concerning the raising, setling, and main∣taining Forces by Sea and by Land, within the Kingdoms of England and Ire∣land, and Dominion of Wales, the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey, and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed; whereby it was to be Declared, That the Lords and Com∣mons then Assembled in Parliament, or whom they should appoint, (that was a Council of State of Pickt Grandees) should for twenty years have the Militia in their disposal, against the King, His Heirs, and Successors for that term, and after that term the same Power to be exercised by the King, but with the consent of the Parliament, if they shall declare the safety of the Kingdom to be concerned; and the Moneys raised for that purpose to be imployed by the same persons in the like man∣ner: Which was in effect, to take away the Kings Negative Voyce from him and His Heirs for ever. Besides, it grants an unlimited Power to the two Hou∣ses, to raise what Forces, and of what persons they please, and to raise money in what sort, and as much, and of whom, as they shall think fit, without any restriction or exception. The second was, An Act for Iustifying the Proceedings of Parliament in the late War, and for Declaring all Oaths, Declarations, Pro∣clamations, and other proceedings against it to be Void; whereby they were to b•• de∣clared to have stood upon the Defensive part, (their Conscience prickt them with their Blood-guiltiness, and they would fain throw it off, and by adding more Guilt to it, load it upon the Innocent; a wicked shift!) and be Indempnified (still they are tormented) for all their past actions therein. The third was, An Act whereby all Titles, and Honour of Peerage, conferred on any since the 20 of May, 1642. being the day that the Lord Keeper Littleton deserted the Parliament, and carried away the Seal, were Declared Void. And it was further to be Enacted, that no person that shall hereafter be made a Peer, or his Heirs, shall sit or Vote in the Parliament of England, without the consent of both Houses of Parliament. The fourth was, An Act concerning the Adjournment of both Houses of Parliament; whereby it was Declared, that when and wither the two Houses shall think fit to Adjourn themselves, the said Adjournments shall at all times be valid and good, and shall not be judged or deemed to end or determine the Session of this Parlia∣ment.

* 49.1The Proposals were, 1. That the new Seal be Confirmed, and the old Great Seal, and all things passed under it since May 1642. be made Void. 2. That Acts be Passed for raising moneys to pay publike Debts. 3. That Members of both Houses put from their places by the King, be restored. 4. That the Cessation in Ireland be made Void, and the War left to both Houses. 5. That An Act of Indem∣puity be passed. 6. That the Court of Wards be taken away, and such Tenures turn∣ed into common Soccage. 7. That the Treaties between England and Scotland be confirmed, and Conservators of the Peace and Vnion appointed. 8. That ••he Ar∣rears of the Army be paid out of Bishops Lands, Forfeited Estates and Forrests. 9. That An Act be passed for abolishing Bishops, and all appendants to them. 10. That the Ordinance of disposing Bishops Lands be confirmed by Act. 11. That An

Act be passed for the sale of Church-lands. 12. That Delinquents be proceeded against, and their Estates disposed of according to their several Qualifications. 13. That an Act be passed for discharge of publike Debts. 14. That Acts be passed for set••ling the Presbyterian Government and Directory, F••urteen of the 39 Articles revised by the Assembly of Divines, Rules and Directions concerning suspension from the Lords-Supper. 15. That the chief Officers in England and Ireland be named by both Houses. 16. That an Act be passed for the conviction of Popish Recusants. 17. That an Act be passed for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants. 18. and 19. Against Papists, for levying penalties, and prohibiting the hearing of Mass. 20. An Act be passed for Observation of the Lords-day. 21. A Bill for Suppressing Innovations. 22. And Advancement of Preaching. 23. And against Pluralities and Non-residencie.

With••l, The Commissioners were to desire His Majesty to give His Royal Assent to those four Bills by His Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England, Signed by His Hand, and Notified to the Lords and Commons Assembled together in the House of Peers; it not standing then with the safety of the Kingdom for His Majesty to do it otherwise, (to wit, at London) and a Bill to be drawn for such Letters Patents to be presented Him, and then a Warrant to Edward Earl of Manchester, &c. whereupon a Committee shall be sent to the Isle of Wight to Treat with Him only.

It was not intended to shew these shapeless abortions of Laws, but that they should have been buried in their Chaos, yet being the (though unprepared) matter of this beautiful Form of the Kings Answer, the darkness of the one occasioning and preceding the light of the other, they are here represented in this unreasonable lump an•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Nothing indeed shews them better, or it may be said worse; so that they 〈…〉〈…〉 Paraphrase or Comment: Give me leave only to insert th•• Scots sense of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bills and Proposals.

The Commissioners of Scotlan•• having understood the proceeding of the Parliament in the business, now 〈◊〉〈◊〉 publikely protested against it here, and immediately followed the Commissio••ers to the Isle of Wight, where they like∣wise presented His Majesty with this Paper.—

There is nothing which we have more constantly endeavoured and do more earnest∣ly desire▪* 50.1 than a good Agreement and happy Vnion between Your Majesty and your Parliaments of both Kingdoms; neither have we left any means unessayed, that by united Councils with the Parliament of England, and making joynt applications to Your Majesty, there might be a composition of all differences. But the new Proposi∣tions communicated to us by the two Houses, and the Bills therewith presented to Your Majesty, are so prejudicial to Religion, the Crown, the Vnion and Interest of the Kingdoms, and so far different from the former proceedings and engagements be∣twixt the Kingdoms, as we cannot concur therein. Therefore we do in the name of the Kingdom of Scotland, dissent from these Proposals and Bills tendred to Your Majesty.

• Lowden,
• Lauderdale,
• Charles Erskin,
• Kennedy,
• Berclay.

This was the first equal and good Office meant the King, though they had greater concerns of their own; but it something served to justifie the King to His people in His refusal to Sign them. The Kings Answer was as followeth.

For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore, to be Communicated, &c.

CHARLES REX.

* 51.1THe necessity of complying with all engaged Interests in these great distempers for a perfect Settlement of Peace, His Ma∣jesty finds to be none of the least difficulties he hath met with since the time of His afflictions; which is too visible, when at the same time that the two Houses of the English Parliament do present to His Majesty several Bills and Propositions for His Consent, the Com∣missioners for Scotland do openly protest against them: so that were nothing in the case but the consideration of that difference, His Ma∣jesty cannot imagine how to give such an Answer to what is now proposed, as thereby to promise himself his great End, A Perfect Peace. And when his Majesty further considers, how impossible it is (in the condition he now stands) to fulfil the desires of his two Houses, since the onely ancient and known ways of passing Laws, are either by his Majesties personal Assent in the House of Peers, or by Commission under his Great Seal of England; He cannot but won∣der at such failings in the manner of Address which is now made unto him; unless his two Houses intend that his Majesty shall allow of a Great Seal made without his Authority, before there be any con∣sideration had thereupon in a Treaty; which as it may hereafter ha∣zard the security it self, so for the present it seems very unreaso∣nable to his Majesty. And though his Majesty is willing to believe that the intention of very many in both Houses, in sending those Bills before a Treaty, was onely to obtain a Trust from him, and not to take any advantage by passing them to force other things from him, which are either against his Conscience or Honour; yet his Majesty believes it's clear to all understandings, that these Bills contain (as they are now Penned) not onely the devesting himself of all Sove∣raignty, and that without possibility of recovering it, either to him or his Successors (except by repeal of these Bills) but also the ma∣king his Concessions guilty of the greatest pressures that can be made up∣on the Subject, as in other particulars, so by giving an Arbitrary and unlimited power to the two Houses for ever, to raise and levy, for Land and Sea-service, of what persons (without distinction and quality) and to what numbers they please; and likewise for the payment of the Ar∣rears, to levy what monies, in such sort, and by such ways and means, (and consequently upon the Estates of whatsoever persons) as they shall think fit and appoint; which is utterly inconsistent with the Liberty and Property of the Subject, and his Majesties Trust in Protecting them: so that if the major part of both Houses shall think it necessary to put the rest of the Propositions into Bills, his Majesty leaves the world to judge how unsafe it would be for him to Consent thereunto; and if not, what a strange condition (after passing those four Bills) his Majesty and all his Subjects would be cast into. And here his Ma∣jesty thinks it not unfit, to wish his two Houses to consider well of the manner of their proceeding; That when his Majesty desires a personal Treaty with them for the setling of a Peace, they in answer propose

the very subject matter of the most essential part thereof, to be first granted; a thing which will be hardly credible to posterity: Where∣fore his Majesty Declares, That neither the desire of being freed from this tedious and irksome condition of life his Majesty hath so long suffered, nor the apprehension of what shall befal him in case his two Houses shall not afford him a personal Treaty, shall make him change his Resolution of not-consenting to any Act, till the whole be conclu∣ded. Yet then he intends not onely to give just and reasonable sa∣tisfaction in the particulars presented to him; but also to make good all other Concessions mentioned in his Message of the 16 of Novemb. last, which he thought would have produced better effects, than what he finds in the Bills and Propositions now presented unto him.

And yet his Majesty cannot give over,* 51.2 but now again earnestly presseth for a personal Treaty, (so passionately is he affected with the advantages which Peace will bring to his Majesty, and all his Sub∣jects) of which he will not at all despair, (there being no other visible way to obtain a well-grounded Peace.) However his Ma∣jesty is very much at ease within himself, for having fulfilled the Offices both of a Christian and a King, and will patiently wait the good pleasure of Almighty God, to incline the hearts of his two Hou∣ses to consider their King, and Compassionate their fellow-Subjects Miseries.

Given at Carisbroke-Castle, Dec. 28.

On the third of Ianuary following,* 51.3 this Answer was debated in the House of Commons. And first Sir Thomas Wroth had his Cue (set by the Faction) to run high, and to feel the pulse of the House; which was uttered in this, or the like Expression: * 51.4 That Bedlam was appointed for Mad-men, and Tophet for Kings; That our Kings had carried themselves of late as if they were fit for no place but Bedlam: That his Humble Motion should consist of three parts. 1. To secure the King, and keep him in some close Inland-Castle with Guards. 2. To draw up Articles of Impeachment against him. 3. To lay him by, and settle the Kingdom without him. He cared not what Form of Government they set up, so it were not by Kings and Devils. — Then Commissary Ireton (seeming to speak the sense of the Army, under the notion of many Godly men, who had ventured their Lives to subdue their Enemies) said after this manner.

The King had denied Safety and Protection to his People,* 51.5 by denying the four Bills: That Subjection to him, was but in lieu of his Protection to his People; this being denied, they might well deny any more Subjection to him, and settle the Kingdom without him. That it was now expected, after so long patience, they should shew their resolution, and not desert those Valiant men who had engaged for them beyond all possibility of Retreat, and would never forsake the Parliament, unless the Parlia∣ment forsook them first.

After some more debate, when the House was ready for the Question, Crom∣wel brought up the Rear; and giving an ample Character of the Valour, good affections, and Godliness of the Army, argued,

That it was now expected the Parliament should Govern and Defend the King∣dom by their own power and resolutions,* 52.1 and not teach the people any longer to ex∣pect Safety and Government from an Obstinate Man, whose heart God had hard∣ned. That those men who had defended the Parliament from so many dangers, with

the expence of their blood, would defend them herein with Fidelity and courage against all opposition. Teach them not, by neglecting your own and the Kingdoms safety, (in which their own is involved) to think themselves betrayed, and left hereafter to the Rage and Malice of an irreconcileable Enemy, whom they have sub∣dued for your sake, and therefore are likely to finde his future Government of them insupportable, and fuller of Revenge than Iustice; Lest despair teach them to seek their safety by some other means then adhering to you, who will not stick to your selves; and how destructive such a resolution in them will be to you all, I tremble to think,* 52.2 and leave you to judge. — At the latter end of this contrived Speech, he laid his Hand upon his Sword, that Sword which by his side could not keep him from Trembling, when Sir Philip Stapleton some while before baffled him in the House of Commons.

Now we discover these two Matchiavels, avowing in a manner their ends and designes, which they had hitherto cloaked by fair pretences to the King, and charged upon the Adjutators: And henceforward we shall see them using all manner of scelerate practises to promote their Conspiracie. This bold Harangue and Menace so far availed them, that the Parliament over-awed therewith, after a long debate, from 9 in the morning till night, upon the first of the en∣suing Votes, the House being divided, 141 Yeas, to 91 Noes, came to these following Resolutions; the other three, except the last, being carried more easily: They were prefaced with a short Declaration (yet of twelve days deliberation) dated the 15 of Ianuary, in these words.

Die Sabbathi 15 Ianuarii 1647.

* 53.1The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament, after many Addresses to his Majestie for the preventing and ending this unnatural War, raised by him against his Parliament and Kingdom, having lately sent four Bills to his Majestie, which did contain only matter of safety and security to the Parliament and Kingdom, refer∣ring the composure of all other differences to a personal Treaty with his Majestie, and having received an absolute Negative, Do hold themselves obliged to use their utmost endeavours speedily to settle the present Government in such a way as may bring the greatest security to this Kingdom in the enjoyment of the Laws and Li∣berties thereof; and in order thereunto, and that the Houses may receive no delays nor interruptions in so great and necessary a work,* 53.2 they have taken these Resolu∣tions, and passed these Votes following, viz. Resolved upon the Question, 1. That the Lords and Commons do declare, that they will make no further Addresses or Applications to the King.* 53.3 2. That no Application or Address be made to the King by any person whatsoever, without leave of both Houses. 3. That the person or persons that shall make breach of this Order, shall incur the penalties of High Treason. 4. That the Lords and Commons do declare, that they will receive no more any Message from the King; and do-enjoyn, that no person whatsoever do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King, to both or either Houses of Parliament, or to any other person. Which Resolves by their Order were Printed, and by the respective Members dispersed into the Counties, to give notice of the in∣tended severity against the Offenders.

But this was not all; they would be thought to do this from Right Reason, and therefore they second this Resolution with another Remonstrance, as far beyond the other delivered at Hampton-Court, for silly and ridiculous imputa∣tions, as that from Duty and Truth:* 53.4 The old, stale, and exploded Stories of Rochel, and the Isle of Rhee, Ship-money, Monopolies, &c. for which the King had given them satisfaction,* 53.5 being numbred again into this Charge. They would fain have made use also of that Story of the Plaister applied to King Iames by the Duke of Buckingham; but their subornation failing, which was attempted by Sir Arthur Haselrig's Brother, who produced one Smalling for that purpose,

who dis••ppointed them, as to the Papers he was said to have as proofs thereof, (it being a most notorious lye) they let that falshood alone, and betook them∣selves to more plausible, yet self-guilty criminations.

But all these devices and fig-leaves could not hide the guilt of their actions; the people every were loathing to be abused any longer with these fictions of misgovernment, when they perceived what masters of misrule they had proved themselves. This the Grandees found at some conferences with the City, whom still they thought to have befooled and sweetned out of their money, but soon saw they were mistaken. The Art of perswasion had lost its power; and plain force, if any thing, was to be used; which as the case stood, they durst not venture: for the Town was full of rage and madness▪ and expected but the first blow. However, the richer sort reserved themselves, as equally slaves to the Army and Riches. From this difficulty therefore they turn to a more facile undertaking, hoping to delude the King, whom his hard restraint could not but have softned to their hands:* 53.6 and though Colonel Hamond upon the delivery of the Kings Answer to the Propositions to the Commissioners, had turned away His Majesties Servants, and made Him a close prisoner, (telling the King, who demanded the reason of it,* 53.7 that He was acted by ill Counsels to the destruction of the Kingdom, and that He did it by Authority of Parliament, before they knew the said Answer, which the King said they would never reply to) yet was he now employed by Cromwel, during the force of these Votes, to make new Offers to the King from the Army, the drift being to get Him to own the Army, as He had formerly done against the Parliament, till by that means His Friends re∣posing themselves likewise on their integrity, and the people also amused, they might of a sudden irresistibly destroy Him. To this purpose they cajoled Co∣lonel Ashburnham, and Sir Iohn Berkley, whom Hamond yet retained about the Kings Person, to convey their poyson of perfidy more unsuspectedly into the King; and the Earl of Southampton was likewise dealt withal; but he better under∣stood them, and declined all manner of commerce or correspondence with them, having had the advantages of liberty, and opportunity of prying into the Cabal. Several persons were employed as Messengers in this transaction, who were ne∣ver questioned or punished, as the Resolves had declared.

Very many, as was said before, were the discontents of the people against the Parliament, ready, but for fear of the Army, to burst out into Insurrections; when the near sense of the Kings Captivity, whose sighs were imagined to be heard in the Island, so affected one Captain Burleigh lately of the Kings Army,* 53.8 and then an Inhabitant there, that not able to endure his Princes sufferings and injuries, he beat a Drum in the Island, intending to gather a force sufficient to rescue Him from His Imprisonment; but was quickly seized and supprest by Hamond,* 53.9 who sent him over to Winchester, in order to his tryal by a special Com∣mission of Oyer and ••erminer. Against which time, one Major Rolf, accused by one Osborne a Servant of the King's,* 53.10 of a designe to have assassinated Him (which accusation was with much ado admitted, though Rolf was like to be torn in pieces by the Citizens of London, upon his seizure in Bishops-gate-street, meerly upon the bare Rumour of his Crime) was brought down from the Gate-house, and tryed there likewise by the same Judge and Jury.* 53.11 The matter was delegated to Serjeant Wilde, and Sir H. Mildmay, betwixt whom and the said (packt) Jury, Burleigh was found guilty of High Treason,* 53.12 for levying War against (because for) the King; and the other, Rolf, quitted by Ignoramus, for his wilful intention of parricide. Captain Burleigh courageously sealed his Cause with his blood, dying a Loyal Martyr for the King and his Country, and is worthily inscribed into that Roll; though the stupid, and Subjects uncom∣passionate of their Princes miseries, accounted him rash and inconsiderate.

Upon this Attempt,* 53.13 Hammond sends to the Parliament for an additional strength to maintain the Island; and Rainsborough, who was newly put in the place of Vice-Admiral Batten, a Presbyterian, and who had done good service, (though now the Independents were possest of all places) was Commanded

with his Fleet to sorround the Island,* 53.14 and to guard it: and next, out comes a Declaration of the Army, wherein they promise to live and dye with the Par∣liament in pursuance of these Votes; and so for a while they piece together again like Herod and Pilate, where we leave them, and cast a look into Scotland and Ireland.

Scotland this year was infamous for the butchery and death of many gallant personages,* 53.15 taken at the defeat of Montross at Philipshaugh, whom the Covenan∣ters having carried up and down with them, till they setled at St. Iohnstons, there Executed them. The first whereof was Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, and another of his noble name;* 53.16 then Sir Robert Spotswood, a man of most polite and deep learning▪ especially in the Oriental Languages: he was made the Kings Secretary of Scotland, in the place of the Earl of Lanerick; which, together with his other abilities, accelerated his end. His last words were, — Jesu have mercy on me, and gather my soul with those that have run before me in this Race. Next to him, Mr. Andrew Guthrey, Son to the Bishop of Murray. And lastly, Mr. William Murray, a young Gentleman of some 19 years old, Bro∣ther to the Earl of Tullibardin, who most magnanimously encountred Death, behaving himself (as he said His End would prove) as the greatest honour of his Family. For this Blood Scotland hath since pretty well satisfied the Divine Justice; I pray God it be yet fully expiated and attoned. There escaped out of their clutches the Lord Ogleby, the day before his designed Martyrdom, disgui∣sed in his Sisters apparel.* 53.17 To conclude these Funerals in Scotland, Ferdinando Lord Fairfax, (Father to Sir Thomas the General) whose Barony is Scotish, dyed about the same time of a Gangrene, occasioned by cutting a Corn on his toe; and devolved that Honour to Sir Thomas.

In Ireland, upon the advance of the Rebels in so formidable a posture against Dublin,* 53.18 the Marquess of Ormond was forced to capitulate with the Parliament; and in Iune, according to agreement, delivered that City to Colonel Iones, and other Parliament-Commissioners, who brought over with them 1000 Foot and 500 Horse; and the Marquess came over into England, and attended the King at Hampton-Court, and in his removes with the Army, with an account of Ireland,* 53.19 till upon his going into the Isle of Wight, he transported himself in∣to France, and from thence (not long after) back again into Ireland, by the Kings Commission, with the above mentioned Forces, some recruits out of Eng∣land, and other broken Troops of the Marquesses, amounting in all to 3000. Colonel Iones resolved to march against the Irish, who under the Lord Preston, within 12 miles of Dublin,* 53.20 met him at a disadvantage, and totally routed him, killing many, and taking some few prisoners, the rest escaping with difficulty to Dublin.

The Parliament had undertaken the War, and were therefore troubled at this unsuccessful beginning;* 53.21 but they presently re-inforced Iones, who taking cou∣rage, met with the same Enemy again, and neer Trim utterly defeated him, crying over and above quits with him for his last defeat. After his two Wings had discomfited the two Wings of the Irish by plain Valour, their main Battle of 3000 Foot betook themselves to a Bog, where the English followed, and made great slaughter: those that escaped thence, the Horse killed. This slaughter (one of the greatest during all the War) was reckoned just to 5470. The Commander of them, with Preston,* 53.22 hardly escaped, and joyned with O Neal, who lately had given a terrible defeat to the Scots in Vlster. Upon this Victory twenty several places yielded themselves to Iones, who omitted not to prose∣cute his success, till the Winter summoned him to his quarters at Dublin.

Neer the same time the Lord Inchiqueen had a like good success in Munster against the Lord Taaf,* 53.23 where he killed near 3000. But the Parliament de∣signing to out him of his Command, (he being President of that Province) and to confer it upon the Lord Lisle or Broghil, to that purpose endeavouring to secure his person and convey him into England;* 53.24 he declared against the Inde∣pendent prevailing party in England, and for a speedy composure with the King;

and forthwith joyned his Forces with the said Lord Taaf, who with a part of that Catholick Army had declared solely for the King. This spoiled all the Triumphs of Iones his Conquest, and made the Parliament look about them; Ireland being by this means further from being reduced, than it was the first day of the Rebellion. An enterprise Cromwel resolved to undertake, when he had overcome the difficulties of his Invasion, and Usurpation of the Govern∣ment in England. In the mean while a Treaty was set on foot by the Faction with O Neal,* 53.25 and the Lord Inchiqueen's Commission taken away; some of his Treacherous Officers (put upon him to that purpose, as Spies, by the Parlia∣ment) revealing and deposing his correspondencies with the Presbyterian par∣ty of the Parliament, who were by the said Examinations sworn to have pro∣cured their pardon of the King, to act for him for the future: which Inde∣pendent Fetch (to beget a new impeachment) bringing us back into England, we proceed in the affairs thereof, where we shall see the Scene altered; the do∣mineering Army, and their Grandees at Derby-house, (which managed all) seeking shelter for their outrages.

The House of Lords had scrupled the passing of the Votes of Non-addresses,* 53.26 10 against 10: but the Army quartering at the Mews and at White-Hall, made them come to it: whereupon, the next day, the Army gave them their Thanks; and with those another piece of Journey-work, which was comprised in a Message sent down from them to the Commons, to desire their concurrence to the Engagement of those Members that fled to the Army, to live and dye with the Army. It was debated all day until 7 a clock at night, and then the question put, That this House doth approve the Subscription of the said Members to the said Engagement; which was carried in the affirmative by 10 Voices. To pro∣secute this project (now that the Army was afraid of the Scots advance, there being sufficient ground of quarrel, as they had set forth in their Papers) they would have the Parliament and City to own their late forcing of them, if cal∣led to account for it, (see the base vicissitudes of Villany! now insolent, then most sordidly fearful.) [Nor repeating all the Adjutators said to this subscri∣bing the Engagement, where they acknowledge, That they Rule by Power one∣ly, and that the House of Commons is no longer theirs than they over-awe them; and they fear the Critical day will come, which will discover the Parliament to be no longer theirs, than while they have a force upon it.* 53.27] The Independent party Proposed to unite all Interests in the Houses, City, and Army; and Cromwel made a Speech in Parliament to that purpose, but was snapt up by a Member, That they were chosen and trusted by the people to pursue one Common interest, and Common good, Safety and Liberty of the People; and whosoever had any peculiar Interest eccentrick from that, was not fit to Sit in that Assembly, and deserved to be called to a strict account by those that trusted him. And one of Cromwels Agents, Mr. Glover, was employed to the City on the same errand, who offered them the release of their Aldermen, then Prisoners, and the setting up their Fosts and Chains, upon a mutual agreement; which the City likewise generously reje∣cted, as foreseeing the Scots Invasion; and therefore denyed any correspon∣dency with them; upbraiding them with their past actions, and reiterated Violences.

Cromwel was troubled at this rejectment;* 53.28 but resuming his wonted impu∣dence, taxed his Agents by what Authority they had made that Overture; who producing his own, he falsly renounced it. Yet the plot ceased not here; his implacable malice cast about presently another way to effect his mischievous intent against the City; of which suddenly, leaving him to prepare against the storm for Scotland, whose preparations we now speak of.

The Scots Commissioners,* 53.29 upon the said Votes, had desired to know whether they did exclude them, or the Subjects of that Kingdom, from any Addresses; and had answer by an Interpretative Vote, that they were left at liberty, and might make application, &c. They then demanded the Arrears of money due, and other mutual stipulations according to Covenant; which being delayed, they departed home.

* 53.30This netled the Derby-House blades, which from a Committee of Safety▪ (as it was constituted in the beginning of the War) being a joynt Committee of Lords and Commons of both Kingdoms, was now become a Committee of Danger; the power of the former being vested wholly in those persons, English only (with some other Independent Grandees added in the room of some de∣ceased) remaining of that Juncto; whereupon, by their appointment, the Parliament send Commissioners to Scotland,* 53.31 two Lords, the Earl of Nottingham and another; and four Commons, whereof Mr. Ashurst was the chief; and two Clergy-men, Mr. Marshall a Renegado and Spy, and Mr. Herle; who did no more there but give constant notice of the Scots resolutions, and the for∣wardness of their Levies.

* 53.32In the mean time comes an angry and expostulating Declaration from Scot∣land, where, as usual, the Covenant was mentioned; but with such scorn recei∣ved, and so opprobriously vilified, that of all its former veneration in that place, it was now thought worthy only of a Sirreverence. This Declaration was long debated, and several Postilions employed betwixt this and Edinburgh, with Lemtives, Invectives, Explanations, Corrections, and such sort of scribling, but all to no purpose.* 53.33 The Scots were mad for another Expedition, being in∣vited by (the best pay-masters) the City of London; and a better Cause, which might assure them of freer and more welcom entertainment; besides the un∣known reward of Victory, if it should prove their good fortune to restore the King; whose condition is the next consideration, which we have elegantly de∣scribed by himself, in his Declaration in Answer to the Votes of No further Addresses.

To all my People, of whatsoever Nation, Qualification, or Condition.

* 54.1AM I thus laid aside? and must I not speak for my self? No, I will speak, and that to all my people, (which I would rather have done by the way of my two Houses of Parliament, but that there is a publike Order neither to make Addresses to, nor receive Message from me.) And who but you, can be Iudge of the Difference betwixt me and my two Houses? I know none else: for I am sure it is you, who will enjoy the happiness, or feel the misery of good or ill Government; and we all pretend who shall run fastest to serve you, without having a regard (at least in the first place) to parti∣cular Interests. And therefore I desire you to consider the state I am and have been in this long time, and whether my Actions have more tended to the publike, or my own particular good. For whosoever will look upon me barely as I am a man, without the liberty (which the meanest of my Subjects enjoys) of going whither, and conversing with whom I will; as a Husband and a Father, without the comfort of my Wife and Children; or lastly, as a King, without the least shew of Authority or power to protect my distressed Subjects; must con∣clude me, not only void of all natural Affection, but also to want Common Vnderstanding, if I should not most chearfully embrace the readiest way to the settlement of these distracted Kingdoms. As al∣so on the other side, do but consider the Form and Draught of the Bills lately presented to me, and as they are the conditions of a Treaty, ye will conclude, that the same spirit which hath still been able to frustrate all my sincere and constant endeavours for Peace, hath had

a powerfull influence on this Message: for though I am ready to grant the substance, and comply with what they seem to desire; yet, as they had framed it, I could not agree thereunto without deeply wounding my Conscience and Honour, and betraying the Trust re∣posed in me, by abandoning my people to the Arbitrary and Vnlimi∣ted Power of the two Houses for ever, for the levying and maintain∣ing of Land and Sea-Forces, without distinction of quality, or limita∣tion for Money and Taxes. And if I could have passed them in terms, how unheard-of a condition were it for a Treaty, to grant be∣fore-hand the most considerable part of the Subject Matter? How ineffectual were that debate like to prove, wherein the most potent Party had nothing left to ask, and the other nothing more to give? so consequently how hopeless of mutual compliance? without which, a settlement is impossible. Besides, if after my Concessions, the two Houses shall insist on those things from which I cannot depart, how desperate would the condition of these Kingdoms be, when the most proper and approved Remedy should become ineffectual? Being therefore fully resolved, that I could neither in Conscience, Honour, or Prudence pass those four Bills, I only endeavoured to make the rea∣sons and justice of my denial to appear to all the world, as they do to me, intending to give as little dissatisfaction to the two Houses of Parliament (without betraying my own Cause) as the matter would bear. I was desirous to give my Answer of the 28 of December last to the Commissioners sealed (as I had done others heretofore, and sometimes at the desire of the Commissioners) chiefly because when my Messages and Answers were publikely known before they were read in the Houses, prejudicial interpretations were forced on them, much differing, and sometimes contrary to my meaning. For ex∣ample, my Answer from Hampton-Court was accused of dividing the two Nations, because I promised to give satisfaction to the Scots in all things concerning that Kingdom; and this last suffers in a contrary sense, by making me intend to interest Scotland in the Laws of this Kingdom, (the which nothing is or was further from my Thoughts) because I took notice of the Scots Commissioners protesting against the Bills and Propositions, as contrary to the In∣terests and Engagements of the two Kingdoms. Indeed, if I had not mentioned their dissent, an Objection, not without some proba∣bility, might have been made against me, both in respect the Scots are much concerned in the Bill for the Militia, and several other Pro∣positions, and my silence might seem to approve of it. But the Commissioners refusing to receive my Answer sealed, I (upon the Engagement of theirs and the Governours Honour, that no other use should be made or notice taken of it, than as if it had not been seen) read and delivered it open unto them; whereupon what hath since passed, either by the Governour in discharging most of my servants, redoubling the Guards, and restraining me of my former liberty, (and all this, as himself confest, meerly out of his own dislike of my An∣swer, notwithstanding his beforesaid Engagement;) or afterwards by the two Houses, as the Governour affirms, in confining me within the circuit of this Castle; I appeal to God and the World, whether

my said Answer deserved the Reply of such Proceedings; besides the the unlawfulness for Subjects to Imprison their King. That by the permission of Almighty God I am reduced to this sad condition, at which as I no way repine, so I am not without hope, but that the same God will in due time convert these afflictions unto my advan∣tage. In the mean time, I am content to bear those crosses with Patience, and a great equality of minde. But by what means or oc∣casion I am come to this relapse in my affairs, I am utterly to seek; especially, when I consider that I have sacrificed to my two Houses of Parliament (for the Peace of my Kingdoms) all, but what is much more dear to me than my Life, my Conscience and Honour; desiring nothing more, than to perform it in the most proper and natural way, A Personal Treaty. But that which makes me most at a loss, is, the remembring my signal comply 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the Army and their Interests, and of what importance my com••••yance was to them, and their often-repeated Professions and Enga••••••••••ts for my just Rights in general, at New-Market, and Saint 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and their particular Explana∣tions of these generals, by 〈…〉〈…〉 and Revoted Proposals, which I had reason to understand 〈…〉〈…〉 utmost extremity would be expected from me, and that in 〈…〉〈…〉 therein I should be eased, (herein appealing to the Conscien•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••me of the chiefest Officers in the Army, if what I have said be not punctually true) and how I have failed of their expectations, or my professions to them, I chal∣lenge them and the whole World to produce the least colour of rea∣son. And now I would know what it is that is desired: Is it Peace? I have shewed the way, (being both willing and desirous to perform my part in it) which is a just complyance with all chief Interests. Is it Plenty and Happiness? they are the inseparable effects of Peace. Is it Security? I, who wish all men would forget and forgive like me, have offered the Militia for my time. Is it Liberty of Conscience? He who wants it, is most ready to give it. Is it the right Admini∣stration of Iustice? Offices of Trust are committed to the choice of my two Houses of Parliament. Is it the Arrears of the Army? Vpon a settlement they will certainly be paid with much ease; but before, there will be found much difficulty, if not impossibility in it.

Thus all the World cannot but see my real and unwearied Endea∣vours for Peace, the which (by the Grace of God) I shall neither repent me of, nor ever be slackned in, notwithstanding my past, pre∣sent, or future sufferings: But if I may not be heard, let every one judge, who it is that obstructs the good I would or might do. What is it that men are afraid to hear from me? It cannot be Reason (at least, none will declare themselves so unreasonable as to confess it;) and it can less be impertinent or unreasonable discourses, for thereby peradventure I might more justifie this my Restraint than the Causers themselves can do: so that of all wonders, this yet is the greatest to me. But it may be easily gathered hence, how these men intend to govern, who have used me thus. And if it be my hard sate to fall together with the Liberty of this Kingdom, I shall not blush for my self, but much lament the future miseries of my People, the which I shall still pray to God to avert, whatever becomes of me.

C. R.

So we have attained the end of this bustling year, the 23 of King Charles the first, wherein the Pen laboured more than the Sword, and the politick Matchi∣avel-Head of the Army combated all opposition with the same success as their vi∣ctorious Arms lately before; their power now appearing Paramount, and from whence the Kingdoms were to expect their future Government, unless they could be able to master and disperse that Formidable Host, now joyntly and unanimously concurring with their aspiring and Rebel-Leaders. And behold, the next year gives us a proof of a noble and gallant Attempt for the recovery of Englands Majesty, Liberty and Safety; but the anger of Heaven was not yet neer appeased!

Anno Dom. 1648.

THat the beginning of this calamitous and black year might correspond and suit with its end, (as the annual revolution thereof was never better assimilated, than by the antient Hieroglyphick of a Serpent rounding its tail to its Mouth; the Serpentine windings of this monstrous Rebellion, terminating at the Head of their most sacred Soverain) the Grandees of the Faction fol∣lowing that State-principle, That it is as great prudence to keep as to win an Em∣pire, resolved to put out (as the accursed Philistins did to Sampson) the eyes of the Kingdom, that so they might make sport with our Laws, Franchises, and Priviledges, and then ruine and fatally destroy us; at last separating the Head from the Body Politick, in their ensuing monstrous Regicide.

To this purpose,* 54.2 under the notion and term of a Visitation of the University of Oxford, (whereby Authority from the Parliament was delegated to certain Inquisitors, such as were mancipated to their interest, of Clergy, and some more moderate Laity; such as were the two Wilkinsons, Cheynel, Rogers, Lang∣ley; Sir Nathaniel Brent, Esquire Tipping, Mr. Palmer, and others: to whom was added (as chief of this Commission) Philip Earl of Pembroke, with the Stile and Title of Chancellour of the said University.) The aforesaid persons proceeded to the ejectment of above two thirds of the Heads, Fellows, and Students of the respective Colledges, the most eminent for Learning, and Piety, and Duty to the Church, and Loyal obedience to His Majesty; for no other reason, but that they would not subscribe and recognize, that the two pretended Houses had any Right or Authority to visit that University; which by the known antient Statutes thereof, and the Laws of the Land, is invested only in the King, and such as He from time to time shall depute thereunto.

By this most wicked practise and Dilemma, of either ruining men, or vio∣lating their Conscience, they had nearly barbarized those Fountains of Learning; with no less rage and fury inveighing against those Confessors of the Royal Cause, than the Goths did to Old Rome, sparing neither young nor old; even very Children, such of 16 years, being outed of their places, upon the same score, and under pain of death, (having endured a civil death already) by posting up their names at St. Maries Church-Gates, Commanded within 24 Hours to depart that City, or to be taken and proceeded against as Spies. It will indeed rather require an Elegie, or some Satyrical Lamentation, than an History; though I could not pass it, out of reverence I owe my Mother, and having but slightly touched the same rudenesses done to Her Sister of Cambridge by Cromwel and his Complices; and out of commiseration to those Noble per∣sons that suffered this persecution, who (though perhaps the Commonwealth may recover this loss by timely recruits of Literature) do no doubt irremedi∣ably rue this their violent Revulsion out of that Bosome, where they might and ought to have been cherished to a competent vigour, enabling them to serve the Commonwealth, and their own thus enforced necessities: — Sed quo vehor?

By these and the like distempers and pains in every part of it, England be∣gan now to be Heart-sick; and those ambulatory running Humours which spread through the whole mass of the people, to Center at last in the Metro∣polis, the City of London; which had more successfully broke out, but for the opposition it met with from the then Lord Mayor, Alderman Warner, Penning∣ton's own second,* 54.3 a Factious and Seditious person, who discountenanced it by the Authority of his place, appearing at the first hubbub thereof openly against it. The manner was as followeth.

On the 9 of April, being the Lords-day, a number of Apprentices (as was usual) were playing in Moor-fields,* 54.4 in the afternoon; (for the Parliament had abrogated all H••lydays, and by a venerable Order had appointed one day in every Month for their Recreation, in lieu of those Festivals, after much coil and many elaborate Petitions, and reference to, and reports from Committees of both Houses concerning them) which being told to a Company of Trained-Bands then upon the Guards, whose Officers were some precise Schismaticks, they came into the Fields, and commanded them to depart; which they refu∣sing or delaying, they fired some Pieces at them: whereupon the Boys incensed, took up Stones, and couragiously fell upon them, and routed them, taking from them their Ensign, which in a tumultuous and childish bravery they marched with into the City; and being increased with additions like themselves, affron∣ted the Mayor, and made him hastily retire to his own House for Sanctuary, whither they followed him, and seized on one of the Drakes he had planted for his defence, and thence marched to the several Gates, which they likewise secured; more especially Ludgate, which lay neerest their Enemy the Army, who were then quartered at White-Hall and the Mews, they guarded with the same Drake: The City remaining the rest of that day and night in great ter∣rour and confusion, the Rabblé crying out for God and King Charles; but no Person of Quality undertaking their Conduct, or to bring them into Order and Discipline.

In the mean while, the Army-Guards take the Alarm; and conceiving it dangerous to venture into the City by night, kept themselves in a readiness for the morning, when Sir Thomas Fairfax himself entred by Aldersgate with Horse and Foot,* 54.5 who fell a scouring the Streets, and driving this unarmed and ungoverned Multitude before them, wounding and killing divers innocent persons, Men, Women, and Children, in a cruel and hostile manner, until they came to Leaden-hall, where the Apprentices entred, and endeavoured to main∣tain it: But the avenues thereof being found defenceless, and themselves not strong enough, besides want of necessaries requisite thereunto, they wisely (and more prudently than any thing they did before) slipt away and shifted for themselves, few or none falling into the Armies hand; but some upon enquiry afterward, in the beginning of the Commonwealth, were discovered, and arrai∣ned of High Treason, for levying War, &c. Two of whom, a Vintner and a Meal-man, Kensey and Matthews, were convicted and condemned; but by the mediation of Alderman Tichborn (one of the best deeds likewise he ever did) were reprieved,* 54.6 and by the same means at last pardoned, and assumed by him, for a demonstration of his goodness, to be the guard to his person on publike Trayning days.

This Insurrection, or Riot rather, was quickly noised to the uttermost parts of the Nation, where it was reported and received with great advantage, as we usually fancy and credit what we expect; to the encouraging of all honest people to rise now and follow this example, and redeem and rescue their Re∣ligion, Laws, Lives and Liberties now at stake: for neither the several nor uni∣ted practices of Parliament and Army, Presbyterian nor Independents, could impose upon them any longer. Nor was there an easie belief given to this check of that Tumult, but was supposed an Artifice, and one of their old Lies, with which they stuffed their News-Books; since the whole Nation saw how they had irritated the City by their insolent carriage towards them, in changing

their Militia, &c. so that it was undoubtable they would embrace and improve the first opportunity.

Whereupon,* 54.7 as the next Scene of this years Tragedy, Colonel Laughorn, Poy∣er and Powel, who had done notable service for the Parliament in Wales, rose in Pembroke-shire and Flint-shire, to neer the number of 8000 men. They had been by the Council of the Army (which was Authorized always by the Par∣liament) ordered to disband, (as being men of better and surer principles than they durst confide in, in order to their subsequent designs) which they under∣standing the drift of, refused, and flew to their Arms; and for the strengthen∣ing of their Party, Declare for the settlement of the King and Kingdom; and gave notice to the Prince, who then issued out Commissions as General for his Father, of their intentions and present posture, having secured ••enby-Castle, and the Town and Castle of Pembroke, to the same end. This sudden and threatning defection put the Juncto at Derby-house to their dumps, when ano∣ther Express brought news that the like effects were to be looked for from North-Wales,* 54.8 where Sir Iohn Owen was risen with a Force, and had def••ated and taken Prisoner the High-Sheriff that opposed him; and that Sir Nicholas Kemish (an eminent Cavalier) had likewise surprized Chepstow-Castle; so tha•• all Wales was like to be lost, without a blow strucken, from the late Conquer∣ors, who therefore hastened away Forces to re-establish their Dominion, and suppress these dangerous beginnings.

Over these Colonel Horton was now Commissioned, for the reducing those new and old Royalists;* 54.9 Cromwel being (if occasion should require) preparing to second him. Horton with the Stafford and Worcester-Forces, and part of the Army quartering thereabouts, advanceth against Laughorne, his whole power consisting of not above 3000 men; with whom making more hast than good speed,* 54.10 a party thereof being under the Command of Colonel Fleming, fell un∣awares into an Ambuscado, and were most of them cut off; the rest sheltring themselves in a neighbouring Church, were forced to render at discretion: which Fleming seeing, and despairing that he should be able to answer this over∣sight at a Council of War, or for some other cause, laid violent hands upon himself, and so dyed. Horton no way daunted with this inauspicious entrance, marched up and faced the Enemy, who shewed themselves upon the hills and places of advantage, making their Hubbubs to call the Country to their assistance. In their descent whence into more even ground, the Parliamentarians desperately Engaged with them, no way prepared, or thinking of fighting that day, (though Laughorn resolved to fight before Cromwel should come up,* 54.11 who was then on his way) and having laid an Ambuscado behind some Shrubs and Hed∣ges in a Meadow, did so gall and terrifie these raw and undisciplined Britons, that they could not be made to stand, or to keep any order, but annoyed their fel∣lows, and gave the Parliament-Horse opportunity to engage their whole Body; which being vigorously prosecuted and maintained, the whole Army ran, some 1500 killed, 500 Officers, besides 3000 Prisoners taken, with all their Am∣munition, Bag and Baggage:* 54.12 But the chief Officers, and ablest Souldiers, got some into Tenby, and others into Pembroke, whither Cromwel came presently, and Besieged them both.

In his advance whither, that he might not give Sir Nicholas Kemish leave or leisure, and time to nestle in his acquisition, he sent away Colonel Eure to at∣tempt him; who having a sufficient strength, resolved forthwith to storm Chep∣stow-Castle, (having before Loyally refused all manner of Treaty) which suc∣cessfully was attempted,* 54.13 and a disastrous slaughter made; the resolute and noble Knight being killed in cold blood.* 54.14 Sir Iohn Owen's Forces were like∣wise at the same time suppressed by Major-General Mitton, and himself likewise taken prisoner.

Cromwel was now joyned with Horton; by whose united Forces, Tenby was first stormed, and then yielded upon discretion; but Pembroke was a harder bit, being naturally and artificially well fortified, and as well manned, though not

proportionably stored with necessaries; and two or three Parliament-Ships lay before the Haven to keep out all supply, if the Prince should have endeavoured it, who was then at Sea; of which presently.

* 54.15But Cromwel's impatience of loitering before a single Town, in a corner of the Kingdom, when the Scots were advancing upon the same account with the besieged into England, put him upon a resolution of storming it; to which glorious and facile work Hugh Peters by his Sermons and Stories of Iericho animated the Souldiers.* 54.16 Accordingly Approaches were made, and a Line drawn round, within Carbine-shot of the Works, and the night and hour ap∣pointed for their falling on; the Horse being drawn up, and in the dark got close under the Gates, to be ready at the opening of them by their Foot when entred. The besieged suspecting this stilness of the Leaguer would and in a Storm, had as closely prepared for the onset; just about the time thereof, calling off their Guards and Centries,* 54.17 and making semblance of betaking themselves to rest; when with great fury the Parliament-Foot fell on, and having planted their Ladders, scaled the Works, the Trenches being filled with men like to a swarm of Bees, making hast to get over; which being the designed advantage, the Flankers of the Town discharged all their Cannon laden with Chain-shot, and so swept the Trenches, that not a Ladder was standing, abundance of men killed and maimed, and left therein, the rest forced to retreat, being pelted fore∣right from the Walls, and those that were entred knockt on the Head, some few onely escaping and becoming Prisoners.

This so daunted the Army, that Cromwel thought not fit to expose them any more to such danger, but to block and starve them out; which the Besieged perceiving, and no hopes of Relief, and being already pinched with want, they bethought themselves of making Conditions in time, while the late Storm was yet in recent memory, and some regard had to their strength and courage, and while Cromwel was himself there; upon which account they entred into a Treaty,* 54.18 whereby Cromwel was too hard for them: For giving good terms to the Souldiery and the inferior Officers, who were willing to accept of less, he reserved their three Leaders to discretion, and some Superiour Commanders to two years Banishment; and so having quieted that Welch commotion, hastned on his Expedition against the Scots.

While all things appeared now ready to run into worser and more desperate mischiefs, equally feared from a new War, and that cicatrized and more perilous Peace we had rather past than enjoyed, during the quarrelling Intrigues of the Independant and Presbyterian parties; first the County of Essex, though not so considerably;* 54.19 then the neighbouring County of Surrey, thought it a good and neighbourly Office to the Parliament, to give them a taste (in fair and civil language, and peaceable quiet deportment) of the whole Kingdoms resentment of their proceedings with the King, that so without any more effusion of blood, a stop might be put to those threatning evils, that visibly were imminent upon the Nation. To this purpose, a calm, milde, and rational Petition was with all humility, and without any tumultuous disorder (attended on by a numerous, yet ci∣vil, and a well-reputed train) presented to the two Houses on the 16 of May, by the hands of the prime Gentlemen of that County, who were presently ordered to withdraw, and await their Answer, while in the mean time the Faction gave notice to the Guards at White-hall and the Mews to come and free them from this (otherwise unanswerable) Address.

In the interim, the Honest Country-men understanding their Answer was respited,* 54.20 and that the chief of their County would onely be admitted to receive it, withdrew themselves to several Inns in Westminster, to put up and refresh their horses and themselves, where they found the Troopers very quarrelsom, and telling them, that there was no room, nor scarce accommodation for the Army; which made most of them go into the Suburbs; when presently the Guards of Janiza••ies marched in haste into the Hall, and fell a hewing and cutting (without any expostulation of the Petitioners business there,) and

with some slaughter,* 54.21 and more terrour, drove them into the Palace-yards. Among the rest that were killed, was the Miller of Wandsworth, a stout Fellow, and who died not unrevenged, being cut and run through with a Halbert; the rest scattered and dispersed themselves, being in no capacity of resistance, and carri∣ed home their Answer for Peace, written in the red Letters of their Fellows Blood. This Petition had been Subscribing a Month before, and much order and ex∣actness used therein; but one Rubrick blot dasht it into nothing: the Trium∣phant Grandees never knew the ways of Peace, and this method to it retorting their own practices in the beginning of our troubles, was most distastful; for it discovered to the people that the right prayer of Petitions was onely for Parlia∣mentary Priviledges, and that the Liberty of the Subject was but a subservient pretence: They had attained the mystery and mastership of Government, and therefore those silly Rudiments were to be forgotten; but if their Crue would Petition against the King and their Country, (so was our English spirit charmed and transformed before) they should be honoured with the Title of the well-effected, and have the thanks of the House for nothing.

This sanguinous reception of so innocent a Paper, was highly resented every where;* 54.22 but the Kentish-men reflected most upon it, who were then in a readi∣ness with a Petition to the same tenor, believing the Parliament would never so far vary from that principle they had so mainly held forth and asserted, viz. the Peoples right of declaring their grievances to that High Court: But now sadly convinced of that opinion, they resolved to save their honour, and their Journey to London; not to be baffled by Red-coats, or to travel up on a fools errand, but with their swords in their Hands, which was the onely reason then prevailing, to reduce those by force to their duty, they could not induce by the most urgent and winning intreaties;* 54.23 and accordingly appointed a Rendezvous neer Rochester, to resolve upon the affair, and chuse their Officers. On the 24 of May they assembled together, and named the Lord Goring Earl of Norwich (then upon the place) for their General, being their next Countryman of Sussex, though they had pitcht upon the Duke of Richmond then at Cobham; who declined it, out of his incapacity for action, or that Command. Hither also resorted many hundreds of London-Prentices, the chief and flower of the Youth, with many of the Old Cavalry; and many thousands more had gone, but that all the ways from London thither were so laid, that there was no passage, the River of Thames being guarded with the like diligence, and several adven∣turers, and well-willers to the King and the quarrel, intercepted.

'Twas therefore thought hazardous to dally with such an Enemy who in∣creased every hour, being already formidable, not for the number onely, but the considerableness, experience, and gallantry of them: so that the General himself with all the Forces he could make, being 8000, six of Foot, and two of Horse, drew out against them: which advantage (as it was designed and hoped) the Citizens might have taken; but it seems the Army was sensible of that;* 54.24 and since they could not keep it, were contented to part with the Militia, and leave it according to that establishment which they so abominably quarrel∣led before; which artificial kindness so obliged the City, that though several promises had been made of their concurrence with the grand designe, Colonel Culpeper negotiating and pressing their speedy resolution and Declaration for the King and Kingdom,* 54.25 at the very same time at Guild-hall, to his no little danger and honour; yet would they not by any means or arguments of their Honour and Safety, be drawn into any publike undertaking; not minding that story of Polyphemus to Vlysses, whose onely favour to him was, that he should be eaten up last. And it was a strange confidence in them, to think that their Militia could secure them, which before had seen so scurrilously and contumeliously wrested from them; when they were upbraided in 47 that they were not able therewith to preserve the City, much less the Parliament or the King. However, they now undertook both the former;* 54.26 Skippon, instead of noble Brown, being ac∣cepted (a meer bosom-Traytor to them) as their Major-General, at the salary of 600 l. per annum.

* 54.27Fairfax therefore securely and resolutely advanceth against these Kentish For∣ces; and understanding that the Body of the Army quartered about Rochester, whose Bridge was broke, he resolved to pass the River of Medway something lower neer Maidstone, and so march toward them. But the Royalists sensible, and fore-judging he would attempt that way, had manned it with 1500 men, of the resolutes•• and willingest of their Army, consisting chiefly of London-Au∣xiliaries; who though surprized by Fairfax's sudden approach, who had receiv∣ed intelligence from some Traitors within the Town, at what distance and in what security the Army lay dispersed, did yet make a most manful resistance. The first Dispute (after a slight skirmish at Crayfield-heath by Gravesend) hap∣pened at Northfield-bridge, the pass to Maidstone, whither Fairfax sent Major Husbands with a strong party before him, himself marching with a full Body, not trusting altogether to his Kentish intelligence. Major Husbands after a sharp and hot contest prevailed, more for fear of the approach of the whole Ar∣my, than his own strength; when yet that handful of men daringly engaged this whole Body, and fought very much of their ground with such pertinacious valour, that Fairfax (then troubled with the Gout) was forced to light out of his Coach, and to lead his men on in person for their animation, the service proved so tedious and desperate. At last the Royalists (fresh supplies overpow∣ring them) were beat up to the Barricadoes of the Town, where they made a more bloudy defence than in the Fields and Hedges, repelling the Enemy twice: And being thence beaten into the Town, did worser annoy them than ever be∣fore, firing out of the Windows and Leads, and using all those ready Engines of death which the Houses afforded, to the very great slaughter of the Red∣coats, so that it was 6 hours compleat before the Town was fully gained;* 54.28 and had the Royalists from Rochester moved to their relief, it was more than proba∣ble the Army had been utterly baffled, and the Quarrel at an End. Of the Kentish were killed 300, and almost 1000 taken Prisoners, with 400 Horse, 8 pieces of Ordnance, and some Ammunition. Fairfax confessed they were the toughest Enemy he had met with in England. The Fight began at 7 a clock at night, and lasted till midnight.

* 54.29But the main Body under the Earl of Norwich, instead of coming to their rescue, marched in hast away for Black-heath, where most of the Kentish-men (leaving him not above 500) deserted him. (The reason of their not second∣ing their Fellows, was reported to be this: The one half of them was march∣ed to Dover, and those places, to seize on those Castles, and secure that Country, and so weakened the remaining Party.) For seeing few come in to his assistance, which was to be ascribed to the strict care and industry of Major-General Skip∣pon, they thought then of the safest course.* 54.30 From Black-heath the Earl sent a Message to the City of London, desiring free passage through it, and declaring the intentions of his undertaking: But they flatly refused any such thing, though some former assurances had been given of their joyning in the designe; whereupon, the Royalists were forced to Ferry and Swim their Horses, and Boat themselves into the Isle of Dogs, and so to Mile-End-Green, whence afresh they Sollicited the City to partake in this Honourable Confederacy; but they were deaf to all such perswasions; their Major-General and his Tarriers inveagling them with the honesty and good resolutions of the Army, both to them and the Kingdom.

Thence the Earl marched to Stratford-Bow, where joyned with him the Essex-Forces, under the Command of Sir Charles Lucas,* 54.31 whom they had unanimous∣ly chosen for their General, being under colour of a Muster, Rendezvouzed by Colonel Far, a Gentleman of that County; whence they were drawn to this place, to countenance and favour any Loyal attempt in the City, and to encourage them to shew themselves Men and Subjects. But that hope proving more and more vain, so wretchedly stupid were the Londoners, they marched into Essex;* 54.32 and by the way, seized upon the Arms and Ammunition that then lay in the Earl of Warwick's House at Leez, (as then in open hostility against the

Prince) and so further into the County, until at last they setled in the Town of Colchester.

Fairfax understanding of this Go-by, and their conjunction, having dispatcht away Colonel Rich and Colonel Barkstead with their Regiments, to reduce and free those Castles which the Kentish-men (as aforesaid) had taken, with all hast passed his Army over at Gravesend, to make the quicker pursuit after them, having underhand received recruits and supplies both of men and money from Skippon to re-inforce him, who every day privately listed men for the Service. At Colchester the Lord Capel,* 54.33 (with some Horse of his own raising) met him: and a Troop of Veterane Royalists from London, who fought their way at Ep∣ping, with some Army-Horse, laid to obstruct all additions from the City by that Road, came also entire at the same time, just as the Van of Fairfax his Army was Skirmishing at the Towns-end where they so peppered the Enemy, that in great confusion he ran to the Body, having had an Essay what Sparks he had to deal with.* 54.34 Sir George Lisle was made Major-General of the Essex-Forces, and the rest of the Army distributed into Regiments, and distinct Com∣mands, and had their posts and places assigned them.

The Town was inconsiderable, either in it self, as being intenible and unde∣fensive, nothing but a Brest-work cast up about it; and as to the adjacent parts of the County, to receive any provisional relief or great Force into it; so that there was no hopes of setling or planting in it, for in all probability it was not thought possible to hold out a Month to an end; nevertheless, by their industry, courage, vigilance, and patience, it held out three compleatly, against a victo∣rious Enemy, recruited (as aforesaid) and assisted with the Forces of the Neigh∣bouring County of Suffolk, on whom deservedly the slaughter principally fell, for so basely engaging against (whom they had promised to joyn with) these Essex-Royalists. Several attempts were made by Fairfax to take the place by Force, and many Sallies were in requital made by the Besieged, who both in as∣sayling and defending did great Execution. From the beginning to the ending of the Siege scarce a day passed without actions from within, at first to fetch in Cattel, then to cut Grass, which was stained all over with Blood; for the Besieged would have it, who had now planted some Cannons upon St. Mary's-Steeple, whence they cruelly annoyed the Leaguer. Insomuch that Fairfax seeing the loss of his men, and the courage of the Defendants, gave over his re∣solution of Storming,* 54.35 proceeding with his Approaches to begirt them close, and fortifying his Camp to starve them, and also to fire them out; which forced the Besieged to burn the Suburbs, that he intended for shelter; but he possest the Lord Lucas his House (Sir Charles his Brother) and ruined it.

The provision they had in the Town (besides what they fought for and brought in afterwards) would not suffice for above a Month;* 54.36 and all hopes were abandoned of getting in more; yet the courageous and generous suffer∣ance of these Loyal Souldiers, resolved to undergo all misery rather than yield▪ and so free the Army to march against the Scots, who were now entred Eng∣land upon the same account. Their main support was the sauce and relish to their meat, good store of Prunes and Plums with which the Town was stored, that did a little palate their Hors-flesh to them,* 54.37 which they were forced to kill and dress for their victuals, a good while before their Surrender; there was also some Corn, which Sir Charles charitably distributed among the Towns-folk, but the Souldiers borrowed it again in their extremity: in which we must leave these Noble Gentlemen, and take a view of other concurrent endeavours for the King and Kingdom.

The Fleet which the Parliament had stollen,* 54.38 and debauched from their Duty by their first pretences, perceiving that indeed they were but such, and no more, repenting of their past service, did, to satisfie for their former offences, now turn sides, and rendred themselves to the Prince, now made Captain-General of His Fathers Forces.* 54.39 The Parliament had some inkling thereof, and therefore had Commissioned Colonel Rainsborough (a Sea-man formerly) to the Command

thereof, whom the Loyal Mariners fairly put on Shore, having posed him with this Question, of engaging for their Soverain; and at the same time their for∣mer Vice-Admiral,* 54.40 Sir William Batten, now Knighted by the Prince, being dis∣banded by the Independent Rulers, as more honest than they would have him, brought some other Ships to His Majesties Obedience. With this Naval Force the Prince departed from Holland, and came into Yarmouth-Road, where it was deliberated, whether he should land, and attempt the Relief of Colchester. There were then in company with Him▪ His Illustrious Brother the Duke of York,* 54.41 (who in April before had happily escaped from St. Iames's, (where he•• was kept by the Earl of Northumberland his Guardian) by the conduct of Colonel Bamfield, who was employed therein by the Queen; the Duke pretending to play in the dusk of the Evening, was disguised in Maiden-habit, and landed safely at Dort in Holland) Prince Rupert, the Earl of Brainford, the Lords Hopton, Wilmot, Willougbby, (who had deserted the Parliament, having been charged, imprisoned, and affronted by the Army) and Culpeper, and other Gentlemen; but understanding that Colonel Scroop was attending there∣about, they concluded it hazardous to venture the reputation of the Princes first Arms upon so well-appointed an Enemy, and thereupon weighed Anchor, and stood into the Downs.

The Navy consisted of 20 Ships of War, most of the first and second Rate; the other Frigats, well manned and furnished, which anchoring neer the Mouth of the Thames, put the City into great fear; no Ships possibly going in or out without the Princes permission,* 54.42 a Hamborough-bound Ship richly laden being seized on by him. In all haste there••ore the Parliament order their old Admiral Robert Rich Earl of Warwick to Equip another Fleet then in the River, and to set to Sea; hoping by his Authority and influence to reclaim their Revolters; or if not, upon the coming of more Ships from Portsmouth (which accor∣dingly joyned with him) to fight the Prince. In pursuance of this Command, Warwick appears with his Fleet about Quinborough; but for all his former in∣dearedness to the Sea-men, and their affection his Masters confided in, he durst not engage,* 54.43 lest a total defection might have ensued: for the Mariners were grown sensible how Trade, and consequently Navigation was decayed by the long continuance of the War; and had more kindness besides for Batten, than they had for the Earl; which the Prince was sensible of, and therefore in civil terms, by a Message required him to submit, and bring in the Fleet under his Command,* 54.44 offering him those advantages, and so obligingly inviting him to such just ends and purposes, that of all the unhappinesses that befel that Noble∣man, (as there were many in his Family and Relations afterwards,) this his refu∣sal made the greatest breach of his Honour, as appeared to him not long after this, when he was ignominiously turned out as a dangerous person by his Ma∣sters, and saw his onely Brother murdered by their Hands.

In the mean while of Warwick's preparation, the Prince, that he might not seem to be unactive, and to have done nothing worthy his adventure and pre∣sence, landed 500 men to the Relief of Sandwich, Walmer, and Deal-Castles, besieged as abovesaid. At Deal they were first opposed; and though they did as much as possible could be expected from men, yet were they finally vanquish∣ed by the unerring victorious hand of the Army-Forces; whereupon instantly ensued the rendition of those Castles; and the Prince, without any other effect than a perswasive Letter sent to the House of Lords for the obtaining of a Per∣sonal Treaty with his Father, which soon after ensued, set sail for Goree in Hol∣land,* 54.45 where he Anchored his Ships: Warwick vauntingly following him, and demanding the States to thrust them out to Sea, according to the laws thereof; but the States were civiller and wiser: Prince Rupert therefore was constitu∣ted Admiral thereof,* 54.46 whose Navigation we shall in its place duely ob∣serve.

To prosecute and advantage the same Royal Interest, another designe was laid in Surrey, where neer Kingston appeared some 500 men, under the Command

of the Earl of Holland,* 54.47 with the Duke of Buckingham▪ the Lord Francis Vil∣liers his Brother, the young Earl of Peterburgh, the Lord Petre, and others; but they no sooner rose, but Colonel Rich and Major Gibbons were upon the back of them, as they Rend••zvouz'd between Ewel and Nonsuch-Park. Sir Michael Livesy joyned also with the other Parliament-Forces, and presently attaqued these upstarts, who had intended for Rygate, but were compelled to steer their course for Kingston; in the way whither, they were all along skirmished: for, to preserve their few Foot they had placed before, they were forced to march slowly. In one of those onsets, the nobly-spirited Lord Francis (being too far engaged by his metalsom courage) was taken Prisoner, and refusing Rebels quarter, was basely killed by a mean and rude hand; with whose fall fell the courage of all the other. For Holland having gotten the Town, gave the Foot opportunity to shift for themselves, and posted away with his Horse to St. Neots in Huntington-shire, where the next day he and his Party was surprized by Colonel Scroops Regiment of Horse, Colonel Dalbeir (formerly a great Par∣liamentarian) being slain in the defence of his quarters; the Duke of Buck∣ingham and the Earl of Peterborough escaped into Lincoln-shire, and so beyond Sea, leaving their Estates to satisfie for their offence; and the Earl of Holland was sent Prisoner to Warwick-Castle, where he continued till he was removed to his Tryal and his Death.

To sum up all the disastrous events of this Second War, as it was called, (though the mention and hopeful concerns of Peace should orderly and of right interv••ne, a Personal Treaty being now Voted, of which presently) we must look Northwards, where, on the 13 of Iuly, the Scotch Army, after tedious debates and struglings with the Kirk and Presbyterian party of that Kingdom, entred England bringing with them a Declaration containing these five points. 1. That the King be forthwith brought to London to Treat in Person with the two Houses of Parliament. 2. That all those who had a hand in or contrived the car∣rying of the King away from Holdenby, be condignly punished. 3. That the Ar∣my be disbanded. 4. That Presbytery be setled. 5. That the Members of Parli∣ament who were forcibly secluded from the Houses,* 54.48 may be reseated. (The third, first and last, being the very sense of the Essex, Surrey, Kent, and London Peti∣tions.) Of this Army Duke Hamilton (lately freed from his Imprisonment by the Kings Commitment at Pendennis-Castle) was made General; which when the King first understood,* 54.49 he sadly and prophetically foretold the fatal Issue of that Expedition, reckoning him as an unfortunate, if not a self-ended person; as his Service in Germany in supply of the King of Sweden, and in favour of the Prince Elector Palatine, to the Ruine of many brave English Gentlemen, did evidently declare. Colonel Middleton, (afterwards Earl of Middleton, His Majesties High Commissioner of Scotland) was Major-General; and the Earl of Calender Lieutenant-General. It consisted of 15000 Horse and Foot effective, and was increased by an addition of 3000 English, under Sir Mar∣maduke (after Lord) Langdale, and Sir Philip Musgrave, antient Families in those parts, who had a while before surprized Carlile and Berwick, neer the same time that Major Morris surprized Pomfret-Castle (which Cromwel afterwards in his Northern march visited, and took the Town thereof) just upon the time of the Welch Insurrection.

For the Honour of another brave person, we may not omit Colonel Wogan,* 54.50 then a Captain in the Parliaments Army, who perceiving the wicked designes of his party, deserted them; and being sent to oppose, did joyn with this Scotch Army, before their advance into England, bringing a gallant Troop along with him. He afterwards did the King eminent service in Scotland and Ireland, of which hereafter. This entire strength wandering by the way of Westmer∣land and Cumberland, (which affords a pleasant passage, wherewith the Reader may be diverted; one Colonel Stuart who was in this Expedition, being after∣wards set on the Stool of Repentance by the Kirk, with others in the same En∣gagement, and being asked gravely and severely by the Minister, whether he

was not convinced that by his Malignancy he went out of the way,* 54.51 suddenly replied, Yea, for we went a wrong through Westmerland, &c. when we should have marcht for York, and so to London)▪ an ominous presage (besides the unluckiness of the General) of their overthrow,* 54.52 none of their Armies thriv∣ing that came that Road. Major-General Lambert made the first opposition, but was beaten by the English, and forced back to Appleby, and so to a further retreat, (Sir Marmaduke taking in some small places of strength by the way) until he joyned with Cromwel now come from Wales, to whom the chiefty of that service was committed:* 54.53 his whole strength amounting to 11000, most of them Horse and Dragoons.

* 54.54At Preston in Lancashire both Armies faced one another; and some two miles thence, on a Moor, on the East-side of the Town, engaged: the brunt of the fight continued but two hours; nor had it endured so long, but through the valour of the English Royalists, on whom the stress lay. The Scots Army was so ill ordered, that they came not all to the Fight, nor could relieve one another; so that a general Rout ensued; one part flying towards Lanca∣ster, who were pursued by Col. Twisleton and Tho••nhills Regiments of Horse; and the other over Ribley-River, whom the Body of the Army ••ollowed: most of their Foot, under Major-General Baily, came that night to Wigan, fighting and crying Quarter in the Rear; and the next day to Warrington-Bridge, where in their way, at a place called Red-bank, in a narrow lane, they made a stand with a Body of Pikes, and lined the Hedges with Muskets, who so rudely enter∣tained the pursuing Enemy, that they were compelled to stop (having lost abun∣dance of men, and Col. Thornhill himself) until the coming up of Col. Pride's Regiment of Foot, who after a sharp dispute put those brave Fellows to the run:* 54.55 they were Commanded by a little Spark in a blew Bonnet, that perform∣ed the part of an excellent Commander, and was killed on the place. After this, they never turned Head, but ran, crying, Mercy, Mercy, (so that the noise thereof was heard at 5 Miles distance) until they came to Warrington-Bridge, where Baily made Conditions for Quarter, and rendred himself and 4000 of them Prisoners.* 54.56 Middleton was likewise taken with 400 Horse in his flight homeward; Hamilton fled first to Namptwich with 3000 Horse, where the Coun∣try-people surprized 500 of them; and thence in haste to Vttoxeter in Stafford∣shire, where he yielded himself to the Lord Gray of Grooby, and Col. Wayt, who were ready to encounter him;* 54.57 and was thence brought prisoner to Ashby de la Zouch, where he was kept in great state, and courted by those the Grandees ap∣pointed to attend him, on purpose to cajole and fish out what Great Oues, Members of both Houses, the City, and Clergy, had a hand in his undertaking; it being more than suspected that he had such Invitation. But the unhappy man was yet so fortunate to others, as to reveal little or nothing to their prejudice, re∣serving his thoughts till the last extremity, for his ransom; but he overstood the Market. To save the Reader the trouble of particulars, he may know, that all that ever belonged to that Army was taken, the Scots that escaped (which were but few) hardly carrying a Sword home with them: such as got home, happe∣ned to light upon Monro,* 54.58 who was marching after Hamilton with a Reserve; and upon news of this defeat, hasted back again into Scotland, having intelli∣gence that Cromwel was marching towards him.

* 54.59Who to compleat his Successes and Designes together, thought it expedient to make sure of a party in Scotland, that should keep all things quiet there, while he should accomplish his intended mischief here, and under the notion of God∣liness, and the Godly Party, should amuse and cheat one another, to the helping and bringing about his most ungodly Conspiracie. To this purpose he marched into Scotland, complementing the Kirk-men with the civility of his Journey to secure and settle them, in return of their kindness to the Parliament in 1643. who cawed him again, and congratulated his Victory in Scripture-Language, who was no way behind them in those hypocritical Cantings.

He was likewise sumptuously feasted by Argyle and others of that Party;* 54.60 and

lastly,* 54.61 by the Committee of Estates, of whom he required and obtained, that all the Armies both of Monro and Lanerick, who yet stood out, and Argyle's in oppo∣sition to them, should be disbanded (Berwick and Carlisle being already delivered to him) that so there might be none in readiness to hinder his resolutions. Secondly, that a new Parliament be called▪ And thirdly, that none should be elected to sit and Vote there,* 54.62 or in the General Assembly, that had any hand in the late Invasion under Hamilton. And so, after many high expressions of their thankful resentments and obligations for his meritorious service, took his leave of them, and return'd into England; being, as he passed through York-shire with his Forces, desired by that Committee to assist them in the reducing of Scar∣borough, some while before declared for the King. Sir Matthew Boynton (the former Governour) returning to his Allegeance, and securing the Town on that score. Tinmouth-Castle was likewise seized on for the King by Major Lilburn, one of (that famous) Iohn Lilburn's Brothers, who only seriously repented of his disloyalty, and would have made satisfaction, to the redemption of his Fami∣lies and his own Honour, but was presently, and before he had time to fortifie and prepare for defence, set upon by Forces sent by Sir Arthur Haslerig from Newcastle, who stormed the Castle and carried it, putting the Souldiers and Lil∣burn himself to the Sword.

Return we now to the distressed and starved Colchester, where the Defendants had eaten up most of their Horses, in expectation of relief from the Scotch Ar∣my, being encouraged to hold out by Letters from the Lord Langdale of their Armies speedy advance to their succour. But understanding by information from the Enemy without, that that Army was totally defeated, these unfortunate Heroical Royalists were forced to bethink themselves of a Surrender; which Fairfax would now accept upon no other terms (after much debate by Trea∣ty) than the Common Souldiers to quarter for life, and the Officers to mercy. These hard Terms were disputed within, and were at the first generously scorn∣ed; and thereupon a resolution was taken, seconded with a Protestation, where∣by they engaged one to another, by the assistance of God, to break through the Enemy on Friday night the 23 of August: but through the dissatisfaction or personal consideration of some of the Grandees, this noble Designe was hinder∣ed, and the Souldiers by the delay and after-consultation of it (it being respited a day longer) being enjealoused as if the Officers would leave the Foot in the action, and shift for themselves (and it was impossible to attempt their Line without Foot and Pioneers) they were forced to accept of the former Conditi∣ons;* 54.63 and accordingly August the 28th they rendred themselves, a sad spectacle to all, but that barbarous and insulting Enemy, who presently stript them of all they had left comfortable, their Money and Apparel.

Within two hours after the surrender,* 54.64 Col. Ireton was sent to the Inne where all the Officers were put, to acquaint Sir Charles Lucas, Sir George Lisle, and Sir Bernard Gascoyn, that by a doom of the Council of War they were sentenced to be shot to death within three hours, and that they should prepare themselves ac∣cordingly. They all of them undauntedly received this sad Message; Sir Charles only desiring some little time longer to prepare himself, both in refe∣rence to his peace with God, and concerns of his Relations; which he said he asked not for fear of death, or in hope of life, which he would not value from their hands. But this was refused by Ireton, who, on purpose to make the Ge∣neral odious, then the only impediment to his Father-in-Law's Greatness (which was afterwards removed by a more innocent wile) had urged him to this murder. Seven a Clock at night was the appointed time; to prepare them against which, Ireton proffered the Generals Chaplain; but him they refused, the Lord Capel's being desired to assist them in this last duty to God and Nature.

Accordingly they were brought unto the place of Execution (Sir Bernard Gascoyn being upon more humane consideration as a Stranger reprieved) where after two or three ejaculations,* 54.65 Sir Charles tearing open his Doublet, and crying, Shoot Rebels, was presently dispatched. Sir George seeing him fall,

ran to him, and fell upon his Face, and kissed him, saying, Oh how soon hath a brave Soul expired! but I shall not stay long behind thee; my death at hand shall joyn us both together again. And then standing up in a most heroical po∣sture, drawing out of his Pocket five pieces of Gold, four whereof he sent to four Friends, the other he gave to his Executioners; and looking round about him, saying, Oh how many do I see here, whom I have saved i•• but blood, and must mine now be shed in cold! sure such barbarity is not a∣mong the Scythians! He likewise then opened his Doublet, and with the In∣vocation of the Name of Jesus, and bidding the Rebels shoot and do their worst, was likewise shoot dead and both their Bodies interred in the Vault where Sir Charles his Family were laid: where those impious wretches, the Common Souldiers, (as they were bid, and to fit them for succeeding Barba∣risms) did violate those Honourable Reliques, by taking the Hair from the Scalps; so extending their malice beyond his death, even to his deceased An∣cestors.

This odious Fact (for which the Sufferers Memories, and the due Renown of their Virtue and Valour shall flourish, and the Names of those blood-thirsty men that perpetrated and counselled it, shall stink and rot) was most highly resented: For it was very obvious, that it was done on purpose to ex∣asperate and grieve the King, with whom at the same time the Parliament had Voted (and were proceeding in) a Treaty; of which we come next to speak: leaving these two Heroes to a resuscitation of their Glories, being without any partiality of affection declared by those that knew them, one of them the best for Horse-service, and the other for Infantry, that ever Commanded in their quality in the Kings Armies.

* 54.66During all these several warlike endeavours for the Kings Restitution, the City of London, as was said before, kept it self in a kind of Neutrality, vainly expecting to accomplish those ends which had been so powerfully prosecuted by the Loyal Sword, by the peaceful Subscriptions of the Pen to a Petition for a Personal Treaty. But indeed the appearance of so many dangers to the Par∣liament, gave them hopes that they would begin to consider, if not of Peace to the Kingdom, yet of safety to themselves, if any one of those Loyal Es∣says should have taken effect: Nor were they deceived therein; but they did not cast this consideration far enough, nor did they manage it rightly. For they might have fore-thought of the Armies prevailing success, and consequently of the variation and different course of their intentions to the Publique, and should have therefore kept the balance even between the Royalists (whose Revenge upon Victory they pretended to fear) and the insolent Sectarian Host, who not long after requited them for their looking on, by the most impudent outrages upon their Charter; excluding all men from any place of Trust, or Vote, or Benefit of a Vote, that signed to this Personal Treaty, which upon their unanimous Address they obtained of the Parliament,* 54.67 who to methodize and open the way thereto, proceeded as followeth.

Seeing themselves thus compelled into this Affair, and that their former Re∣solves of Non-address had so quickly altered the Scene, with the Hypocriti∣cal Repentance of the Army at the very same time (for their former sawcie intermed••ings with them, or Civil Affairs) they fain and imitate likewise the better part of Penitence, by a pretended Restitution, beginning at the right place, first, b•• these ensuing Nullities (as indeed at last they proved) Resolves or Dissolves, chuse you whether.

I have thought fit to deliver the whole Treaty entire, without any intercur∣rencie of other State-affairs, it being of the main and sole concernment.

The Votes for a Treaty. Die Veneris July 28. 1648.

Resolved,

That a Treaty be had with the King in Person in the Isle of Wight,* 55.1 by a Committee appointed by both Houses, upon the Propositions presented to him at Hampton-Court, and the taking away of Wards a••d Li••••ries, and for setling of ••••afe and well-grounded Peace. Which was followed Wednesday the 2 of Au∣•••••• with this other:

Resolved,

That a Committee of both Houses be sent to his Majesty,* 55.2 to acquaint him with their Resolutions to Treat Personally with his Majesty by a Committee of both Houses, in such place as his Majesty shall make choice of in the Isle of Wight, upon 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Propositions presented at Hampton-Court, &c. which Treaty is Resolved by the two Houses to be transacted with H••nour, Freedom, and safety to his Majesty in the Isle of Wight.

And accordingly Instructions were given to the Earl of Middlesex,* 55.3 Sir Iohn Hippesley and Iohn Bulkley Esquire, delegated to attend upon the King, what they should say to, or receive from his Majesty. At their arrival, the King shewed himself gladded with the good news brought, and received them very affectionately, and forwith applied himself to an answer to the Parliament, as they had desired, in haec verba.

CHARLES REX.

IF the Peace of my Dominions were not much dearer to me than any particular Interest whatsoever,* 56.1 I had too much reason to take no∣tice of the several Votes which passed against me, and the sad condi∣tion I have been in now above these seven Months. But since you my two Houses of Parliament have opened (as it seems to me) a fair beginning to a happy Peace, I shall heartily apply my self thereunto; and to that end,* 56.2 I will as clearly, and as shortly as I may, set you down those things which I conceive necessary to this blessed work, so that we to∣gether may remove all Impediments that may hinder a happy Conclu∣sion of this Treaty, which with all chearfulness I do embrace.

And to this end, you your selves have laid most excellent grounds: For what can I reasonably expect more, than to Treat with Honour, Freedom, and Safety, upon such Propositions as you have, or shall pre∣sent unto me, and such as I shall make unto you? But withal remem∣ber, it is the definition, not names of things, which makes them righly known; and that without means to perform, no Propositions can take effect. And truly my present condition is such, that I can no more Treat,* 56.3 than a blind man can judge of colours, or he run a race who hath both his Feet fast tied together; wherefore my first ne∣cessary demand is, That you will recall all such Votes and Orders, by which people are frighted from coming, writing, or speaking freely to me. Next, that such men of all Professions whom I shall send for, as of necessary use to me in this Treaty, may be admitted to wait upon me. In a word, that I may be in the same state of Freedom I was in when I was last at Hampton-Court.* 56.4 And indeed, less cannot in any reasonable measure make good those offers which you have made

me by your Votes. For how can I Treat with Honour, so long as peo∣ple are terrified with Votes and Orders against coming to speak or write to me? And am I honourably Treated, so long as there is none about me (except a Barber who came now with the Commissioners) that ever I named to wait upon me? Or with Freedom, until I may call such to me of whose service I shall have use in so great and difficult a work?* 56.5 And for Safety (I speak not of my Person, having no appre∣hension that way) how can I judge to make a safe and well-grounded Peace, until I may know (without dis∣guise) the true present state of all my Dominions, and particularly of all those, whose Interests are necessarily concerned in the Peace of the Kingdoms? Which leads me naturally to the last necessary demand I shall make for the bringing this Treaty to an happy end; which is,

* 56.6That you alone, or you and I joyntly, do invite the Scots to send some persons authorized by them, to treat upon such Propositions as they shall make. For certainly the Publique and Necessary Interest they have in this great Settlement, is so clearly plain to all the world, that I believe no body will deny the necessity of their concurrence, in order to a durable Peace.* 56.7 Wherefore I will only say, that as I am a King of both Nations, so will I yield to none in either Kingdom, for being truly and zealously affected for the Good and Honour of both; my resolution being never to be partial for either, to the prejudice of the other.

* 56.8Now, as to the place (because I conceive it to be rather a circum∣stantial, than a real part of this Treaty, I shall not much insist upon it) I name Newport in this Isle; yet the fervent zeal I have that a speedy end be put to these unhappy distractions, doth force me ear∣nestly to desire you to consider, what a great loss of time it will be, to Treat so far from the Body of my two Houses, when every small De∣bate (of which doubtless there will be many) must be transmitted to Westminster,* 56.9 before they be concluded. And really, I think (though to some it may seem a Paradox) that peoples minds will be much more apt to settle, seeing me Treat in or near London, than in the Isle, because, so long as I am here, it will never be believed by many, that I am really so free, as before this Treaty begin I expect to be. And so I leave, and recommend this Point to your serious considera∣tion.

And thus I have not only fully accepted of the Treaty which you have propounded to me by the Votes of the 3 of this Month, but also given it all the furtherance that lies in me, by demanding the neces∣sary means for the effectual performance thereof. All which are so necessarily implied by, though not particularly mentioned in the Votes, that I can no way doubt of your ready compliance with me herein.* 56.10 I have now no more to say, but to conjure you by all that is dear to Chri∣stians, Honest Men, or good Patriots, that you will make all the expedi∣tion possible to begin this happy Work, by hasting down your Commis∣sioners, fully authorized, and well instructed, and by enabling me (as I have shewed you) to Treat; Praying the God of Peace so to bless our

endeavours, that all my Dominions may speedily enjoy a safe and well-grounded Peace.

Carisbroke, Aug. 10.

All which desires of the King were assented to,* 56.11 to their full intent and pur∣pose; and five Lords and ten Commoners appointed Commissioners for the Treaty, whose names were as followeth: The Earls of Northumberland, Pem∣broke, Salisbury, Middlesex, and Lord Viscount Say: The Lord Wenman, Mr. Denzil Hollis, Mr. William Pierpoint, Sir Henry Vane Junior, Sir Harbottle Grim∣stone, Mr. Samuel Brown, Sir Iohn Potts, Mr. Crew, Serjeant Glyn, and Mr. Bulk∣ley. The Treaty to begin ten days after the Kings Assent to Treat as is agreed, and to continue from thence forty days.* 56.12 Resolved likewise, That His Majesty be desired to Pass his Royal Word to make his constant Residence in the Isle of Wight, from the time of his Assenting to Treat, until twenty days after the Treaty be end∣ed, unless it be otherwise desired by both Houses of Parliament; and that after His Royal Word so Passed, and his Assent given to Treat as aforesaid, from thenceforth the former Instructions of the 16 of Nov. 1647. be vacated, and these observed; and that Col. Hammond be authorized to receive His Majesties Royal Word Passed to his two Houses of Parliament for his Residence in the Isle of Wight accordingly, as is formerly exprest,* 56.13 and shall certifie the same to both Houses. They likewise Re∣pealed the Votes of Non-address, and desired a List from his Majesty of those he would have to attend him. Whereupon the King by his Message of the 28 of August (not being in the former limitation) accepted of the Treaty,* 56.14 desi∣ring the expediting of the Commissioners; and sent them a List of those per∣sons he desired to be with him. First, for the Journey into Scotland, he desired a Pass for Mr. Parsons, one of the Grooms of his Presence-Chamber: next, the Duke of Richmond, Marquess Hartford, Earl of Lindsey, Earl of Southampton, Gentlemen of his Bed-chamber; Mr. Kirk, Mr. Leviston, Mr. Murray, Mr. Iohn Ashburnham, Mr. Legg, Grooms of his said Bed-chamber; Mr. Hen, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Lovet, Pages of his Back-stairs; Sir Fulk Grevil, Captain Titus, Captain Burroughs, Mr. Cresset, Abr. Dowset, Firebrace, to wait as they did, or as he should appoint them: The Bishops of London and Salisbury, Drs Shelden, Ham∣mond, Oldsworth, Sanderson, Turner, Heywood, Chaplains; Davis his Barber, Rives Yeoman of the Robes; Sir Edward Sidenham, Mr. Terwhit, Hunsdon, Es∣quires; Mrs Wheeler Landress; Sir Thomas Gardiner, Sir Orlando Bridgeman, Sir Robert Holbourn, Mr. Ieffrey Palmer, Mr. Thomas Cook, Mr. Iohn Vaughan, Lawyers; Sir Edward Walker, Mr. Philip Warwick, Mr. Nicholas Oudart, Mr. Charles Whitaker, Clerks and Writers; Mr. Clement Kinnersley, and Mr. Peter Newton, to make ready the House for Treaty. To which, at the Kings request, were after added for the Civil Law, the Kings Advocate, Dr. Rives, Dr. Duck; and these Divines, the Bishops of Armagh, Exeter, Rochester, and Worcester; Dr. Ferne, and Dr. Morley.

The Treaty began the 18th of September;* 56.15 which the King so prudentially managed single against all the Commissioners (none of his Party being suffered to assist him at the Conferences) that there appeared some hopes of a right un∣derstanding. The Propositions concerning Religion took up the longest time, both in discourse and writing, whereby he fully evinced the right of Episcopa∣cie: which his Answers, with his Majesties Propositions on the 2 of Octob. be∣ing sent up to the Parliament, notwithstanding produced these Votes.

Resolved by the Lords and Commons,* 56.16 &c. That they are not satisfied in the Pro∣positions made by his Majesty in his Letter; and that a Letter be sent to the Com∣missioners in the Isle of Wight, to acquaint them that the Houses do well approve of their proceedings, and do give them thanks, &c. requiring them still to proceed punctually according to their Instructions.

* 56.17The Sum of His Majesties Propositions was this:

He expressed his Consent to the Proemial or first Proposition, of acknowledging his beginning the War, that he might not by denying it be refused Peace; but that his Consent not to be valid till all was concluded in the Treaty. Concerning the Church, he will Consent that the Calling and Sitting of the Assembly of Divines at West∣minster be confirmed for three years by Act of Parliament; and will by Act of Par∣liament confirm likewise the Directory for 3 years in England, Ireland, and Wales, and the Form of Government by Presbyters for the same term. Provided that his Ma∣jesty, and those of his judgment, and others, who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto, he not obliged to comply with it. And that a free Consultation may be had with the Assembly of Divines in the mean time, twenty of his Majesties nomination being ad∣ded to them; whereby it may be determined how after the said term (by his Majesty and the Parliament) the said Church Government and Publique Worship may be setled; and the Articles of Christian Religion (now delivered him) may then be considered of, and care taken for tender Consciences.

* 56.18Concerning the Bishops Lands and Revenues, and to the Contracts and Purcha∣ses of them; His Majesty will Consent to an Act or Acts of Parliament for their sa∣tisfaction, whereby the Legal Estates for Lives or for Years (at their choice) not ex∣ceeding ninety nine years, shall be made of those Lands, at the old or some more mo∣derate rents; which if it will not satisfie, his Majesty will propound and consent to some other way: Provided that the Propriety and Inheritance of those Lands do still remain in the Church, according to the pious intentions of the Donors; and the rest that shall be reserved to be for their maintenance.

* 56.19His Majesty will give Consent for a Reformation, viz. Observation of the Lords-day, and such other things in these their Propositions as they have desired, as also Consents to those Propositions against Papists. But as to the * 56.20 Covenant, his Majesty is not therein satisfied that he can either Signe or Swear it, or Consent to impose it on the Consciences of others; nor conceives it proper or useful at this time to be insisted on.

* 56.21Touching the Militia, his Majesty conceives that their Propositions demand a far larger Power over the persons of his Subjects, than hath ever hitherto been warranted by the Laws and Statutes of the Realm: yet considering the present distractions re∣quire more, and trusting in his two Houses of Parliament, that they will not abuse the Power hereby granted; his Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament, wherein it shall be declared, That for the space of ten years, or during his Maje∣sties whole Reign, if they shall think it more satisfactory, the two Houses shall have the sole disposal of the Militia, and raise Mony, as in their Propositions: And that neither the King, his Heirs or Successors, or any other, but such as shall act by the Authority or Approbation of the Lords and Commons, shall during the space of ten years exercise any of the Powers aforesaid; nor after that term, without the Advice of the Lords and Commons. And Consents to the entrusting the Militia into the Cities hands, according to their Propositions: Provi∣ded, That all Patents, Commissions, and other Acts concerning the Premises, be made and acted in his Majesties Name,* 56.22 by Warrant signified by the Lords and Com∣mons, or such other as they shall authorize for that purpose.

Touching Ireland, his Majesty leaves it to the Determination of his two Houses, and will give his Consent as is herein hereafter expressed.

* 56.23Touching Publick Debts, his Majesty will give his Consent to such an Act for rai∣sing of Monies, by general and equal Taxations, for the payment and satisfying the Arrears of the Army, and Publique Engagementss of the Kingdom, as shall be a∣greed on by both Houses of Parliament, and shall be ordered by them, or their ap∣pointment, within the space of one year after passing an Act for the same.

* 56.24His Majesty will give Consent that all the Great Officers of State, and Iudges, for the said term of ten years, be nominated by the Parliament, to continue quam∣diu se bene gesserint; and in the intervals of Parliament, to be nominated by such as they shall authorize.

His Majesty will Consent,* 56.25 That the Militia of the City, and Liberties thereof, during the space of ten years, may be in the ordering and Government of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-Council assembled, or such as they shall appoint; whereof the Lord Major, and the Sheriffs for the time being, to be three; to be em∣ployed and directed from time to time by the Parliament: And that no Citizen shall be drawn forth into the Field, without his own consent. And an Act be passed for granting and confirming the Charters, Customs, &c thereof: And that during the said ten years, the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City of Lon∣don; and the Chief Officers thereof, during the said space, to be nominated and re∣moveable by the Common-Council, as was desired in the Propositions.

His Majesty having thus far expressed his Consent for the present satisfaction and securing of his two Houses of Parliament, and those that have adhered unto them, touching the four first Propositions, and other the particulars before-specified; as to all the rest of the Propositions delivered to him at Hampton-Court (not referring to those ••eads) and to that of the Court of Wards since delivered; as also, to the remain∣ing Propositions concerning Ireland, His Majesty desires only when he shall come to Westminster, personally to advise with his two Houses, and to deliver his Opinion and Reasons of it: which being done, he will leave the whole matter of those re∣maining Propositions to the determination of his two Houses, which shall prevail with him for his Consent accordingly.

And his Majesty doth (for his own particular) only propose,* 56.26 that he may have liberty to repair forthwith to Westminster, and be restored to a condition of abso∣lute Freedom and Safety (a thing which he shall never deny to any of his Subjects) and to the possession of his Lands and Revenues; and that an Act of Oblivion and Indemnity may pass, to extend to all persons, for all matters relating to the late un∣happy differences: which being agreed by his two Houses of Parliament, his Ma∣jesty will be ready to make these his Concessions binding, by giving them the force of Laws by his Royal assent.

Though these Condescentions (nor indeed if they had been to the very let∣ter of the Propositions would they have been satisfactory) did not at present sute the high and imperious humour of the Parliament;* 56.27 yet by the good tempe∣rament and respectful behaviour of the major part of the Commissioners, such a mutual confidence was wrought, that the King won with their dutiful per∣swasion, did in most of those things (besides Religion and Church-lands) com∣ply with their demands; and then the Parliament upon debate of the whole Treaty, Voted his Concessions a ground to settle the Kingdom: of which pre∣sently.

But a little before the conclusion of the Treaty, which hapned on the 27th of Nov. the Army (Cromwel being now come out of Scotland) had after a long Consultation how to break it off,* 56.28 hammered out a villanous Remonstrance on the 16th of that Month, at St. Albans; and on the 28th presented it to the House of Commons by Col. Ewers (related to the Lord Ewers) and seven Offi∣cers more: the Treasonable and Execrable Heads thereof (setting aside that Principle, That the Magistery of the People is Supreme) were as followeth:

• ...First,* 56.29 That the Capital and Grand Author of our Troubles, viz. the Person of the King, by whose procurement, and for whose Interest of Will and Power all our Wars have been, may be brought to Iustice, for the Treason, Blood, and Mischief he is therein guilty of.
• ...Secondly,* 56.30 That a Timely Day may be set for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York to come in; by which time, if they do not, that then they may immediately be declared incapable of any Trust or Government in this Kingdom, or its Domini∣ons, and thence to stand exiled for ever, as Enemies or Traytors, to die without mer∣cy if ever after found or taken therein, &c. If by the time limited they do render themselves, that then the Prince be proceeded with as on appearance he shall give sa∣tisfaction or not; and then the Duke as he shall give satisfaction, may be considered

• ... as to future Trust or not.* 56.31 But however, that the Revenue of the Crown (saving necessary allowances for the Children, and for Servants and Creditors to the Crown) be Sequestred, and the costly pomp suspended, for a good number of years; and that this Revenue be for that time disposed toward Publike Charges, Debts, and Dama∣ges, for the easing of the people; so as the Estates neither of Friends to publique In∣terest, nor alone of inferior Enemies thereunto, may bear the whole burthen of that loss and charge, which by and for that Family the Kingdom hath been put un∣to.
• ...* 56.32Thirdly, That Capital punishment be speedily Executed upon a competent num∣ber of his Chief Instruments also, both in former and later Wars; and that some of both sorts be pitcht upon, as are really in your hands or reach.
• Fourthly, That the rest of the Delinquents, English, may upon rendring them∣selves to Iustice, have mercy for their lives, and that only Fines be set upon them; and their persons declared incapable of any Publique Trust,* 56.33 or having any voice in Elections thereto, at least for a good number of years: And that a short day may be set by which all such Delinquents may come in: and for those who come not in by that day, that their Estates be absolutely Confiscated and sold to the Publike use, and their Persons stand Exiled as Traytors, and to die without mercy, if ever after found in the Kingdom or its Dominions.
• ...* 56.34Fifthly, That the satisfaction of Arrears to the Souldiery, with other publike Debts, and competent reparations of publique Damages, may be put into some or∣derly way: And that therefore the Fines and Compositions of Delinquents be dis∣posed to those uses only, as also the Confiscations of such who shall be excluded from Pardon, or not come in by the day assigned.

Now after Publique Iustice thus provided for, we proceed in order to the general satisfaction and Settlement of the Kingdom.

* 56.35First, That you would set some reasonable and certain period to your own Power.

Secondly, That with a period to this Parliament, that there may be a Settle∣ment of the Peace and future Government of the Kingdom. And in order thereto, First, That there may be a certain Succession of future Parliaments, Annual or Biennial,* 56.36 with secure provision, 1. For the certainty of their Sitting, Meeting, and Ending. 2. For equal Elections. 3. For the Peoples meeting to Elect: Pro∣vided that none engaged in War against the Kingdom, may Elect or be Elected, nor any other who oppose this Settlement. 4. For clearing the power of Parlia∣ments as Supreme; only they may not give away any Foundation of Common Right. 5. For liberty of Entring Dissents in the said Representatives, that the people may know who are fit for future Trusts; but without any penalty for their free Iudgments.

* 56.37Thirdly, That no King be hereafter admitted, but upon Election of, and as upon Trust from the people by such their Representatives; nor without first disclaiming all pretence to a Negative Voice against the Determinations of the Commons in Parliament: and this to be done in some Form more clear, than heretofore in the Co∣ronation-Oath.

* 56.38These Matters of General Settlement, we propound to be provided by the Autho∣rity of the Commons in this Parliament; and to be further Established by a general Contract or Agreement of the people, with their Subscriptions thereunto: And that no King be admitted to the Crown, nor other person to any Office of publique Trust, without express Accord and Subscription to the same.

This was the Basis, Method, and Model of Cromwels Tyranny; and though he had changed his pretences, according to the exigences of time and occasi∣ons, yet he was fixed here, as having learnt from Matchiavel,* 56.39 that there is no readier way to an U∣surpation, than by destroying the Fundamental Laws and Essentials of Government, and propo∣sing pleasing Innovations to the Vulgar. This he drove at in his possessed Servants the Levellers,

whom he put on to divulge this new secret of Empire;* 56.40 but they thundering of it out (and to try its acceptance) as the rain in unseasonable weather, he was content to abandon them to a shower of Bullets, influenced on one of his prime Bo••tefeus, by the Command of the Parliament to the General, as before∣said, in 1647 at Ware. For observe the trace of his Policie after this Critical Juncture, when he had superated all difficulties, and removed all obstacles; and you shall see how sequaciously he copied these Articles of Agreement (as they were called) of the people.

First, Destroy the King as a Tyrant, then exclude the Royal Progeny, then disa∣ble its potent Friends, and ingratiate with the mean. Next, Gratifie and engage the Souldiers with promise of Arrears and Establishment. Then the next subse∣quent great work is the dissolution of the Parliament; then a Chimaera of Govern∣ment, such as Barebones Convention: And lastly, A pretended Elective Tyranny, under the Style of Protector; which his impiety afforded him not only to sub∣scribe, but to swear to.

The ill news of this pestilent Paper flew amain to the Isle of Wight, where the King surprised with this monstrous disloyalty, at the reading of it to him at Newport, propounded these Queries.

• 1. Whether this Remonstrance be agreeable to the form••r Declarations of the Ar∣my?* 56.41 and if not Whether the Parliament would maze good their Votes, that after he had consented to what they desired, he should be in a capacity of Honour, Free∣dom, and Safety?
• 2. Whether his acknowledgment of the Blood that hath been spilt in the late Wars (nothing being as yet absolutely concluding or binding) could be urged so far, as to be made use of by way of evidence against him, or any of his party?
• 3. Whether the Arguments that he hath used in a free and personal Treaty, to lessen, or extenuate, and avoid the exactness of the Conditions, though in manner and form only, might be charged against him as an act of obstinacie, or wilful persistence in what is alledged against him, in that he goes on in a destructive course, and enmity against the People and Laws of the Land; when he hath declared, that his Consci∣ence was satisfied concerning divers parti••ulars in the Propositions?
• 4. Whereas by the Letter of the Law, all persons charged to offend against the Law ought to be tried by their Peers or Equals, what the Law is if the person questioned is without a Peer? And if the Law (which of it self is but a dead Letter) seems to condemn him, by what Power shall Iudgment be given, and who shall judge it, or from whence shall the Administrators of such Iudgment derive their power, which may (by the same Law) be deemed the Supreme Power or Authority of Magistra∣cie in the Kingdom?

These his Queries were resolved no otherwise,* 56.42 than by a strict Guard put up∣on him; so that the Commissioners coming to receive his Answer of him, he told them be thought to have sent his Answer sealed, because he had been preju∣diced by sending others open: but since his condition could not be worse (no body suffered to speak with him without suspition) he had sent it open; and reading it, desired their opinion; who told him, they thought it would procure a well-grounded Peace. He then desired them to put a good Interpretation upon his manage of this Treaty, and those vehement expressions in some of his De∣bates, there being nothing in his Intentions but kindness; & acknowledged their abilities which had taken him off from some of his own opinions; as he doubt∣ed not, if they had had power to recede, he could have prevailed upon theirs; as also, if he had been present, upon the two Houses. And he desires them to use the same freedom and instance to his two Houses, to indulge his Conscience wherein he cannot be satisfied, and to represent him candidly to his two Houses, since he hath parted with all how near or dear soever, but wherein his Consci∣ence is unsatisfied. And at their taking leave, he added these Pathetick Sen∣tences. —

MY LORDS,

You are come to take your leave of me, and I believe, we shall scarce see each other again;* 57.1 but God's Will be done. I thank God I have made my Peace with him, and shall without fear undergo what he shall be pleased to suffer men to do unto me. — My Lords, You cannot but know, that in my Fall and Ruine you see your own, and that also near to you. I pray God send you better Friends than I have found. — I am fully informed of the whole Plot and Car∣riage against me and mine; and nothing so much afflicts me, as the sense and feeling I have of the sufferings of my Subjects, and the miseries that hang over my three Kingdoms, drawn upon them by those, who upon the pretences of good, violently pursue their own Interests and Ends.

After which, he presently withdrew himself to his Guards.

Let the Reader give me leave to compleat his sorrow with this last Captive Breath of the King's in the Isle of Wight, and I am confident he will not blame me for vouchsafing him a Sympathy or Part in this Threnody and Lamentation, sinc•• it was delivered to one of his Servants just at his departure thence, and Commanded by him to be published for the satisfaction of all his Subjects.

* 58.1WHen large Pretences prove but the shadows of weak Perfor∣mances, then the greatest Labours produce the smallest Ef∣fects; and when a period is put to a Work of great Concernment, all mens ears do as it were hunger, till they are satisfied in their Expe∣ctations. Hath not this distracted Nation groaned a long time un∣der the burden of Tyranny and Oppression? And hath not all the Blood that hath been spilt these seven years been cast upon my Head, who am the greatest Sufferer, though the least guilty? And was it not requisite to endeavour the stopping of that Flux, which if not stopt will bring an absolute destruction to this Nation? And what more speedy way was there to consummate those distractions, than by a Personal Treaty being agreed on by my two Houses of Parliament, and condescended to by me? And I might Declare, that I con∣ceive it had been Physick, had not the Operation been hindred by the interposition of this Imperious Army, who were so auda∣cious, as to stile me in their unparallel'd Remonstrance, their Capital Enemy. But let the world judge, whether my endea∣vours have not been attended with reality in this late Treaty; and whether I was not as ready to grant as they to ask? and yet all this is not satisfaction to them that pursue their own ambitious Ends, more than the welfare of a miserable Land. Were not the dy∣ing hearts of my poor distressed People much revived with the hopes of a happiness from this Treaty? and how suddenly are they frustra∣ted in theire xpectations! Have I not formerly been condemned, for yielding too little to my Houses of Parliament, and must I now be condemned for yielding too much? Have I not formerly been imprisoned for making War, and shall I now be condemned for ma∣king Peace? Have I not formerly enjoyed the society of my dear

Wife and Children in peace and quietness, and shall I now neither enjoy them nor Peace? Have not my Subjects formerly obeyed me, and shall I now be obedient to my Subjects? Have not I been con∣demned for Evil Counsellours, and shall I now be condemned for ha∣ving no Counsel but God? These are unutterable miseries, that the more I endeavour for Peace, the less my endeavours are respected: and how shall I hereafter know what to grant, when your selves know not what to ask? I refer it to your Consciences, whether I have not satisfied your desires in every particular since in this Trea∣ty: if you find I have not, then let me bear the burthen of the fault; but if I have given you ample satisfaction (as I am sure I have) then you are bound to vindicate me from the ••ury of those, whose thoughts are filled with blood: though they pretend zeal, yet they are but Wolves in Sheeps cloathing.

I must further Declare, that I conceive there is nothing can more obstruct the long-hoped-for Peace of this Nation, than the illegal pro∣ceedings of them that presume from Servants to become Masters, and labour to bring in Democracie, and to abolish Monarchy. Needs must the total alteration of Fundamentals be not only destructive to others, but in conclusion to themselves; for they that endea∣vour to rule by the Sword, shall at last fall by it: for Faction is the Mother of Ruine, and it is the humour of those that are of this Weather-cock-disposition, to love nothing but Mutabilities; neither will that please them but only pro tempore, for too much variety doth but confound the senses, and make them still hate one folly, and fall in love with another.

Time is the best cure for Faction; for it will at length (like a spreading Leprosie) infect the whole Body of the Kingdon, and make it so odious, that at last they will hate themselves for love of that; and like the Fish, for love of the Bait be catched with the Hook.

I once more declare to all my loving Subjects, and God knows whe∣ther or no this may be my last, that I have earnestly laboured for Peace, and that my thoughts were sincere and absolute, without sinister ends; and that there was nothing left undone by me, that my Conscience would permit me to do. And I call God to witness, that I do firmly conceive, that the interposition of the Army (that Cloud of Malice) hath altogether eclipsed the glory of that Peace, which began again to shine in this Land. And let the world judge, whether it be expe∣dient for an Army to contradict the Votes of a Kingdom, endeavou∣ring by pretending for Laws and Liberties to subvert both. Such acts as these must produce strange consequences, and set open the flood-gates of ruine, to over-flow this Kingdom in a moment. Had this Treaty been only mine own seeking, then they might have had fairer pretences to have stopt the course of it; but I being importuned by my two Houses, and they by most part of the Kingdom, could not but with a great deal of alacrity concur with them in their desires, to the performance of so commodious a work. And I hope by this time, that the hearts and eyes of my people are opened so much, that they plainly discover who are the underminers of this Treaty.

For my part, I here protest before the Face of Heaven, that my own

afflictions (though they need no addition) afflict me not so much as my peoples sufferings, for I know what to trust to already, and they know not: God comfort both them and me, and proportion our pa∣tience to our sufferings.

And when the malice of mine Enemies is spun out to the smallest thread, let them know that I will by the Grace of God, be as con∣tented to suffer, as they are active to advance my Sufferings; and mine own Soul tells me, that the time will come when the very Clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barricado themselves against the proceedings of Peace; for if God hath pro∣claimed a blessing to the Peace-makers, needs must the Peace-breakers draw down curses upon their heads.

I thank my God I have armed my self against their fury; and let the Arrows of their envy fly at me, I have a breast to receive them, and a heart possest with patience to sustain them: for God is my Rock and my Shield, therefore I will not fear what men can do un∣to me. I will expect the worst; and if any thing happen beyond my expectation, I will give God the Glory, for vain is the help of man.

* 58.2This Declaration gave entire and compleat satisfaction to the most refracto∣ry of the Presbyterian Party, who when too late perceived their untoward scuf∣fling and debating with so excellent a Prince, had brought him and themselves to ruine, together with three Kingdoms; the care of which, when his Prote∣ction failed, the King as his last and most incumbent business resumed in this following Letter. For having thus resigned himself into the hands of God, and patiently submitted to his Cross, he in a way of renunciation and Self-de∣position of his Government, transferred and bequeathed the Scepter, with these following excellent Advices, to his Son the Prince.

Newport, Novemb. 29. 1648.

SON,

* 59.1BY what hath been said, you may see how long We have laboured in the search of Peace: Do not you be discouraged to tread those ways in all worthy means to restore your self to your Right, but prefer the way of Peace: Shew the greatness of your mind, ra∣ther to Conquer your Enemies by pardoning, than by punishing. If you saw how unmanly and unchristian this implacable disposition is in Our Ill-willers, you would avoid that spirit. Censure Vs not for having parted with too much of Our own Right; the Price was great, the Commodity was Security to us, Peace to Our People. And We are confident another Parliament would remember how useful a Kings Power is to a Peoples Liberty; and of how much We have devested Our Self, that We and they might meet again in a due Parlia∣mentary way, to agree the Bounds for Prince and People. And in this give belief to Our Experience, never to affect more Greatness or Prerogative, than what is really and intrinsecally for the good of your Subjects (not satisfaction of Favourites.) And if you thus use it, you will never want means to be a Father to all, and a bounti∣full Prince to any you would be extraordinarily gracious unto. You

may perceive all men trust their Treasure where it returns them In∣terest; and if Princes, like the Sea, receive and repay all the fresh Streams and Rivers trust them with, they will not grudge, but pride themselves to make up an Ocean. These considerations may make you a Great Prince, as your Father is now a low one; and your State may be so much the more established, as mine hath been shaken. For Sub∣jects have learned (We dare say) that Victories over their Prince, are but Triumphs over themselves; and so will be the more unwilling to hearken to Changes hereafter. The English Nation are a sober peo∣ple, however at present under some infatuation. We know not, but this may be the last time We may speak to you or the world pub∣likely. We are sensible into what hands We are fallen; and yet we bless God we have those inward refreshments, that the malice of Our Enemies cannot disturb.

To conlude,* 59.2 if God give you Success, use it humbly, and far from Revenge: If he restore you to your Rights upon hard Conditions, whatever you promise keep. Those men which have forced Laws which they were bound to observe, will find their Triumphs full of troubles. Do not think any thing in this world worth obtain∣ing by force and unjust means. You are the Son of Our Love, and as We direct you to what We have recommended to you, so We assure you We do not more affectionately pray for you, to whom We are a Natural Parent, than We do that the antient Glory and Renown of this Nation be not buried in Irreligion and Fanatick Humour, and that all Our Subjects (to whom We are a Politick Parent) may have such sober thoughts, as to seek their Peace in the Orthodox Profession of the Christian Religion, as it was established since the Reforma∣tion in this Kingdom, and not in new Revelations; and that the antient Laws, with the Interpretation according to known Practices, may once again be a hedge about them; that You may in due time Govern, and they be Governed as in the fear of the Lord.

The Commissioners are gone, the Corn is now on the Ground; We expect the Harvest: if the Fruit be Peace, we hope the God of Peace will in time reduce all to Truth and Order again; which that he may do, is the Prayer of

C. R.

With this his Majesties final account of this unconsummated Treaty, I will conclude all his State-Missives and Papers, the justice and reasonableness whereof no doubt will be so convincing, that there needed no other Pen to assert his Quarrel. As he was the chief Subject of this History, so was he the Life of it, affording it the greatest light of Truth towards its composition; so that these his happy Labours shall perpetuate his just Renown, and make his Moral and intellectual Virtues endure together, enshrined in the hearts of pious Posterity: To contribute whereto, as far as my humble devoir would reach, I have made these Collections; and so with reverential leave to their blessed Author, I pro∣ceed in this Chronicle.

* 59.3In pursuance of that accursed Remonstrance presented the 20 of November aforesaid, Cromwel drew the Army into the Suburbs of London, quartering them at the Mews and at York-house (and afterwards into London it self) the General quartering himself at Whitehall, to keep the King out in defiance of the Trea∣ty, with a resolution to awe the Parliament into a non-compliance with his Ma∣jesty, whose great and most reasonable Arguments for a Composure, and his un-exampled Condescentions in order thereunto, they could neither fairly refel or honestly refuse. But notwithstanding, such was the justice of God in favour of his Majesties Cause, that the Parliament who had so obstinately and dilato∣rily (to the ruine of the Kingdom) rejected all his other Accommodations, closed with him now. For upon the 4th of December, the Question being put in the House of Commons, Whether the Kings Answer was satisfactory or no? (though the Army-party argued that they were not satisfactory, because the King had not granted all their Propositions in terms (contrary to the nature of all Treaties, where something must be bated on both parts) and so kept the bu∣siness in question (until 8 a Clock at night next day, being Tuesday the 5••h of December) the Independents hoping (by their usual trick) to tire out the mode∣rate Party) it was then Resolved,

* 59.4That the Answers of the King to the Propositions of both Houses, are a Ground for both Houses to proceed upon, for the Settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom.

This being carried Affirmatively, and that so clearly, that the House was not divided about it; to secure this Vote, and the earnest of a Peace, a Committee of six Members was appointed to attend the General, to keep a good Corre∣spondencie, &c. but we shall now see Hell broke loose in the Armes Insolen∣cies and Violence.

For these Caitiffs understanding the courage and honesty of the House, re∣solved to play no longer with the weak Reed of Priviledge, but with a bold Sword to solve the Oracle of their Villanies, in th••s•• ensuing complicated mis∣chiefs. To this purpose, Pride, Hewson, and other Officers, having had some Conference in Westminster Hall the Doors being shut) with the Speaker, sent in a Paper to the House of Commons,* 59.5 Requiring the Impeached Members and Ma∣jor-General Brown (as guilty of calling in Hamilton) to be secured and brought to Iustice; and that the ninety and odd Members, who refused to Vote against the late Sco••ch Engagement▪ and all that Voted for recaling the four Votes of Non-Addres∣ses, and Voted for a Treaty, and concurred in the Yesterday's acquiescing Vote in his Majesties Answers, may be immediately suspended the House; and that all such faithful Members, who are innocent of those Votes, would by Protestation acquit themselves from any concurrence (that so they might know their own Goats) and so be distinguished. To this Paper they admitted no demur, not caring for, or not daigning them the consideration of an Answer, but presently brought three or four Regiments of Horse and Foot,* 59.6 and set strong Guards at the Houses-doors, the Lobby-stairs, and every where about the Palace, admitting none but Parliament-men into the Hall; where the said two Colonels, and Sir Hardress Waller violently seized upon divers Knights and Burgesses of the Parliament, and forcibly carried them away Prisoners; others were by feigned excuses cal∣led out of the House, and then pull'd away, and committed likewise without any Warrant or cause shewn. And though the House remaining sent the Ser∣jeant of Mace to command their attendance, (when Pride would not suffer him to pass) and sent likewise to the General about it, declaring they would not pro∣ceed in any business without them; yet the secured Members were still kept in¦durance, while the Rump (or Conventicle) became of the Armies Complexi∣on, and so prevaricated, and deserted their Fellows. The Gentlemen thus de∣tained, were afterwards listed in a Catalogue by Hugh Peters,* 59.7 and carried to a Victualling-place called Hell, being number 41. where they were kept with∣out Beds, or other fitting accommodation all that night; and the next day, af∣ter a tedious attendance on the Council of Officers, were committed Prisoners under Guard to two several Inns in the Strand. Besides these, the Belial Com∣manders

standing several days with Lists of Names in their hands at the Parlia∣ment-door,* 59.8 turned back from the House and debarred above 160 other Mem∣bers, besides 40 more who voluntarily withdrew to avoid their violence. Most of those 41 Members were after much expostulation, and their Protestation of this Force upon them and the Houses,* 59.9 released; Ireton insolently bidding them to look to themselves, and to act nothing against the present Parliament and Ar∣my at their peril. But Major-General Brown was sent Prisoner to St. Iames's, where they would have put a trick upon him, by a forged Letter brought thi∣ther and delivered him (which he understanding their Plot,* 59.10 would have pub∣likely read) as from the Prince. The Messenger seeing his Project would not take, threw the Paper into the fire, and escaped, as was forelaid: He was after∣wards sent prisoner to Windsor.

The remaining Juncto having met and conferred at Sommetset-house, began to act at Westminster as a Parliament▪ with whom some fawning Lords joyned, and Passed an Ordinance, Declaring all persons that had any way appeared for the King,* 59.11 even by Subscribing to the personal Treaty, should be in∣capable, &c. whereby the City could not find men to supply those Trusts and Places, &c. and Petitioned against it, but in vain; the Sectaries had packt a new Common-council (by Authority from the Juncto) who constituted a••y 40 of them a Court,* 59.12 and supreme to the Mayor) whose first work was the framing a Petition for Justice against the King and other Capital Offenders; which was afterwards delivered by Titchburn, and had the thanks of the Mock-Parliament for their pains, who now entred a Protestation against that satisfactory Vote of the 5th of December aforesaid, and pursue the Dictates and Directions of the Army.

A little while before this,* 59.13 Colonel Rainsborough was slain at Doncaster by a party of Royalists that ••allied out of Pomfract, then besieged by Sir Edward Rhodes and the County-Forces, as he was in his Inn and his Souldiers about him, under a pretence of delivering him a Letter from Crowel. They would have only taken him prisoner, and carried him through his own Leaguer into their Castle; but he refusing, they pistoled him in his Chamber, and departed untoucht.* 59.14 — A strange, yet brave Adventure. Scarbrough-Castle now likewise yielded to the Parliament, whom we will leave, and see the Armies like violence and outrages upon the King.

Colonel Ewres was appointed by the Parliament to this Service,* 59.15 who assisted by Colonel Cobbet, on the first of Decemb. according to Command, received from Hammond the person of the King, and hurried him out of that Isle away priso∣ner to Hurst-Castle, within the term of those 20 days after the Treaty, in which he was to remain according to the Houses Declaration, in Honour, Safety, and Freedom. This Castle stands a mile and a half in the Sea, upon a Breach full of mud and stinking oaze upon low Tides, having no fresh water within two or three miles of it; so cold, foggy, and noysome, that the Guards cannot endure it without shifting Quarters. Here they frayed the King a while, till Harrison was on his way to receive him,* 59.16 who brought him to Winchester; where the May∣or and Inhabitants caused the Bells to ring, and at the Towns-end (as was due and usual) in the middle of the mire presented his Majesty with the Keys of the City and the Mace; but in the very Ceremony were tumbled in the same mire by the Horse, at the Command of Harrison. The next day the King came to Farnham,* 59.17 and so to Windsor, where he kept his sorrowful and last Christmass, being pent up in a corner of the Castle, no man besides his Guards to come to him; and all respect and reverence to his Person forborn, while by Order of the Juncto he was sent for up to his Palace of St. Iames's,* 59.18 Harrison impudently riding covered in the same Coach with him, and his Myrmidons wounding any that shewed their Loyal Compassion, and lamented this misera∣ble condition of their beloved Sovereign.* 59.19 In which we must leave him, and return to our Grandees.

These offals of a Parliament having by an Ordinance taken away the Oaths

of Supremacie and Allegeance, usually administred to Freemen, &c. thereby to free themselves from those ties of Duty upon them, and to make way for their ensuing Trayterous designe (in order whereunto the Council of War had forbid any Ceremony or State to be used to the King, and his Attendants lessened) now proceeded roundly to their Army Journey-work: for on the 28 of Decem∣ber, Thomas Scot brought in the Ordinance for Trial of the King:* 59.20 it was read and recommitted three several times, and the Commissioners names of all sorts, to engage the whole Body of the Kingdom in this Treason inserted; and to give it a Foundation, these Votes passed:

* 59.21That the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament d•• Declare and Adjudge, that by the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, it is Treason in the King of Eng∣land for the time to come to Levy War against the Parliament and Kingdom of Eng∣land.

With this Declaratory Vote the said Ordinance was carried up to the Lords by the Lord Gray of Grooby,* 59.22 Ianuary 2. 1648. The Lords being 16 in num∣ber, met that day; and received it, promising to send an Answer by Messengers of their own.

The first Question started by some Lords (who had rather had a thinner House) was, Whether it should be presently debated; which was affirmed. The first Debate was upon the Declaratory Vote, to which the Earl of Manchester said, That the Parliament of England by the Fundamental Laws, consisted of three Estates; King, Lords, and Commons; whereof the King is the first and chief∣est: He Calls and Dissolves Parliaments, and without him there can be no Parlia∣ment; and therefore it's absurd to say, the King can be a Traytor against the Par∣liament. Then the Earl of Northumberland added, That the greatest part, at least twenty to one of the people of England, were not yet satisfied, whether the King Levied War first against the Houses, or the Houses against him? And if the King did Levy War first against the Houses, there is no Law to make it Treason in him: And for them to declare Treason by an Ordinance, when the matter of Fact is not proved; nor any Law extant to judge it by, is very unreasonable. The Earls of Pembroke and Denbigh said,* 59.23 they would be torn in pieces before they would assent with the Commons; so the Lords cast off the Debate, and cast out the Ordinance, and adjourned for seven days.

This netled the Commons, who thereupon resolved to rid their hands of King,* 59.24 Lords, and their Fellow-Commons together, by a leading Vote, That all Members of Committees should proceed and act in any Ordinance wherein the Lords were joyned, though the Peers should not Sit nor concur with them. And added thereunto three other Democratical Resolves, Ian. 4. 1648. 1. That the Peo∣ple are under God the Original of all just Power. 2. That the Commons of Eng∣land in Parliament Assembled, chosen by and Representing the People, have the Su∣preme Power of the Nation. 3. That whatsoever is enacted or declared for Law by the House of Commons Assembled in Parliament, hath the force of Law. Which passed without one Negative Voice; which shewed at whose beck they were. And thus first they hatcht this Monster, called An Act for the Trial of the King, &c. which is here transcribed; transferring the names of the Commissioners to their ensuing Character.

An Act of Parliament of the House of Commons for Trial of Charles Stuart King of England.

* 60.1WHereas it is notorious, that Charles Stuart the now King of England, not content with the many Encroachments which his Predecessors had made upon the People in their Rights and Freedom, hath had a wicked designe to subvert the Antient and Fundamental Laws and Liberties of this Nation, and in their place to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government; and that besides all other evil ways to bring his designe to pass, he hath prosecuted it with Fire and

Sword, levied and maintained a Civil War in the Land, against the Parliament and Kingdom; whereby this Country hath been miserably wasted, the Publique Trea∣sure exhi••••ted, Trade decreased, thousands of people murthered, and infinite other mischiefs committed; for all which high offences, the said Charles Stuart might long since have been brought to exemplary and condign punishment.

Whereas also the Parliament, well hoping that the restraint and imprisonment of his person, after it had pleased God to deliver him into their hands, would have quie∣ted the distempers of the Kingdom, did forbear to proceed judicially against him, but f••und by sad experience, that such their remisness, served only to encourage him and his Complices in the continuance of their evil practices, and in raising new Com∣••••tions, Rebellions and Practises.

For prevention of the like and greater inconveniences, and to the end no Chief Offi∣cer or Magistrate may hereafter presume traiterously and maliciously to imagine or contrive the enslaving or destroying of the English Nation, and to expect impunity: Be it Enacted and Ordained by the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled, and it is hereby Enacted and Ordained, that Thomas Lord Fairfax, &c. (the other per∣sons that actually did Si•• and Sentence are hereafter subjoyned) shall be and are appointed Commissioners and Iudges for the Hearing, Trying and Iudging of the said Charles Stuart. And the said Commissioners, or any twenty of them shall be, and are hereby Authorized and Constituted an High Court of Iustice, to meet at such convenient time and places, as by the said Commissioners, or the major part, or twenty or more of them under their Hands and Seals shall be appointed, and notified by publique Proclamation in the great Hall or Palace-yard of Westminster; and to adjourn from time to time, and from place to place, as the said High Court, or the major part thereof meeting shall hold fit; and to take order for the Charging of Him the said Charles Stuart with the Crimes above-mentioned, and for receiving his personal Answer thereunto, and for examination of Witnesses upon Oath if need be concerning the same; and thereupon, or in default of such answer▪ to proceed to final Sentence, according to Iustice and the merit of the Cause, to be executed speedily and impartially.

And the said Court is hereby Authorized and required to chuse and appoint all such Officers and Attendants, and other Circumstances, as they or the Major part of them shall in any sort judge necessary or useful, for the ordering and good managing of the Premises: And Thomas Lord Fairfax the General, with all Officers of Iustice, and other well-affected persons, are hereby Authorized and Required to be aiding and assisting to the said Commissioners, in the due execution of the Trust here∣by committed to them. Provided, that this Ordinance, and the Authority hereby granted, do continue for the space of one Month, from the Date of the making here∣of, and no longer.

This Act was followed by a Proclamation Ianuary 9. made by Serjeant Dendy,* 60.2 by sound of Drums and Trumpets, and Guards of Horse and Foot in Westminster-Hall, whereby notice was given, that the Commissioners of the (pretended) High Court of Justice were to sit down on the morrow, and that all those that had any thing to say against Charles Stuart King of England, might be heard. The like was done in Cheap-side, and the old Exchange.

The Actors or Tragical Persons in this Ordinance, were stumbled at several illegalities and irregularities thereof, which in a presumptuous confidence (as drunken men passing over a dangerous Bridge) then yet slighted. But when it was perfected, and the consummatory part of the Seal to be affixed, and the whole result to be warranted thereby, they were at a stand, as knowing the Kings Seal could not be made use of against him;* 60.3 while the Army-Familiars inspired them, that the King and his Seal was alike unnecessary, and that they must now (according to their advice) act by themselves and their own Autho∣rity; which direction they followed, and gave order for a new Seal to their en∣suing Acts as hereafter.

We have omitted the Cypher-Names specified in the said pretended Act, be∣cause

cause many of them, upon reluctancie of Conscience, or more happy perswasi∣ons of Friends, did not undertake the Impiety; as also, because we would not defame the Names of those Lords and Peers of the Kingdom, and the Judges (whose Function instructed them to the contrary) that were invited, and listed on••e by the same Treasonable Combination,* 60.4 to be partakers in that Guilt: but those that appeared and prosecuted their Power, and are worthy of their brand, are with their due Character here subjoyned.

The Kings Iudges marked with † are those that were Executed.

• † * 60.5Oliver Cromwel, an English Monster, a shame to the British Chronicle; a name of ruine and mischief, a Native of Huntingdon-shire, who needs no other Character than this Chronicle, being the Troubler of our Israel; whose ruines were his Grave, yet hath found another under Tyburn, Ian. 30.
• † * 60.6Henry Ireton, Commissary-General of Horse, Cromwel's Second, espoused his Daughter as well as his Designes, — so, like Father-in-law, like Son-out-law, and renterised in the same manner, and at the same time, 1660.
• † Iohn Bradshaw, President, Cum nemini▪ obtrudi potest itur ad Hunc, — there was no such Villain to be found among the Long-Rob••, who drowned all his wickedness and false practises, not to be compared, under this most flagitious and scelerate parricide of the King.* 60.7 A Cheshire-man born, but hateful to his Country, more abominable to his Name, most odious to his Nation, whose hopeful recovery by the first endeavours of his own County under Sir George Booth,* 60.8 in 1659. he so pined at, that taking a just desperation, he died. Two Terms before the Perpetration of the Kings Murther, he had took the Oath of Allegeance as a Serjeant at Law, being called to that Dignity from the scolding and railing of Guild-hall London, to convitiate and reproach his most peaceable Sovereign. He grew conscious (as to the safety of his Body) of his Fact, when he shewed his aversness to Oliver, the very name of a Single Person frighting him; but so cauterized as to the salvation of his Soul, that he departed in a most damnable obstinacie and maintenance of his Fact, presuming there was no High Court of Iustice in Heaven, or else that he was judged already. The price of this Villany was the Presidencie of their Council of State,* 60.9 the Lord Cotting∣ton's Estate, and the Dutchy of Lancaster, with some Advance-Money like Iu∣das for his undertaking. It is observed he died in his Bed, advantageously Com∣mented on by the Imps and Abettors of his villany; by others, at least taken as a note of admiration, leaving his Name and Memory to be tortured for ever. The good Providence of God removing this wretch, and the most implacable Enemies of our Sovereign, by the same easie hand (which might otherwise have been died in blood) with which it restored Him to his Kingdoms, and his people to their Laws, Liberty, and Religion; he was likewise digged out of Westminster-Abby, and thrown under the Gallows.
• † * 60.10Col. Thomas Harrison, the Son of a Butcher at Newcastle-under-line in Staf∣ford-shire, once Servant to Mr. Hulker an Attorney. He betook himself to the Army in the beginning of the Wars, and by Preaching and such-like sanctity, came to be a Major; where his pragmatical spirit cherished by Cromwel, pre∣ferred him to a Colonel, and the custody of the Kings person, when taken from the Isle of Wight; which he mos•• irreverently abused, by no less sawcie behaviour than Treasonable speeches. He was afterwards the great Captain of all the Schismatiques, especially Fifth-Monarchy-men, in whose love, and no others, he died, and was expectedly Executed at Charing-Cross, in that expia∣tory Month of October, 1660.
• † * 60.11Iohn Carew, Brother of Sir Alexander Carew beheaded in 1644. This per∣son was no doubt deluded by the mistaken impulses of Satan, for those of the Spirit, being a Rank Fifth-monarchist, and so pre-disposed against all Govern∣ment

• and Authority, which he helped to strike at in the death of the King.
• † Iohn Cook,* 60.12 the Sollicitor of the High Court, whose Plea (charitably taken) is his best Character, that his Crime was not out of Malice but Avarice; being a poor man, and in a wanting Condition, before he undertook this most scele∣rate piece of Service. — Better be out of practice, than in such as this.
• † Hugh Peters,* 60.13 the shame of the Clergy, a Pulpit-Buffoon, a seditious abomi∣nable Fellow, Trumpet to this Pageantry of a High Court of Justice, the most unparallell'd Ecclesiastick in all Story or Times.
• † Thomas Scot,* 60.14 a Brewers Clerk, then turned Country-Attorney, and by coun∣tenance of the Grandees was chosen a recruit for the Borough of Wickham in the County of Buckingham; so violent an Enemy of the Kings, that he wished for no other Epitaph or Inscription on his Grave, than Here lies Thomas Scot one of the King's Iudges: but he should first have wished for a Grave.
• † Gregory Clement,* 60.15 a Merchant, who procured and purchased a place in Parlia∣ment, by the same means as he did his lustful debaucheries, for the notoriety of which, his Fellow-villains discarded him their Company. He contributed to the destruction of his Sovereign, that he might Reign in his own wicked∣ness.
• † Adrian Scroop,* 60.16 a Colonel of Horse, very active against the Kings Party in 1648. and more diligent against his Life and Honour at this High Court of Justice. 'Tis sad to think he should be allied to so Honourable a Family, and so deserving and Noble a Gentleman of his own name, Sir Adrian Scroop Knight of the Bath, 13 Caroli 2.
• † Col. Iohn Iones,* 60.17 a Serving-man, of a mean fortune, till the times, which afforded him advantages among the ruined Loyal Welch, where he was first a great Committee-man, and then a recruit to the Parliament, and married one of Cromwels Sisters (who had as many Females to bestow as a Cardinal) and might therefore be presumed on to make one in this Tragedy.
• † Francis Hacker,* 60.18 a Souldier of Fortune, of notable Resolution and Conduct, the success whereof wrought him into Cromwels familiarity, from whence he had not the faculty or power to recede, but was charmed into this desperate de∣signe; his being the last hand through which it passed to the Scaffold.
• † Daniel Axtel,* 60.19 a kind of Country-Mercer in Bedfordshire, obeyed the Call (as he said) of the (seditious) Pulpits, and went forth some small Officer to fight a∣gainst the Mighty: after many Traverses, was made Lieutenant-Colonel, and employed by Cromwel out of favour to him, as the ready way to Greatness, to be Captain of the Guard at the Kings Trial, where he made his Ianizaries by blows and threats, to cry out, Iustice and Execution. He was guilty of a great deal more (but not to be mentioned with this) blood in Ireland, and had got∣ten a pretty soul Estate.
• † Col. Okey,* 60.20 formerly a Stoker in a Brew-house, then a Chandler near Billings∣gate; but leaving his Trade for his hopes in the War, passed through the several Commands to that of a Colonel, in a very short space of time. He was a da∣ring bold Commander, which rendred him open and suitable to Cromwels de∣signes, who likewise bewitched him into the Partnership of this accursed Mur∣ther.
• † Miles Corbet,* 60.21 of a very good Family in Norfolk, chosen Burgess for Yarmouth in that County, when he had no other advantage but troublesome times to reco∣ver himself, which he helped forward into the ensuing Calamities. — Hoc faciunt mores Pontilianae Tui. — He was one of the Male-content Members of the former Parliament, with Sir Iohn Elliot and others; and now took the opportunity of wreaking all those old grudges upon the Kings life, and to share himself an Estate from several great places in England and Ireland, where he was in effect Lord Chancellor.
• † Col. Iohn Berkstead,* 60.22 once a sorry Goldsmith in the Strand, and having learnt a little City-Souldiery, for want of better Commanders, was made Captain of a Foot-company under Colonel Ven at Windsor▪ was afterwards Governour of

• ... Reading, and by his pliantness ingratiated with Oliver, who made him one of the Kings Judges, afterwards preferred him to the Lieutenancie of the Tower, where now his head stands.

These of the Kings Iudges marked with * are those that died before the Kings Return.

• * Col. Thomas Pride, a Brewer, to which he ascended from a Dray man, by the same steps as from thence he became a Lord:* 60.23 he was a resolute ignorant fel∣low, but of very good success, and therefore fit to partake with Cromwel, and to venture on that prime and hardy work of garbling the Parliament for him. That done, he deserved any employment from his Master, and was put upon this, which he discharged with as much brutishness.
• * * 60.24Col. Isaac Ewer, descended of an Antient and Right Honourable Family in Yorkshire, but the Patrimony thereof so wasted, that this Cadet was forced to be take himself to the wealthier side, where he profited alike in Principles. He was thought fit (because of his Birth) to be the Kings Guardian from the Isle of Wight; which he performed, and afterwards to be his Murtherer. His Re∣lacion was chosen one of Olivers Lords of the other House.
• * * 60.25Thomas Lord Gray of Grooby, Son to the Earl of Stamford, a Colonel in the Army, and so infected. By the Honour of his Family he escapes a mention or condemnation for this Crime, as well as others.
• * * 60.26Sir Iohn Danvers Knight, Brother to the Earl of Danby, a Loyal and Noble Peer: Sed scio quis Deus est, hunc qui tibi dividit astris. The covetousness after his Brothers Estate (who was made a Delinquent) suckt him in, and afterwards swallowed his Name and Honour in this Whirl-pool of confusion, and Roy∣al Blood.
• * * 60.27Sir Thomas Maleverer, descended also of a very good Family in Yorkshire, but obliged to the kindness of the two last Kings for their Honour, which being above his Estate, wickedly prompted him for the equalling of it, to drain the Fountain of his Masters life and Honour.
• * * 60.28Sir Iohn Bourchier, another Yorkshire Knight, an Independent Mercenary, who from the Crisis of their prevalencie workt for them; and that he might not be out of the way when occasion should serve them, diligently dined at Hell; and to compleat his work, consented to this Murther.
• * Col. Purefoy, a Warwickshire Gentleman, and Governour once of Coventry; a great Zealot against Crosses,* 60.29 and no less against Crowns. He imbrued his hands in the Blood of his Prince, but could not tell (for the ease of his Consci∣ence upon his death-bed) how he should wipe them.
• * * 60.30Iohn Blakestone, formerly a Shop-keeper in Newcastle, where pretending him∣self a Presbyterian while the Scots were there, he was chosen Burgess for that Town; and jugling a while among the Independent Faction, learnt a worse Trade, and the wicked Craft of King-killing.
• * * 60.31Sir William Constable, a Yorkshire-man, one who sold his Lands to Sir Mar∣maduke (after Lord Langdale) in the beginning of our Troubles, but when the said Lord was made a Delinquent, regained them for nothing; was a great Rumper, and at their hand for this Parricide, he died Governour of Glouce∣ster, and a great Commander in the North.
• * * 60.32Richard Dean, Colonel and General at Sea, where he was slain by a Cannon-shot, standing by the Renowned General Monk his Colleague. This person was formerly a Hoymans servant in Ipswich, and when the War began, was a Matross in the Train of Artillery, and role to a Captains Command therein; and was famous first at the Siege of Exeter, & being a cross Fellow, was thought fit to be one of Cromwels Complices, to execute his Plots against his Sovereigns life.
• * * 60.33Francis Allen, once a Gold-smith in Fleet-street, where he leapt into a pretty Estate by marrying his Mistress; was chose a Recruit of the Long Parliament, and adhered to the Juncto for their admission of him; was made one of the

• Treasurers at War, a Customer; and had Crone-house given him, and held it in Capite Regis: after that Murther, was made one of the Committees for sale of his Majesties Lands, &c.
• * * 60.34Peregrine Pelham, a Yorkshire Tike, not of the Sussex-Family; a kind of Go∣vernour of Hull after Hotham; the dutiful carriage of which place taught him afterwards this Trayterous deportment in the High Court of Justice.
• * Iohn Moor,* 60.35 formerly Colonel of the Guards, and had the benefit of all Passes from London.
• * Iohn Allured,* 60.36 a Souldier of Fortune, promoted (for his hand in this Villany) to be a Colonel, died just before his Majesties Restitution.
• * Humphry Edwards,* 60.37 a Member of the Long-Parliament, discontented against the King for being denied by him a Preferment he deserved not; which rankled and fe••red him into this malicious Parricide.
• * Sir Gregory Norton, a poor Knight, one of the Pensioners to the King, had Richmond-Mannor and House as good as given him for this Service against his good Master and Sovereign.* 60.38
• * Iohn Ven,* 60.39 a broken Silk-man in Cheap-side, made Governour of Windsor-Castle in the beginning of the War, and had other profits and emoluments. It is credibly reported that he hanged himself; certain it is, he died strangely and suddenly.
• * Thomas Andrews, a Linnen-draper in London, afterwards a Treasurer for the Guild-hall Plate,* 60.40 and Receiver for the Army; he afterwards proclaimed the Act against Kingly Government, and very narrowly prevented Justice.
• * Anthony Stapely,* 60.41 a Sussex Gentleman and Colonel, and Governour of Chi∣chester strangely wrought into this wicked Conspiracie.
• * Thomas Horton,* 60.42 a Recruit to the Long-Parliament, of so mean and unknown a Quality before St. Fagons-Fight, that that's all the Character can be given him here.
• * Iohn Fry,* 60.43 another Recruit to the Long-Parliament, a Yeoman and Commit∣tee-man of Dorsetshire; he proved an Arrian in Print, which Colonel Downs charged him with; and so no wonder he that dar'd deny the Divinity of Christ, was so cruelly Traiterous to the Majesty of his Prince.
• * Thomas Hammond,* 60.44 Son to Prince Henry's Physitian, who most ungratefully and disloyally was the Kings Jaylor, and verified that sad Presage and Oracle of the King, That there are but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes; to the great trouble of his most Loyal and Learned Brother, Dr. Henry Hammond, the Kings beloved Chaplain.
• * Isaack Pennington,* 60.45 Lord Mayor of London two years together, against the Kings express Command from Oxford, a most implacable Rebel; yet for all the spoil he got, broke twice, and hop'd to make good all by the death of his Sove∣reign: since his Imprisonment he died in the Tower.
• * Simon Meyne,* 60.46 a Buckingham-shire-man, of a good Estate, but an illegal Re∣cruit of the Long-Parliament; a great Committee-man and Sequestrator of o∣ther mens Estates, and being so initiated, thought it no great matter to assist in this business of the Kings life: since his Imprisonment he died in the Tower.

These of the Kings Iudges marked with ¶ are such as are in Prison in the Tower of London and elsewhere, and are under Sentence of Death, to be Executed at the pleasure of the King and Parlia∣ment.

• ¶ Sir Hardress Waller,* 60.47 a Souldier of Fortune, once a Cavalier in Judgment, then a Presbyterian; upon the new Model an Independent, where finding the uncontroulable sweetness of Pay, and likeliness of greater Spoils, he was hard∣ned into this Conspiracie against the King, and mastered his hopes of Wealth

• in Ireland, being Major-General: he was a prisoner in the Tower of London▪ and confessed and deprecated his crime.
• ¶ * 60.48William Heveningham Esquire, a Gentleman of the fairest Estate, and as Gentile and Ancient a Family as any in Suffolk. To keep ill Company, is the way to be wicked. Other causes and inducements to this horrid action are not publique; and I will not dive further.
• ¶ * 60.49Col. Henry Marten, Son of Sir Henry Marten Judge of the Perrogative-Court; a most lewd, vicious, and infamous person, who first spoke Treason against the King and his Family in the House of Commons, and was in complement com∣mitted and suspended. There was no question, but he would act what he spoke, when the power thereof was in his fellow-Traytors hands.
• ¶ * 60.50Owen Row, a Silk-man of London, a constant Commander in the Indepen∣dent Militia thereof, and so trained up to the perpetration of this wicked∣ness.
• ¶ * 60.51Augustine Garland, a Recruit of the Long-Parliament for the Borough of Quinborough in Kent, in 1647. Chair-man of the Committee that drew up the pretended Act for the Kings Trial: as rare a Blade as the worst of them at the spoil of the Kingdom, a Lawyer, and suspected to have spit in the Kings Face at his Trial.
• ¶ * 60.52Henry Smith, a Lawyer, but a mean one, of a fair Estate in Leicestershire, 40 which was added (as the hire of this villany) a Six Clerks place in Cancery; sup∣posed to be drawn in, and complicated in this Guilt.
• ¶ Robert Titchbourn, a Linnen-draper, of good City-Extraction, a Colonel, made by Fairfax Lieutenant of the Tower for a while,* 60.53 Lord Mayor of London, and one of the infamous Triers of his Sovereign, the meritorious service o•• all his preferments and greatness.
• ¶ Col. George Fleetwood of Buckingham-shire, Kinsman to Sir Miles Master of the Kings Court of Wards,* 60.54 and Brother to Sir William a very Loyal and ho∣nest Gentleman, and to Charles Fleetwood a very Knave and Fool.
• ¶ Iames Temple, of Sussex, Colonel, came in to this pack for his share of the spoil▪* 60.55 a man remarkable for nothing but this horrid business.
• ¶ Thomas Wait, a R••tl••ndshire-man, a Recruit to the Parliament, chosen by the Armes influence,* 60.56 and from a mean person made by them Governour of Bur∣leigh, by which means he became engaged to their Interests and Designes.
• ¶ * 60.57Peter Temple, formerly a Linnen-drapers, apprentice in Friday-street, but his elder Brother dying, forsook his Trade, and was possest of some 400 pounds a year in Leicestershire; was as a Recruit chosen Burgess for that County-town, as Colleague to Sir Arthur Haslerig; made a Captain of Horse, and a great Committee-man, but of very weak parts, and easie to be led where the hopes and promises of pro∣fit guided him: yet got nothing (though a constant Rumper) being fooled by Oliver into the snare, as he hath often confessed it.
• ¶ * 60.58Robert Lilburn, of the Bishoprick of Durham, Brother of Iohn Lilburn the Trouble-world, sided formerly with Cromwel, and was through-paced to his In∣terests; though another Brother repented, and would have kept Tinmouth-castle for the King, when Iohn fell off upon a Model of his own. A Colonel of Horse he was made a while before this Regicide, and so ran fearlesly into the danger of it.
• ¶ * 60.59Gilbert Millington, a Lawyer, and constant Chair-man of the Committee for plundered Ministers, the sweets of which Imployment set his Teeth on edge, and sharpned him to this cruel attempt upon his Sovereigns life.
• ¶ * 60.60Vincent Potter, a Recruit of the said Long-Parliament, a Mushroom-Member, so suddenly sprung up, and from such igno••e Relations, that the only knowledge of him came by this infamous Murder.
• ¶ Iohn Downes, formerly a Citizen, then a Colonel in the Army, and a Recruit to the Parliament,* 60.61 and by menaces and threats engaged in this fatal business: he would have opposed the violence that carried it, but was over-born himself, his Allegeance and Conscience being over-awed by Cromwel.

These of the Kings Iudges marked with ‖ are those that fled the Kingdome upon His Majesties Return.

• | Thomas Wogan,* 60.62 a recruit likewise to the Parliament, had his lesson set him upon his procured Election, that he was to endeavour the Ruine of the King∣dom, for his share in it; and to destroy the King, to become himself one of our Princes in the Anarchy.
• | Iohn Lisle,* 60.63 a Gentleman and a Lawyer bred, was born of a good Family, who had a fair Patrimony in the Isle of Wight, whose Father dyed there during the Treaty: a severe and supercilious person, clouded always with pretences of Religion, and Common-wealth Interest. The very picture of a male-content, and by his countenance (the counterfeit of Guy Fauks his Dark-lanthorn) di∣rected to this conspiracy. For his service done herein, he was made one of the Commissioners of the new Great Seal, Master of Saint Crosses, a place onely fit for a Divine, worth 800 per annum, in place of a reverend Doctor; for which preferments he became obliged to the Blood-sucking State, to assume the Scar∣let Robes and the as deep dyed guilt of Iohn Bradshaw, and be President to all the High Courts of Justice during the Usurpation: the last effects of his san∣guinous violence being the death of Sir Henry Slingsby, Doctor Hewit, and others of lesser quality. He fled upon the return of the King, and not long after fell himself by the hand of Violence.
• | William Say Esquire,* 60.64 a Member also of the Long Robe, and a well-practised but ill counselled Lawyer — who for the Fee of this wicked combination, had Liberty to get what he could, being foysted in as one of the illegal recruits of the Long-Parliament. He sate in the Chair of the Scorner when Lenthall the Speaker was sick of the sullens for ten days, upon the approach of General Monke; and gave himself the Thanks of the House, while three Kingdoms gave him their Curses. He is relatively good, by a Brother now living, Fel∣low of Oriel-Colledge in Oxford, for whose sake I will speak no more of him, till Justice finde him, for he is fled.
• | Col. Valentine Walton,* 60.65 whose first remarque was the marriage of Crom∣wel's Sister, by whose awe and command he was made by the Parliament Go∣vernour of Lyn, and Bashaw of the Isle of Ely; which place he had fortified, if before Cromwel could have compleated his designe, he had been forced thi∣ther. He hath escaped hitherto, but remains in the list of the Fugitives of that tribe.
• | Col. Edward Whalley;* 60.66 once a Wollen-draper, descended from a Family in Nottingham-shire, but decaying, left the Ell and took up the Spear, and from our first Troubles continued in them, till he rose to be Commissary-General of the Horse. These advantages taught him first to betray the King at Hampton-Court under pretence of affection, when he made him fly to the Isle of Wight, and to murder him afterwards, without any scruple. He is fled also.
• | Edmund Ludlow,* 60.67 whose Father was a Traytor before him, and uttered Trea∣sonable words against the King in the House of Commons in 1643. which were afterwards accomplished by his Son in this unparallell'd Fact, who by several gradations in the Parliament and Army came to be a Lieutenant-Gene∣ral, and one of the chief Commissioners for Ireland.* 60.68
• | Sir Michael Livesey, a person of an undone reputation and Estate in Kent, whose Plunder-Master-General he was in the progress of the War; a fit person for the employment,* 60.69 Dignum patella operculum.
• | Iohn Hewson, a broken Shoo-maker or Cobler, who by degrees rose to be a Colonel: a Fellow fit for any mischief, and capable of nothing else, as his sto∣ry will declare, and therefore no wonder that he was a partaker in this impie∣ty. He is since dead in Exile, and was buried by report at Amsterdam.
• | William Goffe,* 60.70 a Salters Apprentice, run from his Master into the Army, and

• by his boldness was notified to the Grandees thereof, who liking of his hu∣mour preferred him, and served themselves with his company in this flagiti∣ous crime.
• | Cornelius Holland,* 60.71 a Servant to Sir Henry Vane, and preferred by him to the Green-cloth in the Kings Houshould. His Father was a poor man, and dyed a Prisoner in the Fleet; but this Fellow got a vast Estate by his disloyalty against a good Master,* 60.72 whom he not onely robbed but murthered.
• | Thomas Chal∣loner, a great Republican, and Enemy to the King, his Family and Government, since he knew what it was; the great Speech-maker against him, having been a traveller, and no doubt Jesuitically affected, as he made more visibly manifest in the practise of their Doctrine of Regicide.* 60.73
• | William Cawley, a Brewer of Chichester, and returned for a recruit of the Long-Parliament, could not for Trade-sake but concur with his Brethren O∣liver Cromwel and Thomas Scot.
• | * 60.74Nicholas Love, Doctor Love's Son of Winchester, Chamber-fellow with the Speaker Lenthall, made one of the six Clerks of Chancery in Master Penrud∣ducks place; a violent Enemy against the King and his Friends, from the very beginning of our Troubles,* 60.75 and an Army-partaker in this horrible Act.
• | Iohn Dixwell, a recruit of the Long-Parliament for Dover, Colonel and Go∣vernour of Dover-Castle; one so far obliged to them for their promotion of him,* 60.76 that he could do no less for them, than assist them in this grand Conspi∣racy against the King.
• | Daniel Blagrave, a recruit also for Reading in Bark-shire, of a small but com∣petent Fortune, there to have kept him guiltless of this great offence.
• | * 60.77Daniel Broughton, a Clerk, bred up among Committees in the War, and pre∣ferred therefore at last to be chief Scribe to this Pharisaical murderous crue of the High Court of Justice.
• | Edward Dendy,* 60.78 Serjeant at Arms to the said Court, who had outed his Fa∣ther from the employment of the Mace before: no wonder such a Rebel to his Father, should prove a parricide to his Prince.

These following being of the Kings Iudges, but recanting, were par∣doned, or otherwise mulcted and punished.

• * 60.79Col. Iohn Hutchison, who both Sentenced and Signed to his Majesties Exe∣cution, by a timely repentance (which he publikely testified by tears) obtain∣ed his pardon, being onely discharged the House of Commons, and all fu∣ture Trusts, and fined a years profit of his Estate to the King.
• Col. Francis Lassels, a York-shire man, who sate once, but neither Sentenced nor Signed,* 60.80 was mulcted accordingly as Colonel Hutchison, having alike given▪ proof his sorrow and detestation of that monstrous Fact.
• * 60.81William Lord Munson, Iames Challoner Esq. deceased in the Tower, Sir Hen. Mildmay, Robert Wallop Esq. Sir Iames Harrington, and Iohn Phelps another of the Clerks, for sitting in the said pretended High Court of Iustice, were by Act of Parliament deprived of their Estates, and ordered to be drawn to Ti∣burn in Sledges, with Ropes about their Necks, as Traytors are used, and so back again to the Tower, there to be imprisoned during their natural Lives.

This is the perfect Catalogue and Character of these unfortunate men, who in obedience to the said pretended Act, or rather out of dread of Cromwel and his Red-coats, (though some others named in the said Act wisely withdrew themselves) met according to appointment in Westminster-hall, having adjour∣ned thither from the Painted-Chamber, where they had chosen Serjeant Brad∣shaw for their Bold President, and had made Proclamation at the Palace-gate and in London for the Witnesses (whom they had raked out of the refuse and most perdite sort of the People) to be ready there with their evidence; which Witnesses were numbered to near 40. So much for the preparation, come we now to the perpetration.

The High Court of Iustice.

On Saturday,* 60.82 being the twentieth day of Ianuary, 1648. Bradshaw Presi∣dent of the High Court of Iustice, with about seventy of the Members of the said Court, having Colonel Fox, and sixteen Fellows with Partizans, and a Sword born by Colonel Humphrey, and a Mace by Serjeant Dendy, with their, and other Officers of the said Court marching before them, came to the place ordered to be prepared for their sitting, at the West-end of the great Hall in Westminster,* 60.83 where the President in a Crimson-Velvet Chair, fixed in the midst of the Court, placed himself, having a Desk with a Crimson-Velvet Cushion be∣fore him. The rest of the Members placing themselves on each side of him, upon the several seats or benches, prepared and hung with Scarlet for that pur∣pose; and the Partizans dividing themselves on each side of the Court before them.

The Court being thus set,* 60.84 and Silence made, the Great Gate of the said Hall was set open, to the end that all persons, (without exception) desirous to see, or hear, might come into it; upon which the Hall was presently filled, and Silence again ordered.

This done,* 60.85 Colonel Thomlinson, who had the charge of the King, as a Pri∣soner, was commanded to bring him to the Court; who within a quarter of an hours space brought him, attended with about twenty Officers with Parti∣zans marching before him; there being Colonel Hacker and other Guard-men, to whose care and custody he was then committed, marching in his Rear.

Being thus brought up within the face of the Court,* 60.86 the Serjeant at Arms, with his Mace, received and conducted him streight to the Bar, where a Crim∣son-Velvet Chair was set for the King. After a stern looking upon the Court, and the people in the Galleries on each side of him, he placed himself, not at all moving his Hat, or otherwise shewing the least respect to the Court; but presently rose up again, and turned about, looking downwards upon the Guards placed on the left side, and on the multitude of Spectators on the right side of the said great Hall.* 60.87 After Silence made among the people, the Act of Par∣liament for the Trying of Charles Stuart King of England, was read over by the Clerk of the Court; who sate on one side of the Table covered with a rich Turkey-carpet, and placed at the feet of the said President; upon which Table was also laid the Sword and Mace.

After reading the said Act,* 60.88 the several names of the Commissioners were cal∣led over; every one who was present, rising up, and answering to his call.

The King having again placed himself in his Chair, with his face towards the Court, Silence being again ordered, the President stood up, and said;

President.

Charles Stuart,* 60.89 King of England, The Commons of England Assem∣bled in Parliament, being deeply sensible of the Calamities that have been brought up∣on this Nation, (which is fixed upon you as the principal Author of it) have resolved to make inquisition for Blood, and according to that debt and duty they owe to Iustice, to God, the Kingdom, and themselves, and according to the Fundamental Power that rests in themselves, They have resolved to bring you to Tryal and Iudge∣ment; and for that purpose have constituted this High Court of Justice, before which you are brought.

This said Cook Sollicitor-General of the Commonwealth (standing with∣in a Bar on the right hand of the King) offered to speak;* 60.90 but the King having a staff in his hand, held it up, and laid it upon the said Cooks shoulder two or three times, bidding him hold: Nevertheless, the President ordering him to go on, he said:

Cook.

My Lord,* 60.91 I am commanded to charge Charles Stuart King of Eng∣land, in the name of the Commons of England, with Treason and high Misdemea∣nors; I desire the said Charge may be read.

The said Charge being delivered to the Clerk of the Court, the President ordered it should be read, but the King bid him hold: Nevertheless, being com∣manded by the President to read it,* 60.92 the Clerk begun.

The Charge being read, (which, for its falshood and Treasonable impudence, is purposely omitted, as imputing to the King the Blood spilt, by his pre∣sence in several Fights;* 60.93) The President replyed: Sir, you have heard your Charge read, &c. The Court expects your Answer.

King.

I would know by what power I am called hither: I was, not long a∣go, in the Isle of Wight; how I came there, is a longer story than I think is fit at this time for me to speak of; but there I entred into a Treaty with both Houses of Parliament, with as much publike faith as 'tis possible to be had of any people in the World. I Treated there with a number of Honourable Lords and Gentlemen, and Treated honestly and uprightly: I cannot say but they did very nobly with me; we were upon a conclu••ion of the Treaty. Now I would know by what Authority,* 60.94 I mean, lawful: there are many unlawful Authorities in the world, Theeves and Robbers by the high ways; but I would know by what Authority I was brought from thence, and carried from place to place, (and I know not what) and when I know by what lawful Authority, I shall answer: Remember I am your King, and what sins you bring upon this Land. Think well upon it, I say, think well upon it, before you go further from one sin to a greater; therefore let me know by what lawful Authority I am seated here, and I shall not be unwilling to Answer: in the mean time I shall not betray my Trust. I have a Trust committed to me by God, by old and lawful descent, I will not betray it, to Answer to a new and unlawful Au∣thority; therefore resolve me that, and you shall hear more of me.

President.

If you had been pleased to have observed what was hinted to you by the Court at your first coming hither, you would have known by what Authority, which Authority requires you, in the name of the people of England, of which you are E∣lected King, to answer them.

King.

No Sir, I deny that.

President.

If you acknowledg not the Authority of the Court, they must pro∣ceed.

King.

I do tell them so, England was never an Elective Kingdom, but an Hereditary Kingdom for neer these thousand years:* 60.95 therefore let me know by what Authority I am called hither. I do stand more for the Liberty of my people than any here, that come to be my pretended Judges; and therefore let me know by what lawful Authority I am seated here, and I will Answer it, other∣wise I will not Answer it.

President.

* 60.96Sir, how really you have managed your Trust, is known: your way of Answer is to interrogate the Court; which beseems not you in this condition. You have been told of it twice or thrice.

King.

Here is a Gentleman (Lieutenant-Colonel Cobbet) ask him, if he did not bring me from the Isle of Wight by force? I do not come here as submit∣ting to the Court; I will stand as much for the priviledge of the House of Commons, rightly understood, as any man here whatsoever. I see no House of Lords here that may constitute a Parliament, and (the King too) should have been. Is this the bringing of the King to his Parliament? Is this the bringing an end to the Treaty in the Publike faith of the world? Let me see a legal Au∣thority warranted by the Word of God, the Scriptures, or warranted by the Constitutions of the Kingdom, and I will Answer.

President.

Sir, You have propounded a Question, and have been Answered: see∣ing you will not Answer,* 60.97 the Court will consider how to proceed; in the mean time, those that brought you hither, are to take charge of you back again.

The Court desires to know whether this he all the Answer you will give, or no?

King.

* 60.98Sir, I would desire that you would give me and all the world satis∣faction in this; let me tell you, it is not a slight thing you are about. I am

sworn to keep the Peace by that duty I owe to God and my Country, and I will do it to the last breath of my Body; and therefore you shall do well to satisfie first God, and then the Country, by what Authority you do it: if you do it by an usurped Authority, that will not last long. There is a God in Heaven that will call you, and all that give you Power, to an account: satisfie me in that, and I will Answer, otherwise I betray my Trust, and the Liberties of the people, and therefore think of that, and then I shall be willing. For I do avow, that it is as great a sin to withstand lawful Authority, as it is to submit to a Tyran∣nical, or any other ways unlawful Authority; and therefore satisfie God, and me, and all the World in that, and you shall receive my Answer: I am not afraid of the Bill.

President.

The Court expects you should give them a final Answer:* 60.99 their purpose is to adjourn till Monday next, if you do not satisfie your self, though we do tell you our Authority, we are satisfied with our Authority, and it is upon Gods Autho∣rity and the Kingdoms: and that Peace you speak of, will be kept in the doing of Iustice, and that's our present work.

King.

Let me tell you, if you will shew me what lawful Authority you have, I shall be satisfied: But what you have hitherto said, satisfies no reasonable man.

President.

That's in your apprehension; we think it reasonable that are your Iudges.

King.

'Tis not my apprehension, nor yours neither, that ought to de∣cide it.

President.

The Court hath heard you,* 60.100 and you are to be disposed of as they have commanded.

Two things were remarkable in this days proceedings.

It is observed, That as the Charge was reading against the King, the silver head of his staff fell off,* 60.101 the which he wondered at; and seeing none to take it up, he stoop'd for it himself, and put it in his pocket. The other, that the people as the King went out cried aloud and shouted God save the King, while the weaker noise of hired and commanded Souldiers cried out Iustice and Execution, at Colonel Axtels Threats and Bastinadoes.

At the High Court of Iustice sitting in Westminster-Hall, Monday, January 22. 1648.

Upon the Kings coming a shout was made.* 60.102

Sollicitor.

May it please your Lordship, my Lord President, I did at the last Court in the behalf of the Commons of England, exhibit and give into this Court a Charge of High Treason, and other High Crimes, against the Prisoner at the Bar, &c. My humble Motion to this High Court is, That the Prisoner may be directed to make a positive Answer, or else the Charge may be taken pro confesso, and the Court may proceed according to Justice.

President.

Sir, You may remember at the last Court you were told the occasion of your being brought hither, &c. you were then pleased to make some scruples concer∣ning the Authority of this Court, &c. Since that, the Court hath taken into conside∣ration what you then said, they are fully satisfied with their own Authority, and they hold it fit you should stand satisfied with it too: and they do require it, that you do give a positive and particular Answer to this Charge that is exhibited against you:* 60.103 they do expect you should either confess or deny it; if you deny it, it is offered in the behalf of the Nation to be made good against you; their Authority they do avow to the whole world, that the whole Kingdom are to rest satisfied in; and you are to lose no more time, but to give a positive Answer thereunto.

King.

When I was here last, 'tis true, I made that Question; and truly if it

were onely my own particular case,* 60.104 I would have satisfied my self with the Protestation I made the last time I was here against the Legality of this Court, and that a King cannot be tried by any Superiour Jurisdiction on Earth; but it is not my case alone, it is the Freedom and Liberty of the people of Eng∣land, and do you pretend what you will, I stand more for their Liberties. For of Power without Law, may make Laws, may alter the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, I do not know what Subject he is in England, that can be sure of his Life, or any thing that he calls his own; therefore when I came here, I did expect particular Reasons,* 60.105 to know by what Law, what Authority you did proceed against me here, and therefore I am a little to seek what to say to you in this particular, because the Affirmative is proved, the Negative often is very hard to do: but since I cannot perswade you to do it, I shall tell you my Reasons as short as I can.

My Reasons why in Conscience, and the duty I owe to God first, and my peo∣ple next, for the preservation of their Lives, Liberties and Estates; I conceive I cannot answer this,* 60.106 till I be satisfied of the legality of it.

All proceedings against any man whatsoever —

President.

Sir, I must interrupt you; which I would not do, but that what you do is not agreable to the proceedings of any Court of Iustice: you are about to enter into Argument and Dispute concerning the Authority of this Court, before whom you ap∣pear as a Prisoner, and are Charged as a Delinquent; if you take upon you to dis∣pute the Authority of the Court, we may not do it, nor will any Court give way un∣to it; you are to submit unto it, you are to give in a punctual and direct Answer, whether you will Answer to your Charge or no, and what your Answer is.

King.

Sir, by your favour, I do not know the forms of Law, I do know Law and Reason:* 60.107 though I am no Lawyer professed, yet I know as much Law as any Gentleman in England; and therefore (under favour) I do plead for the Liberties of the people of England more than you do, and therefore if I should impose a belief upon any man without Reasons give for it, it were un∣reasonable; but I must tell you, That by that Reason that I have as thus infor∣med, I cannot yield unto it.

President.

Sir, I must interrupt you, you may not be permitted: you speak of Law and Reason,* 60.108 and there is both against you. Sir, the Vote of the Commons of Eng∣land Assembled in Parliament, it is the Reason of the Kingdom, and they are those two that have given that Law, according to which you should have Ruled and Reigned. Sir, you are not to dispute our Authority, you are told it again by the Court. Sir, it will be taken notice of, that you stand in contempt of the Court, and your contempt will be recorded accordingly.

King.

I do not know how a King can be a Delinquent: not by any Law that ever I heard of; all men (Delinquents or what you will) let me tell you, they may put in Demurrers against any proceedings as legal,* 60.109 and I do demand that, and demand to be heard with my Reasons; if you deny that, you deny Reason.

President.

Sir, you have offered something to the Court, I shall speak something unto you of the sense of the Court; Sir, neither you nor any man are permitted to dis∣pute that point,* 60.110 you are concluded, you may not Demur to the Iurisdiction of the Court; if you do, I must let you know, that they over-rule your Demurrer: they sit here by the Authority of the Commons of England, and all your Predecessors and you are responsible to them.

King.

I deny that, shew me one precedent. —

President.

Sir, you ought not to interrupt while the Court is speaking to you; this point is not to be debated by you,* 60.111 neither will the Court permit you to do it; if you offer it by way of Demurrer to the Iurisdiction of the Court, they have considered of their Iurisdiction, they do affirm their own Iurisdiction.

King.

I say Sir, by your favour, that the Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature, I would know how they came to be so.

President.

Sir you are not to be permitted to go on in that speech, and these Dis∣courses.

Then the Clerk of the Court read as followeth.

Charles Stuart,* 60.112 King of England, You have been accused on the behalf of the people of England, of High Treason, and other high Crimes; the Court have deter∣mined, that you ought to Answer the same.

King.

I will Answer the same, as soon as I know by what Authority you do this.

President.

If this be all that you will say,* 60.113 then, Gentlemen, you that brought the Prisoner hither, take charge of him back again.

King.

I do require that I may give in my Reasons why I do not Answer; and give me time for that.

President.

Sir, 'Tis not for Prisoners to require.

King.

Prisoner? Sir, I am not an ordinary Prisoner.

President.

The Court hath considered of their Iurisdiction, and they have alrea∣dy affirmed their Iurisdiction: if you will not Answer, we shall give order to Record your default.

King.

You never heard my Reasons yet.

President.

Sir, your Reasons are not to be heard against the highest Iurisdi∣ction.

King.

Shew me that Jurisdiction, where Reason is not to be heard.

President.

Sir, we shew it you here, the Commons of England: and the next time you are brought, you will know more the pleasure of the Court, and it may be, their final determination.

King.

Shew me wherever the House of Commons was a Court of Judicature of that kind.

President.

Serjeant, take away the Prisoner.

King.

Well Sir, remember that the King is not suffered to give his Reasons for the Liberty and Freedom of all his Subjects.

President.

Sir, you are not to have liberty to use this Language; how great a friend you have been to the Laws and Liberties of the people, let all England and the World Iudge.

King.

Sir, under favour, it was the Liberty, Freedom and Laws of the Sub∣ject that ever I took — defended my self with Arms: I never took up Arms against the people, but for my people and the Laws.

President.

The command of the Court must be obeyed; no answer will be given to the Charge.

King.

Well Sir.

Then the President ordered the default to be recorded, and the contempt of the Court,* 60.114 and that no Answer would be given to the Charge.

And so the King was guarded forth to Sir Robert Cotton's house.

Then the Court adjourned to the Painted-chamber on Tuesday at twelve a clock,* 60.115 and from thence they adjourned again to Westminster-hall, at which time all persons concerned were to give their attendance.

At the High Court of Iustice sitting in Westminster-hall, Tuesday, January 23. 1648.

O yes made. Silence commanded, The Court called, seventy three persons present.

The King came in with his Guard,* 60.116 looking with an austere countenance up∣on the Court, and sate down.

Cook.

Sollicitor-General. May it please your Lordship, my Lord President,

This is now the third time, that by the great grace and favour of this high Court, the Prisoner hath been brought to the Bar, before any Issue joyned in the Cause. My Lord, I did at the first Court Exhibit a Charge against him, &c.—

* 60.117My Lord, after this great delay of Justice, I shall now humbly move your Lord∣ship for speedy Judgment against him. My Lord, I might press your Lordship upon the whole, according to the known Rules of the Law of the Land, That if a Prisoner shall stand as contumacious in contempt, and shall not put in an Issuable Plea, Guilty or not Guilty of the Charge given against him, whereby he may come to a fair Tryal; that as by an implicite Confession, it may be taken pro confesso, as it hath been done to those who have deserved more f••vour than the Prisoner at the Bar has done: but besides, my Lord, I shall humbly press your Lordship upon the whole Fact. The House of Commons, the su∣preme Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kingdom, they have Declared, that it is notorious, that the matter of the Charge is true, as it is in truth (my Lord) as clear as Crystal, and as the Sun that shines at Noon-day; which if your Lord∣ship and the Court be not satisfied in, I have notwithstanding, on the People of Englands behalf, several Witnesses to produce: And there••ore I do hum∣bly pray, and yet I must confess it is not so much I, as the ••nnocent Blood that hath been shed, the cry whereof is very great for Justice and Judgement; and therefore I do humbly pray, that speedy Judgement be pronounced against the prisoner at the Bar.

President.

Sir, you have heard what is moved by the Counsel on the behalf of the Kingdom against you. Sir, you may well remember, and if you do not▪ the Court cannot forget, what Dilatory dealings the Court hath found at your hands. You were told,* 60.118 that it was not for you, nor any other man, to dispute the Jurisdiction of the Supreme and highest Authority of England, from which there is no appeal, and touching which there must be no dispute; yet you did persist in such carriage, as you gave no manner of obedience, nor did you acknowledge any Authority in them, nor the High Court that constituted this Court of Justice.

Sir, I must let you know from the Court, that they are very sensible of these delays of yours, and that they ought not, being thus Authorized by the Supreme Court of England, to be thus trifled withal; and that they might in Iustice, if they pleased, and according to the Rules of Iustice, take advantage of the delays, and proceed to pronounce Iudgement against you; yet nevertheless they are pleased to give direction, and on their behalfs I do require you, that you make a positive Answer unto this Charge that is against you. Sir, in plain terms, for Iustice knows no respect of per∣sons, you are to give your positive and final Answer in plain English,* 60.119 whether you be Guilty or not Guilty of these Treasons laid to your charge.

The King after a little pause, said,

* 60.120When I was here yesterday, I did desire to speak for the Liberties of the people of England; I was interrupted: I desire to know yet whether I may speak free∣ly or not.

President.

Sir, you have heard the resolution of the Court upon the like Question the last day, and you were told, that having such a Charge of so high a Nature a∣gainst you, and your Work was, that you ought to acknowledge the Iurisdiction of the Court, And to Answer to your Charge. Sir, if you Answer to your Charge, which the Court gives you leave now to do, though they might have taken the advan∣tage of your contempt,* 60.121 yet if you be able to Answer to your Charge, when you have once Answered, you shall be heard at large; make the best Defence you can. But Sir, I must let you know from the Court, at their commands, that you are not to be permitted to issue out into other discourses, till such time as you have given a positive Answer concerning the Matter that is Charged upon you.

King.

For the Charge, I value it not a Rush, it is the Liberty of the People of England that I stand for; for me to acknowledge a new Court, that I never heard of before, I that am your King, that should be an example to all the peo∣ple of England, to uphold Justice, to maintain the old Laws; indeed I do not know how to do it: you spoke very well the first day that I came here, (on Saturday) of the Obligations that I had laid upon me by God, to the main∣tenance of the Liberties of my people: The same Obligation you spake of, I do acknowledge to God that I owe to Him, and to my people, to defend, as much

as in me lies,* 60.122 the antient Laws of the Kingdom; therefore until I may ••now that this is not against the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, by your f••vo••r, I can put in no particular Answer: If you will give me time, I will then shew you my Reasons why I cannot do it, and this —

Here being interrupted, he said,

B•• your favour,* 60.123 you ought not to interrupt me: how I came here, I know no••, th••re's no Law for it, to make your King your Prisoner: I was lately in a Treaty up on the publike Faith of the Kingdom,* 60.124 that was the known — the two Houses of Parliament, that was the Representative of the Kingdom; and when that I had almost made an end of the Treaty, then I was hurried a∣way and brought hither, and therefore —

Here the President interrupted him,* 60.125 and said, Sir, you must know the pleasure of the Court.

King.

By your favour Sir, —

President.

Nay Sir, by your favour, you may not be permitted to fall into these discourses; you appear as a Delinquent, you have not acknowledged the Authority of the Court; the Court craves it not of you, and once more they command you to give your positive Answer — Clerk, do your Duty.

King.

Duty Sir!

The Clerk reads.* 60.126

Charles Stuart, King of England, you are accused in the behalf of the Commons of England, of divers high Crimes and Treasons; which Charge hath been read unto you; the Court now requires you to give your positive and final Answer, by way of confession or denial of the Charge.

King.

Sir, I say again to you, So that I might give satisfaction to the peo∣ple of England of the clearness of my proceedings,* 60.127 not by way of Answer, not in this way, but to satisfie them that I have done nothing against that Trust that hath been committed to me, I would do it; but to acknowledge a new Court against their Priviledges; to alter the Fundamental Laws of the King∣dom; Sir, you must excuse me.

President.

Sir, this is the third time that you have publikely disowned the Court, and put an affront upon it; how far you have preserv'd the Priviledges of the Peo∣ple, your Actions have spoke it; but truly Sir, mens intentions ought to be known by their Actions: you have written your meaning in bloody Characters throughout the whole Kingdom: but Sir, you understand the pleasure of the Court. — Clerk, Re∣cord the default,* 60.128 — and Gentlemen, you that took charge of the Prisoner, take him back again.

King.

I will onely say this one word to you, If it were onely my own parti∣cular, I would not say any more, nor interrupt you.

President.

Sir, you have heard the pleasure of the Court, and you are (not∣withstanding you will not understand it) to finde that you are before a Court of Iustice.

Then the King went forth with his Guard,* 60.129 and Proclamation was made, that all persons who had then appeared, and had further to do at the Court, might depart into the Painted-Chamber, to which place the Court did forthwith ad∣journ, and intended to meet in Westminster-hall by ten of the Clock the next morning.

Cryer.

God bless the Kingdom of England.

* 60.130His Majesties Reasons against the pretended Iurisdiction of the High Court of Iustice, which he intended to have delivered in writing on Monday, January 22. 1648. But was not permitted.

HAving already made my Protestations, not onely against the illegality of this pretended Court, but also that no earthly Power can justly call Me (who am your King) in question as a Delinquent; I would not any more open my Mouth upon this oc∣casion, more than to refer my self to what I have spoken, were I in this case alone concerned. But the duty I owe to God in the preservation of the true Liberty of my People, will not suffer me at this time to be silent: For, how can any free-born Subject of England call life, or any thing he possesseth, his own, if Power without Right may daily make new▪ and abrogate the old Funda∣mental Law of the Land? which I now take to be the present case. VVherefore when I came hither, I expected that you would have endeavoured to have satisfied me concerning these grounds which hinder me to answer to your pretended Impeachment; but since I see that nothing I can say will move you to it (though Negatives are not so naturally proved as Affirmatives) yet I will shew you the Reasons why I am confident you cannot Judge me, nor indeed the meanest man in England: for I will not (like you) without shew∣ing a Reason, seek to impose a belief upon my Subjects.

* 60.131There is no proceeding just against any man, but what is warrant∣ed either by Gods Laws, or the Municipal Laws of the Country where he lives. Now I am most confident, this days proceeding can∣not be warranted by Gods Law; for on the contrary, the Authority of obedience unto Kings is clealy warranted, and strictly comman∣ded both in the Old and New Testaments; which if denied, I am rea∣dy instantly to Prove: and for the Question now in hand, there it is said, That where the word of a King is, there is Power; and who may say unto him, What doest thou? Eccles. 8.4. Then for the Law of this Land, I am no less confident that no learned Lawyer will affirm that an Impeachment can lie against the King,* 60.132 they all going in His Name: and one of their Maximes is, That the King can do no wrong. Besides, the Law upon which you ground your procee∣dings, must either be Old or New: if Old, shew it; if New, tell what Authority warranted by the Fundamental Laws of the Land hath made it, and when. But how the House of Commons can erect a Court of Iudicature,* 60.133 which was never one it self, (as is well known to all Lawyers) I leave to God and the world to Iudge: And it were full as strange that they should pretend to make Laws without King or Lords House, to any that have heard speak of the Laws of England.

And admitting, but not granting, that the People of Englands Commission could grant your pretended Power; I see nothing you can shew for that: for certainly you never asked the question of the tenth

man in the Kingdom: and in this way you manifestly wrong even the poorest Plow-man, if you demand not his free consent; nor can you pretend any colour for this your pretended Commission without the Consent at least of the major part of every man in England,* 60.134 of whatsoever quality or Condition, which I am sure you never went about to seek; so far are you from having it. Thus you see that I speak not for my own right alone as I am your King, but also for the true Liberty of all my Subjects; which consists not in the power of Government, but in living under such laws, such a Govern∣ment, as may give themselves the best assurance of their lives, and propriety of their goods.* 60.135 Nor in this must or do I forget the Pri∣viledges of both Houses of Parliament, which this days proceedings do not onely violate, but likewise occasion the greatest breach of their publike Faith, that I believe ever was heard of; with which I am far from charging the two Houses: for all the pretended Crimes laid against me, bear date long before this late Treaty at Newport, in which I having concluded, as much as in me lay, and hopefully ex∣pecting the Houses agreement thereunto, I was suddenly surpriz'd, and hurried from thence as a Prisoner, upon which account I am a∣gainst my will brought hither; where since I am come, I cannot but to my power, defend the antient Laws and Liberties of this King∣nom, together with my own just Rights. Then for any thing I can see,* 60.136 the Higher House is totally excluded; and for the House of Com∣mons, it is too well known that the major part of them are detained or deterred from sitting; so as if I'had no other, this were sufficient Reason for me to protest against the Lawfulness of your pretended Court. Besides all this, the Peace of the Kingdom is not the least of My thoughts: and what hopes of Settlement is there, so long as Pow∣er reigns without Rule or Law,* 60.137 changing the whole frame of that Go∣vernment, under which this Kingdom hath flourished for many hun∣dred years? (nor will I say what will fall out, in case this lawless unjust Proceedings against me do go on.) And believe it, the Com∣mons of England will not thank you for this Change, for they will remember how happy they have been of late years, under the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the King my Father, and my Self, until the be∣ginning of these unhappy Troubles; and will have cause to doubt that they shall never be so happy under any new. And by this time it will be too sensibly evident, that the Arms I took up, were onely to defend the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, against those who have supposed my Power hath totally changed the antient Govern∣ment.

Thus having shewed you briefly the Reasons why I cannot submit to your pretended Authority, without violating the Trust which I have from God, for the Welfare and Liberty of my People: I expect from you either clear Reasons to convince my Iudgement, shewing me that I am in an Error (and then truly I will Answer) or that you will withdraw your proceedings.

¶ This the King intended to speak in Westminster-hall on Monday, Jan. 22. but against Reason was hindred.

* 60.138The Proceedings of the High Court of Iustice sitting at Westmin∣ster-hall, on Saturday the 27 of January, 1648.

* 60.139O yes made. Silence commanded. The Court called, Serjeant Bradshaw Pre∣sident, in his Scarlet-Robe (sutable to the work of this day) with sixty eight other Members of the Court called. As the King came into the Court,* 60.140 in his usual posture, with his Hat on, a cry made in the Hall by some of the Souldiers for Iustice, Iustice, and Execution.

King.

I shall desire a word to be heard a little, and I hope I shall give no occasion of interruption.

President.

You may Answer in your time, hear the Court first.

King.

If it please you Sir, I desire to be heard, and I shall not give any occa∣sion of interruption, and it is onely in a word: A sudden judgment —

President.

* 60.141You shall be heard in due time, but you are to hear the Court first.

King.

Sir, I desire it; it will be in order to what I believe the Court will say; and therefore Sir, a hasty Judgement is not so soon re-called.

President.

Sir, you shall be heard before the Iudgement be given, and in the mean time you may forbear.

King.

Well Sir, shall I be heard before the Judgement given?

President.

Gentlemen, it is well known to all or most of you here present, That the Prisoner at the Bar ••ath been several times convented, and brought before the Court, to make Answer to a charge of Treason and other high Crimes exhibited a∣gainst him, in the name of the People of England; to which Charge, being re∣quired to Answer he hath been so far from obeying the commands of the Court, by sub∣mitting to their Iustice, as he began to take upon him to offer Reasoning and debate unto the Authority of the Court, and of the highest Court that constituted them to try and judge him; but being over-ruled in that, and required to make his Answer, he was still pleased to continue contumacious, and to refuse to submit or Answer, &c. But Sir, if you have any thing to say in defence of your self concerning the matter charged, the Court hath given me command to let you know they will hear you.

King.

Since I see you will not hear any thing of debate concerning that which I confess I thought most material for the Peace of the Kingdom, and for the Liberty of the Subject, I shall wave it, I shall speak nothing to it; but onely I must-tell you, that this many a day all things have been taken away from me, but that that I call more dear to me than my life, which is My Con∣science and my Honour; and if I had respect to my life more than the Peace of the Kingdoms and the Liberty of the Subject, certainly I should have made a particular defence for my self; for by that at least-wise I might have delayed an ugly Sen∣tence, which I believe will pass upon me: therefore certainly Sir, as a man that hath some understanding, some knowledge of the world, if that my Zeal to my Country had not over-born the care that I have of my own preservation, I should have gone another way to work than that I have done. Now Sir, I con∣ceive that an hasty Sentence once past, may be sooner repented than recalled; and truely the self-same desire that I have for the Peace of the Kingdom, and the Liberty of the Subject, more than my own particular, does make me now at last desire, that having somethimg to say that concerns both, I desire before Sen∣tence be given, that I may be heard in the Painted Chamber before the Lords and Commons: this delay cannot be prejudicial to you, whatsoever I say; if no Reason, those that hear me must be Judges; if it be Reason, and real for the Welfare of the Kingdom, and the Liberty of the Subject, I am sure on it, it is very well worth the hearing; therefore I do conjure you, as you love that you pretend, I hope it is real, the Liberty of the Subject, the Peace of the King∣dom, that you will grant me the hearing, before any Sentence ••e passed: I one∣ly desire you will take this into your consideration; it may be you have not heard of it beforehand; if you will, I'le retire, and you may think of it: but

if I cannot get this Liberty, I do here protest, that so fair shews of Liberty and Peace are pure shews, and not otherwise, and that you will not hear your KING.

President.

Sir, you have now spoken?

King.

Yes Sir.

President.

And this that you have said is a further declining of the Iurisdiction of this Court, which was the thing wherein you were limited before.

King.

Pray excuse me Sir, for my interruption, because you mistake me; it is not a declining of it, you do Judge me before you hear me speak; I say it will not, I do not decline it, though I cannot acknowledge the Jurisdiction of the Court; yet Sir, in this give me leave to say, I would do it though I did not acknowledge it in this: I do protest it is not the declining of it, since I say, if that I do say any thing but that that is for the Peace of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject, then the shame is mine. Now I desire that you will take this into your consideration, if you will I'll withdraw.

President.

Sir, this is not altogether n••w that you have moved unto us; not al∣together new to us, though the first time in person you have offered it to the Court: Sir, you say you do not Decline the Iurisdiction of the Court?

King.

Not in this that I have said.

President.

I understand you well Sir: That which you now tender, is to have a∣nother Iurisdiction, and a co-ordinate Jurisdiction. I know very well you express your self, Sir, that notwithstanding what you will offer to the Lords and Commons in the Painted-Chamber, you would nevertheless proceed on here. Sir, because you shall know the further pleasure of the Court upon that which you have moved, the Court will withdraw for a time.

King.

Shall I withdraw?

President.

Sir, you shall know the pleasure of the Court presently. The Court withdrew for half an hour into the Court of Wards.* 60.142

Then the Court commanded the Serjeant at Arms to withdraw the King, and to expect order for his return again.* 60.143

The Court withdrew for half an hour, and returned (this withdrawing was occasioned by the importunacy and disturbance of Colonel Downs, who sate next to Cromwel;* 60.144 but Downs was quickly quieted, being awed by Crom∣wel during this short stay.)

President.

Serjeant at Arms, send for your Prisoner.

Sir, their withdrawing and adjournment was pro forma tantum; for it did not seem to them that there was any difficulty in the thing;* 60.145 the Court is now resolved to proceed.

King.

Sir,* 60.146 I know it is in vain for me to dispute, I am no Sceptick for to deny the power that you have, I know that you have power enough: Sir, I confess I think it would have been for the Kingdoms Peace, if you would have ta∣ken the pains to have shown the lawfulness of your power. For this delay that I have desired, I confess it is a delay, but very important for the Peace of the Kingdom; for it is not my person that I look on alone, it is the Kingdoms welfare, and the Kingdoms Peace: it is an old sentence, That we should think on long before we have resolved of great matters suddenly; Therefore Sir, I do say again, that I do put at your doors all the inconveniency of an hasty Sen∣tence. I confess I have been here now I think this week; this day eight days was the day I came here first; but a little delay of a day or two further, may give peace, whereas an H••sty Iudgement may bring on that trouble and perpe∣tual inconveniency to the Kingdom, that the Child that is unborn may repent it; and therefore again, out of the Duty I owe to God, and to my Country, I do desire that I may be heard by the Lords and Commons in the Painted-Chamber, or any other Chamber that you will appoint me.

President.

The Court will proceed.

King.

I say this Sir, That if you will hear me, I doubt not but I shall give some satisfaction to you all here, and to my people after that; and therefore I

do require you, as you will answer it at the dreadful day of Judgement, that you will consider it once again.

President.

Sir, I have received direction from the Court.

King.

Well Sir.

President.

If this must be re-enforc'd, or any thing of this nature, your Answer must be the same, and they will proceed to Sentence if you have nothing more to say.

King.

I have nothing more to say; but I shall desire that this may be entred what I have said.

President.

The Court then Sir hath something to say to you, which although I know it will be very unacceptable, yet notwithstanding they are willing, and are resolved to discharge their Duty.* 60.147 [and so proceeded by way of ••iery, how other Nations in all times had taken the same course with their Kings and Prin∣ces, deposing and executing of them, especially, and more frequently in the Kings Native Realm of Scotland; mis-citing, and wresting, and abusing the truth of History, to varnish the Rhapsody and Treason of this lying Harangue: of all which, one most remarkable paragraph, as noted by the King himself with an admiration, is here inserted.

Sir, That that we are now upon by the command of the highest Court, hath been and is to Try and Iudge you for those great offences of yours. Sir, the Charge hath called you Tyrant, a Traytor, a Murtherer, and a publike Enemy to the Commonwealth of England. Sir, it had been well, if any of all these terms right∣ly and justly might have been spared, if any one of them at all.

King.

Ha! —

President.

— To do Iustice Impartially, and even upon You, is all our Resolu∣tions. Sir, I say for your self, we do ••eartily wish and desire, that God would be pleased to give you a sense of your sins, that you would see wherein you have done amiss, that you may cry unto him, that God would deliver you from Blood guiltiness. A good King was once guilty of that particular thing, and was clear otherwise, sa∣ving in the matter of Uriah. Truly Sir, the story tells us that he was a repentant King, and it signifies enough that he had died for it, but that God was pleased to accept of him, and to give him his pardon. Thou shalt not dye, but the Child shall dye; thou hast given cause to the enemies of God to blaspheme.

King.

I would desire onely one word before you give Sentence, and that is; That you would hear me concerning those great Imputations that you have laid to my charge.

President.

Sir, You must give me leave to go on, for I am not far from your Sen∣tence, and your time is now past.

King.

But I shall desire you will hear me a few words to you; for truly, what ever Sentence you will put upon me, in respect of those heavy Imputa∣tions I see by your speech you have put upon me,* 60.148 that I Sir, it is very true that —

President.

Sir, I must put you in minde: truly Sir, I would not willingly at this time especially interrupt you in any thing you have to say, that is proper for us to admit of; but Sir, you have not owned us as a Court, and you look upon us as a sort of people met together; and we know what Language we receive from your party.

King.

I know nothing of that.

President.

You dis-avow us as a Court, and therefore for you to address your self to us, and not to acknowledge us as a Court to judge of what you say, it is not to be permitted: and the truth is, all along from the first time, you were pleased to dis-avow and disown us, the Court needed not to have heard you one word; for un∣less they be acknowledged a Court, and engaged, it is not proper for you to speak: Sir, we have given you too much liberty already, and admitted of too much de∣lay, &c.

The President commands the Sentence to be read. Make an O Yes, and com∣mand Silence while the Sentence is read.

O Yes made,* 60.149 Silence commanded.

The Clerk read the Sentence, which was drawn up in Parchment.

Whereas the Commons of England in Parliament, have appointed them an high Court of Iustice, for the Trying of Charles Stuart King of England; before whom he had been three times convented, and at first time a Charge of high Treason and other Crimes and Misdemeanours was read in the behalf of the Kingdom of England, &c.

Here the Clerk read the Charge.* 60.150

Which Charge being read unto him as aforesaid, He the said Charles Stuart was required to give his Answer;* 60.151 but he refused so to do. [expressing the seve∣ral passages of his refusing in the former proceedings.]

For all which Treasons and Crimes, this Court doth adjudge, that He the said Charles Stuart, as a Tyrant, Traytor, Murtherer, and a publike Enemy, shall be put to Death by severing his Head from his Body, Jan. 27. 1648. Which being read, Bradshaw added — This Sentence now read and published, it is the Act, Sentence, Judgement, and Resolution of the whole Court.

To which they all expressed their assent by standing up, as was before a∣greed and ordered. And then the King (not being admitted to reply) was ta∣ken by his Guards and carried to Sir Robert Cottons:* 60.152 the Souldiers as he passed down the Staires, scoffing at him, and casting the smoak of their Tobacco (a thing odious to him) in his Face, and strewing the Pipes in his way. And one more insolent than the rest Spitting in his Face; which his Majesty accor∣ding to his wonted Heroick Patience, took no more notice of, than to wipe it away. As he passed along further, hearing the same wretches crying out Ju∣stice, Execution; He said — Alass poor souls, for a piece of money they would do so for their Commanders.

Being brought thus to Sir Robert Cottons, a house neer adjoyning and thence by water to White-••all; the Souldiers (at their Commanders instigation, who were set on likewise by Cromwel) continued their brutish carriage toward him, abusing all that seemed to shew any respect or even compassion to him, not suffering him to rest in his Chamber, but thrusting in, and smoaking their Tobacco,* 60.153 and disturbing his privacy. But through all these Trials (unusual to Princes) he passed with such a calm and even temper, that he let nothing fall unbeseeming his former Majesty and Magnanimity. In the Evening, a Mem∣ber of the Army acquainted the Committee with his Majesties desire, that see∣ing they had passed a Sentence of Death upon him,* 60.154 and his time might be nigh, he might see his Children, and Doctor Iuxon Bishop of London might be admit∣ted to assist him in his private Devotions, and receiving the Sacrament. Both which at length were granted.

At this time did some of the Grandees of the Army tempt the King with new Proposals;* 60.155 but so destructive to the peoples Liberty and Safety, so contrary to his Honour and Conscience, and so reproachful to any Christian Govern∣ment, that he with the like courage and constancy which he had shewed through∣out his Troubles, rejected, and chose the Cross; to prepare him whereto, the Lord Bishop of London on Sunday (being that day guarded at Saint Iames's) preached before him on these words — In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Iesus Christ,* 60.156 according to my Gospel.

On Monday following,* 60.157 the day before his death, the Duke of Gloucester and the Lady Elizabeth were brought to him, whom he most joyfully received; and giving his Blessing to the Princess▪ He had her remember to tell her Brother James, when even she should see him, That it was his Fathers last desire, that he should look no more upon Charles as his eldest Brother onely, but be obedient unto him as his Sovereign: And that they should love one another, and forgive their

Fathers Enemies. And then said unto her, Sweet-heart, you will forget this. No, said she, I shall never forget it while I live. And pouring forth abundance of Tears, promised him to write down the particulars.

Then the King taking the Duke of Gloucester upon his Knee, said, Sweet-heart, now they will Cut off thy Fathers Head. (upon which words the Child looked very wishfully on him.) Mark Child what I say; They will Cut off my Head, and perhaps make thee a King: But mark what I say, you must n••t be a King, so long as your Brothers Charles and James do live; for they will Cut off your Bro∣thers Heads (when they can catch them) and Cut thy Head off too at last: and therefore, I charge you do not be made a King by them. At which the Child sighing, said, I will be torn in pieces first. Which falling so unexpectedly from one so young,* 60.158 it made the King rejoyce exceedingly.

Another Relation from the Lady Elizabeths own Hand.

What the King said to me 29 of January last, being the last time I had the hap∣piness to see him:* 60.159 He told me he was glad I was come, and although he had not time to say much, yet somewhat he had to say to me, which he had not to another, or leave in writing, because he feared their Crueltie was such, as that they would not have permitted him to write to me. He wished me not to grieve and torment my self for him; for that would be a glorious Death that he should die, it being for the Laws and Liberties of the Land. He bid me read Bishop Andrews Sermons, Hookers Ecclesiastical Policy,* 60.160 and Bishop Laud's Book against Fisher, which would ground me against Poperie. He told me, he had forgiven all his Enemies, and hoped God would forgive them also; and commanded us, &c. to forgive them. He bid me tell my Mother, that his thoughts had never strayed from her, and that his Love would be the same to his last. Withal, he commanded me and my Brother to be obedient to her. And bid me send his Blessing to the rest of my Brothers and Sisters, with commendation to all his Friends. So after he had given me his Blessing, I took my leave.

Further, he commanded us all to forgive those People, but never to trust them; for they had been most false to him, and to those that gave them power, and be fear∣ed also to their own Souls. And desired me not to grieve for him, for he should die a Martyr; and that he doubted not but that the Lord would settle his Throne upon his Son, and that we should all be happier than we could have expected to have been if he had lived. With many other things, which at present I cannot Re∣member.

* 60.161The same day the Regicides met (being sixty four in number) at the Pain∣ted-Chamber, in pursuance of their Bloody Sentence, and appointed Sir Hardress Waller, Harrison, Ireton, Dean, and Okey, to be a Committee to consider of the Time and Place for the Execution; who having made a report, fourty eight of the Commissioners meeting again the same day, made this Resolve.

Vpon Report made for considering of the Time and Place of the Executing of the Iudgement against the King: that the said Committee have Resolved, that the open street before White-hall is a fit place;* 60.162 and that the said Committee conceive it fit, that the King be there Executed to Morrow, the King having already notice thereof.

The Court approved thereof, and ordered a Warrant to be drawn for that purpose; which Warrant was accordingly drawn and agreed unto, and or∣dered to be ingrossed: which was done, and Signed and Sealed according∣ly, as followeth.

At the High Court of Iustice for Trying and Iudging of Charles Stu∣art King of England, January 29. 1648.

Whereas Char••es Stuart King of England,* 61.1 is and standeth Convicted, Attainted, and Condemned of high Treas••n, and other high Crimes; and Sentence upon Sa∣turday last was pronounced against him by this Court, to be put to death, by severing his Head from his Body; of which Sentence Execution yet remains to be done: These are therefore to will and require you, to see the said Sentence Executed in the open street before White-hall, upon the morrow, being the 30 day of this instant Month of January, between the hours of ten in the Morning, and five of the afternoon of the same day, with full effect: And for your so doing, this shall be your sufficient Warrant.* 61.2 And these are to require all Officers and Souldiers, and other the good People of this Nation of England, to be assisting unto you in this Service.

To Col. Francis Hacker, Colonel Huncks, and Lieutenant Colonel Phray, and every of them.

Given under our hands and S••als, &c. John Bradshaw, Thomas Gray, Oliver Cromwel, &c.

But to amuse the people, for prevention of a rescue, they caused it to be ru∣moured as if they would respit the King, and better consider of so weighty and important a business, when the next day discovered their villany.

For Tuesday the 30 of Ianuary (the Fatal day) being come, the Comis∣sioners met, and ordered four or five of their Ministers to attend upon the King at Saint Iames's,* 61.3 where they yet kept him; but his Majesty well knowing what miserable comforters they were like to prove, refused to have conference with them.

That Morning, before his Majesty was brought thence, the Bishop of Lon∣don d••d again Officiate, and read Divine Service in his presence; to which Du∣ty, the 27 Chapter of Saint Matthew, being the History of our Saviours Passion, was appointed by the Church-Calendar for the second Lesson. The King sup∣posing it to have been selected on purpose, thanked him afterwards for his sea∣sonable choice. But the Bishop modestly declining those undue thanks, told him that it came by course to be read on that day;* 61.4 which very much comfor∣ted his Majesty, who proceeded to the remaining duties of receiving from the Bishop the Holy Sacrament, and the other preparations for his approaching passion.

His Devotions being ended, about ten a clock his Majesty was brought from Saint Iames's to White hall by a Regiment of Foot,* 61.5 with Colours flying, and Drums beating, (through the Park) part marching before, and part behind, with a private Guard of Partizans about him, the Bishop on the one hand, and Colonel Thomlinson (who had the charge of him) on the other, bare-headed. The Guards marching a slow pace, as on a solemn and sad occasion, to their ill-tu∣ned Drums: He bid them go faster, (as his usual manner of walking was) say∣ing — That he now went before them to strive for an Heavenly Crown, with less Sollicitude than he had often encouraged his Souldiers to fight for an Earthly Di∣adem.

B••ing ••ome to the end of the Park, he went up the stayers leading to the Long-〈◊〉〈◊〉 in White-hall, where he used formerly to lodge. There finding an unexpected delay in being brought upon the Scaffold, which they had begun but that Morning, He past the most of that time (having received a Letter from the Prince in the interim by Mr. Seymor) in prayer.* 61.6

About twelve a clock his Majesty (refusing to dine) eat onely a bit of Bread, and drank a g••ass of Claret; and about an hour after, Colonel Hacker with

other Officers and Souldiers, brought him with the Bishop and Colonel Thom∣linson through the Banqueting-house to the Scaffold, whereto the passage was made through a Window. A strong Guard of several Regiments of Horse and Foot were placed on all sides, which hindred the neer approach of his misera∣ble and distracted Subjects,* 61.7 (who for manifesting their sorrow, were barba∣rously used) and the King from speaking what he had designed for their Ears: whereupon his Majesty finding himself disappointed, omitted much of his in∣tended Matter; but having viewed the Scaffold (which had Irons driven in it to force him down to the Block by Ropes, if he should have resisted) and the Axe, (of whose Edge he was very careful, having minded one (a Knight then present) of touching it wi••h his Cloak.)

The King being come upon the Scaffold, look'd very earnestly upon the Block, and asked Colonel Hacker if there were no higher: And then spake thus: (directing his Speech chiefly to Colonel Thomlinson.)

I Shall be very little heard of any body else, I shall therefore speak a word to you here: Indeed I could have held my peace very well,* 61.8 if I did not think, that holding my peace would make some men think that I did submit to the Guilt, as well as to the Punishment: But I think it is my dutie to God first, and then to my Countrie, to clear my self, both as an honest man, a good King, and a good Christian. I shall begin first with my Innocency; and in troath, I think it not very needful for me to Insist long upon this: For all the world knows, that I did never begin a War with the two Houses of Parliament;* 61.9 and I call God to witness, unto whom I must shortly make an account, that I did never intend to in∣croach upon their Priviledges: They began upon me; it is the Militia they began upon:* 61.10 They confess'd the Militia was mine, but they thought it fit to have it from me. And to be short, if any body will look to the dates of Commissions, of their Commis∣sions and mine, and likewise to the Declaration, he will see clearly, that they began these unhappie Troubles, not I. So as for the guilt of these enormous Crimes that are laid against me, I hope that God will clear me out. I will not (for I am in charitie) and God for∣bid that I should lay it upon the two Houses of Parliament,* 61.11 there is no necessity of either, I hope they are free of this guilt; but I be∣lieve, that ill instruments between them and me, have been the chief cause of all this blood-shed: So that as I finde my self clear of this, I hope (and pray God) that they may too: Yet for all this, God forbid that I should be so ill a Christian, as not to say, that Gods judgements are just upon me: Many times he doth pay ju∣stice by an unjust Sentence,* 61.12 that is ordinarie: I will say this, That unjust Sentence that I suffered to take effect, is punished by an unjust Sentence upon me: So far I have said to shew you, 〈…〉〈…〉 am an innocent man. Now to shew you that I am a good Christian; I hope there is a good man that will bear me witness, that I have for∣given all the world,* 61.13 and even those in particular, that have been the chief causers of my Death: who they are, God knows I do not de∣sire to know, I pray God forgive them. But this is not all, my

charitie must go further; I wish that they may repent, for in ••eed they have committed a great sin in that particular; I pray God with St. Stephen,* 61.14 that this be not laid to their charge: And with•••• that they may take the way to the Peace of the Kingdom; for my cha∣ritie commands me, not onely to forgive particular men, but to endeavour to the last gasp, the Peace of the Kingdom. So (Sirs) I do wish with all my soul, (I see there are some here that will car∣ry it further) that they endeavour the Peace of the Kingdom. (Sirs) I must shew you, both how you are out of the way, and put you in a way. First, You are out of the way; for certainly all the ways you ever had yet, as far as I could finde by any thing, is in the way of Conquest:* 61.15 certainly this is an ill way; for Conquest, in my Opi∣nion, is never just, except there be a just and good cause, either for matter of wrong, or a just Title; and then if ye go beyond the first quarrel that ye have, that makes it unjust at the end, that was just at first: for if there be onely matter of Conquest, then it is a great Robbery; as a Pirate said to Alexander, That he was a great Rob∣ber, himself was but a petty Robber: And so Sirs, I think for the way that you are in, you are much out of the way. Now, Sirs, to put you in the way; believe it, you shall never go right, nor God will never prosper you,* 61.16 until you give God his due, the King his due (that is, my Successor) and the people their due; I am as much for them as any of you. You must give God his due, by re∣gulating rightly his Church, according to the Scripture, (which is now out of order.* 61.17) And to set you in a way particularly, now I cannot; but onely this: A National Synod freely called, freely debating among themselves, must settle this: When every Opinion is freely heard.* 61.18 For the King, indeed I will not, the Laws of the Land will clearly instruct you for that; therefore because it con∣cerns mine own particular, I onely give you a touch of it. For the People, truly I desire their Libertie and freedom as much as a∣ny body whomsoever:* 61.19 But I must tell you, that their Libertie and their freedom consist in having Government under those Laws, by which their lives and theirs may be most their own; it is not in having a share in the Government, that is nothing pertaining to them: A Subject and a Soveraign are clean different things; and therefore until you do that, I mean, that you put the People into that Libertie, as I say, certainly they will never enjoy them∣selves.

Sirs, it was for this that now I am come hither; for if I would have given way to an Arbitrary way, for to have all Laws chan∣ged according to the Power of the Sword, I need not have come here; and therefore I tell you (and I pray God it be not laid to your charge) that I am the MARTYR of the people.* 61.20 In troath Sirs, I shall not hold you any longer; I will onely say this to you, that I could have desired some little time longer, because I would have put this, what I have said, a little better digested than I have done; and therefore I hope you will excuse me. I have delivered my Conscience: I pray God you take those Courses, that are

best for the good of the Kingdome, and your own Salvati∣on.

Dr. Juxon.

Will your Majesty (though your Majesties affections may be very well known to Religion,) yet it may be expected that you should say somewhat for the worlds satisfaction.

King.

I thank you very heartily, my Lord, for that I had almost forgotten it. Introath Sirs, My Conscience in Religion I think is very well known to all the world, and therefore I declare before you all,* 61.21 That I die a Christian, according to the profession of the Church of England, as I found it left me by my Father: and this honest man I think will witness it. Then turning to the Officers, said, Sirs, excuse me for this same; I have a good cause, and I have a gracious God, I will say no more. Then turning to Colonel Hac∣ker, he said; Take care they do not put me to pain; and Sir, this, and it please you. But then a * 61.22 Gentleman coming near the Ax, the King said, Take heed of the Ax, pray take heed of the Ax. Then the King speaking to the Executioner, said, I shall say but very short prayers; and when I thrust out my hands

Then the King called to Doctor Iuxon for his Night-cap; and having put it on, he said to the Executioner,* 61.23 Does my hair trouble you? who desired him to put it all under his Cap; which the King did accordingly, by the help of the Executioner and the Bishop: Then the King turning to Doctor Iuxon, said, I have a good Cause and a gracious God on my side.

Dr. Juxon.

* 61.24There is but one Stage more; this Stage is turbulent and trouble∣some, it is a short one: But you may consider, it will soon carry you a very great way: it will carry you from Earth to Heaven; and there you will finde a great deal of cordial Ioy and Comfort.

King.

I go from a corruptible to an incorruptible Crown; where no disturbance can be, no disturbance in the world.

Dr. Juxon.

You are exchanged from a Temporary to an Eternal Crown; a good exchange.

The King then said to the Executioner, Is my hair well? Then the King took off his Cloak and his George, giving his George to Doctor Iuxon,* 61.25 saying, Remember.

Then the King put off his Doublet, and being in his Wast-coat, put his Cloak on again: then looking upon the Block, said to the Executioner, You must set it fast.

Executioner.

It is fast, Sir.

King.

* 61.26When I put my hands out this way, stretching them out, then,—

After that, having said two or three words (as he stood) to himself, with hands and eyes lift up; Immediately stooping down, he laid his Neck upon the Block; and then the Executioner again putting his hair under his Cap, the King (thinking he had been going to strike) said, Stay for the Signe.

Executioner.

Yes, I will, and it please your Majesty.

And after a very little pause, the King stretching forth his Hands, the Executio∣ner at one Blow severed his Head from his Body.* 61.27

The Head being off, the Executioner held it up, and shewed it to the people; which done, it was with the Body put in a Coffin covered with Black Velvet for that purpose, and conveyed into his Lodgings there: And from thence it was carried to his House at Saint Iames's, where his Body was Embalmed and put in a Coffin of Lead, and laid there a fortnight to be seen by the people: and on the Wednesday sevennight, his Corps Embalmed and Coffined in Lead, was

delivered chiefly to the care of four of his Servants,* 61.28 viz. Mr. Herbert, Captain Anthony Mildmay, his Sewers; Captain Preston, and Iohn Ioyner, formerly Cook to his Majesty: they attended (with others) clothed in Mourning ••utes and Cloaks; accompanied the Herse that night to Windsor,* 61.29 and placed it in h••t which was formerly the Kings Bed-chamber: next day it was removed into the Deans Hall, which Room was hanged with black, and made dark, with Lights burning round the Herse; in which it remained till three in the after∣noon, about which time came the Duke of Lenox, the Marquess of Hertford, the Marquess of Dorchester,* 61.30 and the Earl of Lyndsey, having obtained an Or∣der from the Parliament for the decent Interment of the King their Royal Ma∣ster, provided the expence thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds. At their coming into the Castle, they shewed their Order of Parliament to Colonel Whichcot Governour of the Castle,* 61.31 desiring the Interment might be in Saint George's Chappel, and by the form in the Common-prayer-Book of the Church of England.

This request was by the Governour denyed, saying, it was improbable that the Parliament would permit the use of what they had so solemnly abolished, and therein destroy their own Act. To which the Lords replyed, There was a diffe∣rence betwixt destroying their own Act, and dispensing with it, and that no Power so binds its own hands, as to disable it self in some Cases. But all could not prevail, the Governour persisting in the search of a convenient place for the Burial of the Corps;* 61.32 the which after some pains taken therein, they discover∣ed a Vault in the middle of the Quire, wherein, as it was probably conjectured, lyeth the body of King Henry the eighth, and his beloved Wife, the Lady Iane Seymor, both in Coffins of Lead: in this Vault, there being room for one more, they resolved to interre the Body of the King; the which was accordingly brought to the place,* 61.33 born by the Officers of the Garrison, the four Corners of the Velvet Pall born up by the aforesaid four Lords, the Lord Bishop of London following next, and other persons of Quality; the Body was commit∣ted to the Earth with sighs and Tears, especially of the Reverend Bishop, as de∣nyed to do the last Duty and Service to his Dear and Royal Master; the Velvet Pall being cast into the Vault, was laid over the Body. Upon the Coffin were these words set:

KING CHARLES. 1648.

All Elegies are useless and in vain, While Charles the Second shall be King again. No learned Grief can tell the Church and State What Heaven conceals in this blest Martyrs Fate. Fortune may play with Scepters for a time, Yet make the Peoples Liberty their Crime.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Distractions and Confusions about Church-Ceremonies.
• * 1.2

  In a Conference about them, justified by K. James.
• * 1.3

  Fresh Com∣motions about them, raised by Pryn, Bastwick, Burton, and Lilburn.
• * 1.4

  All Pillori'd and Crop'd.
• * 1.5

  Pryn stigma∣tized: they are fined and im∣prisoned.
• * 1.6

  Lilburn whipt at Carts tail.
• * 1.7

  Bishop Wil∣liams fined 10000 l.
• * 1.8

  Troubles break out in Scot∣land.
• * 1.9

  England and Scotland Uni∣ted.
• * 1.10

  Scotland well setled.
• * 1.11

  Endeavours for conformitie in Discipline.
• * 1.12

  Articles of Perth.
• * 1.13

  Common-Pray∣er endeavoured to be intro∣duced in Scot∣land.
• * 1.14

  The Kings Re∣vocation cause of Tumults.
• * 1.15

  Laid upon the Bishop.
• * 1.16

  Commission of Superioritie and Tythes.
• * 1.17

  Honours and Titles adde to the Troubles.
• * 1.18

  Libels tax the Parliament.
• * 1.19

  Libeller fled. Balmerino apprehended.
• * 1.20

  Strange Tumult ab••ut reading Common-Pray∣er.
• * 2.1

  The Rabble continued their madness.
• * 2.2

  Proclamation against them.
• * 2.3

  Magistrates profess a dete∣station, but soon joyned with them.
• * 2.4

  Ministers re∣cant reading Service: Pe∣tition against it, and thereby endanger insur∣rection: Pro∣clamation to depart the City, removing Term, and seizing a Libel.
• * 2.5

  Another Insur∣rection.

  Bishop of Gal∣loway in dan∣ger.
• * 2.6

  Traquair and Wigton came to his relief with no less danger.
• * 2.7

  They send to the Provost and Bailiffs of E∣dinburgh for relief, who were as bad or worse used.
• * 2.8

  A Conference, but in vain.
• * 2.9

  Traquair tro∣den down.
• * 2.10

  Another Pro∣clamation a∣gainst unlaw∣ful Assemblies: but not regard∣ed.

  The Rabble pe∣tition.
• * 2.11

  Their petition sent to the King, who by Proclamation resents the af∣fronts of his chief Mini∣sters.
• * 2.12

  Hume and Lindsey justi∣fie the matter.
• * 2.13

  Four Tables.
• * 2.14

  A Covenant resolved on.
• * 2.15

  The King high∣ly incensed thereat.
• * 2.16

  Hamilton sent unto Scot∣land.
• * 2.17

  They slight him,
• * 2.18

  and strengthen themselves.
• * 2.19

  Term returned to Edinburgh.
• * 2.20

  By Declarati∣on, Service and Canons dispen∣sed with.
• * 2.21

  The Covenan∣ters protest a∣gainst it.
• * 2.22

  Hamilton ha∣ving given the King an ac∣count of af∣fairs, is sent again•• and en∣ters a Treaty.
• * 2.23

  He returns to England, hath power given him to satisfie the Scots if possible.
• * 2.24

  The Assembly at Glasgow.
• * 2.25

  Bishops exclu∣ded: They pro∣test against it.
• * 2.26

  They continue fitting, not∣withstanding a Proclama∣tion to dissolve them.
• * 2.27

  Arguile owns the Covenan∣ters.
• * 2.28

  The Scots arm.
• * 2.29

  Queen-Mother arrives.
• * 2.30

  The Scots have a competent Army.
• * 2.31

  The King rai∣sts an Army.
• * 2.32

  Arundel Ge∣neral-Hamilton commands the Fleet.
• * 2.33

  A Declaration by the King.
• * 2.34

  The Assembly answers.
• * 2.35

  The Earls of Roxborough and Traquair Commissioners from the Cove∣nanters.
• * 2.36

  Committed and released.
• * 2.37

  A Treaty be∣gan, and soon ended.
• * 2.38

  The Parlia∣ment of Scot∣land prore∣gued.
• * 2.39

  The Assembly abolish Episc••∣pacie.
• * 2.40

  Their Parlia∣liament ad∣journed.
• * 2.41

  They send the Earl of Dum∣fermling and Lord Loudon with a Remon∣strance.
• * 2.42

  Loudon com∣mitted, and re∣leased.
• * 2.43

  The P. Elector Palatine came into England.
• * 2.44

  Departed, and taken by the French.

  Released; and returning ••nto England, was allowed 8000 l. per annum.
• * 2.45

  A Sea-fight bet∣ween the Flemings and the Spaniards.
• * 2.46

  The Hollan∣ders worsted.
• * 2.47

  But in conclu∣sion become Victors.
• * 2.48

  An ill Omen.
• * 2.49

  Lord Estrich, Col. Ruthen and others sent to repair E∣denburgh-Ca∣stle, they were resisted by the Covenanters.
• * 2.50

  The Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy assist the King with mo∣ny for the car∣rying on of the War.
• * 2.51

  Supplies from Ireland.
• * 2.52

  Lord Keeper Coventry di∣eth.
• * 2.53

  Succeeded by Sir John Finch.
• * 2.54

  A Parliament summoned.
• * 2.55

  They favour the Scots.
• * 2.56

  Are backward in assisting the King with mony.
• * 2.57

  Are dissolved.
• * 2.58

  The Convocati∣on of the Cler∣gy sit, and as∣sist the King with mony.
• * 2.59

  They make new Canons in op∣position to Po∣pery and the the Scotch Co∣venant.
• * 2.60

  Bishop Good∣man dissents,
• * 2.61

  And is admo∣nished by A. B. Laud.
• * 2.62

  Tot said A. B. Libelled, and his house as∣saulted.
• * 2.63

  Some of the factio•• im∣prisoned, and rescued.

  Bensted a Seaman hang∣ed.
• * 2.64

  The Scotch Army advance towards En∣gland.

  Henry Duke of Glocester b••••n.

  The Earl of Northum∣berland Gene∣ral of the Kings Army.

  Earl of Straf∣ford Lieut. General.

  The King comes to Northaller∣ton.
• * 2.65

  Newborn-sight, Aug. 29. Gen. Lesley, Earl of Leven engageth with the Lord Con∣way, and ••••∣••eats him.
• * 2.66

  Sir Jacob Ashley deserts Newcastle; that and Dur∣ham render themselves to Gen. Lesley.
• * 2.67

  The Earl of Stafford com∣plains of the Lord Conway.
• * 2.68

  The Earl of Haddington the Scots M. G. with 20 Knights and Gentlemen slain at Dun∣glass.
• * 2.69

  The Scots pro∣claimed Tray∣tors, and the Kings Royal Standard set up at York. The Scots peti∣tion the King, and are an∣swered by the Earl of Lane∣rick.
• * 2.70

  The Lords of England sum∣moned to ap∣pear at York. They agree to call a Parlia∣ment.
• * 2.71

  A Treaty of peace at Rip∣pon.
• * 2.72

  The English insist on a Cessation: The Scots re∣fuse, and pro∣pound 4 Praeli∣minaries.
• * 2.73

  The Earl of Strafford ad∣viseth the King to fight them,
• * 2.74

  But in conclu∣sion,
• * 3.1

  These Articles were agreed on.
• * 3.2

  The Parlia∣ment set, they question seve∣ral Bishops and Iudges, and vote down Monopolies.
• * 3.3

  Mr. pym sent from the Com∣mons to the Lords with an Impeachment of high treason a∣gainst the Earl of▪ Strafford, he is committed and Sir George Ratcliff sent for out of Ire∣land.

  Dr. Williams Bishop of Lin∣coln released, Mr. Pryn, Dr. Bastwick and Mr. Bur∣ton received by the Londoners in pomp.

  Sir John Finch Lord Keeper, and Francis Windebanck Secretary of State charged with high trea∣son, they with∣••rew.

  John James a Romish Catho∣lique stabs Iu∣stice. Howard in Westmin∣ster-Hall
• * 4.1

  The Case of Shipmoney stated.
• * 5.1

  The Iudges opi∣nions there∣upon.
• * 6.1

  Shipmoney v••t••d ille∣gal.
• * 7.1

  The Iudgment of the Exche∣q••••r ag••inst Mr. Hambden vacated.
• * 7.2

  Mr. Hollis delivers a Charge against the A.B. Cant. the Scots do the like: he is vo∣ted guilty of high treason, and committed.
• * 7.3

  The King signs the Bill for Triennial Par∣liaments.
• * 7.4

  The Houses op∣pose Bishops temporal juris∣diction.
• * 7.5

  The Earl of Straffords Tryal.
• * 7.6

  Sir David Fowls and Sir William Pen∣nyman wit∣nesses against the Earl; the last of whom wept.
• * 7.7

  He is condemn∣ed as guilty of high treason.
• * 7.8

  The faction make a hideous cry of Iustice. The King with much re••u∣ctancy signs the Bill of At∣tainder.
• * 7.9

  A notable re∣marque concer∣ning Sir Alex∣ander Carew.
• * 7.10

  Those Bishops that consented to the Earls death escaped not the fury of the times.
• * 7.11

  Prince of Orange war∣ries the Prin∣cess Mary. Sir Dudley Carleton the Earls Secreta∣ry brings him word of his Majesties ha∣ving passed the Bill of At∣tainder.
• * 7.12

  Life in Mr. Lloyds Me∣moires.
• * 7.13

  The English Army disband, the Scotch re∣ceive a vast sum of money, and return home.

  The King vi∣sits his Parlia∣ment of Edin∣burgh.

  The Earl of Leicester made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
• * 7.14

  The Parliament adjourned.

  The faction en∣creaseth and grows strong.
• * 7.15

  The King set∣tles the affairs of Scotland.
• * 7.16

  A Rebellion in Ireland.
• * 7.17

  The King re∣turns from Scotland, and is magnificent∣ly received at London.
• * 7.18

  The faction s••anderously charge the King and Arch-B. Cant. with in∣clining to Po∣pery.

  Walker an Iron-monger th••ows a Libel into the Kings 〈◊〉〈◊〉; he is impri••oned. Sir Richard Gurney Lord Mayor of Lon∣don.
• * 7.19

  Most of the Irish Nobility revolted: Sir Phelim Oneal their chief com∣mand••r.
• * 7.20

  A full account of the Irish Rebellion, and proceedings of the War there.
• * 7.21

  Roger Moor the chief in∣strument in the plot.
• * 7.22

  The Lord Vis∣count Gor∣manston one of their com∣plices.
• * 7.23

  Owen O Co∣nally discovers the Plot. Iu••••ice Par∣sons and Sir Jo. Borlace double their Watches.
• * 7.24

  Mac Mahon and Mac-Guire, their Lodgings watched. Mac Mahon and his men af∣ter some resi∣stance are s••cu∣red, and con∣fess the Plot. The Lord Mac-guire seized.
• * 7.25

  The Council warn the people of the Rebellion by Proclama∣tion.
• * 7.26

  The Lord Blaweys House, Wife and Chil∣dren surprised. The Newry sur∣prized, with several other places of strength.
• * 7.27

  The Rebels take Dundalk, & be∣siege Tredagh. They commit horrid Massa∣cres in sundry places.
• * 7.28

  1800 P••rsons drowned.
• * 7.29

  150000 Per∣sons destroyed in the Province of Ulster only in five mo••ths time.

  Sir Phelim Oneal defeat••d at Du••dalk. Dublin in great streights.
• * 7.30

  A Regiment raised for Sir H. Titchburn, another for Sir Charles Coot. Expresses sent to the King, the Lord Lieu∣tenant, and the Parliament.
• * 7.31

  Owen O Co∣nally rewarded with 200 l. in money, and a pension of 200 l. per anum. The Earl of Ormond Lieu. Gen. marched to Dublin with divers other Captains.
• * 7.32

  Major Roper with 600 Foot to Tredagh. With 50 Horse under Sir Pat. Weems, sur∣prized by the Rebels and routed.
• * 7.33

  Some Rebels executed at Wicklo. Luke Tool encoun∣ters Sir Charls Coote, and is pu•• to flight. The Lords and Gentry of the English Pale declare for the Roman Catho∣lick Religion.
• * 7.34

  The Rebels in Lemster 20000 strong.
• * 7.35

  Sir Simon Harcourt ar∣rives with a Regiment at Tredagh.
• * 7.36

  The Rebels are disheartned, and defeated by Sir Henry Titchburn, who recovered Dundalk. Sir Phelim O Neal escapes to Ulster: Sir George Monro reco∣vers Newry, and do's the Rebels much damage.
• * 7.37

  Tumults from London af∣front the King and Court.
• * 7.38

  Sir William Mason heads the Gentlemen of Grays-Inne to White-Hall, prostering them and himself to his Majesty as a guard for his person.
• * 7.39

  The King re∣ceives them with respect. The Tumultuous rabble counte∣nanced by some Grandees of the faction. Whereat the King is much troubled.
• * 7.40

  He demands five Members of the House of Commons and the Lord Kim∣bolton.
• * 7.41

  The House vote it a breach of priviledge.
• * 7.42

  They accuse se∣veral Bishops as guilty of high Treason. They are Com∣mitted.
• * 7.43

  The Irish are proclaimed Rebels.
• * 7.44

  The King de∣clares his charge against the five mem∣bers.
• * 7.45

  The Parliament imprisons Sir Edw. Herbert.
• * 7.46

  The Tumults in∣crease, and the King retires to Hampton-Court.
• * 7.47

  A rumour con∣cerning the Lord Digby. Col. Lunsford committed. The Scots in∣terpose them∣selves, the Parliament demands the Tower and the Militia.
• * 7.48

  Buckingham∣shire-men peti∣tion in behalf of Mr. Hamb∣den.
• * 7.49

  The King leaves Hamp∣ton-Court, the Queen and Princess of Aurange take ship for Hol∣land.

  The Parlia∣ment vote the Queen a Tray∣tor.
• * 7.50

  The Militia, the principal difference be∣tween King and Parlia∣ment.
• * 8.1

  The Commission of Arry.
• * 9.1

  An Ordinance of Parliament for ordering the Militia.
• * 9.2

  The Parliament send several Papers to the King.
• * 9.3

  The King is much troubled thereat, and answers.
• * 9.4

  The Parliament declare their resolution of putting the Kingdom into a posture of de∣fence.

  The Earl of Warwick made Admiral of England.

  The King an∣swers the Par∣liaments Decla∣tion with ano∣ther.
• * 10.1

  He offers a free Pardon to his people, and pro∣pounds a r••••••••∣ciliation.
• * 10.2

  The faction set forth another Declaration concerning the Militia.
• * 10.3

  The King sends a Message to the Parliament concerning Ire∣land.
• * 10.4

  They plead the priviledge of Parliament.
• * 10.5

  The King pro∣claims against Papists.
• * 10.6

  The Yorkshire Gentry desire a right understan∣ding between King and Par∣liament.
• * 10.7

  The King re∣turns a gratious answer.
• * 10.8

  He resolving to go for Ire∣land, sends a Message to the Parliament.
• * 10.9

  Sir John Ho∣tham admit∣ted into Hull.
• * 10.10

  The Parliament Petition the King for the Militia: they insist upon the dangers of Popery.
• * 10.11

  Hull is Garri∣son'd, and the King is troub∣led that they should Petition him, and at the instant carve at their one pleasures.
• * 10.12

  He excuseth his repriving of some I••suites.
• * 10.13

  The Parliament refuse to be go∣verned by Com∣missioners in his Majesties absence.
• * 10.14

  The King re∣solves to pos∣sess himself of Hull.
• * 10.15

  But is denyed entrance by Sir John Hotham, who stood on the Walls, and ••eard himself proclaimed a Traytor.
• * 10.16

  The Duke of York and Prince ••le∣ctor bring in the Town, are suffered to de∣part.
• * 10.17

  The King re∣treat••d to Be∣verly, writes to the Mayor and Garrison of Hull.
• * 10.18

  And to the Parliament for I••••tice against Hotham.
• * 10.19

  T••e Parlia∣ment order the Lord Li••••te∣nant of Lin∣coln to ••up∣press all Forc••s rai••ed against Hull.
• * 10.20

  Sir Richard Gurney Lo••d Mayor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lon∣don, sent to the Tower.
• * 10.21

  The Parliament Authorize Sir John Hotham to raise the Trained Bands.
• * 10.22

  The King s••m∣mons the G••n∣try of York, for the security of his Person.
• * 10.23

  The Parliament Conclude the K. intendeth War.
• * 10.24

  They take up Arms ••nder pre••ence of r••s∣cuing the King from his evil Cou••sel, and prohibit all re∣sort to the King.
• * 10.25

  They publish a R••monstrance.
• * 10.26

  Which is an∣sw••red by the King.
• * 10.27

  The•• ••avi••e the Scots to their 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 10.28

  Th•• Sco••s pre∣tend a z••al for his Maje∣sty, b••t de••••a•••• for the Parlia∣ment, and have their thanks.
• * 10.29

  T••e Parliament set forth ano∣ther Remon∣strance, which the King an∣swers.
• * 10.30

  They send him 19 Propositions to York.
• * 10.31

  The King re∣turns an an∣swer to them.
• * 10.32

  The King is assisted by the Yorkshire Gentry.
• * 10.33

  The L••••do••••rs affect the Par∣liament.
• * 10.34

  The King writes to the Lord Mayor & Court of Alder∣men: they p••rsist: the King sends out his Commis∣sions of Array.
• * 10.35

  And publisheth a General De∣claration, in∣viting all his loving Subjects to assist him.
• * 10.36

  Promiseth 8 l. per cent. and his Lands, Parks, and Houses, for se∣curity.
• * 10.37

  Proclaims the Legality of his Commissions of Array.
• * 10.38

  The Parliament justifie their proceedings.
• * 10.39

  Sir Ben. Rud∣yard and other Members of Parliament earnest for an accommodation.
• * 10.40

  Mr. Hamb∣den,
• * 10.41

  Mr. Pym, and Isaac Pening∣ton Lord M. of London, as violent for a war.
• * 10.42

  The Militia set on foot.
• * 10.43

  The ••••••••iament bor••••w money o•• ••he publick Faith.
• * 10.44

  The King 〈…〉〈…〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 peace.
• * 10.45

  Several f••••ti∣ous rumours raised against the Kings friends.
• * 10.46

  The London-Mini••ters and Citizens too violent for the Faction.
• * 10.47

  The King at Newark, he sends to the Lord Wil∣loughby of Parham to defill from aid∣ing the Rebel∣lion, and re∣turns to York.
• * 10.48

  The King causeth the Earl of Stam∣ford to be pro∣claimed Tray∣tor.
• * 10.49

  Sir John Lu∣cas proclaimed Traytor by the Parliament, and committed.
• * 10.50

  James Lord Strange Im∣pea••hed of High Treason by the Parlia∣ment.
• * 10.51

  Sir John By∣ron worsted by the Parliament-Forces, and declared Rebel.
• * 10.52

  He marcheth to Worcester, and tak••s it for the King.
• * 10.53

  The Marquess of Hertford, L. G. of the West for the King.
• * 10.54

  The King at∣tempts Hull with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and s••ts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Standard at Nottingham.
• * 10.55

  The Earl of Lindsey Ge∣neral for the King.
• * 10.56

  The Earl of Es∣sex Captain-G. for the Parlia∣ment.
• * 10.57

  The Earl of Bedford G. of their H••r••e.
• * 10.58

  Essex departs from London in state.
• * 10.59

  The King in Stafford-shire and Leicester∣shire.
• * 11.1

  His Oration to the Gentry, Freeholders and Inhabitants.
• * 11.2

  Wherein he pro∣miseth to have a tender re∣spect to his Subjects.
• * 11.3

  Choosing rather to melt downe his own plate, Sell or Morgage his Land, than to oppress them.
• * 11.4

  The King at Shrewsbury with 6000 f••ot, 3000 ho••••, and ••••ar 2000 Dra∣gooners.
• * 11.5

  He marcheth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o•• Co∣ventry.
• * 11.6

  The Londoners 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 11.7

  C••l. Ven go∣verns Wind∣sor-Castle for the Parliament, where Bark∣sted commands 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 11.8

  The Parliament 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Counties.
• * 11.9

  Fortsmouth and Southsea Castle taken for the Parlia∣ment by Sir John Merrick.
• * 11.10

  Goring goes to France.
• * 11.11

  A smart skir∣mi••h near Worcester. Major Dou∣glass kill'd. Worcester Garriso••'d for the Parliament by the Earl of Essex.
• * 11.12

  The King coins his plate into money.
• * 11.13

  Edge-hill fight Prince Rupert commands the right W••••g of the Horse.

  The Lord Wil∣mot Commands the left ••ing.

  The Earl of Lindsey Gene∣ral for the King.

  The Earl of Es∣sex General for the Parlia∣ment.

  Their chief Commanders were Colonel Ramsey, Sir William Bal∣four, Sir Phi∣lip Stapleton, and the Lord Field••ng.
• * 11.14

  Prince Rupert ov••rthrows Col. Ramsey.

  Col. Essex kill'd.
• * 11.15

  Prince Ru∣pert's mistake.
• * 11.16

  Col. Hambden comes to assist Essex.
• * 11.17

  Lord Wilmot worsted by Sir Wil. Balfour. E. of Lindsey mortally woun∣ded; his Son the Lord Wil∣loughby taken prisoner.
• * 11.18

  Sir Edmond Verney slain.
• * 11.19

  The Kings Standard ta∣ken, and rescu∣ed, by Sir John Smith, whom the King there∣fore Knighted.
• * 11.20

  Both Armies divide.

  The King re∣treats.

  Earl of Essex marcheth to Warwick.

  The Victory doubtful on ei∣ther part.

  Banbury Gar∣risoned by the King.

  Solemn thanks given on both sides.

  The Parliament reward the Earl of Essex with 5000 l.

  Slain on both sides neer 6000. On the Kings side, the Lord Aubig∣ney, Col. Mun∣ro, &c.

  On the Parlia∣ments, the Lord St. John, Lieu. Col. Ramsey. Earl of Essex marcheth to∣wards Coven∣try, the King by Ayno to Banbury, to Oxford, and towards Lon∣don.

  Commissioners from the Par∣liament tender Propositions, on∣ly to prevent the Kings in∣tentions, and to gain time for Essex to re∣cruit: a notable Skirmish at Branford, where the King met with the Regiments of Col. Hollis, Col. Hamb∣den, and the Lord Brooks, 300 Parlia∣mentarians slayn, among whom Lieu. Col. Quarles, as many taken prisoners.
• * 11.21

  The King at Oxford.
• * 11.22

  Sir William Waller takes Winchester. Chichester delivered to the Parliament, Marlborough to the King.

  Lord Hopton Arms against the Earl of Stamford, his Regiment put to the Sword by Prince Rupert at Cyrence∣ster. Gloce∣ster summoned.
• * 11.23

  Litchfield-Close Garri∣soned by the K. Besieged by the Lord Brooke. He is killed by a Musket-shot: The Close de∣livered to the Parliament.

  The Regiments of the Lord Wilmot, Lord Grandison, Lord Digby, Sir William Penniman, Col. Blague, Col. Usher, and Col. Grey, take Marlbo∣rough, with the Governour Col. Ramsey.
• * 11.24

  Tadcaster besieged by the Earl of New-Castle, taken and Garrison'd by the King.

  Lord Fairfax stormeth Leeds. The Royalists defeated.
• * 11.25

  Belvoir-castle surprized for the King.

  Col. Massey active in Glo∣cester-shire. Salisbury plundered by the Faction.

  Yarum fight.
• * 11.26

  Sir Gilb. Ger∣rard puts Hambden to flight.
• * 11.27

  Queen landing at Burling∣ton-Key, is in imminent dan∣ger; But escaping, is conducted to York, and from thence to the King at Edge-Hill.
• * 11.28

  Reading besie∣ged by the Earl of Essex.

  The Governour Sir Arthur Aston woun∣ded

  Col. Fielding yields the Town to the Parlia∣ment

  Marq. of New∣castle defeated at Wakefield by Sir Tho∣mas Fairfax Monmouth and Hereford taken by Sir Wil. Waller for the Parlia∣ment.
• * 11.29

  Ferdinando Lord Fairfax and his son Tho. Fairfax, with others proclaimed Traytors, by the Earl of Cum∣berland, and the Earl of Newcastle. The two afore∣said Earl•• pro∣claimed Tray∣tors by the Par∣liam••nt.

  The King m••re prosperous in the West.
• * 11.30

  Liskard fight January 19. Sir Ralph Hopton chief Commander for the King at Liskard.
• * 11.31

  He orders pub∣like Prayers at the head of each Squadron.
• * 11.32

  The Royalists get the day, and come to Lis∣kard.
• * 11.33

  Salt Ash as∣saulted by Hopton.
• * 11.34

  Litchfield be∣sieged a••d ••um∣mon••d i•• the Ea••l of Nor∣thampton, March 19. T••e 〈…〉〈…〉 by Brereton and Gell; Hopton-Heath Fight. T••e Earl of Northamp∣ton state.
• * 11.35

  ••itchfield 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Prince Rupert.
• * 11.36

  Grantham ta∣ken for the K. by Colonel Ca∣vendish.
• * 11.37

  Marlborough for the Parlia∣ment.
• * 11.38

  Prince ••upert at Briming∣ham.

  A slight skir∣mish.
• * 11.39

  The Earl of Denbigh slain.
• * 11.40

  Scarborough delivered by Capt. Brown Bushel. for which he was beheaded.
• * 11.41

  Fairfax d••fea∣ted at Bram∣ham-Moor. The Parlia∣ments Cause en∣dangered; the Scots invited to their assistance.
• * 11.42

  Queen pro∣claimed Tray∣to••.
• * 11.43

  Cheapside-Cross and other Cros∣ses demolished. The Regalia seized at West∣minster by Mr. H. Martin.
• * 11.44

  Cov••nant taken by the Parlia∣ment, the Londoners, and all within the Parliaments command.
• * 11.45

  Essex advan∣ceth from Rea∣ding to Tame▪ Prince Rupert falls upon their quarters.
• * 11.46

  Chalgrave fight, Hamb∣den mortally wounded.
• * 11.47

  Id. Littleton ••lies with the Great Seal to Oxford, a new one voted.
• * 11.48

  Sir. R. Hopton marcheth into Devon-shire against the E. o•• Samford. and Ma. G••••. Chudleigh, Stratton fight.
• * 11.49

  The Kings par∣ty worsted. Ma. G. Chudleigh taken by Sir John Berkley, and the fortune of the day re∣stored.
• * 11.50

  Hopton then created Baron Hopton of Stratton.
• * 11.51

  Col. Thomas Essex and Col. Nat. Fiennes Governours of Bristol.
• * 11.52

  Yeomans and Bourcher exe∣cuted.
• * 11.53

  Earl of Nor∣thampton de∣feats Colo••••l John Fiennes.
• * 11.54

  Wardour-Ca∣stle taken for th•• Parliament, and a wh••le af∣ter retaken by Sir Francis Dorrington.
• * 11.55

  Sir William Waller Garri∣sons Taunton and Bridg-Water for the Parliament.
• * 11.56

  Hopton joyns with Prince Maurice a••d Marq. of Hart∣ford.
• * 11.57

  Landsdown fight.
• * 11.58

  Sir Bevil Greenvil and Sir Nicholas Slanning ad∣vance towards Sir William Waller.
• * 11.59

  Th••y are disor∣dered, Ma••or Lowre and Sir Bevil Greenvil slain.
• * 11.60

  Lord Hopton hurt.
• * 11.61

  Divers others slain.
• * 11.62

  Lord Hopton surrounded by Waller.
• * 11.63

  Round-way Down fight.
• * 11.64

  Lord Hopton re••••••ed by Pr. Maurice, Earl of Carnarvan, Lord Wilmot, and Lord Bi∣ron:
• * 11.65

  They ro••t Waller and Hazlerig; who fled to Bristol, thence to Farn∣ham, and so to London.
• * 11.66

  The King and Queen at Ox∣ford.
• * 11.67

  The young E. of Lindsey at Oxford.
• * 11.68

  Bristol deli∣vered to Prince Rupert.
• * 11.69

  Dorchester, Portland, Weymouth, and Melcomb submit.

  Bidiford, Ap∣pleford, and Barnstable surrendred.

  Exeter deli∣vered to Prince Maurice, Sir John Berkly Governour thereof.
• * 11.70

  Adderton-Heath fight.

  Fairfax routed. Bradford ta∣ken.

  Hallifax quit∣ted.

  Sir. H. Cholm∣ley takes Be∣verley.
• * 11.71

  Lady Aubig∣ney brings a Commission of Array to Lon∣don.
• * 11.72

  The designe dis∣covered.
• * 11.73

  Mr. Edward Waller fined 10000 pounds. Some Lords & others suspe∣cted.
• * 11.74

  Tompkins & Chaloner exe∣cuted.
• * 11.75

  Iudge Berkley fined, voted incapa∣ble of any pub∣like trust, and a Prisoner du∣ring pleasure. The King re∣solves to gain Glocester.
• * 12.1

  The Kings Gra∣tious Summons to the said City.
• * 13.1

  Their equivocal Answer.
• * 13.2

  Col. Massey the Governour fi∣red the Suburbs, and forceth Prince Rupert to retreat.
• * 13.3

  The King un∣dermines Glo∣cester.
• * 13.4

  The Parliament raise the Train∣ed Bands.
• * 13.5

  Waller consti∣tuted Major-Gen. of Kent, Essex, Sur∣rey and Hamp-shire.
• * 13.6

  Essex Ren••••∣vouzed on Hounsloe-heath, lodged at Colebrook. P. Rupert with a party of Horse i••dea∣vours to impede his march.
• * 13.7

  T••e fight in Stow of the Would.
• * 13.8

  Gen. Essex at Presbury-hills, the siege of Glocester deserted.
• * 13.9

  Gen. Essex at Cheltenham.
• * 13.10

  Solemn thanks for the d••livery of Glocester, b••th there and at London.
• * 13.11

  The King neer Wilt-shire.
• * 13.12

  Essex re••••••ves Tewskbury & Glocester.
• * 13.13

  〈…〉〈…〉 Sir N. Crisp, and Col. Spen∣cer. and takes Cyre••cester.
• * 13.14

  Auborn-chase f••••t.
• * 13.15

  The Parliamen∣tarians wor∣s••ed.
• * 13.16

  Marq. De Vieu ville slain.
• * 13.17

  Essex marcheth from Hunger∣ford to New∣berry.
• * 13.18

  Newberry fight.
• * 13.19

  Col. Barcley and Col. Hol∣born charge P. Rupert.
• * 13.20

  E. of Carnar∣van slain.
• * 13.21

  Prince Rupert worsted.
• * 13.22

  The Kings In∣fantry led by Lord Ruthen, Earl of Brent∣ford.
• * 13.23

  Major-General Skippon prin∣cipal Com∣mander of the Foot under Essex.
• * 13.24

  Both Armies divided by the night.
• * 13.25

  Col. Tucker on the Parl. side slain.
• * 13.26

  On the K. side, the E. of Sun∣derland, and Lord Viscount Faulkland.
• * 13.27

  Essex at ••ead∣ing, 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.28

  A d••••l between Sir Nicholas Crispe and Sir James Enyon.
• * 13.29

  Sir James Enyon kill'd.
• * 13.30

  Sir Nicholas Crispe ••rye•• by a Council of War, and ac∣quitted.
• * 13.31

  He kisseth the Kingshand, and is pardoned.
• * 13.32

  Doctor Featley committed to prison for oppo∣sing the Cove∣nant.
• * 13.33

  He is received at London in Triumph.
• * 13.34

  The King at Oxford.
• * 13.35

  The K. commit∣teth Ma. Ha∣milton to Pen∣dennis-Castle.
• * 13.36

  A Cessation for a year in Ire∣land.
• * 13.37

  Col. Monk surprized at Nantwich, and imprisoned in the Tower of London.
• * 13.38

  Mar. of New∣castle sends Forces to the Queen: divers places submit to them.
• * 13.39

  Hallifax quit∣ted by Fairfax.
• * 13.40

  Manchester sent against the Royalists, Lyn yeilds to him. He Marcheth to assist the L. Willoughby of Parham.
• * 13.41

  L. Willohg∣by surprizeth the Earl of Kingston. Col. Caven∣dish slain.
• * 13.42

  Horn-castle fight.
• * 13.43

  The E. of New∣castle ••orsted. Sir Ingram Hopton, and Sir George Bowls slain. Manchester besiegeth Lin∣coln.
• * 13.44

  Lincoln City and Minster stormed and taken.
• * 13.45

  Sir Iohn Mel∣drum possesseth Gainsbo∣rough.
• * 13.46

  Ld. Willough∣by possesseth Bullingbrook-Castle.
• * 13.47

  The King sends Sir Lewis Di∣ves into the Associated Counties.
• * 13.48

  He takes Sir Iohn Norris: Affrights Hart∣ford-shire and Bedfordshire, and returns.
• * 13.49

  Sir Lewis Di∣ves, Sir Rob. Heath, Iustice Forster, Sir John Banks, and Serjeant Glanvile, voted Traytors.
• * 13.50

  The Kentish In∣surrection in behalf of the K.
• * 13.51

  Lord Hopton marcheth into Kent.
• * 13.52

  Essex and Waller recrui∣ted.
• * 13.53

  Col. Fiennes condemned for Cowardize. Essex posses∣seth it.
• * 13.54

  Newport-pagnal aban∣doned.
• * 13.55

  Walter ap∣printed to at∣tend Hopton.
• * 13.56

  Isle of Jersey delivered to Sir John Pen∣nington.
• * 13.57

  The French Ambassador splendidly re∣ceived at Ox∣ford.
• * 13.58

  Sir John Ho∣thams revolt and seizure.
• * 13.59

  He and his Son sent Prisoners to the Tower.
• * 13.60

  Mr. Pym dyes.
• * 13.61

  A new great Seal, The King de∣clares it trea∣son, sends a Messenger to adjourn the Term:
• * 13.62

  He is condemn∣ed for a spy, and hanged.
• * 13.63

  The Parliament at Oxford.
• * 13.64

  The Scots enter England.

  Divers places surrendred on both sides.
• * 13.65

  Prince Rupert relieves New∣ark, and over∣comes Sir John Meldrum.
• * 13.66

  Brandon or Cheriton-down fight, between Sir Wil. Waller and the Lord Hopton, March 29.
• * 13.67

  The Kings party worsted.
• * 13.68

  Lord Hopton draws off to Winchester, from thence to Oxford.
• * 13.69

  John L. Stu∣art, Sir John Smith, Col. Sandys, Col. Scot, and Col. Manning slain.
• * 13.70

  The Dutch Am∣bassador at Oxford.
• * 13.71

  Sir Charles Blunt slain.
• * 13.72

  Essex and Waller joyn.
• * 13.73

  Queen goes to Exeter.
• * 13.74

  Abbington plundered and Garrison'd.
• * 13.75

  Col. Brown Governor there∣of.
• * 13.76

  The K. march∣eth to Worce∣ster.

  The Parl. divide their Forces.

  Waller sent a King-catch∣ing, and Essex into the West.
• * 13.77

  Prince Rupert sent to York.
• * 13.78

  Corpredy-fight.
• * 13.79

  Waller sets up∣on the K. is gal∣lantry receiv∣ed by the Earls of Cleaveland & Northamp∣ton, and put to flight.
• * 13.80

  The Princess Henrietta born at Exeter, the Queen goes to France.
• * 13.81

  The E. of Essex defeated at Le∣stithiel.
• * 13.82

  Marq. of New∣castle Besieged in York by the E. of Manche∣ster, Lord Fair∣fax, and Les∣ly.
• * 13.83

  Prince Rupert raiseth the Siege of La∣tham-house, & takes divers places.
• * 13.84

  The Siege of York ra••••d.
• * 13.85

  Marston-Moor fight.
• * 13.86

  Prince Rupert commands the Main Battel, Marq. of New∣castle one Wing; General Gor∣ing, Sir Charles Lucas and Major-Ge∣neral Porter several parties.
• * 13.87

  The Parlia∣ments Horse & Scotch Cavalry routed.
• * 13.88

  The Victory du∣bious in other parts, where the E. of Man∣chesters Horse engaged.
• * 13.89

  Cromwel his Lieut. Gen. a most indefati∣gable Souldier.
• * 13.90

  Sir Tho. Bar∣ker, Sir John Pettus, Capt. Allen, &c. imprisoned.
• * 13.91

  An account of Oliver Crom∣wels life.
• * 13.92

  Born of an an∣cient Family at Hunting∣ton.
• * 13.93

  Married to E∣lizabeth the Niece of Sir Rob. Steward, who settled on him an Estate after he had consumed his Patrimony, and intended for New-Eng∣land.
• * 13.94

  Sir Robert Steward de∣clares O. C. his Heir.
• * 13.95

  Cromwel gets into favour with the Fa∣ction; they procure him to wife, Eliza∣beth the Daughter of Sir James Bòw∣cher, and choose him Bur∣gess for Cam∣bridge.
• * 13.96

  The Marq. of Newcastle de∣feated.
• * 13.97

  His Lambs ex∣cellent Soul∣diers.
• * 13.98

  They are over∣powred and de∣stroyed.
• * 13.99

  P. Rupert fled to Thursk, &c.
• * 13.100

  The Parl. Gene∣rals march to the Siege at York, from whence they rose to fight.
• * 13.101

  The loss of men so great on both sides, that the Inhabitants were poysoned with the smell of the Dead bo∣dies.
• * 13.102

  Marq. New∣castle, L. Wid∣rington, Gen. King, Sir Wil. Vavasor and others pass over to Hamburgh.
• * 13.103

  Slain on the K. side, the L. Ca∣ry, and Sir Tho. Metham.
• * 13.104

  On the Parl. side, the Lord Diddup.
• * 13.105

  York yielded by Sir Thomas Glenham.
• * 13.106

  The Parliament raise new L••∣vies.
• * 13.107

  A strange Tax laid upon Lon∣don.
• * 13.108

  Easing••house besieged by Sir Wil. Waller,
• * 13.109

  And relieved by Col. Gage and Col. Sir G. Buncley.
• * 13.110

  The besiegers at Last depart.
• * 13.111

  The siege of Dennington-Castle.
• * 14.1

  The summons by Col. Middle∣ton.
• * 15.1

  The Answer from Sir John Boys the Go∣vernour.
• * 15.2

  The besiegers assault the Castle, come off with loss, and depart.
• * 15.3

  They are met by Sir Francis Dorrington & Sir W. Court∣ney, and wor∣sted;

  They after∣wards rout a party of the K. Horse neer Sherburn.
• * 15.4

  Dennington-castle again Summoned by Col. Horton.
• * 15.5

  Manchester comes to his as∣sistance.
• * 15.6

  They batter the Castle, but in vain: they de∣part.
• * 15.7

  The defacing of Churches in Ci∣ty and Country.
• * 15.8

  Sir R. Harloe a forward zea∣lot.
• * 15.9

  The King sends a Message for peace.
• * 15.10

  An Association of Club-men.
• * 15.11

  Banbury Siege raised.
• * 15.12

  The Earl of Northampton and Col. Gage the Governour of Oxford, re¦lieve Banbury.
• * 15.13

  The Siege rais∣ed.
• * 15.14

  Col. Myn s••ain i•• Glocester∣sh••re, and the Royalists wor∣sted by Mas••ey,
• * 15.15

  Who bestowed an hono••rable burial on the sai•• C••lon••l.
• * 15.16

  Princ•• Rupert at the Severn, where hapn••d daily Skir∣••••••hes.
• * 15.17

  He is worsted by Massey.
• * 15.18

  Monmouth b••••••a••••d to Massey, by Lieutenant-Co••. Kirle.
• * 15.19

  Col Holtby Gover••our thereof escapes.
• * 15.20

  Massey active and vigilant.
• * 15.21

  Newberry se∣cond fight, Octob. 27.
• * 15.22

  Manchester's forces over-powered the Kings, but are rep••lied by Sir Bernard Ast∣ley.
• * 15.23

  The Duke of Yorks Regi∣ment led by Sir Wil. St Leger, and Pr. Mau∣rices Brigade repulsed.
• * 15.24

  Essex his Horse too hard for the Kings, over-powred Sir Humphry Bennet and Major Leg; but are repulsed by the Lord Ber∣nard Stuart. Goring and Cleaveland worsted: Earle of Cleaveland taken Prisoner, and the Kings person in dan∣ger.
• * 15.25

  Earl of Man∣chester inga∣ged with Lord Ashley and Sir George Lisle, they are worsted but relieved by Sir John Brown.
• * 15.26

  The King mar∣cheth to Wal∣lingford, and so to Oxford.
• * 15.27

  Slain of note on the Kings side, Sir William St. Leger.
• * 15.28

  Essex had the Field.
• * 15.29

  Col. Boys se∣cured the Kings Artillery.
• * 15.30

  The King re∣lieves Den∣nington-ca∣stle.
• * 15.31

  The Parliament suspect the Earl of Essex.
• * 15.32

  Manchester and Cromwel disser.
• * 15.33

  The Parliament resolve to new model their Army.
• * 15.34

  They Order that no Member shall bear command in either Mili∣tary or Civil affairs.
• * 15.35

  The Ordinance for the new mo∣deling the Army Decemb. 31.
• * 15.36

  Sir Thomas Fairfax made General.
• * 15.37

  The stots ad∣vance South∣ward.
• * 15.38

  The first Address, contrived by Oliver Crom∣wel.
• * 15.39

  The Scots t•••••• Newcastle.
• * 15.40

  Plunder it.
• * 15.41

  So••••m thanks at London for their success.
• * 15.42

  Sir Alexan∣der Carew behea••ed, f•••• end••avouring to betray Ply∣mouth-Fort to the King.
• * 15.43

  Sir John Ho∣tham and his son executed Jan. 1, 2. for endeavouring to betray Hull, and holding corre∣spondence with the Marquess of Newcastle.
• * 15.44

  Hugh Peters accompanieth them at their deaths.
• * 16.1

  The Kings ob∣servations of them in his Me∣••itations.
• * 16.2

  The Assembly of Divines consult about Church-Government.
• * 16.3

  The Covena••t prest to be uni∣versally tak••••.
• * 16.4

  The Comm••n-Prayer aboli∣shed.
• * 16.5

  Sir David Hawkins a zealous stickler for the Parlia∣ment.
• * 16.6

  Archbishop of Canterbury b••head••d.
• * 16.7

  Vide Speech••s.
• * 16.8

  Buried at Al∣hallows Bark∣ing, London.
• * 16.9

  Sir Henry Gage C••l. for the King, shot neer Abing∣don.
• * 16.10

  Uxbridge-Tr••aty, Jan. 3.
• * 16.11

  Commissioners for the King at the Treaty at Uxbridge.
• * 16.12

  Commissioners for the Parlia∣ment.
• * 16.13

  Scotch Commis∣sioners.
• * 16.14

  The main things to be treated of were, Religon, Militia, and Ireland.
• * 16.15

  The King refu∣seth to alter Religion by Bi∣shops, but would admit of some amend∣ments in the Liturgie.
• * 16.16

  He is willing some Garrisons should be in the Parliaments hands pro tempore, but will not abro∣gate the Cessa∣tion in Ire∣land.
• * 16.17

  Mr. Love a strange Incen∣diary.
• * 16.18

  The Treaty en∣ded in vain.
• * 16.19

  The Lord Mac¦guire and Col. Mac Mahon hanged drawn and quartered.
• * 16.20

  Shrewsbury taken by Ma∣jor-General Mitton for the Parliament.
• * 16.21

  He hath the thanks of the House.
• * 16.22

  The Parliament takes Scarbo∣rough and Weymouth, they raise Ply∣mouth Siege. Ponfract-castle relieved by Sir Marmaduke Langdale: he routs the Parl. Forces under Col. Rossiter.
• * 16.23

  Essex, Man∣chester, and Denbigh re∣signe their Com∣missions.
• * 16.24

  A notable suc∣cess at the De∣vises, under Sir Jacob Ashley.
• * 16.25

  A Faction at Oxford; the Lords, Savil, Percy, and Andover, con∣fined.
• * 16.26

  The Parliament Adjourned.
• * 16.27

  The Parlia∣ment's new Ge∣nerals Commis∣sion.
• * 16.28

  The Actions of the Renowned Marquess of Montross.
• * 16.29

  He arrives in the Highlands of Scotland.
• * 16.30

  He fights the Covenanters, and obtains a great Victory at Tepper-Moor.
• * 16.31

  H•• makes great spoils in Ar∣gyles Country, Who with the E. of Seaforth, ma••ch against him with two several Armies.
• * 16.32

  He routs Ar∣gyle, defeats Col. Hurry at Brechin, after∣wards at Al∣derne, and ob∣tains a re∣markable Vi∣ctory at Ales∣ford-hills.
• * 16.33

  Lord Gourd∣ons death.
• * 16.34

  Marquess of Montross af∣frights the Par∣liament at St. Johnstons.
• * 16.35

  His famous Vi∣ctory at Kil∣sith.
• * 16.36

  David Lesley routed.
• * 16.37

  The N••bility & Gentry assist him.
• * 16.38

  The King orders Montross to disband.
• * 16.39

  Colonel Massey defeated at Lidbury by Prince Rupert.
• * 16.40

  He is forced to flye, and nar∣rowly escapes.
• * 16.41

  Sir Thomas Fairfax takes command of the Army.
• * 16.42

  Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice raise Horse in Wor∣cester-shire.
• * 16.43

  Cromwel sent to intercept the Kings Forces, routs them.
• * 16.44

  The Queens Standard ta∣ken.

  He summons Blechington house; the Governour Col. Winde∣bank delivers it.
• * 16.45

  And was there∣fore shot to death.
• * 16.46

  Cromwel takes Sir Wil∣liam Vaughan at Radcot-bridge.
• * 16.47

  Goring gives Cromwel his first brush.
• * 16.48

  The new model∣ed Army march to Blandford in Dorset-shire: take Lieutenant-Col. Hacket.
• * 16.49

  The King leav∣ing Oxford, takes the field.
• * 16.50

  Fairfax recal∣led from the West, but leaves part of his Ar∣my there.
• * 16.51

  Oxford besieg∣ed the second time.
• * 16.52

  A cruel custome at Abingdon,
• * 16.53

  Borstal-house besieged.

  Gaunt-house surrendred.
• * 16.54

  Chester di∣stressed; Relieved by the King.
• * 16.55

  Goring, Hop∣ton, and Greenvile joyn, and be∣siege Taunton. Leicester Stormed and taken by Prince Rupert, May 21.
• * 16.56

  He takes Sir Robert Pye: the Town is plundered.
• * 16.57

  The Parliament almost driven to despair.
• * 16.58

  The King and Royalists too confident of Success.
• * 16.59

  Sir Thomas Fairfax order∣ed to give the King-Battel.
• * 16.60

  York-shire a long time har∣rased by the Scots.
• * 16.61

  The unresolved which way to bend his Forces.
• * 16.62

  The Parliament order Fairfax to put their dif∣ferences to the decision of a Battel.
• * 16.63

  They march to Marsh-Gibe∣on. Major-Ge∣neral Brown Garisons Gaunt-house. The King at Daventry, and Northampton
• * 16.64

  Cromwel sent for by the Par∣liament to com∣mand their Horse.
• * 16.65

  The Kings Foot and Carriages quartered upon Burrough-hill.
• * 16.66

  The Parlia∣ments Army at Gilsborough.
• * 16.67

  The Kings Ar∣my march to Pomfret.
• * 16.68

  Ireton with a strong party of Horse sent to fall upon his Flank.
• * 16.69

  The Kings Head-quar∣ters at Naseby. Alarm'd by Ireton, he goes to Harbo∣rough, and un∣happily resolves to fight.
• * 16.70

  Naseby-fight.
• * 16.71

  The Parliament forces Rendez∣vouz neer Naseby: they discover the Kings Horse neer Harbo∣rough.
• * 16.72

  The King mis∣informed.
• * 16.73

  Cromwel commands the right Wing of the Parl. horse; Ireton the left: The Gen. and Skippon the main battel of Foot. Whaley routs Lang∣dale, who com∣manded part of the Kings left Wing.
• * 16.74

  Prince Rupert routs the Par∣liaments left Wing.

  Ireton taken Prisoner, and (the fortune of the day chang∣ing) is released.
• * 16.75

  The Kings Foot over-powered by the Parlia∣ments Horse.
• * 16.76

  His Cavalry in great distress.
• * 16.77

  Okey's Dra∣goons do nota∣ble Execution on the Kings Horse.
• * 16.78

  The Calamities of this day.
• * 16.79

  The Parliament take many of the Kings Of∣ficers, and his Standard •• with his Cabi∣net of Letters, which they un∣worthily pub∣lish.
• * 16.80

  The advantage equal to both parties.
• * 16.81

  The Lord Bard. did excellent service for the King.
• * 16.82

  Fiennes s••nt to London with the Pri∣soners.
• * 16.83

  The Parlia∣ments Forces pursut the Kings.
• * 16.84

  The King at Ashby de la zouch. He goes into Wales.
• * 16.85

  Sir Marma∣duke Lang∣dale flies to Newark.
• * 16.86

  Taunton di∣strest by the Lord Goring.
• * 16.87

  Leicester re∣taken.
• * 16.88

  Lord Hastings Governour thereof.
• * 16.89

  The Kings Souldiers march out with Staves in their hands.
• * 16.90

  The Parlia∣ments Army march towards Marlborough.
• * 16.91

  The Club men rise.
• * 16.92

  They Petition the King and Parliament.
• * 16.93

  Taunton freed, Iuly 7.
• * 16.94

  And Goring after his defeat∣ing the besieged departed.
• * 16.95

  His Army quartered at Long-Sutton,
• * 16.96

  they march to Langport.
• * 16.97

  Massey reso∣lutely attempis their Rear, but with loss.
• * 16.98

  Langport fight.
• * 16.99

  General Fair∣fax routs the Lord Goring.
• * 16.100

  Langport fired.
• * 16.101

  General Fair∣fax at Bridge∣water.
• * 16.102

  Sir Richard Greenvile, and Sir John Berkley joyn with the Lord Goring.
• * 16.103

  Bridgewater taken, July 23. by the Parliament. The Parlia∣ments forlorn led by Hewson a daring Soul∣dier.
• * 16.104

  The town fired.
• * 16.105

  Colonel Okey takes Bur∣rough-Garri∣son for the Par∣liament.
• * 16.106

  The Clubmen dispersed.
• * 16.107

  They were Ten thousand in a Body.
• * 16.108

  The Motto of one of their Co∣lours.
• * 16.109

  Sherburn-Castle besieged, and Bath ta∣ken.
• * 16.110

  Sir Lewes Dives the Go∣vernour of Sherburn-Ca∣stle maks a no∣ta•••••• defence.
• * 16.111

  The General Summons the Castle, and of∣fers the Ladies and women their liberty to depart.
• * 16.112

  The Castle a∣gain Summo∣ned.

  The Governours resolute answer.
• * 16.113

  Sherburn-Castle taken August. 15.
• * 16.114

  Sir Lewis Di∣ves imprisoned in the Tower: he escapes to Ireland.
• * 16.115

  Nunny-Castle taken by Colo∣nel Rainsbo∣rough for the Parliament.
• * 16.116

  Ireton sent to∣wards Bristol.
• * 16.117

  Several Salleys with different success. Sir Bernard Ash∣ley mortally wounded.
• * 17.1

  Sir Thomas Fairfax's Sum∣mons to Prince Rupert.
• * 17.2

  Observe the strange guise of these words.
• * 17.3

  The Trumpeter detained: a Ces∣sation.
• * 18.1

  Prince Rupert•• Answer.
• * 19.1

  Sir Thomas Fairfax's reply.
• * 19.2

  Bristol Storm∣ed Sept. 10.
• * 19.3

  and afterwards delivered upon Articles.
• * 19.4

  Sir Richard Crane slain.

  The Royalists march to Ox∣ford.
• * 19.5

  The Gen. waits on Prince Ru∣pert two miles out of Bristol.
• * 19.6

  The Plague at Bristol.
• * 19.7

  Sir Tho. Fair∣fax removes to Bath.
• * 19.8

  Sir Hugh Cholmley de∣livers Scarbo∣rough to Sir Matthew Boynton, for the Parliament, July 25.

  Raby, Skip∣ton, Sandal, and Pomfret-Castles deli∣to the Parl. Hereford be∣sieged by the Scots. They take Canon-Froom.
• * 19.9

  Sir Barnabas Scudamore Governour of Hereford.

  The Siege rais∣ed.
• * 19.10

  The King in person encoun∣ters the Scots at Bewdley, and wors••eth them: defeats Sir John Gell, and enters the Association, and surpriseth Huntingdon.
• * 19.11

  and Cam∣bridge.
• * 19.12

  St. Ives fined 500 pound by toe King.
• * 19.13

  The King at Oxford.
• * 19.14

  The Royalists began to come in upon compo∣sition.
• * 19.15

  The King mar∣cheth towards Wales; comes to Ludlow, de∣signing to re∣lieve Chester.
• * 19.16

  Routon-heath∣fight, Sept. 24. The Parlia∣ments Forces under General Poyntz beaten; but reserves coming in, the King is wor∣sted.
• * 19.17

  The King quits Chester, and goes into Wales.
• * 20.1

  Eikon Basil.
• * 20.2

  The King assists Montross with Horse.
• * 20.3

  Sherburn fight Octo. 25. in York-shire.
• * 20.4

  The Royalists forced to f••••, by Colonel Copley and Colonel Lilburn.
• * 20.5

  Lord Digby routed at Car∣lisle-Sands, he flies into Ire∣land.
• * 20.6

  The King at Newark, Octob. Lord Bellasis Go∣vernour thereof. Lord Digby charged with disloyalty by divers Lords, the King his friend.
• * 20.7

  The King re∣turns to Ox∣ford.
• * 20.8

  Gen. Poyntz routs the Kings C••nvoy.

  Belvoyr taken. Sir Gervas Lucas Gover∣nour thereof.
• * 20.9

  Several Castles and Houses ta∣ken.
• * 20.10

  Berkley Castle Surrendred by Sir Charles Lucas.
• * 20.11

  Devises and Winchester Surrendred by the Lord Ogle.
• * 20.12

  Basing-house stormed and ta∣ken.
• * 20.13

  Doctor Grif∣fiths Daughter slain. Marquess of Winchester and the Gover∣nour sent Priso∣ners to Lon∣don.
• * 20.14

  Basing-house demolished.
• * 20.15

  The plunder great and rich.
• * 20.16

  Langford-house Surren∣d••ed to Crom∣wel.
• * 20.17

  Tiverton ta∣ken by Fairfax. Major Sadler executed: Sir Gilbert Tal∣bot taken Pri∣soner.
• * 20.18

  Transactions in the West be∣twixt the Ar∣mies.
• * 20.19

  The siege of Ex∣eter, by the Lord Fairfax. Prince Rupert endeavours ac∣commodation with Fairfax.
• * 20.20

  General Go∣ring goes into France.
• * 20.21

  Lord Went∣worth com∣mands his Troops.
• * 20.22

  A skirmish at Corf-Castle between the Kings Horse and the Parli∣aments; the Kings Horse worsted.
• * 20.23

  Fairfax at Dartmouth. Plymouth siege d••serted.
• * 20.24

  Lord Went∣worth worsted by Cromwel.
• * 20.25

  Darmouth stormed and ta∣ken, Sir Hugh Pollard Go∣vernour.
• * 20.26

  Sir Henry Cary hath con∣ditions to march, the Go∣vernour and the Earl of Newport have quarter given.
• * 20.27

  Torrington-fight.
• * 20.28

  it is taken by the Parliament.
• * 20.29

  80 ba••rels of Powder fired in a Church, the guard kil∣led, the Army and Town endangered.
• * 20.30

  Lord Hopton and Lord Ca∣pel wounded. Lord Hoptons Commission ta∣ken.
• * 20.31

  Lord Hopton a valiant and discreet Soul∣dier.
• * 20.32

  Shelford-house stormed and ta∣ken,
• * 20.33

  by Maj. Gen. Poyntz. Col. Stanhop the Governour thereof killed, and the house demolished.
• * 20.34

  The Countess of Derby surren∣ders Larham-house.
• * 20.35

  A neat Strata∣gem.
• * 20.36

  Bolton-Castle and Beeston-Castle deliver∣ed.
• * 20.37

  Hereford ta∣ken by surpris••. December 18.
• * 20.38

  Lord Brude∣nel, fourteen Knights, and Iudge Jenkins taken Priso∣ners.
• * 20.39

  Westchester taken.
• * 20.40

  Sir William Brereton Com∣mander for the Parliament.
• * 20.41

  Lord Byron surrenders Chester.
• * 20.42

  The Court of Wards Voted down.
• * 20.43

  The Kings For∣ces under Sir Jacob Ashley defeated at Stow in the Would, March 12.
• * 20.44

  Sir Jacob Ashley taken Prisoner.
• * 20.45

  Lord Hopton disbands.
• * 20.46

  Sir James Smith falls on a party of Par∣liamentarians, with success. The Prince and Lord Culpeper set sail for Scil∣ly.
• * 20.47

  Lord Hopton complemented by the Parlia∣ment General.
• * 20.48

  The Parliament Army beat up the Princes quarters, neer St. Columbe. Major-General Perr, a gallant-Commander, mortally woun∣ded.
• * 20.49

  A Treaty con∣cluded on at Tresilian-bridge: a Ces∣sation agreed on.
• * 20.50

  Nine Brigades disbanded.
• * 20.51

  The Conditions of their dis∣banding.
• * 20.52

  Th•••• take ship∣ping at Ply∣mouth.
• * 20.53

  Lord Hopton and Went∣worth sail in∣to Scilly.
• * 20.54

  Abingdon at∣tempted by Sir Stephen Haw∣kins.
• * 20.55

  Ashby de••la-zouch surren∣dred to the Parliament by the Lord Loughbo∣rough.
• * 20.56

  Dennington-Castle surren∣dred (Mar. 25. 1646.) to the Parliament,
• * 20.57

  and demolished.
• * 20.58

  Ruthen-Castle delivered to the Parliament by Sir William Vaughan.
• * 20.59

  April 8. Corf-Castle ta∣••••••▪
• * 20.60

  Exeter-City delivered, Apr. 3. to the Lord Fairfax, by the Governour Sir John Berkley, by a Treaty be∣tween Commis∣sioners on both sides.
• * 21.1

  The Conditions.
• * 21.2

  Sir John Stawel inclu∣ded in the Ar∣ticles.
• * 21.3

  The General marcheth to Tiverton,
• * 21.4

  and towards Oxford.
• * 21.5

  Anglia Redi∣viva.
• * 21.6

  Woodstock surrendred (April 26) to Colonel Rains∣borough for the Parliament.
• * 21.7

  The King leaves Oxford, April. 27.
• * 21.8

  T••e King dis∣guised com••s to the Scotch Ar∣my, May 4.
• * 21.9

  The King rei∣terated Messa∣ges for peace: the first, Dec. 5.
• * 21.10

  The Parlia∣ments answer.
• * 21.11

  Message of the 15 of Decem∣ber, 1645.
• * 21.12

  Message of the 15 of Decem. for a Personal Treaty.
• * 21.13

  Another to the same purpose, Decemb 29.
• * 21.14

  Royalists expel∣ed the Lines of Communica∣tion.
• * 21.15

  The Parlia∣ments Answer January 14.
• * 22.1

  The King re∣plies, Jan. 15.
• * 23.1

  The Kings Message and Answer of the 17 of January to that of the 13.
• * 24.1

  His Majesties Message•• of the 24th of Jan.
• * 24.2

  The King com∣mands a general weekly Fast in Oxford.
• * 24.3

  The Earl of Glamorgan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the Lord Digby, and for a while 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 25.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ma••esties 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Jan. 29.
• * 26.1

  The Parliament publish an Or∣dinance for the Scizure of the King and his Adherents.
• * 26.2

  They pretend to invite the Prince by Com∣missioners.
• * 26.3

  The Prince de∣parting for France.
• * 26.4

  Barnstable surrendred April 7th. Ruthen-Castle, St. Michaels Mount, and Dunster-Ca∣stle Surrendred. Arch-Bishop of York declares for the Parlia∣ment. Dudly-Castle surren∣dred.
• * 26.5

  Sir Thomas Fairfax c••m••s before Oxford: he summons a Council of War, raiseth a great Fort neer the Town.
• * 26.6

  Sir Thomas Glemham Go∣v••r••••••r of Ox∣ford.
• * 26.7

  Carlile ••ie••l∣ed to the Sc••ts July 1••, 1645, by Sir Thomas Glemham.
• * 26.8

  Divisions at Court among the Nobles at Oxford.
• * 26.9

  Oxford deli∣vered June 23.
• * 26.10

  The Governour marcheth to Tame.
• * 26.11

  Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice de∣part to Oat∣lands.
• * 26.12

  Duke of York and many per∣sons of great Quality depart from Oxford. Duke of York conveyed to St. Iames's; soo•• after into Hol∣land; the Prin∣cess Henrietta to France, a while before. Faringdon in∣cluded in the Oxford Arti∣cles.
• * 26.13

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parliament-Forces under Col. Poyntz and Col. Rossi∣ter besiege Newark.
• * 26.14

  General Leven with his Scots draws of from Newark: the Town Summon∣ed; Lord Bel∣lasis the Go∣vernour com∣manded by the King to surren∣der.
• * 26.15

  May 4 a Trea∣ty entred into, and Newark yeilded.
• * 26.16

  The Parliament-Forces under Col. Whaley besiege Banbu∣ry.
• * 26.17

  Anglia Redi∣viva.
• * 27.1

  Sir William Compton the Governour yields on ho∣nourable Terms, May 8.
• * 27.2

  Lord Say Pro∣prietor of the place.
• * 27.3

  The Castle de∣molished.
• * 27.4

  Colonel Wha∣ley marcheth to Worcester.
• * 27.5

  Besiegeth it for the Parlia∣ment.
• * 27.6

  Colonel Wash∣ington the Go∣vernour y••ildeth, July 23.
• * 27.7

  Wallingford yeilded, July 28, to the Par∣liament.
• * 27.8

  Sir Thomas Fairfax goeth to the Bath, from thence to Ragland-Ca∣stle, to assist Colonel Mor∣gan, Sir Tre∣vor Williams, and Colonel Laughorn.
• * 28.1

  Sir Thomas Fairfax sum∣mons the Mar∣quess of Wor∣cester.
• * 29.1

  The Marquess his Answer.
• * 29.2

  He desires to send to know the Kings plea∣sure.
• * 29.3

  The General denyes it, shews the in∣conveniencies of the Marquess hi•• refusal.
• * 29.4

  The Marquess urgeth reasons on his side.
• * 29.5

  The Marquess excepted out of the Parlia∣ments Pardon.
• * 29.6

  The General promiseth to interpose be∣tween his Lord∣ship and the Committees.
• * 29.7

  The Marquess cites the Earl of Shrewsbu∣ries Case.
• * 29.8

  Ragland-Ca∣stle surrendred Aug. 19, to the Parliament.
• * 29.9

  The Marquess casts himself on the Parlia∣ments mercy. Several persons of Quality in the Castle.
• * 29.10

  The Marquess a great Scholar, to whom the King was much indebted: he departs this life.
• * 29.11

  Major-General Mitton takes Conway-Ca∣stle by Storm for the Parlia∣ment. Carnar∣van-Castle de∣livered; as al∣so Ludlow, Litchfield-Close, and Bor∣stal house.
• * 29.12

  Pendennis-Castle (and Mount-Mi∣chael) taken for the Parlia∣ment, by Colo∣nel Hammond. John Arundel Esq. the Gover∣nour having order from the King to surren∣der.
• * 29.13

  Scilly-Island, Denbigh and Holt-Castle Surrendred.
• * 29.14

  Cromwell the Idol of the pre∣tended Saints.
• * 29.15

  He disbands 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Ar∣m•• under Ma∣jor-General Massey.
• * 29.16

  Cromwel de∣signes to create differences in the Army.
• * 29.17

  Colonel Cooks Brigade dis∣banded.
• * 29.18

  Anglia Redi∣viva.
• * 29.19

  Anglia Redi∣viva.
• * 29.20

  Many of the disbanded Souldiers of Forreign Coun∣tries.
• * 29.21

  The Factions begin now to unmask them∣selves, and lay open their in∣tentions.
• * 29.22

  The two Fa∣ctions, Pres∣bytery and In∣dependency distruct each other.
• * 29.23

  The King ma∣ligned to his people.
• * 29.24

  his party high∣ly exasperated.
• * 29.25

  The Scotch Parliament and Army ingross the wealth of the Nation. The Scots are for ready Cash, the others for Delinquents Estates.

  The King in the Scots posses∣sion.
• * 29.26

  The Parliament of England consult concern∣ing the Kings person.
• * 29.27

  The King at Newcastle May 13.
• * 29.28

  The S••ots Gen. Pro••laims that no Papists nor Delinquents shall came neer the Kings Per∣son. The Sc••ts lay heavy As∣sessments on the Northern Coun∣ties.

  They send for their Horse.
• * 29.29

  The English Parliament Vote them home, and 100000 l. to be paid to their Army.
• * 29.30

  The Scotch Commissioners gloze with the English Par∣liament.
• * 29.31

  The Dispates be∣twixt the King and Mr. Hen∣derson at Newcastle.
• * 29.32

  Mr. Hender∣son languisheth and dyeth.
• * 29.33

  Mr. Stephen Marshal a great Preacher of the Covenant at Newcastle.
• * 29.34

  Politick dis∣putes between the Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners.
• * 29.35

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 29.36

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 29.37

  〈…〉〈…〉 11.
• * 29.38

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 29.39

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 29.40

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 29.41

  The Scots urge the Parliaments promise of Uni∣formity, and their ordering the Covenant to be printed in most Forrain Languages.
• * 29.42

  The Parliament publish a De∣claration.
• * 30.1

  One Para∣graph thereof, relating to Church-Gover∣ment, &c.
• * 30.2

  The 23 Proposi∣tions sent to the King at New∣castle.

  These the chief∣est of the Pro∣positions, the rest relating to Ireland, and other private Concerns.
• * 30.3

  Discou•••• be∣tween the King and the Parli∣aments Commis∣sioners.
• * 31.1

  The King An∣swer to the Pro∣positions

  August 1.
• * 31.2

  Duke Hamil∣ton and the Earl of Lane∣rick industri∣ous to work his Majesty to consent.
• * 31.3

  The Fastio••s scandalize the King as being obstinate and perverse.
• * 31.4

  The Marquess of Montross ordered to lay down his Arms.
• * 31.5

  He takes ship for Norway, sollicites for the King in forain Courts, at last betakes himself to the Court of King Charles the 2.
• * 31.6

  The Earle of Lowdon unra∣vels the compact of both Parlia∣ments to the King.
• * 31.7

  The Lord Low∣don's speech to the King.
• * 31.8

  Instructions sent from Scot∣land to New∣castle concer∣ning giving over the King.
• * 31.9

  The Scots op∣press the Nor∣thern Counties.
• * 31.10

  They agree with the Par∣liament to de∣liver the King for 400000 l. they insist upon the salt of De∣linquents estates for secu∣rity of perfor∣mance.
• * 31.11

  But are p••id out of Church-Lands sol•• by ••rder of Pa••li∣ament.
• * 31.12

  The King deli∣vered by the Scots.
• * 32.1

  The Kings Mes∣sage from Newcastle of the 20th of December.
• * 32.2

  He pr••p••s••th. again his com∣ing to Lon∣don.
• * 32.3

  Scotch Parlia∣ment resolves concerning the Kings person.
• * 32.4

  A Plot noysed of the King's escape.
• * 32.5

  The affairs of Ireland rela∣ted. 150000 men, women and children massa∣cred by the Irish Rebels; the English Lords of the Pale side with them. Earl of Leicester ap∣pointed Lord Deputy, and appoints the E. of Ormond to be his L. Gen. who after ma∣ny successful en∣counters con∣cludes a Cessa∣tion with the Rebels in 1643, by order from the King.
• * 32.6

  The Parl. party and Scots car∣ry on the War there: they ar∣raign Mac Ma∣hon and the L. Macquire, both w^ch were execu∣ted at Tyburn.

  Ld. Inchiquin & Lord Broug∣hil in distress.
• * 32.7

  The Lord Lisle ordered to go into Ireland with an Army of 8000 men.

  The Ld. Mus∣kerry Gen. for the Irish. Marquess of Ormonds con∣verts the Cessa∣tion into Peace, it is ••••p••••ed by the Popi••h C••er∣gy, and the in∣ve••••ate Pa∣pist.
• * 32.8

  A half peace made in Ire∣land.
• * 32.9

  Colonel Monck is sent by the Parliament in∣to Ireland.
• * 32.10

  The Parliament and Popes Nun∣cio alike un∣concerned in the Peace..
• * 32.11

  The Spaniard threatens to besiege Dublin.
• * 32.12

  The Nun••io and his party, notwithstand∣ing some divi∣sions among them, prosecute the War.
• * 32.13

  The Earl of Essex dyes, Sept. 13. sus∣pected to be poysoned. A Zealous man for a composure, and an able Souldier.
• * 32.14

  He was unfor∣tunately marri∣ed to the Lady Francis How∣ard, and after∣wards married to Sir Amias Pawlet's Daughter.
• * 32.15

  His Funeral so∣lemnized, Oct. 22 in a magni∣ficent manner.
• * 32.16

  Drawn in Ef∣figie upon a Chariot from Essex-house to Westminster-Abby, his Fu∣neral Sermon preached by Mr. Vines. Most of the Parliament-Nobility in close mourning. The Effigie pla∣ced in the Chancel, and privately defa∣c••d.

  The Earldom of Essex conferred on the Capels. The Presbyteri∣an Government and Directory no sooner set up but slighted.
• * 32.17

  The Ordinance for Presbyteri∣an Government to be in force but three years.
• * 32.18

  The Directory established.
• * 32.19

  The Presbyte∣rian and Inde∣pendent parties divided.
• * 32.20

  The Indepen∣dents subtile practices.
• * 32.21

  The self-denying Ordinance, by which the In∣dependents out∣wit the Pres∣byterians.
• * 32.22

  The Presbyteri∣ans Counter∣plot, of disban∣ding the Army.
• * 32.23

  Cromwel sents it, and ••pre••s it among his Souldiers.
• * 32.24

  They chuse Ad∣jutatours to draw up the se••••e of the Ar∣my, ••••d assist at their Coun∣cils of War. Cromwel a compleat Poli∣titian.
• * 32.25

  The Army de∣clare not to disband till all their Arrears are paid.
• * 32.26

  The King and Newcastle turned over to the English Commissioners, Feb. 6.
• * 32.27

  They ki•••• the Kings hand; he is co••veyed to Holdenby, met in the way by the General, who a••••••••ted and ki••••'d the Kings hands the King commends him for a truely Noble person.
• * 32.28

  At the Kings arrival at Holdenby, his friends are for∣bid to attend him, his Chap∣lains denyed admittance.
• * 32.29

  This solitude the occasion of his writing his excellent Meditations.
• * 32.30

  Major-General Brown recon∣ciled to the King.
• * 32.31

  He ••iverts himself by Bowling with the Earl of Pembroke and Major-General Brown.
• * 32.32

  Harrington an ungrateful ser∣vant.
• * 32.33

  The Great Seal of England broken.
• * 32.34

  Cornet Joyce seizeth the King a•• Hol∣denby, June 4.
• * 32.35

  The King deli∣berates what to do.
• * 32.36

  puts several questions to the Souldiers.
• * 32.37

  He requests them.
• * 32.38

  His Majesty takes horse, is welcomed at Childersly by the General, but especially by Cromwel.
• * 32.39

  The Army suf∣fer the Kings friends and Chaplai••s to attend him.
• * 32.40

  Cromwel the chief conspira∣tor in seizing the King.
• * 32.41

  Cromwel sets up the Level∣lers.
• * 32.42

  They designe to lay all things in common.
• * 33.1

  Sir Thomas Fairfax his Leter to the Parliament.
• * 34.1

  The Kings Message con∣cerning it.
• * 34.2

  The perplexed thoughts of the Parliament and City about it.
• * 34.3

  The Duke of Richmond, Dr. Sheldon and Dr. Ham∣mond, suffered to have access to the King.
• * 34.4

  The Army de∣clare.
• * 34.5

  The Parliament demur to the suspending of their Members.
• * 34.6

  They forbeare sitting of them∣selves.
• * 34.7

  The Army quote th•• Cases of the Earl of Straf∣ford, Arch••B. of Canterbury and Ld. Keeper Finch.
• * 34.8

  The King and Parliament over-aw••d by Cromwel: his remarkable expression.
• * 35.1

  His Majesties Meditation on the designes of the several fa∣ctions.
• * 35.2

  His Majesty desires his Chil∣drens company.
• * 36.1

  Sir Thomas Fairfax his Letter to the Parliament concerning the Kings desire of seeing his Chil∣dren.
• * 36.2

  A Letter from the King to the Duke of York inclosed.
• * 36.3

  The King enjoy his Children company two days.
• * 36.4

  His Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine visits him.
• * 36.5

  The Armies de∣signe upon the City of Lon∣don.
• * 37.1

  The Citizens Petition the Lord Mayor in behalf of the King and the Army.
• * 37.2

  The solemn ••n∣••agement of the City.
• * 38.1

  A Declaration of the Lords and Commons, forbidding sub∣scriptions to the Engage∣ment.
• * 38.2

  The rashness and precipetan∣cy of the City.
• * 38.3

  The Pre••tices and R••••••le Tu∣mult the Parli∣ament-House.
• * 38.4

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 38.5

  The Parl. 〈…〉〈…〉 Speak••rs.
• * 38.6

  The former Speaker to the Commons m••na∣ced by Crom∣wel. Both the old Speakers go to the Army.
• * 38.7

  The Lord Grey of Wark ch••••en Speaker to the Lords, Mr. Hen. Pelham Speaker for the Commons.
• * 38.8

  The Parl. Vote the re-admission of the 11 Mem∣be••s.
• * 38.9

  The Committee of Safety set up.
• * 38.10

  Tumults in London about listing of For∣ces.
• * 38.11

  The Army ap∣proach within 10 miles of London.
• * 39.1

  The Kings De∣claration clear∣ing himself of any design•• of war.
• * 39.2

  He as a Neu∣ter attends the Issue of Divine Providence.
• * 39.3

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fugitive Members sit in Council with the Army.
• * 39.4

  The Armies De∣claration.
• * 39.5

  Fairfax sends warrants for the Trained-Bands to march against the City.
• * 39.6

  The City sub∣mits, on disho∣nourable Con∣ditions.
• * 39.7

  The Fugitive Members resea∣ted Aug. 6. and the former Speakers placed by the General.
• * 39.8

  The Parl. ap∣point a day of Thanksgiving for their re••set∣tlement.
• * 39.9

  The Army fea∣s••ed by the City.
• * 39.10

  Sir Thomas Fairfax made Generalissimo and Constable of the Tower.
• * 39.11

  The Souldiers ordered a months gratui∣ty.
• * 39.12

  The 11 im••ea∣ch••d Memb••rs with••ra••.

  One of them, viz. Mr. Ni∣chols, s••ized on by Cromwel, and ab••••ed.

  Sir Philip Sta∣pleton passeth over to Calice, and dyes mise∣rabl••.
• * 39.13

  All Votes, Or∣d••••s an•• O••••i∣nances passed in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Speakers a••togate••.
• * 39.14

  The Sollicitour-General St. John, Hazel∣rigg, Sir Hen. Vane Junior, Tho. Scot, Cornelius Holland, Pri∣deaux, Gour∣don, Sir John Evelin ••unior, and Henry Mildway, all Regicides, and busie contrivers of the Armies designes.
• * 39.15

  The Ordinance of Null and Void, passed August 20.
• * 39.16

  〈…〉〈…〉 Citizens of London, im∣peache•• and com••••••t••d. The impeachment 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Sir John Evelin junior and Miles Corbet.
• * 39.17

  Poyntz and Massey 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Holland.
• * 39.18

  The King brought to Hampton-Court: Commis∣sioners sent to him from the Parliament with Proposi∣tions.
• * 40.1

  The Preface thereunto.
• * 41.1

  His Majesties Answer to them, Sept. 9.
• * 41.2

  Those Prop••si••ti••••s 〈…〉〈…〉 with 〈…〉〈…〉 a New∣castle.
• * 41.3

  His Majesty 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Ar∣my Proposa••.
• * 41.4

  Cromwel i••g••gl••s with his Majesty.
• * 42.1

  A abstract of the Armies Proposals.
• * 42.2

  [Money e∣nough be sure, this they intended for a Law no doubt, and might have been put first, the other be∣ing meerly sub••••rvient to it.]
• * 42.3

  They indulge the King in not abrogating the Common-Pray∣er, and claw with the Pa∣pist.
• * 42.4

  Life to the Roy∣alist, and death to the Presby∣ter.
• * 42.5

  The rarest Ar∣ticle in the Pack.
• * 42.6

  Divers preten∣ces in favour of the Cavaliers. Cromwel de∣signes to please all Parties, by Proposing to regulate the Law and As∣sesstments; As∣serting the peo∣ple•• rights in Pe••••••ioning; a∣g••••••st Forrest-Lands, Excise, Monopolies, &c.
• * 42.7

  Cromwel and other Grandees of the Army, frequently with the King.
• * 42.8

  Cromwel has∣fleth with the King, and is discovered.
• * 42.9

  The King still kept at Hamp∣ton-Court, with the pub∣like use of Com∣mon-prayer, in great State, his friends and Chaplains a∣bout him.
• * 42.10

  The Faction and Cromwel suspect and fear ••he Kings neer∣ness to Lon∣don.
• * 42.11

  Colonel Wha∣ley pretends to the King that the Adju∣tators designe to Murther him.
• * 42.12

  They fright the King from Hampton-Court: who by the advice of Sir John Berkley and Mr. John Ashburnham escapes to the Isle of Wight. Colonel Ham∣mond Gover∣nour thereof.
• * 42.13

  〈…〉〈…〉 Dow¦agers of South∣hampton.
• * 42.14

  Nov. 11. The King is misled. Whaley takes ••he Kings ••a∣pers left behind him in his Chamber.
• * 43.1

  The First di∣rected to the Lord Mounta∣gue.
• * 44.1

  The second to Colonel Wha∣ley.
• * 46.1

  His Majesties Message left behinde Him at Hampton-Court to both Houses of Par∣liament.
• * 46.2

  The King seized by Col. Ha∣mond in the Isle of Wight, and conveyed to Carlsbrook-Castle, Nove. 14.

  The Parl. make it High Trea∣son for any to conceal the King. They command Col. Hamond to send the Kings attendants up to London, he refuseth.

  The King pleads in their behalf.
• * 46.3

  The Parliament vote that no Cavalier or Papists be ad∣mitted into the Island.

  The Gen. hath the command of his person.

  The King al∣lowed 5000 l. for the ••xpences of his Court.
• * 47.1

  The Kings Mes∣sage to the Parliament from his inprison∣ment in Caris∣brook-Castle.
• * 47.2

  He professeth as he is a Christi∣an and a King to defend the Government of the Church, by Arch-bishops, Bishops, &c. Their Order be∣ing placed in the Church by the Apostles.
• * 47.3

  And he and His Predeces∣sors having Sworn to main∣tain it.
• * 47.4

  B••t agrees that their Power may be so limi∣ted as not to be grievous to ten∣der Consciences.
• * 47.5

  The King con∣s••nts that the power of the Militia both by Land and Sea shall be ordered by the Parliament du∣ring his Raign.
• * 47.6

  He promiseth to pay the Army their Arrears.
• * 47.7

  Consenteth that the great Offices of State, and naming of Pri∣vy Counsellors shall be in the Power of the two Houses, during his raign.
• * 47.8

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 47.9

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 47.10

  He 〈…〉〈…〉 at London with 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 47.11

  Several scurri∣lous Pamphlets published to de∣fame His Ma∣jesty. Especially Needham's, ••atitul••d a Hue and Cry after the King.
• * 47.12

  Iudge Jenkins sloutly vindi∣cates the King's Cause and Party.
• * 48.1

  Iudge Jenkins imprisoned, and enlarged at the Restauration of King Charles the second.
• * 48.2

  The burden of Free-quarter.
• * 48.3

  Cromwel and his supernume∣raries, the cause thereof.
• * 48.4

  Vast sums of money raised for the Souldiery.
• * 48.5

  Debentures sold.
• * 48.6

  The Excise an excessive Tax, and carefully upheld.
• * 48.7

  Several refuse to pay it, and tumults happen. The Butchers at Smithfield-bars London, fire the Excise-house: several of them tryed, but acqitted.
• * 48.8

  White a Le∣veller Executed at Ware. And Thompson condemned by a Council of War.
• * 48.9

  The Parlia∣ment constrai∣ned to humour a Treaty.
• * 48.10

  Four Bills ten∣dred to the King at the Isle of Wight before the Trea∣ty should begin.
• * 49.1

  Their Proposals to the King.
• * 50.1

  The Scotch Commissioners declare their dissent from the Proposals and Bills.
• * 51.1

  His Majesties Answer to the Bills, &c.
• * 51.2

  His Majesty a∣gain presseth for a personal Treaty.
• * 51.3

  Sir Thomas Wroth flies high, and in∣veighs against the King in the House of Com∣mons.
• * 51.4

  The History of Ind••pendency, p. 70.
• * 51.5

  He is seconded by Commisary Ireton.
• * 52.1

  And both of them backed by Cromwel.
• * 52.2

  Who laid his Hand upon his Sword; not long before baf∣fled by Sir Philip Sta∣pleton.
• * 53.1

  The Parlia∣ments Declara∣tion, wherein they make the King the Au∣thor of the War.
• * 53.2

  Their Votes of Non-address to the King, 16 Janua. 1647.
• * 53.3

  None to ap∣ply themselves to him without leave from b••th Houses.

  Whosoever doth, to ••••••r the pe∣nalties of High Treason.

  That they will receive no more Messages from the K. and en∣joyn all persons not to bring any fr••m him.
• * 53.4

  They publish a∣nother Remon∣st••••nce.
• * 53.5

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arthur Haslerig's Bro∣ther sub••ras one Smallin••▪ to vilifie the K.
• * 53.6

  Col. Hamond tu••••s away his Majesties Ser∣vants.
• * 53.7

  The King a cl••se Prisoner.
• * 53.8

  Captain Bur∣leigh bea••s •• Drum in the Island for the King.
• * 53.9

  He is supprest and seized by Col. Hamond.
• * 53.10

  Major Rolf ac∣cused for design∣ing the Kings death.
• * 53.11

  Seized in Bi∣shops-gate-street.
• * 53.12

  Capt. Burleigh Executed at Winchester, Feb. 10.

  Rolf quitted by Ignoramus, by the same Iury.
• * 53.13

  Rainsborough commanded by the Parliament to guard the Island.
• * 53.14

  The Army de∣clare for the Parliament.
• * 53.15

  Many gallant persons put to death in Scot∣land.
• * 53.16

  Col. Nathaniel Gordon and another o•• his ••ame executed at St. John∣stons. Sir Ro∣bert Spots∣wood executed▪ Mr. Andrew Guthery and Mr. William Murray execu∣ted. Lord Ogle∣by ••••ap. s.
• * 53.17

  Ferdinando Lord Fairfax ••••th of a Gan∣grene.
• * 53.18

  Ma••q. of Or∣mond 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dublin to Col. Jones.
• * 53.19

  The Marquess attends the King.

  Goes into France, thence into Ireland.
• * 53.20

  Col. Jones routed.
• * 53.21

  Col. Jones kills 5470 Irish n••er Trim.
• * 53.22

  Preston hard∣ly escapes, and joyns with O Neal.
• * 53.23

  The Lord Inchi∣queen defeates the Lord Taaf.
• * 53.24

  Declares for the King, and joyn••th with the said Lord.
• * 53.25

  The English Faction Treat with O Neal. The Lord Inchi∣queens Com∣mission taken from him.
• * 53.26

  The House of Lords scruple the V••t••. of No••-Addresses: they at last pas•• it, and are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 53.27

  The Indepen∣dents Propose to unite all In∣terests in the Houses, City and Army.

  Cromwel makes a speech to that p••r•••••••• ••e is confronted. Glover sent to the City, and rejected.
• * 53.28

  Cromwel trou∣bled thereat.
• * 53.29

  The Scots Com∣missioners signi∣fie their desires, and depart home.
• * 53.30

  The Committee at Derby-house g••ows powerful.
• * 53.31

  The Parliament sent Commis∣sioners into Scotland.
• * 53.32

  The Scots set forth an angry Declaration. That and their Covenant is slighted.
• * 53.33

  The Scots mad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an Expedi∣tion.
• * 54.1

  His Majesties elegant Decla∣ration in An∣swer to the Votes of no further Addres∣ses.
• * 54.2

  The Parlia∣ments Visita∣tion of the U∣niversity of Oxford, ••••d t••ning out o•• the Loyal a••d Learned Sch••∣lars.

  The Earl o•• Pembroke made by them Chancellour of the University.
• * 54.3

  Alderman Warner Lord Mayor of Lon∣don, a facti∣ous person.
• * 54.4

  A Tumu••t and Insurrection is London by the Boys and Prentices, Apr. 9.
• * 54.5

  Sir Thomas Fairfax with part of the Ar∣my enters, quells it, and disper∣seth them.
• * 54.6

  Kensey and Matthews, the one a Vintner, the other a Meal-man, con∣demned; but reprieved by the mediation of Alderman Tichborn, and afterwards pardoned.
• * 54.7

  Col. Laughorn Poyer and Powel, rise for the King in Wales, th••y se∣cure Pem∣broke and Tenby Castles.
• * 54.8

  Chopstow-Ca∣stle 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••cho∣las Kemish: and Si•• John Owen 〈…〉〈…〉 for the King in North-Wales.
• * 54.9

  Col. H••rton sent to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them.
• * 54.10

  Col. Fleming Commands a party against the Royalists: he is set upon and routed, lays violent hands on himself, and dieth.
• * 54.11

  St. Fagons fight May 8. Col. Horton defeats Laug∣horn.
• * 54.12

  Cromwel sends Col. Eure to attempt Sir Nich. Kemish. Chepstow-Ca∣stle retaken, May 25.
• * 54.13

  Sir Nich. Ke∣mish killed in cold blood.
• * 54.14

  Sir Jo Owen's Forces suppres∣sed by M. Gen. Mitton, and himself taken. Cromwel joyns with Horton: Tenby stormed and yieldeth.
• * 54.15

  Pembroke be∣sieged by Oli∣ver Cromwel.
• * 54.16

  Hugh Peters encourageth his Souldiers in his Sermon.
• * 54.17

  Pembroke stormed to the besiegers loss.
• * 54.18

  But at length delivered.
• * 54.19

  Essex, Surry, and London Petition for Peace.
• * 54.20

  The Guards of the Army fall upon them, and disperse the••.
• * 54.21

  some are killed,
• * 54.22

  The Kentish Insurrection May 24.
• * 54.23

  They Rendez∣vouze neer Ro∣chester, Lord Goring Earl of Norwich their General.
• * 54.24

  The Army yield the Militia again to the City, and cajole them.
• * 54.25

  Col. Culpeper endeavours to perswade the City to Declare for the King: they refuse.
• * 54.26

  Skippon mad•• Major-General of London.
• * 54.27

  Maidstone-fight June 2.
• * 54.28

  The Royalists Ro••ted.
• * 54.29

  Earl of Nor∣wich and Kentish Forces at Black beath,
• * 54.30

  wooes the City for passage; de∣nied, F••rries into Essex June 3.
• * 54.31

  The Essex-For∣ces joyn with him at Bow. Sir Charles Lucas their General.
• * 54.32

  They seize the Earl of War∣wick's Arms, and march to Colchester.
• * 54.33

  Lord Capel assists them with a party of Horse.
• * 54.34

  Sir George Lisle Major-General of the Essex-Forces for the King. Colchester Siege.
• * 54.35

  The Lord Lu∣cas (Sir Charles his Brother) his House ruined.
• * 54.36

  The condition of the besieged.
• * 54.37

  They eat horse-flesh.
• * 54.38

  The Fleet comes in, and render themselves to the Prince, Ju∣ly 27.
• * 54.39

  Their Comman∣der Col. Rains∣borough set on Shore.
• * 54.40

  Vice-Admiral, afterwards Sir Will. Batten, brings more Ships to the Prince.
• * 54.41

  The Prince in Yarmouth-Road with the Duke of York, Pr. Rupert, E. of Brain∣ford, Lord Hopton, Lord Wilmot, Lord Willoughby, &c.
• * 54.42

  The Prince takes a Ham∣borough-ship. Lord Rich Earl of War∣wick, Admi∣ral for the Par∣liament, order∣ed to set forth a Fleet.
• * 54.43

  Earl of War∣wick at Quinbo∣rough, the Prince summons him.
• * 54.44

  He refuseth.
• * 54.45

  Prince Charles with the Fleet at Goree in Holland.
• * 54.46

  Pr. Rupert made Admiral.
• * 54.47

  Earl of Hol∣land appears in Arms at Kingston, Ju∣ly 7. accompa∣nied by the D. of Bucking∣ham, the Lord Francis Vil∣liers, the young E. of Peterbo∣rough; the Ld. Petre, &c.

  T••••y are atta∣qued by Sir Michael Live∣sy's Forces and other Parlia∣mentaria••s.

  Lord Fran∣cis Villiers slain. Earl of Holland flies into Hun∣tington-shire, and is taken by Col. Scroop. Col. Dalbier slain. Duke of Buckingham and E. of Pe∣terborough escape beyond Sea. Earl of Holland sent to Warwick-Castle.
• * 54.48

  Scotch Army enters England un••er command of Duke Hamil∣ton.
• * 54.49

  Colonel (after∣wards Earl of) Middleton Major-Gen. E. of Calendar Lie••t. Gen. Sir Marma∣duke (after∣wards Lord) Langdale, and Sir Philip Musgrave joyn Forces with them.
• * 54.50

  Col. Wogan revolts from the Parliament.
• * 54.51

  Col. Stuart's saying on the Stool of Re∣pentance.
• * 54.52

  Major-General Lambert oppo∣seth Sir Mar∣maduke Lang∣dale, but forced to retreat.
• * 54.53

  Cromwel joyns with Lambert.
• * 54.54

  Preston-Fight August. 17.
• * 54.55

  The Scots de∣feated.
• * 54.56

  Major-General Middleton ta∣ken.

  Duke Hamil∣ton flies.
• * 54.57

  Is taken by the Lord Gray of Grooby.
• * 54.58

  Monro coming to assist Ha∣milton, but re∣turns.
• * 54.59

  Cromwel marches into Scotland.
• * 54.60

  He is feasted by Argyle.
• * 54.61

  His policie in di••a••min•• and disbanding the Scots Forces.
• * 54.62

  Sir Matthew Boynton Go∣vernor of Scar∣brough for the King.

  Major Lilburn seizeth Tin∣mouth-Castle for the King.

  It is resurpri∣zed for the Par∣liament.

  The Castle stor∣med, Lilburn▪ and the Soul∣diers put to the Sword.
• * 54.63

  Colchester surrendred Au∣gust 28. on hard terms.
• * 54.64

  Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle shot to death Aug. 28.
• * 54.65

  Sir Bernard Gascoyn sen∣tenced to be shot to death, but reprieved.
• * 54.66

  The Londo∣ners continue Neuters.
• * 54.67

  A Personal Treaty voted▪ Jun. 30.
• * 55.1

  Resolves, That a Perso∣nal Treaty with the King be held at the Isl•• of Wight.
• * 55.2

  That a Com∣mittee be sent to his Majesty to acquaint him therewithal.
• * 55.3

  Earl of Mid∣dlesex, Sir Io. Hippe••ley, and John Bulkley Esq. delegated •••• the Parlia∣ment to attend on the King.
• * 56.1

  His Majesties Answer to the two Houses of Parliament.
• * 56.2

  The King chearfully em∣braceth the overt••••es of Peace.
• * 56.3

  Demands of the Parliament to recal those Votes and Or∣ders by which his Subjects are frighted from coming or sending to him.
• * 56.4

  That all men of necessary Pro∣fessions be ad∣mitted to come to him.
• * 56.5

  Note, That His Majesty had suf∣fered his Beard to overgrow in that solitary restraint of near se∣ven Months; so that Compassion wooed, where Majesty once aw∣ed.
• * 56.6

  That the Scots may be invited to send their Propositions.
• * 56.7

  The King de∣claring a ten∣d••r affection for both his Kingdoms.
• * 56.8

  The King ap∣points New∣port for the place of Treaty.
• * 56.9

  But urgeth the reconveniencies of Treating so far from Lon∣don▪
• * 56.10

  His Majesty 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Delegates to expedite the Treaty by dis∣patching their Commissioners.
• * 56.11

  The Parliament appoint Com∣missioners, five Lords, ten Commoners.
• * 56.12

  And desire his Majesties Roy∣al Word for his continuance in the Island till 20 days after the Treaty.
• * 56.13

  Their Votes of Non-address re∣pealed.
• * 56.14

  His Majesty sends the Par∣liament a List of such Persons he desired might attend him.
• * 56.15

  The Treaty be∣gan Sept. 18.
• * 56.16

  The Parliament dissatisfied with the Kings Propositions. They send thanks to their Commissioners.
• * 56.17

  His Majesties Propositions. He is willing to confess himself Author of the War, rather than the Peace shall be frustra∣ted.

  That the As∣sembly of Di∣vines shall sit at Westmin∣ster 3 years. That the Dire∣ctory shall be confirmed for 3 years, &c.
• * 56.18

  That Legal E∣states for Lives or Years shall be made of Bi∣shops-lands, Provided the Propriety re∣main in the Church.
• * 56.19

  That there be a Reformation, and concerning Papists.
• * 56.20

  Thrust in by some rigid Presbyterians, and maintained there by the Independants, be∣cause they knew the King would never As∣sent to it, and so no Conclusion.
• * 56.21

  That the two Houses shall dispose of the Militia for 10 years, or du∣ring his Reign.
• * 56.22

  That the affairs of Ireland be determined by the Parliam.
• * 56.23

  That Taxes he levied for the payment of the Army and pub∣like Debts.
• * 56.24

  That all the Chief Officers of State shall be nominated by the Parl. for 10 years.
• * 56.25

  That the Mili∣tia of the City of London & Liberties, for ten years may be in the Lord Mayor, Alder∣men, Common-Council and Sheriffs there∣of.

  With the Tower and Chief Offi∣cers thereof.
• * 56.26

  His Majesty proposeth his li∣berty to repair to Westmin∣ster, and to be restored to his Revenues.

  Proffereth an Act of Oblivi∣on to all per∣sons.
• * 56.27

  The Parliament imperious. Most of their Commissioners dutiful in their behaviour to∣wards the King.
• * 56.28

  The Army's Re∣monstrance at St. Albans.
• * 56.29

  The villanous heads thereof. That the King be brought to Iustice.
• * 56.30

  That the Prince of Wales and Duke of York render them∣selves by a cer∣tain day, or be proclaimed Traytors.
• * 56.31

  That the Reve∣nue of the Crown be se∣questred.
• * 56.32

  That Capital punishments be inflicted on some Chief In∣struments in the Wars.
• * 56.33

  That all De∣linq••ents come in by a certain day, or their Estates be con∣fiscated, and they to die without mercy.
• * 56.34

  That Fines, Compositions, and Confisca∣tions be dispo∣sed for the pay∣ment of the Souldiery.
• * 56.35

  That the Par∣liament set some period to their own Power.
• * 56.36

  That the future Government of of the King∣dom may be setled.
• * 56.37

  That no King be hereafter admitted, but upon Election.
• * 56.38

  And he to ac∣cord to these Propositions as they shall be e∣stablished by the Agreement of the people.
• * 56.39

  Something near the same stuff, except what toucht the King, was Signed by nine Regiments of Horse, and seven of Foot, and afterward promoted in London by Lieutenant-Colonel Lilburne, and Mr. Prince, by Petition to the Parliament, who condemned both, Novemb. 1647. and yet the same Moneth next year it revived.
• * 56.40

  The Levellers set on by Cromwel to prosecute this designe.
• * 56.41

  The Kings Queries to the Remonstrance.
• * 56.42

  A strict Guard put upon the King.
• * 57.1

  His Majesties Pathetick Ex∣pressions to the Parliaments Commissioners at parting.
• * 58.1

  His Majesties Declaration concerning the Treaty, and his dislike of the Armies pro∣ceedings.
• * 58.2

  The Presbyte∣rians satisfied with this De∣claration, and troubled at the proceedings of the Army.
• * 59.1

  His Majesties Letter to the Prince his Son, our present So∣vereign.
• * 59.2

  His excellent Advice to him▪
• * 59.3

  The Army con∣spire to force the House.
• * 59.4

  The Parlia∣ment Vote the Kings Answer satisfactory, Dec. 5.
• * 59.5

  The Army re∣quire that the I••p••a••hed Members and Major-General Brown be se∣cured and brought to Iu∣stice.
• * 59.6

  The House guarded. Col. Pride, Col. Hewson, and Sir Har∣dress Waller seize on several Members Dec. 6.
• * 59.7

  Hugh Peters an Agent for the Army in this Designe.
• * 59.8

  The Parliament impri••o••••d.
• * 59.9

  Ireton's inso∣lent expression.
• * 59.10

  Major-General Brown sent prisoner to Windsor.
• * 59.11

  Note, that Skippon thrust in that clause.
• * 59.12

  The Iuncto take upon them to act as a Parliament.
• * 59.13

  Rainsborough slain at Don∣caster, Oct. 29.
• * 59.14

  Scarborough-Castle yielded to the Parl.
• * 59.15

  The Army seize the King, and carry him from the Isle of Wight to Hurst-Castle, Dec. 1.
• * 59.16

  From thence to Winchester.
• * 59.17

  To Farnham. To Windsor.
• * 59.18

  The King brought to St. James's, Jan▪ 19.
• * 59.19

  Harrison's in∣solent behavi∣our to the King.
• * 59.20

  The Ordinance for Trial of the King brought into the Iuncto by Tho. Scot.
• * 59.21

  They Vote it Treason for the King of England to le∣vy War against his Parlia∣ment.
• * 59.22

  The Vote and Ordinance car∣ried to the Lords by the Lord Gray of Grooby.
• * 59.23

  The Lords cast out the Ordi∣nance, and ad∣journed for 7 days.
• * 59.24

  The Commons netled, they resolve to rid their hands of King, Lords, and dissenting Commons.
• * 60.1

  An Act of the House of Com∣mons for the Tryal of King Charles the First.
• * 60.2

  Jan. 9. Serjeant Den∣dy makes Pro∣clamation, that the Commissio∣ners of the High Court of Iustice were to sit the next day, and all persons invited to give in Evidence a∣gainst Charles Stuart.
• * 60.3

  Proclaimed in three places, Westminster, Cheap-side, and the Old Exchange.
• * 60.4

  The Names and C••aracters of the King's Iudges.
• * 60.5

  Cromwel, a Native of Hun∣tingdon-shire.
• * 60.6

  Ireton, his So••-in-law.
• * 60.7

  Bradshaw, a Cheshire-man died obstinate∣ly, 1659.
• * 60.8

  He took the Oath of Alle∣geance but two Terms before the King's death.
• * 60.9

  He is rewarded with the Lord Cottington's Estate and the Dutchy of Lancaster.
• * 60.10

  Harrison, a Butchers Son at Newcastle in Stafford-shire, was ex∣ecuted at Cha∣ring-Cross, Octob. 1660.
• * 60.11

  John Carew.
• * 60.12

  John Cook, Sollicitor of the High Court.
• * 60.13

  Hugh Peters, the shame of the Clergy.
• * 60.14

  Thomas Scot, a Brewers Clerk, his rash wish.
• * 60.15

  Gregory Cle∣ment, a Mer∣chant.
• * 60.16

  Adrian Scroop, Bro∣ther to Sir A∣drian.
• * 60.17

  John Jones, a Serving-man, marries Cromwels sister.
• * 60.18

  Francis Hac∣ker▪ a Souldier of Fortune.
• * 60.19

  Daniel Axtel, a Country-Mercer, Capt. of the Guard at the Kings Trial.
• * 60.20

  Okey, a Chandler near Billingsgate, London, a da∣ring Comman∣der.
• * 60.21

  Miles Corbet, of a good Fa∣mily in Nor∣folk, Burgess for Yarmouth
• * 60.22

  John Berk∣stead, a Gold∣smith, Lieute∣nant of the Tower.
• * 60.23

  Thom. Pride, •• Brewer 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 60.24

  Isaac Ewer, of 〈…〉〈…〉 in Yorkshire.
• * 60.25

  The Lord Gray of Grooby, Son to the Earl of Stamford.
• * 60.26

  Sir John Dan∣vers, Brother to the Loyal Earl of Dan∣by.
• * 60.27

  Sir Tho. Ma∣leverer, of a good Family in Yorkshire.
• * 60.28

  Sir John Bour∣chier, a dili∣gent Indepen∣dent Mercena∣ry
• * 60.29

  Col. Purefoy, Governour of Coventry.
• * 60.30

  John Blake∣stone, a Shop-keeper in Newcastle.
• * 60.31

  Sir William Constable of Yorkshire, Governour of Gloucester.
• * 60.32

  Rich. Dean, General at Sea, slain by a Cannon shot.
• * 60.33

  Fr. Allen, a Goldsmith, one of the Com∣mittees for the sa••e of Kings Lands.
• * 60.34

  Peregrine Pelham, Go∣vernour of Hull.
• * 60.35

  John Moor.
• * 60.36

  John Allured.
• * 60.37

  Humph. Ed∣wards, a Member of the Long-Parl.
• * 60.38

  Sir Gregory Norton.
• * 60.39

  John Ven, a Silkman, Go∣vernour of Windsor-ca∣stle.
• * 60.40

  Th. Andrews.
• * 60.41

  Anth. Stapely.
• * 60.42

  Th. Horton, Recruit to the Long Parl.
• * 60.43

  John Fry, a Yeoman of Dorsetshire, an Arrian.
• * 60.44

  Thom. Ham∣mond, B••other to Dr. Ham∣mond: the Kings Iaylor.
• * 60.45

  Isaac Pen∣nington, Lord Mayor of London.
• * 60.46

  Simon Meyne of Bucking∣hamshire, died in the Tower.
• * 60.47

  Sir Hardress Waller, a Souldier of Fortune.
• * 60.48

  Will H••ve∣ningham Esq 〈◊〉〈◊〉 antient Family in Suffolk.
• * 60.49

  Henry Mar∣ten.
• * 60.50

  Owen Row, a Silk-man of London.
• * 60.51

  Augustine Garland, a person relating to the Law.
• * 60.52

  Henry Smith, one of the Six Clerks in Chancery.
• * 60.53

  Robert Titch∣bourn, Lord Mayor of Lon∣don.
• * 60.54

  George Fleet∣wood.
• * 60.55

  James Tem∣ple.
• * 60.56

  Thomas Wait.
• * 60.57

  Peter Tem∣ple, a London Linne••-draper, B••••ges•• for Lei∣cester.
• * 60.58

  Robert Lil∣burn, Brother to John Lil∣burn.
• * 60.59

  Gilbert Mil∣lington, a Lawyer.
• * 60.60

  Vincent Pot∣ter, an upstart Member.
• * 60.61

  John Downs, a Citizen of London, and a Colonel.
• * 60.62

  Thomas Wo∣gan, an obscure person.
• * 60.63

  John Lisle, a Gentleman and Lawyer, Presi∣dent of several High Courts of Iustice.
• * 60.64

  Will. Say Esq. a Lawyer and Deputy-speaker of the House of Commons.
• * 60.65

  Valentine Walton, Bro∣ther in law to Cromwel, and Governour of Lyn.
• * 60.66

  Edward Wha∣ley, a Wollen-draper, his Fa∣mily of Not∣tinghamshire, a good souldier.
• * 60.67

  Edm. Ludlow the son of a Traytor, a da∣ring souldier.
• * 60.68

  Sir Michael Livesey of Kent.
• * 60.69

  John Hewson, a Shoo-maker, dead in Exile, a bold Com∣mander.
• * 60.70

  Will. Goffe, a Salters Ap∣prentice, and a bold Comman∣der.
• * 60.71

  Cor. Holland, a servant to Sir Hen. Vane.
• * 60.72

  Thomas Chal∣loner, a great speech-maker against the K.
• * 60.73

  Will. Cawley a Brewer of Chichester.
• * 60.74

  Nic. Love son to Dr. Love of Winchester.
• * 60.75

  John Dixwel, Governour of Dover-Castle.
• * 60.76

  Daniel Bla∣grave, a re∣cruit for Rea∣ding.
• * 60.77

  Daniel Broughton, a Clerk.
• * 60.78

  Edward Den∣dy, Serjeant at Arms.
• * 60.79

  John Hutchi∣son fined.
• * 60.80

  Francis Las∣sels fined.
• * 60.81

  Lord Munson. Ja: Challoner Esq. Sir Hen. Mildmay. Ro. Wallop Esq. Sir Ja: Har∣rington and John Phelps, their Estates Forfeited, drawn to Ty∣burn, and Im∣prisoned during life.
• * 60.82

  The High Court of Iustice sits Jan. 20.
• * 60.83

  A crimson Vel∣vet-chair and Cushion for the President.
• * 60.84

  Silence made, the Hall-gate set open.
• * 60.85

  Col. Thomlin∣son commanded to bring his prisoner.
• * 60.86

  He is brought to the Bar, a chair of crimson-Velvet set for him.
• * 60.87

  Silence made, the Act for the Tryal of Charles Stu∣art King of England read.
• * 60.88

  The Names of the Commissio∣ners read.
• * 60.89

  The Presidens speech to the King.
• * 60.90

  Cook Solici∣tor-General offers to speak; is forbid by the King.
• * 60.91

  He proceeds.
• * 60.92

  The Charge read.
• * 60.93

  President de∣mands the Kings Answer.
• * 60.94

  His Majesty refuseth to An∣swer, and dis∣owns the Au∣thority of the Court.
• * 60.95

  Proves his Ti∣tle to the Crown, by suc∣cession, not E∣lection.
• * 60.96

  Is prevented by the Presidents insolent re∣bukes.
• * 60.97

  Who urgeth for an Answer.
• * 60.98

  The King still refuseth, de∣manding their Authority.
• * 60.99

  The President answers, their Authority is Gods and the Kingdoms.
• * 60.100

  The Court riseth
• * 60.101

  The head of the Kings staff falls down, ••e stoops and takes it up.

  Some cry, God save the King; others, Iustice and Execution, by Axtels di∣rections.
• * 60.102

  The Court sits, the King comes in, the people shout. Solicitor moves for the Kings Answer.
• * 60.103

  President in∣sists upon it.
• * 60.104

  His Majesty still denies the Authority of the Court.
• * 60.105

  Refuseth to plead▪ and of∣fers to sh••w his Reasons.
• * 60.106

  Here the King would have de∣livered his Reasons, but was not suffered.
• * 60.107

  His Majesty presseth to shew his Reasons,
• * 60.108

  but cannot be permitted.
• * 60.109

  He desires to Demur.
• * 60.110

  He is over-ru∣led by the Court,
• * 60.111

  and Interrup∣ted.
• * 60.112

  The Cle••k re••d.
• * 60.113

  The Guards charged to take away their Pri∣soner.
• * 60.114

  The Court order the default and contempt to be Recorded.
• * 60.115

  The King guar∣ded to Sir Ro. Cottons.

  The Court ad∣journs.

  The Court sits again.
• * 60.116

  The King comes.
• * 60.117

  The Sollicitor moves the Court for Iudgement.
• * 60.118

  The Presidents speech in behalf of the Court,
• * 60.119

  he demands a positive answer from the King.
• * 60.120

  His Majesty de∣sires to speak for the Liberties of the people:
• * 60.121

  but is not per∣mitted till he gives his An∣swer to Guilty or not Guilty.
• * 60.122

  〈…〉〈…〉 to give any parti∣cular answer, desires 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to shew his Rea∣sons.
• * 60.123

  is interrupted,
• * 60.124

  again,
• * 60.125

  and again.
• * 60.126

  The Clerk reads
• * 60.127

  His Majesty ju∣stifies his pro∣ceedings, and refuseth to An∣swer to the Charge.
• * 60.128

  The Guards or∣dered to take charge of their Prisoner.
• * 60.129

  The King goes forth, and the Court adjourns.
• * 60.130

  His Majesties Reasons a∣gainst the Iu∣risdiction of the Court, which be inten∣ded to speak in Court, but was hindered.
• * 60.131

  No proceeding just, but what is warranted by the Laws of God or man.
• * 60.132

  No Impeachment can lie against the King.
• * 60.133

  The House of Commons can∣not erect a Court of Iu∣dicature.
• * 60.134

  Nor are the Membe•••• of this House Co••••is∣sioned by the people of Eng∣land.
• * 60.135

  The Priviledges o•• ••a••liame••t Violated
• * 60.136

  The higher House excluded, and the major part of the lower deterred from sitting.
• * 60.137

  The frame of Government cha••ged.
• * 60.138

  The Court sits.
• * 60.139

  Silence com∣manded.
• * 60.140

  The King comes, the soul∣diers cry for Iustice.

  His Majesty de∣sires to be heard.
• * 60.141

  but not permit∣ted.
• * 60.142

  The Court with∣draws.
• * 60.143

  Serejant at Arms with∣draws the King.
• * 60.144

  The Court re∣turns,
• * 60.145

  resolving to proceed.
• * 60.146

  The King brought into the Court: he urgeth to be heard, and ad∣viseth the Court against a ha••ty Iudgement.
• * 60.147

  The Presidents speech in de∣fence of the Courts procee∣dings.
• * 60.148

  His Majesty is interrupted.
• * 60.149

  Silence com∣manded, the Sentence read.
• * 60.150

  The Charge read.
• * 60.151

  The King requi∣red to give his Answer, he refuseth.
• * 60.152

  The King guar∣ded awa••.

  He is abused by the Souldiers,
• * 60.153

  disturbed in his Devotions. His admirable patience.
• * 60.154

  He desires to see his Children and Doctor Juxon.
• * 60.155

  The King tempt∣ed with new Proposals from some Grandees of the Army.
• * 60.156

  B. Juxon preacheth before him at Saint James's.
• * 60.157

  His Maj. giveth his Blessing to the Duke of Gloucester, and the Lady Elizabeth. His pious ad∣vice to them.
• * 60.158

  The Duke of Gloucester's reply.
• * 60.159

  The Lady Eli∣zabeths Rela∣tion of what passed between his Majesty and her.
• * 60.160

  He adviseth her to read Bp. Andrew's Ser∣mons, Hookers Policy, and Bp. Laud against Fisher.
• * 60.161

  A Committee appointed to consider of the time and place for Execution.
• * 60.162

  They agree upon the open street before White-hall the mor∣row following.
• * 61.1

  The Wa••ra•••• for the Kings Ex∣••••ut••••••.
• * 61.2

  Sig••••d by Joh. Bradshaw▪ Tho Gray, Ol. Cromwel, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Col. F••. Hac∣ker, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hunks, an•• Li••••. Co••o••el ••hray.
• * 61.3

  Factious Mi∣nisters appoin∣ted to attend the King; he refuseth to con∣fer with them.
• * 61.4

  Bp. of London readeth prayers to him, and administers the Sacrament.
• * 61.5

  The King brought to White-hall.
• * 61.6

  Mr. Seymor presents his Majesty with a Letter from the Prince.
• * 61.7

  The Kings friends ••arba∣rously u••••d. Engines to force the King 〈…〉〈…〉 had ••••∣s••ted.
• * 61.8

  His Majesty had ••ot spo∣••en b••t that ••therwise he might be thought to sub∣mit to the guilt.
• * 61.9

  H•• began not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 War;
• * 61.10

  span•• Ho••s••s.
• * 61.11

  His Majes••y lays not the 〈…〉〈…〉 the two 〈◊〉〈◊〉: i••l ••••struments the cau••e of it.
• * 61.12

  〈…〉〈…〉 Sen∣tence pu••••shed with another.
• * 61.13

  His Majesty for∣gives all the world, ev•••• the ca••sers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his death.
• * 61.14

  〈…〉〈…〉 wa•• to P••ace.
• * 61.15

  Conquest an ill way, seldom 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 61.16

  To give God his due, and the K••ng his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, is the right way.
• * 61.17

  Give God his due in set••ing the Church.
• * 61.18

  As to the King, it concerning 〈◊〉〈◊〉, hi•• Majesty ••aves it.
• * 61.19

  Peoples Liberty consi••••s in ha∣ving Govern∣ment, not s••a∣ring in it.
• * 61.20

  His Majesty the Martyr of the People.
• * 61.21

  His Majestie de••••ares h••s R••ligio••.
• * 61.22

  Afterwards Sir William Clerk.
• * 61.23

  The King makes ready for Execution.
• * 61.24

  Dr. Juxon comforts him.
• * 61.25

  It is known for to give it the Prince.
• * 61.26

  His Majesty gives the Sig∣nal.
• * 61.27

  He is Executed.
• * 61.28

  The Corps com∣mitted to the care of his ser∣vants.
• * 61.29

  Carri••d to Windsor.
• * 61.30

  Some Lords get an order for the burial of the King.
• * 61.31

  They desire it might be in St. Gorge's Chap∣pel by Common-prayer: are denyed.

  They expostu∣late, but pre∣vail not.
• * 61.32

  Seeking a place for Burial, they finde Hen. 8's Vault.
• * 61.33

  The Funeral.