The history of the Church of Peterburgh wherein the most remarkable things concerning that place, from the first foundation thereof, with other passages of history not unworthy publick view, are represented / by Symon Gunton ... ; illustrated with sculptures ; and set forth by Symon Patrick ...

A SUPPLEMENT To the Foregoing HISTORY.

THE ancient name of this place all agree was Medeshamstede or Medeshamstud (as it is cal∣led by Symeon Dunelmensis, and the Abbot Medeshamstudensis Abbas, by Roger Hoveden ad An. 992.) or Medeshamstide, as it is in Ra∣dulphus de Diceto, ad An. 1051. But whence it had this name is not so certain. The deri∣vation which Mr. Gunton gives of it, is out of Swapham, or rather Hugo (as I have shown in the Preface) who saith that as Eli had its name from the abundance of Eeles taken in the Waters there; and Thorney from the Thorns and Bushes wherewith it was overgrown; and Croyland from the Terra Cruda, moist and morish Ground on which it stands; so this place from that Vorago or Gurges, (as he terms it) in the middle of the River called anciently Medeswell. Whose won∣derful properties he derives from Springs perpetually bubling up; which kept it from being frozen when the rest of the River was, and yet made it so cold, that when the Sun was hotter than a Chimney fire (as his words are) no Swimmer could endure it. And it must be confessed that Bede derives Eli ab anguilla∣rum copia, from the plenty of Eeles there; consentiens communi notitiae, saith Will. of Malmsbury (L. ult. de gestis Pontif. Angl.) agreeing to the common notion: For it is known to all, there

was such abundance of all other Fish, and Fowl also in that place, ut pro uno asse, &c. that for one farthing, five men and more might not only drive away hunger, but fill themselves to satiety. And Thornei also other Writers will have so called propter dumorum condensitatem, from the thickets of all sorts of Thorns, and Briers, &c. which Athelwold caused to be cut up, saith the same Malmsbury; intending in the very beginning of his Episcopacy, to go and lead an Hermite's life in that place: Which he magnifies to the Skies. That place also which we now call Crowland or Croyland, is called Cruland both by Hugo and by Henry of Huntingdon. John Prior of Hexham, Gervase of Canter∣bury and many others: And Crulant by Symeon of Durham or rather Turgotus ad An. 1075. and Cruiland by Roger Hoveden, in Hen. 2. p. 547. and, more ancient than all this, King Edgar in his Charter to our Church of Peterburgh, calls it Crulond: Which may make that derivation probable, from crude Land which Ingulphus himself, who was Abbot of Croyland, gives of it; crudam terram & coenosam significat. But for all this, I see no reason to think that Medeshamsted had its name from the Medes∣well; there being no such deep pit in the River; and Hugo him∣self reporting it, with an ut dicunt, as they say; and another plainer derivation offering it self, from the fair Meades or Meadows, that lie on both sides of the River Nen, upon which this place stands. Which in those days were the more conside∣rable, because all the rest of the Country thereabouts which was not Fenn, was Woods.

So I find in the Book called Swapham fol. CCXCV. that all the Nashum, or Nassa as it was termed, afterward called the Li∣berty of Burgh, was solitary, and full of Woods, without any Inhabitant: And so continued till the time of Adulphus, who did but begin neither to clear the Country, by cutting down the Woods; and to make Mannors, and Granges. Presently after which, the place being new built, its name was changed into Burch or Burg (as shall be then more largely shown) which during all the time of the first Monastery, before it was burnt by the Danes, had been called Medeshamstede, and frequently Medhamsted: As much as to say, the Ham, i. e. Village or House, standing upon the Medes. And was sometime simply called Hamstede; as I find in Matthew of Westminster. Who speak∣ing of the inrode made by the Danes, under the conduct of Hinguar and Hubba in the year 870. and showing how they de∣stroyed the North Country, and then passed over Humber, and so went forward till they came to the Fenns, where they burnt the Monasteries and killed their Inhabitants, he adds Horum au∣tem nomina Coenobiorum sunt, Croulandia, Thorneia, Rameseia, Hamstede, quod nunc Burgum Sancti Petri dicitur. Which is no mistake in the Printed Book; for in a MS. now in the Library

of the Church of Westminster, I find the same words without the least difference, but only the letter e in the end omitted, it being written Hamsted.

Where I doubt not there was another Well, as Mr. G. ob∣serves by the way, called St. Laurence his Well: and very probably was near the Chappel bearing his name; which was dedicated to the use of the Infirmary. As appears by a Char∣ter of Willielmus de Midilton, a servant in the Infirmary, who gave to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh and to the Infirmary of that place, a Noble of annual Rent, ad sustentationem unius lampadis continue ardentis, in capella Sancti Laurentii ejusdem Infirmariae; for the maintaining of a Lamp perpetually burning in the Chappel of St. Laurence belonging to the same Infirmary. Swaph. fol. CLXXXIX.

The Superstitious resort to it, was the cause I suppose of its being stopt up, so that now there are no footsteps of it. For that moved Oliver Sutton Bishop of Lincoln to send his Inhibition to restrain that kind of devotion, which (as Mr. Gunton observes out of Dr. Hammond) was used both here, and at St. Edmund's Well in Oxford: and, I may add, in other places also; as ap∣pears by the Records of the Church of Lincoln. Where the Register of the Acts of this Worthy Prelate, in the ten first years of his Government (which was twenty years in all) are lost; and therewith this Act about the Church of Peterburgh: But there still remain the Acts of the other ten; In the first of which he condemned that superstitious devotion, which many people paid at St. Edmund's Well, in the Fields near St. Clment's-Church, without the Walls of Oxford, as tending to introduce the error of the Gentiles among Christs-worshippers; and in the last the like foolish devotion at another Well in the fields of Lincelad, in the County of Buckingham: Requiring the Arch∣deacons of Oxon and Bucks solemnly to excommunicate all such persons as should presume hereafter, to frequent those places, under the pretence of Miracles done there. Both which my worthy Friend, Dr. James Gardiner, Sub-Dean of the Church of Lincoln, having at my request, transcribed for me, out of the Book of that Bishop's Memorandums, I have thought good to communicate to the Reader; but that I might not too much interrupt the course of this History, have placed them in the end of this Supplement; together with some few other Records

I shall only note here, that there had been long an inclinati∣on in the people to this superstition, appears by the Constituti∣ons made in the Council held at St. Pauls London MCII. by Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury. Where among other things it was ordained, that none should dare to give holy reverence to the bodies of dead Men, to Fountains, and other things

(which some had done) without Episcopal authority. The words are these both in Malmsbury L. 1. de Gestis Pont. Angl. and Ead∣merus L. 3. Hist. Ne quis temeraria novitate corporibus mortuo∣rum, aut fontibus, aut aliis rebus (quod contigisse cognovimus) sine Episcopali autoritate, reverentiam sanctitatis exhibeat. But within a few days almost all the Constitutions of that Council were broken; and the principal transgressors were the Law-makers; as William of Malmsbury's words are, in MS. Copy of that Book in Sir John Cotton's Library: Which are wholly omitted in the Printed Book among the Anglicarum rerum Scriptores: MDCI. Eadmerus saith the same, (without mentioning particularly the prevarication of the Law-makers) in the conclusion of those Constitutions. Et hic quidem Lundoniensis Concilii textus est, qui non post multos institutionis suae dies, multos sui transgresso∣res in omni hominum genere fecit. And therefore no wonder Oli∣ver Sutton found the people still poisoned with this error, al∣most 200 years after that Council: Which he honestly indea∣voured to remedy, by his Episcopal Authority.

But it is time to return to our History: And to give a short ac∣count of the Founder of this Monastery, and the time of its found∣ing. The first Founder all agree was Peada Son of Penda King of the Mercians. Whose story is thus distinctly told by Hedda Abbot in a MS. Relation, still remaining in the Book called Swapham. There was a great Friendship between Peada Son of Penda, and Alhfrid Son of Oswin King of Northumberland (Bro∣ther to the great King and Martyr Oswald) in so much that they made an interchangeable Marriage: Alhfrid taking Kynes∣burga Sister to Peada, and Peada taking Alfeda (as he calls her) Sister to Alhfrid unto Wife. Whereupon Peada by the perswa∣sions of his faithful Brother-in-Law, and of his own pious Sister, was made a Christian, and baptized in Northumberland by that famous Bishop Finanus. From whom he received also four Re∣ligious Preachers of the Gospel, to carry with him to his own Country; whither he returned, plus jam gaudens de aeterna sa∣lute, quam de petita Virgine, rejoycing more in the eternal Salva∣tion, than in the Virgin he had gotten in Northumberland. Symeon Dunelmensis speaks of this conversion, in the very beginning of his History Cap. 4. and John Brampton names the place where he was baptized, viz. Admurium (twelve miles from the Eastern Sea) together with the four Presbyters which Finanus gave him, Ceadda, Abde, Betta and Dunna: who coming into Peada's Country, converted a great many to the Christian Faith, in two years time; for Penda did neither hinder these men from Preach∣ing, nor his people from believing.

All which is taken out of Bede L. III. Eccles. Hist. C. 21. where he saith, that not only Peada, but all his Nobles and Knights and every one of his Servants and Attendants were Bap∣tized,

in vico Regis illustri, qui vocatur Admurum. And that Penda when his Son returned, was so far from prohibiting the entertainment of the Christian Religion in his Kingdom, that he hated and despised those who having received the Christian Faith, did not live accordingly: Saying, they were wretched creatures, who did not take care to obey the God, in whom they believed.

These things were done two years before Penda died; and in his Epitome he saith Penda died An. 655, and the Mercians were made Christians. And in this year the foundation of this Monastery is said to have been laid by Peada with the as∣sistance of Oswin King of Northumberland, and of devout peo∣ple, newly Baptized, and especially of Saxulph, as Hugo often sayes. Though the Chron. Johannis Abbatis saith it was An. 654. They are the very first words of it. Anno Domini DCLIIII. fundatum est Monasterium de Burgo Sancti Petri, à Peada Rege Merciorum Saxulfo Comite facto ejus Abbate primo. But Hedda, before mentioned, carries it still higher; for he saith this Mo∣nastery was begun five and fifty years after the coming of Au∣stin the Monk into England; ab incarnatione Salvatioris DCL. exacti.

The great Stones, which Mr. G. observes were laid in the foundation, Hugo sayes he saw, when the Monastery was burnt, and demolished, quales octo paria boum vix unum traherent.

But it was only begun; for Peada died in the year 656. (as the forenamed Chronicle of John Abbot tells us; A. DCLVI. Peada mortuo Wlferus regnabat super Mercios, & erat Bissexto, &c.) and left the Building to be perfected by his Brother Wol∣ferus. Who, as Hugo sayes, was no less in love with this work than Peada had been: but pursued it with great zeal till he had finished it, by the help of Saxulfus, and the assistance of his Bro∣ther Ethelred and his two holy Sisters Kyneburga and Kyneswitha: And having indowed it with Lands and other Revenues, dedi∣cated it to St. Peter.

This is all that Hugo sayes (save only what belongs to his Char∣ter, &c.) in whom I find not a word about his revolting from Christianity, or his growing cold in it: nor in Hedda's Relati∣on neither, quo modo incipiente Christianitate in regione Mediter∣raneorum Anglorum initiatum sit Medeshamstedense Monasterium, & subsequentibus privilegiis confirmatum, as the title of it bears. But quite contrary he sayes King Wolfere was so flagrant (as his word is, in the worship of Christ, that he made it his business, not only to kindle the like affection in his own people, but to bring the Southern Kings and people that were subject to him, ad veram Dei sectam to Gods true Religion; by sending them Royal gifts, and inlarging their Dominions.

Yet I cannot say that Walter of Wittlesea devised all that story which follows in Mr. G. about him, his Steward, his two Sons, and St. Chad and the Hart: but he had it no doubt out of antienter Writers. For Leland begins his Second Vol. of Col∣lections out of a Book of an Author without name, but as he gathers, of the Church of Peterburgh, whose title is De Marty∣rio Wulfadi & Rufini filiorum Wulferi Regis. And there is an old MS. in Sir John Cotton's Library, intituled Passio Sanctorum Wlfadi & Rufini filiorum Wlferi Regis: in which the whole story is told more amply, with the Speeches made by all parties concerned in it, as may be seen in the 2. Vol. of the Monasticon p. 119. Out of which I shall transcribe nothing; but only note a few things wherein these two Writers agree, and wherein they differ, or which are omitted by the one, but related by the other.

Leland's Author saith, that Werbord was tanquam secundarius in Regno; prime Minister of State, as we now speak. And so sayes the other Writer, but explains it thus; he was Secretary to Wlfere; having been a Privy Counsellor to his Father Penda: who esteemed him as David did Achitophel, and let him govern the whole Kingdom under him, as Haman did under Ahasuerus. Which puffed him up so much, that they both say he aspired to the honour of marrying the Kings Daughter Werburg: only Le∣land's Author sayes, that he Courting her for his Wife, was de∣spised by the Virgin, by the counsel of her Mother Ermenild; the other Writer sayes, he askt her of the King for his Wife, when she was but a little Child, and the King consented: But the Queen denyed it; and the two Brothers were so incensed at the mans insolence (especially because he was a Pagan) that they opposed his Petition to his face. From which time Wer∣bord meditated revenge, and contrived their ruin; which fol∣lowed in such manner as is related by Mr. G. Wolfere (sayes the Writer now mentioned) being like his Father Penda, na∣turally fierce and prone to anger; and, when the fit was upon him, more furious than any wild Beast.

They both say that, upon their being Baptized, both the Bro∣thers perswaded St. Chad to remove his Cell nearer to their Fathers Court, at Wlfercestre, in Staffordshire; to give them the advantage of more frequent conversation with him: and that, upon their being slain by their cruel Fathers own hand, he re∣treated to his old Oratory again. But Leland's Author sayes they suffered upon the tenth Kaland Augusti; the other upon the ninth.

They both agree that Werbord ran mad, as one possessed with a Devil; and the latter of them saith, he tore his own flesh from his arms with his own teeth; and so died distracted. They agree also, that the Queen buried both her Martyr'd Sons, in

uno saxeo Sarcophago in one Stone Coffin; and that in process of time she built a fair Church of Stone, in that place: for a multitude of people coming there to pray, were wont to bring Stones along with them for the building; which gave the place the name of Stanes. And the King, when he had in cool blood considered of the fact, was pricked in Conscience, or rather miserably tormented in mind, like a man upon the rack: and was thereupon admonished to seek for ease, by confessing his Sin to St. Chad, and doing whatsoever he enjoyned. Who commanded him instantly to destroy all Idolatry, and the Tem∣ples of Demons; to build Churches, found Monasteries, get Clergy men Ordained, cause the Laws of Christ to be observed, &c. which he did, and among other things, illud nobile Coeno∣bium in Medeshamstede praediis & possessionibus ditavit, &c. quod hodie Petresburch i. e. Civitas Sancti Petri nominatur, saith the last named Author. By which passage it appears, that he lived after the Restauration of the Monastery by King Edgar: and that what follows in Leland concerning the Procurator of the Colledge at Stanes (which Wolfere also founded for Canons Regular) going to Rome; to get the two Martyrs Wulfade and Rufinus put into the Catalogue of the Saints, was done also, if the story be true, long after their death. They both say, he carried the head of Wulfade with him, though much against the will (saith the latter Writer) of almost all the Brethren. For he hoped thereby the more easily to obtain his Petition. And to prove their Sanctity, though the Records of the Miracles done by them, were destroyed by the fury of the Pagans, he voluntari∣ly offered to pass through a great fire (made by a pile of Wood) with the head of Wulfade: which he said he had brought with him for that very end. But the Pope answered as Christ did the Devil, Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God. For the Sa∣cred Canons did not appoint such trials by fire or water, nor decisions by single combate; but they were invented by super∣stitious men. Yet taking compassion upon the great pains he had taken in so long a journey; he granted the request; and commanded their names to be put into the Martyrology of the Saints.

The Procurator and his Companions returning home with great joy, left the head of St. Wulfade at Viterbium in the Church of St. Laurence, as Leland concludes the story. Which the other Author explains thus; that in their journey they lay one night in the City Biterinum (as he calls it) and, for greater security, committed the head to be kept for that night, in the Church of St. Laurence the Martyr: but in the morning when they came to take it again, they could not with all their might, remove it from the place where they had laid it. And so with shame and confusion of face came to their own Country, with the loss of

that Treasure: it being apparent that their carrying it from Kingdom to Kingdom, through various places (and perhaps for gain, or honour, or favour) was not a thing pleasing to God and the Holy Martyr Wulfade.

But what truth there is in all this, is hard to say: Cedda or Chad being gone from those parts as far as York, before Wul∣fere's Charter to this Church; which, by the story, must be sup∣posed to have been granted immediately upon his going to St. Chad: who in his Penance injoyned him, sayes the last Author, sub omni celeritate with all speed, to cause Monasteries to be founded, &c. For it bears date DCLXIIII. and Cedda, sayes the Chronicon Litchfeldense * 1.1, was consecrated Bishop of York DCLXIII. Where having governed three year he retired to his Monastery of Lestingay, where he had been Abbot, be∣cause Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury was not satisfied, that he had been duly consecrated. It may be supposed indeed that before he went to York, all those things hapned, between the years DLVI. and DLXIII. But then here is the mischief of it, that Jarmannus (one of those who subscribes Wulfere's Char∣ter) was not then Bishop of the Mercians, i. e. of Litchfield; for he was made so the same year Cedda went to York DLXIII. and yet the story sayes, that when Wulfere was troubled in mind, his Queen wisht him to be advised by the holy Bishops, Jermannum & Ceddam. Which supposes this to have been af∣ter Cedda was come back to his old Cell or Monastery; that is after the year DLXVI. or in that year: For Jarmannus ha∣ving governed four years, saith the Chronicon Litchfeldense, died, and Theodore made Cedda Bishop of Litchfield Anno DLXVII.

And there is still one difficulty more, that Cedda, sayes the story, commanded Wulfere immediately to destroy all Idolatry throughout his whole Kingdom: and yet that was not done, if we may believe the Chronicle of our Church per Johannem Abbatem, till the last year of his Reign DCLXXV. Where his words are Wlferus Rex Merciorum omnium Ydolorum cultum ex regione fugavit.

Leaving these things therefore in uncertainty, let us pass to what follows; that Wulferus dying Anno 675. (as Bede saith in his Epitome) after he had reigned 17 years; left his King∣dom to his Brother Etheldred, or as he calls him Edilredus: who Reigning longer, had more time to add what was wanting to the perfecting of this Monastery. To which he was the more inclined, because he loved this kind of life so much, as to ex∣change his Crown for a Cowl. So Mr. G. hath observed out of Malmsbury; and I find the same in the Chron. Joh. Abbatis, An. DCCIIII. Ethelredus Rex Merciorum factus Monachus, apud Bardeney. When he was made Abbot of that place it doth not

appear: but he tells us that he dyed Abbot the same year that Ethebald came to the Crown. Anno DCCXVI. Ethelredus quon∣dam Rex Abbas de Bardeney obiit.

But he that contributed the most towards the beginning and perfection of this Monastery (and indeed towards the introdu∣ction of Christianity into these parts) was that Noble person, who became the first Abbot of it,

SAXƲLFƲS.

Venerable Bede calls him Sexuulfus; but most other Writers Saxulfus (or Saxulphus) who was so far assisting to Peada in the foundation of this Monastery (which Hugo saith he began to build per Saxulphum virum potentissimum) that he is commonly cal∣led by all ancient Writers constructor the Builder or at least Co∣founder of it. In this stile the Chronicon Litchfeldense speaks of him. Hic erat constructor & Abbas Monasterii de Medamstede quod nunc Petrusburgh. And Radulphus de Diceto ad An. 680. (speaking of the deposition of Wilfrid Bishop of the Mer∣cians) saith that Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury ordained in his place Saxulphum constructorem & Abbatem Monasterii quod dicitur Burch in regione Girviorum. A great many others speak the same Language; and they all have it out of Bede L. IV. Histor. Eccles. c. 6. where treating of the same matter, viz. Sexuulfus his ordination to be Bishop, he gives this character of him, Qui erat Constructor & Abbas quod dicitur Medeshamstedi, &c. And this memory of him continued after the Monastery was burnt by the Danes, till the time of King Edgar, who re∣stored it. For when Hugo speaks of Athelwold's repairing of Thornei, he saith he was moved to it, because it had been founded and built by Saxulf who was, primus Abbas & constructor Mede∣shamstede.

The meaning of all which is explained in King Wulphere's Char∣ter, where he saith this House, Studio venerabilis Saxulphi glo∣riose est condita, was built gloriously by the Care and Study of Saxulf. Who excited these Kings to this Work, and lookt af∣ter it with such diligence, and perhaps procured the charitable Contributions of well disposed People towards it, that he might, in some sort, be accounted the Founder of it. And in those terms Leland speaks of him, in his Collections de Funda∣datoribus Monasteriorum: where he saith, Ecclesia S. Petri de Burgo à Saxulfo fundata est. But Saxulf himself shews this is not to be understood, as if it was built at his Charge, but by his care in managing the Royal Bounty; For when he subscribes his Name to the Priviledges granted to this Church by Pope Aga∣tho, approved by Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury, and con∣firmed by King Ethelred; he doth it in these terms:

✚ Ego humilis Saxulfus, regali beneficio ejusdem Monasterii fundator, ita coroborare gaudeo.

But that which is most for the Honour of this Noble person, is that he was a great Instrument in bringing the Christian Reli∣gion it self into the Kingdom of Mercia. As appears from the relation of Hedda, who lived in or immediately after those times: which show also what hand he had in the erection of this Mo∣nastery.

'For having told us how Peada was converted, and Bap∣tized in the Northern parts, and brought with him hither the four Preachers, I before mentioned, he adds, His accessit Comes & Cooperator illustris Saxulphus, vir praepotens, & seculo & religione, Regiq. & Ecclesiae acceptissimus, &c. To these joyned himself as a Companion, and Co-worker, Saxulf, a very pow∣erfull man every way, both in Secular and Religious affairs; being no less gracious with the King, than acceptable to the Church. Who desiring to inlarge the new Plantation of Chri∣stianity, by the favour of God and the benevolence of the King, molitus est Monasterium nobile quod Medeshamstede dicitur, &c. built that noble Monastery which is called Medeshamstede in the Country of the Girvii, which he consecrated to St. Peter (by whom the Lord built his Church) tanquam Ecclesiae primitias as the first-fruits of the Church. In this place, having got together a numerous society of Brethren, he sat Abbot and Doctor of the Middle-Angles and Mercians, till he was advan∣ced to be a Bishop: instructing Unbelievers, baptizing those that believed; having religious Monks his Disciples within doors; and without, Masters for the propagating of the Faith. Insomuch that he built suffragan Covents, and other Churches, as Daughters of this fruitful Mother.'

Of what Order these Monks were, and under what rule this Monastery was founded, I believe no body now can determine. For it doth not follow that because they were Benedictines in after ages, they were so at the beginning: Nay, it is certain, as I shall show in its due place, the Rule of St. Bennet was not heard of in England, till after the foundation of this Monastery. The Benedictine Monks indeed pretend, for the honour of their Order, that Austin the Monk, and his Brethren (who came into England between fifty and sixty years before this An. 597) were Benedictines. But no such thing appears from any Records, but rather the contrary: for all agree, Austin was of the same Order with him that sent him, viz. Gregory the great: and no less man than Cardinal Baronius denies that he was a Be∣nedictine. It is not certain indeed what Order he was of; for there had been so many rules in the World for a long time before him, that Cassianus saith about the year 450, we see almost as

many types and rules used as there are Monasteries and Cells. In Italy, it might be easily shown, there were several Orders at that very time when Austin came hither; and had been so a good while before that: Out of which great variety they afterward formed the Regulares Consuetudines; which were in such high esteem, that they always had regard to them, in the re∣formations which, in process of time, were made in Monastical Orders; as shall appear hereafter.

All that is proper for this place, is to inquire what Rule was observed by the Monks in the North: from whence he came who converted Peada, and sent Preachers to convert the Mer∣cians. Which would prove so long a business, and yet leave us in such uncertainty, that I think fit wholly to omit it; and re∣turn to Sexulph.

When he was advanced to the Episcopal Authority the fore∣named Author doth not tell us: but we learn it from the Chro∣nicon Litchfeldense, which saith it was DCLXXIII. Sexulfus post depositionem Winfridi per Theodorum, Episcopus Litchfeldiae consecratus est An. Domini DCLXXIII. which is exactly agree∣able to the account given of these Matters by V. Bede who calls his Predecessor by the name of Winfridus, whom other later Writers call Wilfridus, and Wolfridus: who was deposed, they all say, by Theodore, ob meritum cujusdam inobedientiae; but do not tell us what that disobedience was, which deserved so great a punishment. For he was esteemed a good man, and had been Deacon to St. Chad, as Bede tells us: and thought worthy to be his Successor in the Episcopal See; to which he was promoted An. DCLXX. and within three years time removed. Radulphus de Diceto indeed saith it was not till the year DCLXXX. Where he hath these words, Offensus Wilfrido Merciorum Episcopo per meritum cujusdam inobedientiae Theodorus Dorobernensis Archiepiscopus, Eum de Episcopatu deposuit, & in loco ejus Saxulfum Episcopum ordinavit, Constructorem & Abba∣tem Monasterii quod dicitur Burch, in regione Girviorum.

Whensoever this was, it is certain Sexulfus was his Succes∣sor; and is reckoned the Seventh Bishop of the Mercians, or of Litchfield. For Duina a Scotch man was the first Bishop of the Mercians, as well as of the Lindifararians (as my Au∣thor speaks * 1.2) the paucity of Priests in those days com∣pelling them to set one Bishop over divers people: who having governed two years, dyed DCLVIII. and had another of the same Nation his Successor, called Cellach; who left it presently and returned to his Island Hii DCLIX. And then came Trum∣here an Englishman, but ordained by the Scots, who dyed DCLXII. And then Jarmannus who dyed DCLXVII. to whom succeeded Cedda, or Ceadda (as Bede calls him) who was the fifth Bishop (not the first as Mr. G. hath it) and

dyed DCLXX. And then, as I have said, followed Winfrid, and after him Saxulf, who flentibus & moerentibus (as Hugo's words are) ejus Monasterii fratribus, eligitur ad Episcopatum Me∣diterraneorum Anglorum, & Merciorum, simul & Lindisfarorum. By which it appears that the people of those different regions still continued under the same Bishop. But in Saxulph's time a great and happy alteration was made, by the increase, I sup∣pose, of Priests; and of such Priests as were fit to be advanced to the Episcopal charge. For the Bishoprick of the Mercians (to say nothing of Lindsfarn) was in his days divided in quinque Paro∣chias, (into five Diocesses, as we now speak) in Herefordensem, Wigornensem, Lichfeldensem, Legecestrensem, & Lindifiensem. Two of which, it should seem by the forenamed Chronicle, Sex∣ulphus governed, viz. Litchfield and Leogastre; which were di∣vided after his death between two, Hedda and Wilfrid: but upon the death of Wilfrid again united in Hedda who governed both Diocesses. By which Hedda the Church of Lichfield was built secundo Kal. Januarii An. DCC. and the body of St. Chad translated into it.

By all which it is evident that passage in Mr. G. p. 3. must be corrected, that S. Chad was first Bishop of Litchfield, where he founded the Cathedral Church. Bede saith no such thing in the place quoted in the Margin, but rather the contrary; that he had his Episcopal See at Litchfield, where he dyed and was buried nigh the Church of St. Mary, and afterward, (viz. by Hedda as I have shown) the Church of blessed St. Peter being built, his bones were translated thither.

How long Saxulf governed this Church is not certain. The forenamed Chronicon saith he dyed DCLXXIIII. but it should be DCLXXXIIII. I make no doubt. For all agree he was alive when Edilred, wasting the Country of Kent and prophane∣ing Churches and Monasteries, made Putta Bishop of Rochester seek for safety else where, and at last betake himself ad Sex∣ulfum Merciorum Antistitem, as Bede tells (L. IV. C. 12.) and this was in the year DCLXXVII. He was witness also to the Priviledge granted by Pope Agatho, as I showed before; which was DCLXXX. in which year the forementioned division of the Kingdom of the Mercians into five Diocesses, was made, as we learn from the MS. Chronicle of John Abbot. Whose words are An. DCLXXX. Regio Merciorum in V. Parochias est divisa; per Theodorum Archiepiscopum, & Johannem Romanum Archicanc. & Legatum. And Symeon Dunelmensis mentions him ad Ann. DCLXXXIII. where speaking of the Towns given by the King of Northumberland to St. Cutbert and his Successors, and of the Witnesses to this grant, he makes Saxulf one of them, who thus subscribes: Ego Sexulfus Merciorum Episcopus subscripsi. In the next year, I suppose, he dyed; and left his See to Hedda, whom

other Authors call Etheldus, and Bede L. IV. C. 12.) Eadhe∣dus: for I find no ground for what Matth. of Westminster writes, who makes him to have lived till the year DCCV.

CUTHBALDUS.

Sexulf being promoted to the See of Litchfield An. DCLXXIII. Cuthbaldus was chosen by all the Monks to be their Abbot; and that Saxulfi consensu & voluntate, by the consent and the desire of Saxulph, as Hugo writes. Who gives him this Cha∣racter that he was a most religious and most wise person: in so much that his reliques were preserved in the Church after his death; he being reputed a Saint.

I observed before out of Hedda's relation, how other Convents began to spring out of this, as Daughters from a fruitfull Mo∣ther, in the time of Sexulf. Which grew so considerable in the time of Cuthbaldus, that they could not any longer be well governed by him; but desired, as many other places did, an Abbot to be appointed over them out of this Monastery of Mede∣shamstede. So Hugo reports it (not as Mr. G. says, that they desi∣red to have him for their Abbot, he being so already, but) that they thought themselves happy and blessed, who could receive either Abbot or Monk, from their first Mother; who might dili∣gently instruct them and preside over them. Whence it came to pass, saith he, that from this Monastery many others were built, and both Monks and Abbots appointed out of the same Congregation, viz. at Ancarig, al. Thornei, and at Bricclesworth and the rest of the places mentioned by Mr. G. p. 6.

Which is not to be understood, as if they became wholly inde∣pendant upon this Mother Monastery; for they still continued subject to it, as the manner was, in after times, for small Ab∣beys, which had been drawn, as Colonies, out of a greater, to be under the command of that from whence they were derived: being as so many Cells, and members of it. Such were these, and several other, mentioned by the same Hugo: which in the time of Pope Agatho had their dependance upon this great Mo∣nastery, viz. Bredun, Reping, Cedenac, Swinneshead, Hehanbyrig, Lodeshale, Schuffenhalch, Costesford, Streford, Weteleburn, Lusgerg, Ethelhuniglond, Barchanig. Which were places not very far from Medeshamstede, it appears by several Charters, which still remain upon Record in the Book called Swapham. Where I find fol. CXXX. & XXXI. that in the time of this Cutbald, the glorious King of the Mercians, Ethelredus, or Adilredus (for he is called by both names) came to visit the servants of God in this Monastery of Medeshamstede; and, to obtain their prayers for the relief of his Soul, and out of a desire of Eternal life (as the words of his Charter are) gave to the Friers there, all that land called

Leugtricdun, triginta manentes habentem. Not long after which, one of the Friers coming to this King upon a certain occasion, he took a glebe from the forementioned Land, and put it, su∣per codicem Evangeliorum, upon the Book of the Gospels, in confirmation, and for a testimony, of the aforesaid donation. Unto which these witnesses were present; Sexulfus Episcopus Mer∣ciorum; Wecca and Berhthun Monachi; Hostryga ipsius Regis Regina; Henfric & Eadfric principes Regis Adilredi: that none might dare to attempt any thing, against this donation of the King; qui sibi di∣vinam donationem adesse optaret in futura vita. Amen. Which Leugtricdun I have reason to think was an Appendix to one of the above named places. The first of which Bredun was given to this Church of Medeshamstede by Friduricus one of King Adilred's Noble Men, by a Charter bearing this Title, Fridurici principis de Bredun, ad Medeshamstede.

'In which he saith that the number of Christians increasing and multiplying, he had given to the family of St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, in∣habiting the Monastery of Medeshamstede, terram cui vocabulum est Bredun viginti manentium, cum omnibus ad eam pertinentibus. Which was done in the presence and with the consent of Sax∣ulph (ejusdem gentis Episc.) and of the above-named King Adilredus: For this end and purpose that they should found Ora∣torium in eadem praefata terra, and there constitute a Priest, for the teaching and Baptizing of the people. Which, upon due de∣liberation, they undertook; and chose one of their own number whose name was Hedda, a man endued with admirable Wis∣dom and all manner of Virtues: whom they made Abbot of Bredun; with this condition, that he should acknowledge him∣self to be a member of the Fraternity of Medeshamstede. So it runs in the Charter, whose words are these: Et unum ex se∣metipsis nomine Hedda, Presbyterum mirabili sapientia, in omni virtutum genere praeditum, summo libramine eligerunt; eumque in loco praefato Abbatem constituerunt: ea tamen conditione in∣terposita, ut se unum de eorum Fraternitatis membris esse noverit.'

And the same Religious Prince Friduricus, finding that this Venerable Abbot Hedda, most diligently fed the people commit∣ted to his charge with the food of divine Preaching, added ano∣ther benefaction, in a distinct Charter; whose title is, de Re∣pinges ad Medeshamstede. Wherein he gives to the aforesaid Ab∣bot Hedda. XXXI. manentium terram, quae vulgo vocitatur Hre∣pingas; which is another of those places above mentioned. This he did in the presence of King Adilredus, and of Saxulph the Bi∣shop of that Country: who joyning their hands with his, ces∣pitunculam communiter praedictae terrae Sacrosanctae evangeliorum codici, simul omnis coram multitudine populi imposuerunt; and so subscribed this Deed with their own hands.

And afterward this Honourable Abbot Hedda (as the Book calls him fol. CXXXIII.) and the Prior of the Monastery of Bredun obtained from King Adilred other Land which had quindecim Manentes, (15 Tenents or Housekeepers as we now speak) called by the name of Cedenanhac (another of the places depending on Medeshamstede) for fifty Shillings; that is for Bed∣ding and other Goods of that value: which are thus specified in the Deed. Id est, duodecim lectorum stramenta, utpote culcita plumacia, ornata capitalia, simul cum sindonibus & lenis, quemad∣modum in Britannia habere mos est: nec non servum cum ancilla, fibulam auream cum quatuor ex auro massiunculis arte aurificis com∣positis, & duos caballos cum cannis duabus, pro praefata terra preti∣um dedit. I have not room to examine the meaning of every word in this Deed (some of which I no where meet withal but here) which concludes as the former did, that this price being paid, the King in his Bedchamber, at his own Town called Tomtun took a little clod of earth from the aforesaid Land, with his own hands, and laid it upon the Sacred Volume of the Gos∣pels, his Queen and Saxalph joyning their hands with his, that none might dare to violate this grant.

The same Hedda, if I mistake not, was Abbot also of other two places before mentioned, called Wermundshey and Wokinges; for I find a Bull of Pope Constantine's about the Episcopal Ju∣risdiction over these places fol. LXXXVI. directed unto him; which I have not room to set down at large, but only note that they are both said there to be found in nomine beati Petri Apo∣stoli, in the name of St. Peter: Which makes it probable they were those belonging to this Church, under the Government of this great man Hedda. Whom I take to have been the Author of the Relation above named, concerning the first plantation of Christianity in these parts of England: and the next Bishop that succeeded Sexulf, in the See of Litchfield: who built that Church as I have already said, and dyed DCCXXI.

When Cutbaldus dyed I am not able to affirm certainly; but it was between the year DCCIX. and DCCXVI. For he was alive in the former of those years, I gather from hence, that Hugo saith, Wilfrid dyed in his time at his Mannor of Owndle, &c. his words are In hujus Abbatis, id est Cuthbaldi tempore, Sanctus Wilfridus Episcopus in possessione ipsius Mona∣sterii ad Ʋndalum, transivit ad Dominum: & Ministeriis fra∣trum deportatus est ad suum proprium Monasterium in Rypun. Now Wilfrid (the first of that name who was Archbishop of York) dyed An. DCCIX. as I find in the Chron. Johannis Ab∣batis. With whom agrees Tho. Stubbs * 1.3; whose words are to be corrected out of our Hugo (commonly called Swapham) for he speaking of the death of Wilfrid sayes, Defunctus est in Monaste∣rio suo apud Ʋndalum, quod est juxta Stamford, & inde Ministe∣rio

fratrum delegatus in Monasterio suo apud Riponum est sepultus An. Domini DCCIX. Where he calls Owndle Wilfrid's Monaste∣ry; which, it appears by all our Records, was as Hugo only calls it, part of the possession of the Monastery of Mede∣shamstede.

But as Cuthbald was then alive, so it is certain he was dead before the year DCCXVI. when, as Mr. G. observes out of Ingulphus, the Charter of King Ethelbald for the founding of Croyland Abbey, was signed by Egbaldus Abbot of Medeshamstede.

EGBALDƲS,

Concerning whom, and the three next Abbots following, Hugo saith no more than this:

'Egbaldus succeeded Cuthbaldus in the government of this Monastery, and Pusa succeeded him; after whom came Celredus; to whom succeeded Hedda: But what they did, and at what time, doth not appear unto us in these Ages; all being abolished, either by the negli∣gence of Writers, or by the times of persecution; saving on∣ly what is written in Priviledges, in which their names are found.'

And, particularly, in the Records of the Church, at the end of Hugo's Book fol. CXI. there is a Charter of Ceadwalla King of Kent, granting to this Abbot XL. terrae illius Manentes, ubi Hogh nuncupatur, ad Hebureahg insulam. In which Charter he is called EGBALTHƲS: as he is also in one that fol∣lows granted by Suehardus, Honorabili Abbati Egbaltho; where∣in he confirms the Donation of Ceadwalla, and adds more of his own. It would have been grateful perhaps to some Rea∣ders, if I could have represented them at large: but it will not consist with the bounds to which I am confined in this Sup∣plement; and therefore I shall only note the same of the next Abbot,

PƲSA,

Who by the intercession of a great man called Brorda, obtained of Offa King of the Mercians, a grant of Land viginti Manen∣tium, for his Church at Woccing before named. I shall set down the beginning of the Charter, as I find it fol. CXXX. In Trino nomine Divinitatis individuae Juste à nobis pietatis opera persolvenda sunt: idcirco ego Offa, &c. rogatus à venerabili Ab∣bate meo nomine Pusa; simul & à praefato meo (it should be prae∣fecto, as appears by the Subscription) vocabulo Brorda, ut ali∣quam liberalitatem ejus Ecclesiae quae sita est in loco ubi dicitur Woc∣cingas concederem; quod & libenter facere juxta eorum petitionem pro∣vidi,

& pro expiatione piaculorum meorum Domino devote largitus sum, &c.

BEONNA.

There is a Charter of this Abbot which begins thus, In nomine Gubernantis Dei monarchiam totius mundi, Ego Beonna Abbas gratia dei, cum conscientia & licentia fratrum Dominum colentium in Monasterio quod appellatur Medeshamstede. Wherein he grants to Prince Cuthberth, terram decem manentium quae nuncupatur Suinesheade (or Swineheved) with the Meadows, Pastures, Woods, and all the Appurtenances: acknowledging that the forenamed Cuthberth had purchased the same of him for a valuable price; i. e. mille solidis, and every year for himself and his Successors, unius noctis pastum, aut triginta Oravit (it should be Orarum, I believe) siclos. Which Territory the Prince purchased on this condition that after his death it should go to his Heirs, who should hold it for their lives upon the aforesaid terms, in pastu vel pecunia: but after their decease, it should return quietly, and with∣out any suit at Law, to the Monastery. Of which bargain their were many Witnesses, who signed it, in manner following. Ego Offa gratia Dei Rex Merciorum signo crucis Christi propria manu roboravi. Ego Egferth Rex Merciorum consensi & sub∣scripsi. Ego Higeberth Archiepiscopus firmando subscripsi. After two Bishops subscribe, and then Ego Beonna Abbas hanc meam Munificentiam signo crucis Christi firmavi. To which the Prior and two other Priests subscribe their consent.

It may be necessary here to note that Ora was a piece of money of a certain weight; or rather a weight whereby they received money: and is written alsio hora in the Inquisition made into the Lands of this Church, in the time of Martin the Second An. 1231. Where, speaking of the Fishery at Walcote, it is said to have yield∣ed yearly duas horas. The best explication of which that I can find, is in the Laws of King Ethelred recorded by John Bromp∣ton in his Chronicle N. XXX. which is concerning his Mone∣tarii in all the ports of the Kingdom: who were to take care, ut omne pondus ad mercatum sit pondus quo pecunia mea recipitur; & eorum singulum signetur, ita quod XV. Orae libram faciant. But in the Inquisition now mentioned, which was made through all the Mannors of this Church; it seems to signifie a piece of money. For thus the account is given of the Mannor of Wal∣cote juxta Humbram, after other particulars, ibidem est situs unius Piscariae qui vocatur Holflet, & solebat reddere duas horas. fol. CLIIII.

CELREDƲS,

Besides his name Recorded by Hugo, I find no mention of him, but in Ingulphus, which Mr. G. hath observed; by which it appears he was Abbot here in the year DCCCVI. and was Brother to Siwardus the third Abbot of Croyland. But I suppose he is the same CEOLRED who in the year DCCCXLVIIII. subscribed to a Charter of King Berthwulfus or Beorthwulfus; wherein he granted great liberties to the Mo∣nastery of Breodun (depending upon this Church of Medesham∣stede as was said before) then governed by the Venerable Ab∣bot * 1.4 Eanmundus, or rather Eadmundus, as I believe it should have been written. This Charter being remarkable for many things, I have represented at large in the Appendix: by which it will appear, if my conjecture be true, that this Celredus was advan∣ced to the Episcopal dignity, as Sexuulf had been (though his See be not named) whereby way was made for Hedda to suc∣ceed him here.

HEDDA,

When he entred upon the government of this Monastery, or whence he came, is not known: but by Ingulphus we understand (as is observed by Mr. G.) that he was Abbot here in the year 833. and continued so to be, till the destruction of the place by the Danes: Who began to infest this Kingdom in the year 837. as John Abbot writes * 1.5, DCCCXXXVII. Dani crebris irruptionibus Angliam infestant. And again An. DCCCXXXIX. Dani passim per Angliam multas caedes agant. And though they were several times beaten, yet An. DCCCLI. a great Army of them, in 350 Ships, came up the River Thames, and pillaged Canterbury and London. An. DCCCLIII. the English fought against them in the Isle of Thanet, magno dispendio. An. DCCCLV. they wintered in the Isle of Schepie: and in the year DCCCLXIV. in the Isle of Thanet, having made peace with the Cantuarians. In the year DCCCLXVI. they did great mischief in the North; took York; depopulated the Country of the Eastangles; entred into Mercia; and wintred at Nottingham. Three year after An. DCCCLXIX. they left Mercia, and went back to York, and win∣tered there. But the next year (which was famous for the desolati∣on they made of this Church and many other places) they came and landed on Lyndesay Coast; destroyed the Monastery of Bardney; killing all the Monks without any pity: and then en∣tring Kestiven, trod down, killed and burnt all that came in their

way. Which Mr. G. hath largely enough related out of Ingul∣phus; and therefore I shall follow my Author no further: who hath nothing which is not to be found there.

The Monument erected for the slain Abbot and Monks, is here represented in this draught, which I have caused to be taken of it, as it now appears.

[illustration]

The very next year after the desolation of the Monastery An. DCCCLXXI. Goredus (so Abbot John's Chronicle calls him, whom Ingulph calls Beorredus) King of the Mercians, took all the Lands of the Church of Medeshamstede, between Stamford, Huntingdon and Wisbeck into his own hands: giving those that lay more remote, to his Souldiers and Stipendiaries. The same he did with the Lands belonging to St. Pege, at Pegekyrk: some of which he kept himself; and gave the rest to his Stipendiaries. Which are the very words of Ingulphus, from whom, its like∣ly, they were transcribed into that Chronicle.

In which we find nothing concerning this place, till al∣most an hundred years after. Edredus, he saith, in the year DCCCCXLVII. cleared and restored the Monastery of Croy∣land,

by the instigation of Surketulus: who turning Monk, the King made Abbot of this place. Which Ingulphus saith was done the year after, An. 948. and sets down the Charter of that King; in which there is no mention (as in former Charters) of the Abbot of Medeshamstede consenting to it, and confirming it: though in the boundaries of the Lands of Croyland Ager de Me∣deshamsted is there named * 1.6. Nor in King Edgar's Charter to the same Monastery of Croyland An. 966. is there any mention of his Subscription: though, among other Royal Woods, there is mention made of Medeshamsted-Wood. p. 42.

For, though Adelwaldus, who by the assistance of King Ed∣gar, restored many Monasteries destroyed by the Pagans, as Burgh, Eli, and Abenddon (they are the words of John Abbot) was made Bishop of Winchester An. 961. yet he did not apply himself to the rebuilding of this of Medeshamstede till nine years after; if we may credit that Writer; who saith it began to be restored just an hundred years after its desolation. His words are these An. 970. Sanctus Adelwoldus Episcopus Wint. transtulit de Coemiterio in Ecclesiam, reliquias Sancti Surthuni praedecessoris sui; & ante altare Sancti Petri honorifice collocavit. Monasterium etiam de Medeshamstede restaurare coepit, & Burgum Sancti Petri appellavit. Anno desolationis suae aequaliter centesimo. In another different hand, there is this Animadversion given, that, in clau∣stro dicti Monasterii notantur anni desolationis LXXXXVI. the time of its desolation are noted in the Cloyster of the said Mo∣nastery to have been but 96. years. Which account Mr. G. fol∣lows; though in Swapham (or Hugo rather) they are reckoned to be 99 years. For so the Note is in the Margin of the Book (in a hand of the same age with the Book it self) Restauratio hujus loci à prima fundatione ejus An. CCCXIII. A destructione vero ejusdem Anno XCIX.

This great man Adelwold was at first a Monk in the Abbey of Glastonberry: where, as William of Malmsbury relates * 1.7, the Abbot had a dream representing to him, how excellent a person this Monk would prove. For he thought he saw a Tree spring∣ing up within the Walls of the Abbey, which spread its branches, to all the four quarters of the World; and had all its leaves co∣vered over with Cowles; a very great Cowle being placed at the top of all. At which being amazed, an old man, he thought, told him, that the great Cowle was Athelwold; and the rest were innumerable Monks, whom he should attract by his example. Consonant to which was a vision his Mother had, when she was with Child of him; with which I shall not trouble the Reader, but only note that it signified the large extent of his mind in this sort of Charity: which reach∣ed to no less than forty Monasteries, as all our Writers report. Particularly W. of Malmsbury, who saith * 1.8 he built so many and

such noble Monasteries, that it scarce seemed credible in his dayes, that a Bishop of one City should do such things, as the King of all Eng∣land could not easily effect. But he himself in another place makes this wonder cease, by telling us that he could make King Ed∣gar do what he pleased. So his words are in the Book before named (of the Acts of the Bishops of England) it might seem a wonder he should do such things, nisi quod Rex Edgar omnino ejus voluntati deditus erat, à quo super omnes infra Dunstanum di∣ligeretur. And therefore the Abbot of Rieval * 1.9 saith expresly that Edgar himself caused forty Monasteries to be built; among which he reckons this of Burch; as it now began to be called. Which Athelwold (saith Malmsbury L. IV. de gestis Potif. Ang.) built so sumptuously and endowed with such ample possessions, ut penè tota circa regio illi subjaceat; that almost all the Country round about was subject to it. And this account also John Bromton Abbot of Joreval gives of this matter, who having said that King Edgar built and repaired above forty Monasteries, adds, Inter quae, con∣silio & monitione Sancti Ethelwoldi Wintoniensis Episc. Abbatiam Glastoniae & Abendoniae composuit, & Abbatiam de Burgh prope Stam∣fordiam stabilivit, &c.

So that the very truth, in short, is this, Athelwold was to Ed∣gar, as Saxulf had been to Wulferus; a trusty and diligent Ser∣vant, who managed his Royal bounty in these magnificent Works: And therefore is called by King Edgar in his Charter (as Saxulf was by Wolfere in his) Constructor, the builder of the Churches before mentioned; particularly of this, formerly called Medeshamstede, but now sua ac nostra instantia restauratum, Burch appellatur. Which by Ingulphus is called Burgum; and by Mat∣thew of Westminster ad An. 664. is said to be Ʋrbs Regia a Roy∣al City. Which this famous Bishop lived to see flourishing un∣der Adulphus, about thirteen year, for he dyed not till the year 985. At which I find these words in the Chron. of John Ab∣bot. Sanctus Athelwoldus Wint. Episcopus, qui Monasterium Burgi restauravit, Kal. Augusti migravit ad Dominum. There were some reliques of him preserved in this Church; particu∣larly of his Heirs.

ADƲLPHƲS.

Mr. G. having given an account of the most material things that are in Hugo concerning this Abbot (whom John Bromton calls Eadrilf) I shall only add that it is certain he succeeded Os∣wald in the Archbishoprick of York An. 992. So John Abbot writes Sanctus Oswaldus Archiep. Ebor. 2. Kal. Martii migravit ad Dominum: cui Adulphus Abbas Burgi successit. But though he call him Abbot of Burg, which was become the new stile, yet other writers still retained the old one, and call him Abbas Mede∣shamstudensis.

So the Chron. of Mailros lately printed, pag. 152. And so Florentius Wigornensis * 1.10 Venerabilis Medeshamstudensis Abbas Adulphus successit, pro quo Kenulphus Abbatis jure fungitur. Roger Hoveden also speaks the same language; and Symeon of Durham, in his History de gestis Regum Angl. where he calls him Adul∣phus, and speaking of Oswald, saith, cui Venerabilis Medesham∣studensis Abbas Adulphus successit. And in that See he sat till the year 1003. Which John Abbot concludes thus. Adulphus Ar∣chiep. Eborac. quondam Abbas Burgi obiit. In the year before which (1002, as I find in the Chron. of Mailros) he took up the Bones of St. Oswald out of his Tomb, and honourably placed them in a Shrine. Of which there is a larger account given by Thomas Stubbs (in his Act. Pontif. Eboracens.) which ex∣plains also what Mr. G. saith about his being translated to Worcester: and therefore I shall transcribe some of it. Vicesimus Eboracensis Ecclesiae Archiepiscopus fuit Venerabilis Ab∣bas Medeshamstedensis, i. e. Burg, Adulphus, &c. Who by the fa∣vour of King Adelredus held the Bishoprick of Worcester in his hand, as his Predecessor St. Oswald had done. Whom he ho∣noured so much that in the 12th year of his Episcopacy, his Brethren the Bishops, with the Abbots and many other Religi∣ous men being gathered together, he took up the Bones of St. Os∣wald out of his Tomb, Anno Regis Agelredi XXV. VII. Kalend. Maii feria quarta; and placed them in a Shrine, which he had prepa∣red honourably for them. And not long after dyed himself, 2 No∣narum Maii, and was buried in the Church of St. Mary at Worcester.

Symeon Dunelmensis saith the same ad An. 1002. only he makes this to have been done not the VII. but the XVII. Kal. Maii. And there is a mistake also in the year, for it should not be the 12th but the 10th year of his Episcopacy.

And here now, it may be fit to note that, in all probability the Monks of this Church were brought under the rule of St. Benedict; when it was restored, as hath been said, by King Edgar, and put under the government of Adulphus; and not till then. For, though there was a famous regulation of Mona∣stical Orders made before this time, under Cutbert Archbishop of Canterbury An. 747. in concilio Clovishoviae, in which some things were mended in the Manners and Habits of Monks, yet there is not the least mention made of the Rule of St. Bennet, though there was a very fair occasion for it: nor is there one word of it in Venerable Bede.

It is true Wilfrid, who was ordained 10 or 14 years after the foundation of this Monastery (An. 664.) as the Chron. of John Abbot affirms, was imployed by Wulfere King of the Mercians to settle Monasteries, as the Author of his life tells, which is in MS. in Sir J. Cotton's library: whom Malmsbury calls Ste∣phanus Presbyter, viz. Stephanus Heddius, as he is named by Bede.

And after the death of Deusdedit, was sent for by Ecbert King of Kent; where he went up and down through his Country (saith the same Author, C. 14.) Et cum regula Benedicti instituta Ecclesi∣arum benè melioravit, and very much improved the Orders of the Churches, by the Rule of Benedict: which he had learnt beyond Sea, being so much addicted to foreign customs; that he refused to be consecrated by our Bishops, and desired to be consecrated in France, when he was to succeed Colman. This passage is much to be observed, for it appears thereby the Churches he visited were already under Rules and Institutions before he came to them: who only bettered them by this Rule of St. Bennet, but did not bring those Churches under it. And as this was all he did, so what he did was in the Kingdom of Kent alone, not all Eng∣land over. And so as the Chronologia Augustinensis is to be understood in these words* 1.11, Wilfridus Episcopus regulam Sancti Benedicti fecit in Anglia observari ad An. 666. that is, in these parts of England: for in the midland parts, it was little known for several years after. As appears by the Bull of Pope Constantine An. DCCIX. (the very year wherein Wilfrid died) to Kenred King of the Mercians, Offa his Son, and Egwin Bishop of Worcester for the Monastery of Eve∣sham: which saith the Monks were to live under the rule Patris Benedicti, quae minus in illis partibus adhuc habetur.

And so it continued to be little known for above two hundred years. For Oswald (whom Adulphus succeeded in the See of York) who had been Bishop of Worcester, before he went to York, was the man who brought it hither from the Abby of Fleury in France, where he had been a Monk. So W. of Malms∣bury expresly testifies in his Third Book de gestis Pontif. Angl. where, not far from the beginning, he saith that Oswald, being Nephew to Odo the Archbishop, was bred up in his Youth apud Floriacum in Gallia, taking upon him the habit of a Monk, as the custom of that time was for all that were piously disposed, in the Benedictine Convent. A quo (viz. Oswald) Religionis hujus manavit exordium, as his words are in the MS. Copy, in Sir J. Cotton's Library. Which are the more remarkable, be∣cause the very same W. of Malmsbury had a little before menti∣oned Wilfrid, bragging that he was the first who commanded the rule of St. Bennet to be observed by the Monks.

But after all this there was no general Constitution for our Monasteries, till the Second Reformation of the ancient English Monkery, which was in the Council of Winchester An. 965. un∣der King Edgar the great restorer, as hath been said, of Mo∣nasteries. When there was framed a general Constitution; part∣ly out of the Rule of St. Bennet, and partly out of the antient customs before mentioned; which was called Regularis Concordia Anglicae Nationis, and may be found in Mr. Selden's Spicilegium to Eadmerus, both in Saxon and in Latin. This Rule thus com∣posed,

was called Oswald's Law (as Sir H. Spelman observes) he being then Bishop of Worcester (to which he was promo∣ted at the instance of St. Dunstan An. 960 * 1.12; and translated to York not till 971.) and had not long before, as I have said, brought the Rule of St. Bennet from Fleury. From which Mo∣nastery of Fleury, several Monks also were called and advised with∣al in the drawing up of the Constitutions of this Regularis Con∣cordia. So King Edgar himself tells in his Preface to it: where he relates how that upon his Exhortation to all under his care, to come under the same Rule, which many Abbots and Abba∣tisses, with the Colledges of Brethren and Sisters subject unto them, had taken upon them to observe; that so there might not be divers usages in one and the same Country; thereupon the Bishops, the Abbots and Abbatisses, being wonderfully thank∣ful that God had bestowed upon them such a Doctor (who is there called Pastor Pastorum, such was the language of those times, concerning Kings) lift up their hands to Heaven, and con∣sented to what he proposed. And immediatly sent for some Monks of Fleury and from Gent, to advise withal about this matter: who, as Bees suck their honey out of several Flowers, com∣posed these Constitutions out of several former Rules. And more particularly took care about the singing used in Monaste∣ries * 1.13; that it should not be hudled, nor too swift: but be so di∣stinct, that the mind might accompany the voice; and they might fulfill that of the Apostle; Sing with the Spirit, and sing with the Ʋnderstanding also.

All which considered, I look upon it as highly probable, that this Monastery of Peterburgh, now became subject to this Rule, being one of those restored by King Edgar. And yet it was not the very Rule of St. Bennet, which was established in this Council; but many ancient Orders and Customs, impro∣ved by that Rule and accommodated to his Precepts.

For long after this when there was a Third Regulation of Monasteries under Lanfranc. An. 1075 in the Council of Lon∣don, when several things were restored (as the words are) which had been defined by ancient Canons, the Council (after con∣sideration of Episcopal affairs) decrees concerning Monks, ex Regula Benedicti, Dialogo Gregorii, & antiqua Regularium loco∣rum consuetudine, as Baronius observes: From which Sir John Marsham judiciously concludes (in his large Preface before the Monasticon) that even in the Norman times, the Monastical Laws were mixed; and that the Benedictine Rule was not so admitted, as that the antient customs of the Monks were there∣by abrogated.

I have noted already the day and year when Adulphus dyed; but there is a mistake I since find in the day; which if the Records of our Church be true, was June 5. when he was solemnly com∣memorated

in this Monastery: and is the very first Abbot of whom there is any mention made in the Kalender of this Church; which is still preserved in the Library of his Grace the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury at Lambeth; of which I shall give an ac∣count in its proper place. Where over against the fifth of June are these Words, Depositio Adulphi, & Anniversarium Ricardi de Lincolnia & Agnetis uxoris ejus. Of all the foregoing Ab∣bots, there is not the least memory, little being certain∣ly known of what passed in the time of the first Monastery, before its desolation by the Danes. But it's like they were all com∣prehended in that general commemoration, which was made in Whitson-Week, Specialium Defunctorum: and was repeated in the two Ember-Weeks following, in September and December. Where I find the same Order, with this addition; that there should be a Missa ferialis, cum de Profundis: and the names of those speciales defuncti were then read.

KENƲLPHƲS.

The Character which Hugo gives of this Abbot (who was chosen by the unanimous consent of the Friers, and the favour of King Edgar) is that he was, Flos literalis disciplinae, torrens eloquentiae, decus & norma rerum divinarum & secularium; which was the cause of that general concourse from all parts ad ejus Magisterium; which Mr. G. hath observed. And it's likely that he brought this Monastery into the credit, wherein it continu∣ed for several years. For Ingulphus * 1.14, tells us that in the Reign of the Conqueror the Monks of Burgh were so famous, and the World had such an high opinion of them, ut totus mundus abi∣ret post eos: and many of the great men of the Land, both the highest Bishops, and other Noble Men, and Lieutenants of the Countries, chose to be Interred among them.

He procured a confirmation of the Priviledges of this Church, and of all that had been given to it, from King Ethelred the Son of Edgar in these words * 1.15, Ego Athelredus Anglorum imperio subli∣matus, has donationes praedecessorum meorum, regnante Abbate Cenulfo, solidavi; cum hiis testibus, Dunstano & Oswaldo Archiepiscopis.

That he surrounded the Monastery with a Wall, is certain: but that it was thence called Burch or Burgh as W. of Malms∣bury writes, Mr. G. justly doubts: For King Edgar in his Char∣ter calls it upon its restauration, by this name of Burch. Yet not∣withstanding this name Burh, and Burgh, and Byrigh, signify∣ing any place which was walled about, and particularly a City, or Castle (from the Saxon word Deorgan, which signifies to defend, or take into safety) W. of Malmsbury might mean that the place did not deserve the name of Burch till this time. His

words I confess imply more; for he saith the place formerly called Medeshamstede being now incompassed with a Wall by Ke∣nulphus, à similitudine Ʋrbis, Burch vocatus est, was called Burch from its likeness to a City.

Upon the translation of St. Elphege to the See of Canterbury, Kenulphus succeeded him in the Bishoprick of Winchester, as Ab∣bot John, among others, remembers ad An. 1006. Who saith not a word of his Simony, with which William of Malmsbury boldly charges him * 1.16, Wentanum enim Episcopatum Kenulphus Ab∣bas Burgensis nummis nundinatus fuerat: Sed non diu sacrilego ausu lae∣tatus, ante duos annos hominem exuit. For which cause, it is likely, there was no commemoration made of him in this Church: his name not being in the Kalender before named (as his prede∣cessors and all his Successors are except one guilty of the same crime, and another guilty of the like) though he was so great a benefactor, and famed also for his Wisdom and Learning. Hugo saith he governed most admirably and sweetly, till he was promoted to Winchester.

ELSINƲS,

Called also Elfinus, and Alfinus: between whom and Kenul∣fus, there was another Abbot, viz. KINSINƲS if we may believe the MS. Chron. of John Abbot of this Church, which I have so often cited. For though he say ad An. 1006. that up∣on Kenulphus his removal, Elsinus succeeded him, and was the third Abbot after the restauration: yet ad An. 1048. speaking concerning the sute which the Abbot of Peykyrke had for the Lands of his Monastery (which by the judgement of the Court of Hardecnute, as I shall show hereafter, were given away from him) he saith it was contra Kenulfum & Kinsinum Abbates Burgi. And that this was no mistake, we may learn from his remark upon the year 1051. where he saith expresly, Elfinus suc∣ceeded him in this Monastery. Alfricus Eboracens. Archiepis. obiit, & apud Burgum sepelitur; cui successit Kinsinus Abbas Burgi: cui successit Elfinus in Abbatem promotus, Monachus ejusdem loci. And again ad An. 1060. obiit Kinsinus Eborac. Archiep. quondam Abbas Burgi, &c.

What truth there is in this I am not able to say, from any other record; but that he was a great man and Archbishop of York, and here buried, it will appear more hereafter, when I come to that time: and we have gained this piece of knowledge from John Abbot, that Alfinus was a Monk of Burch; and chosen to be Abbot, saith Hugo, by the unanimous consent of the whole Con∣gregation, whom he governed fiftyyear. By which account Kin∣sinus must either never have been Abbot here; or but for a few days or months.

Mr. G. hath related how he laboured to inrich this Church with Reliques (and Hugo saith, many other ways) but is mi∣staken I think in his conjecture about his procuring the Arm of St. Oswald to be brought hither. For Hugo mentions it among the benefits which the Church received in the time of Leofri∣cus and thereabouts; when Winegotus apportavit brachium Sancti Oswaldi de Bebeburch. There it was preserved in Bede's time, in urbe regia, quae a regina quondam vocabulo Bebba cognominatur, as his words are L. III. Cap. 6. and thence, the ancient Seat of its rest, it was furtim ablatum taken away by stealth, if we may believe William of Malmsbury; who relates what was pretended by the Church of Burgh, which in his dayes said they had Oswald's Arm: but doth not seem to give credit to it himself.

How they came to have his Arm at Bebbeburch (a place in the North) I cannot imagine, if it be true which the MS. Chron. of John Abbot sayes, ad An. MLXV. that his body was not till then taken out of his Tomb. Agelwinus Dunelmensis, Episcopus, Ossa beati Oswaldi Regis & Martyris apud Tynemutham, de tumulo in scrinio cum honore levavit. But perhaps Oswaldi is there false written for Oswini; for Symeon of Durham saith it was Oswin's body that was taken up by that Bishop.

From the same Chronicle we learn also when it was that Elfinus went into Normandy, and upon what occasion: and bought there at Bonavalle the body of St. Florentine pro centum libris argenti. Which was not till the year MXIII. when Suanus coming with innumerable Danes into England, and exercising unheard of cruelties, King Ethelred hardly escaped his hands, and sent away his Wife per Abbatem Burgi and another person, unto Ri∣chard Duke of Normandy: he himself following her presently after. In the same year Ingulphus * 1.17 tells us this Monastery was again burnt by the same Suanus, or Swanus: and many Lands were ta∣ken away from the Church (as Hugo relates) while the Abbot was with the Queen in Normandy; the English paying a vast Tribute to the Danish Army, which wasted the Kingdom forty years together. But he procured from Canutus the confirmation of their priviledges in as ample manner, as they had been confir∣med to Kenulphus by King Ethelred. In these words, Ego Cnut Rex Anglorum, Deo favente & Elfino abbate deprecante; hoc Pri∣vilegium cum optimatibus corroboravi. And in the dayes of Har∣decanutus got a Judgment against Wolgatus Abbot of Pegekyrke: both for the Seat of his Monastery and all the Mannors belong∣ing thereunto, which Elfinus claimed (as Kenulphus had done) to be part of the possessions of Burgh. How just a sute this was I am not able to say; Ingulph condemns it most heavily, as a monstrous piece of oppression: and it will not be amiss if I not only relate the whole story, but give an account of this Mo∣nastery

from its beginning; there being very little said of it in the Monasticon Anglicanum.

St. Pege, as Ingulphus informs us, was Sister to St. Guthlac, a person descended of a noble Stock, both by the Father and Mother (as Matthew of Westminster writes) who being in love with a solitary life, setled himself in the Island called Croyland, where no body durst dwell: because they were terrified, as his words are, with phantasies of Devils there inhabiting. This was in the year DCXCIX as the often named Chronicon of John Abbot tells us. Sanctus Guthlacus apud Croylandiam vitam An∣choreticam ducere coepit. Anno aetatis suae XXVI. About XV. year after he dyed, as the same Writer informs us, DCCXIIII. obiit feria quarta in hebdom. Pasch. Upon whose death, his Sister Pega setled her self in a Cell about four miles Westward, di∣stant from his Oratory of Croyland: which afterward improved into a Monastery. The place from her, was called Pegekyrke, now Peykirk: and had Lands bestowed upon it by Edmund Athebing (which of them doth not appear) who gave for the redemption of his own Soul, and of his Wives, and of Siwerthus a little Country gift, as he calls it, of Land in a place called Pegecyrcan, to the new Monastery, of the Holy Trinity, and our Lady, and all the Saints, viz. one Mansa and a half in that Village, and three Perches in Waltun, &c * 1.18. It is a very remar∣kable Charter, both for the Preface, and for the Blessings and Curses annexed in the conclusion; which therefore I have re∣presented to the Reader intirely in the Appendix.

What other benefactions they had to that Monastery doth not appear; but they were all seised, as was said before, by Beor∣redus, in the year 871. after the first desolation made by the Danes. And it was again destroyed by Swanus the Dane in the fore∣named year 1013. And so lay waste till the time of Wlgatus; when, in the year MXLVIII. after a long sute with the Ab∣bots of Peterburgh, he lost the very sight of his Monastery which was adjudged to belong to Burch. Upon which Ingulph makes this severe reflection, tantum tunc potuit super justitiam pecunia, contra veritatem versutia, &c. So much could money then prevail over justice, and craft against truth, and so powerful was the Earl Godwin in the Court of King Hardecnute. And he shows how several Mannors were recovered by particular persons from this Abbot Wlgatus: so that he and eighteen Monks had nothing to live upon, but wandered about, till King Edward the Confessor took him into his Court; and upon the death of Brickmerus made him Abbot of Croyland.

The same he repeats again when he comes to the Reign of the Conqueror; telling us how in the times of Suanus, Cnutus, Harold, and Hardecnutus, many priviledges of Monasteries were lost, the limits of their Lands changed, &c. according as the mo∣ney

of Rich men prevailed in the minds of the Barbarians who sought nothing but ruins. Of which the erection of the Mona∣stery of St. Pege was an evidence in the time of Hardecnute when the money of the Abbot of Burgh prevailed against the right of the Pegelandians, and the power of Earl Godwin against the sim∣plicity of the Poor. So his words are, praevalente contra justiti∣am Pegelandensium Abbatis Burgi pecunia, & super simplicitate pauperum Godwini comitis potentia.

But if we compare what he saith, with the Chron. of John Abbot it will appear that this sute was commenced long before this, in the time of Kenulphus, and continued more or less till the time of Leofricus, who dyed just before the Conquest. I will set down both their words, and so leave it. * 1.19 MXLVIII. Wol∣gatus Abbas de Peykirke amisit sedem Abbatiae suae, cum omni∣bus Maneriis dicto Monasterio quondam pertinentibus, per judici∣um Regis Hardecanuti, contra Kenulphum & Kinsinum Abbates Burgi, ipsum Monasterium de P. suam possessionem esse calumpni∣antes. Which Ingulphus relates in this manner, Wlgatus diutis∣simam calumniam passus ab Abbatibus Burgi Elfino, Arwino, & Leofrico, Abbatiae suae sedem amittens, tandem succubuit, & (proh dolor) totum situm Monasterii sui judicio Regalis Curiae perdidit.

In the time of Edw. 4. 1477. John Wysbech Abbot of Croy∣land rebuilt the Chappel of St. Pege de Paylond, as it was vul∣garly called; quae per multas ante annos solo aequata jacebat; as I find in the Continuation of the History of Croyland lately printed p. 560. For though the Church of Peterburgh had the greatest interest in that place (and still hath the Mannor and Advow∣son of Peykyrke) yet the Abbot of Croyland also had some Land there by an antient right. Which appears from an agree∣ment made between John de Says Abbot of Burgh and Godfrey Abbot of Croyland in the year MCXVI. in coemiterio de Pei∣chirche, in the Church-yard of Peykyrke: where there were com∣plaints on both sides de Sochemannis. For the Abbot of Croylande had antiently (as the agreement acknowledges) a certain Court in that Village, in which were his Houses, de qua nulla soca Ec∣clesiae Sancti Petri de Burgo reddi debebat. But all the rest of the Land in the Village, de soca Sancti Petri de Burgo erat, & consuetudines socae Abbati & Monachis reddebat. Now the Monks of Croylande complained that some did unjustly intra septa suae curiae hospitari, whereas they ought to have in that Court, octo hospitum domos quietas, & sine soca. And therefore they came at last to this conclusion, that it was acknowledged upon Oath, that all the Land was in soca Sancti Petri (except that antient Court, and the eight houses therein) the House of the Abbot of Croyland himself not excepted. So the words are * 1.20, Fuit ergo in praedicto coemiterio de Peichirche disraimatum & per Sacramen∣tum

firmatum, omnes esse in soca Sancti Petri: excepta illa anti∣qua Curia & octo hospitum domibus. Domus quoque Abbatis de Croylande quam Monachi in soca Sancti Petri fecerant, sicut ju∣stum erat, in soca Sancti Petri fuit jurata. The names of the Jurates on both parts are set down; and the Witnesses also. The last of which on the part of Croyland is Robertus, Nepos Abbatis Ingulphi. There have been more Records belonging to this mat∣ter; but a whole Leaf, concerning it, is torn out of the Book: and other differences between this Church and that, if I have room, shall be noted hereafter.

Towards the latter end of the government of Elfinus, all our Historians agree Elfricus or Alfricus (for his name is diversly written as the other is) was buried in this Church. He had been bred up here, but came to be first Bishop of Winchester (as Tho. Stubbs tells us * 1.21) and afterward Archbishop of York: who had a Palace at Suthwell, where he died An. MLI. and comme∣morated here in this Church of Burgh upon the 23. Jan. over against which I find in the Kalender these words, Depositio El∣frici Archiepiscopi. He was succeeded in his See by Kinsinus, or Kinsius, as some call him (Radulph de Diceto calls him Kinsi∣gius) then Chaplain to King Edward the Confessor.

Four years after which Elfinus dyed; as, among many others, John Abbot tells us. Whose words are these ad An. MLV. Elfi∣nus Abbas Burgi obiit, successit Ariwinus. It hapned in January also; for in the forenamed Kalender are these words, over against the 13. day, Depositio Elfini Abbatis, & Anniversarium Matthaei Capellani.

I have nothing further to add; but that Elfricus the Archbi∣shop gave to this Church together with his body, as Hugo writes, two rich Albes wrought with Gold, two of their best Copes, an Altar with Reliques, two Palls, and two great Silver Candle∣sticks (which were afterward stoln) and his own Staff, with many other things.

AREWINƲS.

Eruinus, as some call him, or Arnewinus, was chosen by the whole company; being vir mirae Sanctitatis & simplicitatis, as Hugo Characterizes him. Who out of too much simplicity changed the Royal Village of Holneie, which was in the De∣mean of St. Peter, (as the writings of the Church witness) for that of Stokes: for no other reason, but because it was a near∣er way unto his own Farm, to go by Stokes. In this private Farm it was, I suppose, that he chose to live, rather than in this great dignity; wherein he continued a far less time than Mr. G. mentions. For if W. the Conqueror came into England

the XIth year (it should be the IXth.) of Leofricus, as Hugo saith, then Arewynus could not possibly be Abbot here eight year. For Elfinus dying, as hath been shown 1055, there passed from thence till the coming in of the Conqueror, which was 1066. no more than Eleven year. He resigned therefore his place af∣ter he had been two year Abbot An. MLVII. (as it is in the Margin of Hugo) and after that lived eight year. So the words of Hugo run very plainly, Hic in prosperitate vitae suae volun∣tarie dimisit Abbatiam suam; VIII. postea feliciter vivens annos. And so I find it in the MS. Chron. of Abbot John ad An. 1057. Arewynus Abbas Bur i demisit se de Abbatia: cui successit egregius Pa∣ter Leofricus. He dyed it appears by the Kalender on the 30. of May; where are these words, Depositio Arewyni Abbatis.

LEO FRICƲS,

Called in the Kalander of this Church Lefricus, and by Hugo Leuricus, and by the Annals of Burton Levericus, was chosen by the whole society, with the consent of the King and of Are∣winus, being pulcherrimus Monachorum (as Hugo describes him) flos & decus Abbatum: descended of the noble Stock of the Angles, and more Noble for his behaviour, most nobly governed and inriched this Church: and as it is written, ornavit tempora sua usque ad consummationem vitae. For he purchased much Land, and bestowed divers Ornaments upon it: particularly the great Cru∣cifix upon the Altar, of marvellous work, of Silver and Gold; Gold and Silver Candlesticks, a great Table before the Altar, all of Gold and Silver and precious Stone, and (besides other things mentioned in Hugo) Casulam ex purpura optime de auro & pre∣tiosis gemmis ornatam, & alias multas casulas, & cappas, & pallia, & alia ornamenta: plus quam ullus ante cum fecit, aut post eum fa∣cturus est. In short this place, he saith, was inriched so incre∣dibly in his time, that now it was called not simply Burch, but Gildinburch i. e. aurea civitas, the Golden City. At his petiti∣on Edward the Confessor confirmed all the Grants of his Ance∣stors to this Church; and made him the more able to inrich it by letting him hold four other Abbeys with it. Which, though mentioned by Mr. G. I take notice of again, because he hath omitted the reason, why the second of them, viz. Coventry was granted to him: which was because it had been founded and indowed by his Uncle of the same name. So Hu∣go relates, speaking of the King and Queen, who out of love to him, gave to him and St. Peter other Abbeys, viz. Birtune, & Coventre, quam Comes Leuricus, avunculus ipsius, construxerat, & nimis in auro & argento ditaverat, &c.

Yet he did not give all he could to this Church, for in an antient explanation of Lands (as it is called * 1.22) I find that he gave a forfeited Estate to his Brother Leowinus. The words are these, Reteford occidit quendam Ylkytelum, & pro hac forisfactu∣ra, terra & silva sua Franewude pervenit in manus Abbatis de Burch: Sed Leofricus praepositus Sancti Petri permisit eam suo fratri Leowino.

He was Abbot of Burton before he was Abbot of Burgh; unless there was another of that name; for the Annals of that Church say An. MLI. * 1.23 venit Levericus Abbas. The account indeed they give of this Levericus his death is so widely diffe∣rent from what Hugo saith of Leofricus his, that it inclines me to think it was another person. For they say MLXXXV. obiit Levericus Abbas; whereas ours dyed, as I have said, almost twen∣ty year before.

In his time there were three great Benefactors to this place, Egelricus, Kinsinus, and Wulstanus.

Of the first of which Mr. G. hath given some account; but to make his History more compleat, I must let the Reader know how he came to rise to the dignity he held in the Church. Which Symeon Dunelmensis relates in this manner * 1.24; Eadmundus being chosen Bishop of Durham, would first be made a Monk, before he was consecrated by Wulstan Archbishop of York, who was then at Worcester. From whence returning home, he diverted into the Monastery of Burch: where being mightly pleased, he requested the Abbot to bestow a Monk upon him, skilful in Ecclesiastical Offices, and in regular discipline; to be his con∣stant companion, and teach him the way of the Monastical life; Accordingly the Abbot appointed this Monk Elgericus, or Al∣gericus (for he is called by all these names) to wait upon him: who, as Hugo writes, was vir Sanctissimus a most holy man, and thought fit for the Archbishoprick of York, to which he saith he was consecrated. But being there rejected (as Mr. G. out of him relates) factus est Episcopus Dunhelmiae, he was made Bishop of Durham; and there received with love of all, both Laicks and Monks. This was in the year 1042, as John Bromp∣ton informs us: where he continued twelve years, saith Hugo: but it should be fourteen: for both the Chron. of Mailros, and the Chron. of John Abbot of Burgh say he resigned in the year 1056. the words of the last named are these MLVI. quinta feria Kal. Augusti, Monachus factus est Dunelmensis Episcopus Egelricus; Episcopatu sponte relicto ad Monasterium suum de Burgo, ubi quon∣dam Monachus erat remeavit. Agelwino fratre suo & Monacho ejusdem Monasterii in locum suum, consecrato.

John Brompton places this resignation in the year 1057. (the very year Leofricus was made Abbot) which agrees with Sy∣meon Dunelmensis (who should best know) who saith after he had been Bishop fifteen year, he returned to his Monastery;

whither he had sent his Gold and Silver, and other Goods of the Church of Durham before. The Gold and Silver, he ac∣knowledges, was found as he was digging very deep to lay the foundation of a Church of Stone, in honour of St. Cutberd, which before was of Wood: but he saith it had been formerly hidden there by the Church of Durham, because of the Covetous∣ness and Tyranny of Sephelmus. And therefore though he did good Works with this money (which he immediately sent away to Burgh, intending to follow it himself) making Highways with Wood and Stone in the fenny Countries; building Churches, and other things; yet in the Reign of the Conqueror he was accused for carrying away this Treasure, which he would not restore; and being brought up to London and committed to custody, there he died in captione Regis, as Symeon of Durham tells the story * 1.25.

It was in the year 1072. when death delivered him out of Custo∣dy: and he was buried in the Chappel of St. Nicolas in the Abby of Westminster; but constantly commemorated here at Burgh on the 15th of October over against which day I find in the Kalander these words Depositio Domini Eylrici Episcopi & Memoria Benefactorum. Which no doubt was this Egelricus, or Elgericus: for so names are wont to be contracted; as the Abbot of Rieval, Adilredus, or E∣thelredus, is not only called Aluredus, but Ailredus also and Eilredus. But besides this, Hugo * 1.26 expresly calls him Eilricus; and the rode he made in the Fenns for Travellers, was called Elrich-rode.

Whence Bishop Godwin hath it that he was accused of Trea∣son by the Conqueror I cannot yet find. Perhaps he was thought to be confederate with his Brother Agelwinus whom he left his Successor in Durham. Who, as the forenamed Symeon Dunelmensis relates, not long after the Conquest (viz. An. 1070 * 1.27) being wea∣ry of the troubles of England, took Ship at Weremuth, with many other great persons, and went into Scotland. But returned the next year, with Hereward de Wake and the rest, to the Isle of Eli. Where they were all in a manner taken (except Hereward and a few others) and Agelwinus being sent prisoner to Abbandon, there in the Win∣ter ended his days 1071. one year before his Brother.

The second of these great men, viz. Kinsinus, who had been Chaplain to King Edward the Confessor, as was said before, and succeeded Aluricus (as Radulphus de Diceto calls Elfricus) in the Archbishoprick of York 1051. after he had sate there nine years, dyed at Burg, if we may believe John Abbot's Chronicle, in the year MLX. where his words are Kyn∣sinus Archiepiscopus apud Burgum obiit, & jacet tumulatus in scri∣nio juxta magnum Altare in parte Boreali. And there the Scri∣nium still remains (just above that of Elfricus who lies at his feet) with these words on the side, Hic posita sunt Ossa Kynsini Ar∣chiepiscopi Eborac. 1059, which by the Characters appear to be a late Inscription, and hath mistaken the year. For all agree it

was 1060. though none but he mention his dying at Burgh, but all suppose he dyed at York. Particularly Roger Hoveden, who saith he was brought from York to this Monastery of Burch to be buried, & honorifice tumulatus est. They agree also that he dyed on the XIth of the Kalands of January: and accordingly I find in the Kalander of the Church: Decemb. 20. Depositio Kyn∣sini Archiepiscopi & Radulphi Comitis. It is possible that Chro∣nicle may mean another Burgh which was in the North, and belonged afterwards to the Church of York. For Tho. Stubbs saith Girardus obtained of King William the second six Churches: Five of which he gave to St. Peters Church of York, i. e. de Dyrfeld, de Kyllum, de Pokelymon, de Pykerynga, de Burgh: where perhaps Kynsinus dyed.

The same Thomas Stubbs * 1.28 saith, the vulgar opinion of him was, that he was not born, but cut out of his Mothers Womb. He gave to this Church the Village of Linewelle as Hugo tells us, with the textum Evangelii excellently wrought with Gold; and so many Ornaments, that they were apprised at three hun∣dred pound: which with his Body were all brought hither: But Queen Edgit he adds took them all away. The Character he gives of him is this; that he always lived like a Monk, most abstemiously and Holily. So that when his Clergy, and Fa∣mily had a splendid Table, he contented himself with coarse and Barly Bread; and with the viler sort of meat and drink. And walk∣ing on foot from Town to Town, Preaching and giving Alms, he often went bare-foot: and commonly travelled in the nights, that he might avoid vain-glory. Which makes him call him Sanctus Kinsinus.

The last, Wulstanus was also Archbishop of of York; and Suc∣cessor to Adulphus: holding the Bishoprick of Worcester toge∣ther with the See of York, as he and St. Oswald before him had done. Who, if we may believe Hugo, gave himself and all that he had to this place: but going to visit the places where other Saints lay buried, and coming to Eli; there he fell sick and dyed and was buried; in the year MXXIII. V. Kal. Junii 3. feria (as Thomas Stubbs relates) after he had been Archbishop twenty year. He and Radulphus de Diceto differ from Hugo, in the place of his sickning and dying; for they make him to have been brought to Eli to be buried, according to his own prediction (as the latter of them affirms) upon a time when he came thither for devotion sake.

The mention of him puts me in mind of another of that name who was bred in this Monastery; and therefore ought not to be here omitted. For though he dyed a good while after this time, yet he was advanced to the See of Worcester in the days of Leofricus, viz. MLXII. So John Abbot, Venerabilis vir Wl∣stanus Burgi Monachus, Wigorn. fit Episcopus. Roger Hoveden

also; who saith that literis & Ecclesiasticis Officiis imbutus in No∣bili Monasterio quod Burch nominatur. The very same hath Sy∣meon Dunelmensis & John Brompton. But the largest account I find of him is in his Life written in Three Books * 1.29, by Bra∣vonius a Monk of Worcester 1170. who relates at large, all that he did both before and after the Conquest.

He was born at Jceritune in Warwickshire; his Father Athel∣stanus, his Mother Wifgena, who put him to School at Evesham, where he received the first Elements of learning; and then sent him hither to be perfected in it; so his words are, perfecti∣ori mox apud Burch (which I shewed before was famous for learning) scientia teneras informavit medullas. Here he gave great indications of his future Vertue; when he had scarce ta∣ken the first step out of his Childhood. He had a Master cal∣led Eruentus, who could Write admirably, and Draw any thing in Colours: Who made Wlstan, when he was but a Boy, Write two Books, Sacramentarium & Psalterium; and Flourish the Principal Letters in Pictures with Gold. The former of which his Master presented to King Cnute, the Psalter to Queen Emma. After this he went from Burch to his Parents; who putting themselves into Religious Houses at Worcester, he also became Monk. And in a short time was made Master of the Boyes; then Chanter, and then Sacrist; and afterward Praepositus, ut tunc Prior, ut nunc dicitur, Monachorum constitutus: and at last made Bishop of Worcester, though against his will, upon the preferment of Alredus to York. Who presuming upon the sim∣plicity of Wlstan, committed great rapine at Worcester, and kept from him a considerable part of the Possessions of that Church; which he could not recover as long as Alred lived; but, though William the Conqueror seised them at his Death, yet Wlstan never left till the cause had a fair hearing, and his Church had all restored to it, which its first Founders had left unto it. The story is told at large by John Bromton * 1.30, who sayes Lanfranc would have deposed him for insufficiency: but by a Miracle was moved to restore him his Staff and his Ring, which he had resigned. And indeed he was not so ignorant as many imagined, but knew all that was necessary for him to be acquainted withal: only was not learned in the Fables of the Poets, and in the perplexities of Syllogisms; which perhaps he did not vouchsafe to know, as not worthy his notice. So Henry de Knyghton, in these remarkable words * 1.31, Sed ille magis virtute quam literis fretus, res Ecclesiae defensabat: Quanquam non it a hebes in literis fuerit, ut put abatur; quippe qui caetera necessaria sciret, praeter fabulas poetarum & tortiles syllogismos; quae forsan nec nosse dignabatur.

He pulled down the old Church of Worcester, built by St. Os∣wald, and made the new one we now see: Weeping, as Malms∣bury saith, when they began the Work. For which he gave

this reason (when he was told he ought rather to rejoyce at the erection of a more magnificent Structure) Alas! said he, we miserable sinners destroy the Works of the Saints, that we may get glory to our selves. That age of happy men did not understand how to build pompous Temples; but under any kind of Roof offered up themselves to God, and attracted their Subjects by their examples: We, on the contrary, neglecting the Cure of Souls, heap up Stones, and raise goodly Piles, &c.

He lived till he was almost 90 years old; dying in the year MXCV. where John Abbot writes; Sanctus Wlstanus obiit.

BRANDO,

While he was only a Monk in this Church, he was not only a Coadjutor to Leofricus in all the good things that he did (as Hugo his words are) but also a great Benefactor to the Mona∣stery, out of his own Patrimony, and that of his Brethren. For he and his two Brethren, Askatillus and Syricus, purchased Wal∣cote de proprio patrimonio; and gave it to the Church, in per∣petual inheritance, together with Scotere, Scotune and other places mentioned by Mr. G. This was in the time of Edward the Con∣fessor; who confirmed this Grant by his Charter, rogatus ab Abbate Lefrico, & Monacho ipsius nomine Brand * 1.32. Another wri∣ting mentions a third Brother named Siworthus in these words, Brand Abbas Burgensis & Askilus & Sericus & Sivortus fratres, dederunt has terras, Deo & Sancto Petro, & fratribus in Burgh, sc. Muscham ex alia parte Trentae, & Scotere, &c. Which is re∣lated something more distinctly in a little Charter * 1.33, containing the Names of all the Lands and Possessions of the Church (which was recorded for the honour of their Benefactors, whose names are written in the Book of Life, &c.) Among which it is said, Askill filius Toke dedit Walcote super Humbram, dum adhuc vi∣veret, & post obitum illius & fratrum ejus, sc. Scirici & Siworthi, dedit Brand Abbas frater eorum eidem Ecclesiae Sancti Petri, Muskam, &c. And in the Charter of Edward the Confessor, confirming this benefaction, it is said that Askil or Askitill, gave this Land, upon occasion of a journey which he undertook to Rome. Askitillus Romam pergens dedit Sancto Pe∣tro & Ecclesiae suae de Burch, septem carrucatas terrae in Walcote, duabus bovatis minus, & in Alcheburn unam Carrucatam, & totam Ecclesiam, & in Normandy unam Carrucatam, quae sunt super fluvium Humbre. William the Conqueror in his confirmation * 1.34, petente Abbate Brand, saith the same, concerning the number of Plough-Lands in that place, held by the Monastery sub Rege Edwardo. Most of which, it should seem by a trial, which John Deeping Abbot of this Church had about the Lands in those Towns in the 13th year of Hen. 4. were part of the possessions of the Ab∣by from its foundation: and being alienated perhaps, were again

restored or redeemed by Brand and his Brethren before menti∣oned. For that Abbot then before the Kings Judges at West∣minster * 1.35, declaring how he was destrained by the Servants of Thomas de Lancaster the Kings Son, pretending that he held a Mannor of his in Holderness, and ought to do him homage and suit at Court, for six Carrucatae of Land in Walcote juxta Humbr, and one in Normanby (which they said he held of the afore∣said Thomas) alledged against all this, that Wolferus, King of the Mercians, long before the Conquest gave and granted by his Charter (which he there produced and laid before them) to God and the blessed Apostle St. Peter, and the servants of God in Medhamstede, which is now called by another name Peter∣burgh, in puram & perpetuam eleemosynam praedictas sex Caruca∣tas terrae cum pertinentibus, in Walcote juxta Humbr, & praedi∣ctam unam carucatam terrae cum pertin. in Normanby in Lincoln, &c. Of which Land he and his Predecessor were seised, and held as parcel of the first foundation of the Abby from the King, and not from the aforesaid Thomas; of whom he held no Land at all, nor owed him any service, &c. And accordingly it was ad∣judged for the Abbot.

This Estate was in danger to be lost again after the Con∣quest, being got into the hands of Yvo Talbois; but restored by him to the Monks, as I shall observe in my Remarks upon the next Abbot Turoldus.

The Character which Ingulphus † 1.36 gives of Abbot Brand is, that he was a very Religious person, and, as he had heard from his Predecessor and many others, very much addicted unto Alms∣deeds, wherewith he relieved the poor; and, in short, adorned with all Vertues.

They that have a mind may in the same Author, find the form and manner, after which this Abbot made Hereward a Knight; which was a thing forbidden afterward, in the Synod of London held under Anselm, as Eadmerus informs us, p. 68. Where Mr. Selden calls this Abbot Brand Coenobiarcha Edmundoburgen∣sis * 1.37; not attending I suppose, to those words of Ingulphus, where he mentions Abbatem Burgi the Uncle of Hereward, which he construes as if he spake of the Abbot of St. Edmundburgh.

There is mention of Brand as witness to a Charter of William the Conqueror, in the second year of his Reign (1068.) where∣in he setled the Collegiat Church of St. Martins le Grand, in the City of London, indowed by Ingelricus and Girardus his Brother out of their own Revenues: as may be seen in the third Tome of the Monasticon Anglicanum † 1.38. But the next year after he dyed; as not only Hugo, but John Abbot of this Church tells us in his Chronicon. Where An. MLXIX. having spoken of the death of Aldredus Archbishop of York, he adds, Obiit etiam Brando Abbas Burgi, Patruus dicti Herewardi de Wake, & ex Regis col∣latione

successit Turoldus. Brando dedit pro Fyskyrton XX. mar∣cas auri, & alias XX. pro Quametis, & pro ibidem ..... ƲIII. marc. auri. Our Writings also mention his redeeming Burleigh, as well as the forenamed places: which shows how studious he was of the prosperity of this place. Where he dyed 2. Ka∣land. Decembris, saith Hugo, agreeable to the Kalander which saith 30. Novemb. Depositio Brandonis & Will. de Waterville Abba∣tum, &c.

TƲROLDƲS,

Or THƲROLDƲS (as he is called in a Chater of King Henry the First) was no sooner setled in the Monastery, but all manner of evils (as Hugo's words are) came to it. For that very year (1069) the Danes returned to infest England, under the conduct of Suenus (Abbot John saith the Sons of Swane) their King, with a very great Army. Part of which under Osbern came to Eli, and was presently re-inforced by Hereward de Wake and his associates, who came and joyned with them. He was a very great man, called by one of our best Historians, vir Se∣renissimus * 1.39; who at his return out of Flanders (where he had been for a while) hearing how much his Family and Kindred had suffered by the Normans, and finding Ivo Talbois the Conqueror's Sisters Son, possessed of his Estate (the Conqueror having gi∣ven Ivo large possessions in Holland) was extreamly inraged thereat: and resolved by force of Arms to recover his own, though with the havock and spoil of other people. I cannot say that this place felt the first effects of his fury, but here he discharged it after a most terrible manner, as Hugo relates the story. For he it was that invited and incited also Osbern and his Danes to go and plunder this Abby: where he heard the Abbot his Uncle was dead, and the place filled with a Norman (whom he accounted an intruder) and he a very severe man; who lay then with some Souldiers at Stamford. They came therefore with great speed; though not so hastily, but the Monks of Burgh had some notice: so that the Sacrist, called Ywarus, by the Counsel of the Monks carried away all that he could, viz. the Texts of the Gospel, with the Chesibles, Copes, and Albes, &c. and went with them to the Abbot Turoldus at Stam∣ford. The very same morning came Hereward and his compa∣ny in Boats; against whom the Monks maintained the Close so stoutly (as is observed out of him by Mr. G.) that he had no way but to set fire to the Houses near the Gate; by which means his Forces entred, and burnt all the Offices of the Mo∣nastery and the whole Town, except the Church and one House.

The Monks therefore besought them to be favourable to it; but they, not regarding their cries, entred armed into it, and indeavoured to carry away the great Cross, but could not. Yet they took the golden Crown from the head of the Crucifix; with the pretious Stones, and the Footstool under its feet, made of pure Gold and Gemms: together with duo aurea feretra (two golden or gilded Bears whereon they carried the Saints Re∣liques and other such like things in Procession) and nine Silver ones, and twelve Crosses, some of Gold, some of Sil∣ver. And besides all this, went up into the Tower and took away the great Table, which the Monks had hidden there; which was all of Gold and Silver and pretious Stone, and wont to be before the Altar: with abundance of Books and other pretious things, which were invaluable; there being not the like in all England. And they pretended to do all this, out of faithfulness to the Church; for the Danes, they told them, would preserve these things for the use of the Church, better than the Franks would do. Nay, Hereward himself was Homo Monachorum a lover of Monks, and therefore some believed what they said; and he also afterwards swore, that he did all this with a good intention; because he thought William the Conqueror would get it all. Away they went therefore with their Booty, and made all the hast they could to their Ships; fearing the Normans might fall upon them: and coming to Eli, they committed all their spoil into the hands of the Danes themselves.

What became of it, Mr. Gunton hath largely enough rela∣ted out of Hugo. Which doth so little agree with what I find in the life of Hereward de Wake, that we must suppose all this to have been done (if he was not mistaken in his story) in the year 1070. and that he came again and spoiled this Church after the Goods, which remained were restored; as I shall show presently, when I have finished the foregoing Hi∣story. Which saith that Turoldus came to the Abby the very same day the Danes went away, with an hundred and sixty Normans well armed; hoping to meet with the Enemy, be∣fore they carried off their prey: but found no body there, and the place laid desolate; all being burnt both within and without, except the Church. Insomuch that the City not long ago, called aurea, was now made pauperrima. But the Abbot being come, the Monks, who had been scattered, returned; and per∣formed divine Offices, which had been discontinued seven dayes. He strengthened himself also by Stipendiary Souldiers, upon whom he setled threescore and two Hides of Land; that they might defend him from Hereward. So John Abbot ad An. 1069. Tu∣roldus vero lxii hidas terrae de terris Ecclesiae Burgi, dedit Stipen∣diariis militibus qui eum contra Herewardum le Wake tuerentur. He built a Castle also hard by the Monastery (as I shall note anon

out of the same Chronicle) and had the pleasure to see Hereward the next year, 1071. hardly escaping out of the Isle of Eli, where most of his accomplices, as I have said were taken: And yet notwithstanding that great man rallied again, and came into these parts with Forces, against which a great Army was raised out of Northamptonshire, Cambridgshire, Linoclnshire, Hol∣land, Leicestershire, Huntendone and Warwickshire: while Here∣ward lay with a few Souldiers, in comparison, skulking in the Woods nigh unto Burch.

This I learn out of a Treatise at the end of Swapham, inti∣tuled de gestis Heruuardi inclyti militis, gathered out of such frag∣ments as could be found of a Book written in the English tongue, by Alefricus Diaconus, who was Hereward's Priest at Brun. Who says this great Army gathered out of those severai Counties, was lead by Turoldus Abbot of Burch, and Yvo Talbois; who in∣compassed Hereward and his men so strictly, that they greatly di∣stressed them. But he, nothing terrified, placed all his Sagitta∣rii and balistarii among the Trees, which they had there for their security: and from thence issued out, as he saw his opportunities, and having made great slaughters, retreated under their shel∣ter again. This he continued to do, after several manners, all the day long, till he had tyred the opposite Army, and made them raise their Siege. And then Hereward, with all his men, rush∣ing out upon their Rere all at once, put them into such a con∣fusion, that he took many of them Prisoners; and among the rest Abbot Turoldus. Whom he kept in Custody till he redeemed him∣self, and other considerable persons with the summ of three thousand Marks of Silver. So that writer saith * 1.40 with whom John Abbot agrees; but mentions a far greater summ. Nihil∣ominus tandem cum multis aliis magnatibus (speaking of Turoldus) ab Herewardo captus quousque pro sua redemptione XXX. marcas argenti solveret, cum aliis suis conductitiis in custodia detentus est.

But after this ransome of himself and his Nephew and others, whom he received from the hand of a Cosin of Herewardus, cal∣led Siwardus Albus, who had honourably entertained him out of reverence to the Abbot; he forgot both his Covenant, and the benefits he had received; renewing the War against Hereward. For the carrying on of which, he gave away more Goods of his Church, and many Possessions to Souldiers; ut haberet sem∣per militare auxilium ad expugnandum Herewardum. Which com∣ing to the Ears of Hereward, who saw he was like to suffer for his kindness, he made no delay; but the same night marched with all the force he could make to Burch; and burning the whole Town (which it seems by this story, began to be built again) carried away all the Treasure of the Church; and pursued the Abbot himself, licet latitando cum suis evaserit.

But the next night (if we may believe this Writer) Hereward thought he saw in his dream an old man, of inestimable beauty, and in brighter habit than he had ever beheld or imagined, with a terrible countenance, threatning him (with a great Key he held in his hand, and with a dread∣ful voice) that he should immediately restore all he had taken out of the Church, if he loved his life. Whereupon he rose up the very same hour, and carrying back all that he had pillaged, immediately departed from Burgh. But lost his way in the night, and wandred up and down in the Woods, not knowing whither he went; till a vast Wolf appear∣ed, who marched before them like a houshold Dog, and led them into their right way: As they saw by lighted Candles which appeared up∣on every mans Shield; which none of them could pull off or blow out. But when morning appeared, both Wolf and Candles vanished, and they came whither they desired beyond Stamford.

He relates many other wonderful atchievements of this famous War∣rior (who was accounted the Hector of his time) and at last shows how he was reconciled to the King, and served him faithfully: having all his Fathers Lands and Possessions restored to him; and living comfortably and peace ably with his Countrymen and Friends, dyedin peace, after he had li∣ved many Years. Other Writers say, he having taken Ivo Talbois in Bat∣tle, would not deliver him, until the King (to have his Nephew preserved) promised by Oath unto Hereward Reconciliation, Pardon, his former dignity, with full restitution of all that had been his. Which was done in the year 1076. Until which time from the death of Brando, not only this Monastery but others also suffered very much. For in the year 1070. many Abbots as well as Bishops by the Kings procurement, were deposed or ejected, upon slight surmises, that the English might be deprived of all dignities. So John Abbot; who after he had related how Stigandus was deposed, to make way for Lanfranc, adds, Plures eo anno tam Episcopi quam Abbates vel nullis vel levibus suspitionibus depo∣nuntur, aut ejiciuntr; procurante Rege, ut Angli nullis dignitatibus poti∣rentur.

In the year 1072 the Monks of Eli were Outlawed, having afford∣ed succour to some Great men who were in Rebellion against the King. I suppose to those, who in the year before were in that Isle, and in that Church in open rebellion, with Hereward. So Abbot John MLXXI. He∣reward le Wake Ecclesia intra paludes Heliensi, cum multis aliis Anglis exle∣gatis resistit. And then it follows, An. MLXXII. Monachi Helienses, qui∣busdam Angliae Magnatibus contra Regem rebellantibus succursum praebentes, ex∣legati sunt. Et multi Monachi Anglici per totam Angliam malè tractati & plurimum vexati. Multa Monasteria tam de propriis pecuniis quam de alio∣rum apud ipsos depositis ad quadrantem ultimum spoliata. Walsingham * 1.41 writes much to the same purpose; telling us the Conqueror made all the Abbeys in England to be searched, and caused all the money, which the Richer people had there deposited, to be brought into his Coffers; only he places this in the year 1070.

In the year MLXXV. Comes Northampt. Sanctus Walterus apud Wyn∣ton decollatus, as the same Abbot John writes. Which was done he saith, notwithstanding that Lansranc pronounced him innocent, and that if he was put to death he would be a Martyr. And accordingly he was honoured by Wlfketulus Abbot of Croyland: who gave him an honoura∣ble Burial, and thereupon was violently deposed. As indeed all the Bishops and Abbots were, if they were Angligenae, (as he again re∣peats it) introductis in eorum sedes Normannis

Which I the rather mention, because this Wlfketulus had been bred up in this Church of Burgh; as we learn from what follows. For that Coronicle saith, that Ingulphus succeeding Wlfketulus (for though he was an Englishman born, he had lived long among the Normans) interceeded with the King for his predecessor, that he might come from Glastonbury, where he was shut up in the Cloyster, ad Ecclesiam suam de Burgo. Which was granted, ubi post paucos dies morbo correpto in Domino requievit. In∣gulphus * 1.42 himself, saith he was taken with a Palsy; and that having been kept ten Year at Glastonbury, he dyed 1085, after he had been (not a few days) but four Months at Burgh. While he was here, Ingulphus had frequent conversation with him; for he procured leave that Wlfketulus might come from Burgh to Croyland as often as he thought good to call him. Who informed Ingulphus of the Estate of the Church of Croyland; and brought back to it many rich things: but some, he saith, still re∣mained at Burgh. He was the more acceptable; because there were Lands concealed from that Monastery; in the discovery of which he thought Wlfketulus might assist him. For one Alsford Bailiff of the Church of Croyland had been notoriously guilty of it; and was called to an ac∣count for it by Ingulphus presently after he entred upon his Govern∣ment. But as he was in the way to appear before the King's Justices at Stamford, he broke his neck by a fall off from his Horse: and was carried to be buried at Burgh; according to the order he had taken about it in his life time. They that delight to read wonderful things, may look into Ingulphus * 1.43 and find a story he tells of a miraculous cloud about the Sun, as they were carrying his body thither.

But it is time to return to Turoldus: who, as Hugo writes, was a mischief to this Church eight and twenty years. Which is not to be un∣derstood so rigorously, as if he did no good; for first as he gave away much Land, so he got some back again: particularly the Mannors that had been granted to Ivo Talbois; which he was perswaded to restore to the Monks in his life time, so that after his decease they should return ad dominium Sancti Petri. This I find in a Charter of William Rufus, which runs thus, Gulielmus Rex Anglorum Roberto Lincolniensi Episcopo (by this it appears this was William the second, for he made Robert Bishop of Linc. in the 6th year of his Reign 1092) & Oswino vicecomite & omnibus Baronibus suis & fidelibus salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Sancto Petro de Burgo, & Thuroldo Abbati & Monachis ejusdem Ecclesiae ad victum eorum, terras illas quas Ivo Talbois de praedicto Abbate tenuit, & ipse idem Yvo eisdem Mona∣chis in vita sua reddidit: ita sc. ut post decessum ejus, ad dominium Sancti Petri redirent. Testante Cyrographo ab eodem Yvone & Thuroldo Abbate conscripto. Haec autem sunt terrarum nomina, scil. Scotere & Walcote, cum omnibus appendi∣ciis, &c.

And secondly, all these Soldiers who had feods given them out of the Estate of the Church for its defence, were bound by the original grant to serve the King also, when there was occasion, in his Wars. This I under∣stand out of a description of all the feoda militum, still remaining in the Book called Swapham * 1.44: where this account is given, why they were granted. Quia omnes milites praedicti pro defensione domus facienda, in exercitu Domini Regis, & alibi cum necesse esset, de dominico Abba∣tis & conventus feodati fuerant. There also it appears how they sewed in King John's time, and before that in Henry the seconds, nay from the time of their first Infeoffement. So the words are, Et ante tempus ejusdem (Henrici) postquam feodati fuerunt, & à tempore dicti regis, usque ad praesens; & hac ratione, quia, &c.

And Thirdly, He and his Souldiers, not only built Towns in those wast places which Adulphus had cleared from Wood, and let the Lands out to Farm at a certain Rent, &c. (some of which Towns were cal∣led by their names, and remain to this day, as Gunthorp, Melton, Wal∣ton, Barnak, &c.) but also Churches and Chappels, the profits of which the Monastery received intirely for many years, till the time of Ernulphus. So the words are * 1.45 eodem vero tempore construebatur tam Ecclesiae quam capellae per praedictos Abbatem (sc. Thuroldum) & milites, quarum proventus Monasterium Burgi totaliter recepit, per multos annos; usque ad tempus bonae memoriae Domini Roberti Lincoln. Episcopi & Abbatis Ernulphi Burgensis Ec∣clesiae Anno, viz. Domini MCXII.

The names of those Milites who were first infeoffated, and did these good things are there set down fol. CCXCVI. There were but nine∣teen of them; the first of them called Azelinus de Watyrvil. I shall not trouble the Reader with the rest: but end this account of Turoldus, who dyed saith John Abbot MXCVIII. Obiit Turoldus Abbas Burgi, qui milites feodavit de terris Ecclesiae, & Castellum juxta Abbatian constraxit, & alia multa mala secerat. Hic erat alienigena. The Hill whereon this Castle stood (called now Touthill) is on the Northside of the Minster. Notwithstand∣ing all which, he had an honourable memory perserved in this Church up∣on the XIIth of April, upon which was, Depositio Thoroldi (so he is called) and Guidonis Abbatum, & Anniversarium Roberti de Hale, & Agnetis Matris ejus. Who Guido was I have not yet found.

GODRICƲS.

He is called by Roger Hoveden, Bodricus de Burch: who was not deposed in that Council mentioned by Mr. G. but only removed; for he was barely elected to the place, but not blessed, or consecrated. So Eadmerus informs us, who tells this story more exactly than any following Writers; except William of Malmsbury, who to a little agrees with him; and says that in the year MCII. in the 4th year of Pope Paschal and the third of King Henry, there was a Council held by Anselm with all the Bishops of England in the Church of St. Paul. Where in the first place, simonicae haeresis surreptio dampnata est. In qua culpa inventi depositi, sc. Guido de Perscora (called by others Wido) & Wimundus de Tavestock & Ald∣winus de Ramesei. Et alii nondum sacrati remoti ab Abatiis suis, sc. Godri cus de Burgo, Hanno de Cernel, Egelricus de Mideltune. Absque vero Simo∣nia remoti sunt ab Abatiis, pro sua quisque causa, Ricardus de Heli, & Robertus de Sancto Edmundo, & ille qui erat apud Micelneie. Many other of our Writers tell this story (though not so distinctly) particularly Florenti∣us Wigornensis; and Gervasius Monk of Canterbury (in the life of Anselm) who calls Goderick Electum de Burgo, agreeable to what Eadmerus saith. And yet, notwithstanding this deposition, they tell us that Anselm, go∣ing to Rome the next year (1103) had two of these Abbots in his com∣pany; viz. Richard of Ely, and Aldwinus of Ramsey; as both Florentius and Symeon of Durham report: which would make one think, he did not take them, upon further inquiry, to be so guilty as was pretended. And as for our Godrick it is very strange he should be touched with this crime, who was chosen Abbot against his Will, if we may give credit to Hugo: and had been before Elect to an Archbishoprick in Little Britain, but refused the dignity. And therefore this is all he saith, of his being thrust out of this place, that when Richard of Ely and Alduinus of Ramsey

and others were deposed in Council for purchasing their Abbies, he also was deposed with them. Neither doth Abbot John mention his crime, but only saith ad An. MCII. Anselmus Archiepiscopus Concilio convocato apud Lond. Rege consentiente plures deposuit Abbates, vel propter Simoniam, vel propter aliam vitae infamiam. Depositi sunt ergo Burgensis, Persorensis, Heliensis, de Sancto Edmundo, Ramesiensis, Cervel. Midleton. Tavestock. Mi∣cheln. And so Symeon of Durham, plures Abbates Francigeni & Angli sunt depositi & honoribus privati, quos injuste acquisierunt, aut in eis inhoneste vixerunt, &c.

What became of him afterward I do not find. He hath no memorial in the Kalander of this Church; as all the rest since the Restauration of it, but Kenulphus and another have, till the time of Henry Morcot. John Abbot adds, at the end of the year 1098. that the Church wan∣ted an Abbot five years, Vacavit Ecclesia quinque annis: That is, from the death of Turoldus, to the coming in of Matthias, which was in the year 1103. So he makes Godricus to have been but a Cypher; by whom the place was not filled at all. This vacancy began in the time which Eadmerus speaks of (p. 26.) when W. Rufus kept many Abbies in his hands: and making no Abbots, the Monks went whither they list.

The robbery Mr. G. mentions, was committed in Whitsunweek, by climb∣ing up to a window over the Altar of St. Philip and Jacob, where those Vagabonds broke in. While they were taking the things away, one of them stood with a drawn Sword, over the head of the Sa∣crist Turicus, who was fast asleep: that if he waked, he might instantly dispatch him.

MATTHIAS.

John Abbot of Burgh, comprehends the most that can be said of this Abbot in these words * 1.46 MCIII. Matthias Abbas factus est post Godricum Ab∣batem, qui uno anno praefuit Ecclesiae Burgensi. Et eodem die quo receptus est, anno revoluto ex hac vita decessit. Hic concessit fratri suo Galfrido Ma∣nerium de Pyetislee ad firmam. Only we understand from Hugo, that he dyed at Gloucester, and was there buried: and that the day of his recep∣tion and death, was XII. Kal. Novemb. (the Kalander saith 22. Octob. De∣positio Domini Matthiae Abbatis, &c.) and that he granted this Mannor of Pichlee unto his Brother, to Farm, but for one year: but after the Ab∣bot's death, he kept the Village by force. And yet he swore, when he was accused before the King, for himself and for his Heirs, upon the high Altar and the Reliques of St. Peter (promising he would compel his Wife and Children to make the same Oath) that he would restore the said Mannor with all belonging to it, unto the Church (without put∣ting them to the trouble of a sute) and for the time he had held it, pay four pound a year Rent.

This Oath he made to Ernulphus. But in the time of the next Abbot John de Says An. 1117. Godfrey came to him in his Chamber, and by im∣portunity procured a grant of it for his life; at the yearly Rent of four pound: provided that when he dyed, it should without sute at Law, return to the Monastery. Unto which he swore upon the Gospel, be∣fore many Witnesses; whose names, Hugo saith, were written super textum Evangelii, and therefore he did not mention them. Three years after this agreement (viz. An. 1120.) he was drowned, as he was cros∣sing the Sea with the Kings Son; and the same Abbot seised on the

Mannor, according to the forenamed agreement. But fearing some sute, he gave the King Sixty Marks of Silver, to confirm the possession of this Mannor to the Monastery for ever, per suum Breve. The Chron. of the other Abbot John saith he gave but XL. Mark: ipse dedit XL. Marcas (perhaps it should be LX.) pro Pichlee. Which he held as long as he lived; but after his death all this little profited.

This Story is told more largely in other records; which say that forty shillings of that 4 l. Rent, reserved upon Pithesle (as it is there called) was for the use of the Monastery, and the other half for the use of the Abbot. They say also his Wife and Children swore, as well as he, upon the Text of the Gospel, that the above named con∣dition should be performed. And the Witnesses to these Covenants are named, Herveus Bishop of Ely, Reginaldus Abbot of Ramsey, Robert Ab∣bot of Thorney, Hugo Vicecomes; and of the Abbots Tenants, Willel∣mus de Lusoriis, Azelinus de Gunethorp, Rogerus de Torpel, Richardus de Sancto Medardo and many others.

Hugo tells us in another place * 1.47 that this Matthias, would not be∣lieve, what was commonly said by the Monks, that the Arm of St. Os∣wald was intire, without corruption. And therefore the Savrist was com∣manded, for his satisfaction, to open the Capsuld wherein it was kept, and show it to him. The Sacrists name was Eilricus Cnorti, who not being expert in handling such things, incautiously took hold of the Scapula of one of the Holy Innocents (which with some other Reliques were kept in the same Chest with St. Oswald's Arm) and it breaking between his fingers, blood issued out and fell upon the Cloth wherein it was wrapped. Which he relates as a great miracle, as indeed it was if it were true: but we have reason to think there was some trick in the business, whereby they imposed upon Hugo's credulity, who saith he saw this, Quod & ocu∣lis nostris vidimus.

ERNƲLPHƲs,

Or Arnulphus, after four years vacancy, was promoted to the Abbey 1107. and most willingly received, because he was known to be a good and wise man, and a Father to Monks. In his days saith, Hugo, all went well, and there was joy and peace; because the King and the No∣bles loved him, and always called him Father. He was by his Country a Frenchman, bred a Monk in the Monastery of St. Lucian, at Belvacum: where seeing some things, very full of insolence, which he could neither amend nor indure, he resolved to leave the place. But sent first to Lan∣franc for his advice, (with whom he had studied a long time at Becc) who knowing the industry of the man, perswaded him to come over hither: because, where he was, he could not save his Soul. He came therefore, and all Lanfranc's time remained a Monk at Canterbury: but was preferred by Anselm to be Prior of the Convent there; and present∣ly after to be Abbot of this Church: and then by Radulphus to be Bishop of Rochester. All which I have transcribed out of William of Malmsbury * 1.48, who gives the most distinct account of him; and says it is not easie to tell, quantae probitatis & prudentiae in omnibus Officiis fuerit. In Kent, the fore part of the Church, which Lanfranc built, being fallen down, he raised so splendidly, that nothing like it could be seen in England; both for the light of the glass Windows, and the brightness of the marble pavement, and the variety of Pictures in the Roof of the Church. At

Burgh Monachorum numerus auctus, Religio bonis moribus confota, aedium ve∣terum ruderibus deturbatis nova fundamenta jacta; culmina erecta; eaque omnia, cum vorax ignis absumpsisset, meditanti reficere, honos Pontificalis impactus.

Mr. G. hath given an account of his buildings, (out of Hugo) which sufficiently explains what Malmsbury writes: and there is one more which he hath omitted, for he began the Refectory, and did many other good things, (saith Hugo) in that seven years wherein he governed. The Chronicon of John Abbot mentions one; XX ^l. dedit Conventui ad Capas & alia ornamenta emenda. But this was not strictly his gift, if we may believe Hugo, who tells this Story. That one Robertus de Castre came in Ernul∣phus his time, and (being weak) gave to St Peter, the Abbot and Monks, Fifty pound of Silver, and turned Monk with his Son, a very towardly youth. Out of which money the Abbot appointed twenty pound, to be imployed to buy Palls and Copes, by the hands of the Sacrists Wictricus and Remaldus. Two very able men, who for thirty year together served the Monastery faithfully, and did abundance of good. Wictricus was the Elder, and growing infirm resigned the place: but Remaldus (whom they called Spiritualis, because he was a little man) continued in it till his death, for they would not suffer him to leave it. He was thought to have the Spirit of Prophecy; being able to tell before hand when any of the Monks would dye, and having had other things to come, shown him by Visions, which they took to be from God. Particularly, one night he thought he was in the Porch of St. Andrew (adhuc stante vetere Mo∣nasterio) and that two honourable persons appeared to him, and sat down there; clothed in Albes, and Chisibles, and having on Episcopal Palls, and Miters upon their Heads. Who called to him, and named them∣selves Kynsinus and Elfuricus (who as I noted before lye buried together) bidding him call thither several of the Seniors of the Church; Adelwoldus the Prior by name, and then divers other, all honourable persons: (whom Hugo saith he himself had seen) who being come before them, they bad Remaldus go out, for he could not yet come to them. And all those who were thus called, dyed, one after another, in the same order wherein he had seen them come to them.

Other Stories he tells of like nature, and then returns to Ernulfus, wish∣ing he had not been so much beloved: for by this means they lost him, and he was preferred to the Bishoprick of Rochester, in the year 1115. Abbot John in his MS. Chron. saith 1114. and they agree well enough; he being chosen one year and Consecrated the following. So I learn out of Symeon Dunelmensis * 1.49; who saith, ad An. 1114. that on the day of the Assumption of St. Mary, Arnulphus Abbas de Burh, ad Hrofen∣sem Ecclesiam eligitur Episcopus (where, by the way, it may be observ∣ed, that this way of writing Roffensem, caused the mistake in the prin∣ted History of Hoveden, which saith he was chosen in Herefordensem Episcopum). And then An. 1115. the same Symeon saith, the Archbishop of Canterbury ordained this Arnulphus Abbot de Burh, ad Hrofensem Ecclesi∣am die Sancti Stephani Martyris, in Christs Church at Canterbury. Ead∣merus speaks of the same Consecration, and calls him Abbatem Burchorum * 1.50, and Abbatem de Burcho. And by comparing this with what was now said by Symeon, we may observe that Burh, and Burch, and Burg, are used in∣differently when Writers speak of this place.

In this year wherein he left this place, 1114. it was that he got a Charter from King Henry, I. for the holding a great many Lands there∣in specified; and in the same right, and with the same Customs and Liber∣ties,

wherein they were held, die ipso quo Thuraldus Abbas vivus fuit, & mortuus habuerit: from whose time little had been done by any Abbot till now. This was seconded with many other Grants full of great Privi∣ledges: and at last in a distinct Charter he gives to the Abbot, Mane∣rium suum de Pichelee, quod Galfridus Ridellus de eo tenuit, cum tota instau∣ratione quae in manerio erat, die quo fuit vivus & mortuus.

This was confirmed by King Stephen (that I may put all belonging to this matter together) in following times; that they should have their Mannor de Pichelle, quod Henricus Rex eis reddidit & concessit, & charta sua confirmavit, quod oculis meis vidi, &c. And afterwards Hen. 2. confir∣med the same in these words, Sciatis me concessisse Ecclesiae & Abbati de Burgo Manerium suum Pihtislea, quod Galfridus Riddel de eo tenuit, sicut Charta Henrici Regis avi nostri testatur, &c.

Two years before this, there was an alteration made in the Churches and Chappells built by the Milites in the time of Turoldus. For now, in the year 1112. some of them (whose profits had hitherto been re∣ceived intirely by the Monastery) were assigned to the use of those that ministred in those Churches, and served in the Chappels. Who were there appointed to administer the Ecclesiastical Sacraments to the people; it being too far for them to come to Burg, and the ways also dangerous. But there were referred to the Church of Burg, two parts of the predial Tythes of those Milites; and saved to the same Church the Sepulture of the aforesaid Milites, their Wives and their Children, and a certain portion of their Goods thereupon: saving also to the Church of Burg, from some of the Churches so indowed, certain Pensions which had been paid to it from the Foundation.

Then followed the Convention made before Robert Bishop of Lin∣coln between Ernulphus and the Monks, and the Milites of the same Church, that every Knight should give two parts of his Tythes to the Sacristry of Burgh: and when he dyed, tertia pars substantiae suae ad se∣pulturam, cum militaribus indumentis, tam in equis quam in armis; which were to be brought to his Funeral with him. And then a Solemn Procession was to be made by the whole Convent before him; and a plenary Of∣fice celebrated, for him by all; and he was to partake, both himself, and his Wife, and their Children, of the benefits of the place for ever: viz. in Eleemosynis, in celebratione Missaram, in jejuniis, in vigiliis, in Psal∣modiis, & in caeteris bonis quae, Deo annuente, usquequaque in Ecclesia Sancti Petri fiant. In like manner their Wives and their Children, it was agreed, should be brought, with their substance belonging to them, to the same Church in the end of their life: And the Divine vengeance they desi∣red might light upon them, who made void this agreement.

In the same year the dedication of the Church of Turleby mentioned by Mr. Gunton, was made by the same Bishop: In whose presence and in the presence of the whole Parish, Bencelina, Mother of Ralph de la Mare, granted to that Church, for the health of her own Soul and of her Pa∣rents, dimidiam bovatam terrae, & unam acram prati, &c.

He lived after he went to Rochester some days above Nine years, and dyed leaving many Monuments of his vertue, in the 84. year of his age. So Malmsbury writes Vixit in Episcopatu aliquot dies super Novennium, de∣cessitque quatuor & octoginta annos natus; multa probitatis suae monumenta relinquens. Which doth not disagree with Abbot John (if we remember he was elected the year before he was enstalled) who says he was Bi∣shop Ten years, and dyed An. 1124. So John Bromton also

JOHN of SALISBƲRY.

This Abbot (whom our Writers call John de Sais, or Says) was no sooner appointed by the King to succeed Ernulphus, but he was imme∣diately dispatched to Rome by the Archbishop of Canterbury (Radulphus) to fetch his Pall from Pope Paschal. So Hugo (or Sawpham, as it's com∣monly thought) expresly tells us; and names two persons who were sent with him, Guarnerius, and Johannes Archidiaconus, Nephew to the Arch∣bishop: which makes it the more strange that Mr. G. should overlook this passage, so as not to find to what end he was sent. Eadmerus also relates the same, from whom we learn also why he was called John de Says: for he calls him Johannes Monachus Sagii, who being elected and Consecrated Abbas Burchorum, was sent to Rome with Warnerius a Monk of Canterbury, and Johannes Clericus Nephew to the Archbishop, upon the business before named. Which they effected in little more than a years time; for Radulphus was Consecrated (as Radulph. de Diceto informs us) on the 6. of the Kal. of May, and received the Pall on the 5. Kal. of July. Agreeable unto which, Hugo saith, the Abbot returned to the Monaste∣ry the next year after he went to Rome, upon the Feast of St. Peter. One reason I believe why he was chose to be sent upon this errand, was, that he had been an old acquaintance of the Archbishops, bred in the same Monastery; where Radulphus had been Abbot, as John had been Monk. For so I find him called by Gervasius * 1.51, Radulphus Abbas Sagiensis: and by Sy∣meon of Durham also ad An. 1104. Where he speaks of the body of St. Cutbert being found incorrupt (after he had been buried above 400. years) a Radulfo Sagiensi Abbate, postmodum Hrofensi Episcopo, & deinde Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo † 1.52. From this place, I doubt not that is from Say or Says in Normandy he had the name of Says or Sais: and is by mistake called John of Salisbury, which they fancied was contracted into Sais. This must be corrected therefore in Mr. G. for Sagiusn is not Salis∣bury, but Say: where he was bred, and perhaps born. And it is very likely was the Author of that contract of mutual Friendship, which was between this Monastery and that of Sais. For so I find in our Records fol. CCLXXIV. among divers Conventions which were made between the Friers of St. Peter of Burch, and a great many other Churches, there is one cum fratribus nostris de Sais. Wherein they ingaged when any Monk dyed in either Church, three plenary Offices should be said for him by the other Church; and every Priest should sing three Masses for him: and they that did not sing Mass, should say the whole Psalter.

The next year after his return, An. 1116. I find he cleared the Ab∣by of the yearly payment of forty shillings, which Azeo Wardeden had long unjustly claimed from it. For upon a full hearing of the difference between them, before King Henry at Bramton, the Bishop and Barons then present in Court, judged that Azeo had no right to the aforesaid forty Shillings; and so Abbas Johannes disraisniavit (as the word is) apud Bramtonam in curia Regis, quadraginta solidos quod Azeo Wardeden (cal∣led also Wardede) diu injuste habuerat, &c. * 1.53 One of the Witnesses to this was Galfridus Ridel before named; who herein I suppose, indeavoured to serve the Abbot; and the next year after, as I have showed, got of him the Mannor of Pithesle for his life. I have observed before, in the life of Elfinus, how the same year 1116. he made an end of a controversie with the Church of Croyland: where there is the same phrase

disrainiatum fuit, for disproving; and by showing the contrary to clear the Abby from pretended claims.

But before this year ended, that dreadful fire hapned, which is menti∣oned by Mr. G out of Walter of Witlesea: who doth not tell the story so exactly as it is in Hugo. From whom we learn that it burst out up∣on the second of the Nones of August (as the Chron. of John Abbot also relates) in the Vigils of St. Oswald, King and Martyr after this manner.

The Friers having been in the Refectory that morning to mend the Tables, the Abbot not liking what they had done, fell a Cursing; and straightway went out ad placitum apud Castre, to keep a Court at Caster. And one of the Servants in the Bakehouse making a Fire, which he could not kindle so soon as he desired, in an angry fit, cursed also; and said, Come Devil and blow the fire. Whereupon the flame instantly broke out and ran to the very top of the house, and through all the Offices, to the neighbouring Town: which Hugo saith was wholly con∣sumed; but Abbot John in his Chronicon saith, only a great part of it, Magna pars villae adjacentis, &c. And thus was fulfilled the second pre∣diction of Elricus (mentioned by Mr. G. in the life of Leofricus) who said the Church should be set on fire. Let us all therefore, saith Hugo (in whose time these things hapned) deprecate the Divine displeasure, that the third may not come to pass. And let every one of us walk cir∣cumspectly, and bridle his anger, and contain his hands, that he do no evil: not calling the Enemy to do any thing, nor commending any thing to him, for he is alwayes ready to do mischief, &c. After which pious refle∣ction, he proceeds to relate how the fire continued burning in the Tower of the Church Nine days: and on the night of the ninth day, a furious wind arising, blew the fire and live coals upon the Abbots houses: so that we thought, saith he, all the remaining Offices would have been consumed.

Dies tristitiae & doloris erat dies ille.

But the next year upon the eighth of the Ides of March, the Abbot laid the foundation of a new Church MCXVIII. An. ab incarnatione Do∣mini Millesimo centesimo octavo, saith Hugo. It should be MCXVII. even by his own computation; for he brought the Pall from Rome 1115. the next year the Monastery was burnt; and the next he began to build it. And so the Chronicon Johannis Abbatis expresly saith, that he began to build it again 1117.

In which year also he recovered duos sochemannos apud Castre, which were unjustly detained from the Church by one Leofwine: who came into the Chapter house, and openly acknowledged that they belonged to the De∣means of St. Peter of Burch, and accordingly quitted to God and St. Peter and Abbot John the two aforesaid Sochemans (whose names were Willielmus filius Leoffi Lickadisc & Leofricus avunculus ipsius) with all that they held in the afore∣said Village: and from thence forward held them of the Abbot.

The same Leofwinus requiring from this Abbot five Shillings from the houses beyond the River of Stanphord, which he pretended to have a grant of from Abbot Ernulphus and other Abbots; he came into Court the next year 1118. and it was adjudged that he should lose these five Shil∣lings. Unto which the names of the Judges and Witnesses are set * 1.54.

What other good Acts he did I do not find, but Hugo saith, he laboured much in the restauration of the Church, though he could not finish it: and governed the Church and the Abbey well all his time, and pur∣chased Lands. After all which he was struck with an incurable disease, viz. the Dropsie, which put an end to his life 1125.

Immediately upon which the King sent his Justitiaries, Richard Bassed

and Walter Archdeacon and many others; to search the Abbots Treasures and Goods: but found nothing, he having spent all in his life time. But they then took an account of all that belonged to the Church and the Abbey, and carried it to the King; who kept the Abbey in his hand two year. Thus Hugo.

This account of all its Mannors, and Goods, I find among the records at the end of that History, whose Title runs thus * 1.55. Haec est descriptio Mane∣riorum Abbatiae de Burch, sicut Walterus Archidiaconus eam recepit, & sei sivit in manu Regis Henrici I. post obitum Johannis Abbatis. By which it appears, there were at that time LXXII. Monks; who had the full diet of Monks. In the Bakehouse, there were duo pistores who had victum militis: and unus vanator, who had the same: and two other Bakers, who had every day two White loaves and two Brown loaves (which he calls panes bisos) with Beer: duo caratores (I suppose he means labourers, for afterward in the Brewhouse, mention is made of Caratores ligni, Car∣riers of Wood) who had four brown loaves and bear; two Servants that grinded in the Mill, who had the same. Every one of which had a yearly salary of Twenty four Shillings and four pence.

Then follows the number of Servants and their allowances, in the other Offices, in Bracino, in Coquina Monachorum, in Sartrino, in Ecclesia, in Infirma∣rio. In the last of which (the Infirmary) there were no less than forty Servants.

In the diet of the Monks there was spent every week in Bread XII. achersetos de frumento, & VIII. achersetos de brasio, & IV. de grud, & 2. achersetos de fabis, & in denariis 2. Marcas argenti; as the words are fol. CXL. Where achersetos I suppose signifies that which we now call a quarter, but I cannot find its Original, nor mention of it in any Glos∣sary: unless it come from Chirchset (or Chirchsed) which Fleta * 1.56 says was a certain measure (but he doth not tell us of what quantity) of Wheat; which in old time, every one both Britains and Englishmen paid to the Holy Church at Martinmasse. After the Normans came hither many great men gave it under the name of first-fruits: as appears, he observes, in a Brief of King Knute, sent to the Pope; wherein this Contribution is called Chirchsed, as much as to say, Semen Ecclesiae, the Seed or Corn of the Church. Which I find word for word, in very old French, in a short Glossary upon unusual English words, in the antient Charters or in the Laws of King Alred, Alfrid, Edward and Knute.

Chirchesed, vel Chircheomer, vel Chircheambre un certein de ble batu R checun hume devoyt au ceus de Bretuns, e de Englis. a le Eglise le jur seint Martin. Mes pus le venue de Normans, &c. donewint sulum la velie ley Moysi, & ratione primitiarum, sicun lein truve en le lettris Cnut Kilenveya a Rome c' est dit Chirchesed, quasi semen Ecclesiae.

The Letter it self is in Ingulphus; but it was not sent adsummum Pontifi∣cem as Fleta says, but to the Archbishops and Bishops, and all the Nation of England, as he was coming from Rome 1031. wherein he desires them, that before he arrived in England, all the dues which by ancient Laws were owing to the Church might be paid, and after the rest he mentions the tenths of the fruits in August, and in the feast of St. Martin the first-fruits of the seeds called Kyrkset: So his Letter concludes, Et in Festivitate Sancti Mar∣tini primitiae seminum, ad Ecclesiam, sub cujus parochia quisque degit, quae An∣glice Kyrkeset nominatur, * 1.57 &c.

This description of their Lands and Goods, concludes with a Customa∣ry of their Tenants, Villani, Cottarii and Sochemanni, in every Mannor belonging to the Church. Which while the King held in his hand, he gave away as Mr. G. observes, the Mannor of Pithtesle for the same summ of money, which the late Abbot had given him to confirm it, Deo & Sancto

Petro & Monachis sigillo & authoritate regia. And the person to whom the King granted it, (it may be further observed) was one imployed to take the forenamed account of the Estate of the Church, viz. Richard Basset, or Bassed.

This Abbot was commemorated upon the 10. of November, on which, it appears by the Kalander, was Depositio Johannis de Says Abbatis, & An∣niversarium Henrici Talbot, &c.

HENRICƲS de Angeli.

His story is told more perfectly by Hugo in this manner. He was first of all Bishop of Soissons and afterward made a Monk and Prior of Cluni; and then Prior of Savenni. After which, because he was Cosin to the King of England and the Count of Aquitain, the same Count gave him Abbatiam Sancti Johannis Angeli, from whence he took his denomina∣tion. And he being crafty, cunning and ingenious, afterward got the Archbishoprick of Besenscun: but staid there no more than three days. For he had not yet enough, but got the Bishoprick de Senites: where he staid about seven days. And out of this preferment as well as that of Besenscun, the Abbot of Cluni got him expelled. He got therefore, being ne∣ver quiet, to be Collector of Peter-pence in England. Where he obtained this Abbey of Burch; by pretending he was very old, past labour and toil, unable to bear the Wars and Troubles of his own Country, and would quit his Abbey there of St. John de Angeli (and that by the ad∣vice of the Pope and the Abbot of Cluni) and would here take up his rest. There was another thing also that had a great stroke in his pre∣ferment, for besides he was near of kin to the King, and that the fore∣named discourse seemed to have truth in it, he was the principal Wit∣ness to make Oath, in a difference between the Kings Nephew, the Duke of Normandy, and the Daughter of the Count of Anjoy. Upon all these scores the Abby was bestowed upon him in the year mentioned by Mr. G. So John Abbot also in his Chron. MS. An. MCXXVIII. Henricus Abbas Andagavensis, precibus optinuit à Rege Henrico Abbatiam Burgensem.

What Walter of Witlesea saith of Spectres seen that year he came to the Abby, he had out of Hugo, who saith: Hoc non est falsum: quia plu∣rimi veracissimi homines viderunt; & audierunt cornua. He staid one year in the Monastery, and received homage and money of the Milites, and of the whole Abbey, but did not the least good: for he sent and carried all to his Abbey beyond Sea, whither he went by the Kings licence. And having staid there a whole year he returned hither; and said he had ab∣solutely quitted his other Abbey, for good and all, as we speak. The same year came Petrus Abbot of Cluni into England, and was honoura∣bly received by the Kings command in all the Monasteries. Particularly here at Burch, whither he came to see Henry: who complemented him highly, and promised he would procure the Abbey of Burch to be made subject to that of Cluni; with which hopes Peter went home. The next year Henry got together a great summ of money, and went beyond Sea again; where the King then was. Whom he made believe that he was commanded by the Abbot of Cluni to come and resign his Abbey of St. John de Angeli to him: and then he would return free from that care into England. So he went thither, and there staid till the Feast of St. John Baptist. And the next day after the Monks chose another of their own body into his place, and installed him; singing Te Deum, and doing all other things ne∣cessary

for that end: expelling Henry, by the help of the Count of Anjoy▪ with great disgrace, and detaining all that he had there. Where he had done no more good, than in other places, all the five and twenty years that he had governed them.

Being thus cast out he went to Cluni, where they kept him prisoner; the Abbot and Monks being very angry with him; saying he had lost the Abby of St. John by his folly. Nor would they let him stir out of Doors, till by his craft he again deceived them, with promises and Oaths; that if they would permit him to return into England, he would subject the Abbey of Burch to them, and, as Hugo's words are, ibi construeret Priores, & Secretarios, & Cellerarios, & Camerarios, & omnia commendaret in manibus eorum, intus & foris. By which agreement he got into England, whither the King also returned out of Normandy. Unto whom Henry came, and accused the Monks of Burch to him very heavily (though with out any truth) in order to his end of subjecting them to Cluni. The King in great anger sent for them to Bramtun; where a Plea was managed against them with so much art, that the King was almost deceived. But God stept in to help them, by the Counsels of the Bishops there present (par∣ticularly Lincoln) and the Barons; who understood his fraud. Yet he would not desist; but being thus defeated, indeavoured to make his Nephew Gerardus Abbot of Burch: that what he could not do by him∣self, might be effected by him. All which made the lives of the Monks very uneasie, till the King at last understood his knavery; and, sending for him commanded him to surrender his Abbey and be gone out of his Realm. Which he did in the year MCXXXII. So John Abbot, Henricus Abbas de Burgo quem dimisit, ad Andegavenses redit. With which Hugo agrees; who says he recovered his Abbey of St. John de Angeli: and that notwithstanding all his faults, bonus Eleemosynator omnibus diebus fuit, he was good to the poor all his days. And therefore he made a good end; not living long after he returned thither.

There is no memory of this Abbot in the Kalander of the Church; no more than of Kenulphus, and Godricus.

MARTINƲS de Vecti.

Henry being gone, the King gave this Abbey (by the consent of the Monks, saith Hugo) to a religious Monk, Martinus de Bec, the Prior of St. Neots: who was here installed upon the Feast of St. Peter, with great honour, and with the joy of the whole Convent, and all the people: An. MCXXXIII. Where Chron. M. S. Johannis Abbatis saith: Martinus de vecto in Abbatem Burgi est electus, & in die Sancti Petri receptus. The next year, the day after the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, the King cros∣sed the Seas again: when about six a clock, the Heavens were on a sud∣den so darkned, that the Sun, saith Hugo, lookt like the Moon (I suppose by a great Ecclipse) and for three or four hours the Stars appeared: which many took to portend some great thing. And so it did; for that year the King dyed; and all ancient and wise men of the Land fell with him: and so the Land was darkned, because peace and truth and righteousness were taken away from it. The same year 1135. King Ste∣phen, Nephew to the former King, a Prince of a mild and low Spirit, got the Crown: and with him, (as Hugo goes on) Young men, who were very wicked also, got into power; and troubled the Land. The Church especially was in great tribulation all England over: and among the rest this of Burgh; whose Abbot suffered very much, and kept his

Abbey with great difficulty. And yet, for all that, he provided all things necessary for his Monks, and for Strangers: there being great love among them, and the Monks being assistant to him.

He went on also with the building of the Monastery, and of the Church: the Chancel of which he finished; and brought in cum magno honore, the holy Reliques and the Monks into the new Church, upon the Feast of St. Peter; in the year of our Lord One thousand one hundred and forty; three and twenty years after the burning of the place. It should be twenty seven years after, if we may belive the MS. Chron. of John Abbot; which saith, MCXLIII. Conventus Burgi hoc anno intravit in novam Ec∣clesiam, that they did not go into the new Church till 1143.

At this great solemnity of bringing the Reliques and Monks into the new Church, the Arm of St. Oswald was produced, before Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, the Abbots of Ramsey, Thorney, Croyland, many Barons, and a vast number of people (as it had been once before brought forth to sa∣tisfie Matthias Abbot) and shown intire, in its slesh, skin, Nerves, and every thing else. The story of this Arm is in short related by Mr. Gun∣ton, where he speaks of the Reliques of this Church. To which Will. of Malmsbury gives no great credit: for though he saith there was shown here at Burgh the hand of St. Oswald with the Arm, and devoutly worship∣ped by the people, being kept loculo argenteo & deaurato in Ecclesia Beati Petri; yet he adds that too much credit is not to be given to it, for fides dictorum vacillat, ubi nihil auditor visu explorat * 1.58. Which he doth not say, he pretends, because he doubted of the thing; but he would not too hastily affirm that his Arm was in this place.

But waving this doubt of his, Hugo saith he saw it, and kissed it, and handled it with his own hands, at this time: and relates a great many wonderful cures, which were performed merely by the water wherein it was washed; with which I shall not trouble the Reader. He saith it had been shown before this to satisfie Martin himself; who desired to see it either out of curiosity, or because he doubted of its being uncorrupted. And a Third time, he adds, it was shown to King Stephen, who came to Burgh: and offered his Ring to him, &c. as Mr. G. hath observed. In like manner it was again shown (that I may put together what belongs to this matter) to King John, in the time of Abbot Akarius: as I learn from the Chron. of John Abbot An. MCCVI. Brachium Sancti Oswaldi Re∣gis & Martyris ostensum est Johanni Regi apud Burgum. It was ordered also, by a Statute of Abbot Walter, to be carried in solemn procession every year, upon the Feast of the Dedication of the Church: unless it had been carryed about, on the Feast of St. Oswald * 1.59.

But leaving this, let us take some account of his benefactions to this Church, which were very many. Hugo says indeed that by the instinct of the Devil, and by ill Counsel, he was guilty of imbezzling the Treasure of the Church, in the beginning of his Government: but he made amends afterward, giving a whole Town called Pilesgate to the Church, with all the Tythes and Offerings, and many possessions, &c. By his Charter also in the time of King Henry (I suppose the first, for he dyed just af∣ter the second came to the Crown) he gave with the consent of the King a great deal of Land, and Rents and Services in several Towns (which are therein named) for the use of the Sacrist, and for the Building and Repairing of the Monastery * 1.60. This was in the beginning of his Go∣vernment: when Richard Priest of Castre, having a mind to change his life and take upon him the habit of a Monk, prevailed with this Abbot, by his own and others intreaties, to receive him into the Monastery of

Burch. Accordingly he came on a day appointed 1133 (which was the first year of Martin) into the Chapter-house and there before the Ab∣bot and all the Monks made it his humble Petition, that they would receive all he had, viz. the Church of Castre, which he then held: with all belonging to it, both in Lands and in Tithes, and in other things, which he gave to God and to St. Peter for ever. Whereupon the Abbot granted what he desired, on condition, that he should come into Court, coram Baronibus suis, and there confirm what he had now done in the Chapter-house, which he performed accordingly. For the aforesaid Richard Priest, came into the Abbots Chamber, and there, before the Abbot of Thorney, and Will. de Albeni, and Richard Basset, and many other Barons of the Abbey, and divers other persons who came with William and Richard, restored his Church of Castre to the Church of St. Peter de Burch, de quo prius exierat. Which his Brother Galfridus hearing, contra∣dicted it; affirming that Church was de feodo suo, & servitium, sicuti de alio feodo suo in se habuisse. Whereupon the Abbot impleaded him about this and about other forfeitures: and he fearing the penalties, if judgment went against him, came and made the same surrender his Brother had done: and disclaimed all interest in this Church, which he had pretended to be his Fee, and as Hugo's words are, clamavit solutam & quietam de se & haere∣dibus suis in perpetuum: ac in manum Abbatis per quandam virgam reddidit & dimisit. His heirs also, Turoldus and Robertus did the same in open Court, which was very full: and the aforesaid Galfridus begged the Ab∣bots pardon, which he obtained. The Abbot also, before the above named persons, freed him from the service dimidii Militis; and pardon∣ed him seven Marks of Silver de relevamine suo. All which was done on the day that the Abbot Martin received the Homages of his Tenents: which shows it was in the entrance of his Government.

The same year Pampelina, Wife of Osbern, holding certain Lands unjustly, in Burch, Withrington, and Glinton, for which she could show no right, came into the Abbots Court at Castre, and surrendred them all into his hands; declaring them to be free from her and her Heirs; and begging with many prayers the Abbots pardon. Who took compassion upon her, when he understood her poverty, and restord her the Land of Wither de Witherintona (which she said her Husband Osbern had bought) to hold it of him for sixpence a year Rent, instead of all services owing to the Abbot. And because she was Niece to his Predecessor John, he pardoned her ten shillings she owed him, for the service of her Land.

There are several other such Acts of his, of the same year: which show he was not unmindful of the good of the Church in the very entrance of his Government.

The Church of Castre after this was supplied by a Chaplain, whose name was Robert: as I find in a Grant made of this Church (but it doth not appear in what year) by the Abbot and the Convent to the Arch∣deacon of Northampton in Eleemosynam, with all its appurtenances in Tithes and Lands, either Wood or Pasture, Meadow or Arable; For which he was to pay every year one Mark of Silver, for the service of the Altar: and if he either dyed, or took upon him a Religious habit, it was to re∣turn to the right of the Monastery freely and quietly, salva Episcopali dignitate. They granted him also plenariam societatem in capitulo: So that they would give him the habit of a Monk, if he would live among them; or if he dyed in another place and in another habit, obsequies should be made for him, as for one of their Monks. Whereupon Robert, Chap∣lain

of Castre, proclaimed with a loud voice in the Chapter-house, the Church of Castre to be free and quiet from all claim that he had hitherto had unto it, and delivered the Charter which he had received, to the Arch∣deacon.

I do not find what was done in the following years till 1140. when Radulphus filius Arconbi de Glinton, being mindful of the salvation of his Soul, and repenting of his sins, came to Burgh, and standing before the great Altar (many standing about him) offered to God and St. Peter, for the salvation of his Soul and forgiveness of his sins, unam culturam terrae de suo dominio in Peychirche quae jacet pro sex acris. In testimony of which Donation, he demised his Knife in the very Church, laying it up∣on the Altar: and Martin the Abbot, on the other side, gave, from the Charity of St. Peter one Mark of Silver to the aforesaid Radulphus; de∣siring to make him the more cheerful in this Donation.

That form of confirming a grant, by the donors laying his Knife up on the Altar, was usual in those times. For in the year wherein King Stephen was taken Prisoner (the next I think after that now mentioned) upon the Feast of the invention of the holy Cross, Guido Malfet, with Adelize his Wife, came into the Chapter-house of Burg; and there re∣stored to God and to St. Peter and the Monks of the Church, ad lumi∣nare Altaris, two parts of all the Tythes of the Land he held of St. Pe∣ter: for the Souls of his Father and Mother; and for his own Soul, his Wives and Childrens: which Tythes he had, in part, formerly kept wrongfully from the Church. And after he had done this in the Chap∣ter-house, he went to the Altar of St. Peter; and there finally granted and confirmed what he had done in the Chapter-house per cultellum su∣per altare ab eodem positum.

In the year 1150. also I find that Ingelramus Wardeden came to Burgh with his three Sons; and there made a solemn acknowledgment, that the thirty shillings, which he yearly claimed from the Abbey, had been unjustly and to the peril of his Soul received by him. And therefore before the High-Altar, in the presence of the Convent, he both pro∣mised amendment of his fault (which he acknowledged) by laying his Knife on the Altar, and also disclaimed all right in the premise, by the same Knife, &c. so the words are, Et de culpa sua quam timuit & recog∣novit cultellum super illud pro emendatione posuit; & omne rectum quod in eisdem tri∣ginta solidos hactenus clamaverat, de se & haeredibus suis, natis & innatis, & de omni progenie sua, per eundem cultellum, reddidit, & quietum clamavit. After which they all took their Oaths also upon the Altar, that they would never pretend to these thirty Shillings, in time to come.

There were more memorable things than these done in the year before mentioned 1140. When King Stephen granted a great many Charters to this Church. The first of which directed to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Chancellor, Justices, Barons and all his Subjects, declares that he had granted in perpetuum Eleemosynam, to God and St. Oswald and the Church of St. Peter de Burgh▪ &c. for the Soul of King Henry his Uncle, and other Kings his Ancestors, and for the health of his own Soul, of Matildis his Wife, and Eustachius his Son, and his other Children, omnia assarta quae Abbas & Monachi de Burgo & homines sui fecerunt, &c. i. e. all the Woods grubbed up (which was a great offence) by the Abbot, Monks and their Tenants, in the Lands of the Abbey of Burgh, untill the day that he came to Burgh, in his return from Lincolnshire when he had newly finished his Castle at Castre in Lindsey, viz. Septimo idus Junii An. MCXL. & à passione Oswaldi Regis & Martyris quingentesimo primo.

Another Charter he granted about the Liberties of the Village of Pilesgate; a second concerning Land in Northorp; a third about Essarts in Nasso de Burgo: with three more, which I shall not mention.

In the year 1145. Ivo Monk and Sacrist of this Church, being desired by his two Brethren William and Walter Sons of Alswarchus de Burch, came together with them before the great Altar, on the Feast of the Chair of St. Peter, ante introitum Majoris Missae, and there gave to God and St. Peter, in the presence of the Reliques of the Saints, for the use of the Church and the service of the Sacrist, the inheritance of their Father: which was twenty Acres of Arable Land, and four Acres of Meadow.

The next year, or in the end of this, he went to Rome and was there honourably received by Pope Eugenius; who was newly advanced to the Chair of St. Peter. So MS. Chron. of John Abbot tells us, ad. An. 1145. obiit Lucius Papa, cui successit Eugenius Secundus. Whose Bull (menti∣oned by Mr. G.) is directed to Martin Abbot 1146. the next year af∣ter his preferment: wherein he granted and confirmed all the Tenements and Possessions of the whole Abbey, and the Fees of Knights, and the Liberties of the Church, &c. To which he added a second concerning the Goods of the Sacristry. The first of them is to be seen in Mr. G's. Appendix: and the very Original, signed by Pope Eugenius his own hand, and attested by the Cardinal of St. George and another whose name is eaten out, came to light about 13 year ago, upon this occasion. Some Workmen imployed about mending the Roof of the Church, in the up∣per Ceiling, taking up a board (fast nailed down just over the High Altar) which it was necessary to remove, found this Bull under it: much defaced indeed by time, and worm-eaten in many places, but with a very fair Seal to it, which I have caused to be represented in this Figure of it.

[illustration]

How it came there; hath been the inquiry of several persons ever since it was found. My conjecture is that in the Insurrection of Jack Straw, and his partakers, some Monk, fearing all their Records might be destroyed, resolved to secure this, which was of great value, by hiding it on the top of the Church; where, by his sudden death per∣haps, or by forgetfulness, it ever after remained. For some of those Miscreants (our Historians observe) ravaged as far as the Isle of Ely: So Henry de Knyghton informs us * 1.61, that the Tenants of the Abbot of

Peterburgh and their compatriots, rose up against that Abbey, intend∣ing to destroy it. Which they had done without remedy; if God had not unexpectedly stretched out his resisting hand. For Henry le Spencer Bishop of Norwich coming to the assistance of the Monastery, with a strong power, forced the Villains to desist from their enterprise: Nay, dispersed them, and took some of them, and killed others. The rest taking the Church for Sanctuary, which they intended to have de∣stroyed, were there run through with Lances and Swords: some of them hard by the Altar, others by the walls of the Church, both within and without. The like did this valiant Bishop in divers places in the Counties of Cambridg and Huntingdon. And thus, saith he, God returned to them, accor∣ding to what they designed against others: they came to destroy the Church and Churchmen, and they deserved to perish in the Church, and by a Churchman.

Which, by the way, may satisfie the doubt which Mr. G. raises (in the life of Henry Overton) about the manner of the pacification of those commotions: which he might have found in the Author he there quotes. The cause of them also it is visible, was their hatred to Churchmen; whose riches they envied, and desired to get to themselves.

When Martin returned from Rome he was received by all the Convent with great honour and joy. And presently after Richard the Prior of this Church (a very wise and provident person, to whom Martin com∣mended the care of all things in his absence) was chosen Abbot of Whitby; Benedict their former Abbot being deposed. The Archbishop proposed him with two other Monks of St. Albons to the choice of the Convent, that they might take which they pleased. In which they remain∣ed doubtful a great while, till one night a little Boy had a vision; where∣in such things were represented to him, that when the Brethren heard it, they immediately concluded this Richard was the man they ought to chuse: which accordingly they did; and sent to the Abbot and Con∣vent of Burgh that they would part with him. Which they did unwilling∣ly; but being overcome with prayers and reasons, they condescended to it: and he was received there with wonderful joy, in a great proces∣sion not only of the Monks, but of the Canons, and Clergy, and Lay∣people, Noble and Ignoble. The Archdeacon also, and the Legates of the Archbishop attended him; and placed him in his Seat. Where he so governed their affairs, that they who were very poor before, became now very rich: till God who suffered Job to be tempted, tried him also. For on a sudden a Navy arrived from Norway in the port of Whitby, which spoil'd them of all, and left nothing behind them. But God who restored to Job double for what he had lost, so blessed the Abbot (who comforted them in their distress, and beseeched them with patience to give God thanks, and hope for better) that in a short time they a∣bounded with all things, and he lived in great splendor.

In the next year after his return from Rome 1147. Rob. de Torpell, be∣ing very weak, came to the Hospital of the Infirm in Burch, apud Ca∣pellam Sancti Leonardi, and there before many Witnesses, gave himself, Body and Soul, to God and Saint Peter and the Church of Burch, with all his Lands in Codestock, and Glapetorp, both in Wood and Arable and Meadows * 1.62, &c. And for the confirmation of this Donation misit vadimonium suum ad Altare, ramum sc. viridem bis in die, per quendam Monachum Ecclesiae. Upon this condition, that he for his life should have the diet of a Monk, and four Servants of his the diet of a Miles from the Church: and that at his death they should receive him in the habit of a Monk.

The year before he dyed 1154. Galfridus Chave, and Jol. his Brother gave two shillings a year, for the light on the Altar: half to be paid upon All-Saints, the other at Easter.

Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury at the desire of this Martin con∣firmed the Charter of Robert formerly Bishop of Lincoln, concer∣ning the Church of Karlton with all its appurtenances: but in what year I cannot find * 1.63. The Charter runs thus, To the Archdeacon of Northamp¦ton and all others. Sciatis me consecrasse Ecclesiam de Carltona, quae fuit capel∣la subjecta Ecclesiae de Cottingham; & hoc feci requisitione dominorum Carlton, & proborum virorum ejusdem villae. Et Osbertus de Cottingham concessit ut praedicta Ecclesia Carlton cum suo coemiterio consecraretur, &c. The condition of this was, that Robert Son of Richard should give to the same Church one Oxegang of Land; Walter Ponhar another; Ralph de Pippewell, half an Oxegang; and the people of the Village XV. Acres, & a dwelling house for the Priest. Which conditions if they were not fulfilled, the Cha∣pel was to return to its former subjection unto Cottingham. Osbert was to have the right of Patronage; and to find a fit Clerk to serve God, and the Parishioners there.

The same Robert Bishop of Lincoln made a composition between the Church of Burch and of Spalding; about the Church of Haltbarge, viz that the Monastery of Spalding should pay yearly to the Abbot of Burch sixteen shillings and four pence, out of the Church of Haltbarge, and out of the Lands they had in that Parish, and out of one Oxegang of Land in Walcote. And the same Monastery consented that the Abbot of Burch might erect a Chapel in Walcote, and consecrate a burying place belong∣ing to it: yet so, that the Monks of Spalding should present the Priest, that served in that place; and none should be buried there without the con¦sent of the Prior and Monks of Spalding. The Abbot of Burch also stood bound to assign and give in a commodious place, unam mansuram terrae, for the dwelling house of the Priest which there officiated.

It would be too long to mention all the Lands which he recovered, that had been held by rich and potent men from the Church; some of which are taken notice of in Hugo: and all the Ordinances he made, among which this was one; that in the principal Festival of the Apo∣stles St. Peter and St. Paul, seven Wax Candles should be lighted before the Altar, and four upon it, à principio matutinorum ad finem * 1.64. I shall only note that Hugo, concluding his story, gives this Character of him; that all loved and feared him too, for his honesty and his holiness: and that in all the time he governed, which was twenty (it should be one and twenty) years, six months and eight days, neither Monk nor stranger wanted any thing, but rather were provided for in abundance. He fell sick and took his Bed upon the Sunday before the Nativity of our Lord; and died not long after on the fourth of the Nones of January, as he reckons (in the Kalander it is Jan. 3. when he was com∣memorated) in the year 1155. So the Chron. of John Abbot MCLV. obiit Martinus Abbas Burgi, successit Willielmus de Waterville.

WILLIHELMƲS de Waterville.

The same day that Martin dyed, all the Monks met together, that they might chuse one of their own body, to be their Pater, Pastor and Custos: fearing lest, by delay, some stranger might get in by money, and domineer over them. The manner of it was this; they chose twelve of the

Seniors and Wisemen out of their whole number, to make an Election for them; it being very hard for a multitude to agree in one man. But they first made them swear upon the holy Gospels and the holy Reliques, that they would act sincerely; and be moved in their choice neither by love nor hatred, &c. Which they all did; Hugo the Eldest (whom I take to have been the Author of this History) beginning to take the Oath; and all the rest following: after which the whole Convent swore that they would chuse him in whom those 12 should agree. This being done the 12 went into the Abbot's Chamber; and the Prior, with the rest that remained in the Chapterhouse, sung the Seven Psalms, and prayed God to direct them by the grace of his holy Spirit: which the 12 also begged by singing Veni Creator Spiritus: and then conferred among themselves. And it was agreed that Hugo the Eldest of them, should hear every one of them confess, and tell what God had put in their heart: Which be∣ing done he asked them if they would know what every mans opinion was singly. They said no, but he should declare in whom the Major part of them agreed: to which he replied, that they were all in a manner agreed in one man, William de Waterville; and if any one were against it, he had liberty still to contradict it. But they were so far from opposing it, that they all consented: and entering into the Chapterhouse, and there declaring what they had done, the whole company praised God. And the day after, having performed the Obsequies of the deceased Abbot, Re∣maldus the Prior, and Hugo, with the Abbot Elect went to the King (Henry II.) then at Oxford. Who upon inquiry finding the Convent really desired it, confirmed the Election by his Charter.

After which Te Deum being sung, and prayers made, the Abbot did his homage to the King; and then repaired to Robert Bishop of Lincoln: who prefixing him a day and place, gave him his benediction; and there∣upon he was installed at Burch on the Sunday called Sexagesima, with a solemn procession of Abbots, Monks, Clergy and Laymen.

In the beginning of the insuing Lent he found there was a great want of Provisions in the Monastery: which he presently began to buy, and con∣tinued so to do, both Wheat and Malt, Oats and Beans, Flesh, Cheese and Wine, with all other things necessary till the Feast of St. Bartholomew. This was a very great expence: and yet he moreover discharged all the Debts of his Predecessor; which were 300 Marks of Silver; besides 60 more owing the King for interest, which he got him to pardon. He re∣covered also the fee and the service of Galfridus de la Mare, for a hundred Mark, which he gave the King, To whom he also gave an hundred Marks more, for the confirmation of Nine Knights Fees, which had been held by Earl Simon. At the same time he built a Nunnery at Stanford in honour of God and St. Michael; and both founded and built the Church there: in which he placed no less than forty holy Virgins. Who were to pay yearly to the Chantery of Burgh, a Noble of Silver as an ac∣knowledgement: with ten Shillings to the Sacristry out of the Church of St. Martins, which this Abbot purchased.

It would be too long to mention particularly all the Land, Rents, or Pensions, which this Abbot bought, at London, Irtlingborough, Hargrave, Easton, Warmington, Paston, Walton, Cambridg and several other places. I will name only one; he purchased all the Village on this side the Bridge of Stanford: and redeemed for a summ of money, fourteen houses, with the ground belonging to them, beyond the Bridge: which a certain Knight claimed as his Inheritance. He increased the Rents of the Mar∣ket and Town of Burgh, and built useful Offices in all the Mannors be∣longing

to the Church; and did a great many other good things (be∣sides those mentioned in Mr. G.) and had done more and greater; if he had not been hindred, by great misfortunes and disturbances which were given him; both by false domesticks, and by some other rich men. Who accused him to the King, and to the Archbishops, Theobald, Thomas a Becket, and Richard (who succeeded them) so that at last he was, by the anger of the King, deposed in the Chapterhouse of Burgh by Robert Archdeacon; before a multitude of Abbots and Monks: being neither convicted of any crime, nor confessing any, but privily accused to the Archbishop by some Monks.

This is all that Hugo (if he lived to write the end of this great man) saith concerning his deposition. Gervasius in his Chronicon saith more, that the Archbishop himself came to the Abbey of Burgh and deposed Will. manifestis culpis accusatum & convictum; but saith not what they were. Nor doth Radulphus de Diceto give any account of them, but only saith multis impetitus notoriis, being charged with many notorious crimes and convicted of them, in the presence of the Archbishop, he received the sentence of deposition 3. Kaland. Novembris. Nay Gervase in another place (in the life of Richard Archbishop of Canterbury) saith not so much, but only that he deposed the Abbot of Burgh certis ex causis, for certain reasons. John Bromton indeed (who saith the Archbishop came hither a little before Christmas) and Roger Hoveden, (as Mr. G. hath observed) assign the reasons; which I cannot contradict: though it seems something strange that a man, who was brought in with such an Univer∣sal kindness of the society, and did such abundance of good, should be guilty of the violence which the first of them mentions; and of such Sa∣criledge also as is scarce credible. And it is less credible that he who inrich∣ed the Monastery so vastly as it hath been already said, should impove∣rish and oppress it, as he is accused to have done, in the account they gave to the Pope of this business.

For I must let the Reader know that William thinking himself wronged by this sentence, appealed to Pope Alexander: Who, upon mature hearing of the Cause, confirmed the deposition and commanded him silence for ever. So we are told in a Bull of his Successor Pope Ʋrban, still ex∣stant * 1.65; directed to Benedict (who succeeded this William) confirming the aforesaid deposition of W. de Watervilla; by whose malignity the Mona∣stery, saith the Bull, was much attritum & gravatum, and he himself also de prava conversatione graviter infamatus. Which damage done to the Monastery, if he was truly accused, arose it's likely from borrowing money, to carry on all those great works which he did and attempted. For in the same Bull it is said, that William Norman Procurator for the Abbot, having taken up great summs of money in the Abbots name, for which he stood bound, desired satisfaction. But the money appearing to have been borrowed, non pro utilitate, sed pro gravamine Monasterii, Pope Lucius absolved the Monastery, ab impetitione tam creditorum, quam fidejussorum, freeing them from all obligation to pay the money so borrowed; as appears, the Bull saith, by the writing of Pope Lucius. Whereupon Ʋr∣ban, being induced by these reasons, and moved by the desire of King Henry, again confirmed the deposition, as Alexander had done: and again absolved them from that debt, of which they had been ac∣quitted in the judgment of his Predecessor Lucius. Thinking it but reasonable that a debt which was remitted them communis juris aequitate, should be relaxed also, speciali Apostolicae sedis indulgentia.

But whatever his crimes were, for which the King was incensed against him, he had been once very much in his favour; and procured from him a confirmation of all the priviledges granted by the Kings Grandfather. Two of his Charters are very remarkable, which run in the form of precepts. One is, omnibus militibus Abbatis de Burgo; whom he commands without delay, quod faciatis Abbati de Burgo servitium suum quod ei facere debetis: and that not only in the present summons to serve in the Army in Wales but in all other intirely and fully. Which if they did not do, he tells them his Sheriffs should proceed against them accor∣ding to Law, Vicecomites mei, in quorum balivis terras habetis, justificent vos, &c.

The other is to all his Justitiaries, Sheriffs, and Ministers, Praecipio quod Willelmus Abbas de Burgo teneat bene & in pace, & libere & quiete & juste & honorifice. Octo Hundreda sua, cum omnibus libertatibus, & liberis consuetudinibus suis; & justitiam suam de octo Hundredis suis, sicut aliquis antecessorum suorum, melius & liberius & quietius & honorificentius te∣nuit, &c.

I find an agreement made in his time between the Sacrist of Burgh, and Reginaldus Capellanus his Vicar, that the same Reginald should serve honourably two Chapels, viz. de Eea and de Thorp, and pay all duties * 1.66 to the Bishop, Archdeacon and Dean: for which he should have the diet of a Knight in the Abbots Hall, and the third part of all the profits, which belonged to the Altar; together with the panis cum companagio altari oblatus, which was to be his intirely. And upon every Michael∣mas-day, inter tertiam, the whole Convent being present, he was to bring the Key of the Chapels, and lay it upon the Altar, from whence he re∣ceived it: there to receive it again from the Sacrist, if he had well be∣haved himself. Besides all which, William the Abbot and the Convent of Burch, granted and gave to the same Reginald another Chapel; which was that I shall hereafter mention, belonging to the Hospital of St. Leonard Capellam infirmorum, quae sita est prope villam de Burch, cum omnibus quae ad eam pertinere noscuntur: & custodiam infirmorum, ananutim reddendo in∣firmis 2. Sol.

This Domus infirmorum Hugo saith was built by William Waterville, who did so many other worthy things that I have not room to insert them. All agree he was deposed in the year MCLXXV. where Chron. MS. Johan. Abbatis hath these words, Ricardus Cantuar. deposuit Will. de Waterville Abbatem Burgi. He was commemorated in this Church (notwithstand∣ing his deposition) on the last of November where I find these words in the Kalander; Depositio Brandonis & Will. de Walterville Abbatum, & An∣niversarium Adae de Walkote.

BENEDICT.

It appears from the Bull of Pope Ʋrban before mentioned, that it was two year, after the sentence given against William, before Benedict was promoted: all which time the King kept it in his hands. And the truth is, there were a great many Abbies void in his time, as Hoveden tells us, viz. Grimsbie, Thornei, Croyland, Westminster, Holm, St. Austins in Canterbury, Abendune, Abbotsbury, Battle, Hide, &c. But at last the Archbishop (who four year before had been Prior of Dover and elected to the See of Cant. 1173.) prevailed with the King for the advancement of his old Neighbour and acquaintance Benedict; who at this time was Chan∣cellor to the Archbishop, and also Prior of the Church of Canterbury; that

is, of the Church of the Holy Trinity. So Gervasius calls him * 1.67, Bene¦dictus Domini Cantuariensis Cancellarius, &c. who promoted him, he saith in another place, by the consent of the King; Deposuit certis ex causis Willielmum Abbatem de Burgo, & eidem, ex assensu Regis, supposuit Cancel larium suum Benedictum * 1.68. That is, Richard the Archbishop obtained the place for him, as John Bromton explains it ad An. MCLXXVII. eodem an∣no Rex concessit Benedicto Priori Sanctae Trinitatis Cantuariae Abbatiam de Burgo, &c. Our Historian (whom, from this time forward I take to be Robert Swapham; for by the very writing it appears a new man begins to carry on the story where Hugo left) saith he was Prior Ecclesiae Christi Cant. (which is the same it will appear presently) and was elected Abbot at Winchester.

All agree he was made Abbot in the year MCLXXVII. in the begin∣ning of which I find him still Prior of Christs-Church. For William Thorn in his Chron. hath set down a composition made between the Monks of St. Austin in Canterbury, and the Church of the Holy Trinity: which begins thus. Benedictus Prior & Conventus Ecclesiae Christi Cant. universis Christi fidelibus salutem, &c. and then, relating how he and Roger Elect of the Monastery of St. Austin had changed certain Lands one with ano∣ther (which are there particularly mentioned) it concludes thus, Facta est autem haec compositio vel conventio, anno ab incarnatione Millesimo CLXXVII. seven year after the Murder of Thomas a Becket in his Church. Where, by the way, it may be observed, that this Roger had himself been a Monk of the Church of the Holy Trinity (where Benedict now was Prior) and was keeper of the Altar, where Thomas was slain.

As soon as Benedict was here setled, he straightway indeavoured to destroy the ill Customs, which had crept into the Monastery; to re∣store regular discipline; and then to free the Church from the debts left by his Predecessor: of whom the Romans and many in England had ex∣acted 1500. Marks. The Ornaments of this Church also were dispersed and pawned in several places: which was such a burden to this Abbot, that, out of the load of grief he had upon his mind, he went to Canterbury with one Monk alone, and there staid many days.

When he had a little eased, and freed himself, not without much la∣bour, from those demands and vexations, he returned hither and gave his mind to Meditation in the holy Scripture. They are the words of Swapham, who saith he composed himself unum egregium volumen, one most excellent volume (as they then accounted it) de passione & miraculis Sancti Thomae: and caused a great many others to be transcribed for the use of the Monastery; which are those set down by Mr. G. out of Wit∣tlesea, who did in this but transcribe Swapham. Who tells us of a great many benefactions besides those named by Mr. G. especially in precious Ornaments bestowed upon the Church; which made his memory deserve, as his words are, to remain in benediction for ever. The principal were three rich Palls, and six Chesibles: the last of which were black Embroi∣dered with Golden Trees before and behind; and full of pretious Stones from the top to the bottom. He acquired also many Reliques of Thomas a Becket, viz. his Shirt, his Surplice, and a great quantity of his Blood, in two Crystal vessels; with two Altars of the Stone upon which he fell, when he was murdered. Whose Chapel begun by William de Waterville, he finished, together with an Hospital, adjoyning to it. From whence I gather that Mr. G. is mistaken in his opinion, about the place of it; which was not in the middle Arch of the Church-Porch, but at the gate of the Monastery; and is now, as I conceive, the School-house. For there∣about

the Hospital was, as I learn from a Charter of King Richard I * 1.69. Wherein this benefaction of Benedict's is remembred. It contains a grant of all the Lands sometimes belonging to Thuroldus de Sutona, unto his beloved and faithful Clerk Magister Damianus; to have and to hold them de Hospitali Sancti Thomae Martyris, juxta portam Ecclesiae de Burg, which Land was the purchace of Benedict Abbot of Burgh, and assigned by him to the aforesaid Hospital, in perpetuam Eleemosynam: Upon this condition, that the aforesaid Damianus should pay out of it yearly to the Almoner of the Church of Burgh, one Mark of Silver; and after his decease the whole Land to return to the aforesaid Hospital. It is dated at Spire 20. of Novemb. in the fifth year of his Reign, per manum Will. Eleyensis Episcopi Cancellarii.

But this is more fully cleared by the Chron. MS. of John Abbot who saith expresly that this Chapel of St. Thomas was at the Gate of the Mona∣stery. Ad An. MCLXXV. Solomon Prior Eliensis factus est Abbas Thorney∣ensis, & Benedictus Prior Cantuariensis factus est Abbas Burgi. Qui fecit con∣struere totam Navem Ecclesiae Burgi ex lapide & ligno a Turri usque ad fron∣tem. Et Capellam in honorem Sancti Thomae Martyris ad portam Monasterii.

He begun also that wonderful work, as Swapham calls it, juxta bra∣cinum; but did not live to finish it. The Abbey in his days was full of all good things; in the Convent there was joy and peace; in his house nobleness and exaltation; among the Servants in the several Offices, jo∣cundness and mirth; the greatest plenty of meat and drink; and at the Gate a gladsome reception without any murmuring of the Guests or Strangers.

He procured a large Charter from Rich. I. in the first year of his Reign, dated at Canterbury, confirming to them all their Lands and Possessions in the several Counties of the Realm (which are particularly enumera∣ted) in perpetuam Eleemosynam. And thereby it appears that Benedict re∣covered the aforesaid Lands in Sutton, with the Mill and appurtenances, from Thorald Son of Anketillus, who restored them to the Church, as part of its Demeans. And afterward also purchased of the Nephews and Heirs of the same Thorald, Pilesgate, Badigtune and Bernack and other Lands, which Gaufridus Son of Gaufridus gave to the Monastery: with a great many other things, worth the remembering, if I had room to insert them. I will name only the last, Concedimus etiam pro amore Dei & Sancti Petri, & ob reverentiam beati Oswaldi Regis & Martyris, quod praedicti Monasterii Milites, qui Guuardam suam faciunt in Castello nostro de Rokingam sint quieti; solvendo singulis annis tempore pacis de feodo militis 4. solidos, sicut facere so∣lebant tempore Henrici R. avi nostri, &c.

There is a Charter of the same year, bearing date 22. March from Roan, confirming all their Liberties, particularly the 8. Hundreds (for which he afterwards granted a special Charter by it self) Which Char∣ter being lost when he was Prisoner in Germany, he renewed it and in some things inlarged it, in the Xth year of his Reign.

Many others there are of his, but I shall name only one more con∣cerning their Woods in Nasso Burgi: with free liberty of hunting the Fox, the Hare, the Cat in all their Mannors (saving to the King his other game) and that they should have, Canes non expedatos, Dogs not lawed, as they called it, by cutting off the three fore Nails, or paring the ball of the foot. There was this priviledge also in the same Char∣ter, that they should not answer for any offence in this kind, but before himself, or his Chief Justice de Foresta: because his pleasure was, that they should be quiet from all other Bailiffs.

The Charter mentioned by Mr. G. granted by King John, while he was only Earl of Mortaing; runs thus: Karissimo amico meo Benedict. Abbati de Burgo & omnibus successoribus, &c. wherein he grants tres cervos & sex damas singulis annis capiendas, whensoever they pleased; between the feast of St. John Baptist, and the Exaltation of Holy Cross; either in his Forrest de Siruuod or in Clay.

I must omit the Compositions made by him with several persons. Among his Ordinances this was one that the Sacrist should find a Cope, and an Albe every year, for the blessing of Fonts and Wax, in the Vigils of Easter * 1.70. Statutum est per venerabilem Abbatem Benedictum, &c. quod Sacristia inve∣niet singulis annis in perpetuum unam cappam novam & bonam ad benedictio nem fontium, & unam albam bonam & bullatam, ad benedictionem cerae in vi∣giliae Paschae.

There was a great controversie in his time between Baldwin Arch∣bishop of Cant. and the Monks of the Holy Trinity (where Benedict had been Prior) about Roger de Norreis, whom the Archbishop had made Prior against the will of the Monks, and some other things. About which the Pope sent over a Cardinal à latere; who with King Richard, his Mother, and a great many Bishops and Abbots, made peace and a final agreement between them, unto which they all set their Seals, and among others, Bene∣dictus Abbas de Burgo, An. 1189 * 1.71.

Three years after Hugo the Bishop of Durham being Excommunicated by Gaufridus Archbishop of York, and appealing to Pope Celestine he sent his Letters directed to the Bishops of Lincoln and Rochester, & di∣lecto suo Abbati de Burgo; requiring that in their Churches they should declare the Excommunication to be void. Which Letter John Bromton hath set down at length ad An. 1192.

The next year this Abbot dyed, as the Chron. Johan. Abbatis tells us An. MCXCIII. obiit Benedictus Abbas Burgi, cui successit Andreas. So he did not live to see King Richard return from his Captivity, which was not till the next year, as the same Writer saith. MCXCIV. Rex Richar∣dus liberatus à carcere venit in Angliam.

The Counsel he gave about the Kings redemption is thus related by Swapham. Many of the Nobles being of opinion that ten of the best Cities of the Kingdom should be sold, and with that money his Ransome paid, this Abbot being extreamly afflicted to think of the disgrace and damage it would be to the Realm, humbly advised them to have all the Chalices in England prized; and gathering their price, as his words are, into one summ, that should be given for his redemption, sine gravamine alicujus. Which Counsel was approved and confirmed by all present; and it was done accordingly. But Walsingham reports it thus, that the greater Churches promised their Treasures which had been heaped up from an∣tient time; the Parish Churches their Silver Chalices; and by com∣mon consent it was agreed that the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors of Conventual Churches, Earls and Barons, should give the fourth part of their Annual Rents.

Swapham saith he dyed on Michaelmas-day. But the Kalander saith on the 25. was Depositio Domini Benedicti Abbatis.

ANDREAS.

The Character Swapham gives of him is, that he was a man of great Religion and Authority, as well as age: and being very mild and peaceable, made it his indeavour to plant and establish peace and tranquillity in his flock. He gave (as Mr. G. observes) the two Towns of Alwalton (or Athel∣woltone) and Fletun to the Kitchin of the Convent, but with exception of the auxilia ad festum Sancti Michaelis. Which his Successor remitted, and assigned also to the Monks Kitchin by his Charter. He gave also to the In∣firmary 6 Marks a year, de furno Burgi, as appears by his Charter, fol. 102. which gift remained till the time of Abbot Walter: who assigned those 6. Marks to the pitanciary; to find as much Wine as should be sufficient. But afterward, the Pitanciarius being negligent, they were brought into the Treasury, by the order of the Abbot and Convent, to be imployed for the above said use. This Andrew first assigned forty shillings de Alebode, for the Anniversary of his Predecessor Benedict: who had recovered that Man nor of Alebode from the Canons of Berlinges. I do not read of any An∣niversaries observed before this; and therefore suppose those words pri∣mo. assignavit, are to be understood, as if he had said, that Andreas first brought up the Custom of Anniversaries: with such solemnity, that is, as shall be hereafter mentioned

* 1.72He gave also two Windmils at Paston, and six pound per an. from Tinewell, and forty shillings from Castre, as appear by his Charters: which I find a∣bout other matters, but have not room to give a particular account of them. Among the innumerable gifts to the Eleemosynary (the time of whose grant is not specified) I find one in this Abbots days: by Williel∣mus de Witerinton with the assent and will of his Wife and his Son William and his Heirs, of IIII. Acres of Arable Land, sub Estwood, which lay between the tillage of the Abbot and the Land of Salomon fratris piae memoriae B. quondam Abbatis Burgi. Which four Acres he offered upon the great Altar of St. Peter, to God and the Eleemosynary, coram Dominis meis An∣drea tunc Abbate Burgi, & toto conventu ejusdem, &c. as the words of the Charter are. Immediately after which follows a gift of David de Beg∣gevile of all his Land in the same place: in consideration of which the Abbot and Convent received him and all his, whether living or dead, in∣to their Fraternity, in vigiliis, jejuniis, orationibus, & in missarum celebra∣tionibus & in omnibus aliis beneficiis, quae fient in praenominata Ecclesia in per∣petuum.

Not far from which there is a Deed of William Vicar of Burgh (it is not said in what time, which in an exchange of Land mentions a Chapel of St. Botulphs, which I know not where to find. It is in these words, sci∣ant presentes & futuri quod ego Willielmus Vicarius de Burgo ad petitionem Parochianorum meorum dedi & concessi in Escambium, Deo & Sancto Petro & Eleemosynarie Burgi unam dimidiam acram terrae arabilis, quam adquisivi; sc. illam que jacet inter terram Thome Speciarii, & terram Agnetis quondam uxoris Henrici, in cultura que jacet inter boscum de Westwoode, & Capellam Sancti Botulphi, pro quadam placia pertinente ad ortum Eleemosynarie Burgi, super q. cancellum capellae Sancti Johannis Bapt. constructum est, &c.

Which Chapel also of St. John Baptist seems to be distinct from the Church of that name.

Swapham doth not tell us when he dyed: But the often mentioned Chron. of John Abbot saith An. MCC. obiit Andreas Abbas Burgi, cui suc∣cessit Acharius Sancti Albani. So he governed (not about 5. but) about

seven year. His memory was celebrated on the twenty first of February: when, I find in the Kalander was, Depositio Domini Andreae Abbatis.

ACHARIƲS.

As King John gave the Abbey of Burgh to this Prior of St. Albans, so in the same year he gave the Abbey of Ramsey. to the Prior of Burgh. They are the words of Rog. Hoveden * 1.73 in that place where he calls this Abbot Zacharias as Mr. G. observes. But he did not put him in pre∣sently, upon the death of Andreas: for Swapham tells us he received the Abbey in Rogation week: and found it so bare of all manner of Provisi∣ons, that there was not food enough for one day. The reason was, the Archbishop of St. Andrews in Scotland, to whom the King had given the custody of the Abbey, while it was void, had left nothing; but car∣ried all that he could away with him. Notwithstanding which, this good man in a short time was able to furnish the place not merely with necessaries, but superfluities. For besides a great many rich vestments, he gave to the Church Silver Basins for the great Altar; with a case of Gold and Silver, set with pretious stones (opere pulcherrimo & subtilissimo) for the Arm of St. Oswald. A yearly Rent also to the Refectory, and the Pittancia: to the former of which he gave likewise two excellent Cups de Mazaro, with great Silver feet richly gilt, and Covers to them; one of which had the three Kings, offering their gifts to our Saviour, in the bottom of it. He gave moreover to the said Refectory, Nine great drink∣ing Cups de Mazaro, and four Table Knives with Ivory hafts. He as∣signed Thurleby also to the Chamberlain; from whence, saith Swapham we have XII Coverlids of St. Alban, and as many Coats. He assigned also to the Chamber, the house which Richard Crookman offered to St. Peter, when he was made a Monk; which yielded the yearly Rent of a Noble. And when the Celleraria, upon a time, wanted Provision, he fed the whole Convent, from the Feast of St. Peter and St. Paul to the Feast of St. Andrew, at his own charge. And caused the Mill of Athelwalton to be repaired, the Land to be ploughed and Sown, and the Corn gathered: which he caused to be brought into the Cellerary. And out of his pitty to the infirm Monks, who had no where to take the comfort of the air, he gave them, of his own accord without asking, a part of his Vineyard: where Rich. de Scoter afterwards planted a garden.

He also bought houses, hard by St. Pauls London, which cost him above two hundred and fifty Marks; and in several of the Mannors belonging to the Church, caused Halls, Chambers, and other edifices to be built: as the Hall at Scottere, the Hall at Fiskertune, and divers other places which Swapham mentions. He gave two hundred Marks to King John for his Charter of Liberties, which is still remaining: and discharged the house of above a thousand Marks, in the Exchequer. He recovered the Man∣nor of Walcote from Peter Son of Radulphus (who had held it long, and got many confirmations of it from the Kings of England) as well as the Marsh between Singlesholt and Croyland (mentioned by Mr. G.) from which he received yearly, by the consent and agreement of the Abbot of Croyland, four Stone of Wax: which he appointed to be imployed for Wax-Candles, on the Feasts of the Saints of this Church.

They that have a mind, may read the whole story of this recovery in the continuation of the History of Crowland, lately put out at Oxford,

with Ingulphus, &c. * 1.74 which tells us it was in the year 1202. not long after he came to the Abbotship. But though the King himself then, after many meetings and treaties and great expences made a final end, as they speak; yet the controversie was renewed again not long after, as shall be shewed in its place. His Constitution, wherein with the consent of the Brethren, he orders how the four Stone of Wax should be yearly spent, is as follows. That it should be delivered to the Keeper of the Altar of St. Mary: who was to take care that in each of the 3. Festivals of St. Peter one Wax Candle of five pound weight should burn continually before the great Altar, from the beginning of the first Vespers, till after the completorium of the Festival. In like manner in the four Festivals of St. Ma∣ry, and in those of St. Oswald, St. Kyneberge, St. Kyneswithe, and St. Tibbe. What remained of the four Stone of Wax, and was left after the com∣pletorium of those Festivals, he was to take care should be spent every day ad missam Sanctae Mariae.

There is another agreement between him and the Abbot of Crowland, which I find at the very end of the Book called Swapham, whose title is this,

De bunda de Fynfet.

Be it knowen to all that be olyve, and to all that shall come here after that the Bounde of Fynfete, which is made mention of in the Fyne betwix Akary Abbot of Peterburgh and his Covent, and Henry Abbot of Croyland and his Covent, it is set in an Angyl besyde a Plot that is called now a days Nomansland betwix the waters of Weland and of Nene. Wich water of Nene hath its course directly from thence until Croyland-Brig, after the cours of water be the wich men rowe from Croyland unto Dowesdale, on the South syde of a Crosse set there. And the water of Weland hath his cours directly from Croyland Brig unto Nomansland Hyrum, by a water called Twandam Dyke: And there the water of Weland fallyth into Nene. And the seid Hyrum is set at a barre, and an Old Welow, anens the Dyke by the wich men go to a place cal∣led Tutlakisland.

He bought Land at Stowe near Simpringham, where Abbot Robert after∣ward built houses: and the custom being that the Abbot should have the Auxilia Sancti Michaelis before mentioned, from Alwallon and Flettune, viz. twenty Mark; he gave 15. to the Convent, and left only 5. to his Suc∣cessors: which Abbot Robert also assigned to the Convent. This goodness therefore of his, saith Swapham, deserves to be had in everlasting remem∣brance: and yet it would be tedious to tell the persecutions he endured. Which were exceeding great, from a hard King, and from untamed Tyrants, from Forresters, and other Ministers; the days then being very evil; because there was great discord inter Regnum & Sacerdotium, between the Civil and the Ecclesiastical power. For they that should have defended the Church took Arms against it; and they who seemed to be friends of Religion en∣deavoured to destroy it.

There had been a Petition preferred by the Almoner of Burgh (in his Predecessors time) to Pope Clement; showing that he having no Eccle∣siastical benefice belonging to the Almonry, whereby he might be able to keep good hospitality, was willing to assign the Church of Makeseia to that use, if the Abbot and Convent, who had the right of pre∣sentation would consent. Whereupon the Pope moved Hugo Bishop

of Lincoln to use his Authority to perswade them to grant the said Parsonage, to that use: which Hugo did, and Pope Celestine afterward con∣firmed the Grant of the Church of Makeseia and Normanby with all their appurtenances unto the use of the Almonry. After which Acarius, by the Petition and advice of the Convent setled all the Tythes of all their Lands, for the maintenance of Hospitality; except of those two Man∣nors de Stanewig, & de Irtlingburgh. Which was afterward confirmed by William Bishop of Lincoln, who recites the whole Charter of Akarius in his Fol. XCIII.

He granted also, out of reverence and respect to this Church of Make∣seia, and at the Petition of Galfridus Son of Radulphus de Halone, one of the Milites of Burgh, and at the desire of the Parishioners, that they would hereafter have no passage through the Church-yard of Makeseia, for their Horses, Oxen, Cows, Hoggs or other Animals; nor by themselves nor Servants lay any thing in the Church-yard, which might discolour, or dishonour it; saving to themselves only the herbage of the Church-yard and liberty to mow it, &c. Galfridus, on his part giving the Eleemosynary of the Church of Burgh two Acres of Arable Land in the field of Make∣seia; so that the Church yard might be freed from all that filth, which was caused by the Carriages of the Procurators of the Eleemosynary. Both these Charters are remaining * 2.1.

In another Charter this Abbot granted to the same Eleemosynary, the offerings of the Chapel before mentioned of Tho. a Becket (called there Capella Sancti Thomae ad Portam) for the use of the Hospital, which be∣longed to it. Yet so, as that on Festival days, when the Parishioners of St. John Baptist were bound to make their Oblation at that Church, none should be admitted to hear Mass in the Church of the Hospital, to the prejudice of the said Church of St. John Baptist. But if any man were so weak in Body, that he could not go so far as the Parish-Church, and therefore made his Oblation in the aforesaid Chapel, two parts of three of such Oblation should be given to the Sacrist, and the remaining third, to the Chaplain of St. J. Baptist. Upon other days, if any body came out of devotion, to this Chapel, and made his offerings here, they should be whol∣ly applied to the use of the Hospital. In like manner if Strangers came to pray there, whether on Festival or other days, and offered any thing, or if any Legacy were given to the Hospital, all should be intirely applied to the uses of the poor people there * 2.2. And accordingly an agree∣ment was made and drawn in writing, between the Sacrist, the Chaplain of St. John Baptist, and the Almoner. In which the Festivals are expressed, on which the Parishioners of St. J. Baptist were wont to offer, and might not be admitted, unless in case of weakness, to hear Mass in the Cha∣pel of the Hospital, viz. All-Saints, All-Souls, Christmas, Circumcision, Epiphany, Purification, Good-Friday, Easter, Ascension, Whitsunday, St. John Baptist, the Assumption and the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, and Saint Giles.

This Abbot did many other memorable things, for the benefit of the Infirmary, and of the Monks Chamber: and many things were done by others in his time (particularly Robert de Tot, by the will and assent of Akarius, whom he calls his Lord, gave seven acres of Arable Land in Pa∣ston, to the Chapel beatae Mariae de Parco) which I cannot set down; with∣out inlarging this Supplement too much beyond the bounds, to which I am confined.

One thing done in his time I must not forget: which is a Bull sent from Gregory the IXth. to the Bishop of Lincoln, and him (the Abbot of Burgh)

importing that the Abbot had represented to him, how some Monks of his Church had incurred the sentence of Excommunication, for laying vio∣lent hands one upon another, and upon other both Secular and Religi∣ous persons, and Secular Clergy, and other Monks were under the same sentence for denying due obedience to the Abbot, when they were cor∣rected by him; others because they had entred the Monastery by Simony; and how some of these Excommunicated Persons, had presumed to cele∣brate divine Offices, not having obtained absolution; For whose Salva∣tion, the Abbot being solicitous, had petitioned the said Gregory, that it might not be necessary for them to come to the Apostolical See for the benefit of absolution and dispensation; he, in confidence of his discreti∣on, granted him power to absolve them in all the forenamed cases (ex∣cept such enormous excesses in laying hands on any body, as might seem fit to be referred to the See Apostolique) after satisfaction made to those who had been injured: And that he should proceed against the Simoniacal Monks according to the constitution in a General Council; and suspend those who, in contempt of Ecclesiastical discipline, had of∣ficiated in the Church during their Excommunication, for two years à suo∣rum executione ordinum. Which being finished, he might mercifully dis∣pense with them, if they were of an honest Conversation and a bet∣ter life.

Several compositions also made by him I must omit; and conclude as R. Swapham doth, that this good man governed the Monastery for about X. years; and was such an example to all of order, honesty, kindness, and bounty, that from him posterity might learn how to behave themselves, both in the cloyster and in the World. And particularly he was extroardi∣nary kind to the Convent; unto whom he sent meat every day from his own Table, for the consolation of the Brethren: which the Prior divided among them. The like he did to the domus infirmorum; sending flesh-meat to those who were weak: and would often say in the Convent, Domini, Domini, nisi per quosdam vestrum stetisset, &c. My Masters, my Masters, had not some of you hindred, I had done much good to you. Which saying (saith Swapham, from which we may gather he lived in this time) was not understood by us then; but after his death we perceived why he said this, and knew of whom it was meant. But it is no matter, saith he, they are gone; they lifted up themselves, and the Lord hath cast them down. As for this good man, he never rendred evil for evil to any man; but studied more to be loved than feared: and out of mere respect to piety took in two and twenty Monks: by whose merits, and the merits of all the Saints, he prayes the Lord to grant this Abbot pardon, and eternal joy.

Chron. MS. Johan. Abbatis saith MCCX. obiit Akarius Abbas Burgi, cui successit Robertus de Lyndesey. He was commemorated on the 13th of March, which was Depositio Domini Akarii Abbatis.

ROBERTƲS de Lyndesey.

When ad An. 1210. John Abbot saith that Rob. de Lyndesey succeeded Akarius, it must be understood thus; that four year after he came into his place: till which time not only this Monastery, but many other Churches were kept by King John in his own hands. So the same Writer tells us, at the year 1214. Vacabant sedes Cathedrales, &c.

'The Cathedral Sees of York and Durham were void, with the Abbey of Wytheby. In the Pro∣vince of Canterbury, the Bishopricks of Worcester, Exeter, Chichester;

the Abbeys of St. Edmund, St. Austin apud Cant. Redyng, St. Bennet de Holme, St. Martin de Bello, Ramsey, Burgh, Cirencester and Evesham. All which were in manu Domini Regis: but this year, libenter concessit ut istis Ecclesiis vacantibus Pastores providerenter.

Only he desired it might be se∣cundum formam & consuetudinem Regni: the Bishops on the other side con∣tradicting and desiring, it might be done according to the Canons. Thus he; who adds that hereupon the Interdict which had continued upon the King∣dom VI. year, III. months and XVI. days was taken off: viris Religiosis non facta restitutione bonorum, but without any care that the Religious should have their Goods restored to them. So much did Pandulphus favour the Kings inclination.

This Abbot, with whom this Church was happily provided (but whe∣ther by the Kings Nomination or no I find not; for the Chron. before named saith, some Abbeys proceeded immediately to chuse their Abbots, that the King might not obtrude one upon them) was a wise, discreet, and honest man; in all things very provident; as Swapham hath delivered his Character to us. Who relates a great many worthy things he had done, and gifts he had bestowed on the Church, while he was only Sacrist. Among which that of making thirty glass Windows, which before were stuffed with Reed and Straw, was one of the least. He made one Win∣dow also of Glass in the Regulare Locutorium; another in the Chapterhouse; on the side where the Prior sat; nine in the Dormitory; and three in the Chapel of St. Nicolas. He made the whole Chancel of Oxney and a Table with the Image of the Blessed Virgin upon the Altar. He augmented also the Dormitory, and made private Chambers: and then built a Lar∣der hard by the Kitchin, for the use of the Celerarius. Which solicitous goodness of his, moved the Convent with one consent to raise him to a higher station, by chusing him for their Abbot: whom they presented to King John at Winchester, upon the day of the Assumption of St. Mary. Being kindly received by him, he went to Northampton, and there on St. Barnaby's day received from Hugh 2. Bishop of Lincoln, ordinationis suae benedictionem.

As soon as he returned home, he offered a rich Cope and a Pall: and then made it his business to deliver the Country from that grievous sla∣very and bondage they were in, by the Forresters and the Beasts; which at that time domineered over men. Mr. G. hath given some account of it; I shall only add that this deafforestation was made in the year 1216. as appears by the agreement made between this Abbot, and the Milites and Francolani, who had any interest in the Nasse of Burgh: which is annexed to the Description of all the woods, and their names, and the names of those to whom they belonged, when it was disafforested. In the year before which (1215.) King John had granted his Charter confirming all the liberties of the Church: which was confirmed by Pope Innocent the Third, as may be seen in Matth. Paris; and there is the very same in our Records at the end of Swapham.

Besides the benefactions mentioned by Mr. G. (the first of which was only covering the Abbots Hall with lead versus claustrum, in that part next the Cloyster) I find divers others, no less memorable. For he gave four Marks of Silver to the Infirmary: and eight Shillings custodi Hospi∣tum, to buy Matts and other necessaries for his Office: and got a Bond out of the bands of the Jews, for five and thirty Mark; upon which they demanded a vast summ of money, it being an old debt. He freed also the Tenants of this Church in the Mannor of Stanwig, à secta Ʋn. dredi de Hecham, for a summ of money which he gave to the Earl of Fe∣rers.

He purchased likewise the Advowson of the Church of Clopton, and gave two Marks of Gold, and his own Silver Cup, ad feretrum Sanctae Ky∣neburgae. He made the new inward gate, and the new Stable for the Ab∣bots Horses; and the Vivarium near the Church-yard. He built not only the Hall of Collingham, but of Stowe; which Martin Abbot afterward changed: and a Chamber at Tinewell, another at Cottingham, a Summer-house at Stanwick; with a Chapel, and almost finished the Chapel at Ket∣tring. Barns he built in several places, and erected the great building beyond the Bakehouse and Malthouse: and by a plea against the Abbot of Croyland obtained the power of inclosing as much as he pleased of the common Pasture, in the Marsh of Pykirke, and made it separate: and, finding the Church-yard too strait, he gave to the honour of God and of his Church, a part of his own Vineyard to inlarge it; for the Burial of the Monks, and of their Parents and Friends: which he surrounded al∣so with a strong and high Wall.

Anciently the Abbot and Convent received 60. Marks of Silver yearly from Fiskertune and Scoter, for their Clothes and Shoes: which he finding to be too little, added 20. Mark more. And twenty shillings also for the celebration of three Feasts in Copes; viz. the Transfiguration of our Lord, the Translation of St. Thomas, and the birth day of St. Hugh. For Hugh Bishop of Lincoln who dyed in the year 1200. was canonized a Saint by Pope Honorius 2. in this Robert's time An. 12200. The Bull is at large, in the Records at the end of Swapham * 2.3; directed to the Bishop, Chapter, Clergy and people of the Diocess of Lincoln: bearing date from the same place, and the same day and year, with that in Matthew Pa∣ris, who hath set down but a little scrap of it.

In his time the Monastery petitioned Pope Gregory the 9. representing the danger they were in, to lose some Tythes, which they had held from the very Foundation of the Church; because some Deeds concerning them were lost, or could not be found: and therefore desiring that he would command some very old men to be examined about this matter, before they dyed; lest they should lose all possible proof of their right. Where∣upon the Pope sent his Apostolical Letters to the Priors of Deeping, and St. Leonard in Stamford, and to the Dean of Stamford, that they should hear and examine such Witnesses as the Abbot and Convent could pro∣duce; and cause their testimony to be Recorded, and to make a pub∣lick Instrument thereof. Datum Laterani 7. Kaland. April. Pontif. nostri Anno 7.

And here it may be fit to mention the Council of Laterane, unto which there was a general citation, saith Swapham, thoughout Christendom: in so much that there were assembled 400. Bishops, above 800. Abbots and Priors; and Procurators without number. So John Abbot MCCXV. Romae Concili um Lateranense secundum celebratum est, ubi Episcopi CCCC. Abbates & Priores DCCC. & ultra; Procuratorum non erat numerus. Here it was provided among other things, that all Convents of Monks should fast (that is, eat no Suppers) from the Feast of the exaltation of the Holy Cross, till Easter. Which order the Abbot when he returned from this Council, prevail'd with his Convent to observe as they did at Rome. But not without many in∣treaties; for it had been the custom, not only here at Burgh but in other places, for the Monks to eat two meals a day at certain times; for in∣stance, from the exaltation of Holy Cross till the first of October; from the Nativity till the Octaves of the Epiphany; and many other days, within that compass of time forementioned: on which the Convent was wont to have one dish at Supper with Cheese. And therefore propter integrita.

tem Eleemosynae, that their constant allowance might not be diminished, the Abbot ordained, that what was wont to be provided for their Sup∣per they should have at Dinner.

While the Abbot was at Rome King John demanded the whole mili∣tary service of the Abbot. Whose Attorneys complaining that they could not justitiare milites libertatis Burgi (make these men do their duty) the King commanded their fees to be destrained. Which when the Attorneys said they could not do, the King gave away the Land of Nic. de Bassingburn to Baldwinus de Gynes; and the Land of Roger de Torpel, to Will. Blome; and the Land that was Rad. de Dyve in Ʋpton, to Rob. de Nevile of Scottone: and the Land of Richard de Watervile to Will. de Palmes; and the Land of Will. Andegavensis in Chirchefeild, to Ade Furneis; and the Land of Hugo Wac in Deeping with the appurtenances to Will. de Bruere; and so he disposed of the rest of the Lands. And commanded Will. de Aundres Constable of Rockingham that he should destrain all the military feods: and that he should not meddle with the demesne of the Abbot, but let it be undisturbed, utpote liberam Eleemosynam Domini Regis.

These feods I suppose were restored, upon their submission, for I find in a Marginal Note * 2.4, that Rog. de Torpel refused to serve unless the Ab∣bot paid his expences: upon which his Estate he held of the Abbot being ordered to be seised, he scarcely obtained the favour to serve upon his own proper charges.

Before his time there had been great discord and murmuring, con∣tention and envy frequently happened among the Brethren, propter mi∣nutionem, about blood-letting (which was very necessary some time to those sedentary people, who were subject to repletion) And no wonder, because no body could, accipere minutionem, be let blood, without an Order from the Prior: who let some have it oftner, others more rarely; some after five weeks, others after 6. and others not till after 8. or 10. or 15. or perhaps half a year. To take away therefore all trouble out of their minds about this matter, this Abbot ordered that the Convent should be divided into six parts, and upon the day of letting blood, he that was the Senior of that part, whose turn it was to have the benefit of it, should ask licentiam minuendi (and that under his hand) for his Brethren from the Prior.

In the Margin of the Book there is this Note. That in Abbot Walter's time this mode of minution, was thus far altered; that they should be di∣vided into five parts, and then minuerentur modo supradicto. For Robert Grosteste Bishop of Lincoln in his Visitation had forbidden the eating of flesh altogether, unto the Monks every where; except only in the Infirmary, or in the Abbots Chamber: which was accounted by them an unsuppor∣table burden. It is further also noted, that the Convent in former times, had liberty at three seasons in the year, to eat as much flesh as they pleas∣ed, in a house deputed for that purpose; and in the domus Hospitum, house where they entertained Strangers; and in all places where they eat out of the Refectory, they might eat flesh. Which liberty was quite taken away by the above named Inhibition of the Bishop. They who were mi∣nuti let blood, were formerly refreshed in the Refectory three times a day, with a regular diet; as appears by the antient Customary of this Church.

Swapham observes, that he found LXXII. Monks here when he came to the Convent: and so many, I have noted before, King Henr. I. found here, when he took an account of all belonging to the Monastery, upon the death of John de Sais. And therefore what is said of Akarius his ta∣king in XXII. Monks, must be understood, I think, of supernumeraries, whom

he maintained for his time at his own charges, ex intuitu pietatis, as the words there are.

For the maintenance of these, the Lands in Alwalton and Flettun had been given by Andreas: but were not sufficient to supply the Kitchin with provisions, though it had other Rents besides; which are all distinct∣ly mentioned in a Charter of his * 2.5, wherein he gives those Mannors in∣tirely to the Celerary, with all that had been reserved out of them to the Abbot, at the Feast of St. Michael. This Abbot Robert therefore gave other Revenues, not only for the recreation, as the word is, of those 72 Monks; but for the increment of eight Monks more: whereby the whole Number was made LXXX. And particularly Belasise, as Mr. G. observes, to find those 8. with Bread and Beer. Which Corn and Malt was afterward changed into money, in Abbot Walters time, because the Celerarius of the Abbot and his Servants, would receive none but the very best; which was the occasion of great quarrels.

In the Charter wherein he settles those Lands, he makes mention of the observation of his own Anniversary: the expences of which were to be born out of them. Andreas I noted before began this custome, as far as I can find, assigning an annual Pension for the celebrating of the Anniversary of Benedict his Predecessor. After which I find no mention of it till this Abbots time; who took care not only of his own, but both of Andreas his, and of his Successors Akarius. For after the Con∣stitution of Akarius directing how the sour Stone of Wax from Croy∣land, should be imployed; there follows immediately a Statute of this Abbot Robert; ordaining that upon the Anniversaries of Andreas and Akarius, the Celerarius should provide four good dishes of meat for the Convent, together with Wine if it could be had, or else good Beer; and that the Eleemosynary should distribute to the Poor that came on those dayes, a convenient portion of Bread and Ale.

What the Religious part of the observation of these days was in this Church, I have not yet found: but in other Churches it appears to have been very solemn and great. Particularly in that of Westminster (where they were of the same Order with the Monks of this Church) Anni∣versaries were about this time kept in all regards, very magnificently. For example, Abbot Walter (who dyed not long before Rob. Lyndsey's days An. 1191.) gave the Mannor of Padington to that Church, and totally deputed it, to this use, for the celebration of his Anniversary, on the Feast of St. Cosmas and Damianus. On which day he requires the Almo∣ner to provide for the whole Convent, Simnella, Gastella, Canastella, Brachinella and Wafras: and to every one of the Brethren one Galon of Wine, cum tribus bonis pitanciis, with three good dishes of Meat (called pitancias from the word Piety, and thence also called Misericordias, now called in the Colledges exceedings) and also good Ale in abundance before the Bre∣thren at all the Tables, as upon other Feasts and Anniversaries it was wont to be found by the Celerarius, in the great Tankard of five and twenty Galons. For the ordinary guests, who should that day dine in the Re∣fectory, he requires him to provide two dishes of Meat, with Bread and Wine, and Ale honourably and abundantly: and for the more honou¦rable persons make the same provision, as for the Convent. And be∣sides, find for all comers whatsoever, from the hour that the Table con∣cerning the Anniversary was read in the Chapterhouse, untill the Com∣pletorium of the next day, both in Meat and Drink, Hay and Oats all things necessary: nor was entrance to be denyed to any person, whether Footman or Horseman. He was to make provision also for the Nuns of

Holborn, for the Servants of the Monastery, and for three hundred poor; every one of which was to have a loaf of Bread, (of the same weight with the Bread of the Convent) and a pott of Ale: and they who had no Vessels might drink pro voluntate, as much as they pleased. And, to omit the rest, there was after all, Mede to be provided, for the Convent ad potum charitatis.

As for the Religious part of the Ceremony, it was after this manner. On the vigils of the forenamed day, the Prior and the Convent sang, Placebo and Dirige, with three lessons; as on other principal Anniversaries they were wont, with ringing of Bells: two Wax-Candles burning conti∣nually at his Tomb (which was on the South side of the Cloyster) from the said Vigils, to the end of the Mass da Requem, which was sung the next day.

On the Anniversary of Richard de Crokesley, who dyed as long after this time, as the other did before it (1258.) there was a far greater solem∣nity: for which he gave the Mannors of Hampestede and of Stoke with other Rents. It began with ringing of Bells, the evening before, for which they received xiii s. iiii d. and the next day after Mass, there were Alms given to a thousand poor people: and for six days following to five hundred every day; to every body a peny, &c. And he ordained that four Monks should every of those days say Mass for his Soul at four se∣veral Altars: four Wax Candles burning at his Tomb, during the Mass, if he was buried in the Monastery; if without it, then two of the Can∣dles were to burn at the Altar of the Holy Trinity, the other two at the Altar of Edward the Confessor. Provided that upon his Anniversary four Wax-Candles should burn all day about his Tomb, or before the Altars now named, for which he assigned three pound, &c. This was agreed in the Chapterhouse on the Friday after the Feast of St. Barnaby 1256. and he got a confirmation of it from Alexander 4. But ten year after his death they obtained a Modification of this Anniversary from Pope Cle∣ment IV. according as the Abbot of Waltham and other Delegates appoin∣ted for this business, should think fit to moderate it. I omit many others, which are in a MS. History of that Church written by John Fleete a Monk of that Church: which he collected out of better writers than himself.

After some such manner no doubt, Anniversaries were observed in this Church of Burgh: for I find that in Akarius his time, Hugo de Longo Campo, Son of Henry de Longo Campo, out of respect to God and the Salvation of his Soul, granted all his Land in Eyliswurthe, viz. quadraginta sex so∣lidatas terrae in liberam puram ac perpetuam Eleemosynam, for the making of his Anniversary, cum debita ac solita solemnitate, with due and with usual solemnity. Which Charter of his was afterward confirmed by Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury * 2.6.

Immediately after that Statute about the forenamed Anniversaries, there follows a Constitution (which I suppose therefore was made by this same Abbot Robert) directing what was to be done when any part of the Body or Blood of our Lord in the Sacrament, by negligence fell upon the * 2.7 Ground, or upon a Matt, Carpet, or the like. Concerning which two other Constitutions follow; with verses comprehending the sense of them: which I have transcribed and put in the Appendix.

This Abbot lived in evil days (which makes the many good things he did besides these the more commendable) there having been great discord, as Swapham observes, between the King and the Church, inso∣much that the Kingdom was interdicted for above six years: after which followed cruel and most shameful Wars between the King and his Nobles;

in which Charches were broken down and destroyed, and what was in them was pillaged and carried away. After he had governed Nine year and ten months he dyed, in the Feast of Crispinus and Crispinianus. It should be eight year, for he began to govern in the year 1214. and all agree he dyed in the year 1222. So the MS. Chron. Johan. Abbatis. An. MCCXXII. obiit Rob. de Lyndesey Abbas Burgi, cui successit Alexander Abbas. And so Swapham himself.

In which year, I find in the same Chronicon there was a Council held at Oxford in the Church of Osney, by Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury, where the Bishops and other Prelates being generally present, some of the Institution made in the forenamed Council of Lateran, with some additions, for the reformation of the Clergy and people, were recited. Two of the most Noble of which (as he calls them) he sets down. The first concerning the Prelates; that all of them both Bishops and Abbots should be bound to change every year, those that waited on them in their Chambers; ut plures haberent testes suae Sanctimoniae & castitatis. The other belonging to Subjects; that all Monks and Nuns who were under a Rule, should every year, openly in the Chapterhouse, recite their profession before the whole company; ut semper illius memores siant ad Deum de∣votiores.

He was commemorated here on the day after Symon and Jude, as ap∣pears by the Kalander: where over against that day, I find Deposuio Domini Roberti de Lyndsey: which doth not agree with Swapham's account, who places his death on the 25th of October.

ALEXANDER de Holderness.

So named from the Country where he was born; which also gave the preceding Abbot the name of Lyndesay. He was a man much beloved by his Convent, because he was a good Pastor: who gave many very rich Vestments to the Church (mentioned particularly in Swapham) and built, not only the Halls Mr. G. speaks of, but the solarium magnum at the door of the Abbots Chamber, and a Cellerarium under it: and furnished the Church also, with that pretious Crystal Vessel, as Swap∣ham calls it, wherein the blood of Thomas a Becket was kept, and with divers Reliquer••••. And the was about many other works, in which death stopt him; after he had governed four years compleat. For he dyed on the same day he was chosen Abbot: which was the Feast of St. Edmund King and Martyr: or, (as he saith a little after) the Vigils of that day. An. 1226. And so it is in the Kalander Nov. 17. (it should be 19.) De∣positio Alexandri Abbatis & Anniversarium Reginaldi de Castre & Matildis Ʋxoris ejus. The Chron. Johan. Abbatis; agrees to the year, beginning An. MCCXXVI. with these words. Ob. Alexander Abbas Burgi, cui suc∣cessit Martinus.

In his time the fifteenth part of all the Goods in England, were given to the King Hen. 3. as appears by his Charter. The Friers Minors also came into England, as Abbot John bewails with many deep sighs and groans, at the end of An. MCCXXIV. Eodem Anno, O dolor & plus∣quam dolor, O pestis truculentissima, fratres Minores venerunt in An∣gliam.

He made this composition with Baldwin de Ver of Thrapestone, from whom the Abbot and Convent claimed many payments, de auxiliis Vice∣com. & sectis Hundredorum & visu franciplegil, &c. that he should he be free

from those and all other demands, upon the account of his Lands in the Abbots VII. Hundreds, paying yearly on the Feast of St. Michael, half a Mark of Silver, &c * 2.8.

He made also a friendly confederacy with Hugo the Abbot of St. Ed∣mund, and their respective Convents: who by this league were tied in a Bond of special affection, for mutual Counsel and assistance for ever. It is set down at large, in Swapham * 2.9; but I shall only give the Reader a taste of it. They were so linkt together, as to account themselves one and the same Convent: so that if one of the Abbots dyed, the survivor being desired, was immediately to go to his Convent; and there before him they were to make a Canonical Election; or if already made, they were to declare it in his presence. If the Friers of either place were by any necessity driven from their Monastery, the other was to receive them, and afford them a familiar refuge and aid: with a place in their Quire, Chapterhouse and Refectory, secundum conversionis suae tempus.

This Abbot among others signed the confirmation of the great Char∣ter of England, and the Charter de Foresta in the 9th year of Hen. 3. un∣to which the great Bishops and Abbots and Earls are witnesses, and among the rest Abbas de Burgo Sancti Petri (but he is not named) in the Annales Burton ad An. 1224.

But that which was most memorable concerning this Abbot is, the care he took about the VIII. Monks augmented by his Predecessor, which I find in a Charter by it self, in these terms, Ʋniversis Sanctae Ecclesiae filiis ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit; Alexander permissione Dei Abbas de Burgo, salutem in Domino, &c.

Wherein, out of his paternal care to provide well for those eight Monks, which Robert his predecessor had added to their wonted number, and at the Petition of the Convent, he granted and confirmed to the Celerary, all the new assarts belonging to the Monastery in Nasso Burgi sc. Belasis with all its appurtenances, Glintonhawe, and the assart of Estuude and Franehawe, of the purchace of the forenamed Robert Abbot, of Will. de Ginniges, and all the Meadow in Norburch, to find fifty seam of Wheat and threescore of Barley; and 80. of Oates, for the drink of those VIII. Monks. He grants also to the Chamber of the Monastery, for the increment of those Monks X. Marks of Silver, to the wonted Rent of LXX. Marks from Fiskerton, Collingham and Scottere, to be paid yearly, at the 4. quarters, viz. XX. Marks at the Feast of the Nativity, &c. And besides he grants to the same Chamber, all his Land in Thurlbey with all the appurtenances, &c.

His Successor Martin confirmed this Charter in the very same words Fol. CVI.

MARTINƲS de Ramsey.

Alexander dying on the Viglis of St. Edmund and being buried the next day after, Martin was chosen on the fourth of the Nones of Decem∣ber, that is on the second day of that month: and was received by King Henry on the Octaves of St. Andrew: and the same day confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln, after the examination of the Prior and three Monks About his Election, in St. Katherines Chapel at Westminister: and received his Bendiction, as Mr. G. observes, on the Feast of St. John Evang. apud Tinghurst: and then was installed at Peterburgh on the Sunday after the Octaves of Epiphany. Thus Swapham (who lived in his time) who tells,

he immediately discharged the Abbey of a debt remaining to the Exche∣quer from Abbot Robert for the disafforestation of Nassaburgh: which was fifty Marks. And so the Chron. Johan. Abbatis relates ad An. 1227. Mar∣tinus Abbas Burgi solvit ad scaccarium Regis pro disafforestatione Nassa de Burgo 50. Marcas argenti. The same year he got their Charters confirmed by King Henry, for sixscore Marks of Silver, to his own use; and eight and twenty more to the Chancellors; besides many other gifts. The Story of Brianus is related by John Abbot, as belonging to the same year 1227. with very little difference from the account Mr. G. hath given of it. The Inquisition made before the Kings Justice was, whether Brians Predecessors held of the Monastery or of the Forest, utrum prius fuerunt Predecessores dicti Briani feoffati de domo Burgi, an de foresta. The Inquisition was taken apud Bernack per XII. legales homines, & Regi transmissa. Ad∣judicata est Warda dicti Briani Abbati de Burgo & suis successoribus in per∣petuum.

The next year 1228. the same Chronicon tells us the Pope summoned a Council at Rome, but the ways were stopt by the Emperor, both by Sea and Land, to hinder any from coming to it. Two Cardinals, many Prelates, both Bishops and Abbots, and other Clergymen, especially those that went by Sea, were taken by the favourers of the Emperor. Where∣upon the Pope Excommunicated him, and absolved all the Barons of Germany from their Allegiance. Thus that Chron. of John Abbot. Whe∣ther Martin got thither or no I do not find, but it was in this year, as Mr. G. hath related, that Gregory the Ninth granted to this Monastery that which they have intituled Magnum privilegium, bearing date Anno gratiae Millesimo ducentesimo vicesimo octavo, quarto idus Januarii. In which besides that priviledge mentioned by Mr. G. there are these among others remarkable; that he frees them from paying any Tythe of the Land which they kept in their own hands, and Ploughed or Fed themselves. And that there should be libera sepultura in this place, for any that desired in their last Will or otherwise to be here buried, which none should presume to hinder, except he were an excommunicated person, or inter∣dicted, or exercised publick Usury; and saving also the rights of other Churches, from which the dead bodies were brought.

In the year 1230. he asserted the liberties of the Church in Alwalton and Fletton against the pretences of the Abbot of Thorney, as I find in an old record; which begins thus, Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCC. XXX. in Crastino Apostolorum Philippi & Jacobi, dirationavit Abbas Martinus libertates suas de Alwalton & Fletton, contra Abbatem de Thorney, apud Westm. coram Justic. de Banco, sicut in eorum rotulis continetur, & in∣frerius scriptum est, &c.

The next year as Mr. G. observes, the Bishop of Lincoln, visited this Church, the next day after the Feast of St. Laurence: where a great ma∣ny things were agreed on by the common consent of the Abbot and Con∣vent, and confirmed by the Episcopal authority, under pain of Excom∣munication. One was that the Abbot should not borrow any money upon Usury, of the Jews; nor of any Christians, cum aliqua poenae adjectione, without the consent of the Convent: nor, in that case, ever ingage the Monastery, or the Goods of the Monastery moveable or immovable. Ano∣ther was, that the Sacrist of the Church should have, as had been accustom∣ed, the Horses and all other things, with the bodies of the Milites de∣ceased. With this moderation, that if any Horse of a deceased Knight was worth more than four Mark, the Abbot should have him: and his Arms, or the price of them, should be laid up in some safe place, by

the Abbot with the privity of the Convent, for defence of the Country, and of the peace of the Church; and with the money, Arms should be mended and sustained.

In this year also an Inquisition was made by his Order, into all the Mannors belonging to the Church: and the Lands, Tenements, Tenants, Customs, &c. are particularly set down, belonging to every one of them. It begins thus, Ad festum Sancti Martini & ad Pentecost. per Chartam Do∣mini Martini Abbatis, Haec Inquisitio facta fuit per Maneria Domini Martini Abbatis secundi, anno quinto, anno ab incarnatione Domini M. CC. XXXI. &c.

Two years after this he dyed, as John Abbot tells us in his Chron. An. MCCXXXIII. Martinus Abbas Burgi ob. cui successit Abbas Walterus.

The day on which he dyed was the 26th of June; where I find in the Kalander, Depositio Martini Abbatis.

I have not room to insert several compositions and agreements made by him. One in the year 1230. between him and Richard de Midelton about a Pond and a Mill in Cotingham and other things. fol CLXXIIII. Another 123. between him and the Rector of Bernake de decimis La∣pidicinae, Fol. CC. Another between him and John Earl of Huntendune, in the same year, about the Fishery and other things Fol. CCIII.

There was a Bridge then in Burgh called Pons Martini, Martins Bridge, which was sometimes called Bruni: nigh unto which Hugo Fluri of Do¦dicthorp had a Messuage, which he released unto the Abbot. Which Hu∣go by the consent of his Wife Dionysia was a Benefactor to the Abbey in Martin's time many ways; as appears by several Charters of his at the end of Swapham Fol. CCXXI. &c.

WALTER de S. Edmundo.

This man though born at St. Edmundsbury, was bred up here, as Mr. G. relates; and as Swapham tells us (who gives a large account of his life) was chosen Abbot by the unanimous consent of the Monks. At his in∣stallation, he offered a great Pall Flowred with Peacocks; with a rich Cope, and many other things of value. And then applied himself to inlarge both the Buildings and the Revenue of the Church: for he made the entrance of the new Refectory with great expences; and ma∣ny great buildings below his Palace: especially that great House, in which were two Horse Mills and a Barn for Hay: and the Kitchin of the Abbot apud Grangias Burgi, one new Grange, and Boveriam novam covered with Stone. He renewed the Grange at Thorp, and made a new Bovaria at Castre, at Warmington and at Owndle; and a great many other places which Swapham mentions: where he saith he built an incredible num∣ber of Barns, or Granges, or Oxstalls, or Summer-houses; besides Lands which he purchased.

He augmented the Revenue of the Infirmary with the increase of fifty seven Shillings, out of a certain Rent at Stamford which he bought. The Rents also of the Hospitalary he increased: and both procured several grants of Lands from other devout people, and setled those that had been former∣ly given. For I find that Henry Rector of Paston, for the health of his Soul, and in gratitude for the Benefice he had received from Walter Abbot of Burgh, and the Convent there, gave, with his body, all the Lands he had in Paston, in Burgh, in Wermington, &c. to this Church * 2.10. Henry of Wer∣mington his Nephew, gave likewise a great deal to the same Church. And Galfridus de Northbruc made a very great gift of a Capital Messuage of his, with all the Lands, Rents, Tenements, and all appurtenances, in Nor∣bruc,

Makesheye, Nunton, and all other places where he had any estate; which are particularly mentioned in his Grant * 2.11.

He took an account of all the expences of the Granary, and of the stipends of Servants and Officers; and especially the expences on the several great Feasts of the Church: which still remain under this Title; explanatio liberationis & expensae de granario Burgi per annum, & de diversis mensuris ejusdem, & de sol. Servientium curiae in tempore Abbatis Walteri & ante.

There arose in his time a great controversie between this Church, and the Canons of Landa about the Church of Pithesle: and after a long suit the Canons yielded it to Burgh; whereupon Pope Ʋrban confirmed the Church of Burgh in the possession of it. I find agreements made between him and Rich. de Dumar about Woods, and the bounds of them in Eston; and between him and Rob. de Burnebu, and others about Essarts in the same Woods; which I can but just mention.

He was one of the Witnesses to the great Charter of the Liberties of England, granted by King Henry in the XIX. year of his Reign, upon the Kal. of January. After the mention of which, there follows in our Records that solemn Excommunication (which was made eighteen year after 1253.) of all those that infringed this Charter. It is in Matthew Paris * 2.12: only in our Book there are these words added, which are not in him. Qui omnes testes audierunt cum Dominus Rex, non coactus, sed pro∣pria voluntate petiit quod omnes Archiepiscopi, Episcopi & Abbates excom∣municent ipsum Henricum nomine, si ipse unquam veniret contra aliq' articu∣lum istius Chartae, & omnes alios venientes contra eandem chartam. Et idem Rex tenuit candelam dum sententia fuit promulgata. Whereas Math. Paris saith he refused to hold the Candle. P. 887.

Two years after 1237. followed the solemn dedication of this Church of Burg: Which Matth. Paris places in the next year 1238. when he saith that several noble Monasteries in the Diocese of Lincoln, within the Fens were dedicated, by the venerable Bishop of Lincoln, viz. Ramsey, Burgh and Sautrei, and that the Church of Burgh was dedicated quarto Calendar' Octobris. But the Chron. Johan. Abbatis Burgi makes this to have been done, as I said, the year before, and not on the 4th of the Kalends, but of the Nones, and by two Bishops. An. MCCXXXVII. quarto No∣narum Octobris, dedicata est Ecclesia de Burgo, à duabus Episcopis, viz. à Sancto Roberto Lincolniensi & Exoniensi Episcopis. And so saith Swap∣ham, not naming the Bishops, Ipse etiam dedicare fecit Ecclesiam Nostram à duobus Episcopis, magnis sumptibus, & propriis. This Robert Bishop of Linc' was Rob. Groseteht, who was consecrated Bishop of that Dicocese, the year before. Whose Sanctity as the Chronicon before mentioned celebrates, so it gives this Character of his learning, Iste er at in omnibus VII. artibus liberalibus eruditissimus.

What this dedication meant Mr. G. doubts: but it is explained by a passage in Matthew of Westminster, who follows M. Paris and uses his very words about this business of the dedication of these Churches; but then adds that it was done, juxta Statuta Concilii London celebrati, in obedience to certain Constitutions, which had been made in a Council at London. Which extended further than to the Churches before named, for he saith the Church of St. Paul London was dedicated 1240. die Sancti Remigii. What the ground of that constitution was I have not now opportunity to search: but it was so famous a thing, that the day of its Dedication was made an Anniversary, and this Abbot gave the summ of forty Shillings a year, ad festum dedicationis Ecclesiae nostrae annuum uberius procurandum, for

the making more plentiful provision upon the Feast of the Dedication of this Church; as the words are in his Charter about it, which still r••∣mains. And this Feast is mentioned in another Charter of his, in which for Gods sake, and with respect to peace, as his words are, he grants, that instead of the assise of Corn which the Celerarius was wont to pay him, out of Belasise, he should hereafter pay him ten Pound six Shillings and three Pence per annum, quarterly, viz. instead of 28. Seam and one Sceppe of Corn, 4 l. 13 s. 9 d. and instead of 33. Seam of Barly and 6. Sceppes 3 l. 7 s. 6 d. and instead of 45. Seam of Oates 2 l. 5 s. Which Seams are called Summae Regiae * 2.13. And there is this Note in the Margin, that before the time of this Abbot, till the making this Charter, the Abbots were wont to pay the Celerarius for the celebration of the principal Festi∣vals eight Pound; to which this Abbot added forty Shillings, for cele∣brating the dedication of the Church, which was in his time: in all ten Pound. So that the ten pound before mentioned, the Celerarius received back again: and it is to be noted, that this Assise of Corn was first gran∣ted, because of the increment of eight Monks augmented by Abbot Robert.

To which eight Monks this Abbot Walter added thirty more: which made the number in all an hundred and ten. But I suppose it was an act like that of Acharius (who maintained two and twenty besides the usu∣al number) which lasted for his own time only. Swapham's words are that he received them out of Charity, by divine Inspiration, to serve Christ perpetually. Recepit itaque Domino inspirante, Caritatis intuitu XXX Monachos, Jesu Christo perpetue famulandos. The Bishop of Ossory, I must add, to make this Feast of the Dedication the more solemn, granted an indulgence; wherein ten days of Penance injoyned are relaxed to all those, who confessing their sins and being truly penitent, should come to visit the Church of St. Peter of Burgh, on the Feast of Dedication, for devotion sake. It is in the end of the Appendix.

In the next year all the Abbots of this Order were summoned to ap∣pear at London in order to their Reformation, as the Chron. Joh. Ab∣batis tells us. An. MCCXXXVIII. Otho Cardinalis ad reformationem ordinis Sancti Benedicti, omnes Abbates Nigri Ordinis London. convocavit.

In what year he took his first journey to Rome I do not find: nor shall I add any thing about it or the other two, but what Mr. G. hath omit∣ted. In his first journey he procured certain priviledges for the Church, which Swapham only mentions, but tells not what they were. When he returned from his second, in which he went no further than Anvers, he offered two pieces of rich Silk; Of which two Copes were made by John of Holderness, the Subsacrist. The third time he was called by a spe∣cial Mandate, to answer the contempt with which he was charged, of granting the Church of Castre according to the Kings commandment, contrary to the Provision of the Pope. For which he was not so shent as Mr. G. relates, if we may believe Swapham; but procured his favour by that gift of ten pound a year out of his Chamber to the Popes Ne∣phew: insomuch that he got a great priviledge at that time for the liber∣ties of the Church, which begins thus; Innocentius Servus, &c. and another, that none belonging to the Monastery, should be forced to go ultra duas dietas above two days journeys, in any cause before the Judge-delegates: and some others. At his return he offered a precious Pall of Baldekine, with the Image of the blessed Virgin, and her Son in her Arms. This was in the year 1244. for then that large Charter of Pope Innocent the IVth bears date, called Magnum Privilegium * 2.14. The Council at Lyons was held

the year after 1245. as the Chron. of John Abbot informs us. There∣fore all that Mr. G. hath out of Matthew Paris, belongs not to this time.

In that very year which he mentions, the eighth year of his Abbot∣ship (which was 1241.) the milites of the Abby were summoned to Sa∣ropesbury, to go to Wales * 2.15: whither the Abbot himself went; and some Knights with him. Who earnestly insisting to have their expences, Horses and Arms from the Abbot, he would by no means grant it: but com∣manded them, by the Fealty they owned to the King and to him, to follow the King to Chester; which they did. The Abbot also came thi∣ther, where they again made the same demands; pretending that Stephen de Segrave had given judgment for them apud Lehayetayle. Of whom when the Abbot had diligently inquired, he declared before him, and his family, that it was false; and said the Knights ought to defend the Abbot at their own charge, with Horses and Arms. Then they com∣plained to Hugh Earl of Hereford, Marshal of the Army, who determi∣ned the matter against them: and the Abbot commanded them, that at the summons of the Marshal, they should be inrolled; which they refused. But the Abbot ad cautelam caused Radulph. de Ayston and Hugo de Bernack to be inrolled, and two Servants of his family pro uno milite: And so the Abbot returned with good grace from the King; and his Knights, neither going nor coming could recover one farthing of him. The Steward of the Bishop of Lincoln, and other Prelates did the same. And by the diligence of the Abbot, he received from the Kings Exchequer, plenarie scutagium suum, sc. de quolibet scuto X L. Sol.

In like manner, in the time of John de Calceto he had scutagium suum plenarie de dictis militibus: And when they complained to the King and the Magnates, that the Abbot ought to pay that scutagium out of his own Chamber, the Abbot made it appear that he ought not.

In that grand Priviledge of Innocent's, there is the same grant, which is mentioned in Greg. the IXths; that they might say divine Service with a low voice, in the time of a general Interdict; the gates being shut, no Bells rung, and all Excommunicated and interdicted persons excluded. Many other Bulls there were of his, as I noted out of Swap∣ham, some of which remain. One of them imports, that by his Man∣date they stood bound to pay to Opizomus Archdeacon of Parma, a Pen∣sion of fifteen Mark yearly, untill they had provided him with some Ec∣clesiastical Benefice, worth forty Mark of Silver yearly o•• more. But he now granted them this indulgence for the future, that they should not be bound to provide any person with a benefice for the future, against their wills; nor receive any Letters Apostolical to that purpose; unless they made express mention of this Indulgence, and said that notwith∣standing any Apostolical Indulgence they must do it. Afterward Letters A∣postolical were directed from another Pope, to several Priors therein named, to see his Absolution executed, which he had granted to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh, from the payment of such Pensions; when the person who received them would not accept of the Ecclesiastical Benefices, to which they offered to present them, when they fell. Which some refused; because they had benefices already, but no dispensa∣tion to hold another: and so would have kept their Pensions, when a Benefice was provided for them, to the great grievance of the Mo∣nastery.

Another of Innocent's, is dated from Lyons on the Kal. of Sept. the se∣venth year of his Pontificate, which was a little before his death. Where∣in,

they having represented their Monastery to be built in a cold place, so that they could not without danger, in Winter time especially, per∣form divine Offices with heads uncovered; he grants them a licence, utendi pileis ipsorum ordini congruentibus, to use Capps suitable to their Order; according as the Abbot in his discretion should think fit.

Another is, that they having represented to him how great a distur∣bance it was to their devotion, to have causes frequently referred to them by the See Apostolical, he grants them this Indulgence, that they should not be bound, against their wills, to take Cognizance of any cause com∣mitted to them, by the same See for the future: unless in the Letters of Reference, express mention were made of this Indulgence.

There is a Statute made by this Abbot, but I do not find in what year, with the consent of the Chapter, that on the Feast of the Dedication of their Church, (as upon the principal Feasts of St. Peter and St. Paul) seven Candles should burn before the Altar, super baccas, and four upon the Altar, à principio Matutinorum, usque ad finem totius servitii: and that the Arm of St. Oswald, as I noted before, should be carried in processi¦on on this festival, unless it had been carried on his own day.

Out of a Meadow in Peykirk, which he bought of Roger Son of Paganus de Helpstona, he gave forty Shillings, to the celebration of his own Anni∣versary, viz. twenty Shillings for the recreation of the Brethren, and the other for the refection of the Poor, upon the day of his death. This Mea∣dow William his Successor, made over to the Convent intirely, and war∣rants it to them; that he and his Successors might be freed from the pay∣ment of that forty Shillings.

At the last time of his crossing the Seas, he gave several pretious things, feretris trium Virginum (viz. Kiniburge, Kiniswith, and Tibbe) and a great number of Vessels and Jewels, when he dyed; which were all brought into the Chapterhouse, and there disposed according to the pleasure of the Convent. He was not well before he went; and the infirmity of his body was increased by his journey: so that he dyed not long after his return, An. 1245. For whom Swapham makes this prayer; The Lord grant he may en∣joy eternal life and joy in the Land of the living; by the merits of the Mother of God, and of St. Peter, and St. Benedict, and all the Saints.

He was pious and merciful to all; did nothing without the advice of his Brethen of the better sort; exacted nothing unduly of his Tenants, whether rich or poor: But if any poor Man or Woman made their necessities known to him, he would burst out into tears and take com∣passion upon them.

In some things he acted tepide, which he bewailed all his days: but he left the Abbey abounding in all good things; stored with Horses, Oxen, Sheep, and all Cattle in great multitudes, and Corn in some places for three years. But after his decease, Magister R. de Gosebek, to whom the King committed the custody of the Abbey, wasted, and sold, and, in a manner, carried all away.

There were found in his Chamber when he dyed, a great many Cupps of Gold and Silver; whose weight and worth are set down in Swapham, with six silver Plates, twenty nine Spoons, thirty gold Rings; and a great deal of Riches besides. Which is the more wonderful since he was so very charitable, and frequently gave Presents, and Jewels of Gold and Silver, to King Henry, and Eleanor his Queen, and Prince Edward their Son, and to the Nobles and great Men of England (besides what Mr. G. mentions) and all for the peace and tranquillity, and defence of the Liberties of the Church.

He dyed in the latter end of the year, as the MS. Chron. of Johan. Ab∣batis * 2.16 saith. Matth. Paris saith, 1245. 29 Hen. 3. obiit Walterus Abbas de Burgo 2. Kaland. Januarii. Which doth not perfectly agree with the Kalender of the Church, where is placed on the 26. Decemb. Depositio Domini Walteri Abbatis. Here Swapham's History ends.

WILLIAM de HOTOT.

The controversie that had been between this Church and Croyland in the time of Akarius, was now revived between this Abbot, and Richard Bardenay Abbot of Croyland: contrary to the agreements, made before, between their Predecessors, as the words are in the Continuator of the History of Croyland * 2.17. Who lays the blame upon this Abbot; because he hindred the Abbot of Croyland in their Fair time, from taking Toll, or making Attachments upon Crowland Bridge, &c. This he saith was in the year 1240. Which cannot be, for then Walter was Abbot: it should be therefore 1246. in the very beginning of William's time. Who the next year made a composition about this matter 1247. as I find in our Records, at the end of Swapham * 2.18 where there is an agreement between Richard Abbot of Croyland, and Robert Abbot of Burgh about the Fen between Singleshould and Croyland, and this agreement, made in the Kings Court at Northampton, before the King Justices between these two Abbots Richard and William, de villa de Croyland & ponte tempore Nundinarum: which is too long to be inserted. It is called finalis concordia, but the quarrel was renewed in the time of William of Ramsey.

In the same year 1247. Robert de Taterhille Physician made his last Will and Testament, and thereby gave to the Church of St. Peter his Body, with his Palfrey; to the Fabrick of St. John's Church V. Shillings, and to the Church of St. Mary de Oxney two Shilling, &c. and four Acre of Arable Land apud Rumpele to find two Wax-Candles before the Altar of the blessed Virgin, in Ecclesia majori de Burgo, as long as the said Robert lived. And if his Wife Ailice out-lived him, she was to enojoy that Land, and the house he also gave, &c. for her life, if she remained a Widow, and to find four Wax-Candles: After both their deaths, all to go to the Custos luminaris beatae Virginis, to find so many lights before her Altar as that Land, House and Meadow would furnish.

In the same year likewise (An. 2. Will. 2di. Abbatis, as the words of the Record are) there was a Subsidy given to Pope Innocent, according to an Esti∣mation that had been made of the Estate of the Abbey in the time of Ste∣phen Nuncio to Pope Gregory: of which subsidy the Obedientiaries (as several officers in the Church were called) paid the fourth part; being taxed seven Pence for every pound of yearly Rent; as followeth,

Estimatio Cellerariae	121 l.		Contributio	70 s.	7 d.
Estimatio utriusque Sacristiae	106 l.	10 s.	Contributio	72 s.
Estimatio Eleemosynariae	63 l.	6 s.	Contributio	36 s.	2 d.
Estimatio Pitanciariae		115 s.	Contributio		40 d.
Estimatio Infirmariae	7 l.		Contributio	3 s.	10 d.
Estimatio Precentoriae		36 s.	Contributio		12 d.
Estimatio Refectoriae		20 s.	Contributio		7 d.
Estimatio Camerae praeter por∣tionem Abbatis	4 l.		Contributio		28 d.
Estimatio auxilii de Pylesgate	100 sol.	Contributio		35 d.

Notandum quod Dominus Willielmus Abbas solus fecit hanc taxationem One half of which was paid at the Feast of St. Martins, the other half at the Purification.

Here a fit occasion offers it self to mention the several donations be∣stowed upon the forenamed Offices of the Monastery (which they called Obedientias) and the Names of their benefactors, which were very many, especially to the Sacristy; and to the Altars, Sanctae Mariae, and Sanctae Crucis, in particular: but it would prolong this work too much, and swell it beyond the designed proportion.

* 2.19This William in the year 1248. obliged himself and Successors, to seve¦ral things very profitable for the Convent. For instance, that no com∣position should be made for the future about their possessions and liber∣ties, no Wards granted, no Woods sold, without the consent of the Con∣vent: no nor any thing of weight attempted, without their advice. And moreover that one or two Monks, should without intermission, be Cu¦stodes of the Mannors of the Abbot; and two receivers of all the profits of them (one of them a Monk residing in the house, and one of the Chap∣lains of the Abbot. And lest in process of time, the condition of the Convent should be worsted, he granted and promised, that neither he nor his Successors, would diminish their allowances, nor procure them to be diminished. And that the Parents, and acquaintance of the Monks should be competently and sufficiently provided, with better bread and beer than ordinary, out of the Celerary of the Abbot, &c. To which he set his Seal, and the Chapter theirs.

In the same year he granted out of his mere liberality to the Celera¦ry of the Church, his Mannor of Gosdkirk, with all the appurtenances; and all the Tenement called Belasise, with the appurtenances, for the eight pound Sterling, in which he and his Predecessors stood bound at the four quarters of the year, for the celebration of the principal Feasts: and for the forty Shillings which Walter his Predecessor gave, for cele∣brating the Feast of the Dedication of the Church. Yet so that he and his Successors, should pay the increment of Wheat and Malt for the aug∣mentation of the VIII. Monks, throughout the whole year without sub∣straction, every week, out of their own Granary.

Then follows the assignation of the Capital Messuage in Northbruch, for the increase of the Chamber.

In this year, as the Chron. of John Abbot tells us, the King demanded a Subsidy of all the Prelates, and this William gave him an hundred Pound of Silver: presently after which he resigned his place; but he doth not tell us any reason, why he left it. His words are ad An. MCCXLVIII. Hen∣ricus Rex petiit subsidium à Prelatis. Willielmus Abbas Burgi dedit ei C. mar∣cas argenti. Cui cedenti successit Johannes de Kaleto. The cause which Matth. Paris (who places this the year after 1249) assigns of his receding is something strange; he having been so compliant, as I have related, with his Convent, and so studious of their good. And the damage they complained of was not so great, but he had an honourable com∣memoration in the Church after his death, which was on the sixth of January. Which was Depositio Willielmi de Hotot Abbatis, & Anniversari∣um Richardi de Watervill, & Johan. filii ejus. And such was the regard that his Successor John de Kaleto had to him, that he ordained there should be a distribution to the Poor sine impedimento, after Mass was said for them, on this day: and the like on all Anniversaries.

There was a family of his name, Hotoft or Hotot, which held half a fee at Flintham in Nottinghamshire (as Dr. Thoroton in his History of that County tells us) from which its likely this Abbot came.

JOHANNES de Caleto.

He is as oft called Joh. de Calceto, as de Caleto: and it appears by a Charter of his concerning his Anniversary wherein he relates what good deeds he had done for this Church) that the Abbey was kept vacant for some time, before he was promoted. It begins thus, Omnibus Christi fidelibus praesens scriptum visuris vel audituris, Johannes de Kaleto Divina permissi¦one, &c. And the sense of it follows thus in English. Be it known to all, that we, though unworthy, being intrusted by the providence of the Divine goodness, with the Government of the said Church, found it in Debt: the moveable Goods of it, in the hands of the Kings Bailiffs, who had the custody of it, in the time of the vacancy, being in danger to be confis∣cated: In so much that it lay upon us intirely to provide both for our selves, and for our Brethren, and for the Servants, and for all Strangers, all things necessary from the Feast of the Purification of the blessed Virgin, till the time of the next Harvest. For which reason, and because we indeavoured with all our might to preserve the liberties of the Church (for the renewing and acquiring of which liberties contained in a Charter of King Henry, Son of King John, we paid to the King and his Courtiers five hundred and seventy Marks, besides Jewels given, by the by, to the Kings Ministers) and because we discharged the Church of a Debt of 520 Mark, wherein the Bishop of Hereford ingaged our Church to the Court of Rome; and in a manner freed the Church from all Debts whatsoever, as much as was possible in such a time; Therefore our beloved Children the Prior and the Convent of the said Church devoutly and humbly desiring to give some reward, according to their abi∣lity to our labour and diligence; and not willing that these nor other our benefits, though small, should be hereafter forgotten, but be called to mind perpetually by our Successors, serving God in the same Church, have una∣nimously granted that the day of our Deposition, shall be made an Anni∣versary; and be kept curialiter out of the goods of the Church. We therefore have given and assigned to the Celerarius of the Convent for ever, that Land which de Biffleto near Castre Wood, we have caused to be turned into Pasture and Ploughed: that he who is in that office for the time being, may, as far as that Revenue will extend, feed and refresh the Poor, who come hither on that day; giving every one of them Bread and Beer: and provide three good dishes of Meat, more large than ordinary, for the Convent, that they may do their devotion more cheerfully, and as∣sist more vigorously in divine Service. The Pitanciarius also shall find Wine, as on other principal Feasts, for the Convent that day, out of those five Hogsheads of Wine, which we have given to the use of the President in the Refectory, and of the Priest that attends Weekly, &c.

In what year this Charter was made it doth not appear, but it was af∣ter the year 1256. when, on Palmsunday, he made that Grant of the five Hogsheads of Wine: as I find in a particular Charter, confirmed in Chapter, which he made, he saith, out of his Pastoral care of the Poor and Strangers, and for the honour of St. Peter and of the Saints whose Re∣liques lay in this Church, &c. Wherein he provides that the President of the Refectory, whosoever he was, should have of his gift one galon and a half of Wine every day in the year, to be distributed among the Bre∣thren

and Guests, who eat there that day: and this both when the Ab¦bot was absent, and when he was present: And in like manner the Priest who said high Mass should have one galon of the same Wine. Which that it might be abundantly provided, he gives the ten Pound out of the Mannor mentioned by Mr. G. which was purchased in his time. Which Land he therefore requires should be kept in the hand of the Abbot, that without any delay or difficulty the money might be paid on the Octaves of St. John Baptist to the Procurator, who should be especially deputed by the Prior of the Convent: So that out of the aforesaid ten Pound he should buy five Hogsheads of Wine; to make the aforesaid pittance in the Refectory and no where else. And he adds that out of this Wine provision should be made for the whole Congregation, and for all Religi∣ous Strangers, according to the custom, on his Anniversary as on the Anni∣versary of Benedict it was to be more plentifully. Unto which Deed his Seal, and that of the Chapters was set. How the Church of Polebroke out of which that ten Pound was paid, came to be his shall be shown in its due place.

I have mentioned this about his Anniversary in the first place, because it recites many of his benefactions, from the beginning of his Abbot∣ship: which I do not know how to place in the particular years where∣in they were done.

There is a Charter of his in the year 1251. in this Stile, Joh. de Cal∣ceto Dei gratia Abbas de Burgo Sancti Petri, &c. which I do not meet with be∣fore, for they are wont to say divina permissione. But afterward I find some other Abbots imitated him. He grants therein the annual Rent of sixteen Shillings a year, out of his houses in the Suburbs of London, in Parochia Sancti Sepulchri. Eight Shillings of which were for the Refe∣ctory; the other half for the Hospitalary. Other houses this Church then had in London; for William de Colonia granted him and the Convent (I find not in what year) all his Land in London, in the Parish of St. Gre∣gory, over against the houses of the Dean of St. Paul; they paying year∣ly five Florins to that Church, &c.

There is a bond of Peter de Howm to him, for the paiment of five Shillings Rent yearly unto Burgh, for a house in Lincoln, in the Parish of St. Peter, in the Skin-market: lying between his own house on the North, and the house sometime belonging to Leo Judaeus, on the South part, &c.

In the year 1253 Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury granted an Indul∣gence to this Church, relaxing to those who out of devotion to St. Oswald came to offer in this Church, and were truly penitent and confessed, forty days of Penance that had been injoyned them. And he also confirmed such Indulgences as had been granted by any of his Suffragans. It bears date from Croyland the Thursday before the Feast of St. Michael.

There had been the like Indulgence granted a little before by Hugo Bal∣som Biship of Ely, to those who out of devotion went piously to visit the Arm of St. Oswald and other Reliques in this Church, &c. To whom he grants 30. days relaxation of Penance. Dated 11. Kalend. Sept. 1253. Another there is of Will. Bishop of Ossory granting ten days Indulgence, as I noted before to those that visited this Church on the Feast of the Dedication before mentioned. All which show the true nature of In∣dulgences, which were only relaxations of Penance: and that other Bishops granted them as well as the Bishop of Rome: as they also sometimes ca∣nonized a person for a Saint. I have transcribed them all, and set them down in the Appendix together with an Indulgence of Oliver Sutton some

years after, wherein he grants a merciful relaxation to all those that on certain times, should devoutly come to the Altar of the blessed Virgin, in her Chapel in the Monastery of Burgh, which he had newly con∣secrated.

The same Boniface on the same day and year directed his Letters to the Bishop of Lincoln, mentioning a Constitution of the Council held at Oxford, which Excommunicated all those, who either violated or distur∣bed the Ecclesiastical rights and liberties: which he being desirous to maintain, by these presents, commands that all the disturbers or violaters of the rights and liberties of the Church of St. Peter de Burgo (which had been granted by the Kings of England, or any other persons) should publickly and solemnly, in general and by name be Excommunicated; when it appeared they were guilty of such disturbance or violence.

About this time I suppose, it was that Polebroke before mentioned (out of which the ten pound for finding the five Hogsheads of Wine was paid) was purchased by this Abbot. The whole History of which is related in the Monasticon, out of a Register of this Church in Sir Joh. Cotton's Library. Which saith that Eustachius Vicecomes, Founder of the Church of St. Mary de Huntingdon, held two Fees de Honore Burgi, in Clopton, Polebroke, Catworth, &c. Which Estate came afterward to one Will. de Lovetot; and then to his Son Richard, who held these two Fees in King Richard the first's time: as appears by his Charter in the first year of his Reign, which confirms to the Abbot of Burgh, among other Lands, duo feoda in Clopton & pertinentiis, which were held by Richard de Lovetot. Who had two Sons William and Nigell; and three Daughters, Amicitia, Rosia and Margeria. William dying without Issue, the Estate came to Ni∣gel; who being a Beneficed Clergyman, it came upon his death to the three Sisters. The two Eldest of which, though married, had no share in these Fees; but they fell to the youngest, who was married to Richard Patrick: and by him had a Son and a Daughter; William, and Margery. She married to Will. de Vernon; and her Brother William gave all his share in the Estate (which was in the hand of Hugo Fleming and Tho. Smert and their Heirs who did homage to Will. Patrick for it) to his Sister Mar∣gery. Who after his death, in her free Widowhood gave and granted all the Homages and Services of the aforesaid Fleming and Smert and their Heirs to John de Caleto Abbot of Burgh, by her Deed. And afterward Rob. Fleming feofavit praedictum Johannem Abbatem, de omnibus terris & Tenementis quae habuit in Polebroke per Chartam.

Which Charter I find in our Records here remaining; wherein Rob. de Flemenk gives to John de Caleto his Tenement in Polebroke, and the Advou∣son of the Church.

In this year King Henry granted the very same Charter to this Church, which Richard the first had done; confirming all their Lands in the several Counties of the Realm by name. It bears date at Windsor 12 Junii, Anno Regni sui 37.

The like for their Liberties (in which is the Fair for eight days and the eight Hundreds, &c.) and for their Woods.

In the next year 1254. three neighbouring Abbots dyed as I find in the Chron. of John Abbot, viz. Thomas de Wells Abbot of Croyland, David Abbot of Thorney; and William Abbot of Ramsey. Pope Innocent the IV. dyed also. And in this year there was an aid granted to the King ad primo∣genit. fil. suum Militem faciend. for the making Prince Edward a Knight An. Regis Hen. 38. sc. de quolibet scuto de Honore Burgi XL. Sol. every Knights Fee of the Honour of Burgh paying forty Shillings: which was received by

one of the Friers Rich. de London. So the Title of this account runs in our Book. fol. CCCLXXI. Recept. fratris R. de Lond. de denariis Auxilii Domini Regis H. &c. And then follow the names of all the Knights and their payments: the first being Galfridus de Sancto Medardo who payd twelve Pound, and therefore had six Knights Fees: the second Radulph. de Kameys, who paid as much, &c. I have not room for the rest; who are two and fifty in all: some of which had but half Fees, and others less.

In this year it was also, that the King sent his Justices into many places in England, to do right to every man, and to free the Country from Thieves and Highwaymen, Quorum unus fuit Abbas de Burgo, saith Matth Paris, one of which Justices was the Abbot of Burgh; as Mr. G. hath observed.

In the year 1257. there was a power granted to this Abbot, to distrain both of his Knights and of all other Freeholders, who owed him service, but had not done it; that he might be able to perform the service where∣in he stood bound to the King; for his assistance in his War then in Wales▪ For the Abbot stood bound to the King; for Sixty Knights Fees, which he had not performed: and therefore a distress was granted against him, upon all the Land he held of the King in that service, without any prejudice to what the Church held in perpetuam eleemosynam.

In the next year I find a final agreement made between him and Ralph Crumbwell, Son of Rob. Crumbwell; about sixty Acres of Meadow in Colling∣ham: A confederation also between him and the Prior of Worcester, where∣by they engaged their Churches in such a mutual society and Friendship, as I mentioned before between Alexander and the Abbot of St. Edmunds: and several other things which I cannot find in what year they were done. Particularly a Charter made by Steven de Horbiling, wherein he gives to him and the Convent a Capital Messuage in Burgh, in the Street called Tugate: and another hard by it, and three Acres of Arable Land, &c.

Mr. G. saith p. 34. that he found no mention of the Rule of St. Bene∣dict in this Monastery, till this Abbots time. Which is something strange, when in the life of Martin de Ramsey P. 30. he takes notice of the Grand Priviledge granted by Gregory the IXth to this Church. For in that Bull there is an express command for the observation of it for ever: Nay, it is the very first thing in it after the Preface. Imprimis siquidem statuentes, ut Ordo Monasticus qui secundum Deum, & beati Benedicti regu∣lam in eodem Monasterio esse dignoscitur institutus, perpetuis ibidem temporibus inviolabiliter observetur. Where he speaks of it as a Rule already institu∣ted in this Monastery, before that time; which was in the year 1228.

And the only thing I have yet met withal, to make one think this Rule was here introduced sooner than I have before said (viz. in King Ed∣gar's time) is the mention of it in the Charter of Ethelbaldus (which I have since taken notice of) Founder of the Church of Croyland An. 716. Where he calling it the Monastery of Black Monks serving God sub norma Sancti Benedicti * 2.20: it may thence be probably conjectured, that this Neighbour∣ing Monastery, (then called Medeshamstede) was under the same Rule at that time: which was when Egbaldus was Abbot here; who is one of those that signs that Charter of Croyland.

There is no account given in the MS. Chron. Johannis Abbatis Burgi, of the time of this Abbot's death, nor when Rob. de Sutton was chosen: though the memorable things are set down, which hapned in the following years: which makes me think John de Kaleto was the Author of that Chronicon. But W. of Wittlesea hath informed us, when he dyed, which Mr. G. hath noted. And the Kalendar, I have often mentioned, tells us he

departed this Life on the first of March: which was Depositio Joh. de Calceto Abbatis & Anniversarium Ivonis superioris. On which day they were to pray for the Souls of the Father and Mother of this John Abbot.

There are two memorable Statutes of this Abbots which ought not to be omitted, because they explain the customs of this Church.

One is that when a Monk had been four years compleat in the Mona∣stery (which in their Language is quatuor annos conversionis suae impleverit) he should from that time receive out of the Chamber, coopertorium & tunicam; & similiter caputium & stragulam: which it seems he provided before at his own charges.

The other is, that every Monk should have coradium suum plenarie for a whole year after his decease; as if he had been alive, except only the pitanciae. Insuper Pelliciam, Soculares, Caligas & Pedules, together with his Pilch (or Shirt) his Boots, Breeches, Socks (or Stockings) which the Prior, Camerarius and Eleemosynarius, were to see done, and faithfully distributed to the Poor. Both these were enacted in Chapter, with the full consent of the Convent.

ROBERTƲS de Sutton.

The year before he dyed he made a Deed like that of John de Caleto's, beginning after the same manner; wherein he grants to the Convent one Mark a year, out of certain Lands of John de Sermoney, and forty Shillings of annual Rent, for the making the day of his death an Anniversary: But he doth not express how he would have it kept. He set only his own seal to it, datum apud Burgum An. 1273, upon the Munday before the Feast of the Chair of St. Peter the Apostle.

In which year, on the 11. of the Kal. of March I find an agreement made between the Abbot of Burgh and the Abbot of Sawtry, concer∣ning Secta Curiae de Castre, which the Abbot of Burgh challenged from him of Sawtry, from three Weeks to three Weeks, for certain Tenements which he held in Fee of the Abbot of Burgh in Catteworth and Wynewick. Which the Abbot of Sawtrey acknowledged to be due from him and his Convent, to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh: who remitted the same sute for the future, upon payment of five Shillings Rent yearly, to the Abbot of Burgh, &c. which if it was not paid he had power to distrain upon the Tenements by his Bailiffs, &c.

Alicia de Scotere Widow gave a great deal of Land to the Church in his time, which she had in Burgh, Dodestorp, Paston, &c. Nicolaus de Cutyller renounced all his right and claim in a Messuage of twelve acres of Land, &c. And a great many more Grants I find, made to the same Rob. Sutton; but it is not said in what year: nor have I place for them in this Supplement.

The Chron. of John Abbot, as its title bears, being carried on by some other hands: and having related how a Council was held at Lyons by Gregory X. in the year 1274; wherein was determined what Order of Mendicants should continue, and what should cease; adds: obierunt ibi multi Praelati in redeundo de Concilio. Obiit Dominus Robertus Abbas de Burgo, cui successit Dominus Richardus de London. The Kalendar saith that on the 22. of March. was, Depositio Roberti de Sutton Abbatis, & Anniversarium Henrici Aurifabri, & Johannis de Trikingham Prioris. Which last I conceive may be the same man, whom Mr. G's. Authors call Elias Trickingham.

RICHARDƲS de London.

There were two Agreements, I find, made by this Abbot at his very entrance: one between him and the Abbot of Thornholm; another with the Abbot of Swinshened (neither of which are named) dated at Burg 1275. on the Feast of the Purification.

After which follows in our Records, * 2.21 a Deed of Galfridus de Su∣thorp Knight, which he made Richardo de London Abbati de Burg Sancti Petri, &c. Of which Galfridus he bought the Mannor of Gunthorp, and settled it upon the Eleemosynary, an. 1277.

In the same Year, upon the Feast of All-Saints, died Rob. de Wreme∣rest: whereupon Will. de Wodeford, then Sacrist of Burg. St. Reter, came and claimed his Body to be buried in the Church of Burgh. But the Friends of the deceased being very instant with him, that with his leave it might be buried in the Church of Vengirst; and the fore-named Sa∣crist considering, the inundation of Waters which then was, and many other dangers in the ways, and moved by their Prayers, buried the Corps himself in the aforesaid Church, de gratia sua speciali of his special grace and favour; as the words are in the Memorandum left of it in our Book * 2.22.

Nor far from which I find another Memorandum, of a thing of like nature, which hapned two year before. When there was a controversie arose between the Abbot and Convent of Burgh on the one part, and Ro∣ber a'e Nevile of Scottun on the other part: about the burial of the Bo∣dy of Philip de Nevil, Father to the said Rob. and the Mortuary which the Monastery challenged, as due to the Church from one of their Knights. Which was thus at last composed, viz. the aforesaid Rob. hum∣bly petitioned the Abbot and Convent that they would permit the bu∣rial of his Father, which had been already made at Scottun, hâc vice, for this time: and that in like manner they would be pleased hâc vice to re∣mit the Mortuary due to them. And accordingly the Abbot and Con∣vent, with respect to the love which the aforesaid Robert bare to them, did for that time allow the Burial and release the Mortuary, de gratia & liberalitate sua. Dat. apud Burgh in Crastino Sancti Barthol. An. Dom. MCCLXX. Quinto.

In the Year MCCLXX Octavo there was the like case with the first, only with this difference, that Emma the Wife of Galfridus de Sancto Medardo died about Michaelmas at the Mannor of Osgoteby, and the same W. de Wodeford Sacrist of Burg, presented himself: being ready to defend the right of the Church to have the Body of the said Woman, to be buried at Burgh; according to an agreement made long before between the Monks and the Knights of the said Church, before the Bishop of Lin∣coln: but she having desired to be buried at Stanford, at their devout request, the fore-named Sacrist out of special grace and favour conde∣scended for that time (saving the rights of Burgh) to let her desire be fulfilled.

This Abbot recovered many Rents belonging to the Church; and many grants were made to it in his time; but I do not find in what years, nor have I room to mention them particularly. But one must not be forgotten, which was the Gift of a whole Street in Burgh, by Will. de Wauton or Walton, Son of William, Son of John de Wauton: who says, dedi & concessi, & hac presenti carta mea confirmavi, Dominis meis Ri∣chardo

Abhati de Burgo Sancti Petri, & ejusdem loci convent. totam illam plateam, cum domibus super aedificatis in villa Burgi sitam in Market stede, &c.

There is a grant which John Gowke of Stowe also made of a Mea∣dow to him, which runs in this Style, Dedi, concessi, & hac presenti Charta mea confirmavi Domino Ricard. Dei gratia Abbati de Burg. Sancti Petri, & ejusdem loci conventui totum pratum meum, &c. But Richard himself I find writes himself Abbot only, permissione Divina.

There was an agreement made between him and Oliver Bishop of Lincoln about some things in difference; but they are not mentioned in the MS. Chron. Johan. Abbatis ad an. 1282. where there are these words, Dominus Rex Edwardus Walliam adiit, & David novum principem cepit. Facta est etiam concordia inter Dominum Oliverum Episcopum Lin∣coln. & Ricardum Abbatem Burgi. But four years after they were at dif∣ference again, perhaps about the same thing, for in the fourteenth of Ed∣ward the First * 2.23, the Bishop of Lincoln complained of the Abbot of Pe∣terburgh for setting up a Gallows at his Mannor of Collingham, and there hanging a Thief, to the derogation of the liberty of the Wapentack of Newark, which the Bishop held of the grant of the Kings predecessors. To which the Abbot answered, That the Kings Father in the 37th year of his Reign granted him and his successors, Infangthef and Ʋtfangthef in all his Hundreds and Demeasnes, and so he avowed his Gallows: and complained against the Bishop for taking two Horses and six Cows at Newark, and driving them to his Parc or Pound, and there detaining them. To which the Bishop replied, That he held his Wapentak of the gift of the King, within which were the two Towns of Collingham, which the said Abbot held, and for which he ought to make suit at the said Wapentac, by three Men of each Town: which he not doing, there∣fore he took the Horses and Kine. The Cause went against the Ab∣bot: and he was constrained to submit, and pull down his Gallows.

It was this Abbot, I suppose, who bound himself and whole Convent, and all their Goods to certain Merchants for a summ of Mony for the Kings use: who made over to them his Mannor de Graham and all the Appurtenances, until the Debt was satisfied, with all damages and ex∣pences. For I find Letters Patents of this King Edward the First, unto the Abbot and Convent of Burgh making mention of this, and of the Writings on each part under their Hands and Seals: and how the Debt being paid, the Abbot and Convent had restored to the King his part with his Seal; but he could not find their Counter-part. Which there∣fore he declared by these Letters to be cassa & vacua & penitus nullius valoris in perpetuum, and should be restored to the Abbot when it could be found.

There is a Petition also to this King from the Abbot that they might enjoy the right they had, per cartas omnium Regum Angliae à tempore Wil∣liemi Bastardi usque ad nunc, to the Tithe of all the Venison (decimam totius venationis) taken in the County of Northampton, by whomsoever taken: in possession of which they had always peaceably remained. Which the King confirmed by two Charters: and the Queen also sent her Letters about it.

In this Year (14 of Edw. 1.) William Parys died, who built, as Mr. G. observes, the Chappel of the Blessed Virgin, adjoyning to the Church on the North-side of the Quire. So the MS. Chron. ascribed to John Abbot. MCCLXXXVI. obiit Dominus Willielmus Parys Prior Burgi. Successit Dominus Ricardus de Bernewell.

This Chapel was finished six year before, being consecrated, as I ob¦served before, by Oliver Sutton in the year 1290. There was a Chapel of the blessed Virgin belonging to this Church before, called Capella beatae Virginis de Parco, as I noted in the life of Akarius: because it stood I suppose in the Park, belonging to this Monastery. But I find no other memory of it.

The same Chronicon of John Abbot notes ad An. MCCXCV. obiit Dominus Ricardus Abbas Burgi. Cui successit Willielmus de Wodeford. He departed this Life on the first of August, after he had been Abbot one and twenty year. For on that day the Kalendar saith was Depositio Ricardi de London Abbatis.

WILLIHELMƲS de Wodeford.

He was born I suppose at Wodeford in this County, where this Church had a great deal of Land, as appears from many Records: but more par∣ticularly from a Transcript of all the Mannors and Tenements of the Ab∣by of Burgh in the several Counties of the Realm, as they are contained en le domes dai in Tesauraria Domini Regis apud Westemon. tempore Regis Edwardi primi: which was made about this time, and remains in our Book Fol. CCXCII. &c.

The most memorable thing that I can find done in his time, was the Tax∣ation of all the Mannors of the Abbey, for their Goods Temporal and Spiritual, by Apostolical (i. e. the Papal) authority: which was done I find by 24 Jurates. 12 Clergymen and 12 Laymen in the first year of this Abbot 1296. It remains still at the end of the Book called Swapham, Fol. CCCXLV. bearing this Title.

Plena Taxatio Maneriorum Abbatis & Conventus de bonis eorum temporali∣bus & spiritualibus, facta per venerabiles Patres Wynton' & Lincoln' Episco∣pos, Autoritate sedis Apostolicae, per XXIV. Juratos. Quorum XII Clerici & XII laici Anno Domini M. CC. Nonagesimo sexto.

Then follows the value of the several Mannors, and the Tenths to be paid out of them, after this manner.

Manerium de Burbury taxatur ad	20 l.		5 d.
Reditus villae Burgi taxatur ad	22 l.	6 s.	8 d.
Gunthorp taxatur ad	13 l.	6 s.	8 d.
Eye taxatur ad	9 l.	6 s.	5 d. ob.
Baelasis cum Appendiciis taxat. ad	4 l.	&	6 d.
Manerium de Sutton taxatur ad	6 l.	2 s.
Cujus Decima est	40 s.		ob.
Decimae	44 s.
Decima	8 s.	4 d.
Decima	18 s.	7 d.	ob. q.
Decima
Decima

And so it proceeds with the rest; several of which, as Botolbrigg, Flet∣ton, Alwalton, &c. have no Tenths rated.

There had been one before this in the 53. of Henry 3. which is stiled Taxatio Magistri Constantini & Domini Gydonis de Maneriis Burgi facta, &c. In which Burghberry, the Town of Burgh, the Market and Fair is taxed at one hundred and eight Pound, eight Shillings; cujus Decima est 10 l. 16 s. 9 d. ob. And so the rest are higher rated than in the fore∣going, and the Tenths both of Fletton and Alwalton are put in. Then was granted, as I find in another place * 2.24, a tenth of all Ecclesiastical Benefices, Rents and Profits, by the whole Clergy for two years, by the licence of the Pope, and the consent of the Archbishops to the use of Prince Ed∣ward, for his expences apud Acon or Ptolomais, which he went to relieve.

There was another four years after in the year 1273. When by the com∣mand of the Pope the Churches of England were taxed according to an equal value by the Bishop of Norwich. Here particularly is an account of what he did in Nasso-Burgh, under this title. Estimationes Ecclesiarum & Vicariarum in Nasso-Burgi facta per Domin. Norwicens. Episcopum An. M CC. LXXIII. This is quoted out of the Chronica Domini Will. Paris Prioris An. D. 1273 and from thence we may gather that he who built the Chapel before named, was a writer also; and composed the Annals of this Church; if not of England and perhaps other Countries, as Abbot John did.

I can find little more of William de Wodeford, besides that which. Mr. G. hath collected: only it is said in an old Record that An. 27. Edw. 1. and An. quarto Domini Will. de Wodeford, Robert de Watervil, and John Spour∣nel, did homage and fealty to him on the Feast of St. Stephen; for Land held by them in Overton, Wodeford and Kynesthorp.

Nor do I meet with more than the mention of the Hospital of St. Leo∣nard's: which it appears had Friers and Lands belonging to it, by a Deed of Agnes Pudding * 2.25, who for the health of her Soul, gave to God and St. Peter, together with her body, eight acres of arable Land; two of which she held de fratribus Hospital. Sancti Leonardi de Burgo: to whom she reserved one penny to be paid out of that Land in die Apostolorum Petri & Pauli annuatim, pro omni servitio. Which whether it was different or no from the Hospituarium Burgi, which had the Chapel of All Saints be∣longing to it, I do not know. But I find that Will. de Saresbury Son of Symon de Saresbury (or Salesbury) granted and confirmed sixpence. per an. which his Father had given to that Hospital, to maintain a Lamp in that * 2.26 Chapel, ad sustinendam ibi Lampadem in Capella omnium Sanctorum ad honorem Dei perpetuo duraturam. I take this to be the same with Hospital. Leprosorum extra Burgum; mentioned in the foregoing Taxation: which was taxed at six pound, and paid no Tenths. There is still a Well near the Spittle, which is called St. Leonara's Well, whose water hath been thought Medicinal.

He dyed this year, as the MS. Chron. Joh. Abbatis tells us, in which there is a magnificent Character given of his Successor Godfrey of Crowland. An. MCCXCIX. obiit Dominus Willielmus Abbas Burgi, Cui successit Dominus Godfridus, vir magnificus, & ingentis industriae in temporalibus tractandis.

His memory was celebrated on the second of September; which is no∣ted in the Kalendar to be the day of his death, and the Anniversary of John of Gresham.

GODEFRIDƲS de Croyland.

The most memorable thing that I meet with in the beginning of this Abbots Government; is a Grant made by the Abbot and Convent of Burgh to the Abbot and Convent of Sulebi; that the said Abbot and Convent of Sulebi, might without any impediment enter into the Man∣nor of Adington parva and its appurtenances; to have and to hold the said Mannor to themselves and Successors for ever. Which Mannor Ri∣chard Son of Gervase de Bernack sometimes held of Humfrey de Bassingburn, who held it of the Abbot of Burgh per servitium feodi unius militis. For which Grant, the Abbot and Convent of Sulebi, granted on their part, that they would pay to the Abbot and Convent of Burgh the year∣ly Rent of six Shillings and eight Pence of Silver, at the Feast of Easter, in their Mannor of Castre: and that they would facere soctam ad curiam

from three Weeks to three Weeks at Castre, &c. They also granted that every Abbot of Sulebi after this present, however he succeeded, should pay upon every vacancy to the Church of Burgh ten Marks of Silver, in the name of a relief; within eight days after he was made Abbot of Sulebi. The Abbot of Burgh also notwithstanding this grant and agree∣ment, was to receive homage, scutage, and all Royal services from the aforesaid Tenement for ever, &c. Dat. apud Burg. S. Pet. die Sabbati in vigilia Paschae An. Domini Millesimo Trecentesimo. Et anno Regni Regis Ed∣wardi filii Regis Henrici vicesimo Octavo.

I find also many homages done to him An. 28. Edwardi I. & An. ejus primo, on the next Sunday after the Epiphany, for Lands held of him in several places. And the like in the following years: one or two of which I think fit to set down. On the Feast of Thomas the Martyr (as he is called) An. Edw. 33. Rob. Domer did him homage for an Estate he held of him in Eston near Rockingham: and the Acquietance the Abbot gave him is Recorded at large, in these terms. Pateat per presentes, quod nos Godfridus, Abbas de Burg Sancti Petri pardonavimus, ad instantiam Johannis de Hotot, de gratia nostra speciali, Roberto fil. & her. Domini Joh. Domer milit▪ quinquaginta solidos pro relevio suo de morte dicti Domini Johannis Ʋx∣oris suae, pro dimid. feodi mil. quod idem Dominus Joh. de nobis tenet in capite, in villa de Eston juxta Rockingam, & viginti sol. nostro auxilio ad primo∣genitam fil. Domini R. maritandam, & 20. sol. de scutagio nobis à Domino Rege concessa de an trigesimo primo. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras eid. Rob. fieri fecimus Patentes. Dat. apud Burg. S. Pet. die lunae in Septima Paschae, &c.

In the 4th year of Edw. II. which was the 12th of Godfrey, on the Sun∣day before the Feast of the Ascension, Joh. fil. Domini Rogeri de Hegham, did homage and Fealty to the said Abbot in his Hall at Burgh, for Land he held of him in Helpston; in the presence of Robert de Thorp, then Stew∣ard of the Liberties of Burgh. In which year (4. Edw. 2.) it was that of his own Charity, he built the Bridge over the River Nen.

In the same Register I find this Record, that in the very first year of his Abbotship he bound himself in the summ of five hundred Marks for the redemption of John St. John taken Prisoner, and kept so by the King of France: Dominus Johannes de Sancto Johanne Capitivus, in Carcere Philippi Re∣gis▪ Franc. remanens, Abbas de Burgo Sancti Petri obligatus pro 500 Marcis de redemptione sua. An. 1299. Which agrees with what Tho. Walsingham saith of this Gentleman, whom he calls Johannes de Sancto Johanne de Baio∣na: who was taken Prisoner in the year 1298, going to the relief of Bellagarda, together with the Earl of Lincoln, who commanded one half of the Army, but would not fight. By which means it came to pass, that this J. St. John, and Will. de Mortuomari and Will. de Bermanglen and eight other Knights were made Prisoners; and carried to Paris in Triumph.

How this Abbot came to be engaged for him, or what relation he had to him I do not find; nor have I room for any further account of him: but only this. That in his sixth year there hapned a difference between him and the Abbot of Thorney, about a certain Highway (de quodam chimi∣no) from a place in the River Neen called Herlotefforth; unto the Town of Eye. And at last this agreement was made, at the instance of Walter Bi∣shop of Coventry and Litchf. then Lord High Treasurer, and other friends to them both, viz. that the aforesaid Abbot and Convent of Burgh, of their own mere will, and special benevolence, for the cherishing of mutual love and charity between them, granted for them and their Successors, that the Abbot of Thorney and the Convent and their Servants, Friends, or

Strangers coming thither, might hereafter use that Highway, ad lati∣tudinem quindecim pedum, with their Carts, Waggons, Carriages, Horses, drift of Cattle, to Fairs or Markets, without any disturbance, &c. Dat▪ apud Stamfordiam die Martis proxima post festum Sanctorum Tiburtii & Va∣leriani. Anno Reg. Edw. Tricesimo quarto. He dyed after he had been Abbot one and twenty years. So MS. Chron. Johan. Abbatis ad An. MCCCXX. obiit Dominus Godefridus Abbas Burgi; cui successit Adam de Botheby, &c. And the day was on the 9th of August, as we learn from the Kalendar; which tells us then was Depositio Godfridi de Croyland Abbatis.

ADAM de Botheby.

The Character which the forenamed Chronicon gives of him is this, that he was vir magnae innocentiae & simplicitatis, a man of great innocence and simplicity. In whose time the Controversie between this Church and the Bishop of Lincoln, in the 10th of Edw. the Third, was revived. When the Bishop impleaded divers men of North and South Collingham, for breaking his Pound, and taking away some Cattle which his Bailiff had seised: being the Goods of several condemned and Outlawed persons of the same Towns, some whereof were hanged. Which he said belonged to him, in the right of his Wapentac of Newark: but they said belonged to the Abbot of Peterburgh, as Lord of the Mannor of Collingham. But the judgement before mentioned in the 14 Edw. I. ended the strife, and the Bishop prevailed.

In his first year An. 1321. there were seen in many places of England, nocturnae acies armatae invicem militari more dimicantes in aere: & maxime super Castellum Comitis Lancastriae, as the MS. Chron. of Joh. Abbatis writes. Who makes no doubt they predicted what followed in this year: where∣in he and many other Barons were put to Death. Sanguinem illustris Comitis, ac aliorum nobilium, qui postea nequiter effusus est, effundendum indu∣bitanter praemonstrantes.

The same Chron. ad an. 1338. saith, Hoc anno 7. Kal. Decemb. in festo Sanctae Katherinae, obiit piae memoriae Dominus Adam de Botheby nuper Abbas de Burgo Sancti Petri. Cui successit————Here a line is scraped out; and this is the last Abbot mentioned in that Chronicon, though it doth not end till the year 1368. Which shews it was carried on by some other hand that was not much acquainted with this Church, or did not re∣gard it. And it speaking here of Adam de Botheby as lately dead, was the thing that deceived Pitseus: who (as Mr. G. observes) took John Abbot to have lived now; because he found he that wrote this latter part of the History (which bore the name of John in the Title) was alive about the year 1340. who saith the same year that Adam Abbot dyed, per multa Angliae loca, salices Rosas germinaverunt.

The day of his death the Kalendar also places upon the 23. of Novem∣ber: which was Depositio Adae Abbatis de Botheby & Anniversarium Domini Joh. de Aysby, &c.

HENRICƲS de Morcot.

In this Abbots time, as I take it, Edward the Third granted his Licence for the turning the Parochial Church of St. Peter de Irtlingburgh, into a Collegiat Church of six Secular Canons (one of which to be the Dean) and of four beneficed Clarks; to be nominated by the Abbot and Con∣vent

of Peterburgh: who, and John Pyel had the Advowson of the Church, alternis vicibus. The said John Pyel on his part ingaging to assign such a portion of his own Estate, as might be a sufficient mainte∣nance for the said Dean, Canons and Clerks; together with the other profits belonging to the said Church: and having obtained a Bull also from Pope Gregory the XI. to the Bishop of Lincoln to permit this Colledge to be erected, if it were so indowed by John Pyel as to pay all Episcopal duties and other burdens: And the said Abbot and Convent also having after sufficient deliberation, consented to this unanimously; provided their right of presenting alternately to those Canonries, or Prebends, and other benefices were preserved; and the aforesaid Dean, Canons and Clerks said divine Service, in that Church every day, for ever.

John Pyel indeed dyed before this could be effected: for the Bishop of Lincoln had deferred to execute his intention. But his Wife Johanna, Executress of his last Will and Testament, petitioning King Richard the II. that it might be fulfilled, and representing how she had obtained a new Bull from Pope Ʋrban directed to the Archdeacon of London for that purpose; the King thereupon granted his Licence, quod ipse Archidiaconus ad erectionem hujusmodi Collegii faciendam procedere valeat, juxta vim, formam, & effectum dictarum literarum Apostolicarum. For which licence she gave the King 20 Marks, as is expressed in the Letters Patents. V. Monast. Anglicanum, 3. Tom. De Ecclesiis Collegiatis p. 108.

There are some Acts of this Abbot mentioned in a MS. Register formerly belonging to this Church, now in Sir John Cotton's Library, and others in our Records at the end of Swapham in the 18, 19, and 21. of Edward III. to which I cannot be allowed to give a place in this History, with∣out wrong to the Undertaker. I can find no memory of him in the Ka∣lendar of the Church (though there is of his Successor) because, it is likely, he left nothing for the celebrating of his Anniversary, as several forego∣ing Abbots did.

ROBERTƲS RAMSEY.

There is a memorial of him, as I said, in the Kalendar which tells us he dyed upon the sixth of October: which was Depositio Roberti de Ramsey Abbatis, & fratris Thomae de Burgo. And a Memorandum of a gift be∣stowed upon the Church in the first year of his Government, by the Heir of William Everard de Dodestorp: but so defaced by time, that it cannot all be read. I suppose it was written in his time; sor it follows after an account of the years that every Abbot from John de Caleto till his time, lived in the government of this place; but saith nothing how long he continued.

• Abbas Johan. de Caleto vixit annis 13.
• Abbas Robert de Sutton an. 12.
• Abbas Ric. de London an. 22.
• Abbas Willielmus de Wodeford an. 4.
• Abbas Godefrid de Croyland an. 22.
• Abbas Adam de Boyeby an. 17.
• Abbas Henricus de Morkote an. 14.

HENRY de Overton

Born I suppose at Overton, now called Orton; on the other side of the River Neen: and made Abbot here in the year 1360. As appears by an old record of a Fine paid by William Cole (Nativus Domini Abbatis de Burgo) for a licence in his Court at Thurleby, in the forty seventh year of Edward the Third; (that is 1373) which is said to be in the Thirteenth year of this Abbot.

In his second year, the 37. of Edw. III. 1369. all the Monks of the black Order held a General Chapter at Northampton (where Thomas Abbot of St. Alban presided) in which it was decreed, among other things, that they should make a perpetual and continual memory, through∣out their whole Order, for the Quick and the Dead, every hour of the day and night: as Walsingham * 2.27 informs us, in his History of these times. Who also tells us that in the year 1379 (which was the 2. of Rich. II.) there was a great Tax laid upon the whole Clergy: wherein every Mitred Ab∣bot paid as much as an Earl, viz. six Marks; and a Noble moreover pro singlis capitibus Monachorum Pole money, for every Monk in his Mona∣stery. Of which he complains heavily, as an unreasonable thing: that the poorest of them should pay as much as the richest, Earl or Bishop; and over and above for his Friers * 2.28.

I have give an account already (in the life of Martine de vecti) of the Insurrection in the fourth year of King Rich. 1381. Which the said Walsingham ascribes to the sins of men of all sorts, not excepting the Mendicant Friers: who contrary to their profession, he faith, were grown such flaterers and deceivers, that it was thought as good an argument, both for matter and form, to say, This is a Frier, therefore he is a Lyar, as to say, This is White, therefore it hath a Colour.

* 2.29Two years after 1383. The King and his Queen spent their time in visiting the Abbeys of the Kingdom: which, the same Historian saith, was no small burden to them; because they came with an excessive number of attendants, & non offerre, sed auferre, not to offer, but to carry away. I do not find whether they were here or no, but he mentions the Ab∣bey of St. Edmunds-Bury (with which this was in a confederacy) where they were entertained ten days: which cost the Monastery eight hundred Marks.

There is no memory of this Abbot, nor of any that follow, in the Kalendar, I have often mentioned: they living not long before it was written; and in those tumultuous times that insued, having no power, its likely, to do more than preserve what their ancestors had acquired: and scarcely that neither, for in Rich. Ashton's time (when the Kalendar was written) I find but 64. Monks.

NICOLAƲS.

It is not known where this Abbot was born or bred; and there is very little to be found, either of what he did, or what was done, in his time. The only thing I meet with, besides that which Mr. G. mentions, is an ordinance of his about the observation of the Feast of St. Kyneburgh, in the last year of his Abbotship 1396. Which Feast, it appears by the Kalendar, was on the 7. of March: whereon was Translatio Sanctorum Ky∣neburgh and Kyneswith. Whom Malmsbury * 2.30 calls Kinedreda and Kines∣

wida, the Daughters of King Penda; the Reliques of whose Ashes, he saith, were here kept and worshipped: who both of them having dedi∣cated themselves to God in their Infancy, preserved their noble pur∣pose till old age. The younger of them also, not being content with her own resolution, prevailed with Offa King of the East Aagles, who courted her in marriage, to consecrate himself to Virginity. They were first buried in Ecclesia Kyneburgensis Castri (called now Castre, as I suppose) which being very ruinous in the time of Elfinus Abbot, the Monks of Ram∣sey (as Hugo tells us) indeavoured with all their might, night and day, to carry their bodies away to that Monastery. But it was neither the will of the Lord, nor their pleasure (as his words are) to rest any where but under the power of St. Peter (sub Clavigeri potestate) who brought them to Christi∣anity. And therefore they heard the prayers (as he goes on) of Leof. winus Sacrist of Burch, who was a devout Servant of theirs, and ear∣nestly beseeched them to have their bodies lye in this Church (promi∣sing to do them the greatest honour) as is more fully declared in Translatione earum, in the Narative of their Translation; which was too long, he saith, to set down in every particular. After the like manner also the same Abbot with Leofwinus his assistance, translated the most pious Virgin Tibba, de riale Burgi: She herself commanding it, and by great miracles showing that she desired to rest there among her holy Friends. Upon which oc∣casion Hugo relates not only all the Reliques in this Church (as hath been before shown) but tells also where the bodies of all the English Saints lye; that he who desired to address himself to any particular Saint, might know where to find him or her. And speaking of Tibba, he saith, she was cosin to the two forenamed Sisters, Kyneburgh and Kyneswith: whose Reliques here were in such high esteem, that Ingalphus reckons the tread∣ing of their pretious pledges under Feet, as one of the principal pro∣fanations, when this Monastery was demolished by the Danes in the year 870. when Altaria omnia suffossa, &c. Sanctarum Virginum Kyneburgae, Kyneswitae, & Tibbae, pretiosa pignora pedibus conculcata * 2.31.

Henry of Bolingbroke, then Earl of Derby (afterward Duke of Hereford, and at last King of England) lay for some time in this Monastery, with a great train, in the beginning of this Abbots Government. Particularly in the year 1392, when his Courtiers (as my Author calls them * 2.32) threat∣ned to destroy Depynge and its inhabitants, as enemies to him and his Father, as well as injurious to Croyland (which had suffered much by them) and the neighbouring people of Holland. Which put them into such a fright, that the Steward of the Courts of the Earl of Kent, Lord of Depynge, and four and twenty of the best of the Town, came with all speed to Burgh St. Peter, and submitted themselves to the mercy of the Earl of Derby. Whose Treasurer interceded for them, and procured their Pardon; upon promised (confirmed by their Oath) that they would keep the Peace hereafter with all Hollanders, and most strictly punish all disturbers of it, that could be found among them.

WILLIELMUS GENGE.

If he were the first Mitred Abbot of this Church, as Mr. G. sayes, Sir H. Spelman's notion is not true; that they put on Miters in token they had Episcopal Jurisdiction, and being advanced to the dignity of Barons sate in Parliaments; which no other Abbots did. For the Abbot of Burgh St. Peter sate in Parliament, in the 4th year of Edw. 3. as appears

by the summons to the Parliament at Winton. And there is little truth also in what is commonly said, that Mitred Abbots were not subject to any Bishop: for after this Abbots time, I shall show presently, the Bishop of Lincoln kept both the Abbot and Convent, for some time, un∣der his Visitation.

There are certain Constitutions I find made by him 1398. and others in the years 1401. and 1406. which I can but mention.

JOHANNES DEEPING.

The first of Henry 5th was the fifth year of his Abbotship, as a me∣morandum still remaining tells us: and thence we learn he was made Ab∣bot 1407.

All that I find of him, are some Statutes which he made 1409. about the right observations of certain Festivals: and others made by him in the year 1420. Which he calling the eleventh year of his Abbotship: from thence it appears he was not made Abbot till the year 1409: He de∣fended also the right the Church had to the Mannor of Walcote in Lin∣colnshire (as I have observed already) in the 13 year of Henry the 4th (an. 1314. against Thomas of Lancaster, the Kings Son: making it appear that it had been part of the Demeasnes of the Abbey from the first Foundation, and had never held of the aforesaid Thomas his Mannor in Holderness.

In the year 1421. which was the eighth of Hen. 5. a complaint being made to the King of grievous excesses and abuses among the black Monks of the Order of St. Benet, all the Abbots and Priors of that Order were * 2.33 summoned to appear before the King at Westminster. Where in the Chap∣terhouse on the 7th of May, the King being personally present, the charge against them was read, by the Bishop of Exeter: and he, with several persons on both sides, were appointed to consider it and to make a reformation; which they all promised the King hereafter faithfully to observe.

RICHARDƲS ASHTON.

In his time, about the year 1448. the controversie between this Abbey, and that of Croyland revived again; the Metes and Bounds of the seve∣ral Fens belonging to each (which had been limited in divers places, which the History mentions, by crosses and other marks) being so worn * 2.34 out by carelesness, in length of time, that a very obscure and confused knowledge was the most that was left of them. But by the consent of parties, and the supervising of the Bishop of Lincoln, the business was referred to four indifferent Arbitrators: the Abbots and their Convents binding themselves under their Seals, in an Obligation of a thousand Marks, to acquiesce in what they should Decree. Who met several times, and inspected the Evidences on both sides, but after much time and expences, could not agree to determine any thing: but resolved to throw the matter upon the Abbots themselves, to make an end of it. Who met at Ibury a Mannor of the Abbot of Burgh, with the Priors of each Monastery; and heard from one of the Arbitrators, what it was which they would not determin, without the express consent of both parties: but after much dis∣course between them, they could come to no agreement; nor was the controversie setled till many years after.

But the most remarkable thing in this Abbots time, is the pains he took in the regulation of Divine Service in this Monastery: about which he made many Ordinances, with the consent of all the Convent: and drew up a Gustomary, out of the ancient usages of the Church, for all the Sun∣days from the Octaves of Whitsunday, to the first Sunday in Advent. All which are yet extant, in his Grace's, the Lord Archbishop of Canter∣burie's Library at Lambeth in two Volumes: One written by Simon of Yarwell, as he tells us in six verses at the beginning of the Book: the other by John Trentam; who concludes it with the like verses. By this Customary they were directed how to sing their Offices, longer or shorter, every day: as is expressed in the last Rubrick of it. Before these Books is prefixed the Ecclesiastical Kalendar (which I have had occasion frequently to name) at the side of which, are set down those Festivals, or Anniversaries which were peculiar to this Church and their neighbour; as follows.

January.

3. Depositio Domini Martini Abbatis, viz. the first of that name.

6. Will. de Hotot Abbatis, & Anniversarium Richardi de Waterville, & Johannis filii ejus.

13. Depositio Elfini Abbatis, & Anniversarium Matthai Capellani.

23. Depositio Domini Elfrici Archiepiscopi.

February.

21. Depositio Domini Andreae Abbatis. Abbas missam celebravit.

26. Commemoratio fundatorum & omnium benefactorum▪

March.

1. Depositio Joh. de Caleto Abbatis pro anima Patris & Matris ejus; & Anniversarium Ivonis Supprioris.

The Abbot was to say Mass himself, and the Prior read Divine Service usque ad dirige. Quia ista Depositio est in Albis.

One Ivo de Gunthorp gave all his Lands in Witherington to this Church (as appears by the Charter of Rich. 1.) who perhaps is the person here named.

7. Translatio Sanctorum Kynesburgh & Kyneswyth▪

13. Depositio Domini Akarii Abbatis.

The Abbot said Mass himself.

22. Depositio Roberti de Sutton Abbatis & Anniversarium Henrici Aurifabri & Joh. de Trikingham Prioris.

The Abbot said Mass.

In this month there was Missa matutinalis cum cappa for the Souls of the Fathers and Mothers, &c. of all the Monks of this Monastery.

[Of the celebration cum cappis I shall give an account, at the end of the Kalendar.]

April.

11. Sancti Guthlaci

Who was Confessor to King Ethelbald: who founded the Abbey of Croyland in memory of him.

12. Depositio Thoroldi & Guidonis Abbatis. Et Anniversarium Rob. de Hale, & Agnetis Matris ejus.

May.

In the first Week of May, Legenda & facienda est Conven∣tio inter Ecclesias Burgi & de Sancto Victore, & habebunt missam ferialem. In which they sung de Profundis, & cibus ea die ponatur ad mensam.

[I shall explain this at the end].

In Whitsun-Week was, Commemoratio specialium Defunctorum.

[That is in some of the Ember-days. For so I find in our Re∣cords fol. CCLXXIV. Statutum est in capitulo per Dominum Robertum Abbatem communi conventus consensu, quod qua∣ter in anno fiat commemoratio omnium Defunctorum, quo∣rum debitores sumus per specialem conventionem, sive societatem. sc. aliquo die quae vacaverit in Ebdomada quatuor tem∣porum.]

30. Depositio Domini Arewyni Abbatis.

June.

5. Depositio Adulphi Episcopi, & Anniversarium Richardi de Lin∣colnia, & Agnetis Ʋxoris suae.

26. Depositio Martini Abbatis.

July.

13. Depositio Episcoporum Gamalielis & Huberti.

August.

1. Depositio Domini Richardi de London Abbatis.

The Abbot said Mass. And they were in Albis, the Prior reading the Service (as before upon John de Caleto's day) and praying for the Souls of his Father and Mother, without naming them.

9. Depositio Godfrid. de Croyland Abbatis

In Albis, the Abbot saying Mass, and the Prior reading as before. After Mass the whole Convent made a Chorus with the Praecentor, Succensor, and the Senior Masters.

28. Depositio Will. Landavensis Episcopi, & Anniver∣sarium Domini Reginaldi Presbyters.

September.

2. Depos. Domini Will. de Wodeford Abbatis, & Annivers. Johannis de Gresham.

The Abbot said Mass.

In Ember Week Commemoratio specialium Defunctorum as be∣fore in Whitsun-Week.

25. Depositio Domini Benedicti Abbatis.

The Abbot said Mass; the Prior read as before. In Albis.

October.

6. Depositio Domini Roberti de Ramsey Abbatis, & fratris Thomae de Burgo.

The Abbot said Mass.

15. Depositio Domini Eylrici Episcopi, & Memoria Benefactorum

22. Depositio Domini Matthiae Abbatis; & memoriae Wynegoti Monachi.

This Wynegot, I observed before, bought St. Oswald's Arm hither from Bebeburch.

29. Depos. Domini Roberti de Lyndsey Abbatis

The Abbot said Mass; the Prior read ad tertiam: and they were in Albis.

Novemb.

1. Depositio Lefrici Abbatis.

4. The Abbot said Mass for the souls of all the faithful depar¦ted this Life.

10. Depositio Johannis de Says Abbatis, & Annivers. Henrici Talbot, & Richardi de Spaldynge.

19. Depositio Alexandri Abbatis. Et Anniversarium Reginaldi de Castro, & Matildis Ʋxoris suae.

23. Depositio Adae Abbatis Botheby, & Anniversarium Domini Joh. de Aysby, & Magistri Joh. de Hacwedone.

30. Depositio Brandonis, & Will. de Waterville Abbatum, & An∣niversarium Adae de Walkote.

Decemb.

1. A Commemoration of the Fathers, Mothers, and Parents of their Benefactors of Burgh.

In Ember week, as before at Whitsuntide, a Commemora∣tion Specialium Defunctorum.

20. Depositio Kynsini Archiepiscopi & Anniversarium Radulphi Comitis.

26. Depositio Walteri Abbatis.

The Abbot said Mass.

There is once mention made, the Reader may observe, in this Ka∣lendar, of celebrating cum Cappis, or Capis; that is in Copes: which ad∣ded very much to the solemnity. As appears by what I find in a MS. History of the Church of Westminster, written by John Fleet a Monk there∣of. Who tells us that Radulphus Papilyon who was made Abbot 1201. obtained the consent of the Chapter, for the celebrating the Feasts of four Saints, whom he much loved, in Capis, viz. St. Laurence, Vincent, Nico∣laus, and Translatio Sancti Benedicti. And he sets down the Charter wherein this was granted, at his instance, for the keeping these Feasts, in Capis, processionibus, cum vinis & pitanciis honorabilibus. That is, former∣ly they were observed only with Ale, and a simple pitance; but after this with Wine, and more honourable allowances; as the Charter it self explains it. Richard of Berking afterward ordained that on three days fol∣lowing the translation of King Edward, Mass should be said still in Capis: for the greater honour of that Saint. And Richard de Crokesly ordained out of reverence to the blessed Virgin, that the Annunciation should be cele∣brated at her nativity, in quinque Capis. And thus, I observed before, it was in this Church of Burgh: where Rob. Lyndesay ordained, the Feasts of our Lords Transfiguration; the Translation of St. Thomas, and the birth of St. Hugh to be celebrated in Copes. Much more, if it were proper in this place, I could add to this purpose. But I hasten to explain the meaning of the Convention or agreement between this Church, and that of St. Victor, which was to be read the first week in May.

I have already observed that Friendship was wont to be contracted, between some Churches with others; as John de Kaleto I showed made confederationem inter Ecclesiam Burgi & Wigorn. the particulars of which are set down, in the Charter yet remaining Fol. CLXXV. Such was this with the Church of St. Victor; which I find expresly mentioned afterward,

Fol. CCLXXIV. where an account is given of the Churches with whom this Church had made Confederations, and what they were. At the bottom of which Page, there are these words; Eadem Conventio facta est item inter nos & Canonicos de Sancto Victore, &c. that is, the same that was between this Church and the Canons of Gisburn: which was this: That in the first Week of Lent, there should be an Office performed in the Church of Burgh, for all the Brethren of Gisburn, who were dead. And on the morrow a Mass in the Convent; every Priest celebrating one Mass, and the rest, who were in inferior Order, singing 50. Psalms. The like to be done at Gisburn for those of Burgh: Et Cibus ea die ponatur ad mensam; though it was the beginning of Lent. The same was done for those of St. Victor on the first vacant day, in the first week of May.

The Abbey of St. Victor de Caleto in Normandy, had several Mannors in England, with great Liberties, confirmed by the Charter of King Henry II. as I find in the Monasticon. Vol. 2. P. 1002. A Relique of this St. Victor I find also given to the Church of St. Paul, by Radulphus de Diceto Dean of that Church: who inriched it with many others also; particularly of St. Oswald King and Martyr, vid. 3. Vol. p. 332.

It would be too long here to name all the other Churches, with whom this of Burgh made the like Confederations: which shall be put in the Appen∣dix: having this further to note; that it appears by the forenamed Custo∣mary, a piece of the Cross was presented to them all to kiss, in Passion∣week; and that there being Sixty four Monks in this Richard Ashton's time, there hapned so great a mortality among them, that thirty two or more, of the best Monks in the Monastery died. So that Divine Service could not be performed according to the Statutes then made: but they were forced to omit some things, which in those Books were appointed.

WILLIELMƲS RAMSET.

It appears by a Record at the end of those Lambeth Books, that in the year 1483. John Russel Bishop of Lincoln summoned the Convent to come and attend him at Bugden, in his Visitation adhuc pendente: and there gave them Injunctions about their behaviour, one towards another, and towards the Abbot William. Who was still subject to the Episcopal Ju∣risdiction, notwithstanding his Mitre; as all his Predecessors had been. For there had been anciently a Decree in a Synod held near Cloveshom, in the year 747. (and that in obedience to the Letters of Pope Zachary which were publickly read in the Assembly, for the reformation of Man∣ners) that the Bishops should visit their Dioceses every year, and ad∣monish both Abbots and Monks to live regularly; as William of Malmsbu∣ry informs us. In pursuance of which this Monastery had been often vi∣sited, and Injunctions given to them: as I could easily show, had I room for such Discourses. I shall content my self only with the account I find in our Books, of the Visitation of that famous Bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grost∣head: who visited tam domus Religiosas, quam Ecclesias Parochiales. And among others required the Abbot and Convent of Burgh, to show what Right they had to the Monastery of St. Michael in Stamford; and the Ho∣spital of St. Thomas there upon the Bridge; and the House of the Lepers: to all which they pretended. And they making it appear, that they were Patrons of them, and that their Consent was requisite to the choice of a Prioress of St. Michael, and that they were in the quiet possession of ap∣pointing Custodes to hear the Confession of the Nuns in that place (a Pre∣sentation being made of them to the Bishop) and of placing Custodes also

in the Hospital, and in the House of Lepers; and that the Nuns in the Mo∣nastery, and the Friers in the Hospital, and in the House of the Lepers, were not received but by consent of the Abbot, who had right to enter into the Monastery of St. Michael, and to make Moniales professas (which Possession he showed he had time out of mind, by Witnesses, and by Letters of Hugh Bishop of Lincoln, who had also here visited, and by Letters of the Nuns themselves) thereupon the forenamed Robert Grostehead, having sit∣ting by him for his assistance, his Official R. de Cadencia, and many other persons, pronounced that the Abbot (who was there present) was in the quiet possession of all the aforesaid, salvo jure uniuscujusque.

The contention about the Fenn de Alderlond was renewed in the same year 1483. between Richard Abbot of Croyland, and William Ramsey Ab∣bot of Burgh; which had hung long, as the Continuation of Croyland's Hi∣story observes, * 3.1 but was comprimised by Thomas Rotheram, formerly Bishop of Lincoln, and Ordinary of the Place, now Archbishop of York. Yet it was not finally determined and settled till two or three years after; when, both parties submitting themselves to the Archbishop, he Decreed, under the penalty of a thousand pound, that the Abbot and Convent of Croyland, should pay an annual Pension of ten pound a year to the Mona∣stery of Burgh: until they had at their own charge purchased Land of that yearly value to be delivered in perpetual possession to the Monastery of Burgh; or had at their own like expence appropriated and united to the said Monastery of Burgh the Church of Brynkehurst, or Eston in the County of Leicester, which belonged to the Patronage of the said Monastery. Whereupon Edmond Thorp then Abbot of Croyland, chose to do the latter: and accordingly the Church of Brynkehurst was appropriated for the perpe∣tual uses of the Monastery of Burgh; and Letters Patents from the King were obtained for Licence to do it * 3.2.

And by another Continuation of the same History it appears that John Russel Bishop of Lincoln before mentioned, came to Croyland, and staid there a whole Month, with twenty other persons (for whom as well as himself he gave them such satisfaction, as contented both Parties) in which time, after conference with the Abbot of Burgh at Singlesholt, the Union and Appropriation, was made judicially by the Episcopal Sentence, which is there at large set down * 3.3: with all other proceedings in that Business. The broad Seal also was procured for the confirmation of it: which was to put an end to all Controversies, whereby both Abbeys had received much damage; as the Reader may find p. 588, 589, 593. to which I must referr him.

It was in this Abbot's days also that John Wysbeck Abbot of Croyland, by his industry, and gentle management; procured an exchange of that 4. Stone of Wax which was yearly paid by them to the Church of Burgh on St. Peters day, in the nature of a Service, not to say Homage (as the Con∣tinuator of that History speakes p. 560) into a yearly Pension of twenty shillings in money, that more sincere Love might be preserved between the Brethren of each Monastery for the future. This was in the year 1477.

ROBERT KIRKTON.

The Contention which Mr. G. mentions, between him and the Inhabi∣tants of Peterburgh makes me think he was the Abbot who Petitioned the King against certain of the Towns-men, who seditiously opposed his Ju∣risdiction, and his appointment of Officers there. Which Petition was among our Records concerning the Mannor of Peterburgh (as I find in a

Note of the Titles of them, which is all that remains) till in the late great Rebellion, it with the rest was torn in pieces or burnt. There is ano∣ther Note whereby it appears the 14th of Henry 8. was the 26th year of his Abbotship: and therefore he was made Abbot not in the year 1496. but 1497.

JOHN CHAMBERS.

There is this traditional story goes, concerning the preservation of this Church at the dissolution of Abbeys; that a little after Queen Katherine's Interment here (which Mr. G. mentions) some Courtiers suggesting to the King, how well it would become his Greatness, to erect a fair Monu∣ment for her; he answered, Yes, he would leave her one of the goodliest Monuments in Christendom; meaning this Church, for he had then in his thoughts the demolishing of Abbeys, which shortly after followed.

John Chambers also preserved himself in favour, by making a Resignation of his Abbey, as many did, under the common Seal, into the Kings hands. Which though I cannot find in the Augmentation Office, yet there is a Grant there made by King Henry to Abbot Chambers, which confirms me in this opinion. It bears date 1 March, An. 31 Hen. 8. which was 1540. (before the Bishoprick was erected) by which it is expressed, that the Monastery of Peterburgh being dissolved, the King out of his Grace and Favour did grant to the said late Abbot Chambers Two hundred and sixty pound, thirteen shillings and four pence per annum, during his life: with an hundred Load of Wood, out of the Woods called, Eastwood, and Westwood.

There were Letters (which are now lost) sent from the Duke of Somer∣set and others of the Council 1548. to examine the matter in Controversie between the Bishop of Peterburgh, and one Acton; concerning words pre∣tended to be spoken against the Sacrament; and concerning Images in the Church undefaced, with Plate sold out of the Town-Church. How it ended I cannot find: nor have I any thing to add about David Pool, who was made Bishop in Queen Mary's time.

Of Bishop SCAMBLER I might say much more than is in Mr. G. but have not room for it. For before those Articles mentioned by Mr. G. there were Injunctions or Ordinations given to the Dean and Chapter by Thomas Yale Dr. of Law, and Edward Leeds Licentiate, and John Porey, Dr. in Divinity, being Visitors and Commissaries authorized by the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury to exercise his Metropolitical Visitation, &c. They were in number, Nine, publicatae & traditae octavo die Januarii 1560. in domo Capitulari Ecclesiae Cathedralis Petriburg. The Injunctions also, and Articles of Inquiry in several Triennial Visitations of Bishop Scambler are still re∣maining in the years 1561, 1564, 1567. (in which year I find 21 Injunctions of his to the Dean and Chapter and other Ministers) and 1570.

In the next Visitation 1573. he delivered no Articles to be enquired of, nor more Injunctions, but only commanded them to keep their Statutes, which were not against the Queens Majesty's Proceedings, nor her Visi¦tors, &c. In the last of these Visitations but one, it was that the Taber∣nacles were taken down in the Ladies Chappel, which was not done till the 12. of Elizabeth.

How this Bishop passed away the Lands of the Bishoprick, wherewith King Henry had indowed it, Mr. G. hath related in part. Others have told us more; and that he obtained his Translation to Norwich as a Re∣ward of one of these Grants to a great man at Court.

RICHARD HOWLAND, Bishop.

They that would read more of the History of Mary Queen of Scots, may find a great many memorable things, in the Memoires of Sir James Melvil a faithful Servant of hers and of his Country; not long ago brought to light.

Bishop Morton in his Protestant Appeal L. IV. Cap. I. hath given the best account, I meet with, of that passage (which the Apology of the Roman Church took out of Martin Prelate) in the Bishop of Lincoln's Sermon at her Funeral; which made a great noise among factious people: who reported, that he prayed his Soul, and the Souls of all there present, might be with the Soul of the Queen deceased. But the truth of the Story he saith was this; that the Reverend Bishop now mentioned, understanding how that great and honorable personage, in the last act of her life, renounced all pre∣sumption of her own inherent righteousness, and wholly affianced her Soul unto Christ, in belief to be justified only by his satisfactory Justice; did therefore con∣ceive hope of her Salvation, by vertue of that Cordial prescribed by the holy Apo∣stle, viz. that where sin aboundeth, the grace of God doth super-abound. Which the Apostle hath ministred for the comfort of every Christian, who erring by Ignorance, shall (by sincere repentance, especially for all known sins) depart this mortal life; having the heel, or end of it shod with this preparation of the Gospel of peace: not of the new Romish, but of the old Catholick Faith; which is the faith of all Protestants. And this consideration of that our Preacher, cannot but worthily condemn the Apologists of partial prejudice, who chose rather to be informed concerning that Sermon, by (as they confess) a reproachful traducer and libeller, than (which they might easily have done) by testimony of a thousand temperate and indifferent hearers, then present.

I referr the Reader to Sir John Harrington's brief view of the State of the Church, &c. for an account of Dr. Fletchers advancement from the Deanry of Peterburgh, to the Bishoprick of Bristol, and so to London: which he himself could not justifie, but was forced to cry, Herein the Lord be mer∣ciful to me.

THOMAS DOVE.

The same Sir John Harrington saith, he had known this Bishop to have been greatly respected and favoured by Queen Elizabeth: and no less liked and approved in the more learned judgment of King James. When the Queen first heard him, she said she thought the holy Ghost was descend∣ed again in this Dove: for he was a very eloquent Preacher.

In his time there was a Font erected in the Body of the Church, where none had been before: whereof there is this Memorial in the Register Book.

Baptisterium in Nave Ecclesiae Cathedralis de Burgo Sancti Petri, Anno Salutis MDCXV. gravissimorum virorum Georgii * 3.4 meritò istius Ecclesiae Decani, reli∣quorum{que} tunc temporis Paerbendariorum consilio extructum (nam antea nullum in Ecclesia extiterat) Reverendissimus in Christo Pater Dominus Thomas de Bur∣go Sancti Petri Episcopus, in magna hominum Corona solenni processione illuc adductus, consecravit: scilicet, Psalmo LXXXIV. prius a Choro & coetu decan∣tato, tum demum piâ, eleganti, & fervidâ precatione Deo suppliciter invocato, ut servis suis & Baptizantibus, & Baptizandis, omnibusque aliis infantes ad hoc sacrum Christi lavacrum adducentibus, spiritu suo in perpetuum adesse velit.

Hac finita solennitate mox ad Baptismum allatus est venerabilis viri Mri. Jo. annis Bridgeman sacrae Theologiae Doctoris, ac serenissimo Jacobo Regi à sacris (in ista Ecclesia primam tunc Prebendam occupantis) filiolus. Qui, im∣posito Henrici nomine (sponsoribus praedicto Domino Episcopo, & Humfrido Orme milite, & Elizabetha Ʋxore D. D. Walter Waley) in Christi fa∣miliam ascriptus est. Cui & omnibus in posterum baptizandis benedicat Deus. Amen.

I must omit all the rest, and only take notice of two or three things of later date, which ought not to be forgotten.

Bishop Laney his benevolence mentioned by Mr. G. was this. He gave an hundred Pound toward the repairing one of the great Arches of the Church Porch, which was faln down in the late times.

Dr. Cosins, Dean of this Church, and after the Kings Restauration made Bishop of Durham, by his last Will and Testament gave forty Pound for a Monument to be erected in memory of his Wife, buried here in the be∣ginning of the Wars: and one hundred Pound to the Dean and Chapter; the Rent thereof to be by them yearly distributed to the Poor.

Dr. Duport, late Dean of this Church, besides many summs given else∣where to pious and charitable uses, setled twenty Pound a year on Mag∣dalen Coll. in Cambridge, to be paid to the Dean and Chapter of Peter∣burgh: ten Pound for the Augmentation of the Schoolmasters Salaries there: and ten Pound for two Scholarships in Magdalen College, be∣longing to that School.

There being wanting in Mr. G. an account of the defaceing of this Church, by the Souldiers in the late Rebellion, Mr. Francis Standish the present worthy Chanter of it, hath at my desire drawn it up in the fol∣lowing Narrative. Which may be the more credited, because he then li∣ved in this place (where he was born and bred) and was a spectator of most things that he relates.

Notes

• * 1.1

  MS. in Sir John Cotton's Library.
• * 1.2

  Chron. Litchf.
• * 1.3

  Chron. Eccles. Eborac.
• * 1.4

  Swaph. fol. CXXXII.
• * 1.5

  Chron. MS. in Sir J. C's Library.
• * 1.6

  Ingulphus p 35. Oxon. Edit.
• * 1.7

  L. 2. de gestis Pontificum Angl.
• * 1.8

  L. 2. de ge∣stis Regum An∣gliae.
• * 1.9

  L. de genea∣log. Regum An∣gliae.
• * 1.10

  Ad An. 992
• * 1.11

  Inter Decem Scriptores p. 2232.
• * 1.12

  Chron. Mai∣lros p. 149.
• * 1.13

  V. Seld. ad Eadmerum p. 145.
• * 1.14

  P. 83. Oxon. Edit.
• * 1.15

  Swapham fol. XL.
• * 1.16

  L. 2. de gestis Pontificum Angl.
• * 1.17

  P. 56. Oxon. Edit.
• * 1.18

  Swapham fol. CXXXI.
• * 1.19

  Chron. Joh. Abbatis Burgi, MS.
• * 1.20

  Swaph. fol. CXVIII.
• * 1.21

  Actus Pontif. Eborac.
• * 1.22

  Swaph. fol. CXXXIII.
• * 1.23

  Annalis Mo∣nast. Burton.
• * 1.24

  L. 3. Hist. Eccl. Dunelm. C. 6.
• * 1.25

  L. III. Hi∣stor. Dunel. Eccles. C. 9.
• * 1.26

  Or Swap∣ham, as com∣monly called, p. 11.
• * 1.27

  L. de gestis Regum Angliae.
• * 1.28

  Actus Pontif. Eborac.
• * 1.29

  MS. in Sir J.C's Library.
• * 1.30

  Chron. Wil∣liel. primi p. 976. &c.
• * 1.31

  L. 2. de Eventibus An∣gliae C. 6.
• * 1.32

  Hugo or Swap. pag. 5. f. 2.
• * 1.33

  Ibid. pag. CXXII.
• * 1.34

  Ibid. pag. CIX.
• * 1.35

  Ibid. pag. CCCLII.
• † 1.36

  Pag. 70. Edit. Oxon.
• * 1.37

  Spicileg. ad Eadmerum p. 207. N. 5.
• † 1.38

  De Eccles. Collegiatis. p. 26.
• * 1.39

  Walsingham.
• * 1.40

  Fol. CCCXXXVI.
• * 1.41

  Hypodigm. Neustriae p. 418.
• * 1.42

  P. 78, 79. Oxon. Edit.
• * 1.43

  Pag. 77.
• * 1.44

  Fol. CCLXX.
• * 1.45

  Ibid. fol. CCXCV.
• * 1.46

  Chron. M. S.
• * 1.47

  Fol. XII.
• * 1.48

  L. 1. de gestis Pontif. Angl. C. ult.
• * 1.49

  De gestis Re∣gum Angliae.
• * 1.50

  P. 110, 111.
• * 1.51

  Actus Pontif. Cantuar.
• † 1.52

  De gestis Re∣gum Angliae.
• * 1.53

  Swaph. fol. CXII.
• * 1.54

  Swaph. fol. CXIII.
• * 1.55

  Ibid. fol. CXXXIV. &c.
• * 1.56

  L. 1. c. 47.
• * 1.57

  Ingulph. p. 61. Edit. Oxon.
• * 1.58

  L. 4. de gest. Pontif.
• * 1.59

  Swaph. fol. CCLXXIII.
• * 1.60

  Ibid. fol. 100.
• * 1.61

  L. V. de Eventibus An∣gliae.
• * 1.62

  Swaph. fol. CXV.
• * 1.63

  Ibid. XCII.
• * 1.64

  Swaph. fol. CCLXXIV.
• * 1.65

  Swaph. fol. LXXVI.
• * 1.66

  Swaph. fol. CCXXIX.
• * 1.67

  Chron. ad Ann. 1176.
• * 1.68

  Actus Pontif. Cantu.
• * 1.69

  Swaph. fol. XLIX.
• * 1.70

  Swaph. fol. CCLXXIV.
• * 1.71

  Rog. Hove∣den p. 662.
• * 1.72

  Fol. CCLIII.
• * 1.73

  Ad An. 1200. p. 802.
• * 1.74

  P. 471, 472.
• * 2.1

  Swaph. fol. CIII.
• * 2.2

  Fol. CIV. and fol. CC.
• * 2.3

  Fol. LXXXVII.
• * 2.4

  Swaph. fol. CCLXX.
• * 2.5

  Swaph. fol. CV.
• * 2.6

  Swaph. fol. XC.
• * 2.7

  Ibid. Fol. CCLXIII.
• * 2.8

  Swaph. fol. CCIII.
• * 2.9

  Fol. XCIX.
• * 2.10

  Fol. CCI.
• * 2.11

  Fol. CCXIX.
• * 2.12

  Pag. 866.
• * 2.13

  Fol. CVI.
• * 2.14

  Fol. LXXXII.
• * 2.15

  Fol. CCLXX.
• * 2.16

  P. 690. N. 30.
• * 2.17

  Lately Prin∣ted at Oxon. p. 478.
• * 2.18

  Fol. CLXX.
• * 2.19

  Fol. CVII.
• * 2.20

  Ingulphus p. 3. Edit. Oxon.
• * 2.21

  Fol. CLXV.
• * 2.22

  Fol. CLXI.
• * 2.23

  Dr. Thore∣ton's Hist. of Nottingham, p. 190.
• * 2.24

  Fol. CCCLXIX.
• * 2.25

  Fol. CCXLI.
• * 2.26

  Fol. 287.
• * 2.27

  P. 180.
• * 2.28

  Ib. p. 221.
• * 2.29

  P. 302.
• * 2.30

  L. IV. de gestis Pontif. Angl.
• * 2.31

  P. 23. Edit. Oxon.
• * 2.32

  Hist. Croy∣land. Continua∣tio p. 489.
• * 2.33

  Hist. Croyl. Contin. p. 513.
• * 2.34

  Hist. Croyl. Continuatio P. 525. &c.
• * 3.1

  Page 569.
• * 3.2

  Ib. 577.
• * 3.3

  Pag. 582. and 587.
• * 3.4

  Dean Meri∣ton.