Moses and Aaron civil and ecclesiastical rites, used by the ancient Hebrews : observed, and at large opened, for the clearing of many obscure texts thorowout [sic] the whole Scripture, which texts are now added at the end of the book : wherein likewise is shewed what customs the Hebrews borrowed from heathen people, and that many heathenish customs, originally, have been unwarrantable imitation of the Hebrews / by Thomas Godwyn ...

Moses and Aron.

THE FIRST BOOK Treateth of PERSONS.

CHAP. I.

Of the Form of the Hebrews Commonwealth until Christ his coming, and when the Scepter departed from them.

THE Form and State of Government hath been subject to change and variation a∣mongst all Nations, but especially a∣mongst the Jews, where these changes are obser∣vable.

At first, the Fathers of their several Families, and their First-born after them, exercised all kind of Government, both Ecclesiastical and Civil, being both Kings and Priests, in their own houses. They had power over their own Families, to bless, curse, cast out of doors, disinherit, and to punish with death, as is apparent by these examples: Of Noah to∣wards Cham, Gen. 9. 25. of Abraham towards Hagar & Ismael, Gen. 21. 10. of Jacob towards Simeon and Levi,

Gen. 49. 3. and of Judah towards Thamar, Gen. 38. 24.

In Moses his days then did this prerogative of primogeniture cease; and as Aaron and his posterity was invested with the right, and title of Priests; so Moses, and after him Josua, ruled all the people with a kind of Monarchical authority. For Moses was a∣mong the righteous as King, Deut. 33. 5.

After Josua succeeded Judges; their Offices were of absolute and independent authority, like unto Kings, when once they were elected. But there were long vacancies, and chasms commonly between the cessation of the one, and the election of the other: yea for the most part, the people never chose a Judge, but in time of great troubles, and imminent dangers; which being over-past, he retired to a private life. After that Cideon had delivered the people out of the hand of the Midianites, he being offered the Kingdom, replyed, I will not reign over you, neither shall my Child reign over you, Judg. 8. 23. That of Samuel, that he judged Israel all the days of his life, 1 Sam. 7. 15. was a 1.1 extraordinary. In this respect their Judges symbolize with the Roman Dictators. This state of Regiment continued amongst them, by the computation of S. b 1.2 Augustine, three hundred twenty nine years. In these vacancies or distances of time, between Judge and Judge, the greater and weightier matters were determined by that great Court of the Seventy, called the Sanedrim; in which respect the form of Government may be thought Arist••••ratical. Kings succeeded the Judges, and they continued from Saul unto the Captivity of Babylon, that is, c 1.3 about 520▪ years.

From the Captivity unto the coming of Christ, (which time is d 1.4 thought to have been five hun∣dred

thirty six years) the state of the Jews became ve∣ry confused. Sometimes they were ruled by Deputies and Vicegerents, who had not supreme authority in themselves, but as it pleased the Persian Monarchs to assign them; e 1.5 they were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rasche gali••th, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Heads of the Capitivity. Of this sort was Zerobabel and his Successors, who are rec∣koned in the f 1.6 Hebrew Chronicles to be these, Me∣sullam, Hananiah, Berechiah, and Hosadia. All which are thought to have reigned under the Persian Monarchy, and to have been of the Posterity of David: as like∣wise the other succeeding ten chief Governours af∣ter Alexander the Great. In the last of these ten, the government departed from the House of David, and was translated to the Macchabees, who descended from the Tribe of Levi. They were called Maccha∣baei, from Judas Macchabaeus, g 1.7 and he had this name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Macchabaeus, from the Capital Letters of this Motto, written in his Ensign or Banner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Quis sicut tu inter Deos, O Domine? Where the first letters are, M, C, B, A, I, Among the Macchabees, sovereign authority continued until He∣rod the Askalonite his reign, at what time our Saviour Christ was born, according to Jacobs prophecy: The Scepter shall not depart from Judah, nor a Law-giver from between his feet, until Shiloh, that is, the h 1.8 Messias come, Gen. 49. 10.

For the right understanding of this Prophecy, We must note two things; 1. The time when the Scepter was given to Judah; 2. When taken from him. But first we must observe how these two words, Judah, and the Scepter, are distinguished.

Some take Judah.

• 1. For the i 1.9 particular Tribe of Judah: ut this seemeth flat contrary to Scri∣pture; for many of the Judges were of other Tribes, and all the Macchabees of the Tribe of Levi,
• 2. For the k 1.10 Two Tribes which cleaved to Rehoboam; because in that division of the People, these Two Tribes a∣lone were called Jews, and that from Judah, and that never before this di∣vision.
• 3. For l 1.11 all the whole body of Israel, con∣sisting of Twelve Tribes, all which (in the judgment of these men) were af∣terward by the singular providence of God, called Jews from Judah.

Some take Scepter,

• 1. For m 1.12 legal power, and Soveraign au∣thority, residing in one man princi∣pally.
• 2. For the n 1.13 form of government, and face of a Common-wealth, governed and ruled by its own laws, customes, and rites: signifying as well the rule and authority of inferior Magistrates, yea of Priests also, as of Kings and Princes.

From these different acceptions of these two words, flow four different interpretations of Jacobs Prophecy.

Some are of o 1.14 opinion that the Scepter taken in the second acception, began to be given to Judah, that is, to the Two Tribes cleaving to Rehoboam, at the time of that division of the People, and that this Scepter was not taken from them until the destru∣ction of Jerusalem; because that after Herods time until then, their Laws remained in force; their Priesthood continued; and their Common-wealth though it were much defaced, yet not quite over∣thrown.

Some are of p 1.15 opinion, that the Scepter taken in the second acception, began to be given to Judah, that is, to the Twelve Tribes, from the time of Moses; and that this Scepter was not taken from them un∣til the Destruction of Jerusalem: Not in Herod be∣cause he was a Jew (in that he was a Proselyte) for a Jew is a name, say they, of Profession, not of Coun∣try or Nation.

Some are of q 1.16 opinion, that the Scepter taken in the second acception, began to be given to Judah, that is to the Twelve Tribes, from the time of Moses, and that it was taken from them in Herods time: yet so, that in Herods time, this was but begun, and inchoate, and at the destruction of Jerusalem it was fulfilled and consummate.

Some are of r 1.17 opinion, that the Scepter taken in the first acception, began to be given to Judah, that is, to the Twelve Tribes, from the time of Moses, and that it was taken from them fully in Herods time. The former opinions makes the coming of the Messias to be a fore-runner of the departure of the Scepter: This makes the departure of the Scep∣ter

to be a fore-runner or token of the Messiah his coming, which I take to be the Principal thing aim∣ed at in the Prophecy. This opinion, as it is more generally received than the others, so upon juster grounds. Now the Scepter was departed and given to a Proselyte, never so before: s 1.18 yea now also, the Law-giver was departed from between Judahs feet, now the Messiah born.

CHAP. II.

Of the Publicans.

WE having seen the most remarkable chan∣ges in the Common-wealth of the He∣brews; we will note the chief Observation concern∣ing the persons there inhabiting: and first concern∣ing the Publicans, who were, in the latter times, an heterogeneous Member of that Common-Wealth. After that the Jews became Tributary to Rome, (which a 1.19 was effected by Pompey threescore years before the Birth of our Saviour) certain Officers were appointed by the Senate of Rome, unto whom it belonged, as well among the Jews as in other Provinces, to collect, and gather up such custome-money, or tribute, as was exacted by the Senate: Those that gathered up these publique pay∣ments, were termed Publicani, Publicans; and by rea∣son of their covetous exactions, they commonly were hated by the People of the Provinces: b 1.20 Every Province had his several Society, or company of Publicans; Every Society his distinct Governour: In which respect it is, that Zachaeus is called by the E∣vangelist,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Princeps Publicanorum, the chief receiver of the tribute, or chief Publican, Luke 19. 2. Andall the Provincial Governours in these several Societies, had one chief c 1.21 Master residing at Rome, unto whom the other subordinate Governours gave up their accounts. These Publicans were hated in all Provinces, because of their exactions; but chiefly in the Commonwealth of the Jews, because though it were chiefly maintained by the Galilaeans, yet it was generally inclined unto by the Jews, That tribute ought not to be payed by them: This hatred is con∣firmed by that Rabbinical proverb, d 1.22 Take not a Wife out of that family wherein there is a Publican, for such are all Publicans. Yea a faithful Publican was so rare at Rome it self, that one Sabinus for his honest managing of that Office, in an honourable remem∣brance thereof, had certain images erected with this * 1.23 superscription; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, For the Faith∣ful Publican. And therefore no marvel, if in the Go∣spel, Publicans and sinners go hand in hand.

It is now generally received as a truth undoubted, that not onely Heathen people, but sometimes Jews themselves became Publicans. Tertullian was of ano∣ther opinion▪ e 1.24 and thought that all the Publicans were Heathens; but he hath been in that long since confuted by f 1.25 Jerome, and reason it self per∣swadeth the contrary. First, Matthew who was a Pub∣lican, was afterwards an Apostle, and therefore un∣likely to have been an Heathen. Secondly, Zachaeus his name was a pure Hebrew name having no affinity with Roman names. Thirdly, the ground or prin∣cipal argument on which Tertullian built, was meerly g 1.26 erronous.

CHAP. III.

Israelites, Proselytes.

THe whole Commonwealth of Israel consisted of two sorts of men, Hebrews, and Proselytes; he that was born an Hebrew, either by Father, or Mothers side, was an Hebrew; but he that was born so of both, was an Hebrew of the Hebrews; such a one was Saint Paul, Phil. 3. 5. He that was born a Proselyte either by Fathers or Mothers side was termed Ben-ger, the son of an he-proselyte; or Bengera, the son of a she-proselyte; but he that was by Father and Mothers side a Proselyte, was termed a 1.27 Bagbag, that is, the son of he and she Proselytes.

The Hebrews were of two sorts; some lived in Pa∣lestina, and used the Hebrew Text, these were called Hebrews or Jews; others were dispersed in divers places of Greece, they used the Greek translation, and thence were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, b 1.28 Graecists. S. Luke mentioneth both. There arose a murmuring, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the Graecists, towards the Hebrews, Acts 6. 1. Where, note the difference between 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Graecians, and the Graecists; The Grae∣cians are used by Saint Paul, to signifie all the Heathen people, and stand in opposition with Hebrews in the general acception; containing both the Graecists, or dispersed Hebrews, and also those of Palestina: the Graecists were both by birth and religion, Hebrews, standing in opposition with Hebrews; in the strict ac∣ception, taken for those of Palestina.

The wole body of Israel was divided into twelve Tribes; and publique Records were kept, wherein

every ones Genealogy was registred, to manifest unto what particular Tribe he belonged. These Re∣cords Herod burnt, hoping that in after ages he might be thought originally an Israelite, if those publike Monuments might not be produced against him. c 1.29 Thus much Eusebius plainly delivereth of him. I am of opinion, that another reason might be admit∣ted, namely, That no distinction either of Tribe or Family, might appear, but, all being confounded, and amongst the rest Davids, (unto whose Family by a peculiar right this Scepter belonged) Herod and his posterity might be the better secured of the King∣dom.

Proselytes were those Heathen people, who dis∣claiming Paganism, became Converts, and joyned themselves unto the Church of the Jews. They were termed Proselytes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from their com∣ing and adjoyning unto the Jews. Concerning these Proselytes, we will consider these three things. 1. The several kinds of Proselytes; 2. The manner of making them; 3. In what account or respect they lived a∣mong the Jews.

First, the kinds of Proselytes were two; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ger Berith, Proselytus foedoris, A Proselyte of the Covenant. He submitted himself unto the Circumcision, and to the whole Mosaical Paedagogy. d 1.30 The Rabbies term such a one 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ger tsedeck, Proselitum justi∣tiae, A Proselyte of rightecusness. Secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ger sahagnar, Proselytus portae, A Proselyte, or stranger within thy gates, Deut. 14. 21. Of him also we read in the fourth Commandment. He was suffered to dwell amongst them; whence he is also called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Toschah, Incola, an Inhabitant. He was not circum∣cised, neither did he conform himself to Mosaical

rites, and ordinances, only he was tyed to the obe∣dience of those Commandments, which among the Hebrew Doctors go under the Name of Noahs seven Commandments; e 1.31 which they reckon thus: 1. Judgements or punishments for Malefactours. 2. Blessing the Name of God; under this is contained the keeping of the Sabbath. 3. Disclaiming of Idola∣try. 4. Uncovering ones nakedness. 5. Shedding of blood. 6. Robbery. 7. Eating of any member of a Beast, taken from it alive. Of this sort, were Naaman▪ the Syrian, the Eunuch, Cornelius, and those of whom we read, That there were dwelling at Jerusalem, Jews f 1.32 Men that feared God of every Nation un∣der Heaven, Acts 2. 5.

Secondly, to the making of one to be a Proselyte of the Covenant, according to the difference of Sex, and the difference of times, the Rites of initiation varied. To the making of g 1.33 a Male-Proselyte, at first three things were required. 1. * 1.34 Circumcision. 2. A kind of purification by Water. 3. The blood of Oblation. This Ob∣lation was commonly two Turtles or Pigeons. To the making of a Woman Proselyte, were required only purification by water, and Oblation. h 1.35 Now because the Jews have neither Altar, nor Sacrifice, they say that for the Males, Circumcision, and purification by water sufficeth; and for the Females, only purification by water. i 1.36 In Davids time they say that many thou∣sands of Proselytes were joyned unto the Church with∣out Circumcision, only by this purification.

Hence we may observe, that a kind of Initiation by water was long in use among the Jews, though it were not Sacramental until Christ his institution: Yea therefore itmay seem to have been used by them, because they expected it at the coming of the Mes∣sias,

as appeareth by their coming unto John, que∣stioning not so much his Baptism, as his Authority, by what authority he baptized: Why baptizest thou then, if thou be not that Christ, nor Elias, neither that Prophet? John 1. 25.

Thirdly, the respect born by the Jews towards Proselytes, was charitable; k 1.37 they used no upbraiding terms towards them, saying Remember thy former deeds. Notwithstanding it was also provided, l 1.38 no Proselyte should be eligible into the Court of their Sanhedrim; yea in their common commerce, they had an usual proverb, which admonished them of wari∣ness m 1.39 Vel ad decimam us{que} generationem a Proselytis cave; Beware of Proselytes to the tenth generation.

CHAP. IV.

Of their Kings.

WE shall read of three sorts of Kings in the Old Testament: Melchisedeck was King and Priest; David King and Prophet; others simply Kings. Melchisedeck was King and Priest, David King and Prophet. The concurrance of Princely Sovereignty, and Holy Orders, in the same man, intimates that su∣preme Authority should alwayes be accompanied with care of Religion: In which respect Joash, when he was anointed King, received the Testimony, or Book of the Law, 2 Kings 11. 12. Neither did these two meet only in Melchisedeck and David, but the same man among the Heathens a 1.40 was oftentimes King and Priest. And Trismegistus had his name Ter-maximus, b 1.41 because he was Philosophus maximus, Sacerdos ma∣ximus, & Rex maximus. All Kings were not anointed,

but onely those in whom succession was broken; and there the first of the family was anointed for his Suc∣cessors, except in case of dissention, where there was requireda renewed unction, for the confirmation of his Authority. For this reason it was, that Solomon was anointed as well as David, because of the strife between him and Adonijah.

Furthermore, Saul and Jehu were anointed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bepac, with a cruse of oyl, to shew the short conti∣nuance of their Kingdom, David and Solomon were anointed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bekeren, with an horn of oyl; that is, in a plentiful measure, to shew the long continuance of their Kingdoms.

As Kings were dinstinguisht from the People by many Ensigns of Honour, by their Crown, their Scepter, their Throne, &c. so likewise were they di∣stinguished by their Apparel; that was the reason that Ahab entring into battel, changed his apparel, 1 Kings 22. 30. Though purple and white colours were not appropriated unto Kings, c 1.42 yet these co∣lours were in chief esteem, and principally used by them d 1.43; yea Purple above others was affected by the Emperors and Nobility of Rome; and white by the Nobility of the Jews: whence the Hebrews term their Noble men, and such as were of best rank 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cho∣rim, Albatos, men clad in white; and on the con∣trary, men of meaner rank, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chaschucim, Sor∣d••datos, men clad with a foul garment. Hence is that of Saint James; If there come a man with a gold ring, and in good apparel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in a white garment, and there come also a poor man, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in a vile or soul raiment, James 2. 2. This may be the reason, why, when the Jews accused Christ of treason, Pilate his Souldiers clad him in purple,

Matth. 27. 28. and Herod the Tetrarch of Galilee put on him a white garment, Luke 23. 11. both therein ap∣plying themselves to the customs of their own Coun∣try, and in derision clothing him as a King.

CHAP. V.

The High-priest, Priests, Levites, and Nethinims.

THere were three ranks and degrees of Ministers about the Temple; Priests, Levites, and Nethi∣nims; they may be paralleld with Ministers, Deacons, and Sub-Deacons, in the Primitive Church: Over all these, the High-priest was chief.

In Aaron and his posterity, was continued the suc∣cession of the Priests; the High priesthood was tied to the line of his first-born; all the rest of his posterity were Priests, simply so called, or called Priests of the second Order, 2 Kings 23. 4.

Except Aaron, and those that issued from his loines, (in whom the series of Priests was continu∣ed) all the rest of Levi his posterity were called Le∣vites.

Both in the High-priest, and the second or inseriour Priests, there are two things considerable. First, their Consecration: Secondly, their Office. In both these, somewhat they differed, in somewhat they agreed.

In their Consecration they differed. First, a 1.44 The High priest was anointed: the materials of this Chrism or oyntment are prescribed, Exod. 30. 23. It was poured upon Aarons head, Levit. 8. 12. It ran

down to his beard, and to the border of his garments, Psal. 133. 2. The Second Priests were only sprinkled with this oyle, mixed with the blood of the Sacri∣fice, Levit. 8. 30. In this was typed out the unction of our Saviour, who was anointed with the oyl of Glad∣ness above his Fellows, Psal. 45. 8. He was anointed▪ above his Fellows, Extensive, and Intensive. Extensive, for though Aaron was anointed Priest, Saul anointed King, Elisha anointed Prophet, Melchisedeck King and Priest Moses Priest and Prophet, David King and Pro∣phet; yet none save only Christ, King, Priest, and Pro∣phet. Intensivé, he was anointed, we sprinkled, He was full of grace and truth, John 1. 14. And from this ful∣ness we received grace for grace, ver. 16. And all Chri∣stians, especially Ministers, are unto God the sweet sa∣vour of Christ, 2 Cor. 2. 5.

Secondly, they differed in their Garments, which were a necessary adjunct to their Consecration. The High-Priest wore at the time of his ordinary mini∣stration in the Sanctuary, eight Garments, Exodus 28. First, Breeches of linnen, put next upon his flesh. Se∣condly, A Coat of fine linnen, put over the breeches. Thirly, A girdle embroidered of sine linnen, blew pur∣ple, and scarlet, wherewith the coat was girded. Fourth∣ly, A Robe all of Blew, with seventy two bells of Gold, and as many Pomegranates of blew purple, and scar∣let, upon the skirts thereof; this was put over the coat and girdle. Fifthly, An Ephod of gold and of blew purple, scarlet, and fine linnen curiously wrought; on the shoulders thereof were two fair Beryl Stones, engra∣ven with the names of the Twelve Tribes of Israel. This Ephod was put over the Robe, and girded there∣to with a curious girdle made of the same. Sixthly, A Breast-plate wrought of gold, blew, purple, scarlet, and

fine linnen, which being a span square, was fastned by golden chains and rings, upon the Ephod: herein wereset twelve several Stones, on which the Names of the Twelve Tribes were engraven: Moreover, in this Breast-plate were the Ʋrim and the Thummim pla∣ced. Seventhly, A Miter of fine linnen, sixteen cubits long, wrapped about his head. Eightly, A plate of purple ple gold, or holy Crown two fingers broad, whereon was engraven. Holiness to the Lord: This was tyed with a blew lace upon the fore-front of the Miter.

These eight Garments the High-priest used in his ordinary ministration, and they are termed by the Rabbies. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bridge Zahab, Vestimenta aurea, Golden Vestiments, because of their richness in com∣parison of other extraordinary Garments, which he wore only once a year, when he entred into the Holy of Holies, upon the propitiation day, Lev. 15. 4, 23. These latter are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bigde Laban, Ve∣stimenta alba, White Garments; they were in number four. 1. A linnen breeches. 2. A Linnen Coat. 3. A lin∣nen girdle. 4. A linnen Miter, Levit. 16. 4.

In the time of the Second Temple, a 1.45 because the Chrism or holy Oyl could not be found, therefore, as formerly in respect of his unction, the High priest was called by the Talmudist, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mithrabe Mischa, Auctus unctione, the anointed; so when the Oyl was lost in respect of his Garments, he was termed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mithrabe Begadim, Auctus Ve∣stibus, The cloathed. Those forementioned Garments b 1.46 the High Priest might not wear abroad in the City, unless some urgent occasion compelled him, as Simeon the just did, when he went forth to meet Alexander the Great.

In his apparel the threefold Office of our Saviour

Christ was shadowed: the Crown signified his Kingly Office; the Ʋrim and Thummim, and likewise his Bells and Pomegranats, his Prophetical Office: by Ʋrim and Thummim, he answered as from an Oracle; by the Bells was tiped the sound of his Doctrine; by the Pomegranats, the sweet savour of an Holy Life; the Names of the twelve Tribes engraven on the Ephod, and the Brest-plate, signified his Priestly Office, pre∣senting unto God the whole Church, for which he maketh intercession. He knoweth his own sheep by Name. John 10. 3.

The inferiour Priests had only four Garments, which they used in their ministration. 1. A linnen Breeches. 2. A linnen Coat. 3. A linnen Girdle. 4. A linnen Bonnet, Exod. 28.

Thirdly they differed in their marriage. The High-priest might not marry a Widow, nor a divorced Wo∣man, nor an Harlot, but a Virgin, Levit. 21. 14. From a Widow he could not expect the first love: from a di∣vorced Woman he could not expect the first, or just love: from an Harlot, neither sirst, just, nor only love: all which Christ (whom the High-priest did herein represent) expecteth from his Church. The other Priests might lawfully marry a Widow, Levit. 21. 7.

The High priest, and the Inferiour Priests agreed in their consecration in these particulars. It was requi∣red first, that both should be void of bodily blemish, Levit. 21. 17. Secondly, that both should be present∣ed unto the Lord at the door of the Tabernacle, Exod. 29. 4. Thirdly, that both should be washed with wa∣ter, Exod. 29. 4. Fourthly, that both should be con∣secrated by offering up certain Sacrifices, Exod. 29. Fifthly, that both should have of the blood of the other Ram, put upon the tip of the right Ear, the

thumb of the right hand, and the great toe of the right-foot, Exod. 29. 20.

In the time of their Consecration, certain pieces of the sacrifice were put into the Priests hand, Exod. 29. 9. The ceremony in the Christian Church, used by the Bishop unto the Minister in time of Ordination, that the Bishop giveth the Bible into the hands of the Minister, doth much resemble this: And both may signifie, that no man taketh this honour unto himself, but he that is called of God, as was Aaron; Heb. 5. 4. Hence Conse∣cration in the Hebrew phrase is termed, Filling of the hand. And contrary to this did Jeroboams Priests, who soever would, he Filled his own hand, 1 King. 13. 33. that is, He thrust himself into the Priesthood.

In the discharge of their offices, the High-priest differed from the other Priests: First, because he only, and that but once a year, entred into the Holy of Holies, Exod. 16. 34.

Secondly, the High-priest might not mourn for the death of his neerest kin, Levit. 21. 10, 11. The phrases used there to express mourning are two. First, unco∣vering the Head. Secondly, Renting the Cloths: Of both these somewhat is spoken in the Chapter of Burials; but concerning the latter it will not be amiss to note, that the Talmudists determine the matter thus; say∣ing, e 1.47 That it was lawful for the High-priest to tear the skirt, or neither part of his Garment, but from the bosom downward it was unlawful: which if it be true, then it doth not necessarily follow, that Cai∣aphas did contrary to the law in renting his cloaths, Matth. 26. 65. The inferiour Priests might mourn for these six; Father, Mother, Son, Daughter, Brother, and Sister, that had no husband, Levit. 21. 2.

In the discharge of their Offices, the High-priest, and

other Priests agreed in these Particulars: First, they both burnt incense and offered sacrifices, 1. Chron. 6. 49. Secondly, they both sounded the Trumpets; the use whereof was two-fold; sometimes to sound an alarm in the war, sometimes to assemble the people and their Rulers, Numb. 10. Thirdly, they both slew the sacrifices, 2. Chron. 29. 22. Fourthly, they both instructed the people, Malac. 2. 7. Fifthly, they both judged of leprosie, Levit. 13. 2.

For the more orderly performance of these Offi∣ces, the High-priest had his Suffragan, d 1.48 called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sagan, who in case of the High-priest's pollution, per∣formed his office. Of this sort was Zephaniah, Jer. 52. 24. And of this sort Annas is thought to have been, when Caiaphas was High-priest. e 1.49 In this sense they interpret Annas and Caiaphas to have been High-priests the same year, Luk. 3. 2. The High priest and his Sagan, resembled our Bishop and his Suffra∣gan: The Patriarch of Constantinople▪ and his Primore termed Protosyncellus, and amongst the Romans, the Centurion and his Optio: for the Lieutenants in war, who in case of necessity supplyed the Centurions place, were termed Optiones.

That every one of the inferiour Priests might e∣qually serve in his order, King David distributed the whole company of them into twenty four ranks or courses, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Turmae, vices; Nadab and Abihu being dead, there remained only two sons to Aaron, namely, Eleazer and Ithamar; now as the succession of Priests was preserved in these two fa∣milies, so did David at his time, according to the number of people in each family, make his division. Eleazers family he divided into sixteen ranks, and Ithamars into eight: the division was by Lot; the first

Lot fell to Jehoiarib, the second to Jedaiah, the third to Hairim, &c. 1 Chron. 24. Every rank or course ser∣ved weekly in the Temple by turn, and the ranks received their Names from those who at that time were the heads of the several families, and ever after retained the same names. The chief of every rank was called, Summus Sacerdos istius Classis: The chief Priest of that rank. Hence it is, that we read of many High Priests assembled together, Mark. 14. 1. Further∣more we are to note, that as the weekly course fell out by lot, so did they by lot determine each parti∣cular Priests service; namely, who should burn in∣cense, who slay the Beasts, who lay them on the Al∣tar, who dress the Lamps, &c. Zacharias was of the course of Abia, Luke 1. 5. that is, of the eighth course, and his lot was to burn incense, Luke. 1. 9.

The Office of the Levites was, to pitch, to take down, to bear up and down the Tabernacle, and the Vessels thereof. Levi had three Sons, Gershon, Cohath, and Merari: and accordingly the whole Company of the Levites were distinguisht into three orders, Gershonites, Cohathites, and Merarites. The Gershonites charge was to carry the coverings, and hangings of the Taber∣nacle. The chief things within the Sanctuary were committed to the Cohathites. The wood-work, and the rest of the instruments were committed to the charge of the Merarites, Num. 3. This was the Office of the Levites in Moses his time, and while they were on their journey in the Wilderness; but afterward when they were setled in the promised Land, then David changed their office, appointing them, some to have the charge of the Treasures of the Temple, 1 Chron. 26. 20. others to be Over-seers and Judges; others to be Porters, others Singers, 1 Chron. 23. 4.

The Singers in time of singing were clad in linnen-Robes or Surplesses, 2 Chron. 5. 12. The Singers were divided into twenty four orders or courses, 1 Chron. 25. 8. And the Porters into as many, 1 Chron. 26. that both might supply their turns weekly by lot as the Priests did. In Moses time also, their consecration began at the five and twentieth year of their age: In Davids at the twentieth, 1 Chron. 23. 24. Ezra. 3. 8. Here we may note the liberty granted unto the Church in chang∣ing Ceremonies: The Office of the Levites in Davids time, was not the same as in Moses; and again, Moses and David agreed not in the time of their con∣secration. Again, in the Christian Church we shall find in Matthias his election, the use of Lots; not so in Pauls, or any other of the Apostles: In their meet∣ings, use of an holy-kiss; and at the Lords Supper, use of their Love-feasts: Both now antiquated tho∣roughout Christendom.

Moreover, there are certain degrees observable among the Levites: First, their Initiation, when they were a month old, they were initiated and presented unto God, Numb. 3. 15. Secondly, their consecration; they were consecrated by Imposition of hands, when they were five and twenty years old. Numb. 8. 24. From thence for the five years following, they learned their Offices. Those that imposed hands on them are said in the Text, Numb. 8. 10. to be the sons of Israel. Chazkuni interpreteth that place, the First born of Israel. They were the Representative Church; and in allusion to this, the Church of Christ is called the Church of the First born, Heb. 12. 23. At the same time the Levites were waved by the Priests; that is, as the Greeks read it, f 1.50 Separated, which word is used for the Ministers of Christ, g 1.51 Separate me Barna∣bas

and Paul, Act. 13. 2. Thirdly, their Ministration, to carry up and down the Tabernacle, and this was at the thirtieth year of their age, until the fiftieth, Numb. 4. 3. Lastly, their vacation, or discharge from that laborious service of carrying the Tabernacle; notwithstanding even then they were to serve in their charge, to encamp round about the Tent, to sing, and to beware that no stranger came into the Temple, h 1.52 and likewise to over-see and instruct younger Levites in the manner of Bishops. Unto these degrees the Apostle seemeth to have respect: They that have ministred well, get themselves a good degree, 1. Tim. 3. 13. The like kind of i 1.53 de∣grees are observable among the Vestal Virgins: they remained in their Nunnery thirty years. Ten years they learned the Mysteries of their Profession; Ten years they exercised them; and Ten years they taught them others. From this custom of Imposing hands on the Levites hath flown the like custom, used by the Apostles in conferring Orders, Acts 6. 6. 1 Tim. 5. 22.

Observe the difference of these three phrases, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the imposition of hands. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the holding up of hands, in token of elevation or ordination, Act. 14. 23. And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A stretching forth of the hands. Both the first gestures were used in Ordination, or conferring Orders. The first of all, namely, imposition of hands, was borrowed from the Hebrews. The second; namely, the holding up of hands, was taken from the k 1.54 Atheni∣ans, who had two sorts of Magistrates, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Magi∣strates chosen by lots,: and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Magistrates chosen by holding up of the hands. The third gesture of the hands called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A stretching forth of the hands, l 1.55 som∣time it is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the beckning with the

hand, a gesture used in craving silence; so Paul stret∣ched forth the hand, and answered for himself, Acts 26. 1.

There were m 1.56 another sort of holy persons term∣ed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ansche Magnamad, Viri stationarii; th•…•… Law requiring, that, whosoever offered either gift or sacrifice, he should present it unto the Lord with his own hands, and stand by during the time of his obla∣tion. Now, because all Israel could not stand by, for the narrowness of the Place, hence when an offering was made for all the people, certain selected Persons, chosen for that purpose, supplied the stead of all the People. They were divided, as the Priests and Le∣vites, into twenty four ranks and orders, weekly to minister in the Temple, but the choice was not restrain∣ed to the Tribe of Levi, but was indifferently made out of the people. Every rank had one fore-man, chief above the rest, termed n 1.57 Stationum Princeps, the Fore man of that Station. The Nethinims office was to be hewers of wood, and drawers of water for the house of God; they were not Levites, no nor Israelites, but Gibeonites, whom because of their fraudulent dealing, Joshua made in this manner tributary, Josh. 9. 23. They were afterward called Nethinims, Ezra 2. 43. from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nathan, which signifieth to give, because they were given to the service of the Temple. Their office was vile and base, as appeareth by that prover∣bial speech; From the hewer of thy wood, unto the drawer of thy water. Deut. 29. 11.

CHAP. VI.

Of the Prophets.

THere are divers names given unto the Exposi∣tors of the Law; and although the Particular year or time when each name began, be not clearly evidenced by Monuments of Antiquity, yet in gene∣ral we may conceive three distinct periods of time; in which the names altered. First, from Adam until Moses; Secondly, from Moses, till the peoples return from Babylon. Thirdly, from their return, until the dayes of Christ, and after. In the first period, as Adam was Prophet and Priest in his family, so after∣ward every first-born supplyed these two offices, to∣gether with their princely office in their several families. That they ruled their families as Kings, and instructed them as Prophets, is clear to any acquainted with Scripture; the greatest doubt is, what sufficient proof there is for their Priestood. Adams Priesthood is gathered hence, a 1.58 because that Gen. 4. 3. and 4. Abel and Cain are said to have brought their sacri∣fices: to have brought them, namely, unto Adam, who offered them unto God in their name. The Priest hood of the first-born is gatherable hence, because the Leviles were appointed to the service of the Al∣tar, instead of the first born, and as their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or price of redemption, Num. 3. 41. In the second period, though a private Catechetical exposition of the Law belonged to the Masters of families, yet the publick Ministerial exposition thereof was appropriated to Priests, and Prophets. In the third period, when Pro∣phesie ceased, then the office of expounding Scripture was more common, and instead of Prophets came in a••multitude of other Expositors; In general we may call them Teachers of Israel, Joh. 3. 10. We may

distinguish them into three several sorts. 1. Wisemen. 2. Scribes. 3. Disputers. The Apostle compriseth them all, 1 Cor. 1. 20. Where is the Wise? Where is the Scribe? Where is the Disputer? Unto any of these, or whatsoever other Doctor eminently gifted above o∣thers, the title Rabbi was prefixed. First, of their Pro∣phets. Secondly, their Wisemen. Thirdly, their Scribes. Fourthly, their Disputer. Fifthly, their Rabbies.

To prophesie, or to be a Prophet, hath divers accep∣tions in Scripture. First, it is taken for the books and writings of the Prophets. They have Moses and the Pro∣phets, Luk. 16. 29. Secondly, for the whole Word of God: no Prophesie in the Scripture is of any private motion, 2. Pet. 1. 20. Thirdly, those unto whom God vouchsafed familiarly to reveal himself, they are called Prophets: Abraham was a Prophet, Gen. 20. 7. and Miriam a Prophetess, Exod. 15. 20. Fourthly, ordinary Interpreters of the Word are called Prophets. He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of Prophet. Mat. 10. 41. Lastly, it is taken for those, who were enabled by Divine Revelation, to lay open hidden secrets, trans∣cending all possibility of humane search. Hence it is that Prophets in old time were called Seers, 1 Sam. 9. 9. And their Prophecy was termed a vision, Esay 1. 1. because God extraordinarily enlightned their minds with the knowledge of these secrets.

There are three observable names applied to Pro∣phecy in Scripture. 1. Verbum Domini: 2. Visio: 3. Onus. The Word of the Lord: Vision: A Burthen. The first im∣porteth the Lord speaking, or revealing his secrets; the second implyeth the Prophets attending, or be∣holding them; the third being applyed onely to Judgements, signifieth the burthensomness of them on that people against whom they came forth.

For the propagation of Learning, Colledges and Schools were in divers places erected for the Pro∣phets; their Scholars were termed b 1.59 Filii prophetarum, children of the Prophets, 2. Kin. 6. 1. unto which phrase there is allusion, Matt. 11. 19. Wisdom is justified of her children: by reason of this Relation the Prophet sometimes is called a Father; Elisha cryed out, My Father, my Father, 2. King. 2. 12. The c 1.60 Targum ex∣poundeth that place Rabbi, Rabbi; as much as to say, my Master, my Master: And in truth the Rabbies grew very ambitious of the name Father, which was the reason of our Saviours speech, Matth. 23. 9. Call ••o man Father upon earth.

The d 1.61 Scripture sometimes joyneth to the name of the Prophet, the name of his Father, as Hosea the son of Beeri, Hos. 1. 1. And such a one the Hebrews con∣fess to be Both a Prophet, and the son of a Prophet. Sometimes it mentioneth the Prophets name, but not the Father; such a one they confess to be a Prophet, but not the son of a Prophet: Sometimes it mention∣eth with the Prophet, the name of the City where he prophesied, and then it followeth, that he was a Pro∣phet of that City. When a Prophet is mentioned without the name of the City, then he is thought to be a Prophet of Jerusalem.

2. Wisemen: This Title though in it self it be ge∣neral and common to all Doctors, and Teachers of the Law; yet for many years before our Saviours In∣carnation, e 1.62 it was either arrogated by the Pharises, or else by the ignorant multitude appropriated unto them, from an opinion of their extraordinary wis∣dom, in teaching of Traditions,, which they prefer∣red beyond the Law. Hence the Pharises were called f 1.63 Masters of the Traditions: And hence was that counsel of R. Eleezer to his Scholars, g 1.64 that they should forbid their children from the study of the

Bible, and place them between the knees of their Wisemen. h 1.65 Likewise hence, when any of their Do∣ctors did read Lectures, their saying was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Our wisemen do teach tradictions. The like ambition we shall find among the Grecians, all of them striving to be intituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wisemen: and hence, whensoever the chief of them had pleased the people in performance of their Orations, or any other publick business, they were honoured with a Grand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, with a loud acclamation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Well done, or, wisely done; until Pythagoras, in dislike of such swelling Titles, stiled himself Philo∣sophus, a Lover of wisdom; which kind of modesty was afterward practiced by the Hebrew Doctors; for they in after times, to avoid the suspicion of arrogancy, refused the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chacamim, Wisemen, i 1.66 and stiled themselves, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Discipuli sapien∣tium, Learners of wisdom.

3. Scribes: This name was given to two sorts of men; some meerly Laicks, others Clergy-men. The body of the Laick Scribes, were those, to whom was com∣mitted the instruction of young children in their mi∣nority, especially to teach them to write; we may English them Scriveners. This office was appropria∣ted to the Tribe of Simeon. In this sense we read not of Scribes in the Scripture, although the ground of their first institution hath been taken thence, namely, from those words which Jacob used unto Simeon and Levi; I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel, Gen. 49. 7. So that as Levi had no portion, but lived dispersed among the other Tribes, by the be∣nefit of the Altar: k 1.67 In like manner Simeon had no portion in the judgement of the Hebrews; but lived scattered among the other tribes, getting their main∣tenance by teaching and schooling little children: Whether this office of teaching children was appro∣priated

to them, I leave to the inquiry of others; cer∣tain I am that the Simeonites had their own inheri∣tance by lot, Josh 19. 1. And the prophesie concerning their being scattered is thought to have been ac∣complished in this, that the inheritance of the Sime∣onites, was taken out of the portion of the children of Judah, Josh. 19. 9. Furthermore it is certain, that if not all Scriveners, yet those publick Notaries, who were imployed in drawing Deeds, and writing Con∣tracts (be they of what Tribe they will) they were called by the name of Scribes. Unto this there is al∣lusion, Psal. 45. 1. My tongue is as the pen of a swift Writer, or ready Scribe. Out of the body of these, I conceive, certain choice men to have been elected for publick imployments; some to attend the King, as his Secretaries, termed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Kings Scribes, 2. Kin. 12. 10. Such were Sheia. 2. Sam. 20. 25. And Shaphan, 2 Kin. 22. 3. Others to attend the pub∣lick Courts and Consistories: they much resembled our Clerks of Assizes, these were termed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Scribes of the people, Mat. 2. 4. It. 1. Mac. 5. 42.

The second sort of Scribes belonged to the Clergy; they were Expositors of the Law, and thence are they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Scribes of the Law, Esra. 7. 9. Expounders of the Law, Luk. 7. 30. and Doctors of the Law, Luk. 5. 17. Their Office was to write, read, and expound the Law of Moses to the people. The name was a name of Office, not of Sect. Of this sort was Esdras, Esra 7. 6. who though he were a Levite, yet l 1.68 others there were of the Tribe of Judah, and, as it is thought, they might indifferently be of any Tribe. The name was of the like esteem among the Hebrews, as the Magi were among the Chaldeans; the Quinde••imviri among the Romans, for expound∣ing Sybilla's Oracles, Or the Canonists in the Church of Rome. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sopherim, translated Scribes,

signifieth Numberers, or Computers, and is applyed to the Masorites, because they spent their time in reckon∣ing, and numbring, not only the verses, but the words also, and letters of each Book throughout the Bible; which, as it is an argument of their industry, m 1.69 so likewise of Gods providence, in the preserva∣tion of his truth inviolable. As the Wisemen in their Preaching pressed Traditions; so the Scribes clave to the written word, whence they were n 1.70 termed Text-men, or Masters of the Text. And to this purpose it is worth our observing, that whereas both the Scribes and the Pharisees sought to fasten accusations upon our Saviour, Matt. 9. The Scribes accused him of blas∣phemy, v. 3. the Pharisees of eating with Publicans and sinners, v. 11. The Scribes accusation was a breach of the Law; the Pharisees a breach of Traditions.

3. The Diputer. o 1.71 He insisted upon Allegories, and searched out mystical interpretations of the Text. Hence himself was termed Darschan, and his exposi∣tion, or Homily, Midrasch; and their School, Beth-Hammidrasch: They were counted the profounde Interpreters, whence that of the Psalmist, Psal. 84. 7. They go from strength to strength, p 1.72 is interpreted, from their Temple to their Beth-Hammidrasch, from an infe∣riour to an higher School. Hereby we see the diffe∣rence between those three sorts of Predicants men∣tioned by Saint Paul. The Wise men were teachers of Traditions, the Scribes teachers of the Text according to the literal interpretation, and the Disputers teachers of Allegories and Mysteries; which fabulous exposi∣tions, because they bred questions and disputations 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 1 Tim. 1. 4. Hence is it, that such an Expo∣sitor is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Disputer. These three sorts of Preachers, which S. Paul termeth, the Wise man, the Scribe, and the Disputer, 1 Cor. 1. 20. are by the Hebrews named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chacham, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sopher, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Darschan.

CHAP. VII.

Of their Title Rabbi.

ABout the time of our Saviour Christ his Nati∣vity, Titles began to be multiplyed; and a¦mongst the rest, these of Rab, Ribbi, Rabbi, and Rab∣ban, were in especial use: they all are derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rabab, signifying, multiplicatus fuit, and they sound as much as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, a Master, or Doctor, eminently gifted with variety of Knowledge. Concerning these titles, they write thus, a 1.73 that Rab∣bi is a more excellent title than Rab, and Rabban more excellent then Rabbi; and the simple name without any title, as Haggai, Zachary, Malachy, was more excellent than Rabban. About this time they used a set from of Discipline in their Schools. The Scholar was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Talmid, a Disciple, in respect of his Learning; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Katan, a Junior, in respect of his minority; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bachur, that is, one chosen, or elected in respect of his election, or cooptation, into the number of Disciples; After he had proved a good Proficient, and was thought worthy of some degree, then was be by im∣position of hands made a Graduate, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chaber, a Com∣panion to a Rabbi. This imposition of hands, they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Semichah, or Semicuth, which Ceremony they observed in imitation of Mo∣es towards Joshua. The Lord said unto Moses, Take thou Joshua the son of Nun, in whom is the Spirit, and put thine hand upon him, Numb. 27. 18. At which time he that imposed hands on him, used b 1.74 this form of words, I associate thee, and be thou associated. After this, when he was worthy to teach others then was he called Rabbi; and whereas in his minori y, his own

name being suppressed, he was called only by his Fathers name, the son of N. When he was made Gradu∣ate by imposition of hands. then was he called by his own name, N. the son of N. And afterward when he was thought worthy to teach, then was the Title Rabbi prefixed, after this manner; Rabbi N. the son of N. For example, Maimonides; at first was termed only Ben Maimon, the son of Maimon: after his degree, then was he called by his own name, added to his fathers, Moses Ben Maimon, Moses the son of Maimon: at last be∣ing licensed to teach, then was he called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ram∣bam, which abbreviature consisting of Capital Let∣ters, signifieth, Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon, Rabbi Moses the son of Maimon. So Rabbi Levi, the son of Gersom, in his minority was called The son of Gersom, afterward Levi the son of Gersom at last, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ralbag, Rabbi Levi the son of Gersom. This distinction of Scholars, Compa∣nions, and Rabbies, appeareth by that speech of an anci∣ent Rabbi, saying, c 1.75 I learned much of my Rabbies, or Masters, more of my companions, most of all of my Scho∣lars. That every Rabbi had Disciples, and that his own Disciples, and other well-wishers stiled him by the name of Rabbi, in the dayes of our Saviour, needeth no proof. Judas came to Christ, and said, God save thee Rabbi, Mat. 26. 49 In like manner Johns Disciples came and saluted John by the name of Rabbi, John 3. 26. and Christs by the name of Rabbi, John 1. 38. But whether there was such a formal imposition of hands then in use, I much doubt. The manner of their meetings, when Disputations were had in their Sy∣nagogues, or other Schools, was d 1.76 thus. The chief Rabbies sate in reserved Chairs; these are those chief seats in the Synagogues, which the Scribes and Pharisees so affected, Mat. 23. 6. Their Companions sate upon Benches or lower Forms; their Schollars on the ground at the feet of their Teachers. Saint Paul was

brought up at the feet of Gamaliel, Act. 22. 3. And Mary sate at Jesus feet, and heard his word, Luk. 10. 39. The positure of their body differed according to their degrees. The e 1.77 Rabbi is described to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Joscheb, one that sitteth: the Companion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Muteth, the word signifieth a kind of leaning upon a bed or bench, ones head lying in the others bosom, in man∣ner of the ancient sitting at table; and it was a de∣portment of the body, inferiour to that of f 1.78 sit∣ting: The Scholar was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mithabek, one that doth lie along in the dust; and this was a token of the Scholars humility, thus humbling and subjecting himself even to the feet of his Master: g 1.79 This same custom, it is thought, Saint Paul la∣boured to bring into the Christian Church, 1. Cor. 14. Their Scholars were not all of equal capacity, whence h 1.80 they said, some had conditionem spongiae, others clepsydrae, others sacci faecinacei, and others cribri. Some resembled the Sponge, and suck'd in all that they heard without judgement; others the Hour-Glass, they took in at one ear, and let out at the other; others the Winesack, through which Wine is so drained from the dregs, that onely the dregs remain behind: Lastly, others the Rying sieve, which in winnowing lets out the courser seed, and keepeth in the corn.

CHAP. VIII.

Of their Nazarites and Rechabites.

THere are two sorts of Votaries mentioned in the Old Testament; Rechabites, Jerem. 35. and Nazarites, Numb. 6. I find scarce any thing war∣rantable concerning these two, more than what the Scripture delivereth in the fore-quoted places therefore concerning the matter of their Vows, I

refer the Reader to the aforesaid Texts of Scrip∣ture; here only we will note the distinction of Naza∣rites. The first are these Votaries, termed so from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nazar, to separate, because they separated themselves from three things; First, from Wine, and all things proceeding from the Vine. Secondly, from the Razor, because they suffered no Razor to come upon their head, but let their hair grow all the days of their se∣paration. Thirdly, from pollution by the dead: this separation again was twofold, either for a set num∣ber of days, or for a mans whole life that they ter∣med Naziraeatum dierum, this, Naziraeatum seculi: of that sort was S. Paul, and those four with him, Acts 21. 24. Of this sort Sampson, Judges 13. and John Baptist. The just number of days, how long the for∣mer of these two separated themselves, is not expres∣sed in Scripture, but the a 1.81 Hebrew Doctors determine them to be thirty, because it is said, Num. 6. 5. Domi∣no sanctus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 erit; which word (say they) contain∣ing thirty, expresseth the just number of days to be observed in this voluntary separation. The se∣cond sort of Nazarites, were so termed from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Natsar, from whence cometh Natsareth, or Nazareth, the name of a certain Village in Galilee, where Christ was conceived and brought up: Hence our Saviour himself was called a Nazarene, or Nazarite, Matt. 2. 23. and those that embraced his Doctrine, Nazarites, Act. 24. 5. Afterward certain Hereticks sprung up, who as the Samaritanes joyned Jewish ceremonies with Hea∣thenish Rites: so b 1.82 they joyned together Christ and Moses, the Law and the Gospel; Baptism and Circum∣cision: of the beginning of these we shall read, Acts 15. 2. Then came down certain from Judaea, and taught the brethren, saying, Except ye be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved. These Hereticks were called Nazarites, either of malice by the Jews,

to bring the greater disgrace upon Christian Religion; or else because at first they were true, though weak Nazarites, that is, Christians misled by Peters Judaizing at Antioch, Gal. 2. 11. And hence it is though c 1.83 that the Church at Antioch in detestation of this new bred he∣resie, fastned upon them by the name of Nazarites, forsook that name, and called themselves Christians, Acts 11 26. Symmachus, that famous Interpreter of the Old Testament, was a strong Defender of this heresie, and d 1.84 from him in after times they were named Symmachiani. The Jews had them in as great hatred as the Samaritanes; whereupon e 1.85 three times every day, at morning, noon tide, and evening, they closed their Prayers with a solemn execration, Maledic Do∣mine Nazoraeis. Lastly, another sort of Nazarites there were, so termed from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nazar, signifying to abolish or cut off; f 1.86 because they did abolish and cut off the five books of Moses, rejecting them as not Canonical.

CHAP. IX.

Of the Assideans.

IT is much controversed, whether the Assideans were Pharisees or Essenes, or what they were. Were I worthy to deliver my opinion, or, as the Hebrews Proverb is, To thrust in my head amongst the heads of those wise men; I conceive of the Assideans thus: Before their captivity in Babilon, we shall find the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chasidim, (translated Assidaei, Assideans) to signifie the same as, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsadikim, Just, or goodmen: both were used promiscuously, the one for the other, and both stood in equal opposition to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Res∣chagnim, that is, ungodly or wicked men. At this time the

whole body of the Jews were distinguished into two sorts, Chasidim, and Reschagnim, good, and bad.

After their captivity, the Chasidim began to be di∣stinguished from the Tsadikim. a 1.87 The Tsadikim gave themselves to the study of the Scripture. The Chasi∣dim studied how to add unto the Scripture. b 1.88 Second∣ly, The Tsadikim would conform to whatsoever the Law required. The Chasidim would be holy above the Law. Thus to the repairing of the Temple, the main∣tenance of sacrifices, the relief of the poor, &c. they would voluntarily add over and above to that which the Law required of them. Whence it is no∣ted, that those were Chasidim who would say, What is mine, is thine; and what is thine, is thy own: those Reschagnim, which would say, What is thine is mine; and what is mine, is mine own. And it is probable, that that middle sort mentioned in the same place, who would say, What is mine, is mine; what is thine, is thine own, were the very Tsadikim.

At this time the body of the Jews were distinguish∣ed into three sorts, in respect of holiness. First Re∣schagnim, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wicked and ungodly men. Secondly, Tsadikim, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Just and righteous men. Thirdly, Cha∣sidim, who are sometimes translated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Holy men, and that for the most part: c 1.89 but sometimes also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Good men: These of all others were best reputed, and beloved of the people. The Apostle shewing the great love of Christ, dying for us, amplifieth it by allusion unto this distinction of the people: Christ died for the ungodly. Scarcely for a righteous man will one die, yet peradventure for a good man some would even dare to die. Rom. 5. 6, 7. The gradation standeth thus: Some paradventure would die, for one of the Chasidim, a good man: scarcely any, for one

of Tsadikim, a just or righteous man; for the Reschag∣nim, or ungodly, none would die: Yet Christ dyed for us ungodly, being sinners, and his enemies.

Now as long as these Works of supererogation remained arbitrary and indifferent, not required as necessary, though preferred before the simple obedi∣ence to the Law; so long the heat of contention was not great enough to breed Sects and Heresies: But when once the Precepts and Rules of supererogation were digested into Canons, and urged with an opini∣on of necessity; then from the Chasidim issued the brood of Pharisees; d 1.90 and also from them (as it is probably thought) the Heresie of the Essenes, both obtruding unwritten Traditions upon the People, as simply necessary, and as a more perfect rule of san∣ctity than the Scripture. At this time the Tsadikim in heat of opposition rejected not only Traditions, but all Scripture, except only the five Books of Moses; for which reason they were called Karaim. e 1.91 Some are of opinion, they rejected only traditions, and embra∣ced all the books of Scripture, Which opinion soe∣ver we follow; they had their name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Karaim, Textuales, Scriptuarii, i. Text-men, or Scripture-rea∣ders, because they adhered to Scripture alone, with∣standing and gain-saying Traditions with all their might. And if we follow the latter, then all this while the Karaim were far from Heresie: but in process of time, when from Sadok and Baithus, these Karaim learned to deny all future rewards for good works, or punishment for evil, or resurrection from the dead; now the Karaim became compleat Sadduces, and per∣fect Hereticks, taking their denomination from their first Author Sadok. The time of each Heresies first beginning, shall be more exactly declared in their se∣veral Chapters.

CHAP. X.

Of the Pharisees.

THere are a 1.92 three Opinions concerning the Etymology of the name Pharisee. The first are those which derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Parash, Expandere, Explicare; either from the enlarging and laying open their Phylacteries, or from their open performance of good works in publick view of the People, as be∣ing ambitious of mans praises. Secondly, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Parasch, Exponere, Explanare; because they were of chief repute; and counted the profoundest Doctors for the exposition of the Law, so that they were ter∣med b 1.93 Peruschim, quia Poreschim; Pharisees, because they were Expounders of the Law. Thirdly, others derive the name from the same Verb, but in the con∣jugation Piel, where it signifieth dividere, separare, to separate. c 1.94 In this acception, by the Greeks they were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, we may English them Separatists. Their separation is considerable, partly in the particu∣lars unto which, partly in those from which they sepa∣rated.

First, They separated themselves to the study of the Law, in which respect they might be called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Separated unto the Law. In illusion unto this, the Apostle is d 1.95 thought to have stiled himself, Rom. 1. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Separated unto the Gospel: when he was called from being a Pharisee, to be a Preacher of the Gospel, and now not separated to the Law, but to the Gospel.

Secondly, They separated themselves, or at least pre∣tended a (e) separation to an extraordinary sanctity of * 1.96

life above other men. God, I thank thee, that I am not as other men are, Extortioners, Unjust, Adulterers, &c. Luke 18. 11.

The particulars, from which they separated them∣selves, were these.

First, From commerce which other people, as afterward will appear in their Traditions; whence they called the common people, by reason of their ignorance, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 populum terrae, the people of the earth. In the Gospel of Saint John 7. 49. they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This people who knoweth not the Law are cursed.

Secondly, From the f 1.97 apparel and habit of other men: for they used peculiar kind of Habits, where∣by they would be distinguished from the vulgar. Hence proceeded that common speech, Vestes populi terrae conculcatio sunt Pharisaeorum.

Thirdly, From the g 1.98 customs and manners of the world. This heresie of the Pharisees seemeth to have had its first beginning in Antigonus Sochaeus. He being a Pharisee, succeeded Simon the Just; who was Co∣etanean with Alexander the Great: he lived three hundred years before the birth of Christ.

The Pharisees were h 1.99 not tied to any particular Tribe or Family, but indifferently they might be of any; S. Paul was a Benjamite; i 1.100 Hyrcanus was a Le∣vite. Each Sect had its Dogmata, his proper Apho∣risms, Constitutions, or Canons: so the Pharisees had theirs. My purposes is, both concerning these and the other Sects, to note onely those Canons, or Apho∣risms, wherein chiefly they were heretical, and one differing from the other.

First, The Pharisees k 1.101 ascribed some things to Fate, or Destiny, and some things to mans Free-will.

Secondly, They confessed that there were Angels, and Spirits, Acts 23. 8.

Thirdly, Concerning the resurrection of the dead, they acknowledged it, and l 1.102 taught that the souls of evil men deceased, presently departed into ever∣lasting punishment; but the souls, they say, of good men, passed by a kind of Pythagorean 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into other good mens bodies. Hence it is m 1.103 thought that the different opinions concerning our Saviour did arise; Some saying that he was John Baptist; others, Elias; others, Jeremia, Matth. 16. 14. As if Christ his body had been animated by the soul either of John, Elias, or Jeremias.

Fourthly, They did stifly maintain the Traditions of their Elders. For the better understanding what their Traditions were, we must know that the Jews say the Law was n 1.104 twofold, one committed to writing, which they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thorah schebichtah, The written Law; the other delivered by tradition, ter∣med by them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thorah begnal pe. They say both were delivered by God unto Moses upon Mount Sinai, the latter as an exposition of the former, which Moses afterward delivered by mouth to Joshua, Joshua to the Elders, the Elders to the Prophets, the Prophets to those of the great Synagogue, from whom successively it descended to after-ages. These Traditions were one of the chief Controversies between the Pharisees, and the Sadduces. o 1.105 The Pharisees said, Let us main∣tain the Law which our fore-fathers have delivered into our hands, expounded by the mouth of the wise men, who expounded it by tradition. And lo, the Sadduces said, Let us not believe or hearken to any tradition or exposi∣tion, but to the Law of Moses alone. The Traditions which they chiefly urged, were these;

1. They would not eat until they washed their hands, Why do thy Disciples transgress the Tradition of

the Elders? for they wash not their hands when they eat bread, Mat. 15. 2. This washing is said to have been done 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mar. 7. 3. that is, often, as some translate the word, taking 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this place, to signifie the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Homer, frequenter. Others translate the word accurate, diligenter, intimating the great care and diligence they used in washing: with this the p 1.106 Syriac Text agreeth. q 1.107 Others think that there is in that phrase, allusion into that rite or man∣ner of washing in use among the Jews, termed by them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Netilath iadaim, the lifting up of their hands. The Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is thought to express this rite, because in this kind of washing, They used to joyn the tops of the fingers of each hand together with the thumb, so that each hand did after a sort resemble 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. a fist. This Ceremony was thus performed: First, they washed their hands clean. Secondly, they com∣posed them into the forementioned form. Thirdly, they lifted them up, so that the water ran down to the very elbows. Lastly they let down their hands again, so that the water ran from off their hands upon the earth. r 1.108 and that there might be store of water running up and down, they poured fresh Wa∣ter on them when they lifted up their hands, and poured Water twice upon them when they hanged them down. Unto this kind of washing Theophylact seemeth to have reference, when he saith, that the Pharisees did s 1.109 cubitaliter lavare, wash up to their el∣bows. Lastly, others t 1.110 interpret 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to be the fist, or hand closed, and the manner of washing hereby deno∣ted, to be by rubbing one hand closed in the plain or hol∣low of the other. All imply a diligent and accurate care in washing: the ceremomous washing by lifting up the hands, and hanging them down, best expresseth the

superstition, which only was aimed at in the reproof, though all the sorts of washing, to the Pharisees were superstitious, because they made it not a matter of outward decency and civility, bur of Religion, to eat with washt or unwasht hands, urging such a necessity hereof, n 1.111 that in case a man may come to some water, but not enough both to wash and to drink; he should rather chuse to wash than to drink, though he dye with thirst. And it was deemed amongst them as great a sin to eat with unwasht hands, as to commit fornica∣tion. This tradition of washing hands, though it were chiefly urged by the Pharisees, yet all the Jews main∣tained it, as appeareth by the places quoted.

We may observe three sorts of washing of hands in use among the Jews. 1. Pharisaical and superstitious, this was reproved. 2. Ordinary, for outward decency; this was allowed. The third, in token of innocency; this was commanded by the Elders of the neighbour∣ing Cities, in case of Murder, Deut. 21. 6. It was practiced by Pilate, Mat. 37. 24. and alluded unto by David, I will wash my hands in innocency, so will I compass thine Altar, Psal. 26. 6.

2. When they came from the Market they washt, Mar. 7. 4. The reason thereof, was, because they there having to do do with divers sorts of people, unawares they might be polluted. The word used by Saint Mark, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they baptized themselves: Implyeth the washing of their whole body. And it seemeth that those Pharisees who wete more zealous than others, did thus wash themselves always before dinner. The Pharisee marvelled that Christ had not first washed himself before dinner, Luk. 11, 38. Unto this kind of superstition St. Peter is thought to have inclined, when he said, Lord, not my Feet only, but also my hands,

and my head, John 13. 9. Thus finding his modesty disliked, when he refused to have his feet wash'd by his Lord and Master; now he leapeth into the other extream, as if he had said, Not my feet only, but my whole body. Hence proceeded that Sect of the Heme∣robaptistae, i. e. Daily baptists, so called x 1.112 because they did every day thus wash themselves.

4. They wash'd their cups, and pots, and brazen ves∣sels, and tables, Mark 7. 4.

3. They held it unlawful to eat with sinners, Mat. 9. 11. yea, they judged it a kind of pollution to be touched by them. Luke 7. 39. If this man were a Prophet, he would surely have known who, and what manner of woman this is which toucheth him, for she is a sinner. Of such a people the Prophet speaketh: They said, Stand apart, come not near to me, or (as the words may be rendred) y 1.113 Touch me not, for I am ho∣lier than thou, Esay 65. 5. z 1.114 The like practice was in use among the Samaritans, who if they met any stranger, they cryed out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ne attingas, Touch not.

5. They fasted twice in the week, Luke 18. 12. a 1.115 Namely, Mundays and Thursdays. b 1.116 Because Mo∣ses (as they say) went up into Mount Sinai on a Thursday, and came down on a Munday.

6. They made broad their Phylacteries, and inlarged the borders of their garments, Matth. 23. 5. Here three things are worthy our consideration. First, What these Phylacteries were. Secondly, What was written in them. Thirdly, Whence they were so called. c 1.117 Epiphanius interpreteth these Phylacteries to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, purple studs, or flourishes, woven in their garments: as if Epiphanius had conceived the Phari∣sees garment to be like that which the Roman Sena∣tors

were wont to wear, termed, by reason of those broad-studs and works woven in it, Laticlavium: but seeing that these Phylacteries were additaments and ornaments, whereof there were e 1.118 two sorts, the one tied to their Fore heads, the other to their Left∣hands; hence it followeth, that by these Phylacteries could not be meant whole garments, or any embos∣ments, or flourishings woven in the cloath. Generally they are thought to be schedules or scrols of parch∣ment, whereof, as I noted, there were two sorts; Phy∣lacteries for the Fore-head, or Frontlets, reaching from one Ear to the other, and tied behind with a thong; and Phylacteries for the hand fastened upon the Left-arm above the Elbow on the inside, that it might be near the heart. Both these sorts were worn, not by the Phari∣sees only, f 1.119 but by the Sadduces also, but with this difference; The Pharisees haply for greater o∣stentation, wore their Hand-Phylacteries above their Elbows: the Sadduces on the palms of their Hands. g 1.120 Nay, all the Jews wore them, our Saviour Christ not excepted. The command was general, Exod. 13. 9. It shall be for a sign unto thee upon thine hand, and for a memorial between thine eyes. So that it is not the wearing of them which our Saviour condemned, but the making of them broad, whereby they would ap∣pear more holy than others.

In these Parchments they wrote h 1.121 only the Deca∣logue, or Ten Commandments, in the opinion of Chry∣sostome and Hierom: but generally, and upon better grounds, it is thought they wrote these four sections of the Law.

• 1. The first began, Sanctifie unto me all the first-born, &c. Exod. 13. 2. to the end of the 10, verse.
• 2. The second began, And it shall be when the

• Lord shall bring thee, &c. Exod. 13. 11. to the end of the 16. verse.
• 3. The third began, Hear O Israel, &c. Deut. 6. 4. and continued to the end of ninth verse.
• 4. The fourth began, And it shall come to pass; if you shall hearken diligently, &c. Deut. 11. 13. to the end of the one and twentieth verse.

These four Sections written in scrolls of Parch∣ment, and folded up, they fastned to their fore-heads and their left-arms: those that were for the fore head, they wrote in four distinct pieces of Parchment, i 1.122 especially, and if they wrote it in one piece; the length of every Section ended in one column, and they did put them into one skin, in which there was the proportion of four houses or receptacles, and not into four skins: every receptacle was distinct by it self; and those that were for the hand, were written in one piece of Parchment principally, the four Sections in four columns; but if they wrote them in four pieces, it was at length, and they put them in a skin that had but one receptacle. k 1.123 In time of persecution when they could not openly wear these Phylacteries, then did they tie about their hands a red thread, to put them in mind of the blood of the Covenant of the Law.

Touching the name, Moses calleth them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tota∣photh, which word hath almost as mamy Etymologies, as Interpreters; the most probable in my opinion, is, that they should be so called per Antiphrasin, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Incedere, to go or move, because they were immove∣able: Hence the Septuagint translate them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Immoveable ornaments. The Rabbins call them Tephil∣lim, Prayer-ornaments: l 1.124 others call them Pittacia, & Pittaciola, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth a piece or

parcel of Cloth. In the Gospel they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Phylacteries, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to conserve or keep. First, because by the use of them, the Law was kept and preserved in memory. Secondly, because the Pharisees superstitiously conceited, that by them, as by Amulets, Spells, and Charms, hanged about their necks, themselves might be preserved from dan∣gers. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a Spell; and Hierome testifieth, that the Pharisees had such a con∣ceit of these ornaments: In which place he compa∣reth the Pharisees with certain superstitious women of his time, who carried up and down, upon the like ground, parvula evangelia, & crucis ligna, short sen∣tence out of the Gospel, and the reliques of the Cross. The same Superstition hath prevailed with many of latter times, who for the same purpose hang the beginning of m 1.125 Saint John's Gospel about their necks. And in the year of our Lord 692. cer∣tain Sorceres were condemned for the like kind of * 1.126 Magick, by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Phyla∣cterians.

Thus much of their Phylacteries: In the same verse is reproved the inlarging of their borders. o 1.127 That which we read borders in the Gospel, is called, Num. 25. 38. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsitsith, Fringes, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gadilim, Deut. 22. 10. which word we likewise translate in that place, Fringes. They were in the fore-quoted places commanded, and our Saviour Christ himself did wear them, Luk 8. 44. The latter Hebrew word signifieth a large Fringe, which aggravateth the super∣stition of the Pharis••es, in making their Fringes larger, when the Law had allowed them large. This literal exposition I take to be most agreeable with the Text, though to inlarge in p 1.128 Greek and Latine some∣times,

signifieth to boast, vaunt, or brag of a thing; and in this sense it may very well fit a Pharisee. The rea∣son of this command was, to put them in mind of the commandments, Numb. 15. And for the fur∣therance of this duty, q 1.129 they used sharp thorns in their Fringes, that by the often pricking of the Thorns, whether they walked or sate still, they might be the more mindful of the Commandments.

There were r 1.130 seven sorts of Pharisees. 1. Pharisaeus Sichemita, He turned Pharisee for gain, as the Siche∣mites suffered themselves to be circumcised.

2. Pharisaeus truncatus, so called, as if he had no feet, because he would scarce lift them from the ground when he walked, to cause the greater opi∣nion of his meditation.

3. Pharisaeus impingens. He would shut his eyes when he walked abroad, to avoid the sight of Wo∣men, in so much that he often dash'd his head against the walls, that the blood gush'd out.

4. Pharisaeus, Quid debeo facere, & faciam illud. He was wont to say, What ought I to do? and I will do it. Of this sort seemeth the man in the Gospel to have been, who came unto Christ, saying, Good Master, what shall I do? &c. and at last replyed, All these have I done from my youth upward, Luke 18.

5. Pharisaeus mortarius; So called because he wore a hat in manner of a deep Mortar, such as they use to bray spice in, in so much that he could not look up∣ward, nor of either side; only down-ward on the ground, and forward or forth-right.

6. Pharisaeus ex amore; Such a one as obeyed the Law for the Love of Vertue.

7. Pharisaeus ex timore; Such a one obeyed Law for fear of punishment. He that conformed for fear

had respect chiefly to the negative Commandements; but he that conformed for love, especially respected the Affirmative.

CHAP. XI.

Of the Sadduces.

TO omit other Etymologies of the name, there are two only, which have shew of probability. s 1.131 Some derive it from Sedek Justicia; as if they had been Justiciaries, such as would justifie themselves before Gods Tribunal. t 1.132 There are that derive it, and that upon more warrantable grounds, from Sa∣doc, the first Author of the heresie; so that the Sad∣duces were so called from Sadoc, as the Arrians from Arrius, the Pelagians from Pelagius, the Donatists from Donatus, &c.

This Sadoc lived under Antigonus Sochaeus, who succeeded Simon the Just. He was Antigonus his scho∣lar, and by him brought up in the doctrine of the Pharisees, but afterward fell from him, and broacht the heresie of the Sadduces; which heresie, because it had much affinity with that which the Heretique Do∣sitheus taught, hence are the Sadduces said to u 1.133 be a branch or skirt of the Dositheans, though in truth Dositheus lived not till x 1.134 after Christ; and although these two heresies did agree in many things; yet in a main point they differed. y 1.135 Dositheus believed the Resurrection, the Sadduces denyed it; and by con∣sequence the Dositheans believed all other points ne∣cessarily flowing from this.

The occasion of this heresie was this. z 1.136 When Anti∣gonus

taught; that we must not serve God as servants serve their Masters, for hope of reward, his scholars Sadoc and Baithus understood him, as if he had ut∣terly denied all future rewards or recompence at∣tending a godly life, and thence framed their heresie, denying the resurrection, the world to come, Angels, Spirits, &c.

Their Dogmata, Canons, or Constitutions were, 1 They rejected a 1.137 the Prophets, and all other Scripture save only the five Books of Moses. Therefore our Saviour, when he would confute their errour concerning the resurre∣ction of the dead, he proves it not out of the Pro∣phets, but out of Exod. 3. 6. I am the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, Mat. 22. 32.

2. They rejected b 1.138 all traditions. Whence, as they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Minaei, i. Heretiques, in respect of the general opposition between them and the Pharisees. First, because the Pharisees were in repute the only Catholicks. Secondly, because in their Doctrine, the Pharisees were much nearer the truth than the Sad∣duces: So in respect of this particular oppositi∣on, in the ones rejecting, the others urging of tradi∣tions, the Sadduces were c 1.139 termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Karaim, Biblers, or Scripturists.

3. They said there was no reward for good works, nor punishment for ill, in the world to come. Hence Saint Paul perceiving that in the Councel the one part were Sadduces, the other Pharisees, he cried out, Of the hope i. of the reward expected, and of the resurrection of the dead, I am called in question, Act. 23. 6.

4. They denied the resurrection of the body, Act. 23. 8. Mat. 22. 23. Luke 20. 27.

5. They said the souls of men are d 1.140 annihilated at their death.

6. They denied Angels and spirits, Acts 23. 8.

7. They wholly denied e 1.141 Fate or Destiny, and ascri∣bed all to mans Free-will.

The Samaritanes and the Sadduces are of neer affi∣nity: but yet they differ. First f 1.142 The Samaritanes sacrificed at the Temple built upon Mount Gerizim; but the Sadduces sacrificed at Jerusalem. Secondly, The Samaritanes allowed no commerce with the Jews. John 4. 9. yeam the mutual hatred between the Samaritanes and the Jews was so great, that it was not lawful for the Jews to eat or drink with the Sa∣maritanes. How is it that thou being a Jew, askest drink of me which am a Woman of Samaria? Joh. 4. 9. Nay, whereas liberty was granted unto all Nations of the earth to become Proselytes to the Jews, so did the Jews hate the Samaritanes, that they would not suffer a Samaritan to be a Proselyte. This appeareth by that solemn g 1.143 Excommunication, termed Excom∣municatio in secreto nominis tetragrammati: The form thereof, as it was applyed (say they) by Ezra and Ne∣hemiah unto the Samaritanes, was thus. They assembled the whole Congregation into the Temple of the Lord, and they brought 300 Priests, and 300 Trumpets, and 300 Books of the Law, and as many boys, and they sounded their Trumpets, and the Levites singing cursed the Sama∣ritanes by all the sorts of Excommunication, in the my∣stery of the name Jehovah, and in the Decalogue, & with the curse of the superiour house of judgment, and like∣wise with the curse of the inferiour house of Judgement, that no Israelite should eat the bread of a Samaritane, (whence they say, he which eateth of a Samaritanes bread, is as he who eateth swines flesh) and let no Samaritane be a Proselyte in Israel, and that they should have no part in the resurrection of the dead. R. h 1.144 Gersom forbade the breaking upon of the Letters, under the penalty of

this Excommunication. This proveth what formerly was said, namely, that between the Jews and the Samaritanes there was no commerce; but the Sad∣duces familiarly conversed with the other Jews, even with the Pharisees themselves; yea, both sate together in the same Councel, Acts 23. 6. Now the Samaritanes and Sadduces agree. 1. In the rejection of all traditions. 2. In the rejection of all other Scriptures save only the five Books of Moses. 3. In the denial of the re∣surrection and the consequences, as future punishments, and rewards according to mens works. But the Sama∣tanes held that there were Angels, which the Saddu∣ces denied. For the proof of these Agreements and Disagreements between them, read Epiphanius, haeres. 9. & 14.

Touching the Samaritanes, there are three degrees or alteration in their Religion, observable. First, the strange Nations, transplanted by Salmanesar into Samaria, when Israel was carried away Captive into Assyria, worshipped every one the God of their own Countries, 2 King. 17. Secondly, when they saw they were devoured by Lions, because they feared not the Lord; the King of Assyria sent one of the Priests which was taken Captive, to instruct them in the true worship of God: Which manner of Worship though they received, yet they would not lay aside their former Idolatry, but made a mixture of Re∣ligions, worshipping the living God, and their own dumb Idols. Thirdly Manasses, brother to Jaddus the High-priest, in Jerusalem, being married to Sanballet, the Horonite's Daughter, by reason of Nehemiah's charge of puting away their strange Wives, being driven to that exigent, that he must either put a∣way his wife, or forgo the hope of the Priesthood; by

Sanballets means he obtain'd leave from Alexander the Great, to build a Temple l 1.145 upon Mount Garizim, one of the highest mountains in Samaria, whither many other apostated Jews fled, together with Ma∣nasses being made their High priest; and now the sect of Samaritanes (between whom and the Jews there was such hatred) began, now all those fore-mentioned errors were maintained: And of this Hill it is, that the Woman of Samaria speaketh, John 4. 20. Our Fathers worshipped in this Moun∣tain, &c.

By comparing the Dogmata of the Pharisees, with these of the Sadduces, we may perceive a manifest opposition between them; yet both these joyned against Christ, Mark 12.

This heresie, though it were the grossest amongst the Jews, yet was it embraced and maintained by some of the high Priests themselves: m 1.146 Joannes Hyreanus was a Sadducee, so were his sons, Aristobulus and Alexander, n 1.147 and likewise Ananus the younger; so that Moses Chair was not amongst them exemp∣ted from error, no nor heresie.

CHAP. XII.

Of the Essenes.

THe Etymologies of the Names Essaei, or Esseni. i. ••sse••es, are divers; that which I prefer is from the Syriack 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Asa, signifying 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to heal or cure Diseases. a 1.148 Hence are the men so often termed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ and the Women amongst them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Physicians. For

though they gave themselves chiefly to the study of the Bible, yet withall they studied Physick.

Of these Essenes there were two sorts; some Theo∣ricks, giving themselves wholly to speculation; others Practicks, laborious and painful in the daily exer∣cise of those handy-crafts, in which they were most skilful. Of the latter, Philo treateth in his book inti∣tuled, Quod omnis vir probus: Of the former, in the book following, intituled, De vita contemplati∣va.

Their Dogmata, their Ordinances, or Constitutions, did symbolize in many things with Pythagoras his, where they do agree. Therefore my purpose is, first to name Pythagoras his; and then to proceed on with the Essenes. They follow thus.

The b 1.149 Pithagoreans professed a Communion of goods So the Essenes, c 1.150 they had one common purse or stock, none richer, none poorer than other; out of this common treasury, every one supplyed his own wants without leave, and administred to the necessi∣ties of others: only they might not relieve any of their kindred without leave from their Overseers. They did not buy or sell among themselves, but each supplyed the others wants, by a kind of Commuta∣tive bartring: yea liberty was granted to take one from another what they wanted, without exchange. They performed offices of Service mutually one to another; for mastership and service cannot stand with Communion of goods: and servants are com∣monly injurious to the state of their Masters, accor∣ding to that saying of R. Gamaliel. d 1.151 He that multi∣plieth servants, multiplyeth thieves. When they travel∣led, besides weapons for defence, they took nothing with them; for in whatsoever City or Village they

came, they repaired to the fraternity of the Essenes, and were there entertained as members of the same. And if we do attentively read Josephus, we may ob∣serve that the Essenes of every City joyned them∣selves into one common Fraternity or Colledge. Every Colledge had two sorts of Officers: First, Treasu∣rers, who looked to the common stock, provided their diet, appointed each his task and other publick necessaries. Secondly, Others who entertained their strangers.

2. The Pythagoreans shunned e 1.152 pleasures. f 1.153 So did the Essenes: to this belongeth their avoiding of oyl, which, if any touched unawares, they wiped it off presently.

3. Pythagoreans g 1.154 garments were white: h 1.155 So were the Essenes white also, modest not costly: when once they put on a suit, they never changed it till it was torn, or worn out.

4. The Pythagoreans forbade i 1.156 Oathes. k 1.157 So did the Essenes; they, thought him a noted Lyar, who could not be believed without an Oath.

5. The Pythagoreans had their l 1.158 Elders in singular respect. m 1.159 So had the Essenes, The body, or whole com∣pany of the Essenes were distinguisht 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, into four ranks, or orders, according to their Seniori∣ty; and if haply any of the superiour ranks had touch∣ed any of the inferiour, he thought himself polluted, as if he had touched an Heathen.

6. The Pythagoreans drank n 1.160 water. So did the o 1.161 Es∣senes only water, wholly abstaining from Wine.

7. The Pythagoreans used p 1.162 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 inanimate sacrifices. So did the q 1.163 Essenes: They sent gifts to the Temple, and did not sacrifice, but preferred the use of their holy water before sacrifice, for which

reason the other Jews forbad them all access unto the Temple.

8. The Pythagoreans ascribed r 1.164 all things to fate or destiny. So did the s 1.165 Essenes. In this Aphorism all three Sects differed each from other. The Pharisees ascribed some things to Fate, and other things to Mans Free-will. The Essenes ascribed all to Fate, nothing to Mans free-will. The Sadduces wholly deny Fate, and ascribed all things to the free-will of M••n.

9. The Pythagoreans the t 1.166 first five years were not per∣mitted to speak in the School, but were initiated per quinquennale silentium, u 1.167 and not until then suffered to come into the presence of, or sight of Pythagoras. To this may be referred the Essenes silence at Table straightly observed, so that Decem simul sedentibus, ne∣mo loquitur invitis novem; x 1.168 Drusius renders it, that ten of them sitting together, none of them spake without leave obtained of the nine. When any did speak, it was not their custom to interrupt him with words, but by nods of the head, or beckenings, or holding their finger, or shaking their heads, and other such like dumb signes and gestures, to signifie their doubtings, disliking, or approving the matter in hand. And to the time of silence amongst the Py∣thagoreans, that it must be for five years, may be re∣ferred the initiation of the Essenes; for, amongst them none were presently admitted into their Society, with full liberty, but they under-went four years of tryal and probation. The first year they received Dola∣bellam, y 1.169 Perizoma, & vestem albam; a Spadle, with which they digged a convenient place to ease Nature; a pair of Breeches, which they used in ba∣thing or washing themselves; a white garment, which especially that Sect affected. At this time they had

their commons allowed them, but without, not in the common dining hall. The second year they ad∣mitted them to the participation of holy waters, and instructed them in the use of them. Two years after they admitted them in full manner, making them of their Corporation, after they had received an Oath, truly to observe all the rules and ordinances of the Essenes. If any brake his Oath, an hundred of them be∣ing assembled together, expelled him, upon which expulsion commonly followed death within a short time; for none having once entred this Order, might receive alms or any meat from other; and themselves would feed such a one only with distaste∣ful herbs, which wasted his body, and brought it very low, sometimes they would readmit such a one being brought near unto death; but commonly they suffered him to die in that misery.

10. The Essenes z 1.170 worshipped toward the Sun-rising,

11. The Essenes bound themselves in their Oath, to a 1.171 preserve the names of Angels: The phrase imply∣eth a kind of worshipping of them.

12. They were above all others strict in the observa∣tion of the b 1.172 Sabbath day; on it they would dress no meat, kindle no fire, remove no Vessels out of their place; no, nor ease Nature. (t) Yea, they ob∣served 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, every seventh week, a so∣lemn * 1.173 Penticost; seven Penticosts, every year.

13. They abstained from marriage, not that they dis∣liked marriage in it self, or intended an end or pe∣riod to procreation; but partly, in wariness of wo∣mens intemperance; partly, because they were per∣swaded that no woman would continue faithful to one man. This avoiding of marriage is not to be un∣derstood generally of all the Essenes, for they disagreed

among themselves in this point. Some were of the opinion before noted: Others married for propaga∣tion. Nihilominus autem cum tanta ipsi moderatione con∣veniunt, ut per triennium explorent valitudinem foemi∣narum, & si constanti purgatione apparuerint idoneae par∣tui, ita eas in matrimonia asciscunt. Nemo tamen cum praegnante concumbit, ut ostendant, quod nuptias non vo∣luptatis, sed liberorum causa inierint. Thus the latter sort preserved their Sect by the procreation of chil∣dren: The former sort preserved it by a kind of a∣doption of other mens Children, counting them as neer kinsmen, and tutoring them in the Rules of their own Discipline, as Josephus witnesseth. d 1.174 Pliny addeth also, that many other of the Je••as, when they be∣gan to be struck in years, voluntarily joyned them∣selves unto them, being moved thereunto, either because of the variable state and troubles of the world, or upon consideration of their own former licentious courses, as if they would by this means exercise a kind of penance upon themselves.

Concerning the beginning of this Sect, from whom, or when it began, it is hard to determine. e 1.175 some make them as ancient as the Rechabites, and the Rechabites to have differed only in the addition of some rules and ordinances from the Kenites, men∣tioned, Judg 1. 16. And thus by consequence the Es∣senes were as ancient, as the Israelites departure out of Aegypt: for Jethro, Moses father-in-law, as appeareth by the Text, was a Kenite: But neither of these seemeth probable. For the Kenites are not mention∣ed in Scripture, as a distinct order or Sect of people, but as a distinct family, kindred, or Nation, Numb. 24. 21. Secondly, the Rechabites, they neither did build houses, but dwelt in Tents; neither did they deal in

husbandry, they sowed no seed, nor planted Vine∣yards, nor had any, Jer. 35. 7. The Essenes, on the con∣trary, they dwelt not in tents, but in houses; f 1.176 and they imployed themselves especially in husbandry. One of the g 1.177 Hebrew Doctors saith, that the Essenes were Nazarites: but that cannot be, because the Law enjoyned the Nazarites, when the time of the Consecration was out, to present themselves at the door of the Tabernacle or Temple, Num. 6. Now the Essenes had no access to the Temple. When therefore, or from what Author, this Sect took its beginning is uncertain. The first that I find mentioned by the name of an Essene, was one h 1.178 Judas, who lived in the time of Aristobulus the son of Joannes Hyrcanus, before our Saviours birth about one hundred years: However the Sect was of greater antiquity; i 1.179 for all three, Pharisees, Sadduces, and Essenes, were in Jo∣nathan's time, the brother of Judas Macchabaeus, who was fifty years before Aristolulus. Certain it is, that this Sect continued until the days of our Saviour, and after; for Philo and Josephus speak of them as living in their time. What might be the reason then, that there is no mention of them in the New-Testament? I answer; First, the number of them seemeth not to have been great in Philo and Josephus his time, k 1.180 about four thousand, which being dis∣persed in many Cities, made the faction weak: And haply in Jerusalem when our Saviour lived, they were either few or none. Secondly, if we observe histories we shall find them peaceable and quiet, nor opposing any, and therefore not so liable to reproof as the Pha∣risees and Sadduces, who opposed each other, and both joyned against Christ. Thirdly, why might they not as well be passed over in silence in the New Testament

(especially containing themselves quietly without contradiction of others) as the Rechabites in the Old Testament, of whom there is mention only once, and that obliquely, although their Order continued a∣bout three hundred years before this testimony was given of them by the Prophet Jeremy; for between Jehu (with whom Jonadab was Coetan••an) and Zede∣kiah, Chronologers observe the distance of so many years. Lastly, though the name of Essenes be not found in Scripture, * 1.181 yet we shall find in S. Paul's Epistles many things reproved, which were taught in the School of the Essenes. Of this nature was that advice given unto Timothy, 1 Tim. 5. 23. Drink no longer water, but use a little wine. Again, 1 Tim. 4. 3. Forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats is a Do∣ctrine of Divels: but especially Coloss. 2. in many passages the Apostle seemeth directly to point at them, Let no man condemn you in meat and drink, v. 16. Let no man bear rule over you, by humbleness of mind, and worshipping of Angels, vers. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Why are ye subject to Ordinances? ver. 20. The Apostle useth the ward 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was applyed by the Essenes to denote their Ordinances, Aphorisms, or Constitutions. In the verse following he gives an in∣stance of some particulars, Touch not, taste not, handle not, vers. 21. Now the Junior company of Essenes might not touch their Seniors: And in their diet, their taste was limited to bread, salt, water, and hyssop. And these ordinances they untertook 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Philo, for the love of wisdom: but the Apostle concludeth, vers. 23. That these things had only, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a shew of wisdom. And whereas Philo termeth the Religion of the Essenes, by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which word fignifieth religious worship, the A∣postle

termeth in the same verse, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Volun. tary religion, or will-worship: yea, where he••e rmeth. their Doctrine 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a kind of Philosophy received from their Fore-fathers by Tradition, Saint Paul biddeth them beware of Philosophy, verse 8.

We formerly observed two sorts of Essenes; Pra∣cticks and Theoricks: both agreed in their Aphorisms, or Ordinances; but in certain circumstances they differed.

1. The Practicks dwelt in the Cities; The Theo∣ricks shunned the Cities, and dwelt in Gardens, and solitary Villages.

2. The Practicks spent the day in manual Crafts, keeping of Sheep, looking to Bees, tilling of Ground, &c. they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Artificers. The Theoricks spent the day in meditation and prayers, whence they were by a kind of excellency, by Philo termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Supplicantes.

3. The Practicks had every day their dinner and sup∣per allowed them; the Theoricks only their supper.

The Practicks had for their Commons every one his dish of Water-gruel, and bread; The Theoricks only bread, and salt: if any were of a more delicate pallate than other, to him it was permitted to eat Hyssop; their drink for both, was common water.

Some are of Opinion, that these Theoricks were Christian Monks; but the contrary appeareth, for these reasons:

1. In that whole Book of Philo, concerning the Theoricks, there is no mention either of Christ, or Christians, of the Evangelists, or Apostles.

2. The Theoricks, in that Book of Philo's, are not any new Sect of late beginning, as the Christians at that time were, as is clearly evidenced by Philo his

own words. First, In calling the Doctrine of the Es∣senes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Philosophy derived unto them by tradition from their fore-fathers. Secondly, in say∣ing, Habent priscorum commentarios, qui hujus sect ae autores, &c.

3. The inscription of that Book, is not only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Now Philo b 1.182 elsewhere calleth the whole Nation of the Jews, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which argueth, that those Theoricks were Jews, not Christians.

CHAP. XIII.

Of the Gaulonitae, and the Heredians.

OTher Factions there were among the Jews, which are improperly termed Sects. Of these there were principally two. First, Gaulonitae. Secondly, He∣rodiani. The Gaulonitae had their names from one Ju∣das, who a 1.183 sometimes was called Judas Gaulonites, b 1.184 sometimes Judas Galilaeus, of whom Gamaliel speak∣eth, Acts 5. 37. After this man rose up Judas of Galilee in the daies of the tribute. The tribute here spoken of was that made by Cyrenius, sometimes called Quirini∣us: the name in Greek is one and the same, but diffe∣rently read by Expositors. This Cyrenius was sent from Rome and Augustus, into Syria, and from thence came into Judaea, where Coponius was President, and there he raised this Tax; which taxation is unadvi∣sedly by some confounded with that mentioned, Luke 2. 1. Both were raised under Augustus, but they differed. First, this was only of Syria and Judaea; that in Saint Luke was universal, of the whole world. Se∣condly, this was, when Archelaus, Herods son, was banished into Vienna, having reigned nine years; that, under Herod the Great: Whence there is an

observable Emphasis, in that Saint Luke saith, it was the first taxing, having reference unto this second.

d 1.185 The occasion of this Faction was thus: When Cyrenius levied this Tax, and seized upon Achelaus, Herod's sons goods, then arose this Judas opposing this Tribute; and telling the people, that Tribute was a manifest token of servitude, and that they ought to call none Lord, but only him who was Lord of Lords, the God of heaven and earth. Whence those that adhered unto him were called Gaulonitae; they were also called Galileans. e 1.186 It was their blood that Pilate mixed with their sacrifices, Luk. 13. 1. For Pilate had not authority over the Nation of the Ga∣lileans. f 1.187 The reason of this mixture is thought to be, because the Galileans forbade sacrifices to be of∣fered for the Roman Empire, or for the safety of the Emperour: whereupon, Pilate being incensed with anger, slew them whilst they were g 1.188 sacrificing. To this faction belonged those murderers, termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, mentioned, Acts 21. 38.

Concerning the Herodians, those that number them among Hereticks, make the heresie to consist in two things: First, in that they took Herod the Great for the promised Messias; because in his Reign; he being a stranger, the Scepter was departed from Judah, which was the promised time of the Messiah his com∣ing. Secondly, they honoured him with superstitious solemnities annually performed upon his Birth-day. Of Herod his Birth-day the Poet speaketh,

—Cùm Heredis venêre dies, unctâque fenestrâ, Dispositae pinguem nebulam vomuere lucernae, Portantes violas, rubrumque amplexa catinum; Cauda natat thynni, tumet alta fidelia vino.

Pers. Sat. 1.

Now whether this latter may be referred to Herod the Great, I much doubt; because I find not any Au∣thor among the Ancients to speak of Herod the Great his Birth-day: It was another Herod, Tetrarch of Gali∣lee, otherwise called Antipas, whose Birth-day we read celebrated, Mark 6. 21. The former point, that the Herodians received Herod as their Messiah, though it hath h 1.189 many grave Authors avouching it, yet i 1.190 others justly question the truth thereof; for if the Herodians were Jews (as most think) how then could they imagine, that Herod, a stranger▪ could be the Messiah seeing that it was so commonly preached by the Prophets, and known unto the People, that the Messiah must be a Jew born, of the Tribe of Jadah, and of the house of David?

Others say, k 1.191 that the Herodians were certain flat∣terers in Herod his Court, varying and changing ma∣ny points of their Religion with Herod their King.

To omit many other conjectures utterly improba∣ble, I incline to Saint Hierom, whose Opinion is, l 1.192 that the Herodians were those who stood stifly for tri∣bute to be paid to Caesar. It concerned Herod, who at first received his Grown from Caesar, to further Caesar's tribute, not only in way of thankfulness, but also in way of policy, to prevent a possible deposing or disceptring; for it was in Caesar's power to take away the Crown again when it pleased him. Now, in respect that Herod sought to kill Christ, and the Hero∣dians with the Pharisees took counsel against him; un∣to this our Saviour might have reference, saying, Mar. 8. 15. Beware of the leaven of the Pharisees, and of the leaven of Herod. Viz. Of their contagious▪ Do∣ctrine, and fox-like subtleties.

THE SECOND BOOK TREATETH OF PLACES.

CHAP. I.

Their Temple.

VVHen the Israelites came out of Ae∣gypt, Moses was commanded to build a Tabernacle for the place of Gods publick worship. Afterward, when they were set∣tled in the Promised Land, then Solomon was com∣manded to build a Temple.

These two shadowed the difference between the Jews Synagogue, and the Christian Church. The Taber∣nacle was movable, and but for a time: The Temple fixed, and permanent: the state of the Jews vanish∣ing, to continue in their generations; the state of Christians durable, to continue unto the worlds end. More principally it shadoweth forth the state of the Church Militant here on earth, and triumphant in hea∣ven: Unto both the Prophet David alludeth; Lord, Who shall sojourn in thy Tabornrcle? Who shall rest in thine holy Mountain? Psal. 15. 1.

There were in the same tract of ground three hills, Sion, Moria, and Mount Calvary. On Sion was the City and Castle of David; on Moria was the Temple, and on Mount Calvary Christ was crucified. a 1.193 but all these three were generally called by the name of Sion; whence it is, that though the Temple were built on Moria, yet the Scripture speaketh of it common∣ly, as if it were upon Mount Sion.

In the Temple there are these three things consider∣able: First, the Sancta Sanctorum, the Holy of Holies; answerable to our Quire in the Cathedral Churches. Secondly; the Sanctum, the Sanctuary: answerable to the Body of the Church. Thirdly, the Atrium, the Court, answerable to the Church-yard.

In the Holy of Holies there were the Golden Cen∣ser, and the Ark of the Testament, Heb. 9. 4.

In b 1.194 the Ark there were three things: First, the pot of Manna; secondly, Aaron's rod that budded: thirdly, the Tables of the Testament, Heb. 9. 4. Thus they were in Moses his time; but afterwards in the days of Solomon, only the Tables of the Law were found in the Ark, 1 King 8. 9.

The cover of this Ark was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Pro∣pitiatory, or Mercy-seat, because it covered and hid the Law, that it appeared not before God to plead a∣gainst man. It was a type of Christ, who likewise is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, our Propitiation, Rom. 3. 25, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Propitiatory, 1 John, 2. 2. At each end of the Mercy seat stood a golden Cherub, each Cherub stretched forth his wings; and from between them, as from an Oracle, God gave his answer; Exod. 25. 22. Hence it is, that the Lord is said to sit between the Cheru∣bims, Ps. 99. 1. The positure of the Cherubims was such, that their faces were each towards the other, but

both looking down towards the Mercy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they fitly shadowed out the people of the Jews, and Chri∣stians, both looking toward each other, but both expecting salvation in Christ only.

In the Sanctuary, there was the Incense altar in the middle, and the Table, with the twelve Loaves of Shew-bread on it, on the one side, and the Candle∣stick on the other. The Incense altar was a type of our prayers, Psal. 141. 2. And that this Altar must be once every year sprinkled with the blood of the Sa∣crifice by the High-priest, Exod. 30. 10. It teacheth that our very prayers, except they be purified by the blood of Christ, they are unavailable before God. The twelve loaves were a type of the twelve Tribes, and the Candlestick a type of the Word of God. In them all, we may see the necessity of both ordinances re∣quired, Prayer and Preaching, if we would be pre∣sented acceptable unto the Lord: The Candlestick was a type of Preaching; Incense, of Prayer.

In Moses his Tabernacle there was but one Table, and one Candlestick: In Solomon's Temple there were ten Tables, and ten Candlesticks; as likewise in the Court of the Tabernacle: there was but one brazen Laver, in the Court of the Temple there were ten, and another great Vessel wherein the Priests washed: In the Tabernacle there were but two silver Trumpets; in the Temple there were an hundred and twenty Priests sounding Trumpets.

The Courts of the Temple at the first were but two Atrium Sacerdotum, the Priests Court; and Atrium populi, the Peoples Court.

In the Priests Court were the brazen Altar for Sa∣crifices, and the Laver for the washing, both of the Priests and the Sacrifices. The Laver, and the Altar

scituated in the same Court, signified the same as the water and blood issued out of Christ's side; namely, the necessary concurrence of these two Graces in all that shall be saved, sanctification, and justification; sanctifica∣tion intimated by the Laver and Water: justification by the Altar and Blood.

The Court for the Priests, and the Court for the people c 1.195 were separated each from other, by a wall of three cubits high.

The Court for the people was sometimes called the outward Court, sometimes the Temple, sometimes So∣lomon's Porch, because it was built about with Por∣ches, into which the people retired in rainy wea∣ther: It had Solomon's name; either to continue his memory, or because the Porches had some resem∣blance of that Porch which Solomon built before the Temple, 1. King. 6. 3. Jesus walked in the Temple, in So∣lomon's Porch, John. 10. 28. All the people ran unto the Porch which was called Solomon's, Acts 3. 11. That is, this outward Court.

In the midst of the Peoples Court, Solomon made a brazen Scaffold for the King, 2 Chron. 6. 13.

This Court for the People went round about the Tem∣ple, and though it was one entire Court in the days of Solomon, yet afterward it was divided by a low wall, so that the men stood in the inward part of it, and the Women in the outward. This division is thought to have been made in Jehosaphat's time, of whom we read, that he stood in the house of the Lord, before the new Court, 2. Chron. 20. 5. that is, be∣fore the Womens Court.

There was an ascent of fifteen steps or stairs be∣tween the womens Court and the mens, d 1.196 upon these steps the Levites sung those fifteen Psalms imme∣diately

following the one hundreth nineteenth, up∣on each step on Psalm, whence those Psalms are en∣tituled, Psalmi Graduales, Songs of degrees.

In the Womens Court stood their Treasury, or Alms∣box, as appeareth by the poor Widows casting her two Mites into it, Luk. 21. 1 In Hebrew it is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Korban, the Chest of Oblations; the word signi∣fieth barely, an Oblation, or offering, and accordingly S. Luk. 21. 4. saith, they all have of their superfluities cast into the offerings; that is, into the Korban, or Chest of offerings. In Greek it is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence cometh the Latine word, Gazophylacium, a Treasury. That set up by Jehoida, 2 King. 12. 9. seem∣eth to have been different from this, and to have been extraordinary, only for the repairing of the Temple, for that stood beside the Altar in the Priests Court; and the Priests, not the parties that brought the gifts, put it into the Chest. Sometimes the whole Court was termed Gazophylacium, a Treasury. These words spake Jesus in the Treasury, John 8. 20. It is worth our noting, that the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tseda∣ka, signifying Alms, signifieth properly Justice; and thereby is intimated, that the matter of our Alms should be goods justly gotten: And to this purpose they called their Alms box 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kupha-Sehel Tsedaka, the Chest of Justice; and upon their Alms∣box they wrote e 1.197 this abreviature 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a gift in secret pacifieth anger, Prov. 21. 14.

In Herod's Temple there were f 1.198 four Porches the meaning is, our Courts, one for the Priests, another for men, another for women, and a fourth for such as were unclean by legal pollutions, and strangers. This outmost Court for the unclean and strangerss, was separated from the womans court, with a stone wall

of three Cubits high, which wall was adorned with certain pillars of equal distance, bearing this Inscrip∣tion: g 1.199 Let no stranger enter into the holy place.

The Temple at Jerusalem was thrice built. First, by Solomon: Secondly, by Zerobable: Thirdly, by He∣rod. The first was built in seven years, 1 King. 6. 37. The second in forty six years: It was begun in the second year of King Cyrus, Ezra 3. 8. It was finished in the h 1.200 ninth year of Darius Hystaspis. The years rise thus.

Cyrus reigned	30	Years.
Cambyses	08
It was finished in the year of Darius Hystaspis	09

One year deducted from Cyrus his Reign, there remains 46.

Herod's Temple was finished in i 1.201 eight years. It is greatly questioned among Divines, of which Temple that speech of the Jews is to be understood, John 2. 20. Forty and six years was this Temple in building. Many interpret it of the second Temple, saying, that Herod did only repair that, not built a new: But these disagree among themselves in the computation; and the Scripture speaketh peremptorily, that the house was finished in the sixth year of the reign of King Darius, Ezra 6. 15. and Josephus speaketh of Herod's building a new Temple, plucking down the old. k 1.202 It seemeth therefore more probable, that the speech is to be understood of Herod's Temple, which, though it were but eight years in building, yet, at that time, when this speech was used, it had stood precisely forty six years, l 1.203 for so many years there are precisely between the eighteenth year of Herod's Reign, (at which time the Temple began to be built) and the

year of Christ his baptisme, when it is thought that this was spoken; all which time the Temple was more and more adorned, beautified, and perfected, in which respect it may be said to be so long building.

The ancient men are said to weep, when they be∣held the second, because the glory thereof was far short of Solomon's, Ez. 3. 12. It was inferiour to Solo∣mon's Temple: First, in respect of the building, because it was lower and meaner. m 1.204 Secondly, in respect of the Vessels, being now of brass, which before were of pure gold. Thirdly, in respect of five things lost and wanting in the second Temple, all which were in the first. First, there was wanting the n 1.205 Ark of God. Secondly, Ʋrim and Thummim: God gave no answer by these two, as in former times. Thirdly, Fire, which in the second Temple never descended from heaven to consume their burnt-offerings, as it did in the first. Fourthly, the Glory of God appearing between the Cherubims, this they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Schecina, the ha∣bitation, or dwelling of God, and hereunto the Apostle alludeth, In him dwelleth the fulness of the Godhead bodily, Coloss. 2. 9. Bodily; that is, not in Clouds and Ceremonies, as between the Cherubims, but es∣sentially. Lastly, the Holy Ghost; namely, enabling them for the gift of Prophecy; for between Malachy and John the Baptist, there stood up no Prophet, but only they were instructed per filiam vocis, which they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bath Kol, an Eccho from heaven; and this was the reason why those Disciples, Act. 19. 2. said, we have not so much as heard whether there be an Holy Ghost.

Here it may be demanded, How that of the Prophet Haggai is true; The glory of this last house shall be greater then the first, Hag. 2. 10. I answer, Herod's Temple which

was built in the place of this, was of statelier build∣ing than Solomon's, and it was of greater glory, be∣cause of Christ his Preaching in it.

Herod's Temple was afterwards so set on fire by Ti∣tus his souldiers, o 1.206 that it could not be quenched by the industry of man: p 1.207 at the same time the Temple at Delphos, being in chief request among the Heathen people, was utterly overthrown by earth∣quakes and thunder-bolts from Heaven, and neither of them could ever since be repaired. The concur∣rence of which two Miracles evidently sheweth, that the time was then come, when God would put an end both to Jewish Ceremonies, and Heathenish Idola∣try; that the Kingdom of his Son might be the bet∣ter established

CHAP. II.

Their Synagogues, Schools, and Houses of Prayer.

THe word Synagogue is from the Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to gather together; and it is applyed to all things where of there may be a collection, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. copialactis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; collectio eorum quae sunt ad bellum necessaria. God standeth in Synagoga Deorum, the Assembly of Judges: But Synagogues are commonly taken for houses dedicated to the worship of God, wherein it was lawful to pray, preach, and dispute, but not to sacrifice. In Hebrew it was called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth Hacneseth, the House of Assembly. The Tem∣ple at Jerusalem was as the Cathedral Church; the Syna∣gogues, as petty Parish Churches belonging thereunto.

Concerning the time when Synagogues began, it is hard to determine. It is probable that they began when the Tribes were settled in the promised Land. The Temple being then too far distant for those which dwelt in remote places, it is likely that they repaired unto certain Synagogues instead of the Tem∣ple. That they were in David's time appeareth; They have burnt all the Synagogues of God in the land, Psal. 74. 8. And, Moses of old time had in every City, them that preached him, being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath day, Act. 15. 21.

In Jerusalem there were a 1.208 four hundred eighty Synagogues, besides the Temple; partly for Jews, partly for strangers: one for strangers was called the Syna∣gogue of the Libertines, Act. 6. 9. Whence it had that name, whether from the Roman Libertines, such as had served for their freedom, being opposite to the Ingenui, those that were free-born; (for many of those Libertines became Proselites, and had their b 1.209 Syna∣gogues) or whether it were from c 1.210 Lubar, signify∣ing an high place; (for as their Temple, so their Syna∣gogues and Schools were built on hills and high places) because it is said, Prov. 1. 21. Wisdome calleth in high places: I leave to the judgment of the Reader.

Out of Jerusalem, in others Cities and Provinces, were many Synagogues: there were Synagogues in Ga∣lilee, Mat. 4. 23. Synagogues in Damascus, Acts 9. 2. Sy∣nagogues at Salamis, Acts 13. 5. Synagogues at Antiochia, Acts 13. 14. Yea, their tradition is, that d 1.211 Whereso∣ever ten men of Israel were, there ought to be built a Sy∣nagogue.

Their Synagogues had e 1.212 many Inscriptions, over the gate was written that of the Psalm. 118. 20. This is the gate of the Lord, the righteous shall enter into it. In the

walls, these and the like sentences; Remember thy Creator. And enter into the house of the Lord thy God in humility. And prayer without attention is like a body with∣out a soul. And silence is commendable in time of prayer.

As the Courts of the people before the Temple were distinguish'd by a wall into two rooms, the one for men, the other for women: So in the Synagogues, the women were separated from the men, f 1.213 by a par∣tition of Lattice, or wire-work.

In the Synagogues the Scribes ordinarily taught. but not only they, for Christ himself taught in them, &c. He that gave liberty to preach there, was term∣ed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Ruler of the Synagogue. There was also a Minister who gave the book unto the Preacher and received it again, after the Text had been read. Christ closed the book, and gave it again to the Mi∣nister, Luke 420. This is probably him, whom they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sheliach Tsibhur, the Minister or Clerk of the Synagogue.

Their Schools were different from the Synagogues. Paul having disputed for the space of three months in the Synagogue, because divers believed not, but spake evil of that way, he departed from them, and separated the Disciples, disputing daily in the School of one Tyrannus, Act. 19. 8, 9, 10.

Their School sometimes is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth, an house, simply, as appeareth by that saying; g 1.214 Octo∣decim res de quibus contentio fuit inter domum Sam∣mai, & domum Hillel, ne Elias quidem abolere posset. Those 18 matters controversed between the house of Sammai, and the house of Hillel, Elias himself could not decide; that is, between their two Schools. Some∣time it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth hammidrasch an house of subtle and acute exposition. Here points

were more exactly and punctually discussed, than in the Synagogue, or Temple; whence they held it a pro∣founder place for exposition, than the Temple: To this purpose tend those sayings; h 1.215 They might turn a Synagogue into a School, but not a School into a Syna∣gogue, for the sanctity of a School is beyond the sanctity of a Synagogue, And that groweth from Vertue to ver∣tue, Psa. 84. 7. * 1.216 they interpret a kind of promotion, or degree, in removing from their Temple to their School. In their Temple, their Sermons were, as it were, Ad populum: In their Schools, Ad Clerum.

As they had Synagogues, so likewise Schools, in eve∣ry City and Province, and these were built also upon hills. There is mention of the hill Moreth, Jud. 7. 1. that is, the hill of the Teacher.

The Masters when they taught their Scholars, were said to give: Give unto the wise, and he will be wiser, Prov. 9. 9.

The Scholars when they learned any thing, were, said to receive it: Hear my son, and receive my words Prov. 4. 10. Hence is that of the Apostle: This is a true saying, and by all means worthy to be received, 1 Tim. 1. 15. That is, learned. The like Phrases of speech are in use among the i 1.217 Latines.

Whether their Oratories or places of prayer called Proseuchae were different places from their Schools, or Synagogues, I have not yet learned. That some of these were without the City, that proveth nothing, for so might Synagogues and Schools too. Epiphanus treateth of these k 1.218 Oratories, but there he speaketh not one word to shew the lawfulness of civil busi∣nesses to be done in them: could that be proved, a difference would easily be shewn. Some say they were l 1.219 Synagogues, others m 1.220 Schools. Of this house of

prayer, mention is made, Acts 16. 13. in which S Paul sate down and spake unto the women: which gesture intimateth rather preaching than praying: true, all gesture was in use for prayer; standing, kneeling, sit∣ting: Abraham stood before the Lord, Gen. 18. 22. that is, he prayed. The Publican stood afar off and prayed, Luke 18. 13. Whence by way of Proverb they said n 1.221 Sine stationibus non subsisteret mundus••; Were it not for standing the World could not stand. Stephen kneeled Acts 7. 60. David sate before the Lord, and said, 2 Sam. 7. 18. Yet sitting, when the speech is to the people, not to the Lord, implieth preaching, not prayer. It is pro∣bable, that as at the Gate of the Temple, so at the Gate of these Oratories, the poorer sort of people assem∣bled to expect alms: Whence some use the word o 1.222 Proseucha, to signifie an Hospital.

The p 1.223 Talmudists taxed the peoples negligence in prayer, saying they used three sorts of Amen, and all faulty. A faint Amen, when they prayed without fervency. A hasty Amen, when they said Amen before the prayer was done. A lazy Amen, when they pro∣nounced it at length, as if they were asleep, dividing the word A-men. The first they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jetho∣ma, pupillum. The second 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chetupha, Surrepti∣tium. The third 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ketugna, Sectilé, quasi in duas partes sectum per oscitantiam.

CHAP. III.

Of the Gates of Jerusalem.

THe gates of the whole circuit of the a 1.224 wall a∣bout Jerusalem were nine: The Sheep-gate, Neh. 3. 1. This was near the Temple, and thorow it were

led the Sheep which were to be sacrificed, being washed in the Pool Bethsaida near the gate; The Fish∣gate, Nehem. 3. 3. before this Judas is thought to have hanged himself. b 1.225 Some think that these two Gates, and likewise the Horse-gate, Nehem. 3. 28. were so called, because they were in manner of three several Market-places; and at the one Gate, Sheep; at the other, Fish; and at the third, Horses were sold. The Old gate was so called, because it was supposed to have remained from the time of the Jebu∣sites, and not to have been destroyed by the Assyri∣ans; it was near Calvary, and without this Gate Christ was crucified. Concerning the other Gates little is spoken.

Touching the Gates of the Temple, there were c 1.226 two of principal note, both built by Solomon, the one for those that were new married, the other for mourners and excommunicate persons. The mour∣ners were distinguished from the excommunicate persons, by having their Lips covered with a skirt of their garment; none entred that gate with their lip uncovered, but such as were excommunicate. Now the Israelites, which on the Sabbath days, sate between those Gates, said unto the new married: He, whose Name dwelleth in this house, glad thee with Children. Unto the mourner, He which dwelleth in this house, glad and comfort thee. Unto the excommunicate, He, which dwelleth in this house, move thy heart to hearken unto the words of thy fellows.

Among the Jews, the gates were places of chiefest strength, so that they being taken or defended, the whole City was taken, or defended: and they were chief places of Jurisdiction, for in them Judges were wont to sit, and to decide controversies. Hence

proceeded those phrases: The gates of Hell shall not prevail against thee, &c. And, Thy seed shall possess the gates of his Enemies.

CHAP. IV.

Of their Groves, and high Places.

THe ancient Heathens did not only not build Temples, a 1.227 but they held it utterly unlawful so to do. The reason of this might be, because they thought no Temple spacious enough for the Sun, which was their chief God. Hence came that say∣ing, b 1.228 Mundus universus est Templum Solis; The whole world is a Temple for the Sun. Moreover, they thought it unfit to straiten, and confine the supposed Infiniteness of their fancied Deities within walls; and therefore when after-times had brought in the use of Temples, yet their God Terminus, and divers others of their Gods were worshipped in Temples open roofed, which were therefore called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: This I take to be reason why they made choice of Hills and Mountains, as the convenientest places for their Idolatry. These consecrated Hills, are those high pla∣ces which the Scripture so often forbids. After∣wards, as the number of their Gods encreased; so the number of their consecrated hills was multiplied, from which their God and Goddesses took their names; as Mercurius Cyllenius, Venus Erycina, Jupiter Capitolinus. At length to beautifie these holy hills, the places of their idolatrous worship, they beset them with trees, and hence came the consecratien of Groves, and Woods, from which their Idols many times were

named. c 1.229 At last some choice and select Trees be∣gan to be consecrated. d 1.230 Those French Magi, termed Dryadae, worshipped the Oak, in Greek termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and thence had their names. The Etrurians worship∣ped an Holm-tree; and e 1.231 amongst the Celtae, a tall Oak was the very Idol or Image of Jupiter.

Among the Israelites, this Idolatry began under the Judges Othniel, and Ehud, Judg. 3. 7. and at the last it became so common in Israel, that they had peculiar Priests, whom they termed Prophets of the Grove, 1 King. 18. 19. and Idols of the Grove; that is, peculiar Idols, unto whom their Groves were consecrated, 2 King. 21. 7. 2 Chr. 15. 16. As Christians in the conse∣cration of their Churches, make special choice of some particular Saints, by whose name they call them, as Saint Peter's Church, S. Paul's, S. Andrews, &c. So they consecrated their Groves unto peculiar Idols: whence in prophane Authors we read of Diana Ne∣morensis, Diana Arduenna, Albunea Dea; all receiving their names from the Groves in which they were worshipped: yea, the Idol it self is sometimes called by the name of a Grove: Josiah brought out the Grove from the House of the Lord, 2 King. 23. 6. It is pro∣bable, that in this Idol was pourtraited the form and similitude of a Grove, and thence it was called a Grove, as those silver similitudes of Diana's Temple made by Demetrius, were termed Temples of Diana, Acts 19. 24.

CHAP. V.

The Cities of Refuge.

THese places of Refuge, appointed by God, dif∣fered from those of Hercules, and Romulus, and other Heathens; because God allowed safety only to those, who were guiltless in respect of their in∣tention: but the others were common Sanctuaries, as well for the guilty as the guiltless. If any man did fortuitously or by chance kill another man, in such a case liberty was granted unto the Offender to fly; at first, unto the Altar for refuge, as is im∣plied by that text of Scripture, If any man come pre∣sumptuously unto his Neighbour, to slay him with guile, thou shalt take him from mine Altar, Exod. 21. 14. Yea, we may conjecture this custome of refuge to have continued in force always, by the practice of Joab, 1 King. 2. 28. Notwithstanding, lest the Altar might be too far distant from the place where the fact might be committed, it is probable that there∣fore God ordained certain Asyla, or Cities of Refuge, which for the same reason are thought to have been a 1.232 equally distant one from the other in Canaan: The Cities were in number six; Bezer of the Reube∣nites Country, Ramoth in Gilead, of the Gadites, and Golan in Bashan, of the Manassites: these three Moses separated beyond Jordan, Deut. 4. 41, 43. The other three, appointed by Joshua in the Land of Canaan, were Cadesh in Galilee in Mount Naphthali; Schechem in Ephraim, and Kiratharba (which is Hebron) in the Mountain of Judah, Josh. 20. 7. There other Cities

of like nature; God promised the Israelites, upon con∣dition of their obedience, after their Coasts were in∣larged; but it seemeth that disobedience hindred the accomplishment thereof, for Scripture menti∣oneth not the fulfilling of it.

Concerning the Cities, the Hebrews note from these words, Thou shalt prepare the way, Deut. 19. 3. That the Senate, or Magistrates in Israel, were bound to prepare the ways to the Cities of Refuge, and b 1.233 to make them fit, and broad, and to remove out of them all stumbling-blocks and obstacles: and they suffered not any Hill or Dale to be in the way, nor water-streams, but they made a Bridge over it, that nothing might hinder him that fled thither. And the breadth of the way to the Cities of Refuge, was not less than two and thirty Cubits, and at the partiti∣ons of the ways, they set up in writing, Refuge, Re∣fuge: that the man-slayer might know and turn thi∣therward. On the fifteenth of the moneth Adar, or February, every year the Magistrates sent out messen∣gers to prepare the ways.

Furthermore it was provided, that two or three wise men should be imployed, to perswade the A∣venger of blood, if haply he did pursue the man-slayer on the way, that he should offer no violence, until the Cause were heard and examined. The manner of examination was thus; The Consistory or Bench of Justices, who lived in that quarter where the murder was committed, c 1.234 placed; the party being brought back from the City of Refuge, in the Court, or Judg∣ment-Hall, and diligently enquired and examined the cause, who if he were found guilty of voluntary murder, then was he punished with death, but if o∣therwise the Fact were found casual, then did they

safely conduct the party back again to the City of Refuge, where he enjoyed his liberty, not only with∣in the walls of the City, but within certain Terri∣tories and bounds of the City, being confined to such and such limits, until the death of the High-Priest, that was in those days, at what time it was lawful for the offender to return and come into his own City, and unto his own house, even unto the City from whence he fled, Josh. 20. 6. By this means the offender, though he was not punished with death, yet he lived for the time a kind of exile, for his own humiliation, and for the abatement of his Wrath, who was the Avenger of Blood. d 1.235 The Areopagitae had a proceeding against casual mans laughter, not much unlike, punishing the offender 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with a years banishment: Why the time of this exilement was limited to the death of the High-Priest at that time, is not agreed upon by Expositors. But it is most probably thought, that the offender was therefore confined within that City as within a Prison, during the High-priest's life, e 1.236 because the offence did most directly strike against him, as being amongst men, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ac princeps sanctitatis, The chief God on earth.

THE THIRD BOOK Treateth of DAYS and TIMES.

CHAP. I.

Their Days, Hours, Weeks, and Years.

BEfore we treat of their Feasts, it will be need∣ful, by way of Preface, to understand some∣what concerning the divisions of their Days, Hours, Weeks, &c.

Their Day was two-fold; Natural, containing day and night, and consisting of 24 hours, or Artificial, beginning at Sun-rising, and ending at Sun-set. Of this is that, Are there not twelve hours in the day? John 11. 9.

The Natural-Day was again two-fold: Civil, a working day, which was destined for Civil businesses and works: This began at Sun-rising, and held till the next Sun-rising, Mat. 28. 1, or Sacred, a Festival or Holy-day, destined for holy exercises: This began at Sun-set, and continued till the next Sun-set.

Their night was divided into four quarters, or greater houres, termed four Watches, each Watch con∣taining three lesser houres. The first they called Caput vigiliarum, the beginning of the watches, Lam. 2. 19. the second was the middle watch, Judg. 7. 19. not so termed, because there were only three watches, as a 1.237 Drusius would perswade, but because it dured till midnight. The third watch began at midnight. and held till three of the clock in the morning. If he come in the second, or third watch, Luk. 12. 38. The last, cal∣led the morning watch, Exod. 14. 24. began at three of the clock, and ended at six in the morning. In the fourth watch of the night, Jesus went out unto them, Mat. 14. 24. These Watches also were called by other names, according to that part of the night which closed each watch. The first was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the even. The second, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Midnight. The third 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Cock-crowing. The fourth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Dawning. Ye know not when the Master of the house will come, at E∣ven, or at Midnight, or at Cock-crowing, or at the Dawning, Mark 13. 35.

The day was likewise divided into four quarters, as appeareth by the Parable of the Labourers hired into the Vineyard, Mat. 20. The first quarter began at six of the clock in the morning, and held till nine. The second quarter ended at twelve of the clock. The third quarter at three in the after-noon. The fourth quarter at six of the night. The first quarter was called the third hour, vers. 3. The second quarter, the sixth hour, vers. 5. The third quarter, the ninth hour, vers. 5. The last quarter, the eleventh hour, vers. 6.

Where note, that the three first quarters had their names from that hour of the day, which closed the quarter (for they began the account of their lesser hours, from six a clock in the morning, and our 6,

7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. was their 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12.) only the last was called the eleventh hour, by our Saviour Christ; whereas among the common people, it either was called, or should have been called, by proportion with the rest, the twelfth hour; to intimate unto us, that though God in his mercy accept laboures into his Vineyard eleven hours of the day, yet he seldome calleth any at the twelfth; for that is rather an hour to discharge Ser∣vants, than to admit new.

Some Expositors finding mention of the dawning of the day, in this Parable, vers. 1. b 1.238 They reckon the 4. quarters of the day after this manner. Hora pri∣ma, Hora tertia, Hora sexta, Hora nona. Where first they err, in taking the dawning of the day for the first hour of the day; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the dawning, signifieth the last quarter of the night, called the Morning watch. Secondly, they err in making the last quarter of the day to be the ninth hour, for what then shall become of the eleventh hour, mentioned in the same Parabe?

By this division of the day into these four quarters or greater hours, the Enangelists are reconciled touch∣ing our Saviour's Passion. He was crucified at the third hour, Mark 15. 25. S. John intimateth his exa∣mination before Pilate, to have been Hora quasi sexta, about the sixth hour, John 19. 14. In the first place, un∣derstand by his crucifying, not his hanging on the Cross, which was not till the sixth hour, Luke 23. 44. nor his expiration, which was not till the ninth hour, Mar. 15. 34. but his examination under Pilate, at which time the people cried out, Crucifie him, Crucifie him; and then the third and sixth hour will easily be re∣conciled,

for these two hours immediately following one another, what was done on the third hour, might truly be said to be done about the sixth.

Lastly, This sheweth that the hours among the Jews were of two sorts; some lesser, of which the day contained twelve: others greater, of which the day contained four, as hath been above shewn: the lesser are termed hours of the day, Are there not twelve hours in the day? John 11. 9. The greater, som term hours of the Temple, or hours of prayer. Peter and John went up into the Temple, at the ninth hour of prayer, Acts 3. 1. But in truth there are but three hours of * 1.239 prayer, the third, the sixth, and the ninth. (a) The third instituted by Abraham, the sixth by Isaac, and the ninth by Jacob. The third hour the Holy Ghost descend∣ed upon the Apostles, Acts 2. 15. About the sixth, Peter went up to the house-top to pray, Acts 10. 9. At the ninth, Peter and John went into the Temple Acts 3. 1.

From these greater hours of the day and night, the Canonical hours in use in the Roman Church, had * 1.240 their beginning; each Canonical hour containeth three lesser hours, so that in the whole night and day there are eight Canonical hours. At six of the clock in the evening began the first, and that is termed Ho∣ra vespertina, or vespertinum simply, (officium being understood) their Vespertine. At nine of the clock at night began the second, and that is termed Comple••••∣rium, their Completory. At midnight began the thir••, Nocturnum, their Nocturn. At three of the clock in the morning, began their Matutinum, their Matines. The Canonical hours for their day service were named, Hora prima, tertia, sexta, nona. Their first hour began from six of the clock in the morning, and held till nine: the third from nine till twelve,

the sixth from twelve till three, the ninth from three till six at night.

The Dial in use among the ancient Jews, differed from that in use among us: theirs were a kind of stairs; the time of the day was distinguished, not by lines, but by steps, or degrees; the shade of the Sun every half hour moved forward to a new degree. In the Dial of Ahaz, the Sun went back 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Magnoloth, de∣grees, or steps, not lines, Isai. 38. 8.

Their weeks were two-fold; the one was ordinary, consisting of seven daies, the other extraordinary and Prophetical, consisting of seven years, Dan. 9 24. The first is termed Hebdomas diaria, a week of daies; the second, Hebdomas annalis, a week of years.

The Hebrews at first measured their moneths accord∣ing to the course of the Sun, whence they are cal∣led Menses solares; and then every moneth consisted of thirty daies. The waters prevailed from the se∣venteenth day of the second moneth, Gen. 7. 11. unto the seventeenth day of the seven moneth, Gen. 8. 4. that is, full five moneths. If we will number the daies, they were an hundred and fifty, Gen. 7. 24. Whereby it appeareth, that every moneth contain∣ed full thirty daies. After the Israelites departure out of Aegypt, then they measured their moneths by the course of the Moon, they are termed Menses Lu∣•…•…res: they contained either thirty daies, and then •…•…ey were called Menses pleni, full Moneths: or twen∣ty nine daies, and then they were called Menses cavi, Deficient Moneths.

The Sun exceedeth the Moon in her course eleven daies, c 1.241 hence every third or second year, one month was inserted. Now because the twelfth mouth in the Hebrew Kalender was called Adar, hence when a month was inserted, the last was called Ve••adar, the second Adar.

Before their captivity in Babylon, they counted their moneths without any name, according to the number. The First, Second, Third moneth, &c. After their return from Babylon, they called them by these names:

1. Nisan; it was also called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Abib, which signifieth an ear of corn, in this moneth Barley began to be eared.	They answered to part of	1 March. April.
2. Iiar, it was also called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth beauty: then the Trees began to be beautified with Buds and Blossoms.	2 April. May.
3. Sinan.	3 May. June.
4. Thamuz.	4 June. July.
5. Ab.	5 July. August.
6. Elul.	6 August. September.
7. Tisri, otherwise called Ethanim.	7 September. October.
8. Marchesuan, it was also called Bull.	8 October. November.
9. Cislcu.	9 November. December.
10. Tebeth.	10 December. January.
11. Shebeth.	11 January. February.
12. Adar. Ve••adar.	12 February. March.

Before their coming out of Egypt, they f 1.242 began their year in the month of Tisri, and thus they conti∣nued it always after, for civil affairs, for their date of buying, selling, their Sabbatical years, years of Jubile, &c. After their coming out of Egypt, they began their year in the month Nisan, and so continued it for the computation of their greater Feasts.

CHAP. II.

Of their Feasts.

BEfore we descend to their particular Feasts; First we will see their manner of Feasting in general. Their ordinary meals, as they were not many in a day, so neither were they costly. They were called a 1.243 Arucoth, which word signifieth properly, such fare as Travellers and Way-faring men use on their journeys. The word is used, Jer. 40. 5. So the chief Steward gave him victuals, and a reward, and let him go. Likewise Pro. 15. 17. Better is a dinner of green herbs where love is. The extraordinary and more liberal kind of entertainement, by way of feasting, was commonly called b 1.244 Mischte, from their liberal drinking at such meetings. There was also another kind of feast∣ing, wherein they made merry together, eating the remainders of their Sacrifices; this they termed c 1.245 Chag. From this custom of having a feast at the end of their Sacrifices, the Christians of the Primitive Church instituted their Love-feasts to d 1.246 suc•…•…d the Lords Supper: In both these greater and mor•• solemn

Feasts, there were some Ceremonies used by them, as preparatory to the Feast, others in their giving thanks, others in their gesture at Table.

The Ceremonies preparatory were principally these three: 1. Salutation. 2. Washing the feet of the guests. 3. Pouring Oyl on them.

Their Salutations were testified either by words, or some humble gesture of the body. By words, and then these were the usual forms; The Lord be with you: or The Lord bless you, Ruth. 2. 4. From the last of these, blessing is often taken in Scripture for saluting. If thou meet any, e 1.247 bless him not, or if any bless thee answer him not again, saith Elisha to Gehazi, 2 King. 4. 29. The sense is, as our English renders it, Salute him not. Sometimes they said, Peace be unto thee, peace be upon thee, Go in peace, and such like: When ye come into an house, salute the same; and if the house be worthy, let your peace come upon it, but if it be not worthy, let your peace return to you, Matth. 10. 12. 13. By gesture; their salutations were signified sometimes by prostrating the whole body; sometimes by kissing the feet, Luke 7. 38. commonly by an f 1.248 ordinary kiss. Moses went out to meet his father-in-law, and did obeysance, and kissed him, Exod. 18. 7. Moreover, Joseph kissed all his Bre¦thren, and wept upon them, Gen. 45. 15. This Saint Paul calleth an holy kiss, 1 Cor. 16. 20. S. Peter, a kiss of Charity, 1 Pet. 5. 14. g 1.249 Tertullian calleth it Oscu∣culum pacis, A kiss of peace. These were kisses which a Caio might give, and a Vestal receive: Of this sort, the Jews had h 1.250 three kinds; 1 1.251 a kiss of salutation which has been specified by some of those former instances. 2 1.252 a kiss of valediction: Wherefore hast thou not suffered me to kiss my my sons and my daugh∣ters, Gen. 31. 28. 3 1.253 a kiss of homage; the word sig∣nifieth

a kiss of State or dignity, but was to testifie their homage, and acknowledgment of their Kings Soveraignty. Then Samuel took a Vial of Oyl. and poured it upon Saul's head, and kissed him, 1 Sam. 10. 1. And unto this they refer that in the se∣cond Psalm, Kiss the son, lest he be angry. These Saluta∣tions, howsoever they were such as were used mutu∣ally, sometimes in their meetings abroad upon the way, yet were they such, as were used also in their entertainment, as clearly appeareth by many of those fore-quoted examples.

The second Ceremony preparatory was, i 1.254 washing their feet. And the man brought the men unto Joseph's house, and gave them water, and they did wash their feet, Gen. 43. 24. This office was commonly perfor∣med by servants, and the meanest of the family, as appeareth by our Saviour Christ, who to leave an ex∣ample of humility behind him, washed his Disciples feet, John 13. 5. And Abigail, when David took her to wife said, Behold, let thine hand-maid be a servant to wash the feet of the servants of my Lord, 1 Sam 25. 41. For this purpose they had certain Vessels in rea∣diness for such imployments: That which our Savi∣our used, we translate a Basin, John 13. 5. He poured out water in a Basin. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there used, signifieth in general a Washpot, and is there used for that which in strict propriety of speech, the Greci∣ans termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (i) a Washpot for our feet: Some may here make the question, whence this water was poured? I see no inconveniency, if we say, that there were usually in their Dining-rooms greater vessels, from which they poured out into lesser, ac∣cording as they needed; of which sort it is not im∣probably k 1.255 thought that those Water-pots were

tioned, John 2. 6. There were set there six Water-pots of stone, after the manner of the purifying of the Jews. By purifying there, understand this comple∣mental washing of which we treat: Now if we consi∣der the washing of their hands, usual and com∣mendable in it self, though superstitiously abused by Scribes and Pharisees, and the washing of their feet, before and after meal, (for our Saviour washed his Disciples feet after supper) which second wash∣ing, the Hebrews say it was in use only at the Passe∣over, there must needs be use of great store of water in their greater Feasts; and therefore no marvel, if many and capacious vessels stood in readiness. Fur∣ther, we are to note, that as the office was servile and base, so the vessel: which observation giveth light to that, Psal. 60. 8. Moab is my wash-pot; that is, the Moabites shall be basely subject unto me, as the pot in which I wash my feet.

The third Ceremony preparatory, was pouring out of oyl. A woman in the City brought an Alablaster box of oyntment, and stood at his feet behind him weeping, and began to wash his feet with tears, and did wipe them with the hairs of her head, and kis∣sed his feet, and anointed them with the ointment, Luk. 7. 37, 38. It was also poured upon the head, whence in the same place, Christ challengeth the Pharisee which entertained him, Mine head with oyl thou didst not anoint, vers. 46. Psal. 23. 5. Thou anointest mine head with oyl.

After these ceremonies of preparation had been per∣formed, then they proceeded to give thanks. The Master of the house sitting down together with his Guests, took a cup full of wine in his right hand, and therewith began his consecration, after this manner;

l 1.256 Blessed be thou, O Lord our God, the King of the world, which createst the fruit of the Vine. Having said thus, he first lightly tasted of the Wine, and from him it pass'd round the Table. This grace of thanksgiving, they call m 1.257 Bircath haiaiin, the blessing of the cup. With this Christ himself seemeth to have begun his supper; He took the cup, and gave thanks, and said, Take this and divide it among your selves, for I say unto-you, I will not drink of the fruit of the Vine, until the Kingdom of God shall come, Luk. 22. 17, 18. After the blessing of the cup, the Master of the house took the bread, which they did Scindere, but not Abscindere, lightly cut for the easier breaking thereof, but not cut in sun∣der; and holding this in both his hands, he consecra∣ted it, with these words; Blessed he thou, O Lord our God, the King of the world, which bringest forth bread out of the earth. This consecration of bread, they termed, n 1.258 Bircath halechem. After the consecration, he brake the bread, (whence the Master of the house, or he who performed these blessings in his stead, was termed * 1.259 Habotseang, i. the breaker:) the bread being broken, he distributed to every one that sate at the table a mor∣sel, which being done, then they began to feed upon the other dishes that were provided. This Rite of blessing both the Cup and the Bread, they observed only in their solemn Festivals; otherwise they con∣secrated the Bread alone, and not the Cup. In their Feast time, they seasoned their meat with good con∣ference, such as might either yield matter of instru∣ction, or exercise their wits; which practice was also observed in their Christian o 1.260 love feasts. Of the first sort, was that Parable proposed by our blessed Savi∣our at a Feast, Luk. 14. 7. Of the second▪ was Sampson's Riddle, which he proposed unto his Companions,

Judg. 14. 12. At the end of the Feast, they again gave thanks, which was performed in this manner, either by the Master of the house himself, or by some guest, if there were any of better note at the table: He taking a cup of Wine in both his hands, began thus: Let us bless him who hath fed us with his own, and of whose goodness we live: Then all the guests answered, Blessed be he of whose meat we have eaten, and of whose goodness we live. This grace they called p 1.261 Bircath Hamazon, q 1.262 And this is thought to be the Cup wherewith Christ after Supper commended the Mystery of his Blood to his Disciples: After this, he which began the Thanksgiving proceedeth, Bles∣sed be he, and blessed be his nane, &c. annexing a lon∣ger prayer, in which he gave thanks: First, for their present food. Secondly, for their deliverance from the Egyptian servitude. Thirdly, for the Covenant of Circumcision. Fourthly, for the Law given by the Ministry of Moses. Then he prayed, that God would have mercy: 1. On his people Israel. 2. On his own City Jerusalem. 3. On Sion the Tabernacle of his Glory. 4. On the Kingdom of the House of David his Anointed. 5. That he would send Elias the Prophet. Lastly, That he would make them worthy of the daies of the Messiah, and of the life of the world to come.

This prayer heing ended, then all the Guests which sate at the Table, with a soft and low voice, said unto themselves in this manner, Fear the Lord all ye his holy ones, because there is no penury to those that fear him: The young Lyons do want and suffer hunger, but those that seek the Lord want no good thing. After∣ward, he which began the thanksgiving, blessed the cup in the same form of words as he used at the first

sitting down, saying; Blessed be thou, O Lord God, the King of the world, which createst the fruit of the Vine: and therewith he drank a little of the Wine, and so the cup passed round the table. Thus they began and ended their Feast, with the blessing of á Cup: this cup they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cos hillel, Poculum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Cup of thanksgiving: and both these cups are mentioned by Saint Luke; and, which is worth our observation, the words of Consecration whereby it was instituted, as part of the Blessed Sacrament in the New Testa∣ment, were added only to the last cup. This Cup is the New Testament in my blood, which is shed for you. After all this, they sang s 1.263 Hymns and Psalms, which also was practiced by our blessed Saviour, Mark. 14. 26. So that howsoever he used not any superstitions, either then practiced, or since added by after Jews, (as the drinking of t 1.264 four Cups of Wine, u 1.265 or the breaking of the bread with all ten fingers, in allusi∣on to the ten Commandments, &c.) yet in the be∣ginning, and ending, we see his practice suitable with theirs. If any desire a larger discourse of these Bles∣sings, noted out of the Rabbines, let him read * 1.266 P. Fagi∣us his Comment on Deut. 8. 10. from whom I have bor∣rowed a great part of what herein I have delivered. If any shall here object, that I seem to make the Blessed Sacrament of our Lords Body and Blood, a Jewish ceremony; I answer, no: For as a kind of ini••iatory purification by water, was used before by the Jews of old and no Proselyte was admitted into the Church of the Jews without this purification: yet it was no more a Sacrament to them, than Circumcision▪ was to Turks and Saracens. Thus neither was breaking the bread Sacramental to the Jew, but then it be∣came a Sacrament, when Christ said of it; This

is my body. This cup is the New Testament in my blood, &c. Luk. 22. 19. The Jews could not say, The cup of blessing which we bless, is it not the Communion of the Blood of Christ: 1 Corinthians 10. 16.

The last thing considerable in their Feasts. is their gesture. In the days of our Saviour it is y 1.267 apparent that the gesture of the Jews was such as the Romans used. The table being placed in the middest, round about the Table were certain beds, sometimes two, sometimes three, sometimes more, according to the number of the guests; upon these they lay down in manner as followeth. Each bed contained three peasons, sometimes four seldom or never more. If one lay upon the bed, then he rested the upper part of his body upon his left elbow, the lower part ly∣ing at length upon the bed: But if many lay on the bed, then the uppermost did lie at the beds head, laying his feet behind the second's back: In like manner the third or fourth did lye, each resting his head in the others bosom. Thus John leaned on Jesus his bosom, John. 13. 23. This first is an argument of spe∣cial love towards him, whom the Master of the House shall take into his own bosom; John, he was the beloved Disciple. Secondly, an argument of parity amongst others, resting in one anothers bosom. Many shall come from the East and the West, and shall sit down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, Mat. 8. 11. And where shall they sit? In Abrahams bosom, Luk. 16. 22. that••s, they shall all sit at the same table, be partakers of the same glory. Thus Christ, he was in the bosom of his Father. John 1. 18. that is, in the Apostles phrase, He thought it no robbery to be equal with his Father. Their tables were perfectly circular, or round, whence

their manner of sitting was termed (z) Messibah, a * 1.268 sitting round; and their phrase of inviting their guests to sit down, was, sit round: We will not sit round until he come hither, 1 Sam. 16. 11. Again, Thy children shall be like Olive-plants round about thy table, Psal 128. 3. This custom of lying along upon a bed, when they took their meat, was also in use in Ezekiel's time; thou satest upon a stately bed, and a table prepared before it, Ezek 23. 41. a 1.269 And whe∣ther this were the custom of the ancient Hebrews, I leave to be discussed by others. But unto this doth also Amos allude; They laid themselves down upon cloaths laid to pledge by every Altar, Amos. 2. 8. that is, the b 1.270 garments taken to pledge they use in stead of beds, when at their Altars they eat things sacri∣ficed to Idols: Yea, the plucking off their shooes when they went to table, implieth this custom of ly∣ing at Table, to have been very ancient. The pluck∣ing off their shoes seemeth to have been generally received, when they were in Egypt; for this cause is it that they had a strict charge in eating the Passeover, to have their shooes on their feet, for greater expedi∣tion. The reason why they usually pluckt them off; was, for the clean keeping of their Beds on which they lay. Here, seeing the rule of observing the Passe∣ver requireth, that it should be eaten with their shooes on their feet, which argueth rather standing than lying upon a bed: It may be demanded, Whether Christ transgressed not against the first institution thereof, in the manner of his sitting at the table? Tre∣melius answereth thus; and, in my mind, fully: c 1.271 We must know, saith he, that Exod. 12, it was command∣ed, after what manner they, ready to depart out of Egypt, should eat the Passeover at that time; for the

necessity of that time so required, namely an hasty eating thereof; but afterward, in the Law, where it is commanded that this Ceremony of the Paschal should be renewed every year, those words are not added. Wherefore all the Hebrew Doctors, both an∣cient and modern, do teach with one joynt consent, that the Commandment of sprinkling the door-posts with blood, of having on their shooes, of girding their loyns, of taking staves in their hands, and eating the Lamb in hast; did not extend it self to the genera∣tions following, but only to have concerned that very night, wherein they departed out of Egypt: * 1.272 Yea, it was an ancient tradition amongst them, that when they did in after-times eat the Passeover, they would sit down, or lean upon a bed, as our Saviour and his Disciples did, in token of their deliverance obtained.

The parties that gave entertainment at their Feasts were two; 1. e 1.273 The Master of the house. 2. The Ma∣ster of the Feast; they differed thus: The Master of the house was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Baal habeth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Pater familias. The Master of the Feast was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Baal mischte, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Triclinii praefe∣ctus. The Master of the Feast was the chief servant, at∣tending the Master of the house in time of the Feast. Others add a g 1.274 third sort, whom they would have be Praefecti morum, in Greek they were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Their Office was thought to have been the inspection of the Guests, that none should disorder themselves by drinking too much, whence they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the eyes of the Feast. Such kind of Officers were in use in Ahasuerash his Court, Esth. 1. 8. and likewise among the h 1.275 Athenians; but whether any such belonged unto the Jews is justly doubted.

The ancient Jews, they were both Hospital, rea∣dy to entertain, and also liberal in their entertain∣ments: Their Hospitality is commended throughout the Scripture, though now it be grown out of use among them, as appeareth by that Proverbial speech concerning the entertainment of a friend: i 1.276 That the first day he is Oreach, a guest: The second Toreach, a burden: the third Barach, a runnagate. Their liberality appeared by remembring the poor at their Feasts, by sending them portions. Send portions unto them for whom nothing is prepared; Neh. 8. 10. k 1.277 This was afterward practiced by Heathens, who in their solemn Feasts did not only entertain their Guests for the present, but did also allow them certain jun∣kets to carry away with them. These they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and likewise, unto their friends who were absent they sent portions, which they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This observation giveth light to that Canon in the Laodicean Councel, which forbiddeth the Christians in their love feasts 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to send portions, the reason of which prohibition, I conceive to be three-fold. first, that Christans might not symbolize with Hea∣then people. Secondly, that none presuming that their portions should be sent them, might absent themselves. Thirdly, that those present (especially the poorer sort, as it often falleth out) might not be injured, by having the best of their provision sent away in such portions.

Here we may note, for conclusion, that as the time of their supper was towards the evening, and then they gave greatest entertainment; So the time of their dinner was about the sixth hour of the day; that is, as we count, about Noon. Kill meat and make ready, for the men shall eat with me at Noon,

Gen. 43. 16. Peter went up upon the house to pray about the sixth hour; then waxed be an hungred, and would have eaten, but whiles they made something ready, be fell into a trance, Acts 10. 9, 10.

Moreover we may here note the difference be∣tween those three cups mentioned in Scripture, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 1 Cor. 10. 19. The cup of blessing, and this is applied to those several cups used in their solemn Feasts, because of those blessings or thanksgi∣vings annexed. Secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Jer. 16. 7. The cup of consolation; this was so called, because it was sent by special friends in time of mourning, as intending by this drinking to put away sorrow and grief from the mourner. Thirdly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Psal. 116. 13. The cup of salvation: this was used com∣monly after their Peace offerings, which were vowed in way of thankfulness for benefits obtained. Whence the Seventy Elders commonly translate a Peace-offering, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A sacrifice of salvation, or salvation it self.

CHAP. III.

Of their Sabbath.

THe word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sabhath, from whence our English word Sabbath is derived, signifieth Rest, and is applied to all solemn Festivals. They polluted my Sabbaths, Ezek. 20. 21. that is, my Feasts. Sometimes it is applied to the whole week, Jejuno bis in Sabbato, I fast twice in the week. Sometimes, and that most frequently, it is used for that 7th day which God had set apart for his own service. This last was holy, either by a simple holiness which belonged

to it, as was the seventh day; or else by a double holiness occasioned by some solemn Feast upon the same day, and then it was called, Sabbatum magnum, a great Sabbath, John 19. 36. For on that Sabbath-day of which S. John speaketh, the Feast of the Passeover happened that year.

The week days are termed by the Hebrews 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cholim, prophane days; by the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, working days: but when they speak of them altogether, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the space of time between the two Sabbaths. a 1.278 This was the time upon which the Gentiles desired to hear Paul, Act. 13. 42. In respect of the different de∣grees of holiness on days, the Sabbath-day is not unfit¦ly compared to a Queen, or rather to those whom they termed Primary-wives; other Feast-days to Concu∣bines, or half-wives; working-days, to Hand-maids.

The Sabbath began at b 1.279 six a clock the night be∣fore: this the Grecians called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the He∣brews * 1.280 Biath haschabbath, the entrance of the Sabbath.

The preparation to the Sabbath began at c 1.281 three of the clock in the afternoon; the Hebrews called this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gnereb haschabbeth, the Sabbath eve. By the ancient Fathers it was cal•…•… d 1.282 coena pura, the phrase is borrowed from Pagans, whose Religion taught them in their Sacrifices to certain of their Gods and Goddesses, to prepare themselves by a strict kind of holiness; at which time of their preparation * 1.283 they did partake of a certain Supper, which as it consisted of choice meats, such as those Heathens deemed more holy than others: so it was eaten with the observation of Holy Rites and Ceremonies: Hence * 1.284 they themselves were said at this time of their pre∣paration to be in In casto, and their preparatory Sup∣per termed, Coena pura. Thus we see the reason why

the Fathers called the Sabbath-eve, Coenam puram. By the Evangelists it was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A preparation, Mark 15. 42. For distinction sake, we may call that fore-time of the day 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A fore-preparation: For the whole day was a kind of preparation, as will appear by the particulars then forbidden. First, on this day they might go no more than three Parsa's; now a Parsa contained so much ground as an ordi∣nary man might go ten of them in a day. Secondly, Judges might not then sit in Judgment upon life and death, as is shewn in the Chapter of Translation of Feasts. f 1.285 Thirdly, all sorts of Artificers were for∣bidden to work, only three excepted, Shoomakers, Taylers, and Scribes; the two former for repairing of apparel, the other for ••itting themselves by study to expound the Law the next day, and these were per∣mitted but half the preparation time to work.

The best and wealthiest of them, g 1.286 even those that had many servants, did with their own hands further the preparation; so that sometimes the Ma∣sters themselves would chop herbs, sweep the house, cleave wood, kindle the fire, and such like.

In old h 1.287 time they proclaimed the Preparation with noise of Trumpets, or Horns; but now the mo∣dern Jews proclaim it by the Sexton, or some under Officer of the Church, whom they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Scheliach Tsibbur, The Messengers of the Congregation.

Concerning the sanctification of the Sabbath day it self, in corrupter times some things the Jews ad∣ded over and above that which God commanded. In other things they took liberty where God granted none. In the first they were superstitious, in the se∣cond sacrilegious.

They took liberty: There were two thousand

Cubits between the Ark and the Camp; when they marched, Josh. 3. 4. and in probability the same pro∣portion was observed when they rested: this di∣stance of ground some interpret to be one mile, some two; some measuring it according to a lesser, others according to a longer Cubit, which they term a Geo∣metrical Cubit: But all agree in this, that these two thousand cubits were a Sabbath days journey, though none, as I know, have observed the reason why it was so called, which I take to be this: On the Sab∣bath day they were all to repair to the place of God's publick worship, which was two thousand cubits di∣stant from those who camped nearest: Hence fol∣low four Propositions. First, That two thousand Cubits any where, by proportion, might be called a Sabbath daies journey. Secondly, That to those who dwelt in the Camps more remote from the Ark, a Sabbath daies journey was more than two thousand Cubits. Thirdly, That it is now lawful on the Sab∣bath day, to joyn with the Congregation in the place of God's publick worship, though remote. Fourthly, That it was unlawful for the Jews hereupon to take liberty to walk idlely whither they would, if it were not more than two thousand Cubits, pretending it to be but a Sabbath daies journey.

They added unto that which God commanded. 1. God said, Remember to keep holy a seventh day: in which words, God sanctified one day to be Sabba∣thum, i 1.288 they added Sabbatulum; so they termed that additament of time which they annexed to the Sab∣bath. This addition of time was two-fold: some be∣gan the Sabbath sooner than others; this was done by the Jews dwelling at Tiberias, because they dwel∣ling in a Valley, the Sun appeared not to them so

soon as it did to others. Some again continued the Sabbath longer than others: this was done by those dwelling at Tsepphore, a City placed upon the top of at Mountain, so that the Sun shined longer to them, than it did to others. Thus both of these did Addere de profano ad sacrum; add somewhat of the working day, immediately going before, or immediately fol∣lowing after, none diminished of the Sabbath. k 1.289 Hence R. Jose wished that his portion might be with those that began the Sabbath, with those of Tiberias, and ended with those of Tsepphore.

2. God said, To morrow is the rest of the holy Sab∣bath unto the Lord, bake that ye will bake, and seeth that ye will seeth, Exod. 16. 23. This Command was pro∣per to the time of l 1.290 Manna: the reason is there al∣ledged, why they should prepare that day for the morrow, because upon the Sabbath day they should not find it in the field. The Jews extend this Com∣mand to all Ages, and therefore they dressed no meat this day: this haply was the reason, that the Heathen people thought they m 1.291 fasted on the Sabbath, though I deny not but this error might be occasioned in part from that phrase, Jejuno his in Sabbato.

3. God said, Ye shall kindle no fire throughout your habitations on the Sabbath day, Exod. 35. 3. This com∣mandment was only concerning fire for the furthe∣rance of the work of the Tabernacle, n 1.292 for therefore is the Sabbath mentioned in that Chapter, to shew, that the work of the Tabernacle ought to give place to the Sabbath. The Jews hence gather, that it is un∣lawful to kindle any fire at all on this day.

4. God said, In it thou shalt do no manner of work. This the Jews understood without any manner of ex∣ception. o 1.293 Hence they held it unlawful, to roast an

apple, to tuck an herb, to clime a tree, to kill or catch a flea. Hence they thought it unlawful to defend them∣selves, being assaulted by their enemies on the Sab∣bath day: By this means, twice they became a prey unto the enemy. (p) First, unto Antiochus; whereupon * 1.294 Mattathias made a Decree, that it should be lawful upon the Sabbath to resist their enemies; which De∣cree again they understanding strictly, as if it did on∣ly give leave to resist, (q) when they were actually * 1.295 assaulted, and not by any labour that day to prevent the enemies raising of Rams, settling of Engines, un∣derminings, &c. they became a prey, the second time, to Pompey. For the right understanding there∣fore of this Command, we are to know, that three sorts of servile works were allowed.

1. Works of Charity: God, that allowed them to lead their Ox and Ass to water on the Sabbath, Luke 13. 5. to make their lives more comfortable, much more allowed man liberty to dress convenient food for himself and his Family, that they might the more comfortably perform holy duties. Christ healed on the Sabbath; therefore, visiting the sick, and the use of the Physitian, was both then and now lawful.

2. Works directly tending to Gods worship: not only killing of sacrifices, and circumcising of children on that day was allowed; but the Priests might lawfully blow their Trumpets and Horns on the Sabbath day, for the assembling of the people, Numb. 10. 2. And the people might warrantably go from their houses to the place of Gods publick worship. By proporti∣on it is now warrantable for Christians, to ring bells to assemble the people together on the Lords day; to take journeys, to joyn with the publick Congre∣gation, or to Preach the Word. Of these we may say,

though they are in their own natures bodily labours yet the Temple which was sanctified did change the nature of them, and make them holy, Mat. 23. 17. Or as the Jews say concerning the overthrow of Je∣richo, which according to their writings fell on the Sabbath-day: r 1.296 He which commanded the Sabbath to be sanctified, commanded it also to be prophaned.

3. Works of absolute necessity, as the defending ones self against his enemy, and others of like nature: concerning which the Jews have a saying, s 1.297 Peril of life drives away the Sabbath: And the Christians with a little change of a more common Proverb, say, Ne∣cessitas non habet ferias; Necessity hath no Holy-days.

CHAP. IV.

Of their Passeover, and their Feasts of Ʋn∣leavened Bread.

SOme of the Fathers have derived the word a 1.298 Pascha, from a Greek Verb, signifying to suffer, because the sufferings and Passion of our Saviour, are celebrated about that time. b 1.299 This Opinion Augustine justly confuteth, for the word is original∣ly an Hebrew word, signifying to pass by, to leap, or pass over. The Etymology is God's own. It is the sa∣crifice of the Lord's Passeover, which passed over, &c. Exod. 12. 27.

The word Passeover in Scripture hath three accep∣tions. First, it is taken for that yearly solemnity which was celebrated upon the c 1.300 fourteenth day of Nisan, otherwise called Abib; you may call it the Passeover of the Lamb, because on that day toward

the evening, the Israelites were commanded accord∣ing to their families to roast a Lamb, and eat it in their private houses. Secondly, it signifieth that yearly Festivity which was celebrated on the fif∣teenth of Nisan: it may be called the Passeover of sheep and Bullocks, Deut. 16. 2. Otherwise we may call it the Feast of the Passeover; as the fourteenth of Nisan was called simply the Passeover. In the fourteenth day of the first month, is the Passover of the Lord, and in the fifteenth day of this month is the Feast, Num. 28. 16, 17. Toward this Feast we are to understand that Josiah gave unto the people such a multitude of Sheep, Lambs, Kids, and Bullocks, Thirdly, it is ta∣ken for the whole solemnity, beginning the four∣teenth of Nisan, and ending the one and twentieth of the same month. Now the Feast of unleavened bread drew nigh, which is called the Passeover; Luk. 22. 1. So that in this acception it contained the Feast of un∣leavened bread also, notwithstanding, in proper speak∣ing, the Feast of unleavened bread was a distinct Feast from the Passeover.

First, the Passeover was to be kept on the fourteenth day of the first month, at even. This was their second Sacrament, in which although they were enjoyned to eat unleavened bread with the Lamb, yet the Feast of the unleavened bread began not till the mor∣row following, being the fifteenth day of the same month, and lasted seven days, of which only the first and last were holy Convocations, wherein they might do no servile work, Levit, 23. 5, 6, 7, 8.

Secondly, the Passoever in the age following its first institution, might not be killed and eaten in any other place, save only where the Lord did choose to place his Name, which afterwards was at Jerusalem:

but the feast of unleavenud bread, the Hebrews thought themselves bound to keep in every place wheresoever they dwelt, if they could not be at Jerusalem: and d 1.301 eating of it, they say, depended not upon the eating of the Passeover, but it was a commandment by it self.

The Rites and Ceremonies observed by the Jews in the eating of this Sacrament, their Paschal Lamb, agreed with those general Ceremonies used in their solemn Feasts▪ They blessed the Cup, and blessed the bread, and divided amongst the guests, and washed the feet of those that sate at the Table, as is shewn in the Chapter of Feasts. The particulars in which it differ∣ed from other feasts, are delivered in those inter∣rogatories, or questions proposed in way of Cate∣chism, by some Child, at the time of eating their Passeover, or rather in the answer made unto the child by him that blessed the Table. The question was thus: What meaneth this service? The form of the answer was, e 1.302 How different is this night from all other nights, for all other nights we wash but once, in this twice: (thus Christ when supper was ended washed his Disciples feet.) In all other nights we eat either leavened or unleavened bread, in this only unleavened: In other nights we eat any sort of herbs, in this night bitter herbs: In all other nights we eat and drink either sitting or lying; but in this we lye along. Then he proceeded to declare, that the Passeover. was in respect that the Lord passed over the houses of their Fathers in Egypt. Secondly, he held up the bitter herbs in his hand, and said, these bitter herbs which we eat, are in respect that the Egyptians made the lives of our Fathers bitter in Ae∣gypt, Thirdly he held up the unleavened bread in his hand, and said, this unleavened bread which we

eat, is in respect that the dough of our Fathers had not time to be leavened, when the Lord appeared unto them and redeemed them out of the hand of the Enemy. This kind of Catechising they say is com∣manded, Exod. 12. 26. They called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Haggada i. Annunciatio, the declaration or shewing forth of the Passeover. Hence the Apostle borroweth this phrase; As often as ye shall eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye shall declare, or shew forth the Lord's death, 1 Cor. 11. 26.

Concerning this Lamb they are charged thus: Ʋpon the tenth of Abib every one shall take a Lamb for an house, a male of the first year, without blemish, and this he kept until the fourteenth day of the same month, Exod. 12. 3. &c. The Lamb: it was either of Sheep or Goats. For an house, the whole body of the Israe∣lites was divided into twelve Tribes, the Tribes into Families, the Families into Houses: if the House were too few for the eating of the Lamb, then the next Neighbour joyned with them in the eating thereof. The whole Company was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the same sense S. Mark useth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mark the sixth. All these words signifie a society, or company of guests, so many as can sit at the same Table: the latter word properly signifieth, a bed in a Garden, and thus in the Gospel, the whole multitude sitting on the grass, seem to be compared unto Garden; and their several Societies or Companies, unto so many beds in the Garden. The number of Communicants in this Paschal society f 1.303 was never less than ten, nor more than twenty. It followeth in the Text, A male, to note the masculine and peerless vertue of our Sa∣viour, whom it did typically shaddow forth. g 1.304 Of the first year; which phrase they interpret thus, that the Lamb, after it was eight days old and forward,

was allowable to be offered for the Passeover, but not before; because it is said. When a bullock, or a sheep, or a goat is brought forth, then it shall be seven daies un∣der the Dam, and from the eighth day, and thenceforth, it shall be accepted for an offering made by fire unto the Lord, Levit. 22. 27. And the reason of this Law some of the Hebrews have thought to be, h 1.305 because in their Opinion nothing in the world was absolutely perfect, until a Sabbath had past over it. Moreover if it were an hour elder than a year, it was unlawful, because it is said, A male of the first year, without ble∣mish, as well to admonish the Israelites of their own personal integrity, as to signifie the absolute perfe∣ction of him who was in truth the Lamb of God. And this he kept till the fourteenth day of the same month. The Rabbines i 1.306 affirm four causes of this: First, be∣cause otherwise through the multitude of busines∣ses, at the time of their departure, they might for∣get the Paschal Lamb. Secondly, that in this four daies space they might have the more certain knowledge of the Lamb's perfection. Thirdly, that by beholding the Lamb so long before their eyes, they might have the better occasion, in that space, both to recount with themselves God's mercy in their deliverance from Aegypt, and also to in∣struct and Catechise their children in that point: for which respect it was a received Tradition a∣mongst the Jews, that during the space of these four daies, the Lamb was tyed to their bed-posts. Lastly, that in this time of preparation, they might throughly fit and address themselves for the Ob∣lation.

The time when the Paschal Lamb was to be slain, was at the Evening, Exod. 12. 6. Or, as the Original

reads, between the two evenings. Here Divines move the question, what part of the day should be under∣stood by this phrase. Some distinguish the two even∣ings thus; That there was k 1.307 Vespera Solis, the even∣ing of the Sun; namely, when the body of the Sun setteth: and Vespera luminis, the evening of the light, when the beams and shining of the Sun is also gone from off the earth; The space or interim between these two Evenings, is thought to be one hour, and the third part of an hour; in which space of time, they say, the Paschal Lamb was slain, l 1.308 Others ad∣mit a greater latitude, and distinguish thus: There is, say they, Vespera declinationis, the Evening of the Sun declining; and Vespera occasus, the Evening of the Sun setting; and their meaning is, that their Passover was offered in this inter-mediate time, between noon and night. This latter answer seemeth most agree∣able to the truth. First, because by this speech we must understand a latitude of time, wherein might be offer∣ed not only the Passeover, but the daily Evening Sacri∣fice also, for even that likewise was commanded, Inter duas Vesperas, between the two evenings, Num. 28. 4. Now this might be offered in the former part of the after-noon. m 1.309 The manner of their Sacrisicing, in regard of this time, we find thus registred, if we count the hours according to our usual computation: the daily sacrifice of the evening-Lamb was usually slain between two and three, it was offered between three and four: upon the Passeover Eve it was slain between one and two, it was offered about half an hour before three; but if their Passover Eve hapened to be the same with their Sabbath Eve, then the daily Evening Sacrifice was slain between twelve and one, it was offered half an hour before two; and afterward the Passover. Se∣condly,

this agreeth with the Oblation of the true Paschal Lamb; for, as the time of his crucifying began in the third hour of the day, with the daily morning sacrifice, Mark 15. 25. so it ended at the ninth hour, Mark. 15. 34. which was the time of their ordinary evening sacrifice: but upon their Passeover Eve, it was the time when their Paschal Lamb was slain.

Furthermore, the Lamb was to be eaten with bitter herbs: the reason of this command is, that thereby they might be moved to thankfulness towards God, for their deliverance from the Egyptian bondage, in which their lives were made bitter unto them, Ex. 1. 14.

These bitier herbs they dipt in a certain sauce thick like Mustard, called m 1.310 Charoseth, n 1.311 which thick sauce (say they) was a memorial of the day wherein they wrought in Egypt. o 1.312 This is thought of some to be that wherein Christ dipt the sop which he gave to Judas. Of this sauce the Hebrews write thus; p 1.313 they used to dip the unleavened bread in that sauce Charo∣seth, and to eat; then they dipt the bitter herbs in the Charoseth, and did eat them. q 1.314 It was made of the Palm-tree branches, or of dry Figs, or of Raisins, which they stamped and put Vinegar thereto, and seasoned it, and made it like Clay, and brought it unto the Table in the night of the Passeover.

The other seven daies following the fourteenth of Nisan, were in strictness of speech a distinct Feast, as is above-shewed; namely the Feast of unleavened bread; because in that space of time, r 1.315 no leavened bread ought to be found in their houses, s 1.316 their degrees of preparation to this feast are four. 1. Expurgatio fermenti, the cleansing of all their houshold-stuff and vessels, unto which leaven might haply cleave: and this was done two or three daies before the Passover. 2. Inquisitio fermenti, the searching after leaven throughout all

the rooms of their houses, even to the Mouse-holes: this they did with a waxen candle, and as Buxtorsus noteth, upon the night before the Passeover: and Scaliger delivereth it in other words to the same * 1.317 purpose, namely, that this search was made, Ineunte quartadecima, usque ad quartam horam post ortum Solis. At the beginning of the fourteenth day, until the fourth hour after the rising of the Sun. Now, the beginning of the fourteenth day was the night going before; for the Jews, in the computation of their Holy-daies, counted their day from even to even. 3. There was Exterminatio, or Conflagratio fermenti, A burning of the leaven; and this was done from the fourth of the sixth hour, about dinner-time; at which time fol∣lowed the last degree, which Scaliger hath omitted, namely, Execratio fermenti, the cursing of the leaven, in this form: t 1.318 Let all that leaven, or whatsoever leavened things is in my power, whether it were seen of me, or not seen, whether cleansed by me, or not cleansed, let all that be scattered, destroyed, and acconnted as the dust of the earth.

In case any did eat unleavened bread those seven daies, the penalty was, that such a soul should be cut off from Israel, Exod. 12. 15. Which penalty hath amongst Expositors a u 1.319 three-fold interpretation. Some understand thereby such a man to be cut off from his heavenly inheritance: others, that God would cut off such from the living by an untimely death: others, that he should die without children, leaving no poste∣rity behind him: To this purpose their Proverb is, x 1.320 A man childless is lifeless.

Of these three, the first is most probable in this place, though the same Text may admit the second interpretation in other places of Scripture, as is de∣clared

in the Chapter of Circumcision. Notwith∣standing here let the judicious Reader determine, whether these Words do not imply, besides the se∣cret actions of God touching the soul of such a De∣linquent, a direction unto the Church how to deal with parties thus offending, by censuring them with Excommunication; which kind of censure elsewhere the Scripture calleth, A casting out of the Synagogue, John 16. 2. A speech much like this, A cutting off from Israel.

Three things may be here demanded. First, who killed the Paschal Lamb? Secondly, where it was killed? Thirdly, where it was eaten? First, it was killed by the Priest, 2 Chron. 35. 6. Secondly, it was killed after the first time in the Court of the Temple, the place which God had chosen, Deut. 16. 6. y 1.321 Thirdly, the owner of the Lamb took it of the Priest, and did eat it in his own house at Jerusalem Christ with his dis∣ciples kept the Passeover in an upper-Chamber at Jerusalem.

It may further be demanded, whether the Passe∣over consisted of two Suppers, one immediately suc∣ceeding the other? Some affirm it, and their reasons are these: First, say they, the Passeover was eaten standing, but Christ used another gesture. This argu∣ment of all other is the weakest, for Christ used the gesture of lying on his body, as well in the eating of the Passeover, as at the consecration of the Sacrament, and the Jews generally after the first institution, in all their Passeovers, used rather this posture of their body, than the other of standing, in token of rest and security, as appeareth in the Chapter of the Feasts. Se∣condly, they say, the Paschal Lamb was wont to be rosted; but in the last Passeover which our Saviour ce∣lebrated, there was Jus cui intingebatur panis, Broth

into which he dipped the bread. This reason is as weak as the former, because though there was a command to eat the Paschal Lamb rosted; yet there was no pro∣hibition to joyn their ordinary supper with the eat∣ing thereof, and that might admit broth: But, as it is shewn above, the matter into which the sop was dip∣ped, was thought to be the sauce Charoseth. Thirdly, they urge John 13. 2. That the first supper was done, when Christ arose and washed his Disciples feet, and after that he gave Judas the sop, which must argue a second sitting down. This foretelling his Disci∣ples, that one of them should betray him, is likewise by Saint Luke recited after the consecration of the Sacrament. This is the strongest argument, and yet not of sufficient validity, because by a kind of Pro∣lepsis, or anticipation of time, it is not unusual, in the Scripture, to relate that first, which according to the truth of the History, should be last. Thus Joh. 11. mention is made of Mary which anointed the Lord, yet her anointing of him followeth in the next Chap∣ter. And this same history of betraying Christ, Saint Matthew and Saint Mark recited before the consecra∣tion of the Sacrament; whence the Jews have a Pro∣verb, z 1.322 Non esse prius aut posterius in scriptura; That first, and last, must not be strictly urged in Scripture. Together with these answers, confider how impro∣bable it is, that ten persons (for sometimes they were so few) should eat a second supper, after they had eaten A Lamb of the first year, which might be a year old. It is evident also by that of Barabbas, that it was a received custom on the Passeover, to let loose and enlarge one Prisoner or other. Concerning the reason hereof, the conjecture is three-fold. Some think this custome to have been used in memory of Jonathan the Son of Saul, when the people rescued

the reason hereof was, that the Feast might be cele∣brated with the greater joy and gladness. Others more probably think, it was done in remembrance of their deliverance from the Egyptian bondage.

Again, here is to be observed, that the Jews speak∣ing of their Passeover, did sometimes speak accord∣ing to their civil computation, wherein they measured their days from Sun-rising to Sun-rising: Sometimes according to their sacred computation, which was from Sun-set to Sun-set. This serveth for the recon∣ciliation of that, Numb. 12. 18. which seemeth to make the fourteenth day of the month, the first day of unleavened bread. a 1.323 And Josephus telleth us that they numbred eight days for that Feast. In like manner the Disciples are said to come unto Christ the first day of unleavened bread, saying unto him, Where wilt thou that we prepare for thee to eat the Passover? Mat. 26. 17. as if the first day of unleavened bread, were before the Passeover. All these are true according to the computation of their civil days, though accord∣ing to the computation of their Holy-days, the Feast of unleavened bread began the fifteenth day, and con∣tinued seven days only, and the Passeover was before the feast of unleavened broad.

In the last place, we must know, that there was permited a second Passeover to those who could not be partakers of the first, by reason either of their un∣cleanness by a dead body, or of their far distance from the place where it was to be offered. This was to be observed in the second month, the fourteenth day thereof, according to all the Ordinances of the first Passeover, Numb. 9. Touching that permission of a second Passeover, to those that were in a journey far off: The Hebrew of this word far off, hath extraor∣dinary

pricks over it, for special consideration. Hereby the Lord might intimate, that we Gentiles which were unclean, even dead in trespasses and sins, and far off, Ephes. 2. 13. should be made wigh by the blood of Christ, and so partakers of him the second Passeover Of this legal Ordinance the Hebrews say, b 1.324 What is this journey far off? fifteen miles without the walls of Jerusalem, who so is distant from Jerusalem, on the fourteenth day of the first month, fifteen miles or more, when the Sun riseth, ••o, this is a journey far off▪ if less than this, it is not a journey far off, for he may come to Jerusalem by after midday: though he go on foot, easily. The Agreement between the Paschal Lamb and Christ standeth thus.

Christ is our Passeover, 1 Cor. 5.

The Paschal Lamb was,	Christ was,
1 One of the flock.	1 Perfect man, John 1.
2 Without blemish.	2 Without sin.
3 To be sacrificed and roasted.	3 Suffered and died.
4 His Bones being not broken.	4 They brake not his legs, John 1933.
5 About the Evening.	5 In the end of the World, Heb. 9. 26.
6 Their door-posts were to be sprinkled with the blood.	6 The Blood of Christ pur∣g••••h our consciences.
7 That the punishing Angel might pass o∣ver them.	7 That sin and death might not prevail against us.
8 It was eaten in their several families.	8 He is applied by Faith.
9 The whole Lamb.	9 According to all the Arti∣cles of the Creed.

10. Without Leven.	10. Without Hypocrisie, 1 Cor. 5.
11. With bitter herbs.	11. With patience under the Cross.
12. In haste, and in the manner of Travellers.	12. With an earnest and longing expectation of life eternal.
13. Only by the Circum∣cised.	13. Only by the faithful, 1 Cor. 11.

CHAP. V.

Of their Penticost.

THis Feast was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. the Penticost▪ which word signifieth the fiftieth day, because it was observed upon the fiftieth day after the second of the Passeover, which was the sixteeenth of Nisan. Here in the first place we must note, that the four∣teenth of Nisan was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Passeover, the fifteenth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the feast of the Passeover: or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the a 1.325 first of the Passeover: the sixteenth was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the second of the Passeover, or the morrow after the Passeover, Levit. 23. 11. which is all one, as if it had, been said, the morrow after the feast of the Passeover, for in those feasts which consisted of many days, the first and the last were termed Sabbaths. Now these fifty days were in truth the appointed time of their Har∣vest, their Harvest being bounded, as it were, with two remarkable days, the one being the beginning, the other the end thereof: the beginning was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the second of the Passeover; the end was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the fiftieth day after, called the Pentecost. Upon

the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, then they offered a b 1.326 sheaf of the first fruits of their harvest, Levit. 23. 10. Upon the Pente∣cost, then they offered two wave loaves, Levit. 23. 17. the sheaf being an Oblation offered in the name of the whole Congregation, whereby all the after fruits throughout the Land were sanctified, c 1.327 it being from thence afterward lawful, and not before, to reap the Corn, the two loaves being not only an Euchari∣stical Oblation, but also a token of the Harvest finish∣ed and ended. In the second place we are to know, that they did count these fifty days by numbring the Weeks from the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence it was called a Feast of weeks. The manner how they counted the Weeks, was according to the number of the Sabbaths fol∣lowing the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Thus the first Sabbath following, they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,: The second 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the third, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. So that d 1.328 all the Weeks and Sabbaths during the time of the Pente∣cost; as the first, second, third and fourth, &c. took their denomination from the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which observati∣on giveth light to that of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Luk. 16. 1. where there is mention of a Sabbath termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the second first Sabbath, and by it is meant the Sabbath next after the sixteenth of Nisan, which was the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Seeing that these fifty days did mea∣sure out the time of their Harvest, it will not beamiss to observe the difference betwixt their Harvest and ours, which chiefly consisted in their anticipation of time; for both the ••anaanites and the Egyptians be∣g••n their Harvest about the e 1.329 first of April, and it was quite finished in May.

CHAP. VI.

The Feast of Tabernacles.

THe (a) Greek word used to express this Festi¦vity, * 1.330 properly signifieth the making of Taber∣nacles: the b 1.331 Hebrew word, a Feast of Tabernacles. The reason of both is, because all the time of this * 1.332 Feast, which was full seven daies, (from the fifteenth of Tisri, until the one and twentieth thereof) the people remained in Tabernacles and Booths made of Boughs, in manner of A••bors or Powers; yet so, that the first day of those seven, and the last, were after a more special manner to be observed as holy Convocations.

Concerning these Booths, the Jews write thus: d 1.333 They ought to be made in the open Air, not within doors, nor under the shelter of a Tree; they ought not to be covered with cloaths, nor to be made too close with the thickness of the Boughs, but with such holes that the Sun and the Stars might be seen thorow them, and the rain likewise descended thorow them. In these they ought to dwell those seven days, as in their houses; they ought to furnish them with houshold-stuff to lie under them, and sleep under them; only in rainy weather, then they had liberty to eat and sleep in their houses, until the rain was over-past. Feeble persons also, which could not endure the smell of the earth, were permitted to stay at home. In Nehemiah's time they made their Booths, some upon the roof of their houses (for their houses were made fl••t above) Deut. 22. 8. Some in their

Courts, some in their streets, Nehem. 8. 15.

Plutarch making mention of this Festivity, saith, that e 1.334 these Booths were made principally of Ivy boughs: but the Scripture reckoneth up four distinct kinds, Levit. 23. 40. which are thought to be, 1. The Cistern tree. 2. The Palm-tree. 3. The Myrtle-tree. 4. The Willow of the Brook. f 1.335 The Rabbins teach, that every man br••••ght every morning his burden of the boughs of these four Trees, otherwise he fasted that day. And this burden thy termed g 1.336 Hosanna: in al∣lusion unto this the people cutting down branches from the Trees, and strewing them in the way when our Saviour did ride into Jerusalem, cried, saying, Ho∣sanna to the Son of David, Mat. 21. 9. Plutarch, scof∣fing the Jews, compares this Feast with that drunken Festival in the honour of Bacchus, in which the Bac∣chides ran up and down with certain Javelings in their hands, wrapped about with Ivy, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in this respect he termeth this feast of the Jewes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A bearing about of these Thyrsi. That feast which the Athenians term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was not much unlike.

Moreover, on the next day after this feast, they compassed the Altar h 1.337 seven times with Palm∣boughs in their hands, in the remembrance of the overthrow of Jericho: for which reason, or else be∣cause that Palm-branches were the chief in the bun∣dle, it was called Dies Palmarum, Palm-Feast.

Concerning the reason of this Feast; some are of o∣pinion, that it was instituted in memory of that pro∣tection which the Lord vouchsafed the Israelites by the Cloud, when they travelled thorow the Wilder∣nes, under the shadow of which they travelled, as un∣der a safe Booth) or Tent. Onkelos in his Chaldee Para∣phrase, seemeth to incline to this opinion. Where the

Hebrew readeth; That your posterity may know, that I have made the Children of Israel to dwell in booths, Lev. 23. 43. The Chaldee rendreth it, that your posterity may know that I have made the Children of Israel to dwell i 1.338 in the shadow of Clouds. k 1.339 Others think it was instituted as a solemn thanksgiving unto God for their Vintage, which was gathered in at that time of the year; thence it is that they conceive those Psalms of David, which are entituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pro torcularibus, to have been composed for this feast. Others speak more probably, who assign the cause to be in me∣mory of their Fore-fathers dwelling in Tents and Ta∣bernacles; the next is clear, Levit. 23. 43.

The Sacrifices which were offered these seven days, are prescribed, Numb. 29. from the thirteenth verse to the thirty fourth, where we shall read every day the like Sacrifice, but only with this difference, that upon the first day they offered thirteen young bullocks, upon the second twelve, upon the third ele∣ven, and so forward, ever diminishing the number by one. l 1.340 The reason of which diminution, the Jews, deliver to be this: The whole number of Bullocks to be offered at this solemnity was seventy, accord∣ing to the Languages of the Seventy Nations, (for whom, as they teach, these Sacrifices were perform∣ed) signifying thereby, that there should be a dimi∣nution of those Nations, until all things were brought under the government of the Messias, who was the expectation and hope of the Gentiles.

The two and twentieth of the month Tisri, was in truth a distinct feast, as appeareth, Neh. 8. 18. but yet because this immediately followed the Feast of Tabernacles, it hath been always counted the last day of that Feast. And not only the Boughs, but the

m 1.341 days of this whole feast of Tabernacles were ter∣med Hosannoth, from the usual acclamations of the people, whiles they carried the Boughs up and down. And this eighth day was called Hosanna Rabba, the great Hosanna, or the great day of the feast, Joh 7. 37. (n) Upon this day they did read the last Section of the Law; and likewise began the first, lest they might otherwise seem more joyful in ending their Sections, than willing to begin them. (o) Upon this day also * 1.342 by the institution of the Prophet Haggaeus and Za∣chary, and such like Prophetical men, they did with great solemnity and joy, bring great store of water from the River Shiloah to the Temple; where it being delivered unto the Priests, it was poured upon the Altar, together with Wine, and all the people sung that of the Prophet Esay 12. 3. With joy shall ye draw water out of the Wells of Salvation. Our Saviour is thought to have alluded unto this, in that speech which he used on this very day, John 7. 38. He that believeth in me, out of his belly shall flow Rivers of wa∣ters of life.

It is worth our noting also, that whereas God commanded the observation of this Feast on the fif∣teenth of the seventh month Tisri; Jeroboam, that he might work in the people a forgetfulness of the true Worship of God, appointeth the Celebration of a * 1.343 Feast in the eighth month, on the fifteenth day there∣of, which is thought to be this very Feast of Ta∣bernacles.

CHAP. VII.

Of the Feast of Trumpets, and their New Moons.

FOr the understanding of the time when this Feast was to be observed, we must note, the month Tisri was the seventh month, according to their sacred computation; and therefore it is commanded to be celebrated the first day of the seventh month, Levit. 23. 24. But according to their civil Computa∣tion it was their first month, so that this Feast may be termed their New-years-day.

The first day of every month had its solemnities. First, when they repaired to the Prophets for the hear∣ing of the word, as on other Sabbaths. Wherefore wilt thou go to him to day? It is neither New Moon, nor Sabbath day, 2 Kings 4. 23. Secondly, it was then un∣lawful to buy and sell: When will the New Moon be gone, that we may sell corn? Amos 8. 4. Thirdly They had then special sacrifices over and above their daily sacrifices.

Notwithstanding, this Feast of Trumpets differed from other New Moons. First, in respect of their sacri∣fices; in their ordinary New Moons they offered (be∣sides the daily sacrifice) two Bullocks, one Ram, seven Lambs, for burnt offerings; with their meat and drink∣offerings, and a Goat for a sin offering, Num. 28. 11, 15. But at this New Moon, which was the beginning of their year, they offered all the foresaid sacrifices, and over and besides them, one Bullock, one Ram, and seven Lambs, for burnt-offerings, and a Goat for a sin-offering,

Numb. 29. 1, 6. Secondly, in other New Moons they blow∣ed no Trumpets: In this they blowed a 1.344 from the Sun-rising till night. Whence we lea•…•… what New Moon it is that Daved speaketh of. Psal. 81. 3. Blow the Trumpet in the New moon, in the time appointed, at our Feast day.

The reason in general of this blowing, and great noise of Trumpets, I take to have been, to make their New-years day the more remarkable, because from it all their Deeds and Contracts bore date, and their Sabbatical years and Jubilees were counted thence; But why it should be made remarkable by the sound of Trumpets, or Cor••ets, there are three con∣jectures.

First, the b 1.345 Hebrews think it was done in memory of Isaac his deliverance, and that they did there∣fore sound Rams horns, because a Ram was sacrificed instead of him. Secondly, c 1.346 Basil is of opinion, that the people were hereby put in mind of that day, wherein they received the law in Mount Sinai with blowing of Trumpets. Thirdly, others think it was to put them in remembrance of the Resurrection, which shall be with the sound of Trumpets; He shall send his Angels with a great sound of a Trumpet, Mat. 24. 31.

There are d 1.347 three things considerable in New Moons. First, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the conjunction of the Moon with the Sun. Secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the waxing of the Moon. Thirdly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the prime of the Moon. In the first it was quite dark: in the second it did open it self to receive the Sun-beams: In the last it did appear, corniculata, horned.

Because in all these three degrees of the change, there was a kind of mutual participation both of the Old and New Moon: e 1.348 Hence the Jews observe two days, namely, the last of every Month, and the

first day of the next following. Now because the thir∣tieth was the last in their longest months; Hence Ho∣race calleth these last days, Tricesima Sabbata: The first days they termed, Neomenias, new Moons.

For certain reasons the Jews used a kind of change, or translation of days; which translation, thought it were of use in other months also, yet the greatest oare was had in translating the beginning of their year, or their first day in their month Tisri; and he that shall diligently calculate these changes, shall find, that all other translations depended on this first.

Translation of days was f 1.349 threefold. First, Luna∣ry: Secondly, Politick: Thirdly, Mixt.

The reason of Lunary Translation, was, that they might not observe the Feast of the New Moon, until the old were quite over-past. For the understanding of this Note, these three rules.

First, The Hebrews counted their Holy-days from night to night, beginning at six of the Clock, so that from six of the clock the first night, till the next noon were just eighteen hours.

Secondly, Always before the New Moon, there is a conjunction between the Sun and the Moon, during this conjunction she is called Luna silens, by reason of her darkness, and all this time there is a participati∣on of the Old Moon.

Thirdly, When the conjunction was over past, be∣fore noon tide, namely, in any of those first 18 hours, then the New Moon was celebrated the same day. But if it continued but one minute after twelve of * 1.350 the clock at noon, then the feast was translated to the day following, because otherwise they should be∣gin their Holy-day in the time of the old Moon.

And this translation they noted with this abbreviati∣on 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, 18. because of those eighteen hours which occasioned it.

The reason of Politick Translation, was, that two Sabbaths, or feast-days might not immediately follow each other: h 1.351 because, say they, it was unlawful those two days to dress meat, or bury the dead; and it was likewise inconvenient to keep meat dressed, or the dead unburied two days. Yet here two excepti∣ons must be remembred, when the meeting of two Sabbaths could not be avoided.

First, when the Passeover, or the fifteenth day of Nisan, fell on Saturday; for then the Pentecost must needs fall on Sunday.

Secondly, when the Passeover fell on Sunday; for then their Passeover immediately followed their week∣ly Sabbath.

The first i 1.352 Author of this Politick Translation was a certain chief man amongst them, named Eleazer; three hundred and fifty years before Christ His Nati∣vity.

The several species or kinds of Politick translation, were five. The first, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Adu. The second, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Badu. The third, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gahvz. The fourth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zabad. The fifth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Agu. For the understanding of these ab∣breviatures, we must know, that in these made words the letters only stand for numbers, and are applied to the seven days of the week, thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 1. Sunday 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 2. Munday. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 3. Tuesday. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 4. Wednesday. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 5. Thurs∣day. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 6. Friday. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 7. Saturday: Which was the Jews Sabbath.

Their rules touching Politick translation, stood thus. a 1.353. First, that neither their New-years-day which was the first of the month Tisri; neither

their Feast of Tabernacles, which was the fifteenth day of the same month, should be celebrated on Adu, that is on Sunday, or Wednesday, or Friday. Not on Sunday, or Friday, because then the weekly Sabbath must needs, concur with it, either going immediately before or following after: not on Wednesday, because then the Feast of expiation, which is the tenth of that month, would fall on Friday, the day going im∣mediately before their weekly Sabbath. This in∣stance is only concerning the first of Tisri, which is called the Feast of Trumpets: but it holdeth also, by way of consequence, in the fifteenth day, which is the Feast of Tabernacles, because the fifteenth must al∣ways necessarily be the same day of the week that the first is. Therefore if the first be not Adu, the fifteenth cannot be Adu.

The b 1.354 second rule was, that the Passeover should not be observed on Badu; that is on Munday, Wed∣nesday, or Friday.

The c 1.355 third rule is, that Pentecost was not obser∣ved on Gahaz; that is, on Tuesday, Thursday, or Sa∣turday.

The d 1.356 fourth rule is, that the Feast of Purim, or casting lots, was not observed on Zabad, that is, on Munday, Wednesday, or Saturday.

The e 1.357 fifth rule is, that the Feast of Expiation was not observed on Agu; that is, on Sunday, Tuesday, or Friday.

Mixt translation is, when both the Lunary and the Politick meet in the changing of days. And the translation occasioned by this mixture or meeting of both these two, is twofold. First, Simple. And Se∣condly, Double.

Simple translation is, when the Feast is translated to

the next day following. For examples sake, If the Moon changed after noon-tide on Sunday, here the Feast must be translated, for two reasons: The first is Lunary, because the point of the change was after eighteen hours; the second, Politick, because the rule Adu forbids Sunday to be kept: Notwithstanding, in as much as the very next day, namely Mond•…•… was observed; I term this translation simple. Of this sort was that translation which they called Batu tak phat.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 f 1.358 Batu tak phat, is a word invented for help of memory; each letter is a numeral, and may be thus resolved, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 589. The meaning is, that in the year following Annum Embolymaeum (wherein one whole month was ingrafted) if the point of the change happened upon the second day of the week, that is, Munday, not before the fifteenth hour, and the 589 moment, the Feast of the New M••on was translated unto Tuesday. How both the Lunary and Po∣litick translation work in this change; read Scaliger, de emend. temp. lib. 2. pag. 87.

Double Translation, is, when the Feast is translated not to the next, but to some further day: as if the first day of the month Tisri should happen upon Satur∣day; here, if the Moon hath not overpast her conjun∣ction before the afternoon, Lunary translation remo∣veth this Feast •…•…ll Sunday, because of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the eighteen hours: Politick, translation removeth it till Munday, as appeareth by the rule Adu, forbidding Sunday: of this sort is Gatrad.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gatrad, is a made word, each letter is a nume∣ral and it may be thus resolved, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 204. The meaning thereof is th••s: In their common year (when a whole month is not inserted) if the point of the change happen upon the third day of the week,

that is, Tuesday, not before the ninth hour, and the 204 moment of an hour, than the New Moon shall be translated to Thursday,

Note in the last place, k 1.359 that 1080 moments make an'hour.

The Feast of Tabernacles was observed in the month Tisri, and therefore that could not be observed the morrow after the Sabbath, as appeareth by the rule Adu. The Passeover was observed in the month Nisan, and therefore that might be observed the mor∣row after the Sabbath, as appeareth by the rule Badu. If any ask the reason why the Passeover might be ob∣served the next day after the Sabbath, seeing the Feast of tabernacles might not? I take it to be thus; All the after translations depended upon the first tran∣slation or the first new Moon in Tisri; but that could no be so changed, as to prevent all concurrence of two Feasts, and thus to have their Passeover sometimes to follow their Sabbath, they thought the most con∣venientest ordering of the year, because though not all meetings of two Sabbaths, yet most were hereby prevented.

This tract of translation of Feasts, it serveth part∣ly to open the customs of the Jews: partly to give light for the understanding of that great dispute a∣mong Divines, whether our Saviour did anticipate the Passeover. The Greek Church l 1.360 holds, that he kept a Passeover by himself with his Disciples, on the thir∣teenth day of the month, when unleavened bread was not yet to be used, and thence they do both use and urge a necessity m 1.361 of leavened bread in the Lords Sup∣per: But this opinion we reject. First, because it ac∣cordeth not with the truth of Evangelical History. Se∣condly, because it plainly maketh Christ to be a trans∣gressor,

not a fulfiller of the Law. n 1.362 Others say, that because that year their Passeover fell on Friday, hence the feast was translated unto Saturday by the rule Bae∣du. Their inference is, that Christ kept the fourteenth day of the month, which was Friday, and the Jews kept Saturday. He kept Gods Command, they the tradition of the Elders. o 1.363 Lastly, others more pro∣baby hold, that both Christ and the Jews did eat the Passeover the same day and hour; namely, on Friday or the fourteenth day of the month, if we count the beginning of Friday according to the manner of the Jews, from six a clock at night on Thursday. Friday morning he was judged, and crucified; and in the af∣ternoon, about three of the clock, when the prepara∣tion of the Sabbath began; he was buried; There laid they Jesus, because of the Jews preparation, John 19. 24.

For reconciling the Evangelists in this point, we must note these particulars, which are more at large proved in the Chapter of the Passeover. 1. The four∣teenth day of the month, on which the Paschal Lamb was eaten, was called the first day of unleavened bread; the Feast of unleavened bread drew near, which is called the Passeover, Luke 22. 1.

The fourteenth day was not holy, but the fifteenth was. In the fourteenth day of the first month is the Passeover of the Lord, and in the fifteenth day of his month is the Feast, Numb. 28. 16, 17. Some of them thought, because Judas had the bag, that Jesus had said unto him, buy those things that we have need of against the Feast, John 13. 29.

The Sheep and Bullocks offered upon this day, are called the Passeover, Deut 16. 2. And of this we are to understand S. John, Joh. 18. 28. They themselves went not into the common Hall, lest they should be

defiled, but that they might eat the Passeover. So that this eating of the Passeover is not understood of the Paschal Lamb. But some may question, How they should have been defiled by entring into the common Hall? The answer is, that upon p 1.364 Holy-day-Eves. which they termed days of preparation, they held it unlawful for their Judges to sit on life and death. Hence it is, that they brought Jesus to Pilate the Roman De∣puty. Secondly, they withdrew themselves out of the common Hall. Thirdly, for this reason they said, It is not lawful for us to put any man to death, Joh. 18. 31. q 1.365 that is upon this, or such like day; for tho their high Court of Sanedrim were put down at this time, yet all power in cases of Life and death was not taken from them, as is implied in the words following. It was that the word of Jesus might be fulfilled, which he spake signifying what death he should die, ver. 32. Which text intimateth, that that unlawfulness was urged by the special providence of God, that he might be crucified, being judged by Pilate: for if the Jews had judged, they used no such kind of death to∣wards Malefactors. Again, Stephen was condemned by them to be stoned, Act. 7. And they complained be∣fore Felix, that when they were about to proceed a∣gainst Paul according to their own Law, the chief Captain Lysias with violence took him out of their hands, Acts 24. Which argueth, that all power in causes capital was not taken from them: But of this see the Chapter Of their capital punishments.

CHAP. VIII.

The Feast of Expiation.

UPon the tenth day of the month Tisri, answering to September with us, the Feast of Expiation was commanded to be celebrated, Levit. 13. It was called the Feast of Expiation, because the High priest did then confess unto God both his own sins, and the sins of the people: And by the performance of certain Rites and Ceremonies expiate them, and make an attonement unto God for them.

The Ceremonies at this time to be performed, con∣cerned either the People and the Priest, or the Priest a∣lone. These which concerned the People and the Priest, consisted in the afflicting of their souls by fasting. Whence this Feast was also called a 1.366 Dies Jejunii, the Fasting Day, Jer. 36. 6. Which serveth for the under∣standing of that, Act. 27. 9. Sailing was now dangerous, because the Feast was already past; that is, the Feast of Expiation was now past, and Winter was at hand.

Those Ceremonies which concerned the Priest a∣lone, were two. First, then the High priest entred in∣to the Holiest of Holies, which was peculiar unto this day: Secondly, he being about to sacrifice for himself and his house, he took unto him a young Bullock for a sin-offering, and a Ram for a burnt-offering, putting on ••••s Priestly Robes: After he had washed himself in water; he took of the Congregation two He goats for a sin offering, and a Ram for a burnt-offering. The two He goats he presented before the Lord at the door of the Tabernacle, casting lots which of them

should be sacrificed, which let scape alive. This last was termed the b 1.367 scape Goat, because the other being slain, this was sent alive into the Wilderness. The Greek Interpreters call this Goat 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Malo∣rum depulsorem, A defender from evils; which name the Heathens applied to their Tutelar Gods. They in∣timated, that when the scape Goat carried away the sins of the people into the Wilderness, he likewise carried away all those evils which belonged unto those sins. And for the securing the people in this point, the Lord commanded the High Priest to confess in the name of all the people, and to disburden the sins of the whole Congregation upon the head of the scape Goat. The form of Confession, according to the relation of the Hebrew Doctors, was this. c 1.368 O Lord thy People, the House of Israel, they have sinned, they have done wickedly, they have transgressed before thee; I beseech thee now, O Lord, pardon the sins, iniquities, and transgressions, with which the People, the House of Israel have sinned, done wickedly, and transgressed before thee, as it is written in the Law of thy servant Moses: that in that day he shall make Attonement for you, that he might cleanse you, and that you might be clean from all your iniquities before the Lord.

The modern Jews now (because there can be no proper Sacrifice, the Temple of Jerusalem being de∣stroyed) the men they take a white Co••k on this day, the women an Hen: d 1.369 This Cock they swing three times about the Priests head, saying, Gallus Gallinace∣us hic commutatio erit pro me: that is, This Cock shall be a propitiation for me. After that they kill the Cock, acknowledging themselves worthy of Death; and then they cast the intrals upon the top of the house, that some Raven or Crow might carry both them,

and together with them, their sins into the wilder∣ness. And lest they might seem to be mad without reason, they assign the cause why they make choice of a Cock, at this time, to be this: This word (d) Geb∣her * 1.370 in the Holy Language signifieth a Man, in their Talmud it signifieth a Cock. Now, say they, the Ju∣stice of God requires, that as Gebher sinned, so Gebher should make satisfaction. From this Feast of Expiation it is probable, that the Grecians used an yearly Expia∣tion of their Cities, which was performed on this manner: Certain condemned persons were brought forth with Garlands upon their heads, in manner of Sacrifices, these they would tumble from some steep place into the Sea, offering them up to Neptune, e 1.371 using this form of words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sis pro no∣bis peripse na: as if he had said Be thou a Reconciliati∣on or propitiation for us. The like kind of Expiation was used among them in time of any Pestilence, or contagi∣ous infection; for removal of such diseases, they then sacrificed certain men unto their Gods, * 1.372 such men they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. These two words are used by the Apostle, 1 Cor. 4. 13. and they are translated filth and off scouring: we are made as the filth of the world, and as the off scouring of all things. The words signifie pro∣perly the filth or dirt scraped off mens shooes, or from the pavement of the ground: But in f 1.373 Budaeus his opinion, the Apostle had allusion unto those kinds of Expiations in use amongst the Heathens. As if he had said, we are as despicable and as odious in the sight of the people, as much loaded with the revilings and cursings of the multitude, as those condemned per∣sons, who were offered up by way of publick Ex∣piation.

Now, seeing at this Feast principally the High-Priest was a Tipe of Christ, it will not be amiss to note the agreement between the Type and the Truth.

Aaron.	Christ.
1. The High-Priest went into the Holiest of all, Levit. 16. 3.	1. Christ our High-Priest went into the Holy place, namely, the Heavens, Heb. 9. 12.
2. He went once a year, Exod. 30. 10.	2. He entred once, Heb. 9. 12.
3. He with the blood of Goats and Calves, Heb. 9. 12.	3. He by his own blood, Heb. 9. 12.
4. He alone, Heb. 9.	4. He alone hath troden the Wine-press, Isaiah 63. 3.
5. He cloathed with his Priestly Robes, Levit. 16. 4.	5. He, ordained and seal∣ed to this Office, by his Father from all Eter∣nity.
6. He took two Goats, Levit. 16.	6. He took two natures: the impassibility of his God head was shadow∣ed by the Scape-goat: his sufferings in his Man∣hood, by the Goat that was sacrificed, Theod. Qu. 12 in Lev.
7. The Goat did bear the Peoples iniquities.	7. Christ was made sin for us, 2 Cor. 5. 22.

CHAP. IX.

The Sabbatical year, or Seventh years rest.

AS every seventh day was a Sabbath day, so every seventh year was a Sabbatical year, Levit. 25. And as the Sabbath day signified that they themselves were the Lords, and therefore they abstained from their own work to do the Lords: So the Sabbatical year was to signifie, that both they and their land was the Lords.

The observation of this Feast consisted chiefly in two things. First, in the not tilling or manuring of their ground, whence it was called a 1.374 Sabbath Haa∣rets, the Sabbath of the Land, Levit. 25. 6. Secondly, in the Creditors discharging their Debtors, and relea∣sing their debts, and thence it was called b 1.375 Schemita laihova, The Lords release, Deut. 15. 2.

Seeing they were that year forbid to till their ground, here question might be made; what they should eat then in the time of this intermission?

Answ. I will command my blessing upon you in the sixth year, and it shall bring forth frunt for three years Levit. 25. 20, 21. saith the Lord.

Seeing every seventh year, Debts, according to Gods Command were to be remitted some might de∣mand whether this might not much endamage their Estates if they did lend? or harden their hearts not to lend?

Answ. It could not endammage their Estates, for it is a most infallible Maxime: No man is a loser by ser∣ving

God. Whence the Hebrews themselves interpret this to be rather Mandatum probationis, A command of tryal, such as Abrahams offering up of Isaac was, which God commanded, not intending that he should be sacrificed, but that Abrahams love might be tryed; rather than Mandatum obedientiae, A command of obedience. To this purpose speaketh Aben Ezra, in∣terpreting these words, Save when there shall be no poor among you, Deut. 15. 4. c 1.376 That is, saith he, as if the Lord had said, Know that that which I have command∣ed thee, that thou shouldest not exact of thy Brother, will be needless. If all Israel, or the greater part obey the voice of God, then there shall be no poor amongst you, to whom it shall be needful for thee to lend; yea, all of you shall be able to lend to many Nations.

The reasons why this Feast was instituted, are thought to be: First, to teach the people to depend upon Gods providence by faith; for though the own∣er of the field might gather, even on that year, for the maintenance of himself and his Family, Levit. 25. 6. Yet he was neither to sow his field, thereby to make his harvest the greater; nor to hedge his field, or lock up his Corn-yard, thereby to enjoy the propriety: but to let all be common, and every mans hand equal in every place. Secondly, they were hereby put in mind of that happy estate which Adam enjoyed in his innocency, when the Earth brought forth her increase without manuring. Lastly, it shaddowed forth that everlasting Sabbath which we expect in the Heavens. d 1.377 And some conjecture this to be the ground of Rabbi Elias his opinion, e 1.378 that the world should continue for six thousand years, but the seventh thousand should be the great Sabbatical year. The six thousand years answered the six

working days of the Week, the seventh answered our Sabbath, according to that, A thousand years are but as one day with the Lord, 2 Pet. 3. 8. Elias his words are these; Six thousand years the world shall be, and again it shall be destroyed: (f) Two thousand shall be * 1.379 void, two thousand under the Law, and two thousand under the Messias. The substance of this Prophesie, howsoever we reject it as too curious; yet seeing that a Jew spake it, it may serve to prove against them: First, that the Messias is already come: Se∣condly, that Moses his Law ceased at his coming.

CHAP. X.

Of their Jubilee.

THis is the last Festival which God commanded the Jews, it was celebrated every fiftieth year. It is commanded, Lev. 25. 8. Thou shalt number seven Sabbath of years unto thee, &c. The English word Jubilee is derived from the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jobel, signify∣ing a Ram; it signifieth a also Rams horn. Seven Priests shall bear before the Ark seven Trumpets of Rams horns, Josh. 6. 4. Where the word Jobelim is used, and is expounded by the Chaldee Paraphrast. Rams-horns. Marbachius is of opinion, that this year was called their Jubilee, from (c) Jubal, the first inventer of mu∣sical * 1.380 instruments, of whom we read, Gen. 4. 21. Jubal was the Father of all such as handle the Harp and Organ: Other Authors deliver other reasons of the name, but it is most probable that this year was termed the year of Jubilee from Jobelim, the Rams-horns then sound∣ed. There were five main uses of this Feast.

First, for the general release of servants. Secondly for the restoring of Lands and Tenements unto their first Owners, who formerly sold them. Thirdly, hereby a true distinction of their Tribes was preser∣ved, because Lands returned unto their Owners in their proper Tribe, and Servants to their own Fami∣lies. d 1.381 Fourthly, some are of opinion, that as the Grecians did compute their times by the number of Olympiads, the Romans by their Lustra, the Christians by their Indictions: So the Jews by their Jubilees. Lastly, it did mystically shadow forth that spiritual Jubilee, which Christians enjoy under Christ, by whose blood we have not only a re-entry into the Kingdom of Heaven, which we had formerly forfeited by our sins, and this was happily signified by the Israelites entry upon their Lands formerly sold) but also the sound of the Gospel, which was in this Feast typed out unto us by the noise of Trumpets, is gone thorow-out the world. And thus the Lord God hath blown the Trumpet, as Zacharies phrase is, Zach. 9. 14. But nei∣ther this release of sevants, nor restoring of Lands, was e 1.382 until the tenth day of the first month Tisri, at which time it was proclaimed by the sound of Trumpets, or Rams horns; the nine first days of this month the servants feasted and made merry, and wore Garlands, in token of their liberty ap∣proaching.

CHAP. XI.

The Feast of Purim; and the Feast of Conse∣cration or Dedication.

PƲr is a Persian word, and signifieth a Lot, whence this Feast of Lots is called Purim, i. e. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Lottery: It began on the fourteenth of Adar, and continued till the end of the fifteenth, Esth. 9. 21. It was instituted by Mordecai, in remembrance of the Jews delivery from Haman, before whom lots were cast day by day, and month by month, for the de∣struction of them. In these two days they read the History of Hester in their Synagogues; and as often as they hear mention of Haman, a 1.383 they do with their fists and hammers beat upon the benches and boards, as if they did knock upon Hamans head.

The Feast of Dedication is tenned in the New Testa∣ment, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 b 1.384 a Feast wherein something is re∣newed; because those things only are reputed conse∣crated, which are separated from their common use, and dedicated to some new and holy use. We shall read of many things consecrated in the Old Te∣stament; the Tabernacle, the Temple, Priests, Altars, Vessels and Garments: But there was no anniversary or yearly solemnity appointed to be observed in re∣membrance of their Consecration. The Consecration therefore which we now speak of, being a yearly Festival, was the Consecration of the Altar appointed by Judas Maccabaeus to be observed from year to year, for the space of eight days, from the five and twenti∣eth of the month Cisleu, which answereth in part

to our December, 1 Macchab. 4. 59. Of this Saint John speaketh; and as he mentioneth our Saviours presence there, so he intimateth the time to be about December. It was at Jerusalem the feast of the Dedica∣tion, and it was winter, John 10. 22. &c.

The reason of this Feast was in remembrance of that great mercy which God shewed unto his peo∣ple, in delivering them from the Tyranny of Antio∣chus, and the Idolatry which he had forced upon them, setting up the Idol of Jupiter in the Temple of God, and abolishing the true worship of God.

These two Feasts are of humane institution, and o∣thers might be added unto them; but little is to be added, or nothing at all, to that which is delivered concerning them, in the places of Scripture where they are mentioned.

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THEIR IDOLATRY.

CHAP. I.

The beginnings of Idolatry.

THe Infiniteness of Gods Majesty far transcend∣eth the capacity of Created Natures; and if we consult not with God's own Oracles, though the sense of a Deity may be imprinted even in an Atheists heart, yet so far shall he be from all right understanding of God, that he will adore the Creature instead of the Creator: And when he hath multiplied the number of his Gods, according to the number of the Stars in heaven, and creeping things on earth; yet still his heart will be doubtful, whether he hath worshipped the true God, nay, whether the true God be not utterly unknown. For this reason the Mari∣ners in Jonahs ship cried every man unto his God, Jo∣nah 1. 5. Every man to his own God; and lest they might all mistake the true God, they awaken Jonah to call upon his God. This a 1.385 uncertainty attending

Idolatry, caused the Heathens to close their Petitions with that general, Dii deaeque omnes. b 1.386 The Arabi∣ans perceiving the insufficiency of their known Gods, dedicated their Altars, Ignoto Deo, To the unknown God. At Athens, Saint Paul found an Altar with the same inscription, Acts 17. 23. Hence other Neighbouring Countries were wont to swear c 1.387 by him that was unknown at Athens. From this doubt and distrust a∣mong the Athenians, what God was, and who he was, sprang another uncertainty amongst them, as dangerous as the other, dividing and sharing that undividable Unity of the Godhead, between I know not what Compeers and Equals, so that they had o∣ther Altars mentioning a plurality of Gods: d 1.388 the inscription being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Altar of the unknown Gods, yea, the compleat and entire inscription of that Altar which Saint Paul saw, is thought to have been thus, e 1.389 To the gods of Asia, Europe, and Africa; to the unknown and strange God. Which observation impli∣eth their Practice to have symbolized with other Heathens in that forementioned closure; Dii Deaeque omnes, O all ye God and Goddesses, help. This distrust I think to be the chief reason why they worshipped the unknown God; though I deny not but the Altars might bear this Title, to conceal the name of their Tutelar God, unto whose protection they had com∣mitted themselves: f 1.390 because the Heathen People generally conceited, that if the Gods name, to whom they dedicated a City, were known, then the Ene∣mies might by some magical incantation or Charm, call him forth, and cause him to forsake the City: For the better preventing of which manner of evo∣cations, the Tyrians, the Lacedemonians, and other g 1.391 Nations fettered and chained their Gods, that they

might not depart. Again, it might be done in imita∣tion of the Jews, who about the time of our Saviour his Incarnation, held it unlawful to pronounce that Essential Name of God, Jehovah, and instead thereof would read Adonai. The occasion of this conceal∣ment of the name Jehovah, I take to have been ori∣ginally, to prevent the blaspheming of that holy Name among the Heathens, who had learned from that name to denominate their Idols (h) Jove 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ia∣oth, * 1.392 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Hence afterward the forbearing the Name became superstitious, and so far prevailed, that they corrupted the Text for the defence there∣of, Ex. 3. 15. This is my name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 legnolam, for ever: i 1.393 they read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 legnalem, to be concealed. Though I deny not but that Name was always in some sense ineffable: namely, as k 1.394 Pliny faith, the Names of the African people and Towns were ineffa∣ble, that is, such as other Languages could not express without circumlocutions.

As those forementioned Idolatrous names were nothing else but so many depravations of the name Jehovah: So the Original of many other ensuing kinds of Idolatry proceeded at first from a mis∣construction of Scripture. They have learned by Tradition, that the Sun, Moon, and Stars, had a kind of Lordship, and the rule over day and night, times and seasons: Hence the superstitious ignorance of those people Deified those lights of Heaven, and worshipped them as Gods. Afterward corruption pre∣vailing, their Apotheosis, or God making Ceremonies, were extended to sublunary Creatures, partly as Symbola, or representative signs of those greater and more glorious lights; for this reason the Chaldeans worship fire: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Ʋr, of the Chaldeans, mention∣ned,

Gen. 11. which signifieth fire or light, is thought to be the very God of the Chaldeans, though in that place the name Ʋr be applyed to some chief City, from the name of the Idol. Yea, the God of Nahor, Gen. 31. 53. is thought to be no other; partly also the inferiour Creatures were canonized for Gods, in way of thankfulness for the benefits received from them, for which reason the Sea, the Winds, the Air, the Earth, and fruits of the earth, became deified. At last, well deserving men, nay Crocodiles, Serpents, Rats, Cats, Dogs, Garlick, and Onions, were reputed Gods.

CHAP. II.

Of Moloch, Adram-Melech, Anam-Melech, Baal, the Tabernacle of Moloch, Chiun, Remphan, Horses consecrated to the Sun, Thamuz.

OF the Idol Moloch we read in divers places of Scripture, 1 King. 11. 2 King. 23. 10. Leviticus 18. 21. He is sometimes called Moloch, sometimes Molech, sometimes Milcom. He was the reputed God, not only of the Ammonites, but of the a 1.395 Moabites also. He had his name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Malac, signifying to rule or reign. The Seventy Elders translate him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Prince, or King. Such King-Idols were Adram-melech, and Anam-Melech, the Gods of Shepharva••m, unto whom that people burnt their Children in Fire.

I take Moloch and Baal to be one and the same Idol, they were both names of Supremacy and rule, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Baal signifieth a Lord or Master. And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Molech, a

King or Prince. They had both the same manner of Sacrifice, they burnt their Sons for burnt-offerings unto Baal likewise, Jer. 19. 5. yea, they built the high places of Baal, which are in the Valley of Benhinnom to cause their Sons and their Daughters to pass thorow the fire unto Moloch, Jer. 32. 35. In which Text the place of Sacrifice is noted to be one and the same, common to both Idols, and Moloch put in the end of the Verse, to explain Baal in the beginning thereof.

Some think them to be different, because the b 1.396 Planet Jupiter was Worshipped under the name of Baal; but the Planet Saturn is probably thought to have been worshipped under the Name of Moloch. If we diligently observe Histories, we shall find such a confusion of the Planets, that the Sun, as it was some times called Baal, sometimes Moloch: So it was some∣times called c 1.397 Jupiter, sometimes d 1.398 Saturn; and concerning Baal this is evident: Hence Jupiter was called by the Phaenicians, Baal-samen, which name is derived from the Hebrew, and soundeth as much as Jupiter Olympicus, the Lord of Heaven. For Baal signi∣fieth Lord, and Shamain, Heaven. And what is this Lord of Heaven in the Theology of the Heathens, other than the Sun? Who may as well be stiled the King of Heaven; as the Moon the Queen. Yea, Sanchonia∣tho, as Eusebius in the forequoted place relates him, takes all these three for one, namely, the Sun, Jupi∣ter, and Baal-samen.

Concerning Saturn it is apparent that the Sun was worshipped under his Name: But I find some Ex∣positors to interpret Moloch to be e 1.399 Mercury, others f 1.400 Mars: These are but few, and the grounds weak. It is therefore more generally and more probably thought

that he was Saturn, because as to Moloch, so to Sa∣turn, the Heathen people did sacrifice their g 1.401 Sons and Daughters. Secondly, Saturns Image differed not much from Moloch's. Of Saturns thus we read, h 1.402 It was made of Brass, wonderful for its greatness, whose hands reaching towards the earth, were so hollow (ready to claspe) that the youths which were compelled to come unto him, did fall as it were into a mighty ditch full of fire. You shall read in a manner the same de∣scription of Moloch. Jalkut commenting on Jeremy, writeth thus; i 1.403 Though all other houses of Idolatry were in Jerusalem, yet Moloch was without Jerusalem, in a place a part. How was he made? He was an Image of Brass; He had seven Chappels, and he was placed be∣fore them, having the face of a Bullock, and hands spread abroad, like a man that openeth his hands to receive somewhat from some other: and they set it on fire within, for it was hollow: and every man severally entred, ac∣cording to his offering. After what manner? Whosoever offered a Fowl, went into the first Chappel; he that offered a Sheep, into the second; a Lamb, into the third; a Calf, into the fourth; a Bullock, into the fifth; an Ox, into the sixth; and whosoever offered his Son, into the seventh. Thus Moloch and Saturn agree: First, in their sacrifice: Secondly, in the form of their Images. Now these seven chappels built for Moloch, may well resemble those k 1.404 seven gates with which the Persians honored the Sun; and as the seven gates did, so might the seven Chappels mystically express the seven Planets, whereof the Sun was Moloch, i. the King and Prince. When they sacrificed their sons unto this Idol, they did beat upon Tabrets and Drums, that the cry of the child might not by heard by the father. Thereupon was the place called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tophet, from Toph 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 si∣gnifying a Drum, as likewise from the cry of the chil∣dren,

it was called Gehenna, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying a valley, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 roaring or crying. Some may make the que∣stion, whether that the phrase, The fire of Gehenna, Matth. 5. 22. had its original from this fire, where∣with the children were burnt unto Moloch? I answer, that in this phrase there was not respect onely unto this fire, though by the bitter cries and ejulations of poor infants, the restless torments in Hell might be shadowed, yet the perpetuity and everlastingness of hellish pains I take to be signified herein, by allusion unto that l 1.405 other fire, kept continually burning for the consuming of dead carcasses, and the filth brought out of Jerusalem. For Gehenna was reputed a contemptible place without the City; in the which they burnt, by means of a fire continually preserved there, the carcasses, filth, and garbidge of the City. The m 1.406 Cabalists treating of Gehenna, in this meta∣phorical. sence, as it is applied to the pains of hell do distinguish of it, saying, That there is Gehenna supe∣rior, and inferior: by the first they understand bodily torments inflicted upon the bodies of sinners in this world: By the second they understand the pains of the soul in the world to come. n 1.407 They say likewise that there are Septem Gehennae mansiones, Seven degrees or mansion places of Gehenna. 1. Infernus. 2. Perditio. 3. Profundum. 4. Taciturnitas. 5. Ʋmbra mortis. 6. Terra inferior. 7. Terra sitiens. Of these seven re∣ceptacles, he that will mispend his time may read ac∣cording to the quotation▪

It is much controversed among Expositors, whe∣ther the children in this sacrifice were burnt in the fire, or only initiated and consecrated to Moloch, passing in the middest of two fires in sign of their consecration? It is probable, that both were in use. First, the Scrip∣ture

speaketh of both. Secondly, the Hebrew Doctors shew the manner of both. That they were Burnt, Jalkut expresly teacheth, and with him o 1.408 others ac∣cord, saying, That Molech is the name of an Image; and the wise men of blessed memory interpret Molech to be an universal name, denoting any whom they have made to rule over them; And it is agreed upon, that this is the abomination of the Sons of Ammon, and this phrase, To cause to passe thorow, is as much as, To burn. O∣thers say, This Idols name was Molech, and p 1.409 this was his worship: That he (namely, the Father) deliver∣ed his. Son unto the Priests, and they made two great fires; and they made his Son pass on his feet between both these fires.

Notwithstanding, we must not think that there were no other oblations unto Molech, besides sacrifi∣cing of children: For what use then served those o∣ther six Chappels? No: I take this oblation of chil∣dren not to have been forced on them by any su∣perstitious law, or tradition, binding them thereun∣to; but to have been reputed a work more merito∣rious, because it was meerly voluntary. This I note, because otherwise there were an apparent difference between Baal and Molech. For the Baalites offered unto their fancied Deity a Bullock, in that contenti∣on between them and Eliah, 1 King 18. Bullocks, and Calves, and Lambs, were their ordinary sacrifi∣ces, the sacrificing of their children, extraordinary. Yet their ordinary sacrifices, were not alwayes alto∣gether void of mans blood, but sometimes the Priests would lance and cut their own flesh: which custom, whence it had its original, I find not: only we find the like to have been practiced by the Heathenish Priests in their sacrifices to Bellona: q 1.410 Tertullian touch∣eth

it; but r 1.411 Lactantius treating of Bellona and her Priests, speaketh more clearly, saying, They Sacrificed not with any other mans blood, but with their own; their shoulders being lanced, and with both hands brandishing naked swords, they run and leaped up and down like mad men. Who would not take these Bellonites to be the very Baalites spoken of, 1 Kings 18. They leapt upon the Altar which was made—and cut themselves as their manner was, with Knives and Lances, till the blood gushed out upon them.

That the Opinion of pleasing God by Sacrificing their Children sprang from Abraham's offering of Isa∣ac, seemeth very probable, and is intimated by R. Solo∣mon, who bringeth in God speaking concerning Mo∣lech after this manner: I never commanded that they should offer up their Sons for an oblation, and I never spake it unto any of my Prophets: s 1.412 and When I spake to Abraham to sacrifice his son, it entred not into my heart that he should sacrifice him, but to make known his righ∣teousness. Yea, t 1.413 Porphyrie treating of Saturn, (who seemeth to have been this very Molech) saith, that the Phoenicians called him Israel, and that he had by Anobreth one only Son called Jeud in the Phoenician language, (no doubt from the Hebrew Jecid, signify∣ing an onely begotten, and applyed to Isaac, Gen. 22. 2.) which he offered upon an Altar purposely prepared. Who seeth not the History of Abraham and Sarah under the names of Israel and Anobreth? and the im∣molation of Isaac under the name of Jeud? And the Original of this Son-sacrificing Divinity to have been the unwarrantable imitation of Abraham?

But what! Was the Sun worshipped Idolatrously, no otherwise? Yes, except I am deceiv'd, we find another manner of Worship described by Amos, Chap.

5. 26. But ye have born the Tabernacle of your Moloch, and Chiun your Images, the Star of your God which ye made to your selves. This translation I prefer before others. First, because the * 1.414 Hebrew word signi∣fieth a Tabernacle. Secondly, it is rendred the Taber∣nacle of Moloch, not Siccuth your King, by the Seven∣ty. Thirdly, it is so repeated by Saint t 1.415 Stephen, Acts 7. 43. ye took up the Tabernacle of Moloch, and the Star of your God Remphan, figures which ye made, to worship them.

Three things are to be inquired, for the under∣standing of this parallel. First, what the bearing, or taking up of this Tabernacle is. Secondly, what Idol was pointed out by these names of Chiun and Rem∣phan. Thirdly, what is meant by the Star of this God.

The taking up of this tabernacle denoteth their wor∣ship which they exhibited unto their Idol, by carry∣ing him up and down in Tabernacles and Pageants, af∣ter a Solemn manner of procession; by the Romans this solemnity was termed pompa, and the Tent or Pa∣geant in which the Idol was carried, Thensa, according to that, Thensa Deorum vehiculum. This kind of Idola∣try may seem to have had its original among the Hea∣thens from an unwarrantable imitation of Moses's Ta∣bernacle, which was nothing else but a u 1.416 Portable Temple, to be carried from place to place, as need required. For it cannot be denied, but that many superstitions were derived unto the Heathen from the true wor∣ship of God, which he himself had prescribed unto his people. Thus, As God had his Tabernacle, Priests, Altars, and Sacrifices. so the Devil had his Tabernacles, Priests, Altars and Sacrifices. As God had his Fire ever burning * 1.417 upon the Altar, so had the Devil his Fire preserved burning by those Vestal Votaries. As God had his Propitiatory or

Mercy seat: So had the Devil his Sacros tripodas, his Oracles, from which he would speak unto them that served him. This solemn procession was performed by the Romans in the honour of the * 1.418 Sun. It was per∣formed by the Israelites in honour of their Moloch, who formerly was interpreted the Sun. To add unto the pomp and state of this solemnity, both the Ro∣mans and the Israelites caused great Horses and Chari∣ots to be led up and down. x 1.419 Horses were conse∣crated to the Sun by the Romans, and their Cirque-place was sometimes called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an Horse-race. And that Chariots were commonly used in those pompous shews is y 1.420 evident. Concerning the people of Judah, doth not the like practice plainly ap∣pear? 2 Kings 23. Josiah did put down the Horses gi∣ven to the Sun, and the Chariots of the Sun. This kind of Idolatrous worshipping the Sun seemeth to have had its beginning from the Persians, who also ac∣counted Horses holy to the Sun: (c) And the Persian * 1.421 King, when he would shew himself in great state, caused an exceeding great Horse to be led up and down, the which was called Equus Solis.

The second inquiry is, what Idol was meant by Chiun and Remphan, otherwise in ancient Coppies called Repham. Not to trouble the Reader with the various interpretations of Expositors, much less with the bold adventures of others in correcting the Text: by Chiun we are to understand Hercules, who in the Egyptian language was called Chon: By Repham we are to understand the same Hercules, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rephaim, in the holy tongue signifieth Giants: By Hercules we may understand the Planet of the Sun: There are Ety∣mologists that derive Hercules his name from the He∣brew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hier col, illuminavit omnia: the Greek

a 1.422 Etymology, holds correspondency with the Hebrew, and both signifie that universal light which floweth from the Sun, as water from a fountain. Add hereun∣to, that b 1.423 Porphyry interpreteth Hercules his twelve labours, so often mentioned by the Poets, to be no∣thing else but the twelve signs of the Zodiack, thorow which the Sun passeth yearly. But some may questi∣on, whether the name of Hercules was ever known to the Jews? It is probable, the name was; for Hercules was the God of the Tyrians, from whom the Jews lear∣ned much Idolatry, as being their neer Neighbours: Yea, it is apparent, that in the time of the Maccabees the Name was commonly known unto them: for Jason the High Priest sent three hundred drachmes of Silver to the sacrifice of Hercules, 2 Macc. 4. 19.

Thirdly, it followeth that we should enquire, what this star of, Remphan was; it is probably c 1.424 thought that it was a certain star painted in the fore-head of Molech; Neither was it unusual for the Heathen peo∣ple to paint their Idols with such Symbolica Addita∣menta. d 1.425 Julius Caesar his Image had a Star depicted on the Crown of his head.

The Sun was also worshipped by the house of Judah, under the name Tamuz; for e 1.426 Tamuz, saith Hie∣rome, was Adonis, and f 1.427 Adonis is generally interpre∣ted the Sun from the Hebrew Adon, signifying Domi∣nus. the same as Baal, or Moloch formerly did, name∣ly, the Lord or Prince of the Planets. The moneth which we call June, was by the Hebrews called Ta∣muz; and the entrance of the Sun into the sign Cancer was, in the Jews Astronomy, termed Tekupha Tamuz, the revolution of Tamuz, Concerning Adonis, whom sometimes ancient Authors call Osiris; there are two things remarkable, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the death or loss

of Adonis and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the finding of him again. As there was great * 1.428 lamentation at his loss, especially a∣mongst the f 1.429 women: so was there great joy at his finding. By the death or loss of Adonis, we are to understand the departure of the Sun; by his finding again, we are to understand his return. Now he see∣meth to depart twice in the year: First, when he is in the Tropick of Cancer, in the farthest degree Northward. Secondly, when he is in the Tropick of Capricorn, in the farthest degree southward: Answer∣able unto these two departures, which may be term∣ed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 disparitions, or losses of the Sun; there are two returns immediately succeeding, which may be termed likewise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the findings or new appear∣ings of the Sun. Hence we may note, that though the Aegyptians celebrated their Adonia in the month of November, when the Sun began to be farthest Southward; and the house of Juda theirs, in the month of June, when the Sun was farthest Northward, yet both were for the same reasons, and in substance they agreed. And of this the Prophet Ezekiel is thought to have spoken, Ezek. 8. 14. There sate Women weeping for Tamuz.

These solemnities were chiefly observed, between the Bibliensis and the Alexandrini g 1.430; the manner was thus: VVhen the Bibliensis solemnized the death or loss of Adonis, at that time the Alexandrini wrote a letter, this letter was inclosed in an Ark of B••lrushes therein they signified that Adonis, whom they la∣mented, was found again: This Ark being after the performance of certain Rites and Ceremo∣nies committed to the Sea, forthwith it was carri∣ed by the stream to Byblus; upon the receipt where of the lamentation of the women was turned

into joy. h 1.431 Others say, that this lamentation was performed over an Image in the Night season, and when they had sufficiently lamented, a Candle was brought into the room (which Ceremony might mystically signifie the return of the Sun) then the Priest with a soft voice muttered this Form of words; i 1.432 Trust ye in God, for out of pains salvation is come unto us. k 1.433 There are likewise of the Jews that say their Tamuz was an Image whose eyes they filled with Lead, which Lead being molten by the means of fire under it, the image it self seemed to weep.

There (l) are that think the Prophet alludeth unto those letters inclosed in those fore-mentioned Bull-rush Arks, Isa. 18. 2. When he speaketh of Ambassa∣dors sent by the Sea even in Vessels of Reeds upon the waters. But I rather approve the literal sense, for by reason of the Shelfs and dangerous Rocks in the Ri∣ver Nilus, it was not unusual for men to sail in Hulks, and Vessels made of a kind of great Bull-rush, which by the Egyptians was termed Papyrus, and these kind of Ships, m 1.434 Papyraceae naves.

CHAP. III.

Of Baal-Peon, Baal-Tsepkon, Baal-Zebub, Baal-Berith, Bell and the Dragon.

WHom the Hebrews called Baal, the Babylo∣nians called Bell; and although the Planet of the Sun only at first might be worshipped under that name, yet at lust it became a common Name to many other Idols, according to that, There are many Gods, many B••alims or Lords, 1 Cor. 8. 5. As

the same Idol-Jupiter had different names, and diffe∣rent Rites of worship, occasioned sometimes from the different places, as Jupiter Olympius, from the Hill Olympus; Jupiter Capitolinus, from the Capitol hill; Ju∣piter Latialis, from that part of Italy which is called Latium. Sometimes from the different benefits which he was supposed to bestow on men, as Jupiter Pluvi••s, because he gave Rain; Jupiter Lucetius, because he gave Light: Jupiter Altitonans, from thundring: So Baal had his distinctive Titles, and different Rites of Worship, sometimes occasioned by the place, as Baal Peor, Numb. 25. 3. Sometimes from the the benefit obtained, as Baal Tsephon, Exod. 14. 1. and Baal Zebub, 2 King. 1. 2. Sometimes for some other reason, as Baal Berith, Judg 8. 33.

Baal-Peor is thought to be that a 1.435 Priapus, that obscene Idol, so famous in prophane Authors. He was called Peor, from the Hill Peor, mentioned, Numb. 23. 28. as likewise his Temple wherein he was worshipped, standing upon the same Hill, was called Beth-Peor, Deut. 3. 29. He was worshipped by the Moabites and Midianites: The Idol Chemosh, Jer. 48. 7. is thought to be the (b) same, and I take it * 1.436 to be applied to Baal-Peor; by way of contempt, as if one should say, their blind god, according to that in the Psalm, They have eyes and see not. For the first Letter c 1.437 Caph, signifieth quasi; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Musch palpare, to grope or feel about, in manner of blind men.

Baal-Tsephon is thought by the d 1.438 Hebrews, to have been an Idol made by the Aegyptian Magicians, and placed in the Wilderness, to observe and stop the Israelites in their departure from Aegypt; whence it was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsephon, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsapha, signifying to watch, and observe in manner of a watchman: We

may call him Baal speculator, as, among the Ro∣mans; because Jupiter stayed the Romans when they were flying, he was called e 1.439 Jupiter stator.

Baal zebub, soundeth as much as the Lord of the Flies, f 1.440 or a Master fly, which hath power and au∣thority over the rest, in which respect the Prince of the Devils in the Gospel is termed Beel-Zebub, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ze∣bub signifieth a Fly. g 1.441 This Idol was worshipped by the Cyrenians, but principally by the Ekronites, be∣cause whensoever they sacrificed unto him, the swarms of flies, which at that time molested the Coun∣try, died. But it is certain, that this was not the alone reason, for they were wont to repair to him, as to an Oracle, 2 King. 1. 2. We may call him Jupiter mus∣carius, or Hercules muscarius: h 1.442 for the Inhabitants of the City Elis sacrified to Jupiter under the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i 1.443 A driver away of flies: and the Romans to Hercules, under the same name. Some Greek Copies in the Gospel read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Beelzebul: which change is interpreted to be, for to shew the greater contempt of the Idol, as if they should say, Jupiter stercoreus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zebel signifieth stercus, and Beel, or Baal, signifieth Dominus.

Baal berith was the Idol of the Shechemites; of his Temple we read, Judges 9. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Berith signifieth a Covenant; so that Baal-berith may be translated Ju∣piter foederatus, (i.) The God unto whom they bound them∣selves by Covenant. Concerning Bel and the Dragon, little is spoken, besides what we read in that of the Apocrypha, where the History is described.

CHAP. IV.

Of Dagon.

THe a 1.444 Hebrew Doctors say, that this Idol Da∣gon was made from the Navil downward in form of a Fish, but from the Navil upward in form of a Man. This they Collect from the 1 Sam. 5. 4. The two palms of his hands were cut off upon the threshold. And further more they say, the Idol Dagon had his Name from the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dag, signifying in the Holy Language, a fish, according to which description we may english him the Philistims Neptune, or * 1.445 Triton. Others de∣rive the name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Degan, signifying Corn: and they b 1.446 say, that he first invented the use of the Plow, and Corn; whence they translate him Jupiter aratrius. In this respect we may call him the Philistims Saturn, because Antiquity makes c 1.447 Saturn the first Inventer of husbandry, and therefore paints him with an Hook or Sithe in his hand, as being the fittest Hie∣roglyphick for Husbandry. Both Opinions have their Authors, and no sufficient proof hath been produced to overthrow either. d 1.448 Yea, there are not wanting among the Jews themselves, that say, this Image of Dagon was made in the form of a man. Notwithstand∣ing Scaliger his conjecture is not improbable, that those who interpret Dagon, Jupiten ar••r••us, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, might mistake and read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shadai, signify∣ing, Ager, A field, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shaddai, being the very Name of God, signifying Omnipotens, Almighty.

CHAP. V.

Of the Molten Calf.

THe History of the molten Calf is at large set down, Exod. 32. where we read, that by rea∣son of Moses his long absence, the People desired of Aaron, Gods to be made; whereupon Aaron made for them the molten Calf. The reason why they worshipped God rather in the similitude of a Calf, then of any other Creature, is generally by Expo∣sitors conceived to be from the corruptions learn∣ed among the Aegyptians, who worshipped their Idol a 1.449 Apis, otherwise called b 1.450 Serapis, in a living Ox, and likewise in an Image made in the form and similitude of an Ox, with a bushel on his head. This Ox was remarkable for certain Notes and marks, whereby it was differenced from all others. It was black bodied, it had a white forehead, a white spot be∣hind, and a knot under his tongue: For the more ••u∣rious fashioning and polishing of these marks in the molten Calf, Aaron may seem to have made use of his c 1.451 graving Tool. d 1.452 The Aegyptians repaired unto this Ox for the resolution of matters doubtful, as to an Oracle, and the manner of consulting with him, was thus. The party that repaired unto him, tendred a bottle of Hay, or Grass: which if he recei∣ved, then it betokened a good and happy event; if otherwise he refused it, then it did portend some evil to come. Thus they turned their glory into an Ox that eateth grass, Psalm 106. 20. The Hebrew word in the Psalm, translated an Ox, is, e 1.453 Shor, which I note, because in my opinion, it giveth light to one

of the names by which this Idol was denoted. Some∣times it was called Apis, from the Hebrew word f 1.454 Ap, signifying a face: Sometimes Serapis, quasi Shor-apis, which is nothing else but Bovis caput, an Ox-head; the very name used by the g 1.455 Fathers, to express this Idolatry. It is commonly known, that this Idolatry was derived to Israel from the Aegyptians; but whence the Aegyptians first learned it, few have taught. They do not conjecture amiss, who interpret the first In∣stitution hereof to have been in the memory of Jo∣seph, who by his providence relieved both Aegypt and other Neighbour Countries, in the seven years of famine. Besides the Testimony of no slight h 1.456 Au∣thors, there are strong inducements to perswade it. First, both the years of plenty and famine were fore∣signified by the apparition of Oxen. Secondly, what fitter Emblem, (if it had not afterwards proved an Idol) to continue the remembrance of a Joseph, (by whose alone care and industry, Corn and Victual was provided in an extream famine) than an Ox, the true and lively Hieroglyphick of an industrious Husbandman? Thirdly, in this Suidas agreeth with others, that this Ox was pourtrayed with a bushel on his head, though others do more clearly express the reason of this pourtrayture, namely, because of the great quantity of Corn measured out by Joseph in that extream dearth. Concerning the sin of the Israe∣lites in making this Calf or Ox, the modern Jews do transfer the fault upon certain Prosylite Aegyptians who came forth with them: and they say, that when Aaron cast their Jewels into the fire, these Aegyptians, contrary to his expectation, by their Art Magick produced a Calf, to which purpose they urge Aarons own words, Exod. 32. 34. I did cast the Gold

into the fire, and thereof came this Calf; as if his art or will went not with the making thereof, but of it self it made it self. But this answer of his sheweth rather, how vain the Wit of man is in the excuse of sin; and as his ingraving instrument writes down Aaron's sins; so the confession of others more inge∣nuous Jews, proclaims the Israelites, saying, that * 1.457 (i) No punishment befalleth thee Israel, in which there is not an ounce of this Calf. I conclude this with the ana∣logy between the Egyptian Apis, and the molten Calf, and this consisteth in three things. First, As there were some special marks in the Egyptian, Ox; so is it probable that Aaron with his ingraving Tool made the like. Secondly, As the Egyptians in honour of their Ox k 1.458 celebrated a Solemn Feast, which much singing and mirth. So the Israelites proclaimed a Feast in ho∣nor of their Calf: The people sate down to eat and drink, and rose up to play. Thirdly, As the Egyptians Ox was at last drowned in the River, so Moses burnt the molten Calf, and beat it to powder, and cast it upon the face of the water, Exod. 32. 20. Deut 92. 21. Jerobo∣am afterward, though upon other inducements, com∣mitted the same sin; he thought in his heart, that if the people did go up to Jerusalem, and do sacrifice in the house of the Lord, they would revolt from him, and return to the King of Judah: Whereupon he set up two Calves of gold, the one in Bethel, the other in Dan; saying unto the people, It is too much for you to go up to Jerusalem, 1 King, 12. 28.

CHAP. VI.

Of Astaroth, Ammonia, Juno, the Queen of Hea∣ven, Diana of the Ephesians.

AS the Sun was worshipped under many names, so likewise the Moon. Astaroth was the Idol chiefly of the Zidonians, 1 King. 11. 5. 2 King. 23. 13. she had her Temple called the house of Astaroth, in which the Philistines hanged up Saul's a 1.459 Armor after his death, 1 Sam. 31. 10. That the Moon was worshipped under this name needs not b 1.460 proof; only c 1.461 some say, that Astrate was Juno: And why may we not say, that Juno is often used to express the Moon? d 1.462 Both the Moon and Juno are often called by the name of Ʋrania. And as the Moon in respect of her light is called Ʋrauia? so in regard of the lesser lights in the heaven, she is called Astroarch, that is, the e 1.463 Queen of the Planets; or as Horace speaketh of the M••on, Siderum Regina, the Queen of the Stars: Or lastly, as Virgil speaketh of Juno; Di∣vum incedo regina, the Queen of the Gods. It seemeth very probable, that this is that Queen of Heaven, of which the Prophet speaketh, Jer. 7. 18. Jer. 44. 17. Again unto whom may we imagine those ancient Heathens to have performed that solemn worship, which they did on the Calends, or first day of every month? (was it not to the Moon?) And yet notwith∣standing it is ascribed to Juno, f 1.464 whence she is called Juno Calendaris. Lastly, As Jupiter g 1.465 Ammon was no

other than the Sun, and worshipped him in form of a Ram: so for ought I see, the Moon might be called Ju∣no h 1.466 Ammonia, and worshipped in the form of a sheep▪ Sure I am, that the Hebrews Doctors describe the Ima∣ges of i 1.467 Astaroth, to have been made in the form of sheep: and the word Astaroth, in the Original, signifi∣eth a flock of sheep, and the Moon might as well be cal∣led Ammonia, as the Sun Ammon, both being so called from their heat, which in the Holy Tongue is called k 1.468 Hammah, and from thence likewise those Images (of which we read, Levit. 26. 30. Isa. 17. 8. Isa. 27. 9.) are called l 1.469 Hammanim, because they were cer∣tain Idols placed upon the house top, and so always exposed to the Sun. Furthermore, as Jupiter m 1.470 Am∣mon was painted with horns, so likewise was the n 1.471 Moon: why they should be thus painted, many rea∣sons might be produced, but chiefly three; the first peculiar to the Sun, the other common both to Sun and Moon. First, the Sun was painted with Rams-horns, because with the Astronomers the sign Aries in the Zodiack is the o 1.472 beginning of the year. Secondly, because as the strength of horned beasts consists in their horns, so the virtue and influence of the Sun and Moon is derived into sublunary creatures by their beams. Thirdly, because the light of the Sun and Moon makes the reflection cornute, or horn-like. When Moses came down from God, Aaron and the people saw that his face shined, Exod. 34. the Latine reads is, Facies ejus erat cornuta; and hence it is, that Moses is painted with horns, which some of the Rabbines have interpreted p 1.473 horns of magnificence, The errour grew from the doubtful signification of the Hebrew word signifying splendor or brightness, and also horns.

q 1.474 The Moon was also worshipped under the name of Diana, who although she were worshipped tho∣row out all Asia, yet she was had in principal esteem among the Ephesians, whence arose that cry, Great is Diana of the Ephesians, Act. 19. 28. Her greatness a∣mong the Ephesians appeareth partly by her Temple, which in r 1.475 one place Pliny saith was two hundred and twenty years a building, but s 1.476 elsewhere he saith 400. years: partly form the great gain procu∣red unto the Silver-Smiths in making and selling sil∣ver Temples of Diana, Act. 19. 24. It is much disputed what those silver Temples were; some think them to be littles houses, or shrines (such as were for their smallness portable) in form representing the Temple of Diana, and within having the Image of Diana in∣closed, and in this sense 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is sometimes used, to signifie closets or shrines wherein Images were kept: O∣thers think, certain coyns or pieces of money to be called by the name of Diana's Temple, from the simi∣litude of Diana's Temple, engraven or stamped upon those coyns: as in England we call some pieces of gold the George, others the Angel, others the Thistle, from the impression which they bear. The like cu∣stom of naming coyns from their Sculpture or impres∣sion * 1.477 was not unusual, among the t 1.478 Ancients; nei∣ther were such coyns unusual on which the Temple of * 1.479 Diana was engraven, and these capital letters added, DIAN. EPHE. Theodorus Beza, in his major Annota∣tions upon the Acts, reporteth that he hath seen two of these himself.

We read of another kind of Idolatrous Worship towards the Moon, to have been u 1.480 that men sacri∣ficed to her in womens apparel, and women in mens apparel, because they thought the Moon to be both

male and female, whence the Moon is called by old Authors as well Lunus as Luna: And Venus, whom Philocorus affirms to be the Moon, is termed Deus Ve∣nus, as well as Dea Venus. x 1.481 Some have thought that God had respect unto this kind of Idolatry, Deut. 22. 5. where men are forbidden to wear womens apparel, & è contra; but it is more generally, and upon better grounds thought, that the promiscuous use of apparel (whereby the distinction of sex is ta∣ken away) is there forbidden.

CHAP. VII.

Of other Gods mentioned in Scripture.

THe Sun and Moon, which are the greater lights in the Heaven, I take to have been the chiefest Idols worshipped by the Heathen people. Notwith∣standing, their blind devotion deified also the other Planets, and that numberless number of lesser lights, called in Scripture, Militia Coeli, The Host of Hea∣ven, whose several natures, properties, and influences, are not distinctly known. In like manner there is an Host of Idols mentioned in Holy Writ, of whom lit∣tle or nothing is spoken to the purpose by Authors, more than their very names. Of this nature are those Chambers of Imagery, wherein all forms of creeping things were pourtrayed on the walls, Ezek. 8. It may be termed their Pantheon.

In those Colonies which the King of Ashur trans∣planted into Samaria, every one worshipped the God of his own Nation. The men of Babel made Succoth Benoth, the men of Cuth made Nergal, the men of Ha∣math made Ashima, the Avims made Nibhaz and Tar∣tak;

the Shepharvaims burnt their Children in the fire to Adram melech, and Anam-melech, the gods of Shephar∣vaim, 2 Kings 17. 30, 31▪ a 1.482 The Hebrew Doctors say, that Succoth Benoth was the picture of an Hen with her Chicken: Nergal they interpret Gallum Sylvestrem, Asi ma a Goat, Nibhaz a Dog, Tartak an Ass, Adramme∣lech a Mule, Anammelech an Horse: that such bruit beasts should be worshipped as gods, may seem ridicu∣l••••us: but the like to have been practised among the Heathens, profane Authors abundantly testifie. The b 1.483 Cock was worshipped as a god among the Syrians, c 1.484 A Goat by the Mendesii; d 1.485 A Dog by others: Yea, they have adopted into the number of their gods e 1.486 Oxen, Lyons, Eagles, Wolves, Crocodiles, Cats, Rats, &c. Nay, they have digged their gods out of their gardens f 1.487 Garlick, Leeks, Onions, &c. To these may be added Nisroch, which was the god of the Assyrians, and, as it seemeth, had his Temple at Nineve, 2 King. 19. ult. and Esay 37. ult. Secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rimmon, the word signifieth a Pomegranate. Concerning this Idol it is much controversed, whether Naaman sinned not in saying, The Lord be merciful unto thy servant, that when my Master goeth into the house of Rimmon, &c. 2 King. 5. 18. Read the words in the Praeter tense [when my Ma∣ster went into the house of Rimmon] the sense appears to be a pardon craved for sins past, not afterwards to be committed. The same word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bebho, in going, is put to express the time past, in the titles of the Psalms 52. and Psalm 54. Thirdly, Nebo otherwise called Nabo, and Idol of the Assyrians, Jer. 48. 1. He had his name from Prophecy, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nabhi, signifying a Pro∣phet, he seemeth not much to differ from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so often mentioned in Homer. g 1.488 Diodorus Siculus maketh them both one, and we

may render Nebo, the Assyrians, Ammon, or Jupiter Vaticinus, the god of their Oracles.

CHAP. VIII.

The several manners of Divine Revelation.

AS Idolatry originally sprang from mistaking of Scriptures; so Witch-craft and Sorcery, (which holdeth near affinity with Idolatry) seemeth to have had its first beginning from an imitation of Gods Ora∣cles. God spake in divers manners, Heb. 1. 1. By Dreams, by Ʋrim, by Prophets, 1 Sam. 28. 6, 7. when the Lord would by none of these answer King Saul, then he sought to a Witch. To these might be added Gods speaking from between the Cherubims, his answering by Visions, Angels, and Voices: but the chief manner of revealing himself, observed by the Hebrew Wri∣ters, are four, which they term a 1.489 four degrees of Prophecy, or Divine Revelation: somewhat therefore being spoken of these, I purpose to explain the seve∣ral sorts of unlawful divinations mentioned in Scrip∣ture.

The first degree was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nebuah, Prophecy. This was when God by certain visions and apparitions re∣vealed his will.

The second was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ruach Hacodesch, The in∣spiration of the Holy Ghost, whereby the party was ina∣bled without Visions or Apparitions, to prophesie: Some shewing the difference between those two b 1.490 add, that the gift of Prophecy did cast a man into a trance or extasie, all his senses being taken from him; but the inspiration of the Holy Ghost was without any such extasie, or abolition of the senses, as appear∣eth in Job, David, Daniel. Both these degrees, as like∣wise Urim and Thummim ceased in the second Temple,

whence their ancient Doctors say, c 1.491 that after the latter Prophets Haggay, Zachary, and Malachy were dead, the Holy Glost went up or departed from Israel. Howbeit, they had the use of a voice or eccho from Heaven. In which speech we are not to understand that the Holy Ghost wrought not at all upon the creatures, or that it wrought not then in the sanctification of men, as in former times, but that this extraordinary enabling men to prophesie by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost then ceased; and in this sense the Holy Ghost was said to have departed from Israel. Unto this common received opinion, that passage might have reference, Acts 19. We have not so much as heard whether there hath been an Holy Ghost or no. That they did not doubt the distinction of persons, appeareth clear, if that be true which d 1.492 some have noted, that the ancient Jews before Christ were so catechised in that point, that they observed the Mystery of the Trinity in the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jehovah, for though the name consisted of four letters in number, whence it was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Quadriliterum, yet there were but three sorts of letters in the name: Jod signified the Father, who was the beginning of all things: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉Van is a conjunction copu∣lative, and denoted the third person in Trinity, which proceedeth from the Father and the Son, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He signifi∣eth the Son of God. The Rabbines have a saying, that God made all things, in litera, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He. They may al∣lude to this, that he made all things by Word: he said, Let there be thus, and thus, and it was so: but they may also allude to the second person in Trinity, And furthermore, they note that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He, is doubled in this name, to demonstrate both Natures of our bles∣sed Saviour.

The third degree, was Ʋrim and Thummim. Ʋrim

signifieth light, and Thummim perfection. That they were two ornaments in the High-priests breast-plate, is generally agreed upon: but what manner of orna∣ments, or how they gave answer, is hard to resolve. e 1.493 Some think them to be the four rows of stones in the breast-plate, the splendour and brightness of which foreshewed victory, and by the rule of contraries, we may gather, that the darkness of the stones not shining presaged evil. f 1.494 Others say it was the name Jehovah put in the doubling of the breast-plate, for that was double, Exod. 28. 16. g 1.495 Others declare the manner of consulting with Ʋrim and Thummim thus: First, they say that only the King, or else the h 1.496 Father of the Consistory had power to consult, or to propose the matter unto the Priest, and the Priest only had power to resolve. Secondly, that the matter proposed must not be trivial, but of moment and great difficulty. Thirdly, that this holy writing, termed Ʋrim and Thummim, consisted of all the Tribes names, and like∣wise of the Patriarks, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; so that no letter of the Alphabet was wanting. The que∣stion being proposed, some say that the letters which gave the answer were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i.) they did arise and eminently appear above the others. An example they take from the 2 Sam. 2. 1. When David asked the Lord, Shall I go up into any of the Cities of Judah? the Lord answered, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gnalah, goup. Here, say they, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 appeared out of the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Schimeen, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 out of the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Levi, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 out of the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jehudah. Others say, that the letters which represented the Oracle were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i.) that they did after a strange manner joyn themselves into perfect syllables and entire words, and made the answer com∣pleat. Many other opinions might be reckoned up,

h 1.497 but he spoke best, who ingenuously confessed that he knew not what Ʋrim and Thummim was.

The fourth degree was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bath Kol, filia vocis, the Daughter of a Voice, or an Eccho; by it is meant a voice from heaven declaring the will of God; it took place in the second Temple, when the three former degrees of Prophecy ceased: it gave testimony of our Saviour; Lo, a voice from heaven, saying, This is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased, Mat. 3. 17. It was in truth the Prologue, Preface, or Type of that true voice of the Father, that Eternal Word which revealed his Fathers will unto mankind.

These were the extraordinary means by which God revealed himself to his people of old: ordinari∣ly, he revealed himself by his written word. Not∣withanding the Hebrews say, that the Law, even from the first time of its delivery unto Moses, was twofold: the one committed to writing, which they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thera Schebictab, the written Law: the other delivered by tradition, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thora begnal pe, it was also termed their Kabbala, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kibbel, signifying Accipere, to receive or learn. They say both were delivered by God unto Moses in Mount Sinai; but this latter was delivered from Moses to Jo∣shua, from Joshua to the Elders; from the Elders to the Prophets, from the Prophets to those of the great Syna∣gogue, and so successively to after ages, till at last it was digested into one Book, containing principally precepts and directions for those Israelites which inhabited the holy land. It is called Talmud Hierosolymitanum. It was composed in the year of our Lord 230. This, because it containeth but a few constitutions, is but of little use. About 500 years after Christ, then was there a more full and exact collection of their constitutions,

for direction of those Jews which dwelt in Babylon, and other foreign places; this is termed Talmud Ba∣bylonicum, and is of greatest use among Authors, it containeth the body of their Civil and Canon Law. This traditional law, they hold to be as authentick, as their written word, and that Moses received it from God, when he received the Law; for, say thay, were it not for this exposition, the Decalogue it self, might have been delivered a 1.498 In hora veloci, in less then an hour.

Here we must know that the word Kabbala, when it is applied to the Kabbalists, to difference them from the Talmudists, is taken in a stricter sense, and signifieth those subtleties or mysteries which are ob∣served from the different writing of some letters in the Scripture, from the transposing of them, from a mystical kind of Arithmetick, &c. This was never wholly committed to writing. Some instances we have Gen. 23. 2. Abraham came 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to weep for Sara. Here b 1.499 because the letter Caph is less then the rest, they note that Abraham wept but a little for Sar, be∣cause she was old. Again, the letter Aleph i, found six times in the first verse of Genesis: Hence R. Elias collected that the world should endure but six thou∣sand years: because Aleph in the Hebrews computati∣on standeth for a thousand. From the transposition of letters they conclude after this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Che∣rem signifieth Anathema or Excommunication, by a Metathesis or transposition of letters, it is made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rachem signifying mercy, by another transposition it is made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ramach, which letters in the Jews com∣putation make 248. which in their Anatomy, they find to be the just number of members in a mans body: their conclusion hence is, that if an excommu∣nicated

person do truly repent, then his Cherem is turn∣ed into Rachem, his curse turned into a blessing: if he do not repent, then his Cherem entreth into Ramach, the curse entreth into all his members, to the utter de∣stroying of the whole man. Again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Isch, signifi∣eth a man, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Escha, a woman. Hence they note, that in the name of the man there is' Jod, which is not in the name of the woman; in the name of the wo∣man there is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He, which is not in the name of the man: both these make 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jah, one of the names of God: these being taken away, in both names there remains 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Esch signifying fire, to shew, that as long as man and wife agree, God is with them: but when they disagree, fire is between them: Thus we see what vain misteries their Kabbalists observe.

CHAP. IX.

Their Teraphim.

COncerning the Teraphim, two things are espe∣cially to be enquired. First, what they were? Secondly, for what use? the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Taraph, signifieth in general the compleat Image of a man. Mi∣chael took an image, (a Teraphim) and laid it in the bed, 1 Sam. 19. 13. More particularly it signifieth an idol or image made for mens private use in their own houses, so that these images seem to have been their Penates or Lares, their houshould gods; wherefore hast thou stoln my gods? my Teraphim, Gen. 31. 30. And this man Micha had an house of gods, and made an Ephod and Teraphim, Judg. 17. 5. Because of the wor∣ship exhibited to these Idols: Hence from the Hebrew Taraph, or as some read it, Tharaph, cometh the

Greek a 1.500 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, To worship. The manner how these Images were made, is fondly conceived thus among the Rabbies; They b 1.501 killed a man that was a first-born son, and wrung off his head, and seasoned it with salt, and spices, and wrote upon a plate of gold the name of an unclean spirit, and put it under the head upon a wall, and lighted Candles before it, and worshipped it. With such Laban spake, say they. But, without controver∣sie, the Teraphim which Michael put in the bed, was a compleat stature, or image of a man. The use of these Images was, to consult with them as with Oracles, con∣cerning things for the present unknown, or future to come. To this purpose they were made by Astrologers c 1.502 under certain constellations, capable of heavenly influences, whereby they were enabled to speak. The Teraphims have spoken vanity, Zach. 10. 2. And among other reasons, why Rachel stole away her Father I∣mages, this is thought to be one, that Laban might not, by consulting with these Images, discover what way Jacob took in his flight.

CHAP. X.

The several sorts of Divination forbidden.

WE shall find, Deut. 18. 10, 11. those Divi∣ners, which are by the Law forbidden, di∣stinguished into seven kinds; not because there were no other, but they were the most usual. 1. An ob∣server of times. 2. An Inchanter. 3. A Witch. 4. A Charmer. 5. A consulter with familiar spirits. 6. A Wizard. 7. A Nigromancer. To these we may add an eigth, out of Hos. 4. 12. Consulting with the staff.

And a ninth out of Ezek. 21. 21. A consulter with en∣trals. 1. The first is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an observer of times, a 1.503 one that distinguisheth times and seasons, saying, Such a day is good, or such a day is naught, such an hour, such a week, such a month is luckie, and such and such unluckie for such and such businesses: b 1.504 whence those that de∣rive the word from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gnajin, signifying an eye, (as if hereby were meant a Jugler, or Imposter, who deceived the eyes of his spectators by casting a mist before them) utterly mistake; more pertinently they speak, who derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gnona, signifying Time. But of all I approve those who derive it c 1.505 from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gnanan, a Cloud, as if the Original signified properly a Plane∣tary, or Star-gazer. Hereby he is distinguished from the second sort of unlawful Diviners, for he al∣so was an Observer of times; the first drawing his conclusions from the colour or motion of the Clouds: the second from his own superstitious observation of good and evil events, happening upon such and such dayes, such and such times: the first seemeth to have drawn his conclusions, à priori, from the Clouds or Planets, causing good and bad events, the second, à posteriori, from the events themselves, happening upon such and such times. This Planetary, when he observed the clouds seemeth to have stood with his face Eastward, his back Westward, his right hand towards the South, and his left hand towards the North: except it was from this posi∣ture of the Star gazers body in time of observing, I find no reason why the Hebrews should term the Eastern part of the world 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kadim i. The for∣mer part of the world: the Western part 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. The back part; the South part 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jamin, i. e. The right hand, the North part 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shemol, i. e. The left hand. That the reason of these denominations, is,

because Adam was created with his face towards the East, is as vain, as hard to prove.

2. The second is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Menachesch, rendred an In∣chanter; it importeth rather an Augur, or Soothsayer. The Original signifieth such an one, who out of his own experience draweth observations to foretel good or evil to come, as Soothsayers do, by observing such and such events, by such and such flying of Birds, screech∣ings, or kawings. The Rabbines speak in this wise: d 1.506 He is Menachesch, a soothsayer, who will say, because a morsel of bread is fallen out of his mouth, or his staff out of his hand, or his son called him back, or a Crow kaw∣ed unto him, or a Goat passed by him, or a Serpent was on his right hand, or a Fox on his left hand, therefore be will say, Do not this or that to day. This word is used, Gen. 30. 27. I have learned by experience, saith Laban, that the Lord hath blessed me for thy sake. Again, Gen. 44. 5. Is not this the cup in which my Lord drink∣eth, and whereby indeed he divineth? that is, proveth, or naketh tryal or experience what manner of men ye are: The Heathen people were very superstitious in these observations: Some days were Atri, others Al∣bi; some unluckie, others luckie; on some days they accounted it unfortunate to begin battel, on some months unfortunate to marry.

Mense malum Maio nubere vulgus ait.

Ovid. Fast.

And as they were superstitions in observing unluckie signs, so likewise in the means used to avert the evil portended: the means were either words or deeds. e 1.507 Deeds; thus if any unlucky Bird, or such like came in their way, they would fling stones at it; and of this sort is the scratching of a suspected Witch, which a∣mong the simpler sort of people is thought to be a

means to cure Witch-craft. By words, they thought to elude the evil, signified by such signs, when they say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, In caput tuum recidat hoc omen; This evil light on thy own head.

The third is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mecascheph, a Witch, properly a Jugler. The Original signifieth such a kind of Sor∣cerer, who bewitcheth the senses and minds of men, by changing the sorms of things, making them appear other∣wise than indeed they are. The same word is applied to the Sorcerers in Egypt, who resisted Moses, Exod. 7. 11. Then Pharaoh also called Mecaschphim, the Sor∣cerers. Now the Magicians in Egypt, they also did in like manner with their Inchantments. This latter part of the Text explaineth what those Sorcerers were. In that they are called Magicians, it implieth their learning, that they were wise men, and great Phi∣losophers: the word inchantments declareth the man∣ner of the delusion, and it hath the signification of such a slight whereby the eys are deluded, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lahatim, there traslated inchantments, importeth the glister∣ing flame of a fire, or sword wherewith the eyes of men are dazl'd. The Greek version doth not unfitly term them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ʋnguentarios, Seplasiarios, Compounders of Medicines, or if you please (f) complexion-makers, such Artisans who mask mens and womens faces with * 1.508 paintings and false complexions. Hence it is that the Apostle compareth such false teachers, who under a form and shew of godliness, lead captive silly women, to the Egyptian Sorcerers, Jannes and Jambers who re∣sisted Moses, 2 Tim. 3. 8. These two were of chief note. In the g 1.509 Talmud they are called Johanne and Mamre; by h 1.510 Nuntenius, a Pythagorean, Jannes and Mambres; by i 1.511 Pliny. Jamnes and Jotape.

The fourth in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chober a Charmer. The He∣brew

word signifies conjoyning or consociating; either from the league and fellowship which such persons have with the devil, or as Bodine thinketh, k 1.512 because such kind of Witches have frequent meetings, in which they dance and make merry together, Onkelos translateth such a charmer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Raten, a mutterer, intimating the manner of these Witcheries to be by the muttering, or soft speaking of some spell or charm. The descrip∣tion of a Charmer is thus delivered: l 1.513 He is a char∣mer who speaketh words of a strange language, and with∣out▪ sense, and he in his foolishness thinketh that these words are profitable: that if one say so or so unto a Ser∣pent or Scorpion, it cannot hurt a man, and he that saith so or so unto a man, he cannot be hurt, &c. He that whispereth over a wound, or readeth a verse out of the Bible, likewise he that readeth over an Infant, that it may not be frighted, or that la••eth the book of the Law, or the Phylacteries upon a child that it may sleep, such are not only among Inchanters, or Charmers, but of those that generally deny the law of God, because they make the words of the Scripture a medicine for the body, whereas they are not, but medicine for the soul. As it is written, Prov. 3. 22. They shall be life unto thy soul. Of this sort was that whereof m 1.514 Bodinus speaketh, That a child by saying a certain verse out of the Psalms, hindred a woman that she could not make her butter; by reciting the same verse backward, he made her butter come presently.

The fifth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sc••oel Ob, a consulter with Ob, or with familiar spirits. Ob signifieth properly a bottle, and is applied in divers places of Scripture to Magi∣cians, because they being possessed with an evil spi∣rit speak with a soft and hollow voice, as out of a bot∣tle. The Greek calleth them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, n 1.515 Ventrilo∣quos, such whose voice seemeth to proceed out of their bel∣ly.

Such a Diviner was the Damosel, Acts. 16. 16. in o 1.516 S. Augustines judgment, and is probably thought so by most Expositors, who are of opinion, that the spirit of Python with which this Damosel was posses∣sed, is the same, which the spirit of Ob was amongst the Hebrews. Hence the Witch of Endor, whom Saul requested to raise up Samuel, is said in Hebrew to have consulted with Ob; but among the Latine Expositors, she is commonly translated Pythonissa, one possessed with the spirit of Python.

The sixth is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iiddegnoni, a Wizard; in the Greek, he is translated sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a cunning∣man. In both Languages he had his name from know∣ledge, which either the Wizard professed himself to have, or the common people thought him to have. The Rabbies say, he was called in Hebrew from a cer∣tain beast named by them p 1.517 Jadua, in shape resembling a man, because these Wizards, when they did utter their Prophesies, held a bone of this Beast between their teeth. This haply might be some Diabolical Sacrament or Ceremony, used for the Confirmation of the league between Satan and the Wizard. q 1.518 Prophane History mentioneth Divinations of the like kind, as that Magicians were wont to eat the principal parts and members of such beasts, which they deemed Prophe∣tical, thinking thereby, that by a kind of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Soul of such Beasts would be conveyed into their bodies, whereby they might be enabled for Prophecy.

The seventh is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Doresch el ham∣methim; the Greek answereth word for word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, An enquirer of the dead, a Necromancer. Such Diviners consulted with Satan in the shape of a dead man. A memorable example we find recorded,

1 Sam. 29. There, King Saul, about to war with the Philistines (God denying to answer him either by dreams, or by Ʋrim, or by Prophets) upon the fame of the Witch of Endor, he repaired to her, demanding that Samuel might be raised up from the dead, to tell him the issue of the war. Now that this was not in truth, Samuel, is easily evinced, both by testimo∣nies of the learned, and reasons. First, it is improba∣ble, that God, who had denied to answer him by any ordinary means, should now deign him an answer so extraordinary. Secondly, no Witch or Devil can di∣sturb the bodies or Souls of such as die in the Lord, because they rest from their labors. Rev. 14. 14. Third∣ly, if it had been Samuel, he would doubtless have reproved Saul for consulting with Witches.

The eighth is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Scoel maklo, A Consulter with his staff, Hos. 14. 12. Jerome saith, the manner of this divination was thus: That if the doubt were be∣tween two or three Cities, which first should be assaulted; to determine this, they wrote the names of the Cities upon certain staves, or arrows, which being shaked in a quiver together, the first that was pulled out determined the City. t 1.519 Others deliver the manner of this Consultation to have been thus: The consulter measured his staff by spans, or by the length of his finger, saying, as he measu∣red, I will go, I will not go; I will do such a thing, I will not do it, and as the last span fell out, so he determined: This was termed by the Heathens 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Divination by rods or arrows.

The ninth was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Roe baccabed, a diviner by intr••ls, Ezek. 21. 21. Nebuchandnezar being to make war both with the Jews, and the Ammonites, and doubting in the way, against whether of these he should make his first on-set; First, he consulted with

his arrows and staves, of which hath been spoken immediately before; Secondly, he consulted with the intrals of beasts. This practice was generally received among the Heathens, and because the Liver was the principal member observed, it was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Consultation with the liver. Three things were obser∣ved in this kind of divination. First, the colour of the intrals, whether they were all well coloured. Second∣ly, their place, whether none were displaced. Thirdly, the number, whether none were wanting; among those that were wanting, the want of the Liver, or the Heart chiefly presaged ill; that day when Julius Caesar was slain, it is storied, that in two fat Oxen then sa∣crificed, the heart was wanting in them both.

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THEIR CONSISTORIES.

CHAP. I.

Their Courts of Judgement, especially their Ec∣clesiasticall Consistory.

THere were in Israel distinct Courts, consisting of distinct persons, the one principally for Church-businesses, the other for affairs in the Common wealth; the one an a 1.520 Ecclesiastical Consi∣story; the other a Civil Judicatory: of these, and their several censures, and punishments, it remaineth now to be spoken.

These different Consistories, or Courts of Justice, we find first distinguisht, Deut. 17. 12. He which will not hearken unto the Priest, nor unto the Judge. Where the People of Israel are directed, in what cases, and to what persons they should make their Appeals from inferiour Courts; Namely, to the Priest, in mat∣ters spiritual, or ceremonial; and to the Judge, in mat∣ters

civil or criminal. These two Courts are more plainly distinguished, 2. Chron. 19. where Jehosaphat reforming many abuses in Church and Commonwealth, first appointed thorow-out all the fenced Cities of Judah, secular Judges to determine criminal causes, verse 5. And at Jerusalem he appointed a spiri∣tual Court consisting of Levites, Priests, and the chief Fathers of Israel, vers. 8. And in Causes spiritual for the Lord, Amariah the High Priest was chief: in Causes criminal for the King, Zebediah was chief, vers. 11. Likewise the Prophet Jeremiah is condemned to die by the consistory of Priests, Jer. 26. 8.: but by the Consistory of Princes, or secular Judges sitting in the gate, he was absolved and discharged, vers. 16. Yea, although the tyranny of Antiochus, and the trouble∣some times ensuing had bred such a confusion in mat∣ters of Government among the Jews, that an evident distinction can hardly be found in the New-Testament: yet some foot-steps, and imperfect tokens of both Courts are there observable, principally Matth. 21. 22. It. Matth. 26. 3. The chief Priests and the Elders of the People are named as two distinct Consistories: and each Consistory seemeth to be differenced by its proper name; The secular consistory termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Councel: the spiritual termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Syna∣gogue. They will deliver you up to the Councells, and they will scourge you in their Synagogues, Matth. 10. 17. Hence that great assembly of Prophets and holy men called together by Esra, for the reformation of the Church, after their return from Babylon, is called Sy∣nagoga magna, A great Synagogue.

The office of the Ecclesiastical Court was to put a difference between things holy and unholy, and be∣tween clean and unclean, Levit. 10. 10. and to deter∣mine

Appeals in controversies of difficulty. It was a repre∣sentative Church. Hence is that, Dic Ecclesiae, Mat. 18. 16. Tell the Church; because unto them belonged the power of Excommunication, the several sorts of which censure follow in the next Chapter.

Onely here take notice, that, as in the Civil Consi∣stories, consisting of seventy Judges, which was the su∣preme Court, there were two sat as Chief, namely, one whom they termed Nasi, the Lord chief Justice; and the other whom they termed Abbeth din, the Fa∣ther of the Senate: so in the Ecclesiastical Consistory the High Priest and his Sagan, or second High-Priest, sate chief there, 2 King. 23. 4. b 1.521 That the High Priest, sate in the Sanhedrin necessarily, is an errour; for he was, not elected into that Company, except he were a man of extraordinary wisdome. Again, note, that sometimes both Consistories assembled together, as often as the matters to be determined were partly ceremonial, partly civil, partly belonging to the Church, partly to the Common-wealth: which being not noted, causeth the Courts not to be distinguished by many Expositors. This meeting and joyning of both Consistories often appeareth in the Gospel. The chief Priests and the Elders meet together.

CHAP. II.

Of their Excommunication.

THey had three Degrees of Excommunication. The first was called in the. N. T. a casting cut of the Synagogne, John 9. 22. by the Jews a 1.522 Niddui i. a separation, or putting away. b 1.523 It signified a se∣paration

from all commerce or society either with any man or woman, for the distance of four Cubits; also from eat∣ing or drinking with any; from the use of the marriage bed, from shaving, washing, or the like, according to the plea∣sure of the Judge, and the quality of the offence: It was of force thirty dayes, yet so that they might be shortned upon repentance. He that was thus excom∣municated, had power to be present at Divine Ser∣vice, to teach others, and learn of others; he hired ser∣vants, and was hired himself, but always on condition of the aforesaid separation. If he remained impenitent, according to the pleasure of the Judge, his punish∣ment was increased, either to the doubling or the trebbling of the time, or to the extending of it to his lives end; his male-children were not circumcised: if he died without repentence, then, by the sentence of the Judge, a stone was cast upon his Coffin or Bier, to shew that he was worthy to be stoned. They mourned not for such a one with solemn lamentati∣on; they followed him not unto the grave; not bu∣ried him with common burial.

The second was called in the N. T. a giving one over to Satan, 1 Cor. 5. 5. By the Jews 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cherem. For the better understanding of this word, we must know that it is not used in this sense in the Old Testament; there we shall find it applied to persons, or to things; if to persons, then it signifieth a devoting of them to God by their death, Levit. 27. 29. If to things, then it signifieth a devoting of them unto God, by separating them from ordinary use: hence it is that Achan is punisht for stealing the devoted thing, Josh. 7. c 1.524 Persons thus de∣voted, were termed by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and devo∣ted things, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Notwithstanding, in the Apostles time, both Cherem and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signified a second de∣gree

of Excommunication, differing from the sormer; First, because it was not done in a private Court, but published in the audience of the whole Church. Se∣condly, maledictions, and curses were added out of the Law of Moses. At the publishing hereof Candles were lighted; and when the curses were ended, they put out the Candles, in token that the excommunicate person was deprived of the light of Heaven. This kind of excommunication was exercised against the incestu∣ous person. And against * 1.525 Hymaneus, and ‖ 1.526 Alexander.

The third was called in the New Test. by the Syriack name Maranatha, 1 Cor. 16. that is, the Lord cometh. Maran, signifieth the Lord, and Atha, cometh, and this they say was instituted by Enoch, Judg, 14. The Jews called it Schammatha, the Etymology of which word I find to be twofold. Some say it soundeth as much as Maran-Atha, the Lord cometh. d 1.527 Schem signifying the Lord, and Atha Cometh: e 1.528 others say it soundeth There is death, Schem signifying there, and Mitha, death. Hence we may render it an excommunication to death f 1.529 And this is thought to be the reason of that phrase, 1 John 5. 16. There is a sin unto death, i. which deser∣veth excommunication to death. g 1.530 R. Gersom forbade the breaking open of letters, under the penalty of all three sorts of excommunication. And this was termed Excommunicatio in secreto nominis tetragrammati: see the form hereof in the Chapter of the Sadduces.

In the Greek Church there were h 1.531 four degrees of this censure. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Those were censured with this degree, who were only barred the Lords Table: as for entrance into the Church, hearing the word, praying with the Congregations, they enjoyed equal liberty with other Christians, they might stand by and behold others receive the Sacrament, but themselves did

partake thereof, whence they were called Stantes. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, concerning this censure, all that I read of it, is thus; that he that is thus censured hath ad∣mittance into the Church, i 1.532 but his place must be behind the Pulpit, and he must depart with the Cate∣chumeni, that is, such Pagans who were gained to the Christian Faith, but not fully admitted into the Church, because they wanted baptism, and therefore that they might not pray promiscuously with other Christians, there was a place behind the Quire of the Church in manner of Cloysters, allotted to them, and was from them called, k 1.533 Catechumenum: This I take to be the place for this second degree of Excommunica∣tion, so that the force of this censure I think to consist in these three things. First, they were barred the Lords Table. Secondly, they might not stand by at the Administration of the Lords Supper (which was allowed in the first degree) and this appeareth clearly, be∣cause the Chatechumeni departed always at the celebra∣tion of the Communion; for to them principally it was said Ite missaest. Thirdly, though they might 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fall down on their knees and pray, and were thence cal∣led Succumbentes, yet this they might not do in the Congregation, but only in that place behind the quire or pulpit, which was allotted to the Catechumeni, and in this also this second degree differeth from the first. The third sort of censure was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the party thus censured was permitted to come no further than the Church Porch, where it was lawful for him to hear the Scriptures read, but not to joyn in prayer, nor to approach the Lords Table, whence such were termed Audientes. The fourth, and last sort, was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, persons under this censure stood quite without the Church, requesting those that entred in, with tears

and weeping to petition the Lord for mercy toward them, whence they were called Plorantes.

Seeing it is commonly thought, that Cain was cen∣sured by the first degree of Excommunication, called Niddui, and that the last called Schammatha was of Enochs constitution; both these being of such anti∣quity, I dare not say that the three degrees of Excom∣munication were borrowed from the three sorts of un∣cleanness, which excluded people out of the three Camps, though there was an observable proportion between them. l 1.534 Niddui may be parallel'd with the exclusion out of the Camp of God alone, which befel those that were defiled by touch of the dead: Cherem may be compared to the exclusion out of the Camp of God, and the Camp of Levi, which befel those that were defiled of an issue. Schammatha may be com∣pared with the exclusion out of all three Camps, the Camp of God, the Camp of Levi, and the Camp of Isra∣el, this befel those that were defiled of leprosie; and from the Jews, it is probable that the Greek and Latine Churches borrowed their degrees of Excom∣munication.

CHAP. III.

Their Civil Consistories, what persons were ne∣cessarily present in them.

IN many things men might be sinful in respect of Gods Law, though not liable to punishment, in re∣spect of mans; thou shalt not avenge, nor be mindful of wrong, Levit. 19. 18. which the Hebrews explain thus; To avenge, is to deny a good turn to one who formerly denied him. To be mindful of a wrong, is to

do a good turn to one who formerly would not do so much for him; but at the doing thereof, to up∣braid the other of his unkindness. They illustrate it thus: when Reuben saith to Simeon, Lend me thy Hatchet; he answereth, I will not lend him: After∣ward Simeon hath need to borrow an Hatchet of Reu∣ben, and saith unto him, lend me thy Hatchet: Reu∣ben saith unto him, I will not lend him, thou wouldst not lend me thine: this is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nekima, Avenge∣ment. Now when Reuben saith to Simeon, Lend me thy Hatchet: he answereth, I will not lend him: af∣terwards Simeon borroweth an Hatchet of Reubem: Reubem saith, lo, I will ••end it thee, I will not deal with thee as thou dealedst with me, this is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Netira, Mindfulness: both these were sinful, but not liable to mans judgment.

In all civil Courts, five sorts of persons were al∣ways present. 1. Judges. 2. Officers. 3. Pleaders. 4. Notaries. 5. Witnesses. In the supream Court there was one that was chief over all the other Judges, they called him in Hebrew, Nasi, in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Prince. His leave was craved for the tryal of actions. The Witnesses were at least two, Deut. 19 15. If they were false, they punish'd them with a Talio, the same punishment which he intended against his brother, Deut. 19. 19. The Notaries were two, a 1.535 one stood on the right hand to write the sentence of Absolution, and what was spoken in defence of the party; the other stood on the left hand, to write the sentence of condem∣nation, and the objections against the party. b 1.536 Dru∣sius thinks that Christ speaking of the last Judgment had reference to this, He shall set the sheep on the right hand, and on the left the goats, Matth. 25. 23. The Offi∣cers were in manner of Sheriffs, they were present to

execute what the Judges determined; whence they carried up and down their b 1.537 staves and whips, as the Consuls of Rome had Rods and Axes, carried before them for the readier execution of justice. In He∣brew they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Schoterim, by the Septua∣gint sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in our English translation commonly Officers, and by Saint Luke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: for doubtless there is allusion unto them, Luke 12. 58. When thou goest with thine adversary, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) to the Magistrate, as thou art in the way, give diligence that thou maist be delivered from him, lest he hale thee to the Judge, and the Judge deliver thee to the Officer, &c. The Pleader was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Baal rib, he stood on the right hand of the party cited into the Court, whether he pleaded for, or against him. The Lord shall stand on the right hand of the poor, to save him from those that judge his soul, Psa. 119. 31. that is, The Lord shall plead his cause. And Satan stood at the right hand of Joshuah, Zach. 3. 1. thet is to accuse him, or plead against him. When S. John speaketh, If any man sin, we have an Advocate, 2 John 2. 1. he allu∣deth unto this Baal rib, or Pleader. The Judges, they ex∣amined and determin'd matters, and after examinati∣on, sentence was pronounced by the Judge in this manner: Tu N. justus, Tu N. reus, Thou Simeon art just: Thou Reuben art guilty: at the pronunciation of which the guilty person was dragged to the place of execu∣tion. When he shall be judged, let him be condemned, Ps. 109. 7. the Hebrew is Let him go out wicked.

The manner of sentencing persons, varied in most Countries. The Jews by a simple pronunciation of sentence, both absolved men, and condemned them. The c 1.538 Romans gave sentence by casting in Tables in∣to a certain box or urne prepared for the purpose:

if they absolved any, they wrote the letter A in the table, it being the first letter of Absolvo: if they would condemn any, they cast in a table with C written in it, which is the first letter of Condemno: if the matter were hard to determine, they would cast in other tables with N L, signifying Non Liquet. The d 1.539 Grae∣cians in like manner used three letters: θ was a token of condemnation, which occasioned that of Persius.

Et potis es nigrum, vitio praefigere Theta.

I was a token of absolution; λ, of ampliation. Others signified condemnation, by giving a black stone; and absolution by giving a white stone.

Mos erat antiquis niveis atrisque lapillis, Hos damnare reos, illos absolvere culpa.

Ovid. Metamorph. 15.

To this there seemeth to be allusion, Rev. 2. 17. To him who overcometh I will give a white stone; that is, I will absolve and acquit him in the day of judgment.

Note these three phrases, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, To rise up to judgment; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, To rise up in judgment; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, To depart guilty. The first is applied to the Judge in the execution of Justice. When God rose up to judge, Psalm 76. 10. that is, to execute judgment. The second is applied to the party prevail∣ing in judgment. The men of Nineveth shall rise up in judgment with this generation, Matth. 12. 41. that is, shall be justified before this generation. The last is ap∣plied to the party condemned, Psal. 109. 7. Let him de∣part guilty or wicked: the ungodly shall not stand in judg∣ment, Psal. 1. The like phrases were in use among the Romans: Stare in Senatu, to prevail in the Senate; Causâ cadere, to be cast in ones suit. But these phrases among the Romans I think to have been taken out

of their Fence Schools, where the set positure of the body, by which a man prepareth himself to fight and grapple with his enemy, is termed Status, or Gradus, as cedere de Statu, to give back; Gradum vel statum serva∣re, to keep's one standing: and from thence have those elegancies been translated into places of Judgment.

CHAP. IV.

The number of their Civil Courts.

THeir Civil Courts were two, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sanhedrim gedola, the great Consistory, or Su∣preme Senate, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sanhedrim Ketanna, the lesser and inseriour Court. Thus I find them divi∣ded generally by the Rabbins: And although the lat∣ter was subdivided, as will after appear; yet in old time there were only two first branches: which di∣vision our Saviour Christ seemeth to have followed, calling the lesser Court 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the name of Judg∣ment: the greater 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the name of a Counsel. Whosoever is angry with his brother unadvisedly, shall be oulpable of Judgment. Whosoever saith unto his brother Raca, shall be worthy to be punish∣ed by the Councel: Whosoever shall say, Fool, shall be worthy to be punished with the fire of Gehenna, Mat. 5. In which words, as there is a gradation of sin 1. Anger, passion of the mind. 2. Raca, e 1.540 scornful, or slighting speech, as Tut, Tush, &c. 3. Fool, re∣proachful and opprobrious names: so likewise there is a gradation of punishment. 1. Judgment, a lesser Court. 2. Counsel, the greater Court. 3. The fire of Gehenna: Now Gehenna was a Valley, terrible

for two sorts of fires in it: First, for that wherein men burnt their children unto Moloch f 1.541 Secondly, for another fire there continually burning, to con∣sume the dead carkasses, and filth of Jerusalem; part∣ly for the terribleness of the first, and partly for the contemptibleness of the place by reason of the se∣cond fire, it was a type of hell fire itself. We may re∣solve that text thus, anger deserved the punishments of the lesser Court; Raca, the punishments of the greater: and Fool deserved punishments beyond all Courts, even the sire of Gehenna.

The greater Court, by way of excellentcy, was called the Sanhedrim, which word came from the Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a place of Judgment: It was also called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth din, the house of judgment. It was distinguished from the other Courts: first, in respect of the number of the Judges, which were g 1.542 seventy one, according to the command of God to Moses at their first instituti∣on, Numb. 11. 16. Gather unto me seventy men of the Elders of Israel, whom thou knowest, that they are the Elders of the people, and Governours over them, and bring them unto the Tabernacle of the Congregation, and let them stand there with thee. From the latter words of this Text, it is observed, that there were se∣venty besides Moses; and therefore after his decease they always chose one chief Judge in his room, not reckoning him among the seventy; they called him Nasi, the Prince or chief over the seventy. These se∣venty are h 1.543 thought to be chosen six out of every Tribe, save the Tribe of Levi, out of which only four were chosen. i 1.544 Others think the manner of their choice was thus; six of every Tribe had their names written in little scrolls of paper: in seventy of these scrolls was written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zaken, Senex an Elder, in the

two other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chelek, pars, A part; these scrolls they put in a pitcher or urn, and those that pluck'd out a scroll wherein Elder was written, were counted a∣mongst the number of the Judges: those that pluck'd out the other scrolls, in which a Part was written, * 1.545 they were rejected, Numb. 11. 26, The senior of these seventy was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ab beth din, the Father of the Judgment-Hall. The i 1.546 whole Set or Bench of Judges, sate in manner of an half circle, the Nasi sit∣ting in the midst above the rest, the other sitting round about beneath, in such manner that the Fa∣ther of the Judgment-Hall sat next to the Nasi on the right hand. The lesser Consistory was subdivided into two sorts, one consisted of twenty three Aldermen, and two such Consistories there were in Jerusalem, the one at the door of the Court before the Temple, the other at the door of the Mountain of the Temple: yea, in every City throughout Israel where there were sixscore housholders, such a Consistory was erected: the o∣ther sort of lesser Courts consisted only of a Trium∣virate, three Aldermen; and this was erected in the lesser Cities, which had not the number of sixscore housholders,

The k 1.547 second difference between the greater Con∣sistory and the lesser, was in respect of the place. The seventy sate only at Jerusalem, within the Court of the Temple, in a certain house called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lis∣chath hagazith, the paved Chamber, because of the cu∣rious cut stones wherewith it was paved: by the Greeks it was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Pavement. Pilate sate down in the Judgment Seat, in a place called the Pavement, John 19. 13. The other Consistories sat all in the gates of the Cities. Now because the gates of the City are the strength thereof, and in their gates

their Judges sate: Hence is that, Mat. 16. 18. The. gates of hell shall not overcome it, that is, neither the strength nor policy of Satan.

Lastly, they differed in respect of their Power and Authority: the Consistory of Seventy received l 1.548 appeals from the other inferiour Courts, from that there was no appeal: Again, the Consistory▪ of three sate not on life and death, but only on petty matters, as whip∣ping, pecuniary controversies, and such like; the other of twenty three sate on life and death, but with a restrained power; they had not authority to judge an whole Tribe, the High priest, false Prophets, and other such weighty matters: this belonged only to the Se∣venty in Jerusalem: m 1.549 Hence is that, O Jerusalem, Jeru∣salem, which killest the Prophets, Luk. 13. 34. The means how they tryed a false Prophet was thus; they obser∣ved the judgements which he threatned, and the good which he prophesied to a place: if the judgments took not effect, this did not argue him a false Pro∣phet, because God was merciful, as in the case of Eze∣kiah, and the people might repent, as the Ninivites did: but if he prophesied good, and that came not to pass, they judged him a false Prophet, The ground of this tryal they make the words of Jeremiah the Prophet, which prophesied of peace, when the word of the Lord shall come to pass, then shall the Prophet be known that the Lord hath truly sent him, Jer. 28. 9.

The Colledge or company of these Seventy, exerci∣sed judgment, not only under the Kings and Judges, n 1.550 but their authority continued in times of vacan∣ces, when there was neither Judge nor King to rule Israel, and it continued until o 1.551 Herod put them down, and destroyed them, to secure himself of the Kingdom.

Here some may object, that there were no such Courts, or their liberty much infringed in Samuels time: for he went from year to year in circuit to Be∣thel, and Gilgal, and Mizpeh, and judged Israel in all those places, 1 Sam. 7. 16. To which, I take it, we may say, that as the Emperours of Rome had power to ride Circuits, and keep Assises, which was done without any infringement of the liberties of their Senate: So the Kings and Judges in Israel had the like power, and yet the authority of their Courts stood firm. This kind of judging by keeping of Assisses, the Romans termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

CHAP. V.

Properties required in Judges, and the manner of their election.

THe Law of God required these properties in Judges: 1. Wisdom. 2. Ʋnderstanding. 3. In∣tegrity. 4. Courage, Deut. 1. 13. Others are reckoned, Exod. 18. 21. namely, 5. The fear of God. 6. Love of Truth. 7. Hating of Covetousness: to these may be added the eighth, namely, having no respect of persons, Deut. 1. 17. These two last especially, the Heathens required in their Judges: whence the a 1.552 Thebans painted Justice without hands, and without eyes, to in∣timate that Judges should receive no gifts, nor be swayed with sight of persons.

The b 1.553 Jews added many more. 1. That they should be free from all blemish of body. 2. That they should be skilled in the seventy Languages, to the intent that they might not need an Interpreter in the hearing of Causes. 3. That they should not be far stricken in years; which

likewise was required by the Romans in their Judges; as appeareth by that common adage, Sexagenarius de ponte. 4. That they should be no Eunuchs, because such commonly were cruel. 5. That they should be Fathers of children, which they thought was a special motive to mercy. 6. That they should be skilful in Magick, without the knowledge of which, they were not ablé to judge of Magicians.

That there might be a sufficient supply of able men to succeed in the room of the Judges dying, there sate c 1.554 three benches of others beneath, whom they called d 1.555 Talmidi Chacamim, Scholars of the wise men: out of these they made their Election, and two of these always accompanied the condemned persons to the place of execution.

Their inauguration of Judges was two fold: At first, by imposition of hands upon the head of the party, after the example of Moses laying hands on Joshua: this im∣position of hands was not held lawful, e 1.556 except it were in ••he presence of five or three Judges at the least. Afterwards, it was by saying a certain verse f 1.557 Lo, thou art associated, and power is given thee to judge of penalties. Hence is that saying of Galatinus out of the Talmud, Institutio Judicum, aut manu fiebat, aut nomine tantum.

Observe here, that Samuc, which I render associa∣ted, doth not always signifie a man licensed to the discharge of some publick office by the imposition of hands, for here it is applied to those who were not admitted by imposition of hands. Now the reason why these words Semica, and Semicuth, are generally by all Expositors, Jews and Christians, translated the imposition of hands, is, because this solemn kind of li∣censing, termed Semica, or Semicuth, was in old time used only towards two sorts of men in their admissi∣on,

towards Rabbies and towards Judges; which kind of permission, because it was not performed towards either of them without this ceremony of imposing hands: hence these two words have been translated the imposition of hands, whereas properly they signi∣fie nothing else, but an association, an approximation, or conjoyning of one into the same corporation or com∣pany, of which he that doth associate and give admission is a member.

CHAP. VI.

Ceremonies common in all capital Judgments.

IN their greater punishments, which deprived of life, some ceremonies were cemmon to them all.

First, The Judges were to use deliberation in all cau∣ses, but specially in matters capital. There were four causes, saith a 1.558 Jonathan in his Targum, that came before Moses (he mentioneth none in particular, but what they were, we shall presently learn out of other records.) Two of these were not weighty; in these he hastened: Two more material, concerning life and death; in these he delayed. b 1.559 Caeterum tàm de his, quàm de illis dicebat, Non audivi; Of both the lighter and weightier causes, Moses saith, I have not heard, to wit, from the Lord: to shew, that a deliberation and consultation, as it were with God, ought to be in all judgments, before sentence be pronounced. These four causes are named in c 1.560 other Records: The two lightest are, 1. The matter of uncleanness, debarring the people from the Passeover, Num. 9. 9. Secondly, the case of Zelophehads daughters, Num. 36. 10. The two weightier

are, 1. The cause of the blasphemer, Lev. 24. 13. Secondly, The case of him that gathered Sticks on the Sabbath, Num. 15. 35. In all these judgments there is, The Lord spake unto Moses. And in the first, which was counted among the lighter causes (because it was not on life and death) even there doth Moses in a solemn man∣ner bespeak the people to stand still, Et ego audiam, And I will hear what the Lord will command. Not∣withstanding, wilful delays in Justice maketh the Judge unrighteous. In that unrighteous Judge, from whom the Widow wrested sentence by importunity; we read not of any other fault in him, but delay, Luke 18. 6.

Secondly, The party accused was placed on some high place, from whence he might be seen and heard of all the people: Set Naboth, in capite populi, on high among the people, 1 Kings 21. 9.

Thirdly, The Judges and the Witnesses did (when * 1.561 sentence was pronounced) put their hands upon the condemned persons head, and said, Sanguis tuus super caput tuum, Thy blood be upon thine own head: unto this the people had reference, saying, His blood be on us, and on our children, Mat. 27. 25.

Fourthly, The place of execution was without the gates, the malefactors were had thither by two Execu∣tioners, e 1.562 termed by the Rabbines 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 chazani hacceneseth, Spectators of the Congregation, which is a pe∣riphrasis of those whom S. Mark calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mark 6. 27. which word, though it be used by the Greeks and f 1.563 Chaldee Paraphrasts, yet it is a meer La∣tine, derived à specutando; because in the Court the Executioners were only Spectators, to behold and at∣tend what the Judges would command them.

Fifthy, When the malefactors was led to execution,

a g 1.564 publick cryer went before, saying, Such a one is go∣ing to be punisht with such a death, because he hath com∣mitted such, or such an offence, at such a time, in such a place; and these, N. N. are witnesses thereof: If any therefore knoweth any thing which may do him good, let him come and make it known. For this purpose one was appointed to stand at the door of the Consistory, with an handkerchief or linnen cloth in his hand, that if any person should come for his defence, he at the door swinged about his handkerchief, upon the sight whereof, another standing in readiness a pretty di∣stance off with an horse, hastened and called back the condemned person: yea, if the Malefactor had any further plea for his own purgation, he might come back four or five times, except he spake vainly; for the discerning whereof, two of those whom they termed Scholars of the wise men, were sent with him to observe his speech on the way.

Sixthly, He was exhorted to confess, that he might have his portion in the world to come: Thus Joshua exhorted Achan, Josh. 7. 19. My son, give I pray thee glory unto the Lord God of Israel, and make confession unto him: unto whom Achan answered, vers. 26. In∣deed I have sinned against the Lord God of Israel, and thus have I done.

Seventhly, In the time of execution, they gave the Malefactor▪ h 1.565 Granum thuris in calice vini, A grain of Frankincense in a cup of Wine: this they did give to cause a giddiness in the condemned persons head, that thereby he might be less sensible of the pain. St. Mark calleth this cup 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wine mingled with Myrrhe, Mark 15. 23. This was done after the manner of the Jews, but the Souldiers in mockery min∣gled Vinegar and Gall with it, Mat. 27. 34. As like∣wise

they gave him a second cup in derision, when they took a spunge, and filled it with Vinegar, and put it on reed, Matth. 27. 48. S. Mark in the first cup mentioneth the custom of the Jews, which in it self had some shew of compassion; for the ground of this custom was taken from that, Prov. 31. 6. Give strong drink unto him that is ready to perish. S. Matthew men∣tioneth only their wicked mixture, contrary to the received custom; so that one Evangelist must expound the other. This first cup was so usually given before execution, that the word Calix a cup, is sometimes in the Scripture put for death it self. Father, if it may be; let this cup pass from me.

Lastly, i 1.566 The Tree whereon a man was hanged, and the Stone wherewith he was stoned, and the Sword wherewith he was beheaded, and the Napkin wherewith he was strangled, they were all buried, that there might be no evil memorial of such a one, to say: This is the Tree, this is the Sword, this the Stone, this is the Napkin, whereon, or wherewith, such an one was executed.

CHAP. VII.

Their capital punishments.

THe Jews of old had only a 1.567 four sorts of death in use among them. 1. b 1.568 Lapidatio, stoning. 2. c 1.569 Combustio, burning. d 1.570 3. Decollatio, beheading. 4. e 1.571 Suffocatio, strangling. Of these, stoning was count∣ed the most grievous, burning worse than beheading, beheading worse than strangling, and strangling was the easiest of all.

They have a f 1.572 rule, that wheresoever the Scrip∣ture

saith of an offender, Morte plectetur, he shall be punish'd with death, not expressing the kind of death, there it ought to be interpreted of Strangling. For example, the Law saith of the Adulterer, Lev. 20. 10. Morte plectetur, let him be punish'd with death: be∣cause the kind of death is not here mentioned, they interpret it strangling. The reason of this rule is, be∣cause strangling was the easiest death of the four; and where the Law determineth not the punishment, there they say, Ampliandi favores, The favourablest exposition is to be given.

The rule is not generally true; for in former times Adultery was punish'd with stoning. I will judge thee after the manner of them that are Harlots, saith the Lord, Ezek. 16. 38. And in the fortieth verse the judg∣ment is named, They shall stone thee with stones: like∣wise the Scribes and Pharisees said unto Christ, Moses in the Law commanded us, that such should be sto∣ned, John 8.

Before we treat in particular of these four punish∣ments, it may be questioned, Whether the Jews had any power to judge of life and death, at that time when they crucified our blessed Saviour? The Jews said to Pi∣late, It is not lawful for us to put any man to death, Joh. 18. 31. Latter Jews say that g 1.573 all power of capital punishment was taken from them forty years before the destruction of of the second Temple, and of this opinion are many Divines.

Answer. First, the Jews speech unto Pilate, that it was not lawful for them to put any man to death, cannot be understood, as if they should have said, we have no power to put any man to death; for admit, that power in criminals were, in the general, taken from them, yet in this particular power was permit∣ted

them at that time from Pilate, Take ye him, and judge him according to your Law, John 18. 31. Neither can it be said, that their Law could not condemn him, if he had been a trangressor thereof; or that they had not out of their law to object against him: for they say, They had a law, and by their law he ought to die, John 19. 7. It was not then want of Power, but the holiness of that time made them say it was unlawful. For they held it unlawful upon their days of prepara∣ration to sit on life and death, as hath been shewn in the Chapter of translating Feasts. And Friday on which our Saviour was condemned, was the preparation of their Sabbath.

Secondly, in the question, whether power of judg∣ing capital crimes were taken from them by the Ro∣mans? We are to distinguish between crimes. Some crimes were trangressions of the Roman law, as theft, murder, robberies, &c. power of judging in these was taken from them: other crimes were transgressions only against the law of Moses, as blasphemy, and the like: in these, power of judging seemeth to have remained with them. When Paul was brought by the Jews before Gallio, Gallio said unto them, if it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewdness, O ye. Jews, reason would, that I should bear with you: but if it be a question of words, and names of your law, look ye to it, Acts 18. 14.

In handling these four punishments: First observe the offenders, whom the Jews make liable to each pu∣nishment, and then the manner of the punishment.

The persons to be stoned were h 1.574 eighteen. 1. He that lieth with his own mother, 2. Or with his fathers wife, 36. Or with his daughter-in-law, 4. Or with a hetrothed maid, 5. Or with the male, 6. Or with the beast, 7. The

woman that lieth down to a beast. 8. The blasphemer. 9. He that worstippeth an Idol. 10. He that offereth of his seed to Moloch. 11. He that hath a familiar spirit. 12. The Wizard. 13. The private enticer to Idolatry. 14. The publique withdrawer to Idolatry. 15. The Witch. 16. The prophaner of the Sabbath. 17. He that curseth his Fa∣ther or his Mother. 18. The Rebellious Son. The man∣ner of stoning was thus: The offender was led to a place without the Gates, two Cubits high, his hands being bound: From hence one of the Witnesses tumbled him by a stroke upon the loyns; if that killed him not, the Witnesses lifted up a stone, being the weight of two men, which chiefly the other Witnesse cast upon him; if that killed not, all Israel threw stones upon him. The hands of the Witnesses shall be first upon him to put him to death, and afterwards the hands of all the people, Deut. 17. 17.

Hence the opinion of i 1.575 R. Akiba is commonly re∣ceived, that such an Idolater (it holdeth in all others condemned to this death) was reserved until one of the common feasts, at which all the multitude of Israel came to Jerusalem. The party thus executed being quite dead, was afterward for greater ignominy hang∣ed on a Tree, till towards the Sun-set, at which time he and the Tree were both buried.

Malefactors adjudged to burning were k 1.576 ten: 1. The Priests daughter which committed whoredom. 2. He which lieth with his own daughter. 3. Or with his daugh∣ters daughter. 4. Or with his sons daughter. 5. Or with his wives daughter. 6. Or with her sons daughter. 7. Or with her daughters daughter. 8. Or with his Mother-in-law. 9. Or with the Mother of his Mother-in-law. 10. Or with the Mother of his Father-in-law.

The manner of burning was two-fold. Some they

burnt with wood and faggots: this was termed l 1.577 by them Combustio corporis, the burning of the body: Others they burnt by pouring in scalding hot Lead at their mouths, which descending into their bowels killed them, the bulk of their body remaining whole, and this was termed therefore Combustio animae, The burning of their Soul. This last was most in use, and alone de∣scribed by most of their Writers.

Malefactors condemned to beheading, were m 1.578 of two sorts, 1. The Murderer, 2. Those of any City, who were drawn unto Idolatry. The manner thereof is at this day in use.

Malefactors strangled, were n 1.579 six. 1. He that smi∣teth his father or his Mother. 2. He that stealeth a soul of Israel. 3. An Elder which contradicteth the Consistory, 4. A false Prophet, and he that prophesieth in the name of an Idol. 5. He that lieth with another mans wife. 6. He that abuseth the body of the Priests daughter.

The manner of strangling was thus. The Malefactor was put in dung up to the loins, a towel being cast a∣bout his neck; which two Executioners, one on each side, plucked to and fro until he was dead.

CHAP. VIII.

Punishments not capital.

THe lesser punishments, not capital, in use among the Hebrews, are chiefly four. 1. Imprisonment. 2. Restitution. 3. Talio. 4 Scourging.

Imprisonment. Under this are comprehended the Prisons, Stocks, Pillory, Chains, Fetters and the like: all vvhich sorts of punishment, seeing they differ very little or nothing at all from those vvhich are novv in common use vvith us, they need no explication.

The keepers of the prison, if they let any committed unto them escape, vvere liable to the same punish∣ment vvhich should have been inflicted on the party escaped. This is gatherable from that, 1 Kin. 20. 39. Keep this man, if by any means he be missing, then shall thy life be for his life.

Concerning that Libera Custodia, which a 1.580 Drusius proveth to have been in use among the Romans, I much doubt whether any such Custome were in use among the Hebrews. That some kind of Prisoners at Rome did go abroad with a lesser kind of Fetters in the day time to their work, and so return at night to their prison, hath elsewhere been observed by me. And b 1.581 Eadem catena & custodiam & militem cop••∣labat: The same chain tyed both the Prisoner and the Keeper. Observe the unusual significations of these two words, Custodia a Prisoner, and Miles a Keeper. So that Dr••sius delivered Seneca his meaning, but not his words, when he repeats them thus: Eadem cate∣na tàm reum quàm militem tenet. Observe further, that the Prisoner was tyed by the right arm, and the Keeper by the left, because the right arm is the strong∣er, and therefore justly remaineth free rather to the Keeper, than to the Prisoner. Hence is that, c 1.582 Tu forte leviorem in sinistra putas catenam; because the Keeper tyed himself unto the same Chain, not in way of punishment, but voluntarily for the safer keeping of the Prisoner.

Restitution. This was commanded when goods were unjustly gotten, or wrongfully detained, Exod. 22. It was d 1.583 threefold.

Restitution is threefold.

• Secundum idem, in identitie, when the very same thing is restored which is wrongfully gotten.
• Secundum aequale, when there is so much for so much in quantity restored, the goods unjustly gotten being sold or lost.
• Secundum possibile, when restitution is made ac∣cording to that which a man hath, not being able to satisfie the whole.

Restitution in identity, was, and is principally re∣quired. Whence it is, that if the theft, whether Ox or Sheep, were found alive upon a man, he restored but double, Exod. 22. 4. but if they were killed or sold, then five Oxen were restored for an Ox, and four sheep for a sheep, Exod. 22. 1. The Jews were so pre∣cise in this kind, that if they had built an house with a Beam or peice of Timber unjustly gotten, they would pull down the house, and restore the e 1.584 same beam or peice to the owner. From this the Prophet Ha∣bakkuk doth not much dissent: The stone shall cry out of the wall, and the beam out of the timber shall answer it Habbak. 2. 11.

Among the Jews, he ought to be sold that was not of sufficient worth to make restitution, Exod. 22. 3. f 1.585 And Augustine saith of Christians, That he which doth not make restituion according to his ability, never repented. And, Non remittetur peccatum, nisi restituatur ablatum.

Talio. This was a punishment in the same kind, an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, hand for an hand, and foot for foot, Deut. 19. 21.

Talio is twofold.

• Talio identitatis, or Pythagorica, which was accord∣ing to the Letter of the Law, when the offen∣der was punisht with the loss of an eye, for put∣ing out anothers eye, &c.
• Talio similitudinis, or Analogica, which was when the price of an eye, or some proportionable mulct is paid for an eye put out, or any other member spoiled.

The g 1.586 Hebrews understand Talio similitudinis, that the price of a maim should be paid: not Talio identitatis, not that the offender should be punisht with the like maim; because to punish like for like in identitie, is in some cases impossible, as if a blind man put out anothers eye, or one toothless strike out anothers tooth.

In case of bodily maims therefore, the h 1.587 Hebrew Doctors say, that the party offending was bound to a five-fold satisfaction: First, for the hurt in the loss of the members. Secondly, for the damage, in loss of his labour. Thirdly, for his pain or grief arising from the wound. Fourthly, for the charge in curing it. Fifth∣ly, for the blemish or deformity thereby occasioned. Munster rendreth those five thus; Damnum, lesio, do∣lor, medicina, confusio. The i 1.588 Romans likewise had a Talio in their Law, but they also gave liberty to the offender to make choice, whether he would by way of commutation pay a proportionable mulct, or in identity suffer the like maim in his body?

Scourging. This was two-fold; either Virgis, with rods; or flagellis, with scourges. This latter was more grievous then the former, as appeareth by that Ironi∣cal speech; k 1.589 Porcia lex virgas ab omnium civium cor pore amovit, hic misericors flagella retulit. Both were in use among the Romans, but only the latter among

the Hebrews. This beating or scourging was comman∣ded, Deut. 25. 2, 3: Where the number of stripes was limited, which the Judge might not exceed. Forty stripes shall he cause him to have, and not past. The Jews in many things laboured to seem koly above the Law. For example, where the Lord commanded a Sabbath to be sanctified, they added their Sabbatu∣lum, that is, they began their Sabbath about an hour sooner, and ended it about an hour later than the Law required: Where the Lord forbade them to eat or * 1.590 drink things sacrificed to Idols, (l) they prohibited all drinking with Heathens, because it is doubtful whe∣ther it were offered to Idols or no. The Lord com∣manded them in the time of the Passeover to put away leaven out of their Houses, they would not take the m 1.591 name into their mouths name into their mouths all the time of that Feast. The Lord commanded them to abstain from eating Swines flesh; they would not so much as name it, but in their common talk n 1.592 would call a Sow 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dabar, achar, another thing. In like manner the Lord commanded chief Malefactors, which deserved beat∣ing, to be punisht with forty stripes; they in their greatest corrections would give but thirty nine. Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one, 2 Cor. 11. 24. For this purpose the scourge consisted of three thongs, so that at each blow he received three stripes; and in their greatest correction were given thirteen blows, that is, forty stripes save one. Whether o 1.593 these thongs were made the one of a Bulls hide, the other two of an Asses hide, or p 1.594 all three of a Calves, the matter is not material, both opinions have their Authors.

The manner of correcting such, was thus. The Malefactor had both his hands tyed unto a post, one cu∣bit

and half high, so that his body bowed upon it. The Judge shall cause him to bow down, Deut. 25. 2. This post or stake on which the Malefactor leaned in time of whipping, was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gnammud, Columna, a Pillar. His Cloaths were plucked off from him down-ward unto the thighs, and r 1.595 this was done either by renting or tearing of them. The Governours rent Paul and Silas their cloaths, and commanded them to be beaten with rods, Acts 16. 22.

That the Beadle should inflict a great number of stripes proportionable unto the transgression, this cor∣rection was performed in the sight of the Judge. The Judge shall cause him to be beaten before his face, Deut. 25. 2. s 1.596 The chief Judge of the three, during the time of the correction, did either read or excite that, Deut. 28. 58, 59. If thou wilt not keep, and do all the words of this law, &c. Then the Lord will make thy plagues won∣derful, &c. The second Judge he numbred the stripes, and the third he bade the Beadle smite. The cheif Judge concluded all, saying, Yet he being merciful for∣gave their iniquity, &c. Psal. 78. 38.

Sometimes in notorious offences, to augment the pains, they tied certain huckle-bones or plummets of lead, or sharp thorns to the end of the thongs, and such scourges the t 1.597 Greeks termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Flagra Taxillata. u 1.598 In the Scripture they are termed Scorpions. My Father hath chastised you with rods, but I will correct you with Scorpions, 1 Kings 12. 12.

CHAP. X.

Punishments borrowed from other Nations.

THE punishments borrowed from other Nati∣ons, are principally six: 1. Crux, The death on the Cross. 2. Serrâ dissectio, the cutting one afunder with a saw. 3. Damnatio ad bestias, The committing one to fight for his life with wild beasts. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the wheel. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Drowning one in the sea. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Beating one to death with ••ndgels. The first and the third were meerly Roman punishments; the second was likewise used by the Romans, but whe∣ther originally taken from them is doubtful: the fourth and the last were meerly Greek punishments; the fifth was for the substance in use among the He∣brews, Greeks and Romans, but in manner of drowning them, they differed. It will be needful to speak some∣what of all these.

1. Crux. This word is sometimes applied to any tree or stake on which a man is tortured to death, but most properly it is applied to a frame of wood consist∣ing of two peices of timber compacted cross-wise, The first is termed Crux simplex. The last Crux Compacta. This latter is threefold. 1. Decussato. 2. Commissa. 3. Immissa.

Crux decussata. This was made of two equal pieces of timber obliquely crossing one the other in the mid∣dle, after the manner of a Roman X. and thence it is called decussata. a 1.599 Decussare est per medium secare. Veluti si duae regulae concurrant ad speciem literae X. quaefigura est cruc is. This kind of Cross is by the com∣mon

people termed Crux Andraeana, Saint Andrews∣cross, because on such an one he is reported to have been crucified.

Crux commissa. This was, when a piece of timber erected, was joyned in the middle to a traverse, or over-thwart top, somewhat shorter then the piece erect, in manner of a Roman T. This is called Crux Antoniana, S. Anthony his Cross, because he is often painted with such a Cross.

Crux immissa. This was when a short traverse some∣what obliquely crossed the stake erect, not quite in the middle, as Crux decussata, nor quite on the top as Crux commissa, but near to the top, on this man∣ner †. b 1.600 This is thought to have been Crux Christi, the Cross on which our Saviour Christ suffered.

The Ceremonies used by the Romans towards those whom they crucified were these: First, they c 1.601 scour∣ged them, and sometimes tyed them to a Pillar in time of scourging. Artemidorus is clear in this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, being tyed to the Pillar, he received many stripes. d 1.602 Plautus is thought to have alluded to the same.

—Abducite hunc Intrò, atque adstringite ad columnam fortiter.

The ancient Fathers e 1.603 report that our Saviour was whipt thus ad columnam: but the Scripture is silent, both touching the place, and manner of his whip∣ping, only that he was whipt is testified. He scourged Jesus, and delivered him to be crucified, Mat. 27. 26.

Secondly, They caused them to bear their own Cross, f 1.604 Malefici cùm ad supplicium educuntur, quis{que} suam ef∣fert crucem. Thus Christ bore his own Cross, John 19. 17. To this there is allusion, He that taketh not his Cross, and followeth after me, he is not worthy of me, Mat. 10. 38.

Thirdly, That the equity of the proceeding might clea••ly appear, the g 1.605 cause of the punishment was written in a table, and so carried before the condem∣ned person; or else it was proclaimed by a publick Cry••••. This cause was termed by the Romans com∣monly Titulus, by h 1.606 some i•• is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Elogium. Thus Pilate wrote in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, Jesus of Na∣zareth the King of the Jews.

Fourthly, They i 1.607 pluckt off their cloaths from such as were to be crucified. Thus, Christ suffered naked.

Serrâ dissectio, A sawing one in sunder. They sawed them from the head downward. The k 1.608 Romans used this kind of punishment, so likewise did the Hebrews. Thus Manasses is thought to have punisht the Prophet Isaiah, and the Apostle to have alluded unto it, They were sawn a sunder, Heb. 11. 37.

Damnatio ad bestias. Those who were condemned to wild Beasts, are properly termed Bestiarii. Whe∣ther S. Paul did, according to the letter, fight with beasts at Ephesus, 1 Cor. 15. 22. is much controversed. l 1.609 Some understand by Beasts, Demetrius, and others, that opposed him at Ephesus, m 1.610 others more proba∣bly understand the words litterally. And this kind of punishment was commonly exercised against Christians in the Primitive Church, insomuch that the Heathens imputing the cause of all publick calami∣ties unto the Christians, would call out, n 1.611 Christianos ad Leones! Let the Christians be haled to Lyons: yea, the litteral interpretation of the words: is a stronger argument that Saint Paul believed the Resurrection (which is the scope of the text) than to understand the words of a metaphorical fight, against the ene∣mies of his doctrine.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Wheel: A wise King bringeth the wheel

over the wicked, Prov. 20. 26. I take the words to im∣ply no more but this, that as the wheel turneth round, so by the wisdom of a King the mischief intended by wicked men, is brought upon their own head. That here∣by should be understood, the grinding of wicked men under a cart wheel, as the husbandman breaks some sort of grain under the wheel, is the meer con∣ceipt of Expositors on this place; for no Records make mention of any such punishment in use among the Jews. Among the Greeks there was a punishment went under this name: o 1.612 it was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Wheel, not because a wheel was brought over the wicked, but because they bound fast the offender to the spokes of a Wheel, and there scourged him, to inforce a confession.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Drowning one in the Sea. This was in use among many Nations, but the manner differed. The p 1.613 Romans they sewed up a Parracide into a lea∣ther budget, sewing up together with him into the same budget, a Serpent, a Cock, and an Ape, and so cast them all into the Sea. The q 1.614 Grecians when they judged any to this kind of punishment, they wrapt him up in lead. The Hebrews tyed a milstone about his neck. Thus, in respect of the manner r 1.615 those are to be understood, who say, this kind of punishment was peculiar to the Jews.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is rendred by the general name of torturing, Heb. 11. 35. 2 Mac. 6. 19. But the word sig∣nifieth a special kind of torturing, by beating one with cudgels unto death. It hath its denomination from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth a Drum usually: and hence. s 1.616 some have parallel'd this torture with that among the Romans termed Equuleus; as if the person thus tortured, were rackt, and stretched out in man∣ner

of a drum head: but it signifieth also a drum stick, and t 1.617 thence cometh the punishment to be termed Tympanismus, that is, a Tabring, or beating one to death with ••udgels, as if it were with drum-sticks. This is evident by Eleazar; he came willingly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to this kind of torment, 2 Mat. 6. 19. and in the thirti∣eth verse, where he gave up the Ghost, there is menti∣on of his strokes, not of his racking or stretching.

Junius reckoneth u 1.618 another kind of punishment, termed by the Hebrews, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsinok, which he would have to be a compound word: doubtless his meaning is that it should be compounded of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsi, Navis, a ship, or boat, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Janak, Sugere, to suck: for he saith that thereby is meant a certain punishment, termed Navicula sugentis, which x 1.619 Plutarch describeth in this manner; That the offender should be inclosed be∣tween two boats, as in a prison, or, as his phrase is (quasi in vagina) as in a sheath; and, to preserve life in him, milk and honey tempered together was forcibly put into his mouth, whether he would or no. And hence, from this sucking in of milk and honey, this punishment hath been termed Navicula sugentis. But the y 1.620 Hebrews say, that Tsinock was nothing else but manacles, or cords, wherewith prisoners hands were tyed. I leave in indifferent to the Reader to follow which interpre∣tation he please.

THE SIXTH BOOK OF MISCELLANEOUS RITES.

CHAP. I.

Of Circumcision.

THeir Sacraments were two. First, the Passeover, of which there hath been a set Chapter. Se∣condly, Circumcision, of which now. Circumcision, was a cutting off the foreskin, as a sign and seal of Gods Covenant made with the Peo∣ple of the Jews. It is called a sign by God in its first institution, Gen. 17. and a seal by the Apostle, Rom. 4. 11. Yea, it is called a sign and a seal, by a a 1.621 Doctor of the Jews, more ancient than their Talmud:

It was used (though not as a Sacrament) by many other Nations: b 1.622 by the inhabitans of Colchis, the Aethiopians, the Tragloditae, and the Aegyptians.

In a figurative sense, alluding unto this Sacramen∣tal Rite, we read of three other sorts of Circum∣cision in the Scripture; so that in all there are four

ned, 1. This of the flesh. 2. Another of the heart. 3. A third of the lips. 4. And a fourth of the ears. We are to consider it in its proper acception, and here to ob∣seve: First, the time when it was administred. Se∣condly, the manner how. Thirdly, the penalty in case it was omitted.

The time was the eighth day; yea, the eighth day was so precisely observed, that if it fell on the Sab∣bath, yet they circumcised the Child; whence rose that saying among them, Circumcisio pellit Sabbatum, Circumcision driveth away the Sabbath; or the Sabbath giveth place to Circumcision. And with this accordeth that of our Saviour, Ye on the Sabbath day circumcise •…•…an, John 7. 22. The Jews superstitiously conceit∣ing that each creatures perfection depended upon the sanctification of one Sabbath day at least, say that God did therefore enjoyn the eighth day, that one Sabbath might first pass over each male, before he should be partaker of this Sacrament. But more pro∣bably we may say, that the reasons why God would not suffer them to anticipate the eighth day, were, first to shew, that God, in the matter of Salvation, neither was, nor is simply tyed to Sacraments; for then there had been no less cruelty in sorbidding Circumcision until the eighth day, then there was love in permitting it upon the eighth. Secondly, because in this time of the Mosaical Pedagogie, there was a kind of legal un∣cleanness, in which the creatures were thought to be, as remaining in their blood, for the first seven daies after their birth, Levit. 22. 27. It. 12. 2, 3. Notwith∣standing, God thought it not convenient to defer it longer than eight daies, for the comfort of the Pa∣rents, which thay received by a mature and season∣able initiation of their children.

The manner how Circumcision was administred, I find thus recorded: Some of those that were pre∣sent c 1.623 held a Vessel full or dust, into which they did cast the foreskin being cut off. Again, they prepa∣red in the room, a certain d 1.624 void chair for Elias; which was done, partly in honour of him, for which respect also, as often as they fell on any difficult place in Scripture, they would say e 1.625 Veniet Elias, & omnia enodabit; We know that Elias will come, and he will tell us all things: But chiefly it was done, because they thought Elias to be present there in spirit, whose bodily coming they did, and do daily expect. These ceremonies are meerly Jewish, practiced by the latter Jews, but utterly unknown in our Saviour Christ his time, and, as it appeareth by the Samaritan woman her speech, that proverbial saying, applyed now unto Elias, was of old applyed to Christ, John 4. 25. Thirdly, he which supplied the place of the Witness, or as we phrase it, of the Godfather, f 1.626 held the Child in his arms whiles it was Circumcised: this Godfather they called Baal Berith, and Sandak; that is, the Master of the Covenant. Uriah the Priest. and Zachariah the son of Jeberechiah, are g 1.627 thought to have been Godfathers at the Circumcision of Ma∣her-shalad-hash-baz, Esay 8. 2. and from them the cu∣stom of having Godfathers in Baptisme, to have taken its original. Fourthly, the parents named the Child, and in Zacharies times, it seemeth that in the na∣ming of the Infant, they had respect to some name of his Ancestors. They said unto her, there is none of thy kindred that is named with this name, Luke 1. 61. Other Nations had their set daies also after the birth, for the naming of their Children. h 1.628 The Romans gave names to their male-children on the ninth day, to the

female on the eighth. The i 1.629 Athenians gave names on the tenth. k 1.630 Others on the seventh. These l 1.631 daies Tertullian calleth Nominalia. The Graecians be∣sides the tenth day, on which they named the Child, they observed also the fifth, m 1.632 on which day the Midwives took the Child, and ran about a fire made for that purpose, using that Ceremony as a purificati∣on of themselves and the Child: on this day the Neighbours also sent it gifts, or small tokens, Munera natalitia; n 1.633 from which custom that amongst Chri∣stians, of the Godfathers sending gifts to the baptized Infant, is thought to have flown. But to return again to the Rites of the Jews. After the Child had been circumcised, the Father said, o 1.634 Blessed be our Lord God, who hath sanctified us with his precepts, and hath commanded us, that we should cause this Child to enter into the Covenant of Abraham. After this, the whole Church or company presently replyed in this man∣ner, p 1.635 As thou hast made him to enter into the Cove∣nant, so make him also to enter into the Law, into Ma∣trimony, and into good works.

The penalty for the omission of Circumcision run∣neth in this form; That soul shall be cut off from his people, Gen. 17. 14. I understand the penalty to be pro∣nounced against such an omssion, which proceed∣ed either from contempt or wilful neglect. In this case the question is, what is meant by this phrase, His soul shall be cut off from the people. Secondly, who ought thus to be punisht? whether the child, or the pa∣rents, and such who supply the place of parents? For the first, besides Gods secret action in punishing such Delinquents; methinks there is a rule of direction for the Church, how to proceed against such in her Discipline: If any understand here, by cutting off

such a mans soul from his people, the sentence of excom∣munication, or casting him out of the Synagogue, I shall not oppose it, though I rather incline to those, who understand hereby a bodily death inflicted upon such an offender, in which sense the phrase is taken, Exod. 31. 14. Whosoever doth any work on the Sabbath, that soul shall be cut off from among his people. And it is ve∣ry remarkable, that when Moses his child was uncir∣cumcised, the Lord sought to kill Moses: which as it in∣timateth the punishment of this fault to be a bodily death, so it clearly evinceth, that not the child till he cometh to years of discretion, but the parents were li∣able to the punishment. The opinion of the Rabbines concerning this latter point, is thus delivered: q 1.636 If the Father circumcise him not, then the Judges are com∣manded to circumcise him, and if it be unknown to the Judges, and they circumcise him not, when he is waxen great, he is bound to circumcise himself, and every day that passeth over him, after he is waxen great, and he cir∣cumciseth not himself, lo he breaketh the Commandment.

Here it may be demanded, how it is possible for a man, after once he hath been marked with the sign of Circumcision, to blot out that character, and be∣come uncircumcised? for thus some Jews, for fear of Antiochus, made themselves uncircumcised, 1 Mac. 1. 16. Others for shame, after they were gained to the knowledge of Christ, and to the entertainment of the Christian saith, uncircumcised themselves, 1 Cor. 7. 18. r 1.637 The answer is, that this was done by drawing up the foreskin with a Chyrurgion his instrument; and unto this the Apostle in the fore-quoted place allu∣deth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ne attrahat praeputium. This wick∣ed invention is ascribed unto Esau, as the first Author and practicer thereof.

CHAP. II.

Of their first-fruits, and their Firstlings, or First-Born.

THe use and end of their first-fruits, was that the after-fruits might be consecrated in them. To this purpose they were enjoyned to offer the first-fruits of their trees, which served for food, Levit. 19. 23, 24. In which this order was observed; the three first years after the tree had been planted, the fruits were counted uncircumcised and unclean: it was unlawful to eat them, sell them, or make any bene∣fit of them: on the fourth year, they were accounted holy, that is, either a 1.638 latter is the common opinion of the He∣brews. After the fourth year, they returned to the use of the owner: we may call these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sim∣ply the first-fruits.

Secondly, they were enjoyned to pay yearly the first fruits of every years encrease, and these we may call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and of them there were many sorts. First, first fruits in the sheaf, Lev. 23. 10. Secondly, first-fruits in two wave-loaves, Levit. 23. 17. These two bounded their harvest, that in the sheaf was offered in the beginning of harvest, upon the fifteenth of Ni∣san, the other of the loaves at the end, upon their Pente∣cost: * 1.639 and Levit. 23. they are both called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The∣nuphoth, that is, shake-offerings. Thirdly, there was a first of the dough, Num. 15. 20. namely, a (c) four and twentieth part thereef, given unto the Priests: which

kind of offering was observed, even when they were returned out of Babylon, Nehem. 10. 37. Unto this St. Paul hath reference, Rom. 11. 16. If the first fruits be holy, the lump is also holy. Fourthly, they were to pay unto the Priests the first-fruits of the threshing-floor, Numb. 15. 20. These two last are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Theru∣moth, that is, heave offerings: this the heave-offering of the threshing floor; the other the heave-offerings of the dough, Numb. 15. 20. Under the name of first-fruits, commonly Authors treat of no other but this last, and wholly omit all the former sorts. Before we proceed to the explaining of the last, note with me the difference of these two words, Thenuphoth, and Therumoth: both signifie shake-offerings, heave-offerings, or wave-offerings, but with this difference; d 1.640 the Therumoth was by a waving of elevation, lift∣ing the oblation upward and downward, to signifie, that God was Lord both of Heaven and Earth. The Thenuphoth was by a waving of agitation, waving it to and fro, from the right hand to the left, from the East to the West, from the North to the South: by which kind of agitation, they acknowledged God to be Lord of the whole world. Now, that we may know what these first-fruits of the threshing floor were, the Rabbies, and others following them, distinguish them into two sorts: the first of these, was first-fruits of seven things only: 1 Wheat. 2 Barly. 3 Grapes. 4 Figs, 5 Pomegranates. 6 Olives. 7 Dates. For all which the Promised Land is commended, Deut. 8. 8. e 1.641 These the Talmudists term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Biccurim; and when they treat of first-fruits, they treat of them un∣der this name, and understand by the name of Bic∣curim no other. These, they say, are the first-fruits, which the people are so often in the Law comman∣ded

to bring up unto the Sanctuary, at the Feast of Pentecost, which was the end and closure of their har∣vest, as was signified both by this oblation, and like∣wise by that of the two wave loaves, Lev. 23. 17.

The second was paid of Corn, Wine, Oyl, and the Fleece, Deut. 18. 4. Numb. 18. 12. yea, of all things else that the earth brought forth for mans food. Thus their Doctors are to be understood, where they say, f 1.642 Quicquid eduliorum ex terra incrementum capit, obnoxium est primitiis, Therumae, & decimis. This they call, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Theruma, an heave offering: the Greek ren∣ders it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A separation, because this was a consecration, or setting apart of the Lords portion. In al∣lusion unto this, I take S. Paul to have termed himself 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, separated unto the Gospel, Rom. 1. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Aaron shall separate the Levites, so the Greek renders it, but the Original is, Aaron shall wave the Levites, Numb. 8. 11. Again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Separate me Barnabas and Saul, Acts 13. 2. Drusius delivereth ano∣ther reason, as hath been said in the Chapter of the Pharisees. But to proceed: the Hebrews called this se∣cond payment, not only Theruma, simply, but some∣times g 1.643 Theruma gedola, the great heave-offering, in comparison of that Tithe which the Levites payed unto the Priests: for that was termed Theruma magna∣sher, the heave offering of the Tithe, Numb. 18. 26. which though it were one of ten, in respect of that por∣tion which the Levites received; yet it was but one of an hundred, in respect of the Husbandmans stock, who payed the Levites: and thus was it a great deal less then the great heave offering, as will presently ap∣pear. This (the Hebrews say) the owners were not bound to bring up to Jerusalem.

The Law prescribed no set quantity to be paid, ei∣ther

in the Biccurim, or in the Theruma; but, by tradi∣tion, they were taught to pay at least the sixtieth part in both, even in those seven things, also paid under the name of Biccurim, or first-fruits, as well as in their heave-offering termed Theruma, or Theruma gedola.

Thus the Talmudists do distinguish the Biccurim from the Theruma gedola: but in my opinion the Bic∣curim may be contained under Theruma gedola; and in truth, both of them are nothing else but the heave-offering of the floor, formerly mentioned out of Num. 15. 20. My reasons are these. 1. Scripture giveth no such leave to keep any part of their first fruits at home; if that could be proved, the distinction were warrantable. 2. Scripture doth not limit first fruits unto those seven kinds, which alone go under the name of Biccurim. 3. Themselves confound both members; for in their Biccurim, they say, they paid, 1 Wheat. 2. Barley: In their Theruma, they say, they paid Corn; as if under Corn, Wheat and Barley were not contained. Some may say, they paid their Biccu∣rim in the Ear, while the harvest was yet standing, and their Theruma in Wheat and Barley ready threshed and winnowed. My reasons why it cannot be so, are these: 1. Because then they should pay twice a sixti∣eth part in their corn. 2. Because the corn offered in the sheaf was but a little quantity, and it was offered not at their. Pentecost when their harvest ended, but at their Passeover when their harvest began, Levit. 23. 10. Whereas their Biccurim, or first fruits, were al∣ways offered at their Pentecost.

But omitting further proofs, I proceed to shew the ground, why in this heave offering of the floor, at least a sixtieth part was prescribed: it is grounded upon that of the Prophet Ezek. This is the oblation

that ye shall offer, the sixth part of an Ephah out of an Homer, Ezek 45. 13. that is, the sixtieth part of the whole, because an Homer containeth ten Ephahs. Hence they took that distinction of these offerings. g 1.644 Some say they gave the fortieth part of their encrease: this because it was the greatest quantity given in this kind of oblations, they termed h 1.645 Theruma oculi boni, The oblation of a fair eye: others (though they were not so liberal as the former, yet they might not be reputed niggardly) gave a fiftieth part, and this they termed i 1.646 Theruma mediana, The oblation of a middle eye: others, whom they reputed sordid, gave just a sixtieth part, less then which they could not give, this they termed k 1.647 Theruma oculi mali, The obla∣tion of an evil eye: so that the payment of these was bounded by the tradition of the Elders, between the sixtieth and the fortieth part: but the l 1.648 Pharisees, that they might be holy above others, made their bounds the fiftieth and the thirtieth part; so that he was reputed sordid with them that paid the fiftieth part; and none liberal except he paid the thirtieth. The manner how these first fruits termed Biccurim were paid, is at large set down, Deut. 26. But in time of the Prophets other Ceremonies seem to have been received, of which the Hebrew Doctors say thus: m 1.649 When they carried up their first-fruits, all the Cities that were in a County gathered together to the chief City of the County to the end that they might not go up alone; for it is said, In the multitude of people is the Kings honour, Prov. 14. 28. And they came and lodged all night in the streets of the City, and went not into houses, for fear of pollution: and in the morning the Governor said, Arise, and let us go up to Sion, the City of the Lord our God. And before them went a Bull which had his horns covered with Gold, and

an Olive Garland on his head, to signifie the first-fruits of the seven kinds of fruits. There was likewise a pipe struck up before them, until they came near to Jerusalem, and all the way as they went, they sang, I rejoyced in them that said unto me, we will go into the house of the Lord, &c. Psal. 122. Unto this, and other like manner of so∣lemn Assemblies the Prophet hath reference, saying, Ye shall have a song as in a night when an holy solemnity is kept, and gladness of heart, as when one goeth with a pipe to come unto the mountain of the Lord, Esay 30. 29.

The firstling, or first born of man and beast, the Lord challenged as his own, Exod. 13. The ground of this Law was, because God smote all the first-born in Egypt from man to beast, but spared the Israelites; for a perpetual memory of which benefit, he command∣ed them to sanctifie all their first-born male, unto him. Now the first-born men, and of unclean beasts, were redeemed for five silver shekels of the sanctuary, paid unto the Priests for each of them, Num. 18. 15, 16. Unto this S. Peter alludeth, saying, We are not redeem∣ed with corruptible things, as silver and gold, 1 Pet. 1. 18. The firstlings of clean beasts ought to be sacrificed, their blood to be sprinkled on the Altar, their fat to be burnt for a burnt-offering, and their flesh to re∣turn to the Priests.

Observe how God would be honoured by the first-lings of men and cattel; by the first-fruits of trees, and of the earth, in the sheaf, in the threshing floor, in the dough, in the loaves: All which teach us to consecrate the first and prime of our years unto the Lord.

CHAP. III.

Of Tithes.

WE are here to enquire: First, what things in general were titheable: Secondly, how many kinds of Tithes there were: Thirdly, the time when each sort of tithe began to be titheable.

First, their yearly encrease was either Cattel, fruits of the trees, or fruits of the land; of a 1.650 all these they payed tithes, even to mint, anise, and cumine, These things they ought not to leave undone, Mat. 23. 23.

Secondly, the sorts of tithes payed out of the fruits, both of the trees and the land, by the Husbandman, were two, payed in this manner: When the Harvest had been ended, and all gathered, then the Hus∣bandman laid aside his great Theruma, otherwise called the first fruits of his threshing floor, of which it hath been spoken in the Chapter of first fruits. This being done, then out of the remainder he paid a tenth part unto the Levites, and this they termed b 1.651 Magna∣sher rischon, the first tithe, Tob. 1. 7. This was always paid in kind, and as it seemeth to me, it was not brought up to Jerusalem by the husbandman, c 1.652 others think otherwise) but payed unto the Levites in the several Cities of tillage, Neh. 10. 37. out of this first tithe the Levites paid a tenth portion unto the Priests; this they termed d 1.653 Magnasher min hammag∣nasher, the tithe of the Tithes, Neh. 10. 38. and Decima sanctitatum, the tithe of holy things, 2. Chron. 31 6. this the Levites brought up to the house of God, Neh. 10. 38. When the Levites had paid this tenth portion unto the Priests, then the Levites and their Families

might eat the remainder of the first tithe in any place, even out of Jerusalem, Num. 18. 31.

This first tithe being paid, the Husbandman paid out of that which remained a second tithe; this the Husbandman might pay in kind if he pleased, or if he would, he might by way of commutation pay the worth thereof in Money; but when he payed in Mo∣ney, he added a fifth part; so that when in kind was ten in the hundred, that changed into Money, was twelve in the hundred. This the Husbandman brought up unto Jerusalem, and made a kind of Love-feast there∣with, unto which he invited the Priests and Levites, only every third year he carried it not to Jerusalem, but spent it at home within his own gates, upon the Le∣vites, the Fatherless, the Widows, and the Poor, Deut. 14. 18. a 1.654 They reckoned their third year from the Sabbatical year, on which the Land rested: So that the first and second Tithe was payed by the Husband∣man the first, second, fourth, and fifth years after the Sabbatical year: but upon the third and sixth years only, the first Tithe was paid to the Levites, and the the second was spent at home. Hence in respect of the kinds, this is called b 1.655 Magnasher scheni, the se∣cond tithe, Tobit. 1. 7. in respect it was paid to the poor every third year: it is called c 1.656 Magnasher gnani, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the poor mans tithe, and d 1.657 Magnasher sch•…•…hi, the third tithe, Tob. 1. 1. On those years on which it was carried up to Jerusalem, it ought of ne∣cessity to be eaten within the Court of the Temple, Deut. 14. 26, and by the third tithe, vve are to understand the poor mans tithe on the third year, vvhich year is term∣ed an year of tithes, Deut. 26. 12.

They likewise tithed their Cattel. Of their bullocks, and their sheep, and all that passed under the rod, the tenth

was holy to the Lord, Lev. 27 32. Some Expositors un∣derstand by this phrase of passing under the rod, that all Cattle are titheable which live under the custody of a keeper, as if there were allusion to the Shepherds staff, or keepers rod, which they use in keeping their Cattel. The Hebrews more probably understand hereby, the manner of their decimation or tithing their Cattel, which was as followeth. d 1.658 He that hath Lambs (or Bullocks) thus separateth his tenth, he gathereth all his Lambs, and all his Bullocks into a fold, to which he ma∣keth a little door, that two cannot go forth together; their dams are placed without the door, to the end, that the Lambs hearing them bleating, might go forth one after another in order. Then one beginneth to number with his rod, one, two, three, &c. and the tenth which cometh forth, whether it be male or female, perfect, or blemished, he marketh it with a red mark, saying, this is for tithe. At this day the Jews, though they are not in their own Country, neither have any Levitical Priesthood, yet those who will be reputed religious among them, do distribute in lieu of tithes, the tenth of their en∣crease unto the poor, being perswaded that God doth bless their estates the more: for their usual Proverb is, e 1.659 Thregnasher, bis••hbil sche thegnasher; that is, Pay tithes, that thou mayest be rich.

The time of the year from which they reckoned tithes, was different. For f 1.660 beasts they counted the year from Elul to Elul, that is, from August to August, g 1.661 for Gram, Pulse, and Herbs from Tisri to Tisri, that is, from September to September: for the fruit of Trees, from Schebat, to Schebat, that is, from January to Ja∣nuary.

In this Synopsis following (which Sixtinus Amama hath taken out of Scaliger) the manner of Israels tith∣ing is set down.

The Hus∣bandman had growing	6000	Bushels in one year.
100	Bushels was the least that could be paid by the Hus∣bandman to the Priests for the first fruits of the thresh∣ing floor.
5900	Bushels remained to the Hus∣bandman, out of which he payed two Tythes.
590	Bushels were the first Tithe to the Levites.
59	Bushels the Levites paid the Priests, which was called the Tithe of the Tithes.
5310	Bushels remained to the Hus∣bandman, out of which he paid his second tithe.
531	Bushels were the second Tithe.
4779	Bushels remained to the Hus∣bandman as his own, all be∣ing paid.
1121	Bushels are the sum of both Tithes joyned together, which is above a sixth part of the whole, namely nine∣teen out of an hundred.

We are to know moreover, that through the cor∣ruption of the times, in the time of Hezekiah's reign, Tithes began generally to be neglected, insomuch that then Overseers were appointed to look to the true payment thereof, 2 Ch. 31. 13. Notwithstanding partly through the negligence of the Overseers, partly through the covetousness of the people, about one

hundred thirty years before our Saviours Incarnati∣on, corruption so prevailed, that the people in a man∣ner neglected all tithes, yea none or very few payed either their first, second, or poor mans tithe, only they paid the great heave-offering. Justly for this reason (saith (h) Moses Kotsensis) in the dayes of John the * 1.662 Priest, who succeeded Simeon the just, (I take it he meaneth Johannes Hyrcanus) their great Court, term∣ed their Sanhedrim, made a Decree, that more faithful Overseers should be appointed for the Tithes. At this time many things became questionable, whether they were tithable or no; whence the high Court of their Sanhedrim decreed, that in the things doubtful (which they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Demai) i 1.663 though they paid nei∣ther first, nor poor mans tithe, yet they paid a second tithe, and a small heave offering; namely, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 one part of an hundred: Mint, Anise and Cummine, seemeth to have been of these doubtful things; in which, though their decree of the Sanhedrim required but one in the hundred, yet the Pharisees would pay a just tenth, Mat. 23. 23. and hence it is that they boast∣ed, They gave tithes of all that they possessed, Luke 18. 12. In which they outstripped the other Jews, who in these payments took the liberty granted them by the Sanhedrim.

CHAP. IV.

Of their Marriages.

IN this Chapter of their Marriages, we are to consi∣der: First, the distinction of their wives. Secondly, the manner of their betrothings. Thirdly, the rites and ceremonies of their Marriage. Lastly the form of their Divorce. The Patriarchs in the Old Testament had

many of them, two sorts of Wives: both of them were reputed lawful, and true wives, and therefore the Chil∣dren of both were accounted legitimate. The Hebrews commonly called the one 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Naschim, Primary-wives, Married with nuptial Ceremonies and Rites re∣quisite. Some derive the word from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nascha-Oblitus fuit, quasi Obliviosae dictae, because for the most part, womens memory is not so strong as mens: but they think not amiss, who say that women are so called from oblivion, or forgetfulness, because the Fathers fa∣mily is forgotten, and in a manner extinct in their daugh∣ters when they are married. Hence proceeds that com∣mon saying of the Hebrews, a 1.664 Familia matris non vocatur familia: and, for the contrary reason, a male child is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zacar, from his memory, because the memory of the Father is preserved in the b 1.665 Son, accor∣ding to that speech of Absolom, I have no Son to keep my name in remembrance, 2 Sam. 18. 18.

The other sort of Wives they call c 1.666 Pillagsehim, secondary wives, or half wives; the English translates them Concubines, and that not unfitly, for sometimes the Hebrew word it self denoteth an infamous Strum∣pet, or common Harlet.

The differences between these Concubines, and the chief or primary wives, are many. 1. A disparity in their authority, or houshold government: the Wife was as Mistress, the Concubine as an hand-maid or servant. She had only Justori, a true and lawful right unto the marriage bed, as the chief Wife had; otherwise she was in all respects inferiour. And this appeareth in the History of Sarah and Hagar. Secondly, the betrothiing was different: the chief Wife at her Espousals recei∣ved from her Husband certain Gifts and Tokens, as Pledges and Ceremonies of the Contract. Thus Abra∣hams

steward, who is probably thought to be Eliezer, (of whom we read, Gen. 15. 2.) gave in Isaacs name un∣to Rebecca, jewels of silver▪ and jewels of gold, and rai∣ment, Gen. 24. 55. This custom was in use also among the Grecians, who calleth these gifts 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. e 1.667 More∣over * 1.668 the chief Wife likewise received from her husband a bill of writing, or matrimonial letters, whereas the Concubines received neither such gifts, nor such letters. Thirdly, only the children of the cheif wife succeeded the father in his inheritance; the children of the Cencubines received gifts or legacies: Abraham gave all his goods to Isaac, but unto the sons of the Concubines which Abra∣ham had, Abraham gave gifts, Gen. 25. 5, 6. And here, by the way, we may take notice, that the first born by right of primogeniture, received a double portion of his fathers goods: the father shall give him a double portion of all that he hath, for he is the first of his strength, Deut. 21. 17. Unto this custom the Prophet Elisha's speech allu∣deth, when he prayeth Elijah, that his spirit might be double upon him, 2 King. 1. 9. that is, that he might have a double portion of his spirit, in comparison of the other Prophets, or rather the sons of the Prophets, amongst whom he obtained the place of an elder Brother, and therefore prayeth for the right of primogeniture: so that we are not to understand him, as if he did ambitiously desire a greater measure of the spirit than rested upon his Master, but that he desired to excel the other re∣maining Prophets, unto whom afterward he became a father. The f 1.669 Hebr. phrase is in both places the same. Secondly, in their betrothing we are to consider, 1. The distance of time between the espousals, and the confir∣mation of their marriage, which some have conceited to have been a full year, at least ten months; and this they observe from Rebecca, her brother and mothers

answer unto Abrahams servant, desiring that the Maid might not depart presently, but remain after the E∣spousals at least ten days, Gen. 24. 55. Which Text they interpret g 1.670 ten months, understanding thereby that which elsewhere is phrased h 1.671 a year of days, Gen 41. 1. But if we should yield this interpretation (although our English at least ten days, is more agree∣able unto the Septuag••••t and the Original) yet it fol∣loweth not, that this time was craved for the fulfil∣ling of any prescribed distance between the Espou∣sals and the Marriage, but rather it implieth the ten∣der affection of the mother towards her daughter, as being loath so suddenly to part with her. Notwith∣standing, it is not unlikely, that there was a compe∣tent distance of time between the first affiancing, and the confirmation of the marriage, though not prescri∣bed, or limited to any set number of days, weeks, or months. The second thing considerable in their betro∣thing, is to enquire the manner of their contracting, which might be done in Israel three ways. First, i 1.672 By peice of money. Secondly, By writing. Thirdly, By copulation, and all these in the presence of witnesses. By a peice of money, though it were but a farthing, or the worth thereof, at which time the man used this, or the like form of words; k 1.673 Lo thou art betrothed unto me: and he gave her the money before witnesses. By bill, and then he wrote the like form of words; Be thou betrothed unto me, which he gave her before wit∣nesses; and it was written with her name in it, else it was no betrothing. By copulation, and then he said like∣wise, Lo thou shall be betrothed unto me by copulation, and so he was united unto her before two witnesses, after which copulation she was his betrothed wife. If he lay with her by way of fornication, and not by the

name of betrothing; or if it were by themselves, with∣out the fore-acquainting of Witnesses, it was no be∣trothing: however he might not lye with her the se∣cond time, before the Marriage was accomplished. And though the betrothing might be any of these three ways, yet usually it was by a peice of Money; and if they would, they might do it by writing, but be∣trothing by copulation was forbidden by the wise men of Israel, and who so did it was chastised with rods: howbeit the betrothing stood in force. These so∣lemnities in betrothing were performed by the man and woman under a Tent or Canopy made for the pur∣pose, called in their language l 1.674 Chuppa, a Tabernacle or Tent: to this the Psalmist alludeth, Psal. 19. 4, 5. In them hath ••e set a Tabernacle for the Sun, which as a Bridegroom coming out of his Chamber rejoyceth as a strong man to run a Race.

Thirdly, the Rites and Ceremonies of their Marriage were performed in the assembly of ten men at least, with blessings and thanksgiving unto God, whence house it self was called m 1.675 Beth hillulah, the House of praise, and their marriage song n 1.676 Hillulim, praises. The Bridegrooms intimate friends which accompanied him and sung this Epithalamium or marriage song, were term∣ed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Children of the Bride-chamber, Mat. 9. 15. Such I conceive those thirty companions to have been vvhich Sampson associated to himself, Jud. 14. 11. The form of this praise or blessing is at large described by Genebrard, and the sum thereof is this: The cheif of these companions taketh a cup, and blesseth it, say∣ing, Blessed art thou, O Lord our God, the King of the world, which createst the fruit of the vine: afterward then he saith, blessed be the Lord our God the King of the world, who hath created man after his own Image, according to

the image of his own likeness, and hath thereby prepared un∣to himself an everlasting building, blessed be thou, O Lord, who hast created him. Then followeth again, Blessed art thou, O Lord our God, who hast created joy and gladness, the Bridegroom and the Bride, charity and brotherly love, rejoycing, and pleasure, peace and society: I beseech thee, O Lord, let there suddenly be heard in the Cities of Judah, and the streets of Jerusalem, the voice of joy and gladness, the voice of the Bridegroom and the Bride: the voice of ex∣••ltation in the Bride-chamber is sweeter than any feast: and children sweeter then the sweetness of a song: and this being ended, he drinketh to the married couple.

This custom of praising God at such times was not needless or superfluous, for the fruit of the womb was expected as a special blessing from God, and so ac∣knowledged by them in that saying, that four keys were in the hand of him who was the Lord of the whole World, which were committed neither to An∣gel nor Seraphim; namely o 1.677 Clavis pluviae, clavis ci∣bationis, clavis sepulchrorum, & clavis sterilitatis. Concerning the key of Rain, thus speaketh the Scrip∣ture, The Lord will open to thee his good treasure, Deut. 28. Concerning the key of food, thou openest thy hands Psal. 145. Concerning the key of the grave, when I shall open your sepulchres, Ezeck. 37. Concerning the key of barrenness, God remembred Rachel, and opened her womb, Gen. 30. Whereby is intimated, that these four things God hath reserved in his own hand and custody: namely, Rain, Food, the raising of our Bodies, and the procreation of children.

The time of the marriage feast appeareth clearly to have been usually p 1.678 seven daies. Sampson continued his feast seven days, Jud. 14. 10, 11. And of this seven days feast, q 1.679 Divines do understand that speech of

Labans unto Jacob, concerning Leah, fulfill her week, and we will also give thee this, Gen. 29. 27. in which speech, it is thought that Laban did desire Jacob, not to reject and turn away Leah, but to confirm the pre∣sent marriage, by fulfilling the usual days of her marri∣age feast. From this Custom, together with the pra∣ctice of Joseph, mourning seven days for his father, Gen. 50. 10. arose that usual proverb among the Jews, Septem ad convivium, Septem ad luctum. The chief governour of the feast was called r 1.680 Baal misch∣te; which name is fitly expressed by being called the s 1.681 ruler of the feast, Joh. 2. 9. The modern Jews in Italy, when they invite any to a marriage feast, use this form of words, Such a one, or such a one entreateth you to credit his daughters marriage with your presence at the feast, &c. Then he that is invited replieth, Mazal tob: * 1.682 which some interpret to be the wishing of good luck in general; but I rather think, that hereby was wish∣ed to the married parties, a special blessing in the pro∣creation of children: whence the wedding ring, given unto the Bride-wife had u 1.683 this inscription or posie, Mazal tob; and the Hebrews called the Planet Jupiter, Mazal, whose influence they thought to be of great efficacy or force for generation: but in truth, Mazal signifieth any other Planet or Star in the Heaven, ac∣cording to that Hebrew Proverb, x 1.684 There is no herb in the earth, which hath not a Mazal or Star in the Fir∣mament answering it, and striking it, saying, grow. Now tob signifieth good; so that the phrase soundeth as much as, be it done in a good hour, or under a good Planet. * 1.685

At the time of the marriage also, the man gave his wife a dowry bill, which the Scrivener wrote, and the Bridegroom paid for, whereby he endowed his Spouse, if she were a Virgin, vvith 200 Deniers, (that is

fifty shekels) and if she had been married before, with an hundred Deniers, that is, twenty five shekels, and this was called the root or principal of the dowry: the dowry might not be less, but more, so much as he would, though it were to a talent of gold. There is mention of a contract between Tobias and Sarah, and that was performed, not by a Scrivener, but by Raguel, the womans father; where we may observe, that before the writing of this bill there was a giving of the woman unto her husband. The form of words there used is, Behold, take her after the law of Moses, Tobit. 7. 14. A Copy of this Dowry bill is taken by Bertram out of the Babylon Talmud. The words thereof are thus: y 1.686 Ʋpon the sixth day of the week, the fourth of the month Sivan, in the year five thousand two hundred fifty four of the Creation of the World, according to the computation which we use here at Massilia, a City, which is scituate near the Seashore, the Bridegreom Rabbi Moses, the son of Rabbi Jehuda, said unto the Bridewife Cla∣rona, the daughter of Rabbi David, the son of Rabbi Moses, a Citizen of Lisbon; Be unto me a wife according to the law of Moses and Israel; and I according to the word of God, will worship, honor, maintain, and govern thee according to the manner of the husbands among the Jews, which do worship, honor, maintain, and govern their wives faithfully. I also do bestow upon thee the dowry of thy Virginity, 200 Deniers in silver, which belong unto thee by the law: and moreover, thy food, thy apparel, and sufficient necessaries; as likewise the knowledg of thee, ac∣cording to the custom of all the earth. Thus Clarona the Virgin rested and became a wife to Rabbi Moses, the son of Jehuda, the Bridegroom.

After the Marriage was finished, then the wife might challenge from her Husband three things as

debt. 1. Food. 2. Apparel. 3. Cohabitation, or the right of the bed; which they note from Exod. 21. 10. where it is said, if he take him another wife, her food, her raiment, and her duty of marriage shall he not dimi∣nish. And unto this the Apostle alludeth, calling it, Due benevolence, 1 Cor. 7. 3.

The Wife, when she was first presented unto her Husband, covered her Head with a Veil, in token of subjection. Rebecca took a Veil, and covered her self, (Gen. 24. 65) and for this cause (namely in sign of sub∣jection) ought the woman to have power on her head, 1 Cor. 11. 10. Where by Power the Apostle under∣standeth a veil. Do any ask the question, why he should denote this Veil by the name of Power, especi∣ally seeing it was in token of subjection? The Apostle being an Hebrew of the Hebrews, might have respect to the Hebrew word (z) Radid, signifying a Veil, vvhich * 1.687 cometh from the root Radad, to bear Rule and Autho∣rity, and so might use the Greek vvord, signifying a 1.688 power in the same sense as the Hebrews did. And, in truth, what was this subjection to the Husband but a kind of power and protection derived unto the VVife, in comparison of her former state, being a Virgin? and therefore in case her Husband vvas jealous of her, amongst other tokens of sorrow, she vvas commanded to stand at her tryal vvith her head uncovered, Numb. 5. 18. intimating thereby, that if she could not then clear herself, she vvas from thence forvvard deprived of all power, vvhich heretofore she enjoyed by the means of her Husband.

After the marriage vvas finished, sometimes there * 1.689 vvas permitted a Bill of Divorce: this the Hebrews call∣ed b 1.690 Sepher Kerithuth, a Bill of cutting off, because the vvoman is by this means cut off from he▪ Husbands fa∣mily. d 1.691 Ten things were thought requisite as the Root

and foundation of a divorce. 1. That a man put her not away but of his own will. 2. That he put her away by wri∣ting, not by any other thing. 3. That the matter of the wri∣ting be to divorce her and put her away, out of her possession. 4. That the matter of that divorcement be between him and her. 5. That it be written by her name. 6. That there be no action wanting, after the writing hereof, save the delivery of it unto her. 7. That he give it unto her. 8. That he gave it her before Witnesses. 9. That he give it her by the law of divorces. 10. That it be the husband or his deputy that delivereth it unto her. The form or Co∣py of this bill of divorcement vvas as it follovveth e 1.692 Ʋpon such a day of the Week, such and such of the M••nth N. such or such an year of the Creation of the World, ac∣cording to the computation which we use here in this City N scituate near the River N. that I of the Country of N. the son of Rabbi N. of the Country N. But now I dwel∣ling in such or such a place, near such and such a River have desired of my own free will, without any co-action, and have divorced, dismissed, and cast out thee, thee I say thee my Wife N. of the Country of N. the daughter of Rabbi N. dwelling in such and such a Country, and dwel∣ling now in such and such a place, scituate near such and su••h a River, which hast been my Wife heretofore, but now I do divorce thee, dismiss thee, and cast thee cut, that thou mayst be free, and have the rule to thy self, and to depart and to marry with any other man whom thou wilt; and let no man be refused by thee for me, from this day forward for ever. Thus he thou lawful for any man, and this shall be to thee from me a bill of separation, a bill of di∣vorce, and a letter of dismission, according to the Law of Moses and Israel: N. the son of N. witness. N. the son of N. witness.

This bill was written by a f 1.693 Scrivener, or publick Notary. And g 1.694 furthermore, a woman being divorced, or otherwise a widow, it was not lawful for her to mar∣ry again, till she had tarried ninety days, besides the day of her divorce, or of her husbands death, and her last espou∣sals: to the end it might be known, whether she were with child or no, and that there might be proof, whether it were the seed of the first husband, or of her second.

It was a common custom among the Romans about the time of our Saviours birth, even for the women to divorce their husbands, and to marry again at their plea∣sure. Of this, Heathen Authors speak:

—Sic fiunt octo mariti, Quinque per autumnos.

Juvenal. Satyr 6. verse 230.

Et nubet decimo jam Thelesina viro.

Martial. lib. 8.

h 1.695 Non consulum, sed maritorum numero annos suos computant, &c. The Bill tendred by the woman, was termed i 1.696 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, letters of forsaking; not letters of cutting off, or putting away. This same pra∣ctise was in use also among the Hebrews. Hence is that saying of our Saviour: If a woman shall put away her husband, and be married to another, &c. Mark 10. 12. Now although, at that time, humane laws forbad not the marriages renewed with others upon such divorces, yet Gods law condemned both such divorces, and such mar∣riages, and, before God, persons marrying after such di∣vorcements were reputed digamites, that is, to have two husbands, or two wives. For this reason, a Minister above others is commanded to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; The Husband of one wife, 1 Tim. 3. 2. And the woman, she is commanded to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The wife of one husband, 1 Tim. 5. 9. In which text, second marriages

(in case of the Husbands or Wives death) are no more forbidden, than the Poet forbade them in the like phrase.

Ʋnico gaudens mulier marito. Horat. Carmin. 3. 14.

Note in the last place, that among the Jews the Bride-woman also brought a dowry to her Husband; it was sometimes more, sometimes less; it was called by the k 1.697 Rabbins 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nedunia: Raguel gave with his daughter Sarah half his goods, servants and cattel, and money, Tob. 10. 10.

CHAP. V.

Of their Burials.

AT the time of a mans death, before his Burial, many Ceremonies were observed. First, the next of the kin closed the eyes of the deceased body. Joseph shall put his hands upon thy eyes, Genes. 46. 4. This was likewise practiced both by the Romans and the Grecians.

Ille meos oculos comprimat, Ille tuos.

Ovid.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

Homer Iliad. 11.

Secondly, they washed the body being dead. Tabitha died, and when they had washed her, they laid her up in an upper-chamber, Act. 9. 37. The baptization or washing at such a time was threesold. The first was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Eccles. 34. 26. A washing from the pollution contracted by the touch of a dead carc•…•…; so that if haply any ignorantly and unawares became thus unclean, then was he by a kind of washing to be made clean a∣gain. The second was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a baptization or washing of the dead corps it self. Thus Tabitha was

washed: neither is the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, unusually ap∣plied to common washings, as Mar. 7. 4. we read of the washing of cups, pots, vessels, tables, the Greek is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The first of these washings was proper to the Jews: this second in use with Jews, a 1.698 Christians, and b 1.699 Heathens: the third (which was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) a baptization for the dead, 1 Cor. 15. 9. proper to some amiss-led Christians. It may be demanded, what manner of Baptism this was? with submission of my judgment, I understand this place with S. Ambrose of a Sacramental washing, applied unto some living * 1.700 man in the name and behalf of his friend, dying without Baptism, out of a superstitious conceit, that the Sacrament thus conferred to one alive, in the name of the deceased, might be available for the o∣ther dying unbaptized. As if the Apostle did wound those superstitious Corinthians with their own quills, and prove the Resurrection of the dead from their own erroneous practice, telling them in effect, that their superstitious Custom of baptizing the living for the dead, were vain and bootless, if there were no Resurrection; and therefore the Apostle useth an emphatical distinction of the persons, in the next im∣mediate verse, saying, why are we also in jeopardy every hour? He inferreth the Resurrection by force of a double argument; the first drawn from their su∣perstitious baptization for the dead: the second, from the hourly jeopardy and peril wherein we, that is, himself and other Christians are, so that as that Father noteth, the Apostle doth not hereby approve their doing, but evinceth their hope of the Resurre∣ction from their own practise, though erroneous. That there was d 1.701 Vicarium tale Baptisma (as Tertul∣lian calleth it) in use among the Mar••ionites, is evi∣dent,

yea, and amongst the e 1.702 Cerinthians also: the man∣ner thereof is thus described, f 1.703 When any Catechu∣menist died, some living person placed under the bed of the deceased, they came unto the deceased party, and ask¦ed him whether he would be baptized? then he replying nothing, the party under the bed answered for him, say∣ing, that he would be baptized▪ and thus they baptized him for the dead, as if they acted a play upon the Stage.

The third ceremony used by the Jews towards the dead party, was the embalming of the corps, which for the main thereof, it is probable, they learned from the Egyptians, for we find Joseph to be the first that practiced it, Gen. 50. 2. The Egyptian manner of embalming was thus: g 1.704 they took out the bowels of the dead, they cleansed them and washed them with the wine of Dates, and after that again with odours: then filled they the bowels with pure Myrrhe beaten, and Cassia. and other Odours (except Frankincense) and sewed them upon After this they seasoned the corps hidden in Nitre seventy days, not longer: after seventy days they washed the corps, and wrapped it in fine linnen cloath gummed, which gum the Egyptians often used instead of glew. The Greeks term∣ed it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And the use thereof was for the pre∣servation of the body, that it might not putrifie; and therefore when the Funeral Obsequies were not long delayed, they used another kind of embalming, name∣ly, an external and outward application of Spices and Odours, without the unbowelling of the corps. This the Greeks termed h 1.705 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This was used to ward our Saviour Christ, John 19. 40.

Sometimes they did use to burn the corps, preser¦ving only the bones in some urn or Pitcher, Amos 6. 10. But commonly they interred the whole body, and buried it in the earth. The ancient Jews if they

received not from their Ancestors, then would they purchase a burial place themselves, for the burial of them and their family. The form of that place was thus: It was a vault hewed out in a rock, i 1.706 six cu∣bits long, and four broad, in which eight other cells or lesser holes (or as some say, thirteen) were made, as so many distinct receptacles, or tombs for the dead bodies to be laid in: as often as they buried any, they were wont to roll a great stone to the mouth of the cave. The cave or vault it self they termed from the act of burial, k 1.707 Keber, which signifieth a place of burial, or from its form, (l) Magnara, a den or cave. These se∣veral cells or receptacles in which the body was laid, they called m 1.708 Cucim, graves, tombs: and the stone they named n 1.709 Golel, a rolling stone. This giveth great light to that in the Gospel, Joseph took the body of Christ, and wrapped it in a clean linnen cloth, and put it in his new tomb, which he had hewen out in a rock, and rolled a great stone to the door of the Sepul∣chre, Mat. 27. 59, 60. These caves or vaults the weal∣thier sort would paint, garnish, and beautifie at the mouth or entrance of them: hence cometh that phrase, Spulchra dealbata, painted tombs. As often as they had occasion to mention or speak of any friend deceased, they used that in the Proverbs, The memory of the just is blessed, Prov. 10. 7. Hence the Rabbies, in their quotations of any worthy Author deceased, usually subjoyn this honourable commemoration, Benedictae memoriae, N. o 1.710 Such or such a one of blessed memory.

But their usual Epitaph or Inscription upon their Sepulchres, was, p 1.711 Let this soul be bound up in the Garden of Eden, or in the bundle of the living, Amen, Amen, Amen, Selati.

The latter Jews have been strangely conceited concerning the place of burials, and are perswaded, that if an Israelite be buried in any strange country, out of the Promised Land, he shall not be partaker so much as of Resurrection, except the Lord vouch∣safe to make him hollow passages under the earth, tho∣row which his body by a continual volutation and rolling, may be brought into the land of Canaan. The ground hereof is taken from the charge of Jacob un∣to his son Joseph, that he should not bury him in the land of Egypt, but in Canaan. q 1.712 For which charge they assign three reasons▪ First, because he foresaw by the spirit of Prophecy, that the dust of that land should afterwards be turned into lice. Secondly, be∣cause those who died out of the holy Land should not rise again without a painful rolling and tumb∣ling of their bodies thorow those hollow passages. Thirdly, that the Egyptians might not idolatrously worship him.

They made a feast at their burials, which is stiled The bread of men, Ezek. 24. 17. And a cup of consolation, Jer. 16. 7. because it was administred to comfort those that were sad of heart. It much resembled the Roman Silicernium.

From those two places last quoted, we may ob∣serve, that at the burial of their friends, they used these ceremonies which follow; some to testifie, some to augment their grief. 1. Cutting themselves, that is, wounding or cuting any part of their body, with a¦ny kind of Instrument. r 1.713 This practice was learned from the Heathens, who were wo••t not▪ only to scratch their face, but to punch and p••i••k certain parts of their body with a needle, and then cover it over with ink, which they used as a special ceremony in their

superstitious worship, and therefore it is forbid, Deut. 14. 1. Secondly, making themselves bald, which was done divers manner of ways; either by shaving their hair, or plucking it off with their hands, or by impoi∣soned plaisters to make it fall off. Other Nations were wont to shave off s 1.714 the hair of their head, and to offer it in the behalf of the dead: they did some∣times shave their cheeks, sometimes their eye-lids: and this also, being an Heathenish custom, was like∣wise forbidden in Israel, Deut. 14. 1. Thirdly, going bare headed, that they might cast dust or ashes upon their heads, signifying thereby that they were unwor∣thy the ground on which they went. Fourthly going bare∣footed, for their greater humiliation. Fifthly, the co∣vering of their lips, for that was a special sign of sor∣row and shame, The Seers shall be ashamed, &c. they shall all cover their lips, for they have no answer of God, Mich 3. 7 If it be demanded, how they covered their lips? It is thought they did it t 1.715 by casting the skirt of their cloak, or garment over them. Sixthly, u 1.716 r••nting their cloaths. Seventhly, putting sackcloath about their loyns, Gen. 37. 34. These were general tokens of grief, used upon all extraordinary occasions of sor∣row. Two other there were, more proper to buri∣als, to augment their grief. First, minstrels, who with their sad tunes inclined the affections of the people to mourning. x 1.717 Of these there were two sorts: Some playing on pipes, others sounding trumpets. At the funeral of Noblemen, or old men, they used a trum∣pet: at the funeral of the common people, or chil∣dren, they used a y 1.718 pipe. In this respect it is said; That Jesus, when he raised Jairus his daughter, cast out the minstrels, Mat. 9. 23. Secondly, women hired to sing at burials for the same purpose, and likewise by out∣ward

significations of sorrow, to move the company, and more strongly to affect them, Call for the mourn∣ing women, &c. and send for skilful women, Jer. 9. 17. These the Romans called Praeficas, quasi in hoc ipsum praefectas, Chief or skilful mourners.

CHAP. VI.

Of their Oaths.

THe manner of swearing was sometimes by listing up their hands towards heaven; Abraham said to the King of Sodom▪ I have lifted up my hand unto the Lord; that is, I have sworn, that I will not take from a thred, even to a shoo-latchet, Gen. 14. 22. Unto which custom the Psalmist seemeth to allude, Psal. 106. 26. He lifted up his hand, that is, he swore. Sometimes he that took the Oath did put his hand under the others thigh, which administred the Oath. We read this manner of administration to have been used by Abraham, Gen. 24. 2. and Jacob, Gen. 47. 29. Which ceremony a 1.719 some interpret to be, as a token of subjection b 1.720 others as a mystery of circumcision, the sign whereof they bore about that place of their body: Others more probably think it to be a myste∣rious * 1.721 signification of Christ the promised seed, who was to come out of Abrahams loyns, or thigh; as the like phrase is used, Gen. 46. 26. the souls that came out of Jacobs thigh. Sometimes also the manner of deposing, was to stand before the Altar, 1 Kings 8. 31. Which was also the custom of the d 1.722 Athenians, the e 1.723 Carthaginians, and the f 1.724 Romans.

The object of a lawful Oath was, and is, only the Lord: whence he that took the Oath was said to

consess unto God, compare Isa. 45. 23. with Rom. 14. 11. And the ancient form of imposing an Oath was this, Give glory to God, Josh. 7. 19. John 9. 24. Now God was glorified by an Oath, because thereby there was a solemn confession and acknowledgment of Gods omnipresence, that he is present in every place: of his omniscience, that he knoweth all secrets: of his truth, that he is a maintainer of truth, and an avenger of falshood: of his justice, that he is willing; and his om∣nipotency, that he is able to punish those that by swear∣ing shall dishonour him. And as the object of a lawful oath was only God: so it is implied, that it was not rashly or unadvisedly to be undertaken, but by a kind of necessity imposed; for the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a Passive, and signifieth to be sworn, rather than to swear.

In corrupter times they were wont to swear by the g 1.725 creatures, but the Jews chiefly by Jerusalem, by the Temple, by the gold of the Temple, by the Altar, and the gift on the Altar. This gift in Hebrew was termed Cor∣ban, and it was one of those h 1.726 oaths which in our Savi∣our Christs time the Scribes and Pharisees accounted principally obligatory. If any swore by the Altar, it was nothing: but if any swore by the oblation of the Altar, he was bound to perform it, Matt. 23. 18. Yea, al∣though Gods Law enjoyned honour, and relief towards parents; yet if they had bound themselves by this oath Corban, that they would not help or relieve their Parents, they taught they were discharged. Whence, saith their i 1.727 Talmud, Every one ought to honour his fa∣ther and mother, except he hath vowed the contrary. And it is evident that the Jews did often by solemn vows and k 1.728 oaths bind themselves, that they would never do good to such, or such a man. We must furthermore know,

that usually to their oaths there was an execration, or conditional curse annexed, which sometimes was expressed, as, if I do not do thus and thus, then the Lord do so to me, and more also, 1 Sam. 14. 44. Also 1 Kin. 20. 10. Sometimes it is understood, as I have sworn, if I take from a thred to a shoo latchet, Gen. 14. 22. then let the ••ord do so to me, and more also; this, or the like is understood, and maketh the former part of the oath to sound negatively; as if Abraham had said, I have sworn, I will not take from a thred to a shoo latchet. In like manner, Psal. 95. I have sworn, if they shall enter into my rest; that is, They shall not enter into my rest, Heb. 3, 18. This helpeth the exposition of that difficult place, Mat. 15. 5. which we read, l 1.729 By the gift that is offered by me thou maist have profit: but if we conceive it thus, according to the form of the oath Corban, By Corban if thou receive any profit by me, and understand the execration implied: Then let God do thus, and much more to me; the sense will be thus; By Corban thou shalt receive no profit by me. This exposition is as a∣greable to the scope of the place, as it is to their form of swearing, and plainly sheweth how the Pha∣risees by their traditions transgressed the Command∣ment of God. For God commanded, saying, Honour thy father and thy Mother. But the Scribes and Phari∣sees said; Whosoever should say to father or mother, seeking relief, By Corban thou shalt receive no profit from me, he was discharged.

CHAP. VII.

Of their Writing, their Masorites, and their Work.

WRiting in no Nation came to its perfection on a sudden, but by degrees: The Opini∣ons of the Ancients concerning the Authors and In∣venters of letters are different. Some say a 1.730 Cad∣mus brought the use of letters into Greece: others say, b 1.731 Palamedes: c 1.732 some say Rhadamanthus brought them into Assyria: Memnon into Egypt: Her∣cules into Phrygia: and Carmenta into Latium. Like∣wise some say the Phoenicians had first the knowledge and use of letters,

Phaenices primi (famae si credimus) ausi Mansuram rudibus vocem signare figuris.

Lucan.

Others say the d 1.733 Ethiopians: e 1.734 others the Assyri∣ans. But upon better grounds it is thought, that f 1.735 Moses first taught the use of letters to the Jews, and that the Phoenicians learned them from the Jews, and the Grecians from the Phoenicians.

In like manner, the matter upon which men wrote, in ruder times was different. Some wrote on rindes of Trees, whence Liber, signifying originally a rinde of tree, is now used for a book. g 1.736 Some wrote on tile-stones with a bone instead of a pen; some on Tables; this last was chiefly in use among the Jews, the Decalogue was written in two tables of stone. Again, write these things upon a table, Esay 30. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith the Septuagint, as if the writing-tables at that time were made of Box-trees. They used not then

pens or quills, but a certain instrument or punch, made of Iron or Steel, called Stylus, it was sharp at one end, for the more convenient indenting or carving of the characters; and broad at the other, for the scraping or blotting out what had been written: whence sprang that Proverbial speech: h 1.737 Invertere stylum, to unsay what he hath said, or to blot out what he hath written: Scribe stylo hominis: write with the pen of man, Esay 8. 1. Afterward before they came to bind up books in manner as now we have them, they wrote in a roll of Paper or Parchment, which sometimes was ten cubits broad, and twenty long. Zac. 5. 2. This they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Megilla in Hebrew, from Galal, to roll, Volumen in Latine, in English a volumn, from volvo, to roll. In the volumn of the book it is writ∣ten, Psal. 40. 7. And Christ closing the Book, gave it to the Minister, Luk. 4. 20. the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, compli∣cans folding, or rolling it up: and vers. 17. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, explicans, unfolding, or opening it. i 1.738 These volumns were written not with one entire continued writing, but the writing was distinguished into many spaces, columns, or platforms, like unto so many Areae: these platforms, filled with writing, were instead of so ma∣ny pages in a book: and thus we are to understand that Jer. 36. 23. When Jehudi had read three or four leaves, he cut it with a pen knife, &c. These leaves were nothing else but such spaces and platforms in the roll. After this manner the Jews reserve the Law, written in such rolls, and with such spaces, in their Synagogues at this day.

It is much controversed, whether the Jews did from the beginning write with vowels and accents, or whether they were added by the Masorites; for the understanding of which, it will be needful, First, to

enquire who the Masorites were: Secondly, what their work was, and then to deliver in a proposition what may be probably thought in this point.

First, concerning the Masoeites, we are to know that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Masar signifieth tradere, to deliver, and Ma∣sora a tradition, delivered from hand to hand to po∣sterity without writing, as the Pythagoreans and Dru∣ides were wont to do; but by the figure Synecdoche, it signifieth those critical notes or Scholion, written in the margine of the Bible, and those that were the Authors of those critical observations were termed Masoritae, Masorites. Concerning these Authors, who they were, there are two opinions. Some k 1.739 think that they were certain learned Jews living in the City Ti∣berias, they termed them Sapientes Tiberiadis, the wise men of Tiberias. These wise men are thought to have added these marginal notes unto the Hebrew Bibles l 1.740 some time after the finishing of the Babylon Talmud; which was about the year of our Lord, 506. This opinion is unlikely for these two reasons. 1. m 1.741 Be∣cause we cannot find in Histories, the continuance of any Colledg or School in Tiberias so long, but ra∣ther that degrees in learning ceased here withim four hundred years after ou•• Saviour his birth, 2. n 1.742 In both Talmuds mention is made of the Masora, and the things contained therein. Others therefore more * 1.743 probably say, that the Masorites were the Ecclesiasti∣cal Senate or Councel held by Esra, Haggai, Zachary, Malachi, and divers others assembled for a reforma∣tion of the Church after their return from Babylon; they are called Viri Synagogae magnae. This Coun∣cil continued at least forty yrars: for Simeon the just, who went out in his Priestly robes, to meet and pacisie Alexander the Great, coming in hostile man∣ner

against Jerusalem, p 1.744 was the last of that Council, and that was above three hundred years before the birth of our Saviour. Esra was the President or Chief of this Council; he was of such repute among the Jews, that they parallel'd him with Moses, saying, q 1.745 Dignus erat Esra, quod data fuisset lex per manus ejus Israeli, si non praecessisset eum Moses.

In the second place we are to consider the work, what the men of this great Synagogue, being the true Masorites, did: their work may be reduced to these particulars. 1. When this great Council was assem∣bled, they, among whom Ezra was chief (who was assisted with the inspiration of Gods Spirit) r 1.746 deter∣mined what Books were Canonical, what spurious and Apocryphal. Secondly, s 1.747 the authentick and Canonical Books, were purged by them, of all errors crept into the Text in time of their captivity. Thirdly, they t 1.748 digested the Old Testament into twenty two books, ac¦cording to the number of the Hebrew letters. Fourthly, they distinguisht it into great Sections and Verses; for though the Law was not so confusedly written, without any space or note of distinction between word and word, that it seemed all one continued verse, or as the Kabbalists speak, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Theba achath, one word, until the time of the Masorites; yet it was not so distinguisht into Sections and Verses, as now we have it. Fifthly, they added their censures and critical observations, concerning the irregularity of many words, in respect of the vowels and accents. Sixthly, they numbered the verses, words, and letters of every Book, to prevent all possibility of corrupting the Text in future times; for now, they say, the gift of Prophesie should cease. Lastly, they noted the dif∣ferent writing, and different reading; for the under∣standing

of which we must know, that in the Hebrew Text many words are written with more▪ ••any with fewer letters, than they are pronounced; u 1.749 many words written in the Text which are n•…•… pronunced, &c. In the margin the difference is expressed: whence the difference in the Text they term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cethib, Scriptionem, the writing; the difference in the mar∣gin they term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Keri, Lectionem, the Reading: be∣cause they do read according to that in the margin. x 1.750 This difference is thought by some to be a cor∣rection of the Bible, according to several copies after their return from Babylon: but, that it is of Divine Authority, containing many mysteries known to Mo∣ses, and the Prophets successively (though many of them unknown to our Age) and that it was not any correction, but the difference it self primarily and purposely was intended by the Prophets, and holy Pen men of the Scripture, evidently appeareth by the diversity of readings in those books which were writ∣ten by Haggay, Zachary, Malachi, Daniel, and Esra: They being the Authors of their own books, needed no correction at that time, themselves being present, yet in them this different reading is used.

In the third place, the Proposition followeth; namely, Seeing that the Masorites passed their censure on many words for their irregularity in their vowels and accents; therefore, the vowels originally were not from the Masorites, but of the same antiquity with their words; and in truth, otherwise they had been a body or carkass without a soul.

CHAP. VIII.

Of Israels pitching of their Tents, or of their Camps.

WHiles the Israelites wandred thorow the Wilderness, their Church was a Taberna∣cle; and their habitations, Tents: so that their whole Camp might be termed a movable City. It was divi∣ded into three parts. In the centre or middle of all was the Tabernacle it self, with its Courts, this they termed the Camp of the Divine Majesty. Next round about, pitcht the Priests and Levites, to whom the charge of the Tabernacle belonged, (and therefore the nearest adjoyning place of habitation might be the convenientest for them) this was called the Camp of Levi. In the outer parts, round about Levi, the twelve Tribes pitcht their Tents; this they termed the Camp of Israel. The first Camp resembled a great Cathedral Church, with its Church yard. The second a Priviledged place about the Church, as it were for Col∣ledges for the habitation of the Clergy. The third, the body of a City, wherein the Towns-men or Laity dwelt, The form of the whole, is probably thought to be four-square, a 1.751 some say twelve miles long, and twelve miles broad.

In the Eastern part pitched these three Tribes, Ju∣dah, Issachar, and Zabulon. On the South-side, Reuben, Simeon, and Gad, On the West, Ephraim, Manasses, and Benjamin. On the North, Dan, Asher, and Nap∣thali: and these made up the outward Camp, termed the Camp of Israel. Between each Tribe, in every one of those four quarters, there were distant spaces

like Streets, where there was buying and selling as in a market, and tradesmen in their shops in b 1.752 manner of a City leading to and fro. This Camp is c 1.753 thought to be round a mile distant from the Tabernacle, that is a Sabbath daies journey; and this is gathered from Josh. 3. 4. where the distance between the People and the Ark is commanded to be two thousand cubits.

After this, pitched the Camp of Levi: in the Eastern pa•…•… Moses, Aaron, and the Priests; in the South the Coha••••ites; i•• the West the Gershonites; in the North the Merarites.

In the middle was the Camp of the Divine Majesty. Unto this David alludeth; God is in the middest of her, she shall not be moved, Psal. 46. 5.

After the same manner the parts of the City Jerusa∣lem were distinguished, when the Commonwealth was settled. d 1.754 From the gate of Jerusalem, to the mountain of the Temple, was the Camp of Israel; from the gate of the mountain of the Temple, to the gate of the Court (which was otherwise called Nicanors gate) was the Camp of Levi: from the gate of the Court, and for∣ward, was the Camp of the Divine Majesty.

Furthermore we are to know, that the twelve Tribes had between them four principal Banners, or Standards; three Tribes to one Standard, for which reason••, the Church is said to be terrible as an Army with banners, Cant. 6. 4. The Hebrew word Banner, Numb, 2. 2. the Greek translanteth e 1.755 Order, and so the Chaldee calleth it f 1.756 Tekes (a word borrowed of the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) order: Whence the Apostle taketh his phrase, Every man in his own order, 1 Cor. 15. 23.

Every banner was thought to be of 3 colours, g 1.757 ac∣cording to the colours of the precious, stones in the brest plate, bearing the names of their Patriarchs. But

this proportion will not hold in all, seeing Levi (who is not here among the other Tribes) was in the breast-plate one of the twelve: and Joseph there graved on the Beril hath here two Tribes, Ephraim and Manasses, unto whom two colours cannot be allowed from the breast-plate.

Each Banner had its several motto, or inscription. In the first Standard was written, from Num. 10. 25. Rise up, Lord, and let thine enemies be scattered, and let them that hate thee slee before thee. h 1.758 It is moreover taught by the Hebrews, that each Standard had a di∣stinct sign engraved in it. Reubens Standard had the Image of a Man: Judahs the Image of a Lion: Ephraims the Image of an Ox: and Dans the Image of an Eagle.

These sime four creatures are used by Ezekiel, Ez. 1. 10. to describe the nature of Angels. Every Cherubim is said to have four faces: the face of a man, to shew his understanding; of a Lion, to shew his power; of an Ox, to shew his ministratory office; of an Eagle, to shew his swiftness in the execution of Gods will. This same description of Angels you may find, Rev. 4. 6.

By the same four, in the opinion of many of the k 1.759 Fathers, are shaddowed forth the four Evangelists. The man shaddowed S. Matthew, because he begins his Gospel with the Generation of Christ, according to his humanity: The Lion S. Mark, because he begin∣neth his Gospel, from that voice of the Lion roaring in the Wilderness. Vox clamantis in diserto: The Ox S. Luke, because he beginneth with Zacharias the Priest: and the Eagle S. John, who soaring aloft begin∣neth with the Divinity of Christ.

Thus have we seen how they pitch'd their camps, their marching followeth: and here we are to consi∣der, first, their marching in their journeys thorow the Wilderness. Secondly, their marching in their battels.

Concerning their marching in their journeys, they either moved forward, or abode still, according to the moving or standing of the Cloud, which conducted them: the manner thereof is described, Numb. 10. and summarily we may view it thus: when God took up the Cloud, Moses prayed, and the Priests with Trumpets blew an alarm, then Judath the first Standard rose up, with Issachar and Zebulon, and they marched foremost: then followed the Gershonites and Merarites, bearing the boards and coverings of the Tabernacle in wagons; the Trumpets sounded the second alarm, then Reuben, Simeon, and Gad rose up, and followed the Tabernacle, and after them went the Kohathites, in the midst of the twelve Tribes, bearing on their shoulders the Ark, Candlestick, Table, Altar, and other holy things. At the third alarm rose up the Standard of Ephraim, Manasses, and Benjamin, and these followed the Sanctuary: unto this David hath reference, when he prayeth, Psa. 80. 2. Before Ephra∣im, Benjamin, and Manasses, stir up thy strength, and come and save us. At the fourth alarm, arose the Standard of Dan, Asher, and Napthali: and to these was committed the care of gathering together the lame, feeble, and sick, and to look that nothing was left behind: whence they are called the gathering Host, Josh, 6. 9. unto this David alludeth: when my Father and my Mother forsake me, the Lord will gather me, Psal. 27. 10.

Concerning their marching in war: First, the Priests sounded the alarm with Trumpets, Numb. 10. 9. this they termed: l 1.760 Therugnah. Secondly, one Priest was selected out of the rest, to stir up the hearts of the people, and by a kind of hortatory Oration, to encourage them to the war, Deut. 20. 2. him they

called▪ Ʋ••ctum belli, the anointed of the battle. Thirdly, they marched on by five and five in battle array, Exo. 13. 18. so the m 1.761 Original signifieth in that place.

In the last place, we are to consider how they were to deal in besieging a Town; for the conceiving whereof, note these two propositions.

1. They were to offer peace unto all Forreigners, and Canaanites, Deut. 20. 10. And this is clearly signified Josh. 11. 19. There was not a City that made peace with the children of Israel, save the Hivites, the in∣habitants of Gibeon, all other they took in battel. For it was of the Lord to harden their hearts. Yet here Moab and Ammon are excepted; Israel must not seek their peace, Deut. 23. 6.

2. They were to make covenant with none of the seven Nations, Deut. 7. 2. Exod. 23. 32. & 34. 14. With For reigners they might, Josh. 9. 7. peradventure you dwell among us, and how shall we make a covenant with you? Not, how shall we make peace with you?

Some may question, what the difference was be∣tween making peace, and making a covenant? I an∣swer, two-fold. 1. The making of peace was a naked sti∣pulation, or promise, mutually made for the laying aside of all hostile affections towards each other; whereby life on both sides might be secured. Making a covenant, was a solemn binding of each other, to performance of this mutual promise by outward cere∣mon••es, of n 1.762 cutting a beast in twain, and passing be∣tween the parts thereof, Jer. 34. 18. as if they would say; Thus let it be done to him, and thus let his body be cut in two, who shall break this covenant? Secondly, peace was not concluded by the Israelites, but only upon these terms, That the people should become tri∣butary unto them, Deut. 20. 11. The making of a cove∣nant

was upon equal terms, without any conditi∣on either of tribute or service, as is gatherable from the Covenant made by Joshua with the Gibeonites, where there is no mention of any condition at all, Josh. 9.

This difference seemeth to me warrantable, and serveth to reconcile many places, of Scripture, as where God saith, Offer peace to all, and make a covenant with none. Secondly, It sheweth the fraud of the Gi∣beonites to be greater than is commonly conceived, for they sought not peace simply, but a covenant. Make a league with us, Josh. 9. 6. Thirdly, It salveth that com∣mon Objection made in defence of unadvised Oaths, to prove them obligatory, though unlawful. The Ar∣gument is framed thus; The covenant which Joshua made with the Gibeonites unadvisedly, was unlawful: but that was observed by him; and the breach thereof, when Saul slew the Gibeonites, punished by God, 2 Sam. 21. 1. Therefore, &c. I say it salveth that Objection: because if we diligently observe Joshua's practice, we shall find unadvised Oaths to be so far, and only so far bind∣ing, as they agree with God's words. God's word re∣quired the Gibeonites should have their lives secured, because they accepted peace; Thus far therefore the covenant was still of force. God's word required, that the Canaanites, after the acceptation of peace, should become tributary; here the covenant was not of force, and therefore Joshuah made them hewers of wood, and drawers of water, which is a kind of a tribute in the language of the Scripture; tribute of the body, though not of the purse: in which sense the Aegyptian Task-masters are in the Original called Tribute-ma∣sters, Exod. 1. 11.

CHAP. IX.

Their Measures.

MEasures in use among the Hebrews, and so among all other Nations, are of two sorts: some Men∣surae applicationis, measures of application, as a span, a cubit, a yard, and the like. Secondly, Mensurae capa∣citatis, measures of capacity, as pints, quarts, pecks, bu∣shels, &c. Measures of application, mentioned in Scrip∣ture, are these that follow (in which that there might be no deceit; the ground of these measures was the breadth of so many, or so many barley corns middle si∣zed, laid by one another) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ets-bang, Digitus, a finger, an inch. a 1.763 It containeth the breadth of six bar∣ley corns joyned together where they are thickest: though in round-reckoning it goeth for an inch, yet in accurate speaking * 1.764 four fingers make three inches. Of this there is mention, Jer. 52. 21.

Palmus, This was two-fold; Palmus minor, and Pal∣mus major. The lesser containeth the breadth of four fingers, (i) three inches, the Hebrews term it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To∣phach, the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the greater is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zereth, by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; in Latin Spithama, & Dodrans. It containeth the measure that is between the thumb and the little finger stretcht out, a span.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pagnam, pes, a foot. It containeth b 1.765 twelve inches.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Amma. Cubitus, a Cubit. We shall find in Au∣thors mention of four kinds of Cubits. 1. Cubitus communis, this was the measure from the elbow to the fingers end. It contained a foot and half, or half a

a yard, it is called the common Cubit. 2 Cubitus sacer, An holy Cubit, this was a full yard, containing two of the common Cubits, as appeareth▪ by comparing 1 Kin. 7. 15. with 2 Chron. 3. 15. In the first place, the pillars are reckoned each of them eighteen cubits high: in the second place they are reckoned five and thirty cu∣bits high; which, together with the basis, being one ordinary cubit high doubleth the number: so that the first Text is to be understood of holy cubits; the se∣cond of common cubits. 3. Cubitus regis, the Kings cu∣bit, this was c 1.766 three fingers longer than the common cu∣bit: Whereas the common cubit is termed cubitus vi∣ri, the cubit of a man, Deut. 3. 11. Onkelos doth impro∣perly term it, cubitum regis, the Kings cubit. Lastly, there was cubitus Geometricus, A geometrical cubit, it contained six common cubits, d 1.767 and according to these cubits, it is thought that Noah's Ark was built.

Some make the difference between the cubit of the sanctuary, and the common cubit, to be thus; The com∣mon cubit, they say, contained e 1.768 fifteen inches, the holy cubit f 1.769 eighteen inches. But that the holy cubit contained two common cubits, hath been evidently proved, and it is probable, that those who make the difference to be only three inches, have mistaken the Kings cubit, for the holy cubit.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chebel, Funiculus, A line or rope. The just length thereof is unknown: the use thereof was to measure grounds; whence it is sometimes taken for the inhe∣ritance it self. The lines are fallen to me in pleasant places, Psal. 16. 6. That is, mine inheritance.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kaneh, Arundo, the Reed. The use of this was to measure buildings; the length thereof was six cu∣bits and an hand-breadth, Ezek. 40. 5. The cubits in this place are * 1.770 interpreted Kings cubits: it was less liable

to deceipt than the Rope, because it could not be shortned or lengthned, by shrinking or stretching: hence the Canon or rule of the holy Scripture is mystically typed out by this Reed, Ezek. 40. and Rezel. 21. 15.

To these may be added other measures, wherewith. they measured their ways and walks. The least of these was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsagad, Passus, a Peace.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Stadium, a furlong. It is often mentioned in the New Testament, not at all in the Old. g 1.771 It con∣tained one hundred twenty five paces, which is the eighth part of our mile. Some think it to be called so, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from standing, because Hercules ran so much ground before he stood still.

Milliarum, a mile: It containeth with us a thou∣sand paces, but much more among the Hebrews. Their word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Barah, translated often Milliarium, pro∣perly signifieth a dinner or meal, and being apply∣ed unto journeys, walks, or ways, it signified so much ground as usually is gone, or conveniently may be travelled in half a day, between meal and meal, or bait and bait. The word is read, Gen. 35. 16. When there was (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cibrath haarets) about half a daies journey of ground. The Greek in that place hath an uncouth word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; doubtless it was made from the Hebrew Cibrath, and signifieth half a daies journey.

Their measures of capacity, termed Mensurae capaci∣tatis, were of two sorts; some for dry things, as Corn, Seed, &c. Some for liquid things, as Wine, Oyl, &c. In both, that there might be a just proportion obser∣ved, all their measures were desined by a set number of Hen egg-shells of a middle size.

In my parallelling of them with our measures, where I speak of Bushels, half-Bushels, Pecks, &c. I

am to be understood according to Winchester mea∣sure, as we phrase it: such a bushel containeth eight gallons. Where I speak of gallons, pottles, quarts, &c. I am to be understood according to our Ale measure, thereby I avoid fractions of number.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Kab. Kabus, a Kab. a 1.772 This contained twenty four eggs, it held proportion with our Quart. The least measure mentioned in Scripture, is the fourth part of a Kab, 2 Kings 6. 25. The famine in Samaria was so great, that a fourth part of a Kab of Doves dung was sold for five pieces of silver. The Rabbins have a Proverb, that b 1.773 ten Kabs of speech descended into the world, and the woman took away nine of them.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Omer. It contained * 1.774 one Kab and an half, and a fifth part of a Kab, that is three pints and an half pint, and a fifth part of an half pint. It was the tenth part of an Ephah, Exod. 16. 36.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Seah, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Satum: The Latine Interpreters commonly render it by Modius. It contained c 1.775 six Kabs, that is, a Gallon and half. We translate the word in general, a measure: To morrow this time, a mea∣sure (that is, a Satum) of fine flower shall be sold for a Shekel, 2 Kings 7. 1.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ephah. It contained d 1.776 three Sata, that is, half a bushel, and pottle.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lethec. It contained e 1.777 fifteen Modios (i) Sa∣ta; that is, two bushels, six gallons, and a pottle. Men∣tion of that is made, Hos. 3. 2. It is there rendred in English, half an Homer.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Homer. It is so called from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chamor, Asi∣nus, an Ass, because this measure contained so much grain of corn as an Ass could well bear. It contained ten Ephahs, Ezek. 45. 11. that is, forty five gallons, or, five bushels, and five gallons.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cor, Corus. The Cor, and the Homer, were of the same quantity, Ezek. 45. 14. It was not only of liquid things, Luke 16. 7.

These measures of which we have spoken hither∣to, the Hebrews used in measuring of dry things: Three other measures there were, which they used for li∣quid or moist things.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Log. It contained f 1.778 six egg shells. It was of the same quantity as the fourth part of a Kab, half a pint.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hin. It contained the quantity of g 1.779 seventy two egg-shells, so that it was of our measure three quarts.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bath; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Bathus, the Bath. It was of the same capacity with the Ephah, the tenth part of an Homer, Ezek. 45. 14. The Latine Interpreters commoly ren∣der it Cadus. h 1.780 Hierom writing upon Ezekiel, ren∣ders it Vadus. Decima pars Cori, inquit, in speciebus liquidis vocatur Bathus, five Vadus. I sometimes thought there had been some error in the print, name∣ly, Vadus, put for Cadus: But now I find the Greeks to use both 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for this measure; and from the last of these Greek words, that ancient Fa∣ther reads it, Vadus. Sometimes our English renders it, in general, a measure, Luk. 16. 6. It contained four∣gallons and an half.

All these measures were proper to the Hebrews: I find three others mentioned in the N. T. taken from other Nations.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sextarius. We English it, in general, a Pot; Mark 7. 4. i 1.781 It was of the same quantity with the Log, if we understand it of the Roman Sextarius. It was some∣what more, if we understand it of the Attick Sextari∣us: undecim Attici sextarii aequabant Romanos duo∣decim. In probability we are to understand the Ro∣man measure, so that it contained six eggs, that is, half a pint.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Choenix, a measure, Rev. 6. 6. It signifieth pro∣perly that measure of corn, which was allowed ser∣vants for their maintenance every day. Whence was occasioned that speech of Pythagoras: Super Chaenice non sedendum. That is, we must not rest upon the provisi∣on which sufficeth for a day, but we must take care for the morrow. It contained k 1.782 four Sextarii, that is, a Quart.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Metretes, Joh. 2. 6. It is translated a Firkin. It was a measure in use among the Athenians. l 1.783 It was of the same quantity with Cadus, and Cadus (as before was noted) was equal to the Hebrew Bath, so that it contained four Gallons and an half.

CHAP. X.

Their Coyns. First of brazen Coyns.

THat they might have just Coyns and Weights, they weighed both them and their weights by Barley-corns.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Minutum, a Mite, Luk. 21. 20. Mar. 12. 42. The latter Hebrews call it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Syriack 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i. Octa∣va, the eighth part of Assarium m 1.784. It weighed half a barly-corn. It valued of our mony, three parts of one 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Quadrans, a Farthing. It was a Roman coyn, weighing a grain of barley; it consisted of two mites. The poor Widow threw in two mites, which make a farthing, Mark 12. 42. By consequence it valued of ours c. ½.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Assarius, vel assarium. It was a Roman coyn, weighing four grains. The Rabbins call it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Isor, and say, that it containeth * 1.785 eight mites. Of this we read, Mat. 10. 29. Are not two Sparrows sold for (an Assarium?) our English readeth it, for a farthing? It valueth of ours, in precise speaking, q^a.—q.

Their silver Coyns.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gerah. It vvas the tvventieth part of the shekel of the Sanctuary; A shekel is twenty Gerahs, Exod. 30. 13. It vvas the least silver coyn among the Hebrews; valued of ours 1. d. ob.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Agorath: We English it in general, a piece of silver, 1 Sa. 2. 36. But it appeareth by the Chaldee para∣phrase, that it is of the same value vvith Gerath; that para∣phrase renders both 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Megna; by the Greek they are both rendred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the value thereof therfore is 1 d. ob.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Keshitah. The vvord signifieth a lamb, and is u∣sed for a certain Coyn among the Hebrews, on the one side vvhereof the Image of a lamb vvas stamped; our English reads it, in general, a piece of money. Jacob bought a parcel of a field for an hundred pieces of money, Gen. 33. 19. In the original it is, for an hundred lambs. But it is apparent, that Jacob paid mony; for S. Stephen saith, he bought it for mony, Act. 7. 16. In the judgment of the Rabbines, it vvas the same that n 1.786 Obolus, o 1.787 twenty of them went to shekel; so that the value thereof vvas 1. d. ob.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ceseph, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Argenteus, a piece of silver: as the Romans numbred their sums by Sesterces, insomuch that Nummus is oftentimes put absolutely to signifie the same as Sestertius: So the Hebrews counted their sums by shekels, and the Grecians by Drachmae: Hence Argenteus, a piece if silver, being put absolutely in the Bible, if mention in that place be of the Hebrew coyns, it standeth for a shekel, and valueth 2 s. 6. d. if it stand for the shekel of the Sanctuary: if it stand for a common shekel, then it valueth 1 s. 3 d. But if mention be of the Greek coyns, as Acts 19. 19. then it signifieth the Attick Drachma, vvhich valueth of our money 1 d. ob.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Luk. 15. 8. (o) It was a quarter of a shekel, and * 1.788 thus by consequence it valued of ours 7 d. ob.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Didrachmon, Mat. 17. 24. We English it

tribute money: The Syriack readeth q 1.789 Duo Zuzim; now that Coyn which was termed Zuz by the He∣brews, was answerable to the Roman D••nair; whence it appeareth, that it valued of ours 1 s. 3 d.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Stater. We English it a piece of money at large, but it contained precisely two Didrachma's. For the tribute money to be paid for each person, was Di∣drachmum, as is evident, Mat. 17. 24, and this Stater was paid for two, namely, for Christ and Peter, the va∣lue of it therefore was, 2 s. 6. d.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Denarius, a peny. This was their tribute mo∣ney, Mat. 22. 19. There were r 1.790 two sorts of pence in use among them: the common peny, which valued of ours 7 d. ob. And the peny of the Sanctuary, which valued 1 s. 3 d. For it was answerable to their Didrachmum; and of this last we must understand S. Matthew in this place, for their tribute mony was Didrachmum, as be∣fore hath been noted out of Mat. 17. 24. This Didrach∣mum or half shekel, vvas formerly paid by the Israelites s 1.791 every year fter they were 20 years old, towards their Temple, Exod. 30. 13. Caesar by taking away this money from the Temple, and changing it into a tribute for his own Coffers, did in truth take avvay from God that which vvas God's. Hence in that question proposed unto Christ, Is it lawful to give tribute unto Caesar, or not? Christ answereth, Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's. t 1.792 This very tribute aftervvard vvas paid by the Jews tovvards the Roman Capitol, by vertue of a Decree made by Vespasian.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zuz. It was the u 1.793 fourth part of a shekel of silver: it valued therefore of ours, 7 d. ob.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shekel, Si••lus, a shekel: it was twofold; Siclus re∣gius, the Kings shekel, of common use in buying and selling, it valued 1 s. 3 d. And Siclus Sanctuarii, the shekel of the Sanctuary, it valued 2 s. 6. d.

The shekels of the Sanctuary were of two stamps. The one was always in use among the Jews: the thirty pie∣ces of silver which Judas received, are thought to be 30 shekels of the Sanctuary. It had stampt on the one side, the pot of Manna, or as others think, Aarons Censer or Incense cup: the inscription on this side was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shekel Israel, The shekel of Israel: on the reverse side was stampt Aarons Rod budding, with this inscription about the Coyn, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jeruschalaiim hakedus∣cha. After the coming of our Saviour, the Jews which were converted to the Christian Faith, t 1.794 changed their shekel, and on the first side stampt the Image of Christ, with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at the mouth of the Image and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the pole, which three letters made his name Jesu. On the reverse side there was no picture, but the whole run∣dle was filled with this inscription, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (is) Messia rex venit cum pace, & lux de homine facta est vita. In some Coyns for the latter clause of that inscription is read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i.) Deus homo est factus.

The King's shekel, in David and Solomon's time, had stampt on the one side, a kind of Tower standing be∣tween 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and underneath was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The whole inscription was, Jerusalem urbs sanctita∣tis. On the reverse side, the rundle was filled with this Hebrew, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i) David rex, & filius ejus Solomon rex.

The shekel again was divided into lesser Coyns, which had their denomination from the parts there∣of. Thus we read of the half shekel, Exod. 30. 13. The third part of a shekel, Nehem. 10. 32. The quarter of a shekel, 1 Sam. 9. 8.

Their Gold Coyns.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zahab. The English reads is, a piece of gold, 2 Kin. 5. 5. By it is meant, that which elsewhere is called

Siclus auri, a shekel of gold, 1 Chron. 21. 25. Hence the one thousand seven hundred pieces of gold mentioned, Judg. 8. 26. the Greek renders 1700, u 1.795 shekels, of gold, x 1.796 The weight of this Coyn was two attick drams. the value 15. s.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Adarcon, of this we read, Esra 8. 27. It was also called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Drakmon, of which we read, Esra. 2. 69. Both these names seem to denote the same coyn; if not, yet both were of the same weight. The Greek in∣terprets them both by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and our English accord∣ingly renders both, a dram, which must be understood of the drams in use among the Hebrews, weighing two Attick drams. From the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Drakmon seem∣eth to have had is name. y 1.797 He conjectureth not amiss, who thinketh that Adarcon was so called, quasi Dari∣con, which was a certain coyn of gold in use among the Persians, and from King Darius (whose Image one side thereof bore) was named Daricon, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 amongst the Chaldaeans is often prefixed before a word, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is among the Hebrews. The value of this Coyn was of ours 15. s.

Their Sums.

Their sums were two 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Maneh, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mina, a Pound. In gold it weighed one hundred shekels. This appeareth by comparing these Texts, 1 Kin. 10. 17. Tres 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ma∣nim, three pound of gold went to one shield. Now we read, 2 Chron. 9. 16. Three hundred shekels of gold went to one shield. The name shekels is not expressed in the Original, but necessarily understood, as appear∣eth in that which was spoken of Zahab. For it is a re∣ceived rule, that in Scripture Aurum being put with a numeral, signifieth so many shekels of gold; and so Argen∣tum in like manner. The weight thereof then being 100 shekels, it followeth, that the value was 75. l. in sil∣ver, their Maneh weighed 60 shekels, Ezek, 45. 12. so that it valued 7. l. 10. s. Note, that z 1.798 Sheindler was decei∣ved,

in saying, that the price or value of the Manch was changed in Ezekiels time, because it then valued 60 shekels: for the difference is not between the sacred and profane Maneh, as Sheindler conceiveth, but between the Maneh of gold, which was valued at 100 shekels al∣ways, and the Maneh of silver, which weighed 60 she∣kels, according to the fore-quoted place in Ezekiel.

The second sum was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cicar, Talentum, A Ta∣lent. This, if it were of silver, it contained in weight 3000 shekels. For, those two verses being compared together, Exod. 38. 25, 26. sheweth, that six hundred thousand men paying every man half a shekel, the whole sum amounteth to an hundred talents; whence it fol∣loweth, that a talent of silver amongst the Hebrews was 375. l. But a talent of gold (the proportion of gold to silver being observed) was twelve times as much, so that it valued of ours 4500. l.

In this tract of their Coyns we are to know three things. First that as the Romans, in the former ages, used Aes grave, Bullion money, unstampt, which in the M••ss or Billot they weighed out in their payments, and af∣terward, Aes signatum, coyned metals: So the Hebrews, though at last they used coyned money, yet at first they weighed their many uncoyned; Abraham weighed to Ephron the silver. Gen. 23. 16. Hence the shekel had its name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shak••l, ponderare, librare, to weigh, or put in the bal∣lance. Secondly, as the coyned shekel was twofold, one for the use of the Sanctuary; the other for the use of the Commonwealth; and that of the Sanctuary was double the price of the other; so the weight of the shekel is to be distinguisht after the same manner; the shekel of the Sanctuary weighed half an ounce Troy weight; the com∣mon shekel▪ weighed a quarter of an ounce. For Example, Goli••••; spears head weighed 600. shekels of the sanctuary, 1. Sam. 17. 7. that is twenty five pound weight: Absolom's

hair weighed two hundred shekels after the Kings weight, 2 Sam. 14. 26. that is, four pound weight and two ounces. Yea, the sums which I have reckoned only according to the Sanctuary, in common use, according to the King's weight, they abate half their value.

3. The lesser coyns were in general termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or in the singular number 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Joh. 2. 15. The word signi∣fieth properly a small quantity or little piece of metal, such as may be clipt off from coyns. Ʋpon the first of the * 1.799 month Adar, Procla. was made throughout Israel, that the people should provide their half shekels, which were yearly paid toward the service of the Temple, according to the com∣mandment of God, Ex. 30. 13. b 1.800 One the 25. of Adar, then they brought tables into the Temple (that is, into the ward Court where the people stood) on these tables lay these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or lesser coyns, to furnish those who wanted half shekels for their offerings, or that wanted lesser pieces of mony in their payment for oxen-sheep, or doves, which likewise stood there in a readiness in the same court to be sold for sacrifices: but this supply of lesser coyns, was notwithout an exchange for other mony, or other things in lieu of mony, and that upon advantage. Hence those that sate at these tables, as chief bankers or masters of the exchange, they were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in respect of the lesser coyns which they exchanged: in respect of the ex∣change it self, they were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for c 1.801 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth the same in Greek, as Cambium in Latin, whence those Letters of exchange, which the Latines call Literas Cambii, the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tickets of exchange: in respect of the Tables at which they sate, they are termed by the Talmudists 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sch ulca∣nim from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Schulcan, Mensa; for the same reasons they are sometimes termed by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and by the Latines Mensarii. These are those changers of mo∣ney which our Saviour drove out of the Temple.

FINIS.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Zepper. lib. 3. leg. Mos. cap. 6.
• b 1.2

  Aug de Civ. Dei. l. 18. c. 22.
• c 1.3

  Zette••. leg. Mosaic. l. 3. ••6
• d 1.4

  Vide Funcii Chronol.
• e 1.5

  Maimon, in Iad. l. vit. tract. Sanedrim, cap. 4. sect. 13.
• f 1.6

  Seder Olam. minus.
• g 1.7

  Carion. Chron. lib. 2. p. 144.
• h 1.8

  Targum Ʋzi∣el. eadem pae••e verba habet Targum Jerosol.
• i 1.9

  Origen. hom. 17. in Genes. E∣piphan. contra Ebionaeos. & ma••ima Heb ••••∣••rum pars.
• k 1.10

  Cun••us de rep. Hebr. cap. 5 p. 81.
• l 1.11

  Euseb. demonst. lib. 8. c. 1. Mon∣tacut. in Ana∣lect. p. 72. Ca∣saub. contra Ba∣ron. pag. 16.
• m 1.12

  Patres pleri∣que omnes.
• n 1.13

  Casaub••n. ad∣vers. Baron. p. 19. It. p. 23. Ju∣stinus Mart. in Dial••g. cum Tryphone. Cunae∣us lib. 1. de. rep. Heb. c. 9. p. 82.
• o 1.14

  Cunaeus lib. 1 de rep. Heb. cap. 11. pag. 96.
• p 1.15

  Jeseph. Scalig. ex quo Casuab. adver s. Baron. p. 19. It. p. 39.
• q 1.16

  Montacut. in Analect. p. 74.
• r 1.17

  Augustin. con∣tra Manich. lib. 12. cap. 40. Eu∣seb. demonst. lib. 8. Cor. on Chrom pag. 143.
• s 1.18

  P. Galatin. lib. 4. cap. 6. p. 203. viz. Talmud. Je∣rosol.
• a 1.19

  Josep. Locutus de Pompeio l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de bello. Jud. c. 5. pag. 720.
• b 1.20

  Harum socie∣tatum frequens mentio facta est apud Ci••eron. in orat. pro Sex. Ros••. Murana, Cn. Plancio.
• c 1.21

  Sig••n. de An∣tiq. jure civium. Rom. lib. 2. c. 4.
• d 1.22

  Is. Casaubon. exercit. 13. 37.
• * 1.23

  Suet. in Flav. Vesp. cap. 1.
• e 1.24

  Tertull de pudic. cap. 9.
• f 1.25

  Jeronym. epist. ad Damasum.
• g 1.26

  Fraudt fuit ac∣cutissimo Poeno-Hebra••ae lin∣guae ignoratio, nusquam enim oceurit in fon∣te, spurius ille textus, quo Ter∣tullianus p••tissi∣mum nititur, non erit vectigal, pendens ex filiis Israel. Deut 23.
• a 1.27

  Magni quidam nominis Rabbi a∣pud Judaeos fu∣it, quem ex Pa∣ganismo ad Ju∣daismum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 per sigla appel∣larunt, i. filius proselytae. Pirk. Aboth. cap. 5.
• b 1.28

  De Judaeis Graeciensib. vide Scal. animadver Euseb. 124. 1. & in Can. Isag. 278.
• c 1.29

  E••seb. Eccles. hist. li. 1. cap 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• d 1.30

  Rabb. Solo∣mon. Deut. 23. 14.
• e 1.31

  Sheingler in P••nt••, lot. p. 1530.
• f 1.32

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• g 1.33

  Moses Kotser. fol. 20. col. 2.
• * 1.34

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• h 1.35

  Drusius de trib. Sect. 2. p. 102.
• i 1.36

  Moses Aegyp∣tius in Assare∣biah, Perek. 13. fol. ••37. vide Serarium tri∣haeres. l. 2. c. 2.
• k 1.37

  P. Fag. Exod. 22. 21.
• l 1.38

  Moses Aegypt. lib ult. Iad. tract. Sanhedrim. c. 2.
• m 1.39

  Casaub. ad∣vers. Baron. p. 27.
• a 1.40

  Rex Anius Rex idem ho∣minum Phoebi∣que Sacerdos. Virg. Aeneid. lib. 3.
• b 1.41

  Alex. Neopolit. lib. 2. cap. 6.
• c 1.42

  Valer. Ma••. lib. 1. cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• d 1.43

  Alex ab Alex. lib. 1. cap. 20.
• a 1.44

  Hin•• Sacer∣dos summus in fonte legitur Sacerdos un∣ctus, Levit. 4. 5. Jonathan ha∣bet Sacerdos magnus vel summus. De∣sertè Abem Es∣ra, Sacerdos magnus ipse est Sacerdos un∣ctus. Lyranus adhuc clarius; Sacerdos un∣ctus est Sacer∣dos magnus, quia inferiores Sacerdotes non ungebantur, &c.
• a 1.45

  Cunaeus lib. 2. de rep. Heb. cap. 7. pag. 22••.
• b 1.46

  Moses Kotsen∣sis praec•…•… fir. 173. f. 212, col. 3.
• e 1.47

  Vide Cunaeum de rep. Heb. lib. 2. cap. 3.
• d 1.48

  Elias Thisbit.
• e 1.49

  Causab. ad∣ver. Baron. p. 242. It. Joseph. Scaliger. in Prol. ad Euse.
• f 1.50

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• g 1.51

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• h 1.52

  Francisc. Jun. Analet. Expos. Numb. 8.
• i 1.53

  Dionys. Haly∣carnass. lib. 2.
• k 1.54

  Aeschines con∣tra Ctesiphont.
• l 1.55

  Herodian. p. 45.
• m 1.56

  Moses Kot∣sen. fol. 211. col. 4.
• n 1.57

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• a 1.58

  Bertram Po∣lit. Jud. c. 1. p. 17.
• b 1.59

  Eodem sens•• Graeci appellant artis medicae candidatos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eras. Epist. dedi∣catorta Hilari•• prefix.
• c 1.60

  Targum. 2. Reg. 2. 12.
• d 1.61

  Kimchi in praefat. ad Hoschan.
• e 1.62

  Gorionod. lib. 4. cap. 20.
• f 1.63

  Drus. de trib. sect. p. 86.
• g 1.64

  Buxtorf. Recens. operis Talmud, 19. p. 5.
• h 1.65

  Hieronym. ad Algasiam, quest. 10.
• i 1.66

  Elias Thisbit.
• k 1.67

  Solom. Iar. chi. Gen. 49. Vi∣de Ambros. T••••. 4. cap 3. & Tar∣gum Hierosol.
• l 1.68

  Drus. de tri∣bus sectis, l. 2. c. 12. ex. Chal. Paraphrast.
• m 1.69

  Augustin. in Psal. 40.
• n 1.70

  Drusius de trib. sectis l. 2. cap. 13.
• o 1.71

  Vide Thisbit. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• p 1.72

  Targum Ps. 84. 7.
• a 1.73

  Aruch. in voc•…•… 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.74

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Id est, Scaligero interprete: Ego tibi impon•• manum, & ma∣nus tibi imposi∣ta esto, Tithaer. c 5. p. 264. vide etiam Cunaeum de Rep Heb. l. 1. cap. 12.
• c 1.75

  Vide P. Fagi∣um in Scholiis suis ad cap. 4. Pirke Aboth.
• d 1.76

  Philo Jud. Quod omnis probus, p. 679.
• e 1.77

  Scaliger in Trihaeres. cap. 5: Ecc. c. 1. Bara. coth.
• f 1.78

  Pirke Aboth. cap. 4.
• g 1.79

  Ambros. 1 Cor. 14.
• h 1.80

  Parke Aboth. cap. 5.
• a 1.81

  Sheingler. in Pentaglot.
• b 1.82

  Hieronym. Isai. 8. Idem re∣fert Epiphani∣us. l. 1. Tom. 2. haer. 29.
• c 1.83

  Francise. Jan. pa••all. lib. 1. 8.
• d 1.84

  August. l. 1•…•… contra Faust•…•… Manichaeum. c. 4.
• e 1.85

  Epiphan l 1. Tom. 2. haeres. 29.
• f 1.86

  Epipham. l. 1. Tom. 1. haeres. 18.
• a 1.87

  D. Kanchi. Psal. 103. 17.
• b 1.88

  Pirk. Abeth. cap. 5.
• c 1.89

  Assid ••i de quib•…•… agitur. 1 Macab. 7. 12. vocantu•• à Joseph••, l••b. cap. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.90

  Joseph. Sca∣lig. Trihaeres. c. 22.
• e 1.91

  Joseph Sca∣lig. ibid.
• a 1.92

  Quart••m ety∣molig••••m (eu∣jus fundus & autor putatur Hieronymus, Prefat••, in A∣mos) refellit Scriptura He∣braica; si enim Pharisaeus di∣ceretur a verbo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dividere, scriberentur Pharisaei. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 non 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.93

  Gorionides. c. 22.
• c 1.94

  Suidas.
• d 1.95

  Diusius de trib. sectis, l. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.96

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Suidas.
• f 1.97

  R David Se∣phon. 1. 8.
• g 1.98

  Thisbites.
• h 1.99

  Chrys. Mat. 15.
• i 1.100

  Flavius Josep. lib. 13. c. 18.
• k 1.101

  Joseph. l. 13 c. 9.
• l 1.102

  Joseph de bel∣lo Judaic. lib. 2. cap. 12.
• m 1.103

  Serar. Tri∣haeres. l. 2. c. 3. It. Drus. in prae∣ter.
• n 1.104

  Moses Kot∣sens. in praef. lib. precept.
• o 1.105

  Gorionides, c. 29.
• p 1.106

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Luk. 1. 39.
• q 1.107

  Joseph. Sca∣lig. Trihaeres.
• r 1.108

  Munster in Deut. 8.
• s 1.109

  Theophylact. in Marc. 7. 3.
• t 1.110

  Beza in majo∣ribus suis an∣notationibus. Marc. 7. 3.
• n 1.111

  Drusius prae∣terit. Mat. 15. in addend. & Buxtorf. synag. Judai c. 6. p. 93. ex Talmud.
• x 1.112

  Epiph. l. 1. Tom. 1. c. 17.
• y 1.113

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ne attingas me.
• z 1.114

  Scalig. de emend. temp. lib. 7. Idem refert Epiphan. lib. 1. Tom. 1. cap. 13.
• a 1.115

  Theophylact. in Luk. 18. 12. It. Epiph. haeres. 16.
• b 1.116

  Drusius in Luc 18. 13.
• c 1.117

  Epiph. lib. 1. Tom. 1. cap. 15.
• e 1.118

  Moses Kotsen. prae••. affir. 22.
• f 1.119

  Maimon. in Tephillim. c. 4. sect. 3.
• g 1.120

  Scalig. ••ri∣h••res. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 258.
• h 1.121

  Chrysost. & Hier. in Mat. 23.
• i 1.122

  Moses Kot∣sens. fol. 104. col. 3.
• k 1.123

  Munster de praecept. affirm.
• l 1.124

  Hieronym. in Mat. 23.
• m 1.125

  Scalig. Tri. haeres. cap. 7.
• * 1.126

  n Concil. quinti. Sexti, Canon 61.
• o 1.127

  Vide D. Kim∣chi. Radic.
• p 1.128

  Tò 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, apud Euri∣pidem in Bac∣chis, valet, Magnifice ja∣ctare, Efferre. Magnificare apud Varonem & Plinium eadem signifi∣catione usurpa∣tur. Theod 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Beza in Mat. 23.
• q 1.129

  Hieron. in Mat. 23.
• r 1.130

  Talmud. tract. Suta. cap. 3.
• s 1.131

  Epiphan. lib. 1. cap. 14.
• t 1.132

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Theophylact.
• u 1.133

  Epiph. haeres. 14. It. Tertul. de praescript. c. 45.
• x 1.134

  Origen contra Celsum. l. 2.
• y 1.135

  Epiph. haeres. 13.
• z 1.136

  Aboth. cap. 1.
• a 1.137

  Joseph Antiq. lib. 13. c. 18.
• b 1.138

  Elias in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• c 1.139

  Drusius de trib. sect. c. 8. l. 3. p. 130.
• d 1.140

  Joseph. de bello Judaic. lib. 2. c. 12.
• e 1.141

  Joseph l. 13. c. 9.
• f 1.142

  Epiphan Tom. 1. lib. 1. haeres. 14.
• g 1.143

  Drusius de crib. sect. lib. 3. cap. 11. ex Il∣medenu.
• h 1.144

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• l 1.145

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 8.
• m 1.146

  G•…•… cap. 29.
• n 1.147

  Euseb. hist. l. 2. c. 23. Ex Joseph. Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8.
• a 1.148

  Joseph de h•…•… Judai••. lib. 2. c. 12. p. 786.
• b 1.149

  Aul. Gell. l. 1.
• c 1.150

  10. 1. It. Laert. in Pythag. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.151

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Marbe gnaba∣dim. Marbe ge∣zel. Pirke. Aboth. cap. 1.
• e 1.152

  ••ustin lib 20.
• f 1.153

  Joseph. de Be••o Judaic. lib. 2. c. 12.
• g 1.154

  Suidas, It. Aelian. de va∣ria hist. l. 12. cap. 32.
• h 1.155

  Joseph. de bello Judaic. lib 2. cap. 12.
• i 1.156

  La••r. in vita Pythagorae.
• k 1.157

  Philo Judaeus.
• l 1.158

  Suidas, It. La∣ertius.
• m 1.159

  Joseph. de bello Judaic. lib. 2. cap. 12.
• n 1.160

  Suidas.
• o 1.161

  Philo de vita contemplativa.
• p 1.162

  Laertius in vita Pythag.
• q 1.163

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18 ••ap. 2.
• r 1.164

  Suidas.
• s 1.165

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 9.
• t 1.166

  Quinquenne hoc silentium a Pythagora au∣ditoribus suis indictum voca. bant 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a cohibendo ser∣mone.
• u 1.167

  Laertius in Pythagor.
• x 1.168

  Drusius de trib. sect. l. 4.
• y 1.169

  Joseph. de bello Judaic. lib. 2 cap. 12.
• z 1.170

  Philo item Joseph.
• a 1.171

  Joseph. de bello Judaic. lib. 2. cap. 12.
• b 1.172

  Joseph. ib.
• * 1.173

  c Philo de vita contemplat.
• d 1.174

  Plin. hist. l. 5. cap. 17.
• e 1.175

  Serarius Trihaeres. l. 3▪ cap. 9.
• f 1.176

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. 2.
• g 1.177

  Jos. Scalig. in Trihaeres. c. 23.
• h 1.178

  Joseph l. 13. cap. 19.
• i 1.179

  Joseph. l. 13. cap. 9.
• k 1.180

  Philo lib. quod omnis pro∣bus, pag. 678.
• * 1.181

  Vide Chemnic. exem. Conc. Tri∣dent. part quart pag. 120.
• b 1.182

  Phile in Prin. lib. de legat. Caiunt.
• a 1.183

  Joseph Antiq. lib. 8. cap. 1.
• b 1.184

  Jo. l. 18. cap. 2.
• d 1.185

  Joseph. loco superius citato.
• e 1.186

  •…•…enius, Act. 5. 27. Theophylact. Luc. 13. 1.
• f 1.187

  Theophylact. in Luc. 13.
• g 1.188

  Joseph. l. 7. de bedo Iudaic. cap. 28. p. 985.
• h 1.189

  Epiph. haeres. 20 & Theop hyl. Mat. 22. 16. & alii plures
• i 1.190

  Hieron. Mat. 22. 17.
• k 1.191

  Theodor. Be∣za Mat. 22. 16.
• l 1.192

  Hieron. Mat. 22. 17.
• a 1.193

  Genebrard in Chron. lib. 1. Anno mundi 3145.
• b 1.194

  Sunt qui illud 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 apud Apostolum, Heb. 9. 4. referunt ad 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ut dicunt in Ta∣bernaculo se∣cundo, quod ap∣pellent Sancta Sanctorum, fu∣isse urnam mannae, & vir∣gam Aaronis, tabulas{que} foedo∣ris videl ur∣nam, & vir∣gam ante Ar∣cum; (ita Mo∣ses Kotsensis 210. 1.) tabu∣lam a ••••em in Arca.
• c 1.195

  Joseph. l. 8. c. 13.
• d 1.196

  R. David. Kimchi Psal. 120.
• e 1.197

  Buxtorf. de abbrev in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• f 1.198

  Joseph. l. 2. contra Apion. 1066.
• g 1.199

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In locum san∣ctum transire alienigena non debet Joseph. de bel. Jud. lib. 6. c. 6.
• h 1.200

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 11. c. 4.
• i 1.201

  Joseph. Antiq. lib. 15. cap. ult.
• k 1.202

  Vide Hospin. de Orig. Templ. c. 3.
• l 1.203

  Vide suppu∣tationem Func∣cianam. an. 3747.
• m 1.204

  H••soinian. ex Talmudistis, de Orig. Temp. c. 3.
• n 1.205

  D. Kimchi in Hag. 1. 8. Ea∣dem scribit. Rabbi Solomon ibid.
• o 1.206

  Genebrard▪ Chro. l. 2. anno Christi 69.
• p 1.207

  Theodoret. l. 3•• c. 11. Sozome∣nus, l. 5. c. 19, 20, 21.
• a 1.208

  Sigonius de rep. Heb. l. 2. ••••p. 8.
• b 1.209

  Philo in le∣gat ad Caium.
• c 1.210

  Vide Tremel. Acts 6. 9.
• d 1.211

  Maimon. in Tephilla. c. 11. Sect. 1.
• e 1.212

  Buxtorf. de abbreviatur, pag. 73, 181, ••74.
• f 1.213

  Talmud in tract. Suta. cap. ult vi. Buxtorf. Synag. c. 9. p. 240.
• g 1.214

  Drusius de tribus sect. l. 2. c. 10.
• h 1.215

  Maimon. Te∣phill. c. 11. Sect. 14.
• * 1.216

  Paraphrast. Chal. in hunc locum.
• i 1.217

  Da si g••a••e non est. Hor. l. 2. Satyr. 8. Sed tamen iste Deus qui sit, da Tytere nobis. Virg. Bu••••l. Accipe nunc Danaum insi∣dias—Virg. Aeneid. l. 2.
• k 1.218

  Epiphan. Tom. 2. l. 3. c. 80.
• l 1.219

  Beza Act. 16. 13.
• m 1.220

  Philo. Jud. de vita Mosis, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 550.
• n 1.221

  R. Juda. in lib. Musar. vide Drus. praet. Matth. 6. 5.
• o 1.222

  Qua te quaero Proseucha? Ju∣ven. Sat. 3.
• p 1.223

  Caninius de locis N. Testam: cap. 5. p. 38.
• a 1.224

  Sheindies pentaglo••.
• b 1.225

  Stukius con∣viv. l. 2. c. 11.
• c 1.226

  R. Juda in l. Musar. vid. Drus praeterit. Joan 9. 22.
• a 1.227

  Hyspin. de Orig. Templ. pag. 1.
• b 1.228

  Alex. ab Alex. lib. 2. cap. 22.
• c 1.229

  Populus Alci∣dae gratissima, v••tis Ia••cho. Formosae myr∣tus Veneri, sua Laurea Phoebo. Virg. Eclog. 7.
• d 1.230

  Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 16. c. 44.
• e 1.231

  Maximus Ty∣rius, Serm. 38. fol. 225. edit. Steph.
• a 1.232

  Rab. Salom-Iarchi. Deut. 19. 3.
• b 1.233

  Maimon▪ in Rotsach. cap. 8. sect. 5.
• c 1.234

  Paul. Fag. Num. 35. 6.
• d 1.235

  Masius in Jos. cap. 20.
• e 1.236

  Masius ibid.
• a 1.237

  Drus. Judic. 7. 19.
• b 1.238

  Erat autem primu. ternari∣us à prima us{que} ad tertiam, & dicebatur prima hora, secundus erat à tertia, us{que} ad sextam, & dicebatur ho∣ra tertia; terti∣us erat à sexta us{que} ad nonam, & dicebatur sexta; quartus à nona us{que} ad ul∣tim••m quae erat duodecima, & dicebatur nona. Refellit hanc o∣pinionem Tole∣tus, receptam licet à multis recentionem (ut ipse ait) qu••ni∣am de undecima ••ujus meminit parabola. altum apud h••s silen∣tium. Jure va∣pulant à te, To∣lete, qui ex••∣dunt udeci∣mam, constanter tamen asseren∣da est contra te quadripartita dici divisi••, in hoc potissimum illorum erro consistit, quod horam▪ primam faciunt, non in∣veniunt; horam undecimam in∣veniunt, exclu∣dunt tamen. ni∣hil à mente Evangelistarum magis alienum, quam ut 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, verteretur hora prima dies, qu••, in illorum scriptissonat quartam noctis vigiliam. Vid. Tolet. in Joan. cap. 19. Annot. 8.
• * 1.239

  c Drusius in praeterit. Act. 3. 1. Non fuisse ultra tres ho∣ras precationes in die apud Ju∣daeos, clare te∣statur David Kimchi.
• * 1.240

  Vide Bellarm. de bonis oper. in partic. l. 1. c. 10.
• c 1.241

  Vide Kalen∣darium He∣braicum Mun∣steri. p. 62.
• f 1.242

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Joseph Antiq. l. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. Mendose ponitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 qui mensis e••at ••lim secundus apud Heb••aeos, sicut & Dius apud Macedones.
• a 1.243

  Ab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iter facere, sig∣nificat viati∣cum.
• b 1.244

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Convi••••um, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Di••i∣••ur à potando sive bibendo, ut Graecè 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ab altera ejus parte▪
• c 1.245

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Festum, celebris solem∣nitas à radice 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Festum celebravit.
• d 1.246

  Chrysostom 1 Cor. 11. Ho•• autem praecipio.
• e 1.247

  Tertul. lib. 4. advers. Mar¦cion.
• f 1.248

  Xenophon. de institut. Cyr. lib. 1 pag. 17. It. lib. 5. pag. 113.
• g 1.249

  Tertul. de orat cap. 14.
• h 1.250

  Vide Drusium. ad difficiliora loca. Exod. c. 12.
• 1 1.251

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ne∣shekoth pharu∣kom, Oscula propinquorum.
• 2 1.252

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nishekoth pari∣shuth, Oscula se∣parationis.
• 3 1.253

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ne∣shikoth gedola, Oscula magni∣tudinis.
• i 1.254

  L••tio pedum ante discubitum, non solum Ju∣dais, sed & gentibus ipsis erat usitata: Lo∣cus hic tuas est, hic occum∣be, ferte a∣quam pedibus, Plantus. Pers.
• k 1.255

  St••kins. lib. conviv.
• l 1.256

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Benedictus sis tu, Domine De∣us noster, rex mundi, qui cre∣as fructum vitis.
• m 1.257

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• n 1.258

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Be••edictionen panis. Drusius in N. T. part. altera p. 78.
• * 1.259

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• o 1.260

  Non tam coe∣nam coenant quam discipli∣••am Ter•…•… ••••olog. c. 39.
• p 1.261

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• q 1.262

  Vide P. Fag. in praec. Hebr.
• s 1.263

  Scalig. de e∣mend. Temp. l. 6. p. 273.
• t 1.264

  Moses Kotsen∣sis. fol. 118. col. 1.
• u 1.265

  Sebastian. Murster. Mat. 26.
• * 1.266

  It. ••raec. Heb. ••er Fagium editas.
• y 1.267

  Voces quibus usi sunt Evan∣gelistae, sonant accubitum non sessionem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Luc. 22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mat. 26. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Luc. 14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mat. 14.
• * 1.268

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Discubitus, cu∣jus radix est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 circumi∣vit, Ambivit.
• a 1.269

  Philo Jud. p. 388.
• b 1.270

  Vetustissimus ••os erat, super lanatis pellibus discumbere. Qui poter at pelles addere dives erat. Ovid.
• c 1.271

  Tremel. in Matt. 26. 20.
• * 1.272

  d Talmud. tract. de Pas∣chate, vid. Tre∣mel. loco superi∣us citato.
• e 1.273

  Vid. Casaubon exercit. p. 278.
• g 1.274

  Ga••dentius Brixianus. vid. Casaubon. ibid.
• h 1.275

  Athenaeus. l. 10.
• i 1.276

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hospes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Onus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Profu∣gus. Buxto•…•…. Synag. cap. 32. p. 493.
• k 1.277

  Moris erat veteribus, in conviviis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mittere absen∣tibus amicis. Theophrastu s. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Idem testatur Plut. in Agesilaio 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eundem m••rem Judaeis in usu fuisse testa•…•… sacrae literae, Nehe••n. 8. 10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.278

  Scallg. de e∣mend. Temp. l. 6. p. 261. Item Beza in hunc locum.
• b 1.279

  Scalig. de e∣mend. Temp. l. 6. p. 269.
• * 1.280

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• c 1.281

  Joseph. Antiq. l. 16. c. 10.
• d 1.282

  In ritibus Paganorum coena pura ap∣pellabatur; coena illis
• * 1.283

  apponi solita, qui in casto erant, quod Graeci dicunt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vel
• * 1.284

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Isaac Casau. ••on, Exercit. 16. p. 662.
• f 1.285

  Caesaubo•• Exercit. 16. p. 477. ex Mich∣lot, Kimchi.
• g 1.286

  Buxtorf. Sy∣nagog. Jud. cap. 10. ex Talmad.
• h 1.287

  Buxtorf. Sy∣nagog. Judaic. ibid.
• i 1.288

  Hospinian. de Orig. fest. c. 3.
• k 1.289

  Buxtorf. Comment. Ma∣soret. cap. 4. ex Musar.
• l 1.290

  Jun. & Tre∣mel. in Exod. 16.
• m 1.291

  Sueton. Au∣gust. c. 76. de jejun. Sabbat. Vid. Martial. l. 4. Epig. 4.
• n 1.292

  Vatablus in hunc locum. Item Trem. & Junius.
• o 1.293

  Hospinian. de Orig. fest. c. de Sabbato.
• * 1.294

  b Joseph. l. 12. cap. 8.
• * 1.295

  c Joseph. l. 14. c. 8.
• r 1.296

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 R. D. Kimchi in Josh. 6.
• s 1.297

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.298

  Tertul. ad∣vers. Judaic. c. 10. It. Ambros. lib. de Myster. Pasch. cap. 1.
• b 1.299

  Aug. in titul. Psal. 68.
• c 1.300

  E Theologis non pauci, om∣nia quae ad 14. noctem perti∣nent 15. at∣tribuunt; quem errorem hause∣runt ex turbi∣dis Rabbino∣rum lacunis, qui hodie eun∣dem errorem errant, teste Scaliger de emend. Temp. l. 6. p. 270,
• d 1.301

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Maimon. de fermento & Azymo. c. 6. sect. 1.
• e 1.302

  Scalig. de e∣mend. Templ. l. 5. p. 270.
• f 1.303

  Joseph. de bel∣lo Jud. l. c. 17.
• g 1.304

  Hebraice 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Filium anni. Sunt qui di∣stinguunt inter Filium anni & Filium anni ••ui, Filium anni interpretantur, qui annum u▪ ••um agit, nec minor, nec ma∣jor; Filium ve∣ro anni sui, qui est in anno pri∣mo, licet eu••n nondum absol∣verit. Sed Aben Esra negat absque Cab••la posse sciri quis sit filius anni sui, ••am fieri potest, inquit, ut sit Vau addit••ium sive paragogi∣••um, quale in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 similibus.
• h 1.305

  Vid. Munster ad Levit 22.
• i 1.306

  Hospinian. de Orig. fest. cap. 5.
• k 1.307

  Aben. Ezra, Exod. 12.
• l 1.308

  R. David. in Radi••. Hoc etiam colligi potest ex Pirk. Aboth. c. 5.
• m 1.309

  Talm••d. tract. de pas∣chate. c. 5. in initio.
• m 1.310

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• n 1.311

  Moses Kot∣sensis, fol. 118.
• o 1.312

  Scaling. de e∣mend. temp. l. 6. p. 272.
• p 1.313

  Maim. de fermento. c. 8. sect. 7.
• q 1.314

  Maimon in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 c. 7. sect. 11.
• r 1.315

  Huj••s moris vestigia quae∣dam sunt re∣perta in Ro∣man. Flamine Diali. A. Gell. n••ct. Attic. lib. 10. c. 15.
• s 1.316

  Baxtorf. Sy∣nag. Judaic. c. 12. p. 317.
• * 1.317

  * Scalig. de e∣mend. Temp. in prolegom.
• t 1.318

  Buxtorf. Sy∣nag. c. 12. p. 325
• u 1.319

  Vid. P. Fag. in Exod. 12.
• x 1.320

  Vid. P. Fag. ib.
• y 1.321

  Maimon in Korban Pefach. c. 1. Sect. 6.
• z 1.322

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Salom. Iarchi. in Gen. 6. 3.
• a 1.323

  Joseph. Antiq. l. 2 c. 5 p. 6••.
• b 1.324

  Maimon. in Korban. Pesaeh c. 5. sect. 8, 9.
• a 1.325

  Seniores ap∣pellabant hunc diem, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lev. 23. 11.
• b 1.326

  Scalig. de o∣mend. temp l. 6.
• c 1.327

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Joseph. Antiq. l. 3. c. 10.
• d 1.328

  Scalig. lib. 6. de emend. temp. p. 260.
• e 1.329

  Plin. l. 18. cap. 18. Illud ipsud confirmat Leo Aser testis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Descript. Afr. lib. 8. c. 4.
• * 1.330

  e Jansen. Con∣cord. cap. 73. Item T••llet. in Joan. 7.
• b 1.331

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chag. hasucceth
• * 1.332

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, non 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.333

  Munster Le∣vit. 13.
• e 1.334

  Plutarch. Sympos. 4. Pro∣blem. 5.
• f 1.335

  P. Pag. Levit. 23.
• g 1.336

  Elias This∣bit.
• h 1.337

  Hospinian. de Orig. fest. cap. 7. It. Munst. in Calendar. p. 150.
• i 1.338

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• k 1.339

  Theophylact. Johan. 7.
• l 1.340

  Hospinian. de Orig. hujus fest
• m 1.341

  Talmud. tract. de festo Tabernaculo∣rum, cap. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vid. Tremel. John 7. 37. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Buxtorf. in abbreviatur. p. 253.
• * 1.342

  g Tremel. Joh. 7. 37. ex Tal∣mud.
• * 1.343

  p Hospinian. de Orig. hujus fest. p. 24.
• a 1.344

  Sheindler. in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.345

  P. Fag. Levit. 23.
• c 1.346

  Basil in Psal. 80.
• d 1.347

  Sealig. de e∣mend temp. pag. 26. It. p. 105.
• e 1.348

  H•…•…. de O∣rig. ••est c. 4. p. 15. E•…•…∣ti•…•… in illus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…s •…•…i c•…•…nt 29. di•…•….
• f 1.349

  Scalig. de e∣mend. temp. l. 2. p. 85.
• * 1.350

  Munster. Ca∣lend. Heb. p. 46.
• h 1.351

  Manst. Ca∣lend. p. 139.
• i 1.352

  Hospinian. de Orig. fest. p. 6.
• a 1.353

  Adu.
• b 1.354

  Badu.
• c 1.355

  Gahaz.
• d 1.356

  Labad.
• e 1.357

  Agu.
• f 1.358

  Batu tak phat.
• k 1.359

  Munst. Ca∣lend. pag. 45.
• l 1.360

  Epiph. l. 2. Tom. 1. c. 51. p. 147.
• m 1.361

  Ʋsum fer∣mentati panis in coena Domi∣nica Ecclesia Romana olim non damnavit. Casanbon. exer∣cit. 16. p. 465.
• n 1.362

  Munster. in Mat. cap. 26.
• o 1.363

  Joseph. Sca∣lig. de emend. temp. lib. 6. p. 266.
• p 1.364

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Moses ben Maimon. lib. ult. Iad. c. Sane∣drin. Sect. 11.
• q 1.365

  Aug. tract. 114. in Joan. Ita hunc locum exponunt etiam Cyril. lib. 12. in Joan. c. 6. Chrys. hom. 12. in Jo∣an. Beda in c. 18. Joan.
• a 1.366

  Joseph de bel Jud pag. 43.
• b 1.367

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gnazazal: ex 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gnaz. capra & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Azal. abiit, R. D Kimchi, in Radic.
• c 1.368

  P. Fag. Levit. 16.
• d 1.369

  Buxtorf. Sy∣nagog. cap. 20.
• * 1.370

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• e 1.371

  Suid. in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.372

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vetus Scholiast in A∣ristophan. Plut. pag. 48.
• f 1.373

  Budaeus an∣not. reliq. in Pandect. De poenis, p. 334.
• a 1.374

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.375

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• c 1.376

  Ahen Ezra. Deut. 15. 4.
• d 1.377

  Vid. Hospin. de Orig. hujus, festi.
• e 1.378

  Talmud. in Sanedrin. c. Helec.
• * 1.379

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Duo millia in∣anitatis, duo millia dierum Messiae, Tal∣mud. in Sane∣drin. c. Halec.
• * 1.380

  h Marbach. in Levit. 25.
• d 1.381

  Hospinian. de Orig. sect. c. 9.
• e 1.382

  Moses, Aegyp∣tius in Hala∣cha Schemit. Vei••bel, c. 10.
• a 1.383

  Hospin. de fest. fol. 33. ex-Antonio Mar∣garita in lib. de ceremoniis Ju∣daeorum.
• b 1.384

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Suidas.
• a 1.385

  ••ero. in Georgio. lib. 1.
• b 1.386

  Gyrald. Syn∣tagm. 17.
• c 1.387

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lucian in Phi∣lopatride.
• d 1.388

  Pausanias in Articis.
• e 1.389

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Theophyl. in Act Apost. 17. 21. It. Hieron. Tit. 1. 12.
• f 1.390

  Alex. ab A∣lex. lib. 6. cap. 4. Tyraquel. in illum locum.
• g 1.391

  Macrob. Sa∣turn. l. 3. c. 9.
• * 1.392

  l Vid. Macrob. Satur. l. 1. c. 18. I••. Ireneum, lib 2. cap. ult. Item. Origen. contra Celsum. l. 6. fol. 76 col. 3.
• i 1.393

  Vid. P. Gala∣tin. lib. 2. c. 10.
• k 1.394

  Plin. in Pro∣oem. lib. 5. Hist. Natur.
• a 1.395

  Lorin. in Act. 7. ex Oecumen▪
• b 1.396

  August super Judaic. q. 10. Vi∣de sis Eusebium de praepar. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• c 1.397

  Plato apud Macrob. Satur. l. 1. c. 23. ubi mendosè cita∣tur è Timaeo Platonis, quod est in Phaedro.
• d 1.398

  Assyrios Sa∣turnum (quem & Solem di∣cunt) Junonem∣••; colaisse con∣stat. Servius in Aeneid. 1.
• e 1.399

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mo∣lech dici vocult qui 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mal••ch, (i) Angelus, Nun∣•…•…. Proinde interpretantur Molech Mercu∣rium Deo um nuncium.
• f 1.400

  R Levi. Dev. 18. 21.
• g 1.401

  Macrob. Sa∣turn. l. 1. c. 7.
• h 1.402

  E••seb. d. prae∣par. l. 4. c. 7.
• i 1.403

  Jalkut. Jer. 7. f. 97. colum. 1.
• k 1.404

  Orig. contra Celsum. l. 6. f. 74. col. 4. It. Gy∣rald. in Deorum Syntag. 7. p. 223.
• l 1.405

  D. Kimcbi. Psal. 27. 13.
• m 1.406

  Capnio de Cabala. p. 644.
• n 1.407

  P. Galatinus l. 12. c. 6.
• o 1.408

  Aben Ezrae Lev. 18. 21.
• p 1.409

  Rabbi Solo∣mon, Lev. 18. 21.
• q 1.410

  Tert. Apol. c. 9.
• r 1.411

  Lactan. p. 40.
• s 1.412

  Solomon. Jarc. Jer. 7. 31.
• t 1.413

  Euseb. praepar. Evang. l. 1. c. 7. p. 17.
• * 1.414

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• t 1.415

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• u 1.416

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Joseph. Antiq. l. 3. c. 5.
• * 1.417

  Lev. 6. 3.
• * 1.418

  Solis honore novi grati spe∣ctacula Circi. Antiqui dixere Patres. Corrip. Afric. l. 1. num. 17. vi. Dempst.
• x 1.419

  Alex. ab Alex. lib. 3. cap. 12.
• y 1.420

  —Hic illius arma, Hic cur∣rus fuit. Virgil. Aeneid. 1.
• * 1.421

  ZCoel. Rh••digin. Antiq. l. 8. c. 2.
• a 1.422

  Heracl••s quid aliud est quam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i.) aeris glo∣ria: quae po••r•• alia est aeris ni∣si solis illumina∣tio? Macrob. Satur. l. 1. c. 20.
• b 1.423

  Euseb. de praep. l. 3. c. 4. p. 71.
• c 1.424

  Oecumenius Act 7. 43.
• d 1.425

  Sueton. in J••l•• c. 88. It. Plin. hist. l. 2. c. 25. Horat. l. 1. Od•• 12.
• e 1.426

  Hieron. com∣ment. 3. in Ezek.
• f 1.427

  Pier. Hierogl••. l. 9. p. 68.
• * 1.428

  —Nunquam{que} satis quaesitus Osiris. Semper enim perdunt-semper & inveniunt. Lucan.
• f 1.429

  Plutarch. in Alcibiade.
• g 1.430

  Procopius in Isaiam, ad c. 18. It. Cyrilius l. 2. Tom. 2. in 1. Isaiam.
• h 1.431

  Julius Ma∣ternus Firmi∣cus l. de erro re prosan. Re∣ligion.
• i 1.432

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Firmicus ibid.
• k 1.433

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 R. Dav. Kim∣chiin radic. Procop. in Isa. 18.
• m 1.434

  Plin. Hist: l. 6. c. 22.
• a 1.435

  Hieronym. ad Hos. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Idem. prodidit Isidor. Orig. l. 8.
• * 1.436

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hieron. in Isai. l. 5 c. 15.
• c 1.437

  Philo Jud. lib. 2. ••llegor. p. 79.
• d 1.438

  P Fag. Exod. 14.
• e 1.439

  Rosin. lib. 2. antiq. Rom. cap. 5.
• f 1.440

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Gregor. Nazi∣anz. orat. 2. contr. Julian. p. 102.
• g 1.441

  Plin. l. 10. c. 28.
• h 1.442

  Clemens A∣lexand. in procreptic.
• i 1.443

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Se puagint. in∣terpr. Jud. 8. 33.
• a 1.444

  R. Dav. 1 Sa. 5.
• * 1.445

  Triton non ab∣similem habu∣isse figuram fingitur. Frons hyninem prae∣fect, in piscem definit alvus Pier. Hierogl. sib. 31 p. 218.
• b 1.446

  Philo Bybli∣us apud Euseb. de praepar. lib. 1. c. 7.
• c 1.447

  Pier. Hierogl. l. 32. p. 228. Id. l. 56.
• d 1.448

  R. Levi. 1 Sam. 5.
• a 1.449

  Plin. Nat. hist. l. 8. c. 46. Herod. l. 2. So∣l••n. c. 35. aut aliorum di∣stinctione. 45.
• b 1.450

  Alex. Genial. dier. l. 6. cap. 2.
• c 1.451

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 stylo sculptorio.
• d 1.452

  Plin. Hist. lib. 8. c. 46. It. A∣lex. Genial. dier l. 6. c. 2.
• e 1.453

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• f 1.454

  Vultus facies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• g 1.455

  Cyprian. de. bono patient. p. 318. Videtiam August. p. 73. It. Tertul. adv. Jud. cap. 1.
• h 1.456

  Suidas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ruffinus lib. 2. hist. Eccles. cap. 23. Pier. Hie∣rogl lib. 3. p. 25.
• * 1.457

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Moses Gerund. vid. Munster. Exod 32.
• k 1.458

  Suid. in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.459

  Horum Ana∣thematum o∣blationem pri∣mo didicerunt ab Israelitis, Num. 7. 1 Sam. 21.
• b 1.460

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Astarten lunam esse opinor. Lu∣cian. de Dia Syria.
• c 1.461

  August. super Judic. quaest. 16.
• d 1.462

  Astarte Ʋra∣nia idem ••nni∣no valet apud Ph••nicas, quod Juno Lucina apud Latinos. Deducitur Ʋ∣rania ab He∣braeo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nun in fine ad∣jecto a••t per se solum, aut cum Jod. quod pas∣sim fit a Syris, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ••el 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in ••oe∣trinino vero 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. Lucidus & Lu∣cida, aut Luci∣••us & L•…•…. f•• hinc Grae∣•••• suum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 •…•…uati su••t.
• e 1.463

  Macrob. S••t. l. 1. c. 15.
• f 1.464

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dicitur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ab imperio quod in A∣•…•… l 5.
• g 1.465

  Macrob Sat. l. 1. c. 21.
• h 1.466

  C••••l. R•…•…. l. 18. c. 38.
• i 1.467

  D. Kimchi, 1 Sam. 31. 〈…〉〈…〉 It. J••••. 2. 1••.
• k 1.468

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cal••r. Sol.
• l 1.469

  R. Sol••m••n 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Levi••. 26. 30.
• m 1.470

  —〈◊〉〈◊〉 cor••∣ger illic. Jupiter. Luca••. l. 9. vers. 514.
• n 1.471

  Syderum •…•…∣gina bicornis audi. Luna puellas. Horat. car. saecular.
• o 1.472

  Pier. hierogh. l. 10.
• p 1.473

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cornua magni∣ficientiae R. So∣lom. porro He∣braicum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (unde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & cornu ema∣narunt) signifi∣cat in morem cornuum splen∣dorem radios{que} emittere.
• q 1.474

  Macrob Sa∣turn. l. 1. c. 15.
• r 1.475

  Plin. l. 36. 14.
• s 1.476

  Plin. l. 16. 40.
• * 1.477

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 puellos: alios Pe∣lopon••esionum,
• t 1.478

  Simili prorsus ratione Atheni∣ensium num∣mos quosdam, hoves: eorun∣dem Athenien∣sium alios quosdam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i) puel∣las, alios Corin∣thiorum
• * 1.479

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 testudines; alios Romanorum naves vocabant
• u 1.480

  Macrob. Sa∣turn. l. 3. c. 8. Non▪ a••similem idololatriam in cultu Veneris prodidit Juli••s Fi••micus de errore profan. religion. c. 4.
• x 1.481

  Maimonid. in more Nebochim part. 3. cap. 38.
• a 1.482

  R Jar••hi. 2 King 17. R. David non dissentit.
• b 1.483

  Lucian l. 16 de Syr. Dea.
• c 1.484

  Herod tus in Euterp.
• d 1.485

  Cic. de legib. l. 1. vid. Tira∣quel. in Alex. ab Alex. lib. 6. It. Diod••r. Sicul. lib. 1. 8.
• e 1.486

  Alex. Neopol. l. 6. c. 26.
• f 1.487

  Porrum &. cepe, nesas vi••∣••••re & fran∣••ere 〈◊〉〈◊〉. O ••anctas gentes •…•…bus haec na••∣••untur in h••r∣tis Numina. Juvenal. satyr. ••5.
• g 1.488

  Diod. S••••ul. l. 5. c. 72.
• a 1.489

  P. Fagius in Exod. 28.
• b 1.490

  D. Kimchi. prafat. in Psal.
• c 1.491

  Talmud in Sanhedrin. c. 1.
• d 1.492

  P. Fagius in Exod. 28.
• e 1.493

  Joseph Antiq. l. 3. c. 9.
• f 1.494

  R. Solomon quemadmodum refert D. Kim∣chi in radic.
• g 1.495

  Talmud. in Jonah c. 6. vid. P. Fagium in Exod. 28.
• h 1.496

  Abbeth. din.
• h 1.497

  R. David. in Radie.
• a 1.498

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Moses Kotsen. in praef.
• b 1.499

  Baal T••ri••n.
• a 1.500

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Hesiod. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• b 1.501

  R. Eliezer 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Elian Thisbi••.
• c 1.502

  Aben Ezra, Gen. 31.
• a 1.503

  Jarchi Lev. 19. 26.
• b 1.504

  D. Kimchi. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••ad.
• c 1.505

  Aben Esra L••••it. 19. 26.
• d 1.506

  D. Kimchi. inradic.
• e 1.507

  Plura isti∣uimodi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vide apud Theophrastum Character, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.508

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Suidas.
• g 1.509

  Talmud. tract. Mena∣choth. c. 9.
• h 1.510

  Origen contra Celsum. lib. 4.
• i 1.511

  Plin. nat. bist. lib. 30. cap. 1.
• k 1.512

  Bodinus Mag∣daemon. l. 1. c. 6.
• l 1.513

  Maimon. tract▪ Idolol. c. 11. sect. 10, 11.
• m 1.514

  Bodin. Mag. daemon l. 2. c. 1.
• n 1.515

  Chrysostom. 1 Cor. 12. Tert. adv. Mar••ion. l. 4. c. 25.
• o 1.516

  August. 2 de doct Christ. c. 23.
• p 1.517

  P. Fag. Le∣vit. 19. Ve∣rum Athe∣naeus bestiam hanc vocat 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vid. Bodin. Mag. daemon. l. 1. c. 6. p. 89.
• q 1.518

  Perer. de Mag. p. 57.
• t 1.519

  Vid. Drus. in Deut. p. 592.
• a 1.520

  Junius A••alyt. Expos. Deut. 17.
• b 1.521

  Moses Ketses. in Sanhedrim.
• a 1.522

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Significat haec vox Separa∣tionem, Elonga∣tionem, dedaci∣tur à verbo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Separavit. Hinc etiam Proscrip∣tus, prosiigatus, aut separatus. quispiam dici∣tur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.523

  Buxtorf. ex Rabbinis Epist. Heb. pag. 55.
• c 1.524

  Budaeus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dici tradit, homines sacros, (i.) quo∣rum capita infe∣ris dicata sunt & devota; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 donaria Diis consecrat••.
• * 1.525

  1 Cor. 5 5.
• ‖ 1.526

  Tim 20. 25.
• d 1.527

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Domin••s 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 venit
• e 1.528

  Elias Thi sbites in radice 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• f 1.529

  Bertram de Politia Judaic. c. 2. p. 21.
• g 1.530

  Buxtorf. Epist. Hebr. p 59. in dorso Epistolae subjici solebat haec abbrevi. ••u∣ra 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. prohibitum est per anathema. Rab. Gersom luminis captivi∣tatis (scil. re∣signare has lite∣ras.)
• h 1.531

  Vid. Just. lli notas in codicem canonum, Eccles. univers. ad ca. non. 25. Bellar∣de paenit. l. 1. c. 22 & Casaub. Exercit. p. 552. observant quin∣tum gradum, quem ille 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Alter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ap∣pellat.
• i 1.532

  Vid. Iustol. loco citato.
• k 1.533

  Hos••in. de Templis. p. 88.
• l 1.534

  De quibus P. Fagius, in Num. 5. 2.
• a 1.535

  Moses Kotsen. in Sanhedrin.
• b 1.536

  Drus. praeter. Matth. 25.
• b 1.537

  Moses Kot∣sens. in Sanhe∣drin.
• c 1.538

  Rosin Anti••. Rom. l. 9. c. 24.
• d 1.539

  E••a••. Adag. θ praefig.
• e 1.540

  Raca, non grandis alicu∣jus est sermo convitii, sed magis è con∣temptu natum est, & neglect a dicentis Chry∣sost. homil. 16. in Mat.
• f 1.541

  David Kim∣chi, Ps. 27. 13.
• g 1.542

  Moses Kot∣sen. fol. 186. col. 2.
• h 1.543

  Franc. Juni∣us Analyt. ex. ••••s. Num. 11.
• i 1.544

  Solon Jarchi.
• * 1.545

  Numb. 11. 26.
• i 1.546

  Moses Kstsen. f. 185. col. 2.
• k 1.547

  Moses Kotsen. ibid.
• l 1.548

  D••ut. 17. 8.
• m 1.549

  Cunaeus de rep. Hebr. p. 1•• 9.
• n 1.550

  P. Galat. l. 4. cap. 5.
• o 1.551

  Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 17.
• a 1.552

  Plutarch. de Iside.
• b 1.553

  Moses Kotser. in Sanhedrin.
• c 1.554

  Moses Kotsen. ibid.
• d 1.555

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Discipul. sapi∣entum.
• e 1.556

  Petr. Galatin lib. 4 cap. 59.
• f 1.557

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maimon in Sanhedrin. cap. 4.
• a 1.558

  Targum Jo∣nath. Num. 9. 8.
• b 1.559

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jonath.
• c 1.560

  Targum. Hie∣rosol. Num. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.561

  Deus. praeterit. Math. 27.
• e 1.562

  M••ses Kotsen. in Sanhedrin It. Talmud. lib. Maccoth cap. 3. in Mis•…•…na
• f 1.563

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ʋziel & Tar∣gum Hieresol. Gen. 37. 36.
• g 1.564

  Moses Kotsen. in loco superius citato.
• h 1.565

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Corat lebona becos schel injin. Maimon. in Sanhedrim. cap. 13. It. Moses Kotsen. in Sane∣hedrim.
• i 1.566

  Casaub. exer∣cit. p. 654. ex. Maimonid.
• a 1.567

  Paraphrast. Chald. Ruth. 1. 17. Mikkotsi∣fol. 188. col. 3.
• b 1.568

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sekila, Lapi∣datio.
• c 1.569

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sheripha, com∣bustio.
• d 1.570

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hereg, decol∣latio.
• e 1.571

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chenek, Suffo∣catio.
• f 1.572

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Omnis mors quae absolute in lege usurpa∣tur. strangu∣latio est, R. S••lom. Exod. 21. 16.
• g 1.573

  Moses Kotsen. in Sanhedrin.
• h 1.574

  Moses Kotsen. fol. 188 col. 4.
• i 1.575

  Paul. Fagius, Deut. 17. 7.
• k 1.576

  Moses Kotsen. loco superius •…•…∣tatio.
• l 1.577

  Rab. Levi. Levit, 10.
• m 1.578

  Moses Kotsen. in Sa•…•…r.
• n 1.579

  Moses Kotsens. Ibid.
• a 1.580

  Drus. praeter. 2 Tim. 1. 18.
• b 1.581

  Senec. Epist. 5. Non in lib. de tranquil. c. 10. quem ••dmodum citatur à Dru∣sio.
• c 1.582

  Sen. de tran∣quil. c. 10.
• d 1.583

  Tho. Aquin. secunda secun∣dae. q. 62.
• e 1.584

  David Kimchi.
• f 1.585

  Aug. Epist. 54.
• g 1.586

  Oculum pro oculo, id est, pre∣tium oculi. Tar∣gum Jonath. Deut. 19. 21. It. R. Solomon. ib.
• h 1.587

  Vid. Munster. Exod. 21.
• i 1.588

  A Cellius lib. 11. cap. 1.
• k 1.589

  Cic. pro Ra∣birio.
• * 1.590

  Thisbites in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• m 1.591

  Thisbites in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• n 1.592

  Elias Thisbit. ibid.
• o 1.593

  Talmud. lib. maccoth. ca. 3. in Mischna.
• p 1.594

  Baalturim. vid. Drus. 2 Cor. 10. 24.
• r 1.595

  Talmud. ibid.
• s 1.596

  Talmud. ibid.
• t 1.597

  Eustathius. Item Athenaeus lib. 4.
• u 1.598

  T••olasan. synt. jur. uni∣vers. l. 13.
• a 1.599

  Hieron. in J•…•…. c. 31.
• b 1.600

  Lipsius de cruce, lib. 1. cap. 10.
• c 1.601

  Joseph. excid. lib. 5. cap. 3••. Philo contra Flaccum. It. Liv. lib. 1.
• d 1.602

  Plut. Baceh.
• e 1.603

  Prudentius; Hieron. Beda vid. lip. de cru∣ce, lib. 2. cap 4.
• f 1.604

  Platarch. de seranum, vind.
• g 1.605

  Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 5. cap. 1. It. Suet. Domit. cap. 10.
• h 1.606

  Tertul. Apol. cap. 2 Sueton in Calig.
• i 1.607

  Artemi•…•…. l. 2. c. 58.
• k 1.608

  Sueton. in Calig. cap. 27.
• l 1.609

  Theophylact. Anselm.
• m 1.610

  Chrisostum. Ambros. & a∣lii.
• n 1.611

  Tertullian. Ap. l. cap. 40.
• o 1.612

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aristoph. in Iren. De eadem poena loquuntur Demosth. 3. in Aphob. & Sui∣das.
• p 1.613

  Senec. lib. 5. controv. 4. Ju∣venal Satyr. 8. Modestus, Digest l 48. ad legem Pomp. de patric. vid. Coel. Rhod. l. 11. c. 21.
• q 1.614

  Athenaeus l. 14.
• r 1.615

  Hier. Mat. 18. 6.
• s 1.616

  Magius in lib. de Equuleo, vid. Dyus. prae∣ter. l. 8.
• t 1.617

  Scholiastes Aristophanis. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 scribit esse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Pluto. p. 50.
• u 1.618

  Junius Jer. 29. 26.
• x 1.619

  Plutarch. in Artaxerxe.
• y 1.620

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Instrumentum constringens manus. D. Kimch. Jer. 29. 26.
• a 1.621

  Zebar. Gen. 17.
• b 1.622

  Alex. Ab. A∣lex. lib. 2. cap. 25. Herodot. l. 2. Diodor. Sicul. lib. 2. c. 1. It. l. 4. c. 3.
• c 1.623

  Paul. Fag. Deut. 10.
• d 1.624

  Christo. Cast. in Malac. c. 3.
• e 1.625

  Macerus in abbreviaturis. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• f 1.626

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elias Thisb. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• g 1.627

  Jun. & Trim. Es. 8. 2.
• h 1.628

  Plutarch. prob. 102. Ma∣crob. Stat. l. 1. c. 16.
• i 1.629

  Coel. Rhodig.
• k 1.630

  Arist. hist. ••∣nim. lib. 7. c. 12. Tertul. de I∣dol cap. 16.
• l 1.631

  22. cap 12
• m 1.632

  Scholiast. A∣ristoth. in Lusi∣strat. p. 886. It. Suidas in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
• n 1.633

  Stukius de co•…•…iv. l. 1. c. 16.
• o 1.634

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Moses Kotsen. in tractat. Cir∣cumcis. fol. ••15.
• p 1.635

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Moses •…•…en. ibid.
• q 1.636

  Moses Kots. tract. circumcis. fol. 114. col. 4.
• r 1.637

  Ephiphan lib. de mens. &. pond. p. 415. It. Celsus l. 7. c. 25.
• a 1.638

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sacerdos ea comedebat. Aben. Ezra in hunc lecum.
• * 1.639

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ʋzziel. Numb. 15. 20.
• d 1.640

  P. Fagius in Pentat.
• e 1.641

  R. Solom. Deut. 26. 2 It. Moses Kotsens. fol. 201. Col. 4.
• f 1.642

  Moses Egypt. in Jud. part. 3. tract. de Theru∣moth, cap. 2.
• g 1.643

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• g 1.644

  Solom. Iarchi. Deut. 18. 4. Item Hieronym. in Ezek. 45 fol. 260.
• h 1.645

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Theruma gna••in ragna.
• i 1.646

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Theruma beno∣nith.
• k 1.647

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Theruma gnajia ragna.
• l 1.648

  Epiphan contr. Pharis. pag. 11.
• m 1.649

  Maimon. in Buccurim. cap. 4. sect. 16.
• a 1.650

  Vid. Sixtin. Amama de de∣cimis.
• b 1.651

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• c 1.652

  Decime pri∣mae necessarii aut à celono ip∣so aut ejus vi∣cario Hieros••∣lymas depor∣tandae erant. Sixtin Amama de decimis.
• d 1.653

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• a 1.654

  Moses Kotsen. tract. de deci∣ma secundo. f. 199.
• b 1.655

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• c 1.656

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• d 1.657

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• d 1.658

  Solomon Iar∣chi, Lev. 27. 32. & Mai••on. de primogen. c. 7. Sect. 1. 5.
• e 1.659

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• f 1.660

  Talmud. tract. de novo anno ad initium Buxtorf. Synag. Jud. c. 12.
• g 1.661

  Moses Kotsen. in prae•…•…p. af∣firm. 136.
• * 1.662

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Moses Kotsen. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 199. col. 3.
• i 1.663

  Moses Kotsen. ibid.
• a 1.664

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ab••n Ezra. Num. 1 2.
• b 1.665

  Eandem prolis masculae ratio∣nem habitam apud Grecos te∣statur •…•…der. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c 1.666

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ʋx••r sec••nda∣ria vo••em com∣positam esse ai∣unt ex 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Di∣videre & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 uxor, quasi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 divisa & di••••∣dia.
• e 1.667

  D. Kimchi 2 Sam. 5. 13.
• * 1.668

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Hom. Iliad. 6. vid. etiam Suid. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• f 1.669

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 partem duorum.
• g 1.670

  O••keles & R. Solomon.
• h 1.671

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Duwum anno∣rum dierum.
• i 1.672

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Moses Kotsen. fol. 124.
• k 1.673

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Maimon in Is∣choth, c. 3. §. 1.
• l 1.674

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elias Thisbit.
• m 1.675

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• n 1.676

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• o 1.677

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Targum Hier. Gen. 30. 21.
• p 1.678

  Vid. Thisbit. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• q 1.679

  August. quest. super Gen. 88.
• r 1.680

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• s 1.681

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.682

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Stuk••us de con∣viv. l. 2. c. 3.
• u 1.683

  Munster. Gen. 30.
• x 1.684

  Non est tibi ulla herba infe∣rias ••ui non sit Mazal inf••rma∣ment••, & ferit
• * 1.685

  ipsam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ma∣zal, & dicit ei, Cresce.
• y 1.686

  Talmud. Bab. vid. Buxtorf. Grammati••. Chald. p. 389.
• * 1.687

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 V••lamen mulie∣•…•…. à verbo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Subjecit.
• a 1.688

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.689

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Grece 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.690

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Give Rad••d. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 inter∣pret••r ver••a M•…•…. in So∣••a. c. 3. sect 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• d 1.691

  M•…•…. de di vo••t c. 1. sect. 1.
• e 1.692

  Her f••rma rep••••itar apud M••s••m •…•…∣sem. sol. 133. Aliad exemplar ibidem hab••tur. It. in M••se Ae∣gyptio. part 2. fol. 59. unde de∣sumpta est haec testi••m subs••••∣ti•• qua•…•… ap••••∣sui•…•….
• f 1.693

  Solomon. Jar∣chi. Hos. c. 1. 10.
• g 1.694

  Maimon. de divort. cap. 11. sect. 18.
• h 1.695

  Senec. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de Benef. 16.
• i 1.696

  Plutarch, in Alcibiade.
• k 1.697

  Elias Thiisbit. It. Solom. Jar∣chi. Gen. 31. 15.
• a 1.698

  Tertullian. Apolog. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 47. It. Euseb. hist. lib. 7. c. 17.
• b 1.699

  Cor•…•… la∣vant f•…•…ntis & ungunt. V•…•… lib 6. Aeneid.
• * 1.700

  c Ambr••s. 1 Cor. 16. 29.
• d 1.701

  Tertul lib. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. carnis.
• e 1.702

  Epiphan. de Cerinthian. hae∣res. 28.
• f 1.703

  Chrys••st. 1 Cor. 15.
• g 1.704

  He•…•…dot. Eu∣terp.
• h 1.705

  Ʋs••rpa∣tur tamen 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in scripturis, lata significa∣tione, ad deno∣ta••d••m utram∣que ••nditaram. I•…•… 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 occu•…•…t. Gen. 5••. 6 pr•…•…, q••od••n Hebres. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Et ar••matibus condive••unt.
• i 1.706

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Talmud. Seder. Nezikin Bava Bathra. cap. 6.
• k 1.707

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• m 1.708

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• n 1.709

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• o 1.710

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Memoria ejus sit in benedi∣ctione.
• p 1.711

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sheindler in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• q 1.712

  Solom. Iar∣chi. Gen. 47. 29.
• r 1.713

  Gentes, quas∣dam corporis partes acu vul∣nerabant, vel alias incide∣bant, atramen∣tumque super ponebant, quod in cultum de∣monum suorum fiebat, praecipi∣tur ergone ull•• pacto sicut gentes ferirent carnes suas; quem ad modum sacerdotes Cy∣beles & deae Sororum, ut re∣fert Luci•…•…us P. Fag•…•…t. 14. 1. Ʋng••ibus ora soror f••∣dans & pecto∣ra pugnis Vir. lib. 4. Aeneid.
• s 1.714

  Sectis fratri im••osa••••e ca∣pillos. Ovid. Met. 3.
• t 1.715

  D. Kimchi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Aben Esra P. Fag. Le 14. 45.
• u 1.716

  Seissàque Po∣l••xena pallâ. Juvenal. Satyr. 10.
• x 1.717

  Majoris aeta∣tis funera ad rub••••n proferre solebant: mino∣ris vero aetatis ad tibias. Ser∣vius Aeneid. lib. 5.
• y 1.718

  Tibia cui te∣neros suetum a ducere ma∣nes. Lege Phrygum maesta. Statius. Theb. lib. 6. ver. 121.
• a 1.719

  Aben Esra. Gen. 24. 2.
• b 1.720

  Solomon Iar∣chi, ibid.
• * 1.721

  c August. quaest. super Gen. 62.
• d 1.722

  Alex. ab Alx. lib. 5. cap. 10.
• e 1.723

  Livius dec. 3. lib. 1. It. Valer. Max. l. 9. c. 3.
• f 1.724

  Jures licet & Sam••thracum & nostrorum a••as. Juvenal. Satyr. 3.
• g 1.725

  Allium, por∣rum & cepas inter deos ju∣rejurando ha∣buerunt Egyp∣tii, Plin. lib 19. c. 6. Item. Ju∣venal. Sat. 15.
• h 1.726

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Inter quae sa∣cramenta, cum quibusdam ali∣is, etiam jus∣jurandum quod Corban appel∣latur, enumerat Joseph. contra Apion, l. 2. p. 147.
• i 1.727

  Talmud. Hie∣rosolymit tract. de votis cap. 10.
• k 1.728

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Jurejurando se obstringunt, hu∣ic vel illi homi∣ni nihil se com∣modi praestitu∣ros. Philo Jud. de specialibus Legib. p. 595.
• l 1.729

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Per Corban. si quicquam tibi prodero: inter∣pretor 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Si quicquam quemadmodum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Si quisquam Mat. 10. 14. & Mat. 23. 18. Et execratione subaudita sen∣sus emergat, Per Corban ni∣hil tibi prode∣ro. Caeterum, si quis urgeat, quod in fonte sit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, non per Corban, vel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sciendum, quod similis ellepsis in jurandi for∣mulis non est inusitata, hinc 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 valet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 per domicili∣um hoc. Vide Drusium de tribus sectis. l. 2. cap. 17.
• a 1.730

  Plin. l 7. c. 55. Diodor. Sicul. l. 6. c. 15.
• b 1.731

  Servius lib. 2. Aeneid.
• c 1.732

  Alex. Genial, l. 2. c. 30.
• d 1.733

  Diodor. Sicul. l. 4.
• e 1.734

  Plin. l. 7. c. 56.
• f 1.735

  Euseb. praepar. Evang. lib. 18.
• g 1.736

  Diogen. La∣ert. in vita Cleanthis.
• h 1.737

  Eras. in Adag.
• i 1.738

  Baxtorf. insti∣tut. Epist. p. 4.
• k 1.739

  Aben Esra vid. Buxt. commen. Masor. c. 3.
• l 1.740

  Elias Levita in praefat. ter∣tia. l. Masoreth. hammasoreth.
• m 1.741

  Buxtorf in comment. Masor. c. 7.
• n 1.742

  Buxtorf in comment Masor. c. 8.
• * 1.743

  o R. Asarias. R. Gedalia. Buxtor. in com∣ment. Masor. c. 11.
• p 1.744

  Pirke Aboth. c. 1.
• q 1.745

  Talmud. San∣hedrim. c. 2. fol. 21.
• r 1.746

  Buxtors. in comment. Masor. c. 11.
• s 1.747

  Tertull. l. de habit. muliebr. Chrysost. hom. 8. ad Hebraeos I••enaeus adver▪ haeres lib. 3. c. 25. August. de mirab. sacrae. script. l. 2. cir∣ca finem.
• t 1.748

  Genebrad. l. 2. Chronolog.
• u 1.749

  Sunt ••ct•• vo∣ce••, quae scriptae s••nt in textu, sed non legun∣tur, quas add••. ••it M•…•…a, Ruth. 3. 12.
• x 1.750

  Contra has disputat Elias Levita in prae∣f••t. 3 l. Maso∣reth. hamma. •…•…th.
• a 1.751

  Ʋziel. Num. 2. 3.
• b 1.752

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Joseph l. 3. Antiq. c. 11. p. 97.
• c 1.753

  Tradunt He∣braei, filios Isra∣elita castrame∣tatos fuisse in circuitu taber∣naculi, ut unum milliare inter∣fuerit (i.) spatium mille passuum, & hoc erat iter Sab∣bati. P. Fag. Num. 2. 3.
• d 1.754

  Maimon in Bethhabchirah c. 7. sect. 11.
• e 1.755

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• f 1.756

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Quisque juxta ordinatam su. am ac••em.
• g 1.757

  Jonathan Ʋ∣••••l. Num. 2. 3.
• h 1.758

  Dicunt in vexillo Reuben fuisse imagi∣nem hominis: in vexillo Jehu∣dah, imaginem leonis▪ in vexillo Ephraim, ima∣ginem b•••• is: in vexillo Da••, imaginem a pailae P. Pag. Num. 2. A••en Esra, ibidem. I Angeli ex h•••• versu defini••i possunt; sunt e∣nim spiritus in∣telligentes ••t homo, potertes ut Leo, mini∣stratorii ut Bos, & celeres u•• Aquila Tre∣mel. in Ezek. 1.
• k 1.759

  Hieronym. a. l initium sui commentarii in Mat. It. Gregor. homil. 4. in E∣zek. a•• Hiero∣nym. dissentit D. Augustin••••s in Matthae, & Marco, ram in Leone Matthae∣um, Marcum, in •…•…ne put at ad••m••••atum August. de con∣sens•• Evange∣list. l 1. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• l 1.760

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Clangor, Vo••i∣feratio. Hebraei duplicem clan∣gorem esse sta∣tuunt alterum∣que vocari. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 alterum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ••••orum ille e∣quabilis est v••x, ••ic citus conci∣s••••que fragor: ille ad conv••∣candos caetus, hic ad accen∣dendos mili∣tum animos facit.
• m 1.761

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• n 1.762

  Haec est cau∣sa cu•• Hebraei Foedus face∣re, dicant 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i) Divide c, aut dissecare foedus; quem∣admodum apud Latin••s, dicitur percu∣tere foedus, quae l••cutio fluxit ab antiquo foe∣deris faciendi more: Sacer∣dos enim ferie∣bat porcum sili∣ce, dicens. Sic à Jove feriatur is, qui sanctum hoc fregerit foedus, ut ego hunc porcum serio Livius, Decad. 1. l. 1. p. 17.
• a 1.763

  Arias Mont. Thubal Cain.
• * 1.764

  Quatuor digi∣ti constituunt tres pollices. Franc. Junius in Ezek. 40. 5.
• b 1.765

  4. Palmos scil. minores. Pet. Martyr. 1. Reg. c. 6.
• c 1.766

  Herodot. lib. 2. in des••ript. Ba∣byl.
• d 1.767

  Orig. hom. 2. in Genes. It. Aug. de Civi∣tat Dei, lib, 15. cap. 27.
• e 1.768

  Quinos pal∣mos.
• f 1.769

  Sex. palmos.
• * 1.770

  Tremelius in hunc loc. m.
• g 1.771

  Isidor.
• a 1.772

  Arias Mont. Thubal Cain.
• b 1.773

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vid. Buxtorf. Lexicon. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.774

  Alsted. praecog theol. l. 2. p. 588.
• c 1.775

  Vide Buxtorf. Lexic. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ex opere R. Al∣phes. tractat. de Pasch. chap. 5. fol. 176.
• d 1.776

  Arias Mont. Thubal Cain.
• e 1.777

  Epiph. de mensur. & Ponderib.
• f 1.778

  Buxtorf. i•• loco superius citato.
• g 1.779

  Buxtorf i••.
• h 1.780

  Hieron. Ez••••, 45.
• i 1.781

  Alsted. prae••••g. Theot. p. 561.
• k 1.782

  Budaeus de asse. lib. 5.
• l 1.783

  Budaeus de asse. lib. 5.
• m 1.784

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Moses Kotsens. f. 124. col. 4.
• * 1.785

  Drusius. in praeter. Luc. 12. 59.
• n 1.786

  R. S••l••m. Gen. 33. 19. It R. David. in lib. radic. It. Levi ben Gers. Gen. 33. 19.
• o 1.787

  Drus. ad dif∣fi••. l••ca, Gen. p. 119.
• * 1.788

  •…•…wood de num.
• q 1.789

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• r 1.790

  Tremel. Mat. 22. 19.
• s 1.791

  Aben ••sr. Ne∣••em. 10. 32.
• t 1.792

  Joseph. de bell••. lib. 7. cap. 26.
• u 1.793

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elias Thisbit.
• t 1.794

  Alsted praecog. Theol. p. 550.
• u 1.795

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.
• x 1.796

  Breerewood de nummis.
• y 1.797

  Breerwood de nummis.
• z 1.798

  Sheindler in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.799

  2 Moses Kot∣sens. de Siclis. fol. 122. col. 2.
• b 1.800

  Moses Kot∣sens. ibid.
• c 1.801

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 inquit Pollu••, est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vid. Dr••. Annot. in N. T. part. al. ter.