The royal commentaries of Peru, in two parts the first part, treating of the original of their Incas or kings, of their idolatry, of their laws and government both in peace and war, of the reigns and conquests of the Incas, with many other particulars relating to their empire and policies before such time as the Spaniards invaded their countries : the second part, describing the manner by which that new world was conquered by the Spaniards : also the civil wars between the Piçarrists and the Almagrians, occasioned by quarrels arising about the division of that land, of the rise and fall of rebels, and other particulars contained in that history : illustrated with sculptures / written originally in Spanish by the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega ; and rendered into English by Sir Paul Rycaut, Kt.

Royal Commentaries. BOOK I.

CHAP. I.

Of the three Spaniards of Noble Quality, who undertook the Conquest of Peru.

IN the 9th Book of the first part of these our Royal Commentaries, we have shewed how the resolute Atahualpa pleased himself with the thoughts of having by Tyranny and Cruelty secured to himself the Empire, little dreaming that a strange and an unknown Nation (who were the Spani∣ards) should in the most calm and prosperous time of his Enjoyments knock at his Gate, and by the same methods of cruelty cast him from his Throne, and deprive him of his Life and Empire. That we may prosecute this History with the most even thread; it is necessary for us to look some years back, and take our matters from their first source and beginning.

The Spaniards therefore, after they had discovered this new World, were still desirous more and more of new and farther discoveries, and though the Countries they had already possessed were rich and prosperous, yet not being contented with their present Enjoyments, nor wearied with their Labours, and Travails, nor dis∣couraged with the sufferings of Hunger, Dangers, Wounds, Sicknesses, nor with the bad Days, and worse Nights, which they had endured both by Sea and Land, yet still thirsting after new Conquests, and great Enterprises, they arrived at length to that pitch of greatness, which hath for ever eternized their Fame and Memory. For so it happened in the Conquest of Peru, That Francis Piçarro, a Native of Truxillo, living at Panama, one of a Noble Family, and Diego de Alma∣gro, a Native of Malaga, or (as Carate will have it) of the Town of Almagro, which is most probable, a Person (as we may believe) of like noble Extraction; for though his Family be unknown, yet if we may know the Tree by its Fruit, the greatness of his Actions, and the glory of his Enterprises have rendred his Birth and Family illustrious. They were both indeed rich and famous, for the brave∣ry of their past actions, especially Piçarro, who had been a Captain, and in the Year 1512. had been Lieutenant Governour of the City of Urava, of which he was afterwards made Lieutenant General by the Governour Alonson Hojeda, having been the first Spanish Captain which entred that Province, where he performed many brave Actions, labouring under many Difficulties, and Dangers, which Pedro de Cieça compendiously relates in these Words:

After (says he) that this had happened, the Governour Hojeda planted a new Colony of Christians in that part which they call Urava, of which he made Francis Piçarro his Lieu∣tenant

Governour, and of which he was afterwards made Governour and Marquiss; and living in the City of Urava with the Indians, he endured much Famine and Sickness, for which Services his memory will ever be esteemed.

Thus far are the Words of de Cieça. He was also in company with the famous Captain Basco Nunnez, when discovery was made of the South Sea, and when Nombre de Dios and Panama were subdued, he was then with the Governour Pe•••• Arias de Avila, as Gomara reports in his History of the Indies.

But neither Piçarro nor Almagro being satiated with their former Glories, thir∣sted still after greater Actions; and incited with the report they had received of the simple and mean condition of the People of Peru; these two great Heroes made an agreement together for the Conquest of it; joining with them Hernando de Luque, a Schoolmaster in Panama, who was Lord of Taboga. These three so∣lemnly swore in publick, and entred into Articles under Hand and Seal, never to forsake each other in any Dangers or Discouragements whatsoever, that should happen untill they had made an entire Conquest of Peru; and that vvhat Riches or Booty they should gain, should be friendly and amicably divided between them. It was agreed, that Hernando de Luque should remain, and be their Agent at Panama, to order and provide for their Affairs, so as to yield them succours; that Piçarro should be employed in the Discovery, and that Almagro should go and come with supplies of Men, and Horse, and Ammunition, for relief of their Companions, who were immediately employed in the Conquest. This School-Master they called Harnando the Fool, or Coxcomb, and the same might be said of all the three; for who cannot but blame such Men as these, who having endu∣red great Travails and Labours in the World, and already entred into years, so that the youngest of them passed fifty, and all of them rich and commodious in the World, yet that Men under these circumstances should engage themselves in new Adventures, full of uncertainty, without knowledge of the Countrey, whe∣ther it were rich or poor, and without consideration of the hazards and difficulties of it, seems the Work and Design of rash and adventurous Fools. But the good fortune of those who now enjoy the Benefit of their Labours, was that which called them to this Enterprise; or rather the Mercy and Providence of God to∣wards those Gentiles, who was pleased to make use of those means for prop••••••∣tion of the Gospel in those parts, which he confirmed by such signs and Wond••••s, as very much conduced to the easiness of the Conquest.

CHAP. II.

Of the excellent Fruit and Advantages which have resulted from the Union and Agreement of these three Spanish Ca∣valiers.

THis triple accord which these three Spaniards made at Panama, puts me in mind of that confederacy which the three Roman Emperours made at Lay∣no, a place near Bologna; but yet in comparing them one with the other, they are so different in their several circumstances, that they seem to hold no agreeable comparison or similitude; for on the one side those were Emperours, and these but private and poor Persons; those treated of the Division of the old World, which had been the Prize and Conquest of their Roman Ancestours, and which they desired to enjoy with peace and plenty; but these engolfed themselves into Toils and Labours, to gain the Empire of a new World, which was so unknown to them, that they were ignorant both of the difficulties they were to sustain in the Conquests, and of the value of their Victories when acquired. If also we consider the intentions and effects of one and the other, we shall find the same di∣versity, for that Triumvirate, composed of three Tyrants, was concluded and established on no other ground, than to exercise a tyrannical Power over all the World, and to afflict and destroy; but this was a design of three generous Gen∣tlemen, each of which deserved an Imperial Crown, having no other end than to enrich the World with unknown Treasures, as every days experience proves, and as will be made manifest in the following Chapters. Moreover the intention of that Triumvirate was to betray their Allies, Friends and Parents into the hands of their Enemies, but this was to sacrifice themselves for the advantage of others, that they might acquire a benefit equally profitable to Enemies, as well as Friends; all which appears by those immense Riches which daily issue from the Bowels of the unknown World, and are communicated not onely to Christians, but even to the Gentiles, Jews, Moors, Turks and Hereticks, who enjoy the benefit of these generous Labours. But that which we ought primarily to consider, that by our Triumvirate Christianity was first introduced into the great Empire of Peru, and a Gate opened to the preaching of the Gospel, by which many faithfull Souls have been gathered into the bosome of the Church; so that who is it that can sufficiently admire or express the greatness of this Enterprise. Oh thou great Name and Family of the Piçarros, how much are all the Nations and Inhabitants of the old World indebted unto thee, for those vast Riches they have extracted from the new; and how much more do those two Empires of Mexico and Peru owe to thee, for those thy two Sons Hernando Cortes, and Francis Piçarro, and for thy Bro∣thers, Hernando Piçarro, John Piçarro, and Gonçalo Piçarro, by whose indefatigable labours those poor Indians have been drawn from the darkness of obscure Igno∣rance to the true light and knowledge of the Gospel. How much therefore is this Triumvirate to be approved, and applauded above that of the three Roman Em∣perours; of which Guichiardin, in his History of Florence, gives this Censure. Lai∣no, a place famous for the League contracted between Marcus Antonius, Lepidus and Otavianus, who under the term and notion of a Triumvirate contrived, and execu∣ted such abominable pieces of Tyranny, as had never before been practised, or named at Rome; but our Triumvirate deserves a quite different Character, as the Writings of Lopez de Gomara, Augustin de Carate, and other modern Historians will abundantly prove, whose Books and Relations we shall as often quote, as our subject matter on which we treat shall require a confirmation from their Autho∣rity.

CHAP. III.

Of the little Money which was in Spain before the Conquest of Peru.

TO make more evidently appear the great Riches which this Triumvirate pur∣chased to the World, we must make a large digression from our design in hand; and for the more clear elucidation hereof, we must make use of the Autho∣rity of some Historians, who have noted and described the Revenue of certain Kingdoms, which before the Conquest of Peru were vastly short of that Income, which they yield at present. Bodinus in his Book of Commonwealths shews both in general, and particularly specifies the Revenues of some Commonwealths and Princes, to have been of inconsiderable value before the Conquest of Peru, in com∣parison of their present improvements, and instances in several Estates which were mortgaged, or sold at mean prices; he tells us how small was the pay of Souldiers, and the wages which Princes gave to their Servants, and at how cheap a rate all things were sold; and in short, that what was formerly valued at an hundred Crowns a year, is now worth a thousand; and that all Lands and Houses are risen twenty times in the value of their rent. Farther he instances in the ransome which Lewis the 9th. King of France, paid for his own Person to the Soldan of Egypt; which he says amounted to no more than five hundred thousand Florins, and this he compares with the ransome of three Millions, which Charles the first of France paid to the Emperour, Charles the 5th. for his ransome. Farther he adds, that in the Reign of Charles the 6th. which was about the Year 1449. the yearly Re∣venue of the whole Crown of France did not amount to above four hundred thou∣sand Franks, and yet in the Year 1574. when Charles the 9th dyed, the same Re∣venue was improved to fourteen Millions, and the like proportion of increase was advanced in all other Kingdoms and Governments, which Examples serve suffi∣ciently to demonstrate in what manner all the World hath been enriched by the Treasures of Peru. And in regard that Our Spain hath been especially obliged to that Countrey, by the vast effluxes of its Wealth from thence, vve need not seek or borrovv proofs hereof from other Countries, but onely consider our ovvn; nor need vve to look many Ages back, but onely from the time of King Ferdinand, surnamed the Saint, vvho regained Cordova and Seville, of vvhom the General Hi∣story of Spain, written by Don Alonso the wise, makes mention; and tells us, that Don Alonso the 9th. King of Leon, who was Father of King Fernand the Saint, made War upon him; and that his Son wrote him word, that as an obedient Child he was resolved never to resist him, and that he would gladly appease his Anger with any satisfaction that he should require of him; to which Don Alonso replied, That he required of him the payment of ten thousand Maravedis,* 1.1 which he owed him, which when he had performed, he would then cease his Wars, and enter into Amity with him. The whole Copy of the Letter, written at large, we have omitted to recite for brevity sake; onely we have thought fit to repeat the Answer, which was wrote in this manner: That the cause of his War was for the recovery of ten thousand Maravedis, which the King Don Enriquez owed for the high way which he had made to Santivannez de la Mota, and that paying this Money, the Quarrel should end; whereupon the King Fernando not being willing to wage War with his Father for ten thousand Maravedis, presently made him sa∣tisfaction; the which is related in the general Chronicle of Spain, and in the parti∣cular Life of King Fernando.

About the same time a certain Knight, who wore the red Cross as a badge of his Pilgrimage unto the Holy Land, named Ruy Dias, began to commit many in∣solences before his departure; for which Offences divers complaints coming against him, he was cited to appear before the Courts of Justice, to make answer to those Accusations which were laid against him; upon which summons Dias making his

appearance at Villadolid, where the Court then resided; but being informed of the many complaints which were there formed against him, he in a rage and fury de∣parted thence, without giving any Answer thereunto: At which the King Fer∣nando being highly displeased, immediately by process of Law banished him the Countrey; howsoever Dias maintained himself within his Castles and Fortresses, untill such time, that by Agreement with the King, to pay him fourteen thousand Maravedis, all matters were compounded, and the Fortresses were consigned into the hands of the noble King Don Fernando. The same History also makes mention of this following passage, namely, That when King Fernando had possession of one part onely, and not of the entire Kingdom of Leon, he left Mansilla, and went to Leon, which was the principal City of that Countrey, where he was received with great joy and magnificent entertainment, and there crowned King of Leon by the Bishop of that City, and being in the presence of all the Nobles and Citizens, seated in the Regal Throne, Te Deum was solemnly sung, with the common sa∣tisfaction and rejoycing of the people, and from that time he had the Title of King of Castile and Leon, both which Kingdoms were his lawfull Inheritance, de∣scended to him from Father and Mother; for these two Kingdoms had formerly been divided, and bestowed by the Emperour to his two Sons, that is Castile to D. Sancho, and Leon to Fernando, and afterwards came to be again united together in the Noble Person of Don Fernando the third. After this the Queen Teresa the Mo∣ther of Tancha and Dulce, the Sisters of D. Fernando, seeing that her Son was be∣come Master of the whole Kingdom, and that she was not able to make farther resistence against him, she dispatched an Ambassadour to D. Fernando, demanding some share and convenient subsistence; which being granted, was much displea∣sing to some degenerate Spirits, who were in hopes of making a benefit to them∣selves by the Wars between Castile and Leon; of which Embassy the Noble Lady Berengaria, Mother of Fernando, being informed, she laboured much to bring mat∣ters to an accommodation, being very apprehensive of the many Troubles and in∣finite Ruines which are caused by a Civil and intestine War; and for that rea∣son labouring on both sides, she at length produced a Peace between her Son the King Fernando, and his Sisters the Ladies Sancha and Dulce, and prevailed with the King to stay at Leon, whilst she made a visit to the Queen Teresa, and her Daugh∣ters, then residing at Valentia. And then it was that Berengaria prevailed with Te∣resa, and her Daughters, to quit all their Title and Interest to the Kingdom of Leon; in consideration of which King Fernando did oblige himself to give a yearly Annuity to each of these Sisters of thirty thousand Maravedis of Gold. To con∣firm this Agreement the King came to Benevente, where he met his Sisters, and there signed and sealed a Writing to them, to pay them the thirty thousand Ma∣ravedis of Annuity; making them Assignment on the places where to receive their Money, which was afterwards the Foundation of a happy Peace.

After this King Fernando being married to Queen Joan, he went in Progress to visit several parts of his Kingdom, and being at Toledo, he understood that Cordova, and other remote Cities of his Kingdom, were in great penury and distress for want of Provisions; for supply of which he sent them twenty five thousand Mara∣vedis to Cordova, and the like sum, to other Garrisons. All which small sums are particularly recorded in the Chronicles which write of the Life of Don Fernando the Saint.

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CHAP. IV.

The Authour proceeds in his Discourse concerning the small quantity of Money which was in ancient days, and how much there is now in these.

THE which Treatise being of the same nature with the preceding Chapter, to avoid tediousness to the Reader, we have thought fit to omit. And so proceed unto the next Chapter.

CHAP. V.

Shewing how little the Conquest of the new World cost unto the Kings of Castile.

BEing come now to our ultimate Argument to prove the small quantity of Mo∣ney which was then in Spain, before the time that the Conquest of my Countrey was effected; we cannot give a more pregnant instance, than by de∣monstrating how little the most rich Empire of Peru, and all the new World, not before known, cost the Kings of Castile. Francis Lopez in his General History of the Indies, having recounted many remarkable passages, we shall faithfully recite such of them as are most pertinent to our purpose; as namely, That Christopher Columbus treated with Henry the 7th, King of England, about the Discovery of the Indies, as also with Alfonso the 5th King of Portugal, with the Dukes of Medi∣na Sidonia, and Medina Celi, who not receiving with good approbation the Propo∣sals made them, Friar John Perez, and Friar Francis de la Rabida, which last was the King's Cosmographer, encouraged him to make his Applications to the Court of Spain, where they believed his Propositions might find a gratious reception: By these means Columbus was introduced into the Court of Castile, in the Year 1486. where he delivered his Proposals and Petition to Fernando and Isabella, King and Queen of Spain, but they being embroiled at that time in their Wars against the Moors in the Countrey of Granada, had little leisure to convert their thoughts to Projects of this nature. And Columbus being but a stranger, and poor in habit, and without other Credit or Interest than that of a poor Friar, whom they would neither vouchsafe to lend an Ear unto, much less to believe, was the cause of great Discouragement and Affliction to Columbus. Onely Alonso de Quintanilla, who was Auditor General, gave him his Diet at his Caterer's House, taking great pleasure to hear him discourse, and promise high Matters, and Riches, which were to be fetched from unknown Countries; and therefore to keep up his Spi∣rits, he gave him hopes one day to prevail with his Catholick Majesty in his be∣half; the which he accordingly effected for him, by introducing him first to the knowledge of Cardinal de Mendoça, Archbishop of Toledo, who had a great power and authority both with the King and Queen of Spain. This Noble Person ha∣ving maturely examined and considered of the Proposals which Columbus made, procured him an Audience with the King, to whom at first his Propositions

seemed vain Projects, and without foundation, howsoever he received good Words, and hopes of a favourable dispatch, so soon as the War with Granada should be concluded. With this Answer Columbus conceived some satisfaction and began to be esteemed in the Court, for untill that time the Courtiers tur∣ned all his Project into ridicule, and derided it as a Dream, or a melancholy fancy. Granada being at length taken, Columbus renewed his Negotiation with such success, that he obtained his Demand, and a Commission to go into the new World for Gold, Silver, Pretious Stones, and other rich and valuable Commo∣dities, and to receive and take unto himself the twelfth part of all such Riches, Royalties and Rents, which he should discover and acquire in those unknown Countries, without Damage or Prejudice howsoever to the Right which the King of Portugal pretends to those parts. All which Articles of Agreement were made, granted and concluded at Granada on the 30th of April, in the year when that City was taken and subdued, and confirmed in virtue of the holy Faith, and with all the Privileges and Graces of the Royal Favour; but in regard the King had no Money wherewith to furnish Columbus on this expedition, Lewis de St. Angel, Clerk of the Exchequer, lent six Millions of Maravedis to him, which make the sum of sixteen thousand Ducats. And now here are two things particularly ob∣servable, one of which is, that with so small a sum as this all the Riches of the In∣dies accrued to the Royal Crown of Castile. That so soon as the Conquest over the Moors was perfected, the Wars with whom had continued for the space of eight hundred years, the Conquest over the Indians was begun, that so it may ap∣pear how zealous the Spaniards have ever been to exercise, and employ their Arms against the Enemies of the Faith of Christ. By which it appears, that by the continued and constant solicitations which Columbus used at the Court for the space of seven or eight years before he could procure his dispatch, together with the help of sixteen thousand Ducats, all Spain, and the whole World hath been enriched. And having now treated of the Royal Assent, we shall descend to more common and particular matters, to evidence the truth of this whole History.

CHAP. VI.

The Value of common things before the Conquest of Peru.

WHerein the Authour enlarging himself by particular instances, at how cheap a rate all things were valued in Spain, in the same manner as in the 2d, 3d, and 4th Chapters, we have, for brevity sake, thought fit to omit, and for bet∣ter divertisement to the Reader we proceed to

CHAP. VII.

Wherein two Opinions are declared concerning the Riches of Peru, and the beginning of that Conquest.

HAving already described to what sum the Revenue of Spain did amount in former times, it would now be very satisfactory, if we could give an ac∣count to what a value it is amounted and improved in these days; but I must confess, that that would prove too difficult a work for me, who have no interest or communication with the Officers of the Royal Exchequer, nor such intimacy with them, as to obtain so great a favour from any of them; and indeed I am per∣suaded, that if I had, yet the vast quantities of Riches which pass through their Hands are almost incomprehensible, and such as they cannot number, how much less am I insufficient for this matter, who have no skill or knowledge of that Wealth, or, as I may use our own Saying, who know not what colour Flower or Meal bears. Onely this we may aver, as a matter clear and manifest, that all the charge and expence for equipping out the Fleet against England, in the Year 1588. was all charged on the Wealth of Peru; besides which Philip the 2d. King of Ca∣stile, received eight Millions of Ducats from thence in the space of six years, be∣sides all other branches of his Royal Revenue; the which sum was commanded afterwards to be paid in the term of every three years. It is farther manifest and apparent, that soon after Philip the third came to the Crown, that the Kingdom offered another increase of his Revenue to eighteen Millions, payable in the space of six years; the which continues to these times, besides all other Rents and Du∣ties paid to the Crown: By these, and other particular instances before mentio∣ned, we may collect and imagine the great improvement hath been in the King's Revenue; the several branches of which being much more various than those of private Estates, and there having in every one of those branches been a conside∣rable advance and improvement; the sum thereof is become so prodigious and vast, as can scarce be valued by the Skill of our Arithmetick. By which we may conclude, that if that Man is to be esteemed poor, who can value his Riches, Pauperis est numerare pecus, how much must we be plunged in our account, when we come to reckon, and sum up the Revenue of that Monarch, in the circumfe∣rence of whose Territories (as Cosmographers describe) the Sun never sets? All which Riches and Grandeur are to be attributed to the success and labours of this our Triumvirate.

And though it be true what we have said before, that we had little acquain∣tance or communication with the Officers of His Majesties Royal Exchequer; yet at length, by the friendship which I gained with John de Morales, a Native of Ma∣drid, who was a very honest and intelligent Gentleman; I procured some account of the King's Revenue, with which he was pleased to oblige me, for the better ad∣vance of this History, which I now write; the which was so difficult a work to him, that he kept me three months before he could satisfie me therein; and at last he delivered me this following account, which I have extracted verbatim from his own Paper.

Your Worship was pleased to desire of me, that to serve a particular occasion of yours, I would set down in writing the rents and value of all his Majesties Revenue; the which is a business so difficult, that I cannot summ within any tolerable compass of certainty. And indeed, though the King hath desired it, and commanded it to be given in, for the better direction and measures of his Council of the Treasury, and ordered all to be put into a Book, yet that work is not as yet begun, nor do we know when it will be be∣gun, much less when it will be ended, for there are such vast Rises and Falls, such Advances and Abatements, that nothing can be delivered with any certain∣ty, every thing running in such different chanels, as is impossible to reduce them to any coherence of method; but in the bulk or lump, we may affirm, that

the Revenue of the King is a prodigious Mass of Wealth and Treasure.

Thus far are the Words of Morales, which we have willingly alledged in confirmation of the truth of what we have said, being desirous not to write any thing but that which we can avouch on good ground and authority. And for farther proof of this difficulty, and how hard a thing it is to sum up the Revenue of this King of Spain, now Emperour of the new World, I shall produce the Testimony of John Botero, a great and an universal Historian, who, after he had made a calculate of the Revenue of the King of China, and of the Rents which Galizia, Asturias and Portugal anciently yielded to the Roman Empire; with what was the Revenue of the Kings of Navarre, France, the Emperour, Poland, England, Duke of Lorrain, King of Scotland, Swedeland and Gothland; as also what was the Income of the House of Austria, of the King of Narsinga, the Neriffe of Egypt, and of the Gran Signor; yet coming to the Reve∣nue of our King of Spain, he is there silent; for which I can render no other rea∣son, than because this Authour coming to this Account, he found himself so plun∣ged and immersed therein, that he durst not adventure to fathom the same; not having, as I imagine, numbers sufficient to sum up the Tribute of his many King∣doms, and with them the immense Riches imported from Peru.

And in confirmation of the great Treasure with which Peru hath enriched all the World, I have this farther Testimony to offer from the most Reverend Father Don Paulo de Laguna, who was President of the Council of his Majesty's Exche∣quer, and afterwards President of the Council of the Indies, and Vice-king of the New World, and in the Year 1603. was elected Bishop of Cordova; this great Person discoursing one day with his Confessour, and others, concerning the im∣mense Riches of Peru, did confidently affirm, that from one Mountain onely of Peru, there had been transported into Spain, untill the Year 1602. two hundred Millions of Pieces of Eight, which had been registred; and that at least one hun∣dred Millions more had been imported without Register; And I can farther add, (said he) that twenty five Millions in Gold and Silver have been brought into Spain by one Fleet in my time. The Standers-by hearing this, answered, We could never believe it, my Lord, but that we receive it from so authentick an Authour as your Lordship. What I say, replied the Bishop, I know for a certain truth; and moreover I assure you, that all the Kings of Spain, joined together from King Pelayo to these times, have not been Ma∣sters of so much Money as King Philip the 2d. hath been. After which testimony from so great a person, we shall not need to add, or require farther proofs for what we have alledged.

But such as look on the Riches of Peru with more than a common Eye, are of opinion, that they have rather been hurtfull than good or beneficial to Mankind; for that Riches have been the cause of Vice, and not of Vertue, having inclined the Nature of Men to Pride and Ambition, to Gluttony and Luxury; for enjoying an affluence of Fortune, they have given themselves up to Sloth, and Effeminacy, becoming neither fit for Government in the times of Peace, nor yet for Hardship and Labour in the times of War, employing their whole thoughts and time in contriving new Dishes, and Liquours, to please their Appetite, and fantastical Fashions for their Clothing; in which they are arrived to that height of extrava∣gance, that they scarce know what to wear, and are come to that undecency of Dress, that their Habit is more correspondent to Women than to Men. And as the Rents of the Rich have been raised to maintain the Lusts and riotous Li∣ving of great Persons, so have the Poor been oppressed, and reduced to Rags, and Famine, to support the Pride and Luxury of their Landlords. And the truth is, the Poor are become much more poor than formerly; for the quantity of Money being increased, which is all accumulated into the Coffers of the Rich, hath en∣hansed the price of Provisions and Commodities to that degree, that the Poor starve by the abundance of the Rich; and though the Rich have a plenty of Mo∣ney, and may out of their great stores enlarge their Charities towards the Poor; yet their Alms do not answer the price of Provisions which the plenty of Money hath raised in the World; so in short they conclude, that the Riches of the new World not having increased the Provisions necessary for the support of humane Life, but rather served to make them dear, and Men effeminate, having enfeebled them in their Bodies and Understandings, and debauched them in their Habits and Customs of living, the generality of Mankind is become much worse, and less contented, and having been formidable, and dreaded in ancient times by all the World, are now rendred mean and effeminate by the corruption of their Riches.

Now as to these two Opinions, I leave every one free to follow that which seems best to him. For I being a party, and biassed by affection to my own Countrey, dare neither pretend to favour that which applauds the grandeur and glory which Peru hath brought to Spain, nor yet oppose the other, lest I should seem partial, and too affectionate to my own Cause. And so we shall proceed and take the thread of our History, passing by divine favour through the beginning, middle and end of this famous Triumvirate.

We say then, that these three great Men having entred into an Agreement and Society together, and assigned to each other his several and distinct Charge and Office. The first thing they did was to build two Ships, upon one of which Fran∣cis Piçarro, in the Year 1525. departed from Panama with an hundred and four∣teen Men, by license and permission of the Governour Peter Arias de Avila, and having sailed about an hundred Leagues, they arrived at a Countrey very moun∣tainous, and subject to Rains: The Natives were as fierce and rugged as the Countrey they inhabited, and in great numbers sallied forth to join Battel with the Spaniards, of which they killed some; and in four Skirmishes Piçarro received seven wounds with Arrows, but he being well armed, none of them proved mor∣tal; howsoever they were forced to leave the Countrey, to their great discourage∣ment, repenting now of the design they had undertaken. Almagro soon after∣wards departed from Panama, in quest of Piçarro, and coming to the same Land which was appointed for their Rendezvous, were entertained with the like treat∣ment; for the Indians being fleshed by the success of the late Skirmishes, sallied out against the Spaniards with like courage, and having killed many of them, and beaten out one of the Eyes of Almagro, he was forced likewise to leave the Coun∣trey; but what land or part this was, the Spanish Historians do not tell us: At length Almagro going in search of Piçarro, joined with him at Chinchama, where they agreed again to land their Men, but this Countrey proving as mountainous, and as subject to Rain as the other, and the People no less fierce and warlike, sallying out upon them in great numbers, forced them again to retreat unto their Ships, bestowing on them a thousand Curses and Reproaches at their de∣parture. All which is related at large by Lopez de Gomara, to whom I refer the Reader, in case he desires to know more particulars of that Expedition.

CHAP. VIII.

How Almagro returned twice to Panama for Succour and Recruits.

AFter this ill success Almagro returned to Panama for new Recruits, and brought with him eighty Men; and yet for all this force the two Captains durst not attempt the Conquest of any Countrey, by reason that the Natives made a bold and stout resistence; howsoever sailing along by the Sea Coast, they came at length to a Countrey called Catamez, which was plain and level, without moun∣tains, and abounding with such quantities of Provisions, that they furnished them∣selves with all things necessary for humane sustenance; and there observing that the Indians wore great Studs and Plates of Gold on their Faces, with fine Eme∣ralds and Turquoises, the Spaniards became again elevated in their hopes, not doubting now but to make a good Voyage, and to gain Riches and Wealth to their full satisfaction. But soon after the Spaniards lost the hopes and expectation of all their imaginary Wealth, so soon as they saw the Indians come down upon them in great numbers, with good Orders, and with desire and courage to fight; with which the Spaniards became so discouraged, that they durst not engage with them; and though they were at least two hundred and fifty Men, yet by common

consent they departed, and landed at a certain Island, called the Cock Island; where having remained for several days, sometimes in hopes, and again depressed with fear, as their different Rencounters and Successes were promising, or adverse, they began for the most part to despond, and wish they had never adventured on the Enterprise; onely the Captains and Commanders remained firm and constant to their first Design, resolving either to overcome, or dye in their Enterprise: With this determination they agreed that Piçarro should continue in the Island, and that Almagro should return to Panama, to fetch Provisions, and more Recruits; but many of the Souldiers growing weary and timorous, desired to return with him; which Almagro refused to admit, or to carry Letters, lest the Souldiers ad∣vising the dangers and hazards they had sustained to their Friends at Panama, should bring a Disreputation and Discouragement on their whole Design, which they had formerly magnified, having cried up the vast Treasures of those unknown Countries: In pursuit of which the resolute Constancy which these Chiefs had shewed enhansed the estimate of those hidden Riches.

But whatever the Captains could doe to hinder the Intelligence which the Soul∣diers might give of their Disastures to Panama, they could not prevent or disap∣point the Advices, which Men in Distress contrived to send for their Relief; for a certain Person, who was a Native of Truxillo, and for being of the same Coun∣trey with Piçarro, had greater Obligations to follow the Fortune of his Leader, found out a way to fold up a Paper within a bottom of Cotton Yarn, made up in the bigness of an Egg, in which Writing all the Disastures, and ill Successes of their adventure were related, being directed to a certain Friend, subscribed by ma∣ny of the Souldiers, giving an account of such as were dead, and slain, and of the present straits and necessities they were in, as also of their Confinement, not be∣ing suffered to return to Panama; at the foot of which Advice, or Intelligence, these four Verses were written,

Good Mr. Governour, We pray you consider, That there goes the Fetcher, And here stays the Butcher.

I remember, that when I was a Child I often heard these Verses repeated, when∣soever Discourses occasionally were made concerning the Conquest of the New World, which became afterwards like a Proverb, or old Saying, frequent in the Mouth of every one; and in reality they proved very prejudicial to these Chiefs, whose Design was wholly lost, and all the Money they had spent, and Labours they sustained, came all to nothing: When afterwards I came into Spain, and found those Verses inserted in the History of Lopez de Gomara, I was much plea∣sed to see them there recorded, because I remembred to have heard them in the times when I was in the Indies.

CHAP. IX.

Piçarro is forsaken by all his Souldiers, onely thirteen Com∣panions remain with him.

WHen Almagro returned to Panama, it was then about a year since this En∣terprise was first begun, at which time he found a new Governour, called Pedro de los Rios, a Gentleman of Cordova, who having received and perused the Peti∣tion of the Souldiers, he sent a certain Judge, called Tafur, to the Cock Island, with Commission to free all such as should be desirous to return unto Panama. This Report being rumoured abroad, such as before had engaged themselves to go with Almagro, began to withdraw themselves, saying, that since those who were alrea∣dy on the place, were weary of their Employment, and desirous to return home, it would be to little purpose for them to take up the Cudgels which the others had laid down; the which misfortune Almagro greatly lamented, having lost all his hopes; and Piçarro, when he found himself abandoned, and forsaken of all his Men, without regard to that Faith and Engagement of Articles by which they had associated themselves with him, he remained perplexed, and distracted with great confusion of Mind; at length plucking up his courage, that he might di∣stinguish who were for him, and who were against him; he laid his hand upon his Sword, and drew it, and with the point thereof he drew a Line on the ground, towards Peru, and turning to his Men, said to them:

Fellow Souldiers, This Line signifies the Labours, Hunger, Thirst, Weari∣ness, Wounds, Sicknesses, and all other Dangers and Hazards which are to be sustained to procure this great Conquest, even to the loss perhaps of Life it∣self: Whosoever finds himself endued with Courage sufficient to undergo this great Trial, and whose Heroick Soul is capable of the generous Thoughts of this Noble Conquest, let him, in token, and for evidence of his brave Spirit, pass on the other side of this Line, which shall serve for a Testimony between me and them of their Faith and Resolution; and let such as find in themselves a Cowardly Spirit, and a Soul too mean for so sublime an Action, let them return to Panama; for my part, I will force no Man, being resolved to remain here my self with those few that will be my Companions, not doubting but that God, for the Glory and Honour of his most holy Name, will so assist us with his Divine Providence, that we shall find no want of those who out of Fear and Cowardise forsake us.

The Spaniards having heard the conclusion of this Speech, immediately hasted aboard with all speed imaginable, lest any unlucky accident should prevent their return to Panama; for as the difficulty and fear of Labour is always more prevalent in mean and poor Spirits, than the thoughts of Honour, or hopes of Riches, so these vile and abject Souls forsook their generous Captain, who would have con∣ducted them to the height of eternal Fame, to return ignominiously with their Judge. Howsoever thirteen remained for Companions with Piçarro, who could not be corrupted or discouraged by the ill examples of the Fugitives, but rather having their Hearts and Spirits more enflamed with Disdain against the cowardly and base, they courageously passed the Line which Piçarro had drawn with his Sword, and there renewed their Vows and Protestations, of Constancy and Faith, promising to live and dye with their Captain and generous Leader.

Piçarro having returned them Thanks, and promised them the Prizes and Re∣wards of their Conquests, they passed over in a Boat to another Island, called the Gorgona, where they endured great want of all Provisions, living for several months and days on no other sustenance than with Sea-weeds, and great Serpents, and other creeping Creatures, of which that Island yields great abundance; and is miserably infested with Rains, and subject to terrible Lightnings and Thunder;

in which sad and dismal place and condition they suffered Miseries beyond ex∣pression. Of all these thirteen brave Heroes Gomara makes mention but of two onely; I know not his reason for it, or why he omits to name the other eleven; but now I think on't, I have observed that it is the common omission and defect of Spanish Writers, not to reckon particularly the Heroes of their Countrey by name, for they ought to declare their Names and Surnames, their Families, Coun∣tries and Parentage, that the memory of such Persons, famous in their Generation for the Conquest of a new World, may be conserved unto all Ages, and their Families boast in the honour of being allied to such Ancestours. The two which Gomara mentions are Peter de Candia, who was not a Spaniard neither, but a Greek, and Bartholomew Ruyz de Moguer, a Native of Moguer, and Pilot in this Naviga∣tion and Voyage. But Carate was more accurate in his Relation, for besides the two former he names seven others, viz. Nicholas de Ribera, John de la Torre, Alonso Brisenno, all Natives of Venavente, Christopher de Peralta, a Native of Baeça, Alonso de Truxillo, Francis de Cuellar, a Native Cuella, and Alonso de Molina, born at Ubeda. Besides which recited by this Writer, there was another Ribera, compa∣nion to the former, whose Name I have forgotten, perhaps it might be Jeronimo or Alonso, but to distinguish them one from the other, they usually called them Ribera the Senior, and Ribera the Junior; not that one was much elder than the other in years, but by reason of their seniority in the Society with Piçarro, for one of them was in the number of the first Adventurers which came from Panama, and the other was of the second or third Expedition, which came thence with Alma∣gro; all which particulars I learned in my own Countrey from those who dis∣coursed of those times, and were for the most part Eye-witnesses of the matter of fact; both which Riberas had their Shares and Divisions of Indians made to them in Ciudad Real, where they left Sons and Daughters, educated with all Goodness and Vertue. He whom Carate calls Alonso Truxillo, was James,, for I was well ac∣quainted with him, and know that he had Lands and Possessions given him in Cozco, and that in the Year 1560. when I departed from that City, he was still living. Moreover Francis Rodrigues of Villa Fuerte near Cozco, was another of the thirteen, and one of the first which passed the Line, which, as we have said, Al∣magro drew with the point of his Sword, and was living in the year abovesaid, onely two are wanting of the thirteen, whose Names we know not. And thus much we have said to illustrate the History of Carate, in honour to those Fami∣lies, whose Off-spring may well boast to have been descended from such famous Ancestours. The like particulars I shall mention in other passages, where I find that Spanish Writers have been defective, that so the Reader may receive entire satisfaction in this History.

CHAP. X.

Francis Piçarro proceeds in his Conquest.

PIçarro and his thirteen Companions remained many Months in the Island of Gorgona, enduring great hardships in that Countrey where are perpetual Rains, without House or Tent, or any thing to cover them, and where the best and choicest of their food was nothing but the flesh of great Serpents; so that it seemed, as if God had sustained them by a miracle; and indeed the Divine Pro∣vidence appeared most wonderfully in putting it into the Hearts of all, besides these thirteen, to return, to demonstrate unto the World, that this Conquest was not effected by Humane, but by Divine Aid; for it is hardly conceivable how, humanely speaking, it should enter into the minds of thirteen Men onely, to ad∣venture on the Conquest of Peru. Of which therefore we can give no other Ac∣count, than onely that the Divine Mercy compassionating the Miseries and Ig∣norances of those Gentiles, was pleased to incite and inflame a fire of Courage in the Breasts of those Spaniards, fitted for such an Enterprise; for as God did under the Old Testament infuse strength and virtue into the Locks of Sampson, so now he was pleased by such weak means as these to bring Light out of Darkness, and make way for the effusion and spreading of his Holy Gospel.

At the end of many Months (for a dispatch could not be sooner made) the Ship arrived which Almagro sent with Provisions, but without Men; a misfortune so discouraging, that one might believe they would rather have been induced to return home, than persist in their resolution. But God so influenced their Minds with strange hopes, that they figured unto themselves a concurrence of all hap∣py Omens in their favour, for they no sooner saw the Ship, than that they resol∣ved to proceed in their Voyage, and discover at least what Countrey and what People they were, who inhabited under the Equinoctial, a Region as yet un∣known to the Spaniards: With these Intentions they embarked, and at length with much labour they got out of the Golf in which they were embayed; for both the South wind, which always blows in, and the Current, which always sets from North to South, made it very difficult to surmount both one and the other; for indeed it is a wonderfull thing to see, and it were well if it were de∣scribed in our Maps, for the benefit of Navigation, in what manner, and with what rapidness those Streams run; for with the violence of the Waves, and force of the Current, they make such a noise, and raise such a froth, as is most terrible to behold, and is dangerous to Ships, which being sucked in by those Whirl∣pools, are certainly lost. Many of these Currents cast up the earth and slime from the bottom, that the Waters are very thick and turbid, others are clear and limpid; some are large and broad, and others narrow, but that which is most strange to see, is the vast difference of one Water from the other, that is of one Water which runs with a swift Stream from that which is still, or runs slowly; the Waters on each side are quiet, and seem like a Wall to the rapid Stream which runs in the middle, the reason of which I cannot comprehend. It is suffi∣cient for our purpose to tell you, that their Navigation over such Currents, and in an unknown Sea, for many Days and Months, was very difficult; and there∣fore we cannot sufficiently applaud the courage of these thirteen Companions, who would still adventure, and struggle under all these Discouragements. They suffered much by hunger, for being but few in number, they were cautious of ha∣zarding themselves amongst the Indians, onely they sometimes watched an oppor∣tunity to get Food and Provisions by stealth and robbery, rather than by force of Arms, or open appearance.

[illustration]

CHAP. XI.

How Piçarro, and his thirteen Companions, arrived in Peru.

AT the end of two years, after they had quitted the Island of Gorgona, for so long they had been in making their Discoveries on the Coast, not knowing well whither they went, during which time we will leave the Rea∣der to consider what Distresses and Hardships they sustained, all which other Historians omit, not counting the steps, and degrees by which these Adven∣turers proceeded. At length I say, they arrived at Tumpiz, where it pleased God to work a Miracle, that those people might receive, and embrace the Ca∣tholick Faith, which was this; the Ship being here arrived, the Spaniards obser∣ved that the Countrey was well peopled, and adorned with many good Houses, and more stately Buildings, than any they had seen in other parts, became very desirous to make a farther discovery; but how to contrive it was very difficult, for they were fearfull to send one man singly, lest he should be killed by the Indi∣ans, nor durst they adventure in a Body, for fear of the like fate; at length to end the Dispute, Peter de Candia being full of Courage and Christian confidence, offered himself on this Adventure, telling his Companions, that in case he were killed, their loss would not be much, considering that he was but a single person, and that if he came well off, the greater would be the Wonder and the Victory; which having said, he immediately covered his Body with a Coat of Mail, which reached to his Knees, and put on a Helmet of the best and bravest sort, he girt his Sword by his side, took his Target of Steel in his left hand, and in the right he bore a wooden Cross of about a yard and a half long, which being the signal of his Redemption, he confided more therein than in his Arms of Steel or Iron. This Peter of Candia was a very tall Man, and though I did never see him, yet his Son, with whom I went to School at Beaba, shewed me the proportion of his Father in himself; for being a Boy, but of eleven or twelve years of age, was as big as another of twice that age. In this dress Peter de Candia left his Com∣panions, desiring their Prayers and Recommendations of him unto God, and then with a grave and serious Countenance and Pace he walked towards the Inhabi∣tants, with as much Majesty as if he had been Lord Paramount of all that Pro∣vince. The Indians, who were in great confusion at the Arrival of the Ship, were much more affrighted when they saw a Man so tall, and of so vast a proportion, covered all with Iron, with a Beard on his Face, which had never been known or seen before amongst them. Those who met him in the Fields ran away, and gave an Allarm to their People, and all taking Arms, ran into their Castle or For∣tress, which was speedily filled with crowds; but Peter still continued his grave Countenance, and Pace towards them, which when they saw, they were in great admiration, none daring to hurt him, for they believed that he was some divine or heavenly Apparition; but to prove what manner of thing he was, the Curacas, or Lords, agreed to try him with the Lion and Tyger which Huayna Capac had re∣commended to their Custody, (as we have already related in the History of his Life,) which when they had let loose, they expected that they should kill and tear him in pieces; but this story is briefly related by Peter de Cieça, in the Ac∣count he gives of the Conquests and Actions of Huayna Capac in this great Pro∣vince of Tumpiz, the which I thought fit to transcribe word for word, that so I might have the Testimony of a Spanish Authour, in confirmation of the truth of what I have wrote, and with the same occasion describe the beauty of that pleasant Valley of Tumbiz, for so that Authour writes.

In regard, saith he, that the Inhabitants of the Isle of Puna were always at variance with the Na∣tives

of Tumbez, the Captains of the Inga built a Fortress, which perhaps they designed with intention to employ the People, and divert their Minds from their unreasonable Wars and Debates. So soon as this Fortress was finished Guayna Capal came thither, and commanded that a Temple should be built, and dedicated to the Sun, near to the Fortress of Tumbez, and that two hun∣dred Virgins, chosen out of the most beautifull Ladies belonging to Noble Families of that Countrey, should have their Lodgings therein. In this For∣tress (of which there remain some Ruines to this day) Guayna Capac did, by his Deputy gather and collect the Tributes of the People, and laid them up there, with many pretious Jewels, as also all Provisions for the Souldiers of the Garrison, and for those which marched that way; also they report, that in this Fortress the Lion and Tiger were kept, which had been sent thither by Guayna Capac, and were the same which they let loose upon Pedro de Candia, with intent that they might tear him in pieces, at that time when Francis Pi∣çarro came first to this Countrey, with his thirteen Companions, to make a Discovery of Peru. In this Fortress of Tumbez were many Silver-smiths, which made Vessels of Gold and Silver, and other pieces of rare Workmanship for service and ornament of the Temple, which they esteemed holy and sancti∣fied, as also for service and honour of the Inca; and for his perpetual Fame and lasting Memory, they plated all the Walls of this Temple with panes of Gold and Silver. And the Women which were dedicated to the service of the Temple had no other employment than to spin, and weave the finest sort of their Wool, which they performed with great curiosity. And in regard we have in the second Part of this History related as much as we could under∣stand, or had reason to believe, concerning the Kingdom of Peru, from the time of Mango Capac, who was the first to the time of Guascar, who was the last King that descended by lawfull Succession; we shall add no farther in this Chapter, than what will serve to illustrate this History.

Thus far the Words of Peter de Cieça, collected out of that part of his Histo∣ry, wherein he treats of the great Riches of Tumpiz, and of the wild Beasts which they set upon Peter de Candia, but proceeds no farther, reserving the remainder of his Story to be related in the third Part of his Works, which have not as yet been published to the World.

CHAP. XII.

Of the Miracle which God wrought in Tumpiz.

BUT to return unto our purpose: We say, That those wild Beasts behold∣ing the Christian, and the Cross which he held in his hand, immediately lost their natural fierceness, and as if they had been two Dogs which he had bred up, came and fawned upon him, and cast themselves at his Feet. Peter de Candia considering this Miracle which God had wrought for him, took courage, and stroked them on the Head and Sides, laying the Cross upon them; whereby these Gentiles might understand, that by virtue of that Standard the savage Beasts had lost their ferocity, and were made tame. The Indians seeing this Wonder, conceived that Peter was no mortal Man, but descended from Heaven and from the Sun, and therefore with common consent adored him as a Child of their God the Sun, bringing him into their Temple, which was lined with broad plates of Gold, that so he might be informed in what manner they honoured and worship∣ped his Father in that Countrey.

And having shewed him their Temple, with the Vessels of Gold and Silver, and other Ornaments and Riches which were for the service of it, they conducted him to the Royal Lodgings of his Brothers the Incas, whom they esteemed also for Children of the Sun. Then they lead him through all the Palace, that he might see the square Halls, the Chambers, and Antichambers, together with the furni∣ture of Gold and Silver; they shewed him also all the Vessels which were for ser∣vice of the Inca, such as Jars, and Cups, and Pots, all which, even to the Shovels and Tongs of the Kitchin were all of Gold and Silver. Then they brought him into the Gardens, where he saw Trees, and lesser Plants, and Herbs, and wild Beasts, and creeping things, such as we have said were placed in the Royal Gardens, which were all made in Gold and Silver, at which the Christian was as much astonished, as the Indians were to see a Man so strange, and wonderfull as he ap∣peared unto them.

CHAP. XIII.

Peter de Candia informs his Companions of what he had seen, and therewith they all return unto Panama.

PEter de Candia being abundantly satisfied with what he had seen, returned with all Joy imaginable to his Companions, taking much larger steps back, than his gravity allowed him in his march towards the people. He then informed them of all which had passed, and what immense Riches he had seen, at which his Companions remained with astonishment, being scarce able to give credit to his Relation; howsoever being ready to believe what they so much desired, they were abundantly satisfied with the Labours they had formerly sustained in quest of those mighty Treasures, and Riches, promising unto themselves the possession and enjoyment thereof, had they but the fortune to entice and persuade Men to adventure for them. And having thus discovered what they desired, and more than they expected, they returned to Panama, having not force sufficient to pro∣ceed farther. Augustin Carate reports, that three Spaniards remained on the place, after the others were departed; or, as Lopez de Gomara says, but two, who out of a curiosity of seeing those Riches which Peter de Candia had mentioned, or out of a covetous desire of gaining some of them, in case they were such as were repor∣ted, refused to return with their other Companions. But it is not known what afterwards became of them, the Spanish Historians say, that they were killed by the Indians, but that is not probable, because they were worshipped and adored by them as descended from the Sun; but it may rather be supposed that they dyed of Sickness, that Coast being very unhealthfull for the Bodies of Strangers; and these being those who perished from the number of the thirteen, dying, as is be∣lieved amongst the Indians, their Memory was forgotten, and no mention made of them in the Exploits recounted of the other Companions. These thirteen Spa∣niards consumed at least three Years in the discovery of Peru, as the Spanish Au∣thours testifie. Augustin Carate, in the 2d. Chapter of his first Book, hath these Words:

Having made these Discoveries in the space of three Years, they re∣turned to Panama, during which time they sustained much hardship, and under∣went many Dangers; they endured Want, and Hunger, and received Wounds in their Skirmishes with the Indians; but most of all, their greatest disappoint∣ments proceeded from their own civil Discords and Dissentions, the which Pi∣çarro did often by his prudence and gentleness accommodate and appease; giving them great encouragement by the assurances he made them of the faithfulness and diligence of Almagro, who was making provisions of Victuals, of Men, Horse and Arms; and indeed Almagro and Piçarro were both so cordial, and zealous in this Design, that they spared neither their Estates, nor their Lives in this Adventure, having made themselves poor and indebted, who were before the richest of their Countrey.

Thus far are the Words of Carate; likewise Go∣mara avouches the like in this manner.

Francis Piçarro spent three years in this Discovery of Peru, having undergone great Hardships, and Labours, with Hun∣ger, Perils, Fears, and many other straits.

And so concludes the Chapter.

Amongst the many acute and witty Savings which are recounted of this famous Captain Francis Piçarro, and that which he would often use, when he perceived that his Companions were wearied, and discouraged with various Labours they sustained in this Discovery, and also afterwards, when they were entred on the Conquest, he would often say, Miserable are we who harass and wear out our selves to gain strange Empires and Kingdoms, which neither we our selves, nor our Children, but we know not who, shall enjoy them. This Saying I have often heard reported from the mouth of those who were Ear-Witnesses thereof, and who vvere Companions vvith him in those Exploits. Likevvise those very Conquerours vvould often re∣peat that saying, vvhen after the Conquest the civil Wars arose betvveen Gonçalo

Piçarro and Francis Hernandez Giron, in which most of them were slain; and in re∣gard that Saying appeared a most universal Truth, every one would take it for his own; but certain it is, that it was the true prediction of Captain Francis Piçarro, to the truth of which I also am able to give an Attestation.

CHAP. XIV.

Piçarro makes a Voyage into Spain, and demands Aid for the Conquest of Peru.

FRancis Piçarro returning with all possible diligence to Panama, acquainted Die∣go de Almagro, and Hernandez Luque, the Schoolmaster, his two Fellow-un∣dertakers, with the immense and incredible Riches which they had discovered; with which News being overjoyed and encouraged, they agreed that Francis Pi∣çarro should make a Voyage into Spain, to desire a Commission from the Em∣perour, Charles the 5th. for the Conquest and Government of that Countrey which they had discovered. But these three Associates had so wasted and consumed their Estates in this late Undertaking, that they had nothing remaining of all their own Fortunes, but were forced to borrow, and take up a thousand Crowns in Gold to defray the charge of this Voyage. Francis Piçarro delivered in to the Council of the Indies a relation in writing, wherein he gave information to His Majesty of all that he had seen, supplicating, that in consideration of his former Pains and Labours in the Discovery, and also of the Hazards and Expences he was for the future to undergo and sustain in the Conquest, adventuring the Bloud and Riches of his Kindred and Friends, to gain an addition of new King∣doms and Treasure to the Imperial Crown of His Majesty, He would be grati∣ously pleased to grant him the Government of that Countrey. Many that heard Piçarro publish and boast of such immense Riches and Treasure, did believe that it was onely a Sham, or a Decoy to invite Men to adventure with them, but a few years after verified the truth of his whole Narrative. In answer to this Peti∣tion His Majesty was pleased to confer upon him all those Countries which he should conquer, with Title of Lord Lieutenant of Peru, as also of Captain Gene∣ral, and Governour of all those Countries which the Spaniards should conquer in Peru, which then they called New Castile, to distinguish it from those parts which were named New Spain, both being gained after the same manner; that is, as Strangers say, at the cost of Fools, and Madmen, and desperate Fellows.

Francis Piçarro, to whose Name hereafter we will add the Title of Don, because in the Commission from His Majesty that Honour is inserted; for in those times the Title of Don was onely prefixed before the Names of Noble Persons, and was not half so common as it is now, when every little fellow assumes it, and the very Indians, whether Noble, or not, in imitation of the Spaniards, give themselves that Title, and are called by it. We shall also hereafter call Diego Almagro Don Diego, for having been a Companion with Piçarro in his Enterprises, and equal to him in all his Undertakings, we cannot in Justice deny unto him a share of his Honours.

Don Francis therefore having received his Commission, and fitted all things ne∣cessary for his Voyage; and being accompanied with four of his Brothers, and many other Persons of Quality of the Province of Estremadura, he embarked at Seville, and having a quick and prosperous passage, he happily arrived at Panama: But Don Diego was much dissatisfied to understand that Don Francis had appropria∣ted all those Titles and Honours unto himself, and not made him a sharer with him in those Offices, and Places of Trust, which were conferred by Commission from his Majesty, forgetting that he had equally suffered with him in all the La∣bours

and Dangers which offered in the Discovery: And in regard that Don Di∣ego had spent more Wealth than he, having been much richer, and lost an Eye in the Service, he appeared not onely equal, but to have greater Merit than Pi∣çarro.

These disgusts were heightned by others, who aggravated the unkindness and neglect of Piçarro towards his Companions, alledging, that from a natural Ambi∣tion he had appropriated all the Trusts and Dignities to himself; for which cause these two Companions became much estranged one from the other, untill some Friends interposing between them, so reconciled matters, that they both agreed, and proceeded in their Enterprise; howsoever the Quarrel was not so well made up, but that there remained some reliques of it; for that though the Provisions were made, and all things put into a readiness; yet Don Diego could not so forget his Injuries, as to apply his mind with that zeal and warmness in his Office of ma∣king Provisions, as he had formerly exercised, which Hernando Piçarro more re∣senting than any other, and being a Man of a hot and fiery temper, did utter more harsh Language against Don Diego than any other, reproaching his Brother, and often charging him to be the cause of all the Wants and Hardships they sustained; to which Almagro's Brother replied, That Don Diego had reason to be remiss in his Supplies, and that it could not be expected that he should be so diligent in their concernment, who had been so baffled and neglected; and that though it were true, that according to Articles he was to share in one moiety of the Conquest, yet being a Gentleman, and of a generous Soul, he more esteemed of Honour and Government, than of all the Wealth and Treasure in the Universe. From whence arose such a mortal Hatred between Hernando Piçarro and Don Diego de Almagro, which was never appeased, untill one killed the other. Howsoever the Diffe∣rence for the present was salved up by the Intercession of some sober Persons, whom Don Francisco Piçarro, and his other Brothers, who were Men of a more cool and gentle Temper than Hernando, desired to interpose, and make a Reconci∣liation, by reason that they were well assured, that without the Assistence and Friendship of Almagro, the Design would be ruined. Amongst several others who were instrumental in this Reconciliation, was Antonio de la Gama, with whom I was acquainted at Cozco, and who had there a Division of Lands planted with Indians. Also Don Francis Piçarro did promise to renounce his Title of Lord Lieu∣tenant to Don Diego, and to beseech His Majesty, that he vvould be pleased to confer that Honour upon him. With vvhich Don Diego being appeased, he gave almost a thousand Ducats in Gold to his Companion, vvith all the Victuals, Arms and Horses vvhich he had provided, together vvith tvvo Ships to trans∣port them.

CHAP. XV.

Of the great Hardships the Spaniards endured in their Voy∣age from Panama to Tumpiz.

DOn Francisco Piçarro with his four Brothers, together with his Men and Horse, which were as many as his Ships could contain, set Sail from Panama, with intention not to touch any where untill they came to the Countrey of Tumpiz; but the Southerly Winds always blowing in that Sea, which were contrary to the course they steered, they were forced to land a hundred Leagues short of Tumpiz; so that sending their Ships back again to Panama, they resolved to march all the way by Land, esteeming it much easier than to turn to Windward for so many Leagues.

But in their Journey by Land they suffered much more than they would have done by the contrary Winds by Sea; for entring into a barren Countrey, void of all Victuals and Provisions, they endured hunger, and want of all things; and the way being long and tedious, over Mountains and Rocks, and their passage stopped by wide Rivers, they contrived to pass them with Floats, which they made of Timber, and Canes, and Rushes, which they fastned together, and with large Goards which they bound one to the other.

The chief Guide and Pilot over these Ferries was Don Francisco himself, who was well acquainted, and experienced in matters of this nature; the which he su∣stained with so much courage and patience, that for better example to his Com∣panions, he would carry the sick and tired persons on his own shoulders over Brooks and Fords, which might be waded over.

After all these difficulties, they came at length to that Province which they call Coaqui, where they found plenty of Provisions, and many Emeralds of the finest sort, of which they broke many; for being not skilfull Jewellers, they had an opinion, that the true Emeralds would not break, and therefore for a trial they proved them with Hammers upon the Anvil. The like they afterwards did in Tumpiz, where they broke many Emeralds of three or four thousand Ducats price: But not onely these Spaniards fell into this errour, but likewise others, who afterwards came to this Countrey under the Command of the Lord Lieutenant Don Pedro de Alvarado, who destroyed many Emeralds and Turquoises of an ine∣stimable value. But besides these disastures, the people of Piçarro were afflicted with a loathsome disease, which at first appeared with a swelling on their Heads and Faces, like Warts, and on several parts of their Body; but afterwards, when they came to a maturity, they were of the colour of ripe Figs, and about the big∣ness of them, hanging down as it were by a string, from whence great quantities of bloud issued; the which were not onely loathsome, but very sore; and it was very ugly to behold such filthy Warts, or Wens, appearing on their Foreheads, Eye-brows, Noses and Ears, for which they knew no remedy or cure. But this disease was not so mortal, but that many of them who were seized with this di∣stemper, recovered, though several dyed; and though the disease was Epidemical to the Natives of Peru, yet it was not so to the Spaniards, many of which escaped the Evil. Many years after that time I saw three or four Spaniards at Cozco, who lay ill of that distemper, but they recovered; and it may be attributed to some bad influence which was transient, for since that time, that sickness hath not been known. With all these Labours, Diseases, and Death of his Companions, Don Francisco was not dismayed, always shewing himself as forward to adventure him∣self first in dangers, as he was carefull in the cure of his Friends and Souldiers. To Panama he sent twenty four or twenty five thousand Ducats of Gold to supply Don Diego de Almagro with Money, that so he might be enabled to furnish those necessary succours of which they had occasion; part of which Gold he gained by War, and part by the ransome of such whom he had taken Captives. Thus

proceeding forwards to Tumpiz, he overtook another party of Spaniards, who be∣ing moved with the report and fame of the mighty Riches of Peru, came from Nicaragua to that Countrey; their Captains, or Leaders, were Sebastian de Belalca∣car, and John Fernandez; with which happy rencounter Piçarro was highly pleased, by reason that his own numbers were esteemed insufficient for that Conquest. Sebastian de Belalcaçar was by the Name of his Family properly called Moyano, but he rather chose to take his Appellation from his Countrey; he was a Twin of three, that is, two Sons and one Daughter, born at the same Birth: His Brother was called Favian Garcia Moyano, and his Sister Anastasia; they were both valiant and courageous, as was their elder Brother, and especially the Sister. This Relation I received from a Friar of the Order of St. Francis, who himself was a Native of Be∣lalcaçar, and was well acquainted with the whole Family of Sebastian de Belalcaçar. The which Relation this Friar the more willingly gave me, because he knew that I was Writing this History, wherein I was glad to relate the extraordinary Birth of this famous Souldier.

CHAP. XVI.

The Spaniards make themselves Masters of Tumpiz, and the Island of Puna.

DOn Francisco Piçarro being well recruited with Spanish Souldiers, adventured on the Conquest of Puna, where Fame would have it, that there was much Gold and Silver, and great Riches; to this Island, which was twelve Leagues with∣in the Sea, they passed over on Floats with great hazard; and being arrived on the Land, they had many Battels with the Natives, who killed four Spaniards, and wounded divers others, amongst which was Hernando Piçarro, who received a hurt on his Knee; but the Spaniards prevailed with great slaughter on the Indi∣ans; and with that Victory gained great spoils of Gold, Silver, and Cloths, which they immediately divided amongst themselves; before the people which Hernando de Soto brought from Nicaragua, could come up to them, for he had been dispat∣ched from that place by Almagro to carry Succours of Men and Horse to Piçarro: Of which booty Soto having received advice, he made such haste, that he arrived with them at the time when they were removing their Camp thence. Piçarro be∣ing re-inforced with these supplies, thought himself strong enough to adventure on Tumpiz; and first to ingratiate himself with the Inhabitants, he sent them by the hands of three Spaniards, in quality of Ambassadours, a Present of six hundred of their own Countreymen, whom he had taken Captives in the Island of Puna, in expectation by such an atonement and piece of generosity to gain peace and friend∣ship with them; hoping that those people, in gratitude for their liberty, and kind treatment, would have given so kind a report of them, as might have induced them to a commerce, and good understanding: But this ungratefull people find∣ing themselves amongst their own Friends, altered the report which formerly they had promised to give, and represented the Spaniards as covetous and thirsty after Gold and Silver; and more to incense their Countreymen, they reported them to be lascivious Adulterers, and such as would defile their Wives and Daughters. The people of Tumpiz being ill affected, and prepossessed with this evil report, did presently, and without so much as hearing the three Spaniards speak, deliver them into the hands of their Executioners, who having put them to death, sacri∣ficed them with fury and rage to their Gods: the which Story is confirmed by Gomara, and Augustine de Carate; but Blas Valera, who was a very credible Au∣thour, says, that it was onely conjectured, and believed to be so, because they never appeared more. But the Governour of that Countrey saith, That one of

these Ambassadours was drowned going over a River, and that the two others dyed of natural sicknesses, to which that Climate is very subject, and unhealthfull to the bodies of strangers; for it is not probable that the Indians, who had obser∣ved with what submission the Lion and the Tyger had crouched in a miraculous manner to Pedro de Candia, should slay, or sacrifice them, whom they esteemed for Deities. Piçarro in his passage over the Waters on Floats and Rasts, was in great danger, as were all his people, of being cast away by the streams, which in those parts are very fierce and rapid, for their Floats were very unruly, and uneasie to be governed; howsoever in despight of all, they leaped on shore, and marched boldly towards the people, with whom, after many Battels, the Spaniards remained Conquerours; and thereby the Enemy being become cowed and dismayed by the many slaughters which were made of them, they entirely yielded: And suppo∣sing that these destructions were Judgments of the Sun inflicted for their Sins, they endeavoured to please and pacifie their Enemies by Presents of Gold, Silver, and Jewels, which they had observed to be Commodities pleasing to them, and the Motives which had incited them to all their labours and dangers; and more∣over, the Curaca came with all humility to submit and surrender his Estate and Person into their hands.

The Spaniards considering how prosperously their affairs succeeded by the for∣tune of this one Battel, resolved to settle their first Colony in these parts, which they called St. Michael, being founded on the day of his Festival; and in this first and ancient Colony they planted several of their Companions in the year 1531, to receive and give entertainment unto all such who were shortly expected from Panama and Nicaragua.

From this place Piçarro dispatched his three Ships back again to Panama to bring him more recruits of Men, and supply of Provisions; and to give more life to the design, he sent above thirty thousand Ducats in Gold and Silver, besides Emeralds, as the fruits of his Labours, and as an evidence of the vast Riches of that Countrey. But we should have told you before, that Piçarro (amongst the many other favours which he received from his Majesty in Spain) had the honour and privilege granted him to entertain a Guard of twenty four Halbardiers, for protection of his Person, and greater authority of his Office and Government: Wherefore having subdued and mastered Tumpiz, he designed to make choice of such a Guard wherewith he might with more ostentation and pomp, than he had formerly shewn, make his entry into that Countrey. But he could not with all the promises he could make, persuade any of all his company to submit so low, as to accept of that Office; for it is not onely incident to the humour of the Spaniards to be haughty, and fansie I know not what high and sublime matters; but even those who are humble, and would accept of any mean and low employ∣ment in other parts, do no sooner enter into these Countries, but are immediate∣ly elevated with a new generosity and greatness of Soul, that they scorn to accept of ordinary preferments: But thus much I should not have adventured to have said, had I not received this report from Spaniards, who find the like inclinations within themselves. Howsoever, there were two of all the number who accepted the Halberts, with whom I was acquainted, who both in the Conquest of that Countrey, and afterwards in the Civil Wars behaved themselves like brave Soul∣diers, and in reward thereof the honour of Military Commands were bestowed upon them, with a share of Lands and Jurisdiction over the Indians; they were both killed in the War, though their Names I have thought fit to conceal for se∣veral respects. After Piçarro the Governour had quieted and setled Tumpiz, and the dependencies thereunto belonging, and possessed himself of the Riches, he re∣solved to proceed to Cassamarca, and make a visit to King Atahualpa, the fame of whose treasure was extremely inviting; and the report thereof the more proba∣ble, by the apparent Riches which were found in Tumpiz. In their March thither they passed a Countrey uninhabited, and of dead and barren Sands, extremely hot and dry, without Water; with which, for want of knowledge of the Coun∣trey, they had not provided themselves; but at length they came to certain plea∣sant and fruitfull Vallies, where they vvere relieved vvith all things necessary for their refreshment. At this place the Governour received an Embassy from the unfortunate Huascar Inca, but hovv and vvhich vvay it came from him, is doubt∣full, in regard (as vve have said) he vvas kept a close Prisoner under severe cu∣stody: But it is probable that this Message might be sent by some Curaca out of

compassion to the true and legitimate Prince of that Empire, vvho vvas detained and oppressed by tyrannical hands: the sum of this Message vvas, to implore vvith all humility, the Justice, Righteousness, and Protection of the Sons of the God Viracocha, vvhich he did not doubt to receive from those vvho published and gave out in all parts, that their designs vvere to relieve and succour the oppressed: To vvhich the Governour ansvvered, that he vvas novv on his vvay to administer relief unto the unhappy Inca, and to succour all others vvho vvere under vvrong and oppression.

CHAP. XVII.

Of the Embassy and Presents which the Inca sent unto the Spaniards.

TWO days after this the General received another Embassy more solemn than the former, from the King Atahualpa, brought by a Brother of his own both by the Father and Mother's side, called Titu Aautachi, who in few words de∣clared, that the Inca had sent him to give a hearty welcome to the Sons of his God Viracocha; and in token of the good will he bore them, and of his desire to serve them with all his power, he had sent them a Present of such things as their Coun∣trey afforded, desiring them to refresh and enjoy themselves with the plenty of such Provisions as he had made for their Journey, for that both he and all his Sub∣jects were desirous to see his Kinsmen, who were related with him to their com∣mon Father the Sun, whom therefore they honoured, and to whom they promi∣sed all obsequiousness and allegiance. And having expressed thus much in behalf of the Inca, he afterwards (for such were his instructions) made this Speech from himself: Inca Viracocha, said he, thou Progeny of the Sun, since it hath been my fortune to carry you this happy Message, I presume with this occasion to beseech you, that you would gratiously be pleased to grant me these three Requests: In the first place, that you would esteem my Inca, and King Atahualpa, for your Friend, and enter into a perpetual League of peace and friendship with him. Secondly, that you would forgive, and pardon what crime or fault soever our people have either out of ignorance, or want of due consideration, committed against you: And lastly, I beseech you, that the punishment which by Command of the great God your Father Viracocha, you have inflicted on those of the Island of Puna, and those of Tumpiz, and other parts, you would moderate and remit towards those of Cassamarca, and such others whom you shall meet; and that in regard you are an Inca, and descended from the Sun, that you would pardon and exercise that Clemency, which is one of your divine Attributes. And having said thus much, he commanded that the Presents should be delivered to the Governour, and the other Spaniards his companions; the which Presents were Goats, Sheep, dried slices of the flesh of wild Beasts, such as of the Huanacu, the Vicunna, Stags, Elks, and fallow Deer; of which they brought many alive, that so they might see of what sort of Beasts those slices of dried flesh were: they pre∣sented them also with tame and wild Conies, Partridges both dead and alive, with Water-fowl, and with innumerable smaller Birds; likewise with Mayz in the grane, and some made up in Bread; as also with Fruit both dry and green, Honey in the Combs, and in Pots, with Indian Pepper, which they call Uchu, and great quantities of drink made of their Wheat, and of that grane which they call Mulli. Moreover, they presented many Vestments of the finest sort, such as those with which the Incas were cloathed, besides Parrots, Monkies, Apes and Marmosets, and other Animals and strange Insects, which, as we have said, were common in that Countrey: As also many Vessels of Gold and Silver to drink in, with Plates and Dishes for the Table, with many Emeralds and Turquoises. And as a par∣ticular signal of respect to the General, they brought him a pair of such Hose as

the Inca himself wore, with two Bracelets of Gold, which they call Chipana; the which two were for variety and change, because the Inca wears but one at a time, and that is on the Wrist of his left Arme; which is a signal of Military Honour, which none are qualified to receive, but those of the Bloud-Royal, or Captains, or Souldiers, who had signalized themselves by some notable Acts of bravery; in re∣ward of which, the King conferred that Ornament with his own hand; and on both these reasons and respects Don Francisco was esteemed worthy of this signal favour: For in the first place, he was believed to be a legitimate Issue descended from the Sun, and their God Viracocha; and secondly, his Acts of Valour and Bra∣very did bespeak and proclaim him for a famous and renowned Captain. And thus having made their Presents to the Governour, and his Spaniards, Titu Atauchi desired them to pardon this presumption, of having made so mean and low an Offering to the Children of the Sun, unto whom hereafter they would endeavour to make amends by their future observance, and dutifull performances. The Go∣vernour and Captains taking very kindly their obliging Complements, and much more their Presents, returned in the first place their thanks to the Inca, and then to his Ambassadour: but when they understood that he was Brother to the King, they shewed him extraordinary honour and respect according to his quality; and having given him a short Answer to his Embassy, he returned fully satisfied, and with high contentment. Their Answer, in short, was this, That the Spaniards were come by Order and Commission from the Pope, or High Priest, to turn them from their Idolatry, and to instruct them in the true Religion of the Chri∣stians: They were also come from him who was Emperour, and King of Spain, who was the greatest Prince of the Christians, to enter into a League of Friend∣ship, and a perpetual Peace, and to make an Alliance with the Inca and all his Empire, and never to doe them hurt, or offer them any violence, besides many other things which they would more at their leisure communicate to the Inca; but neither Gomara, nor Augustine de Carate make any mention of these rich Pre∣sents, nor of an Ambassadour, who was Brother to the King, nor of any Answer made by the Governour; onely they speak of some Hose and Bracelets, which they brought to the Commander in chief, and of some Ruffles or Cuffs for Shirts, but these Authours did not consider that the Indians in their natural Habit do not wear Linen. The King Atahualpa sent that Message and Presents to the Spani∣ards, with an opinion, that thereby he might appease the Sun, whom they fansied to be angry, and displeased by reason of the resistence, which the Indians of the Isle of Puna, and the Valley of Tumpiz had made against the Spaniards, of whom some of them (as we have said) being killed, they feared a thousand judgments and punishments for their Rebellion against those who were descended from the Sun, and their God Viracocha: To the terrour of this apprehension, the Prophecy which his Father Huayna Capac had delivered, came fresh into memory: which was, that after his time a strange Nation, which was not seen or heard of before; should enter their Countrey, ruine their Empire, subvert their Government, and destroy their Idolatry. And now the King Atahualpa did really believe that the time for accomplishment of this Prophecy was come; for that unless these few Spaniards had been assisted by the power of the Sun, who was angry with his peo∣ple, it were impossible that so small a handfull of Men should be able to make such slaughters as they had done at Panama, Puna, Tumpiz, and other parts. And now fearing the like at his own home, he ordered his Brother the Ambassadour to make those three Requests, before mentioned, in his own Name; for though Atahualpa was unwilling to discover any such fear, or timorousness in himself; yet the apprehension and dread of these things were so fixed in the mind of Atahualpa, that his spirit and courage, which was formerly brave and aspiring, was now be∣come cowed and low with these imaginations, and became so intimidated, that he never durst make any resistence or opposition against the Spaniards. Those who consider well these matters, have a large scope to make reflexions thereupon; some attribute these Judgments to the Justice of God in punishment of their Ido∣latry, and Cruelties exercised on the true Family of the Incas; but others perhaps may with more reason interpret this Invasion of the Spaniards to be directed by the gratious Providence of God, who out of compassion to the ignorance and ob∣scurity in which these Gentiles lived, was pleased by these means to introduce the light of the Gospel into those dark and unknown parts of the World.

So soon as the Ambassadours were returned back again to their King, the Spa∣niards made many reflexions, and put divers interpretations on the Message and Presents which were sent: Some were of opinion, that those Gifts and Offerings, by how much the more rich and magnificent they were, by so much more they were to be suspected; fansying that they were designed with intention to amuse and lull them into a kind of security and confidence in their faith and simplicity, and so surprize and kill them with more ease and advantage; and therefore look∣ing on these Presents as fallacious, and designed for traps and snares, it was argued that they should be the more watchfull and circumspect in all their proceedings: Howsoever the other Spaniards, who were the greatest number, being of a less suspicious nature, were of opinion that these Gifts and Offerings were onely evi∣dences of the good will of the Indians: And that though the Rules of Military Discipline did oblige them to be always vigilant and cautious in an Enemies Coun∣trey, yet they could not but applaud and esteem the Magnificence of the Inca, the suavity of his Words, and the Majesty of his Embassy; which to render more honourable, he was pleased to perform it by the hands of his Brother, whose cour∣tesie and discretion were very visible both in his Reasons, and in his Comport∣ment; though for want of a good Interpreter to understand the Language of Coz∣co, much of his sense and words lost their true force and vigour: the which ap∣peared in his Speech, which seemed to be uttered in long Sentences, with their due Accents, Pauses and Periods; but in the rendering of them, the Interpreter delivered them in such broken Speeches, without coherence or sense, that they were scarce intelligible to the Spaniards; but howsoever they took all in good part, that which was wanting in the words, being supplied by the better effects of Presents. That night, and several other days after, they cheered themselves with the Presents of Atahualpa, and so marched towards Cassamarca, where though they found not the Inca, as was expected, yet they were received there by the Indians, who, by order of the King, had assembled both Nobles and Commoners to feast and treat the Off-spring of the Sun, and Children of the God Viracocha, strowing all their Chambers and Lodgings with Flowers, and sweet-smelling Herbs; likewise they entertained them with plenty of Meat and Drink; the care and charge of all which was committed to Cullqui Human, who was the Curaca, or Lord, of Cassamarca, and who in obedience to the Commands of his King, did endeavour to exceed in all points of civility and respect towards the Spaniards. But amongst the many Services which the Indians shewed to them, there was one of singular remark; which was, that they observing that the Bits and Curbs which the Horses had in their mouths, were made of Iron, they presently imagined that the Iron was their Meat; and therefore not to be defective in any point of Service towards the Spa∣niards, they readily brought several Ingots of Gold and Silver, which they laid in the Mangers before the Horses, desiring them to eat of those Metals, which were much more delicate Meat than the Iron; the Spaniards who observed and laughed at this simplicity of the Indians, commended their kindness to the Horses, telling them, that they could not oblige them more, than by giving them good store of that Provinder.

CHAP. XVIII.

The Governour sends an Ambassadour to King Atahualpa.

THE day following the Governour held a consultation with his Brethren and Captains, touching an Embassy to be sent to the King Atahualpa, whereby to inform him of his intentions to make him a visit, that so he might communi∣cate to him the matters encharged to him by the Emperour, and by the Pope; for that to be silent, and make no returns, would savour of ingratitude, and little sense of the presents and kind treatment they had received. Wherefore they agreed, that since the Inca had sent his Brother on this Embassy, that they should corre∣spond in the like manner by the Brother of the Governour, qualified with the same character of Ambassadour: Accordingly Hernando Piçarro, and Hernando de Soto were sent to the Court of the Inca, not far distant from Cassamarca, where he had a Royal Palace, and commodious Baths, and where was at that time a nume∣rous concourse of the Nobility and Souldiery, which flocked from all parts to celebrate certain Festivals agreeable to their Religion, and with that occasion to reform several corruptions and abuses, which by the licentiousness of the Wars were crept in amongst them; and for the better security and conservation of his own Person, and advancement of his own Tyrannical Power and Authority, he enacted and established other Laws and Statutes, pretending that they were trans∣mitted to him by revelation from the Sun: For the truth is, though Atahualpa had Murthered as many persons of the Bloud-Royal, as he was able, yet he was still jealous, and fearfull of those few which survived, lest any Pretender should on the pretext of Religion advance one of the right line to be the true and legitimate Heir; to which end he formed new Laws, pretending that they were derived from the Sun, to equalize and balance against the ancient Canons and Statutes of Reli∣gion. These two Ambassadours were in this manner dispatched with their In∣terpreter Philip, who though he was a Native of the Isle of Puna, and ill versed in one or the other Language, yet he was a necessary instrument; and such, as for want of a better, was very usefull. With these two Spaniards the Curaca of Cassamarca sent two hundred Indians to attend and conduct them with greater state and pomp to the presence of their King, encharging them upon their lives to perform whatsoever they should command. So soon as these Ambassadours had passed Cassamarca, they sent an Indian of Quality out of those who attended them to the King Atahualpa, to acquaint him of their coming, and to demand his licence, that they might appear in the presence of his Highness: To which Message the Inca made answer, that they should be extremely welcome, for that their Arrival had been long desired and expected; and presently commanded one of his Major-Generals with a great number of his Men to go forth and meet those Descendants from the Sun, and perform towards them all that Worship and Veneration which appertained to them. This kind Answer of the Inca eased the Spaniards of all the fear and suspicion they had conceived upon the rumour, that the Inca was encom∣passed with a Guard of thirty thousand Men; and so with great confidence taking their way towards the Royal Baths and Palaces, they met about the middle of their Journey in an open Plain with those Companies of Souldiers which were sent out to receive them; which so soon as Hernando de Soto espied, he set Spurs to his Horse, and boldly rid up to them with a full cariere, giving them to under∣stand, that if they had been Enemies, as they were Friends, he alone had been sufficient to encounter with them; and then turning and carveting with his Horse, he came and stopt near the Commander in chief. And here the Spanish Histori∣ans recounting this passage, tell us, that this Commander in Chief was Atahualpa himself, and that Soto came up to his very Chair pransing with his Horse; at which though Atahualpa seemed not to be dismayed, or altered, yet several of his people, who ran away and fled to avoid his Horse, he caused to be put to death: But this Authour was mis-informed in the Relation he made, for neither was Atahualpa

there present, nor whosoever he was, did he put any to death; for if their retire∣ment was onely to give way or place to the Horse in his cariere, as was probable, it was so far from being a fault, or to deserve punishment, that it was a piece of civility and respect, which they desired to shew unto those whom they esteemed to be Children of the Sun; and to have done otherwise, or to have obstructed the way and passage of these strangers, would have seemed a piece of impiety and prophanation towards those whom they confessed to be of Divine Race, and descended from the Heavens. Nor was Atahualpa so stupid in his understanding, as to slay his own Indians in the presence of the Ambassadours whom he had em∣ployed to pay Honour and Worship to them, and to assure them of all security and protection. Nor is it probable that Hernando de Soto would have been so rude and discourteous as to ride up to the very Nose of the King, with whom he came to treat in behalf of the Emperour and the Pope: By all which, it is greatly to be lamented, when we consider with how little care Men give Relations of passages which occur in those remote parts, without regard to the reputation of that peo∣ple. The Inca Atahualpa (as we shall declare more particularly hereafter) shewed himself very generous and real towards the Spaniards; and therefore it may be law∣full for us to render a character of his abilities, discretion and understanding with which Nature had endued him: For in regard we have made mention at large of all the Tyrannies and Cruelties which he committed, the rule of History doth oblige us not to conceal the mixtures of Vertue which appeared in him, unless we would approve our selves false by writing a Romance in the place of true History. That which I report, proceeds from the relation of many Spaniards who were pre∣sent at all the action, being such as I received from their own mouths, at those times of conversation which they passed in my Father's family, when a great part of their entertainment was to recount the many passages and accidents which oc∣curred in this Conquest; the same I have heard confirmed from several Indians, who at the visits which they made to my Mother, did frequently discourse of those Actions, and particularly of what happened in the Reign of Atahualpa to the time of his Death, attributing all the misfortunes which befell him to the Judgment of God, for the Tyrannies and Cruelties he committed upon his own family.

And farther I am able to confirm the truth of these particulars from the reports sent me by my School-fellows, who took the trouble to extract them out of the Historical Annals of their respective Countries where their Mothers were born, as I said in the first Part of this History. To these Relations I have the Autho∣rity farther to add of that curious and accurate Father Blas Valera, who was the Son of one of those who was a fellow Prisoner with Atahualpa, and was born and bred on the Confines of Cassamarca, and so might have advantages to extract the Records from their Originals, as he himself doth attest; and indeed he hath been very large in describing the successes and passages which occurred in that Kingdom, and which by comparing them with other Relations, I have found agreeable to the truest reports. And farther I do aver, that I shall trace the same way that the Spanish Historians direct me, making use of their Commentarles in such matters wherein they may be usefull to me, and shall add and enlarge in what they come short, or are deficient, as in many things they may be, for want of reading and knowledge of Historians.

CHAP. XIX.

Of the Reception which the Inca gave to the Embassy of the Spaniards.

BUT now to reassume again the Thread of our History, We say, That the Major General which was sent out to receive Hernando Piçarro, and Hernan∣do de Soto, having performed his Complements, and adored them with profound Veneration, turned to his Captains, and Souldiers, and declared to them, that these were the Sons of their God Viracocha; at which the Indians made them a low Reverence, beholding with great admiration their Aspect, Habit and Voice, and so accompanied them to the Presence of the Inca: The Spaniards being entred, were much astonished to behold the greatness and Riches of the Royal Palace, and the number of the King's Family, and Attendants; and such was the wonder of both parties, that it is not to be determined which was the greater: The Ambassadours made their Obeisance after the Spanish Fashion, with low Reverence to the Inca, who was seated in a Chair of Gold; with which the King was highly pleased, and standing up, he embraced them with much kind∣ness, saying, Capac Viracocha, Thou art welcome to my Dominions; the which words Blas Valera repeats in the Indian Language, being very skilfull in that Tongue, the which I omit as not necessary. Then the Inca sate down, and Seats were brought also of Gold, which were prepared by order of the Inca for the Ambassadours; for they being esteemed for Kindred of the Sun, it pleased the Inca to make no difference between himself and them, and more especially, because one of them was Brother to the Governour: When they were sate, the Inca turning his Face towards his Kindred who attended him, Behold, said he, the very Face, Countenance, and Habit of our God Viracocha, in the same manner and form as the Inca Viracocha, our Ancestour described, and reported to have appeared to him. As the Inca was saying these things, two young Maidens, very handsome, and of the Royal Bloud, (which they called Nusta,) entred into the Chamber, each of them carrying two small Cups of Gold in their Hands, filled with such Liquour as the Incas usual∣ly drink; and these were attended with four Youths of the same Kindred, though not of the lawfull Line, in regard their Mothers were Natives of the Kingdom of Atahualpa. The Maidens having bowed before the Inca, delivered one of the golden Cups into his Hand, and the other to Hernando Piçarro, as the Inca directed. And then Titu Atauchi, who was the King's Brother, and he that was sent on this Embassy to the Spaniards, told Philip, the Interpreter, that he should acquaint them, that the Inca was desirous to drink with them, which, according to the custome of their Countrey, was an evidence of Respect, Peace and everlasting Friendship: Hernando Piçarro having understood the Words of the Interpreter, made a low Reverence to the Inca, took the Cup and drank: Then the Inca having drunk twice, or thrice, of his own Cup, gave the remainder to his Brother, Titu Atauchi: Then he took one of those Cups which the other Maiden brought, and ordered the other to be given to Hernando de Soto, who did the same thing as his Companion had done before him, and the Inca ha∣ving drank twice, or thrice, as before, gave the remainder to his Uncle, called Choquchuamam. Having thus drank, the Ambassadours began to declare their Message, but the King desired them to desist for a while, that he might behold and admire the form and figure he saw in them of his God Viracocha; and at that instant six Boys, and six Girls, very well habited, came in, bringing green and dry Fruits, of several sorts, with their finest Bread, and Wine made of the Seed of the Tree Mulli, and with them they brought very fine Towels made of Cotton, because Flax did not grow in their Countrey; then one of the

Maidens, called Pillcu Ciça Nusta, made a Speech to the new Guests, and said, O you who are Sons of Capac Inca Viracocha, taste of these things which we bring you, which will be a great contentment and satisfaction to us. The Spaniards admired much to see such Civility and Courtesie in a people whom they reputed barbarous, and to live in all bestiality and filthiness; wherefore, that they might not seem to contemn or slight that Courtesie which they so freely offered, they ate something of what they had set before them, and then said it was sufficient, with which the Indians were highly satisfied.

CHAP. XX.

The Speech of the Ambassadour, and the Answer of the Inca.

SIlence being now made, Hernando Piçarro desired Hernando de Soto to speak and deliver his Message, for that more time was not to be lost, and likewise that he would be as short and succinct as he could, that so they might return again that night, and lodge with their Companions, for that it was not prudence to confide much in those People, who were Infidels, and who perhaps might shew them such Courtesie the more easily to ensnare and betray them: So then Hernando de Soto rising up, made his Reverence after the Castilian manner, and uncovering his Head, sate down again, and then said.

Most serene Inca, You are to understand, that in this World there are two supreme Princes, one is the Pope, who is High Priest, and sits in the Place and Tribunal of God, the other is Emperour of the Romans, called Charles the 5th. King of Spain, who having understood the blind Ignorance in which the Natives of these your Kingdoms live, despising the true God, who is the Maker of Heaven and Earth, bestowing the Worship due unto him upon his Creatures, and upon the Devil himself, who deceive and delude them, have sent their Governour and Captain General, Don Francisco Piçarro, with his Companions, and some Priests, who are the Ministers of God, to teach your Highness, and your Subjects, the Divine Truth, and his holy Law; and for this Reason it is, that they have undertaken this long Journey to your Countrey; where having received effects of your Bounty from your liberal Hand, they entred yesterday into Cassamarca, and this day they have sent us to your Highness, with Offers of Peace and Concord, which shall endure for ever between us, that so receiving us under your Faith and Protection, we may have leave to preach our Law, and that your Subjects may hear and understand the Gospel, which will be of great Honour, as also of Benefit and Salvation to your Souls.

And on this occasion Blas Valera, who was a very religious and zealous Man for the Salvation of those poor Gentiles, doth very much lament that those im∣portant Words of Hernando de Soto should fall to the ground for want of a good Interpreter, learned in both Languages, and one who was affected with such in∣ward Charity, as might have moved his Heart with efficacy to have explicated the force of those Words. But, alas, it was the misfortune of that Empire, and of the first Conquerours to have no better an Interpreter than this Philip, who was such an ignorant Sot, as not to be able to render the sense either on one side, or the other, but rather gave things to be understood in a different man∣ner, and with that barbarity as spoiled the Honour and Dignity of the Embassy, of which both the Inca and Standers-by were sensible, finding that the Words of

the Interpreter were of a contrary sense to the matter discoursed, which caused the Inca to say, This stammering Fellow runs from one word to another, without under∣standing, and from one errour to another, that his Silence were better than his Words. Which Expressions of the Inca were more significant in the Indian than in the Spa∣nish Language. And also the Captains and Lords being sensible of the Defects of the Interpreter, did attribute the ill Expressions, and want of Sense to his Igno∣rance, and not to want of Understanding in the Ambassadours, whom they estee∣med for Gods, and adored them for such, and accordingly the Inca returned this Answer to the Ambassadours.

I am much pleased, (said he) Divine Lords, that you and your Companions are in my days come into these remote Countries, that so I might see those Prophecies and Prognostications fulfilled which our Ancestours have left us, though in reality my Soul hath much more reason to be sad, when I consider that the end of our Empire approaches, of which, according to ancient Pre∣dictions, your coming is a Forerunner, and yet I cannot but say that these times are blessed, in which our God Viracocha hath sent such happy Guests, which shall transform the State of our Government into a better condition, of which Change and Alteration we have certain assurance from the Tradition of our Ancestours, and the Words of the last Testament of our Father Huayna Capac; for which Reason, though we had certain Intelligence of your entrance into our Countrey, and the Fortifications you made in it, and of the Slaughter you committed in Puna, Tumpiz, and other parts, yet neither I, nor my Cap∣tains, have entred into any Consultation, how, or in what manner, we might expell you from hence, because we hold and believe, that you are the Sons of our great God Viracocha, and Messengers of the Pachacamac; for which cause, and in confirmation of what my Father delivered us, we have made it a Law, and published it in the Schools of Cozco, that none shall dare to take up Arms against you, or offend you; wherefore you may doe with us as you please, it being Glory sufficient for us to die by your hands, whom we esteem the Di∣vine Messengers of God, by whom you must be sent, considering the Actions you have already performed: Onely I desire to be satisfied in one doubt, How comes it to pass, as you say, that you come to treat of Friendship, and a perpetual Peace, in the Name of the two before mentioned Princes, and yet on the other side, without so much as any Summons, or sending to treat with us, or know our Will or Pleasure towards you, you have committed such outrages and slaughters in the Countries through which you have passed? I conceive that the two Princes which employed you, have given you such Commission to act with such severity against us, without any fault of ours; and I imagine that the Pa∣chacamac hath so commanded them to proceed, wherefore I say again, Doe your pleasure with us; onely I beseech you to have compassion upon my poor Relations, whose Death and Misfortunes will grieve me more than my own.

The Inca having ended his Speech, all his Attendants which stood round about him, were so affected with his last Words, which declared the loss of the Em∣pire, that they shed many Tears, with an abundance of Sighs and Groans, for what the Inca had now pronounced concerning the Destruction of his Empire, he had at other times formerly repeated. And whereas his Father Huayna Capac had ut∣tered this Prophecy, and mentioned the time to be short, and ready to be fulfilled; Atahualpa thought of nothing else, but concluded the Fate unavoidable, and the Decree of the great Pachacamac not to be resisted; the which superstitious opini∣on being fixed, and impressed in his Mind, was the cause that the Spaniards so easily conquered and subdued his Countrey, and debased his Soul and Spirit at the presence of the Spaniards; amongst the rest of the Company, which was pre∣sent with the Inca, were two Accomptants, or Historians, who with their Knots made certain Ciphers, describing or figuring all the passages of that Audience, with the Words of Hernando de Soto, and with the Answer of the Inca, though all was very ill expressed by the Interpreter.

The Ambassadours were much astonished to see the Lamentations, and hear the Cries of the Lords and Captains there present, and yet observed a steaddiness and constancy in the Countenance of the Inca, and not knowing the cause and

reason of so much sadness, were touched with compassion and sorrow for them. And here Blas Valera much bewails the want of a good Interpreter, that might, by a true and faithfull understanding of all that was said, have given better satis∣faction, both to the Indians, and to the Spaniards; for when the Ambassadours, heard talk of the Slaughters and Outrages committed in Puna, and Tumpiz, they were apprehensive that the Inca had entertained some thoughts of Revenge; for the Interpreter neither knew how to render the Words of the Inca, nor the Answer of the Ambassadours.

And now the Ambassadours desired leave of the Inca to depart, and return to their Companions; which was readily granted them, the Inca saying, That they might depart in peace, and that he would speedily go into Cassamarca, to visit the Sons of the God Viracocha, and the Messengers from the Pachacamac. The Spa∣niards departing out of the King's Palace, could not but again admire the Ri∣ches of it, and the Adoration and Worship which the people shewed towards them; for as they were going to mount their Horses, two Curacas, with their Ser∣vants, came to them, desiring that they would not disdain to accept a small Pre∣sent, though unworthy the acceptance of such Gods, or Godlike Men, as they were, laying before them Riches of like quality as before, though in much more abundance, such as Vessels of Gold and Silver, with Ingots of Gold, and Wedges of Silver unwrought.

The Spaniards being strangely astonished at this excess of Courtesie, began to quit all fears and suspicions of any ill Designs of the Indians towards them, bla∣ming again the ignorance of their Interpreter, who for want of Expressions had be∣trayed them to many Errours, as he did afterwards to many others, as will appear in the sequel of this History.

CHAP. XXI.

How the two Spaniards returned again to their Compani∣ons, and how they prepared themselves to receive the Inca.

THE two Ambassadours being returned, made a relation of all the Riches and Greatness they had seen in the Palace of the Inca, and of the Courtesie they had received, which appeared by the Presents, of which a share was divided to every Person. Notwithstanding all which, like good Souldiers, and cautious Men, they prepared their Horses and Arms, not knowing the occasion they might have for them the day following; and though they well knew the multitudes which accompanied Atahualpa, yet like brave Spaniards, they were not in the least dismayed, but prepared to receive them; wherefore so soon as it was day, the Cavalry ranged themselves in three Divisions, of twenty in a Troop, for they were not in all above sixty in number; the Commanders, or Captains of them, were Hernando Piçarro, Hernando de Soto, and Sebastian de Betalcaçar, who at first concealed themselves under two old Walls, that so their sudden Sally might give the greater fear and surprise to the Indians. The Governour himself was suppor∣ted with an hundred Foot-Souldiers, which in all exceeded not that number, and for their better encouragement, he put himself in the Head of them, on the side of the Tampu, which was like a great field, where they placed themselves to expect the coming of the King Atahualpa, who soon after appeared, being carried in a Chair of Gold on the Shoulders of his People, with such pomp, and Majesty both of Servants and Courtiers, as evidenced his greatness in Power, and War; be∣fore

his Chair came great multitudes of People, who gathered up the Stones, and cleared all the ways of Rubbish, or Impediments, which might hinder his Chair∣Men in the way, or cause them to stumble; with him also came great Atten∣dants of the Nobility. His Guards were divided into four Squadrons, consisting of eight thousand Men; the first Division, which was the Van-guard, marched before the King, like Scouts, or Officers, to clear and secure the ways; two others marched on each side, like the Wings of an Army, as Guards of his Per∣son; and a fourth marched in the rere: The Captain, or Commander in Chief of them, was called Ruminnavi, which signifies an Eye of Stone, from a Pearl or Catarack which grew in his Eye. In this order Atahualpa marched for the space of a League, which was the distance between his Palace and the Quarters of the Spaniards; in going of which he was more than four hours, and came not, as we shall see hereafter, with an intention to fight, but to understand the substance of the Embassy, which was brought to him from the Pope, and the Emperour. Atahualpa was informed, That the Spaniards were not able to walk up any ascent, or steep Hill, and that their Footmen either got up behind the Horses, or held fast by the Pectorals of the Saddles, and so were drawn, as it were, whensoever they attempted to mount any steep Ascents; and that they were not able to run like the Indians, or endure any labour or fatigue like them; with this opinion, and with a fancy that the Spaniards were of Divine Race, Atahualpa marched without any jealousie or suspicion of that which afterwards succeeded. When the King saw the Spanish Infantry in so small a number, and that, as if they had been fearfull, they had taken advantage of a Rock to defend themselves, he said to his People, These are the Messengers of God, to whom we must be carefull to give no Offence, but rather receive and treat them with all Courtesie and Respect: Which being said, a certain Dominican Friar, called Vicente de Valverde, taking a Crucifix in his hand, approached the Inca to speak to him in the Name of the Emperour.

CHAP. XXII.

Wherein is repeated the Speech which the Friar Vicente de Valverde, made to the Inca Atahualpa.

BLas Valera, who was a faithfull and curious Collectour of all Passages and Transactions of those times, repeats unto us the whole Speech at large, which Friar Vicente made to Atahualpa; the Speech consisted of two parts, and, as Valera saith, that when he was at Truxillo, he saw it translated into Latin, and writ with the proper Hand-writing of Friar Vicente; which afterwards Diego de Olivares, who was one of the Conquerours, had gotten; and he being dead, it came to the hands of a Kinsman of mine; so that having had opportunity often to read it, I got it by heart, and by my memory am able to insert it here in the same from as Blas Valera writes it, who hath set it down more at large, and more distinctly than any other Historian: Wherefore to proceed; when Friar Vicente came near to speak to the Inca, Atahualpa did much admire to see such a Figure of a Man, so different in Habit from all the others, his Beard and Crown being shaven, after the Fashion of Friars; it seemed strange to him also, to see him acost him with a Cross of Palms, and a Book in his hand, which some say was a Breviary, others a Bible, others a Missal. The King, that he might be infor∣med of the manner how he was to treat this Friar, asked one of those three Indi∣ans, to whom he had committed the charge to provide the Spaniards with all things necessary, of what quality this Friar was, whether he was greater, or in∣feriour, or equal with the other Spaniards? to which the poor simple Indian knew

to make no other reply, than that he seemed to be a Captain or Guider of the Word, (he might mean perhaps a Preacher) or Minister of the supreme God, or Messenger of the Pachacamac, and that he was of different quality to the others. Then Friar Vicente having made a low Obeisance and Reverence, according to the manner of Religious Men, with permission of the King, he made him this following Speech.

The First Part of the Speech of Friar Vicente de Valverde.

IT is necessary for you to know, (most famous and powerfull King) and also for all your Subjects, who are desirous to learn the Catholick Faith, that you and they both hear and believe the things which follow.

First that God, who is three, and yet one, created Heaven and Earth, and all the things which are in this World. That he gives the Reward of Eternal Life to those that doe well, and punishes the evill with everlasting Torments. That this God at the beginning of the World made Man of the Dust of the Earth, and breathed into him the Spirit of Life, which we call the Soul, which God made after his own Image and likeness; by which it appears, that the whole Man consists of Body, and a rational Soul.

From the first Man, whom God called Adam, all Mankind, which is in this World, is descended, and from him we take the original and beginning of our Nature. That this Adam sinned, by breaking the Commandment of his Creatour, and in him all Men that have been born since his time are under sin, and so shall be to the end of the World; for nei∣their Man, nor Woman, is free from this original Sin, nor can be, excepting onely our Lord Jesus Christ, who being the Son of the onely true God, descended from Heaven, and was born from the Virgin Mary, that so he might redeem and free all Mankind from the Subjection of Sin; and finally he dyed for our Salvation upon the Cross, which was a piece of Wood, in form of this which I hold in my Hands, for which reason, we that are Christians do adore and reverence it.

This Jesus by his own power arose from the dead, and forty Days after he ascended into Heaven, where he now sits at the right hand of God the Father Almighty. After which he left his Apostles upon the Earth, who were his Successours, who by their Words and Admo∣nitions, and other holy means, might bring men to the Knowledge and Worship of God, and Observation of his Laws.

Of these Apostles St. Peter was constituted Chief, as are also his Successours of all other succeeding Apostles, and of all Christians, and as St. Peter was God's Vicar, or Vicegerent, so after him were all the Popes of Rome, who are endued with that supreme Authority which God hath given them; and which they have, and do, and shall for ever exercise with much sanctity and care, for propagation of the Gospell, and guiding Men according to the Word of God.

The Second Part of the Speech of Friar Vicente de Valverde.

FOR which reason the Pope of Rome, who is the High Priest now living, having un∣derstood that all the People and Nations of these Kingdoms, leaving the Worship of the true Maker of all things, do brutishly worship Idols, and the Images of Devils; and be∣ing willing to draw them to the knowledge of the true God, hath granted the Conquest of these Puris to Charles the 5th, Emperour of the Romans, who is the most powerfull King of Spain, and Monarch of all the Earth, that so he having brought the Kings, and Lords, and People of these parts, under his Subjection and Dominion, and having destroyed the rebelli∣ous and disobedient, he may govern and rule these Nations, and reduce them to the knowledge of God, and to the obedience of the Church.

And though our most potent King be employed in the Government of his vast Kingdoms and Dominions, yet he received this Grant of the Pope, and refused not the trouble for the good and for the salvation of these Nations; and accordingly hath sent his Captains and Souldiers to execute his Commands, as he did for the Conquest of those great Islands and Countries which are adjoining to Mexico; and having subjected them by force of Arms, hath reduced them to the acknowledgment of the true Religion of Jesus Christ, for the same God hath com∣manded, that so it should be.

For which reason the Emperour Charles the 5th, hath chosen for his Ambassadour, and Lieutenant Don Francisco de Piçarro, (who is here present) that so the Kingdoms of your Highness may receive all the benefits of Religion; and that a firm Peace and Alliance may be concluded and established between His Majesty and Your Highness; on condition that your Highness, and all your Kingdom become Tributaries, that is, paying a Tribute to the Emperour, Thou maist become his Subject, and delivering up your Kingdom, and all the Ad∣ministration and Government thereof, Thou shalt doe as other Kings and Lords have already done, and have the same quarter and conditions with them. This is the first point: Now as to the second: When this Peace and Alliance is established, and that thou hast submitted either voluntarily, or by constraint, then thou art to yield true and faithfull Obedience to the Pope, who is the High-Priest, and thou art to receive and believe the Faith of Jesus Christ our God. Thou art also to reject and totally to abandon the abominable Superstition of Idols, which being done, we shall then make known to you the Sanctity and Truth of our Law, and the Falsity of yours, the invention and contrivance of which proceeded from the Devil. All which, O King, if Thou wilt believe me, Thou oughtest to receive with readiness and good∣will, being a matter of great importance to thy self, and to thy people; for if thou shouldst deny, and refuse to obey, Thou wilt be prosecuted with the Fire and Sword of War, untill we have constrained thee by force of Arms, to renounce thy Religion; for willingly or unwillingly Thou must receive our Catholick Faith, and with surrender of thy Kingdom pay a Tribute to our Emperour; but in case thou shouldst contend, and make resistence with an obstinate mind, be assured, that God will deliver thee up, as he did anciently Pharaoh, who, with his whole Army, perished in the red Sea; and so shalt Thou, and all thy Indians, perish, and be destroyed by our Arms.

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CHAP. XXIII.

Of the Difficulty there was to interpret the sense and mea∣ning of this Speech of Friar Vicente de Valverde.

UPon this Speech Blas Valera makes some Reflexions, in order to the better understanding of his History; saying, that the Historians which treat of these matters make mention of this Speech of the Friar, but howsoever with some variety, for some leave out the first part, and others the second, and some have abbreviated it in their Relations. But howsoever Blas Valera saith, that John de Oliva, and Christopher de Medina, who were Priests, and skilfull in the Indian Language, and several other Writers, have specified this Speech at large in both parts, as spoken by Friar Vincent; and they all agree, that it was a most tart and rude Speech, without any mixture of sweetness or allurement whatsoever, and that the Interpretation thereof was much worse, as we shall see hereafter; and these Authours do much more approve the Speech which Hernando de Soto and Piçarro made to Atahualpa, being more gentle, and modest, than the sharp, and ill-natured Speech of Friar Vincent.

And now as to the Interpretation which was made to King Atahualpa of these Words, we may believe it was very impersect and corrupt; for this Philip the In∣dian, who was all the Interpreter they had, was a Native of the Island of Puna, and born of common and bloekish Parents, and was scarce arrived to the age of twenty two years, and was not onely ill learned in the Spanish, but also in the ge∣neral Tongue, spoken by the Incas at Cozco, which is different from that used in Tumpiz; for as we have said at the beginning, the Language of Cozco is more refi∣ned, in respect of all other Indians, whose Language is barbarous and corrupt. And moreover this Interpreter had learned his Spanish of himself, without Rule, and some Words onely which he had gotten up amongst the Souldiers, and lewd Peo∣ple, such as zounds, and dammee, and the like; and besides he was but a Servant to the Spaniards, and learned onely to speak like the Negroes, and though he had been baptised, yet he was ignorant of all the Principles of Religion, having nei∣ther knowledge of Christ our Lord, nor of the Apostles Creed.

This was all the Education and Learning which our first Interpreter had in Peru, and accordingly the Translations he made out of Spanish were all imperfect, and of a contrary sense; not that he made his mistakes voluntarily from malice, but from ignorance, speaking, like a Parrot, things that he did not understand; as for example, when he was to declare, and explain the nature of the Trinity, as that God was three, and yet one, he would say, God was three, and one, that is four, the which appears by their Quipus, which is their Knots used in the Countrey of Cassa∣marca, where these Affairs passed; and indeed he was much to blame, if we consi∣der, that in the Peruvian Language they have no words to express the Trinity, the Holy Ghost, Faith, Grace, the Church, the Sacraments, and other Words of the like Mysteries; for which reason the Spaniards, who study that Language in our times, and endeavour to express their mystical Notions, are forced to coin new words most accommodated to the reason of this people, and to the manner of Ex∣pressions of the most intelligent Indians, who having understood something of the Spanish Language and Learning, have of themselves framed new Words to supply the defects of their Speech, whereby the Preachers are now able to express any thing in conformity to the understanding of their Auditory. We have upon di∣vers occasions given several Instances of the Barrenness and Defects of the Peruvian Language; and therefore we ought not to lay the sole blame on our first Inter∣preter; for even in these our Days, which are twenty nine Years, since that time, there are almost as many gross mistakes made by our present Interpreters, as were by Philippillio, who never conversed with the Spaniards in other Language than his own. In short, I say, that I never knew an Indian who spake good Spanish,

but two Youths onely, who were my School-fellows, and from their childhood went to School, and learned to reade and write Spanish: One of which was called Carlos, the Son of Paullu Inca; besides these two, I have observed so little curio∣sity in the Indians to learn the Spanish Tongue, that I never knew any of them who addicted himself to the study either of writing or reading thereof; and never exer∣cised any other means than what came by mere converse, and common discourse; nor were the Spaniards on the other side more studious in learning the Indian Tongue; which neglect was so great both in one and the other Nation, that those Indian Boys, who were educated with me, did never arrive to any farther know∣ledge, than of common and familiar words; and when any thing was to be taught them of higher matters. I was constrained to express them in the natural terms of their own Language.

And if the ignorance and little improvement in the knowledge of these Tongues was to be blamed in both Nations, after twenty nine years conversation and acquaintance one with the other, how little blame then ought we to object unto this Interpreter, for want of skilfulness in the Tongues, when first the Spaniards en∣tred into these Countries: Nay how little ought Philipillio, and the good Friar Valverde, to be reproached for their unskilfulness in these Tongues at the begin∣ning, when now after eighty years that the Indian Empire hath been subdued, there still want words in the Indian Language to express the Mysteries of our Holy Faith. As appears by a Catechism which Friar Diego de Alcobaça printed and published in the year 1585, in three Languages, viz. in Spanish, in the general Language of Coz∣co, and in the Tongue peculiarly belonging to the Province of Aymara; whereby it appears, that neither of the two last Tongues had words sufficient to express Theological terms without using the Spanish, making them terms of Art adjoyned to the Indian: As for example, in the second Question of the Catechism; Art thou a baptized Christian? the common Translation hath it, Batizascha Chucanqui? Whereby it appears, that the word Canqui is the onely Indian word, but the word Batizasca is made Indian out of the Spanish. In like manner the fourth Question is, Dost thou know the Christian Doctrine? the word de you know is Indian, but the o∣ther two words are formed from the Spanish. Besides which there are innumerable other words in the Indian Tongue derived from the Spanish, which for brevity sake we omit; and therefore we shall instance in these few words onely, which are taught to the Indians in the proper Spanish words; and are these: God Jesus Christ, Our Lady, as Image, the Cross, a Priest, Domingo, a Feast or Holy-day, Religion, the Church, Repentance, to Communicate, to Pray, to Fast, Married, a Batchellour or single Person, amancebado, or one who keeps a Woman, with many other like words in the Catechism. And though it be true that some of these words, and others of the like nature, might be expressed in the Indian Tongue, as the Name of God, &c. Howsoever it was with great prudence, and religiously determined in charity to the Souls of these people, to cover the Mysteries of the Christian Faith, with Christian words; lest these people, being newly converted from their Gentilism, and being taught Christianity in their own words, should retain the same supersti∣tious notions of God, and other things according to the primary impressions of their Idolatry; and therefore it was judged necessary to instruct them with new words, that so, if possible, the very Memory of their superstitions might be to∣tally abolished.

Having thus excused Philipillio, and Friar Valverde, from blame for their bad in∣terpretation; we must add, that the interpretation he made of the Friar's Sermon, served rather to obscure than elucidate his sense; for when he came to explicate the Generation of Mankind, and original Sin by Adam's fall; that instead of say∣ing. That all the World sinned in Adam, he would say, That all the World hea∣ped their Sins upon Adam. And then speaking of the Divinity of Christ our Lord, he said, He was a great Person, who died for Mankind: And then when he would speak of the Virginity, Purity, and Sanctity of our Lady the Virgin Mary, he said nothing to the purpose, interpreting every thing almost in a contrary sense to the Catholick Doctrine.

Coming to the second Part of the Speech delivered by Valverde, he made some fewer errours and mistakes than in the first, because that the matter concerned more exteriour things, such as War and Arms, which were more obvious to the sense; on which occasion he extolled the Power and Magnanimity of the Empe∣rour, and his industry in sending Captains and Souldiers to conquer the World;

the which was so ill expressed, that the Indians believed he was Superiour to all, as well in Heaven as on Earth. Many other things he declared, which were as ill understood as those preceding; which for brevity sake we pass by and omit. And here Blas Valera takes notice of a most certain and observable truth; that to this day, though the Indian Children which are bred up and educated with our Youth, so that Spanish is become almost their natural Language, or at least as easie to them as the Indian; and are very well instructed and catechised in the Princi∣ples and Mysteries of the Christian Faith, yet dare not presume to explicate the Doctrines of our Religion to the Indians in their own Language, for fear lest the barrenness of their Tongue should not be able to reach the height of our mysteri∣ous Faith, and thereby administer occasion to them of many errours and mistakes, So that if in these late days, wherein Men are both instructed in our Learning, and practised in both Languages, such difficulties do arise in this matter; what in∣congruities, what nonsense, and what Chimeras may we imagine, were at first ut∣tered, when Men endeavoured to express sublime Mysteries with a babling and an imperfect Tongue?

CHAP. XXIV.

The Answer which Atahualpa gave to the Friar's Speech.

WHen Atahualpa understood the conclusion of the Speech, which was, That by fair means, or foul, he was to renounce and quit his Kingdoms, and to remain a Tributary Prince, for so was the command of the Pope, and the pleasure of the Emperour; and when they threatned him with fire and sword, as appeared by the signs they made, by brandishing their Arms; and that it seemed as if nothing was prepared but ruine and destruction for himself and his Army, like that of Pharaoh, he became extremely sad and melancholy believing that those whom they called Viracochas (for they conceived that the Spaniards were Gods) were turned from them, and become their mortal Enemies; and therewith he fetched a deep sigh, and cried Atac, which is as much as Oh most unhappy and miserable; which wofull groan was an evidence of the sorrow he conceived at the conclusion of the Friar's Sermon: But at length recollecting himself, he answered in the manner following.

Though you have denied me all the requests I made to your Messengers, yet it would be a great satisfaction to me, to grant me the favour onely to express your selves by a more skilfull and faithfull Interpreter, because the Manners and political Lives of Men are better under∣stood by discourse, than by signs or actions; for though you may be Men endued with extra∣ordinary vertues and abilities, yet unless you make them appear to me by words and discourse, I shall never be made capable to understand them by outward signs and gestures: For if there be a necessity of a common Language between Nations, who desire commerce and conversation together, much more is it requisite between people so remote as we are; for indeed to treat by Interpreters ignorant of both Tongues, is like the inarticulate sound of domestick Animals; and such, O Man of God, seems this discourse thou hast made me by this Interpreter. And now, so far as I understand, methinks the discourse seems much different to what your Am∣bassadours lately propounded, for they treated of nothing but Peace and Friendship, of Alli∣ance and Consanguinity; but now all the Words of this Indian are nothing but Menaces of Wars, and Death, and Fire, and Sword, with the Extirpation and Banishment of the Incas, and their Progeny; and that I must voluntarily, or by force, renounce a right to my Kingdom, and become Tributary to another. From whence I collect one of these two things; that either you and your Prince are Tyrants, and rove about to plunder the World, and to dispossess o∣thers of their Kingdoms, killing and spoiling those who owe you nothing, and have never of∣fered you injury or violence; or otherwise you are the Ministers of God (called by us Pacha∣camac)

whom he hath sent to visit us with vengeance and destruction. And if it be so, both I and my Vassals do offer our selves to death, and to what punishment soever you will in∣flict upon us; not for fear, or out of any dread we have of your Menaces or Arms, but in compliance with the Commands enjoyned us by my Father Huayna Capac at the time of his death; which was, that we should serve and honour a Nation with Beards like your selves, which were to enter into these parts after his days, and of which he prophesied some years before your Ships coasted about our Countrey, and whom he declared to be Men of better Laws, of more refined Customs, more wise and more valiant than our selves.

Wherefore to fulfill the Prophecy and Testament of my Father, we style you Viracochas, understanding thereby, that you are the Messengers of the Great God Viracocha, whose Will and Pleasure, just Indignation, Arms and Power, we are unable to resist; and yet we are as∣sured, that he is all Goodness and Mercy: And for that reason you, who are his Ministers and Executioners of his Will, ought to abstain from such Robberies, Slaughter and Violences, as you have committed in Tumpiz and the adjacent Countries.

In the next place, your Interpreter acquaints me of five great Personages, whom I am to acknowledge, The first is God, who is three and one, that is four, whom you call the Crea∣tor of this Universe; which perhaps may be the same, whom we call Pachacamac and Vi∣racocha. The second is the Father of all Mankind, on whom all other Men have heaped their Sins. The third you call Jesus Christ, who was the onely Person excepted, who did not cast his Sins on the first Man, but that he dyed. The fourth you name is the Pope. The fifth is Charles, whom, in comparison with others, you call the most Powerfull Monarch of the Universe, and the Supreme Lord of all: But then if Charles be the Prince and Lord of the World, what need was there for the Pope to give a new Grant, and another Commissi∣on to make War upon me, and Usurp my Kingdoms? for consequently the Pope must be a grea∣ter Prince than he, and the most powerfull of any in the World. But I cannot but most ad∣mire at what you say, that I am obliged to pay Tribute to Charles onely, and not to others; the which you alledge without giving me any reason, and indeed I cannot conceive on what score I am obliged to pay it; for if I were bound to pay Tribute and Service to any, methinks it should be to that God, who, you say, created all things, and to that first Man, who was the Father of all Mankind, and to that Jesus Christ who had no Sins to impute unto him; and, in fine, if Tribute were to be given, it should rather be unto the Pope, who hath Power and Authority to dispose of my Kingdoms, and my Person. And if you say that I owe nothing unto any of these, I should imagine that I owe much less unto Charles, who was never Lord of these Countries, nor ever saw them. And if the Pope's Grant and Concession be obligatory to me, it were just and reasonable to declare it to me, before you threaten me with War, and Fire, and Sword, and Death; for I am not so void of understanding and sense, as not to obey the Pope, in case you can shew me reason, and justice, and cause for it.

Moreover, I desire to be informed who that good Man Jesus Christ was, who, you say, ne∣ver laid his Sins on another, but that he dyed. I would gladly know, whether he dyed of a natural death, or by the hands of his Enemies; and whether he was numbred amongst the Gods before his death, or afterwards.

And farther I desire to be informed, whether these five which you highly honour; are adored by you for Gods; for if it be so, you hold more for Gods, than we, who acknowledge no other than the Pachacamac, who is the Supreme, and the Sun, who is inferiour to him, and the Moon, who is his Sister and Wife. In which doubtfull Questions I heartily desire to be truly resolved by some other more able and faithfull Interpreter, that •••• I may be made more capable thereby to know and obey your Will and Commands.

CHAP. XXV.

Of the great tumult and disturbance which happened between the Indians and the Spaniards.

THE Inca observing the inability of the Interpreter, endeavoured to assist him in expressing his Answer: First, by uttering his Speech by short peri∣ods, causing him to express one thing, before he proceeded to another; and, se∣condly, he spake in the Language of Chincasuyu, which the Interpreter understood better than the Language of Cozco; by which means Philippillio did better express the sense and intention of the Inca, though he did it in a most barbarous manner. So soon as the Inca had ended his discourse, the Keepers of the Quipus were com∣manded to note the sense and particulars of all things delivered by their Knots, which were the onely cypher they had whereby to conserve their traditions to fu∣ture Ages.

By this time the Spaniards growing weary of this long and tedious discourse, be∣gan to quit their places, and come up close to the Indians, to fight with them, and rob them of their Jewels of Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones, with which they had that day decked themselves, that in a solemn manner they might appear in their finery, to receive the Embassy which was sent them from the Universal Monarch of the World: Some Spaniards also climbed a little Tower to plunder an Idol, which they had adorned with Plates of Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones; the which outrage caused great noise and tumult amongst the Indians; which when the Inca perceived, he cried out with a loud voice to his people, that they should neither hurt, nor offend the Spaniards, though they should take or kill their King himself. On which passage Blas Valera takes occasion to say, That as God by the presence of Queen Esther mollified the Spirit of King Ahasuerus; so by means of the Holy Cross, which the good Friar Valverde held in his hand, he charmed the Spirit of this Cholerick and Warlike Prince Atahualpa, not onely to a degree of gentleness, and quiet temper, but even to an entire submission, and humble resig∣nation: the which we ought to attribute to a Miracle of the divine Mercy; for God designing to reduce this people to a knowledge of the true Doctrine of the Holy Gospel, was pleased by this, and other miraculous instances, which we shall find scattered in divers places of this History, to operate on the Spirits of this bar∣barous people. Some Writers blame Friar Valverde for this disorder, saying, that he moved the Spaniards thereunto, and encouraged them to lay hands on their Weapons, requiring them to doe justice, and take revenge for the affront which the King had given them, by throwing the Book on the ground which the Friar had put into his hand; and some say this could not be the cause, for that neither the Friar delivered a Book into the hands of the King, nor did he receive it: But the truth of all was this, Friar Valverde startled at a sudden out-cry of the Indians, arose up on a sudden from the seat on which he sate, discoursing with the King; and running in haste, his Book, and the Cross which he held in his hand, fell on the ground; and then catching them up again, he ran with speed, crying to his Com∣panions, that they should offer no hurt to the Indians, for that Atahualpa was kind and well affected towards them, and that he observed by his Answers, and de∣mands his good intentions, to satisfie them in all matters according to his capa∣city; but the noise and out-cry of the people was such, that the voice of the Friar was not heard amongst them. And here it is to be noted, that it is not true what some Historians report of Atahualpa, that he should say,

You believe that Christ is God, and that he died: I adore the Sun and the Moon, which are immortal: And who taught you, that your God created the Heaven and the Earth? To which Valverde made answer, This Book hath taught it to us: Then the King took it in his hand, and opening the Leaves, laid it to his Ear; and not hearing it speak to him, he threw it upon the ground. Upon which, they say, that the Friar

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starting up, ran to his Companions, crying out, that the Gospel was despised, and trampled under foot; Justice and Revenge upon those who contemn our Law, and refuse our Friendship. In like manner, it is fabulous what they write of the Inca, that he should say that he was free, and owed not Tribute to any, for that he knew no King superiour to himself. I should be glad to be a friend to the Emperour, who hath evidenced his Power and Greatness in sending Ar∣mies into Countries so remote; but as to what you mention of Obedience to the Pope, I cannot understand the Reasons which should oblige me to a subjec∣tion unto him: For he who pretends to transfer another's right unto his friends, and commands me to quit and renounce the Kingdom, which I hold by Inheri∣tance, to I know not whom, shews himself a Man of little understanding, and less justice. And as to the change of my Religion, of which I am in my con∣science satisfied, and believe to be Holy; it would be dishonourable, and a folly in me to question the truth thereof, which by ancient tradition, and un∣doubted testimony, hath been approved by my Ancestours.

All which I say was false, and framed by the mistakes and flattery of Writers; for Atahualpa never questioned the right of paying Tribute, but onely insisted on the Reasons why, and wherefore it was due, and expected from him; which de∣mands, or questions, put the Indians into a combustion. The Commander in chief of the Spaniards and Captains under him, sent notwithstanding the former relation which they had forged unto the Emperour, and forbid all people under severe pe∣nalties to make any other report or narrative of what had passed in this particular: the truth of which is, as I have related it, and which may be proved not onely by the Historical, or Hyeroglyphical Knots of the Province of Cassamarca, but by the testimony of several of those Conquerours, who were then present at those trans∣actions. Blas Valera saith, That one of them was his own Father, from whom he hath often heard it confirmed. In short, we say that 5000 Indians were killed that day, 3500 of which were slain with the Sword, the rest were old and infirm Men, and Women, and Children, which were trampled and trodden under foot, for an innumerable number of all Ages, and both Sexes, were gathered together to see the Solemnity of this strange and unheard-of Embassy. Moreover a great num∣ber of Indians perished under the Ruines of a Wall, which fell by force of the violent crouds of people, which pressed under the shelter of it. Two days after this defeat, the Cross was found in the same place where Friar Valverde had let it fall, for no Indian durst approach near it, because perhaps it was like that which the Indians adored in Tumpiz, believing that there was some Divinity, or mysteri∣ous Power in that piece of Wood; and being ignorant of the Religion of Christ our Lord, they asked pardon for those offences by which they had provoked him to anger.

And now the Indians began to call to mind the ancient Prophecy, delivered by Tradition from their Inca Viracocha, whereby he not onely foretells the change of their Laws, People and Government, but also that their superstitions and religious Rites and Ceremonies should be consumed, and perish by fire. And in regard they were ignorant of the time when these things were to be accomplished, whe∣ther now or hereafter; both the King and his People were strook with such asto∣nishment, that they knew not what to determine; nor did they resolve on any thing either defensive to themselves, or offensive to the Spaniards, onely they con∣sidered and worshipped them as Gods, and Messengers of the Great Viracocha, whom they adored under this denomination and belief. Thus far this Relation is extrac∣ted out of the Papers of Blas Valera, which I shall willingly quote hereafter in se∣veral parts of this following History; for he was not onely a religious Man, but one very curious in finding out the truth, and sincere in laying down matters as they really were acted; in which he was not satisfied by his Enquiries from Spani∣ards, but likewise took his Informations from the Indians themselves: For which reason, wheresoever I find any thing of his tending to our purpose, I shall quote them as authentick for their authority; and in the mean time, cannot but much lament his lost leaves, and scattered fragments.

CHAP. XXVI.

The Authour compares his own Writings with the Histories of Spaniards.

NOW to compare what we have said with the Writings of Spanish Histori∣ans, we say, that the Discourse of Friar Valverde, and the Answer of Atahualpa, are delivered very brief, and in few words, in all the printed Histories: For the truth is, the General and Captains were not very sincere, or faithfull in the Narrative they gave of passages which occurred; for to put the best gloss and colour they could on their actions, they left out all their cruel and unjustifiable proceedings, and added whatsoever they judged to have the best appearance. What we have alledged concerning Atahualpa, how that he ordered his Subjects to resist the Spaniards, is confirmed by the authority of several Historians, and par∣ticularly by Lopez de Gomara, who in the 113th Chapter of his Book, hath these Words:

It is very observable (saith he) that though the Indians came all arm∣ed, yet not a Man lifted up his hand, because the word of Command was not given, nor the Signal shewed for Fight, as was agreed, in case that matters so required; for it is probable the surprize was so sudden, and the affrightment so great by the sound of the Trumpets, the Vollies of the Musquets, and roaring of the Cannon, the rushing of the Horses, and clattering of Armour; things so unknown to these poor people, as distracted them, and put them besides their understandings and reason. And a little farther he adds: Great numbers of them perished, because they did not fight, whilst ours killed them with their Daggers, slashing and stabbing them; for Friar Valverde advised them not to use their Swords, lest in that service they should be either blunted or broken.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara; the which is likewise confirmed by other Au∣thours, who report, that the Indians fled so soon as they saw their King taken Pri∣soner, and that Atahualpa commanded them not to resist the Spaniards: The which we may attribute to a Miracle of God's Providence, who was pleased to conserve the Christians, and not suffer them to perish, whom he had designed to preach the Gospel: For if the Inca had not commanded them not to fight, certainly they would never have endured to see their Prince overthrown and taken; for having Weapons in their hands, they would rather have died all in his defence, than have suffered 160 Spaniards (whom they were able to have subdued with stones) to com∣mit such Outrages upon them; instead whereof there was not one Spaniard either killed or wounded, unless it were Francisco de Piçarro, who received a little hurt in his hand by one of his own people, as he went to seize Atahualpa. The truth is, the Indians did not fight, because they held every Command of their Inca to be a part of their Religion, and of the divine Law, though it were to the loss of their Lives and Estates. And as to what Historians report of Friar Valverde, that he himself used his Weapons, and encouraged the Souldiers to kill and destroy the Indians, and stab them with Daggers to save their Swords, and conserve them to another opportunity, is a false report of those who wrote these passages into Spain, where they might easily at 3000 Leagues distance obtrude what stories they pleased on the minds of Men; for otherwise it is not to be imagined, that a religious Friar, a good Catholick, and a Divine, would utter such outragious words of Cru∣elty, which became a Nero, rather than a Person of his Coat and Profession; and one who deserved the Dignity of a Bishop, in that he died by the hands of the Indians, for preaching the Catholick Faith: Which having said, let us return to the Series of our History.

CHAP. XXVII.

How the Spaniards took the king Atahualpa.

THE Spanish Horse sallying forth, attacked the Squadrons of the Indians, and ran them through with their Lances, without any opposition, and at the same time D. Francisco Piçarro, and his Infantry, assailed Atahualpa with all their fury; for they imagined, that in case they could once make themselves Master of that Jewel, (which was the King) they should soon gain all the Treasures of Peru; but the Indians with great numbers encompassing the Kings's Chair, did not offend the Spaniards, but onely endeavoured to defend and cover their King from hurt and mischief: Howsoever the Spaniards wounded them on all sides, and lanced them through the sides, though they defended not themselves, onely interposed their bodies between the King and the Spaniards; in fine, with much slaughter they opened their way to the King; the first that came up to him was D. Francisco Piçarro, who laying hold on his Vestments, fell with him to the ground, though some Historians say that he took him by the Locks, which were very long; but that was a mistake, for the Incas wear very short Hair. In short, the Spaniards having overthrown Atahualpa, they took him Prisoner: In confirmation of which truth, Gomara hath these words:

There was not one Spaniard either killed or wounded, onely Francisco Piçarro received a small hurt in his hand by a blow of one of his own Souldiers, who strook at Atahualpa to knock him down; whence it is reported, that it was not Piçarro, but another which took the King Prisoner: With which Words Gomara ends his 113th Chapter.

Now to add unto his History what he hatly omitted, (as we have declared we would) we aver, that this Souldier was called Michael Astere, who afterwards li∣ved in the City of Huamanca, where he possessed some Lands, and commanded over the Indians. When Atahualpa was fallen, this Souldier took off the coloured Wreath which encircled his Temples, the which was as his Crown or Lau∣rel of Royalty, and kept it for his prize; which gave occasion for the report, that Atahualpa was taken Prisoner by the Souldier, and not by Piçarro; but be the matter how it will, since both vvere so near together, and the thing doubtfull, the Honour ought to be given to the chief Commander: Hovvsoever Michael Astere kept the coloured Wreath by him, untill the year 1557, vvhen he be∣stovved it on the Inca Sayritupac, vvho then deserted the Mountains to vvhich he vvas retired, as shall be related in its due place.

The Indians seeing their King taken, and the Spaniards still pursuing them with wounds and slaughter, staid no longer, but all put themselves to flight; but not being able to make their escape by the way, (for the Horse had possessed them∣selves of that pass) they made towards a certain Wall, built of freezed Stone, in the time of the Great Inca Pachacutec, when he had conquered Cassamarca; and being in great multitudes, and many hands, they over turned above a hundred paces of the Wall, and climbed over the Ruines, over which the Horse not be∣ing able to follow them, they escaped into the Plains. And here a certain Au∣thour saith, that the Stones of these Walls were more tender and compassionate, than the hearts of the Spaniards; because that being charmed with pity for the miseries of the poor Indians, they trembled and sell, to make way for their flight and escape. Some Historians say, that the Spaniards not satisfied to see them fly, pursued and massacred them, untill the night put an end to their cruelty: And then afterwards taking the plunder of the Field, they divided the spoil which con∣sisted of Jewels, Gold, Silver, and many pretious Stones. And Lopez de Gomara giving a relation hereof in the 114th Chapter of his Book, saith,

That in the Palace and Bath of Atabaliba onely they found five thousand Women; which though sorrowfull and destitute, yet they put on a chearfull counte∣nance when they saw the Christians treating them with Presents of fine Gar∣ments,

with Towels, and other domestick conveniences, as also with Basons of Gold and Silver, one of which belonged to Atabaliba, and weighed eight Arroves of Gold (which makes two hundred weight English) and was to the value of a hundred thousand Ducats; but poor Atabaliba in the mean time being much incommoded by his Chains, desired Piçarro, that since it was his misfortune to fall into such misery, that at least they would treat him well, and ease him of that burthen.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara, which I have extracted almost verbatim, and which are of the same sense with that which is delivered by Augustine Carate. To which Authours I refer my Reader, in case any person desires to reade these matters more at large.

CHAP. XXVIII.

Atahualpa, or Atabaliba, promises a great Ransome to obtain his Liberty; and what Endeavours were made for him.

THE Nobility which escaped from the slaughter of Cassamarca, understan∣ding that their King was alive, returned to perform their Services to him in Prison; onely a certain Commander called Rumminavi, who was of a diffe∣rent opinion to all the rest, and never assented to have Peace with the Spaniards, or to trust them, remained behind with the Souldiers under his Command; and being enraged to find his Counsels rejected, fled with his people into the King∣dom of Quitu, with intention to make preparations for a War against the Spa∣niards, and such provisions as were most conducing to his own safety: But his real design was to levy a War against Atahualpa himself; who having been a Re∣bel to his own Prince, he thought it no crime to follow his example. To which end being entred into the Kingdom of Quitu, he immediately seized on all the Sons of Atahualpa, •••••• pretence of d••••ending and protecting them against the Spaniards; but in a short time he killed them all, together with Quilliscacha, who was Brother to Atahualpa both by Father and Mother, called by the Spaniards Yll••scas; and moreover he killed Challcuchima, and other Captains and Curacas, as we shall declare in their due place.

The Inca Atahualpa being now in Prison, and bound with Chains of Iron, trea∣ted with the Spaniards for the price of his Liberty, and offered for his Ransome as many Vessels of Gold and Silver, as should cover the floor of the Chamber wherein he was •••• and perceiving that the Spaniards shrugged their shoulders at it, as either not believing him, or thinking the proposal too mean (as Gomara re∣ports) he immediately prosered to fill the Room to a certain red line which he had drawn on the Wall, so far as he could reach with his hand, provided that they neither put one Vessel within the other, not battered, or beat them close, but onely heaped them one on the other, until they arose to the mark and line which he had drawn. And thus much we have extracted out of the 114th Chap∣ter of Gomara's, History. But not to enlarge on the Particulars related by the Spanish Historians, to whom we refer our selves; we come, in short, to that which immediately concerns the Life and Death of those Kings, the Incas, and the utter destruction of them, which was the first design and intention of this Treatise; and then afterwards, in its due place, we shall relate all the most curious and no∣table passages which occurred in the Civil Wars arisen between the Spaniards themselves: But now to procced.

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Atahualpa sent for much Gold and Silver for payment of his Ransome, which though amassed in great quantities, yet wanted much of arising to the line which was drawn; so that it seemed almost impossible to comply with the promises which Atahualpa had made; wherefore the Spaniards murmured, and said, That since the Prisoner had not complied with the promises he had given within the time prefixed, they could not but suspect that these delays were made on de∣sign to assemble greater numbers of Souldiers, who might be able to master and kill them, and then free and rescue their King. The Spaniards being jealous of some such project, appeared angry and discontented; which Atahualpa perceiving by their countenance, for he was very quick of apprehension, demanded the cause of that trouble which appeared in their faces: which when he had under∣stood from Francisco Piçarro; he answered, that if they were informed of the great distance of the places from whence he was to fetch his Vessels of Gold and Silver, they would not entertain such hard thoughts of jealousie concerning his intentions; for the greatest part of his Ransome was to be brought from Coz∣co, Pachacamac, Quitu, and several other Provinces, the nearest part of which was Pachacamac, and that was at least eighty Leagues distant; that Cozco was two hundred Leagues off, and Quitu three hundred; and that if they doubted of the truth of what he affirmed, they might, if they pleased, send Spaniards into those parts to see and survey the Treasure which was there, and in all places of that Kingdom; and being satisfied with the quantity thereof, might pay themselves with their own hands. But the Inca perceiving that the Spaniards doubted of their security with those whom he would employ to conduct them to these Trea∣sures: he told them, that whilst he was in Chains, they were secure, and needed not to fear or doubt of their safety: Upon which Hernando de Soto, and Peter del Barco, Native of the Town of Lobon, resolved to travel as far as Cozco. When Atahualpa understood that Hernando would leave him, he was much troubled; for having been the first Christian he had seen, he entertained a particular kind∣ness for his Person, believing that on all occasions and emergencies he would prove his Friend and Protectour. Howsoever, he durst not say any thing against his going, lest it should beget a jealousie, and contradict the profer he had made, and which the Spaniards had accepted: Besides these two Spaniards, four others resolved to travel into other Provinces for discovery of the Treasures which they yielded; one therefore designed for Quitu, another for Huayllas, another for Hua∣machucu, and a fourth for Sicillapampa; all which, besides their primary intention of discovery, received Instructions to observe whether any Levies were making for rescue of their King Atahualpa from his Prison; but he, poor Man, being far from suspecting the Faith and Promises which the Spaniards had given him, busied his thoughts on no other contrivances, than the ways to amass such quantities of Gold and Silver as he had bargained with the Spaniards for his Ransome, not doubting but upon the delivery thereof, to have his Chains and Shackles knocked off. Upon which supposition the Inca ordered publick Proclamation to be made in all his Kingdoms, to receive and treat the Christians, travelling singly into re∣mote parts with joy and kind treatment in all places where they should arrive: In virtue of which Command from the Inca, and out of an opinion which the Indians entertained, that the Spaniards were Gods, and Messengers of the most High God, (as they themselves reported and published in all places) and were confirmed in a belief thereof from the action of Peter de Candia, who killed the wild Beasts (as we have said) in Tumpiz, they received them in their Towns and Villages with all the honour, joy, and kind treatment that they were able to express. They presented them with Gifts, and such curiosities as their Countrey yielded, and offered Sacrifices to them; for out of their abundant simplicity and superstition they esteemed of the Spaniards, as Gods: And though they were not ignorant of the great slaughter they had committed upon the Indians in Cassamarca, and on those which endeavoured to make their escape, yet still they maintained an opinion, that they were Gods, but cruel and terrible, and such as were to be appeased with Sacrifices; and though these angry Deities were never to be persuaded into that gentle Mood of doing good to them, yet perhaps they might be atoned, and restrained from doing them farther mischiefs.

Hernando de Soto, and Peter del Barco, with the four other Spaniards, were by or∣der of the Inca carried in Hammacks upon Mens shoulders for their more conve∣nience and expedition. Now a Hammack is a word used by the Indians in the Isle of Barlovento, and signifies a Net made of the Leaves of a Palm, or of other Trees, which in those hot Countries is much more cool than those made of Cotton, which are used by the poorer and meaner sort of people: These Hammacks are hanged at the four corners with Ropes about a Yard from the ground, and are much more cool than lodging upon Quilts. In imitation hereof, the Indians of Peru did use to fasten a Blanket at both ends to a Staff of about three or four Yards long, on which he that was to ride Post laid and stretched himself at length, so that the Bearers seemed to carry a dead Corpse: This Blanket was supported by two Indians, who changed with others after a certain distance of travel, for twenty of them being designed perhaps to carry one Man, they often relieved one the other; and coming to a certain-Stage, or Post, they found as many others ready to ease and discharge them of their burthen; which was the way and man∣ner of the Indian Posts. This sort of Biere on which Men are thus carried, is called Huantu, or Rampa, called by the Spaniards Hamaca, being like their Cama, which signifies a Bed.

In this manner these two courageous Spaniards, Hernando de Soto, and Peter del Barco, travelled the distance of two hundred Leagues, which is between Cassa∣marca and Cozco, with more security and better treatment than they could have found in their own Countrey: In like manner the other four were received and caressed in all places where they passed, and with such welcome joy, and hearty entertainment, as was incredible and which the Spaniards, when they returned, had scarce the confidence to relate unto their companions.

CHAP. XXIX.

The Travels of Hernando Piçarro to Pachacamac, and of what befell him in that Journey.

SOon after the departure of Hernando de Soto, and Peter del Barco, Hernando Pi∣çarro being moved with the fame of the vast Riches of Pachacamac, resolved to visit that Temple; but not knowing what might happen in this Journey, he took with him a party of Horse for his better security and convoy: The Spaniards in this Journey travelling one day over a certain Mountain, discovered from the top of it on the side of another Hill, something that glistered with a brightness like Gold, and the rays of the Sun darting upon it, almost blinded the eyes of the Beholders. The Spaniards proceeded towards it with great admiration, and be∣ing come near, they perceived it to be a heap of Pots, and Jars, and Kettles, and Pans, and such like Utensils made of Gold and Silver, which the Brother of A∣tahualpa, called Quilliscacha, (whom we have already mentioned) had amassed to∣gether towards payment of the Inca's Ransome, being to the value of two Milli∣ons; though some Historians report, that all did not amount, in the whole, unto more than three hundred thousand pieces of Eight: but this must be some errour in the account, as we shall see hereafter, when we come to reckon up the several parti∣culars; howsoever the Mountain seemed to shine with Gold, because the Indians, who carried those Vessels up the Hill, had laid them down to ease, and rest them∣selves for a while, and so had over-spread therewith all the way upwards. This Narrative I received in my own Countrey from the mouth of one who was then present; and the same was afterwards confirmed to me in Spain by that worthy Gentleman Don Graviel Piçarro, who was an Officer of the Inquisition at Cordova;

and another Gentleman called Don John Piçarro, who accompanied Hernando Piçar∣ro in this Journey, made a like report of the golden Hill.

We have already said, that so soon as this Quilliscacha was come to Cassamarca with the aforesaid Treasure, he immediately advised his Brother Atahualpa to come with all speed to the Kingdom of Quitu, to prevent the Insurrection, which the Commander Rumminavi was designing to make; which Plot Atahualpa having for∣merly suspected, had sent his Brother in pursuit of him.

This Rumminavi had formerly been an Assistant to Atahualpa in execution of all his cruelties, and tyrannical practices; so that he was acquainted with his natural temper, and well forewarned of his treachery and false dealings; and suspecting no less from Quilliscacha, he received him like the King's Brother, and informed himself of the Inca's imprisonment; and the bargain for his ransome, to obtain which, they both agreed to amass all the Gold and Plate that was to be found in that King∣dom. And though Rumminavi desired nothing less than the liberty of the Inca, yet like a false and perfidious Traytor he served, and treated Quilliscacha with much kindness, as if he had been a most faithfull and loyal Subject; and carried this fair outside untill such time as occasion offered, to put in practice his villanous de∣sign.

Hernando Piçarro permitting Quilliscacha to pass before him, proceeded on his Journey to the great Temple of Pachacamac, whose immense riches, and multi∣tude of people, which inhabited the Valley round about, surprized the Spaniards with strange admiration; but much more were the Indians astonished to see the Fashion, the Habits, the Arms and Horses of their new Guests: the Novelty of which, and the Command of their Inca caused them to adore them for Gods, and to receive and treat them with such kindness and respect, as passes all imagination, or expression; and so silly were these poor people, that observing the Horses with Bits and Bridles in their mouths, they imagined like those in Cassamarca, that the Iron was their food; and pitying to see the poor Beasts with no better Victu∣als, they brought them Gold and Silver, desiring them to eat those Metals which were much more pleasant and delicate than the Iron. The Spaniards were much pleased at the ignorance of the Indians, and cherishing them in that opinion, told them (as they had done to those in Cassamarca) that they should bring much of that fodder to their Horses, and lay it under the Grass and Mayz, for they were great devourers, and would soon dispatch and eat it all; which the Indians belie∣ving, did as they desired. Of the Gold which was in the Temple, Hernando Pi∣çarro took as much as he could carry with him, leaving his Command to carry all the rest to Cassamarca for ransome of their King; on which belief the people readily brought all, not concealing or embezling any part thereof.

Whilst Hernando Piçarro was at Pachacamac, he received advice, that about forty Leagues from thence there was a certain Captain of the Army of Atahualpa, called Challcuchima, who had gathered great Forces to him; upon which Hernando sent to him to come, and meet him, that they might treat of matters conducing to the publick peace and quiet of those Kingdoms; but the Indian refusing to come where the Spuniards were, Hernando adventured with great hazard of his own Person, and of the lives of his companions, to pass unto him, being a Journey not to be performed without much labour and danger both in the going, and in the return; for not onely the roughness of the way, and craggy Mountains were incommodi∣ous, but the broad Rivers gave them much obstruction; for in passing over the Bridges of Osier, (which we have formerly described) the greatest difficulty was how to Ferry over the Horses. Wherefore this attempt was esteemed very rash and inconsiderate by the other Spaniards, to whom it appeared a vain confidence to put themselves into the hands of an Infidel, in whom, according to common report, was no faith, and into the power of a person who was surrounded with an Army. Howsoever the reliance which this Spanish Commander had on the promises of Atahualpa, which at his departure he had expressed by signs, and had given him some tokens which might serve him for a Pass-port, in case he should meet with any Commander or General in his Journey, so animated Hernando, that he marched boldly towards Challcuchima; and having met, he persuaded him to leave his Army, and to accompany him to the place, where he might see and discourse with his King: The Indian suffering himself to be overcome by his im∣portunity, attended Hernando; and to make the Journey more short, they cut off a great part of their way, by crossing over some snowy Mountains, where they

had all perished with cold, had they not been relieved by the Indians, and con∣ducted to some warm caves, whereof there are many in that passage, which were hewen out of the Rocks for reception of Travellers.

The Spaniards not having been acquainted with the ruggedness of the ways, had not provided themselves with Shoes for their Horses, nor Smiths to nail them; for want of which their Horses had suffered much, had not the Indians melted some of their Gold and Silver, and therewith forged Shoes of Gold, instead of Iron, for the use of their Horses. Gomara at the end of the 114th Chapter of his Book, mentions this passage in these words; For want of Iron, some shod their Horses with Silver, and some with Gold.

After many such difficulties and hardships as these, Hernando Piçarro and Chall∣cuchima arrived in Cassamarca; where Challcuchima being about to enter into the place where the Inca remained, and having first put off his Shoes, and taken some∣thing on his shoulders in token of servitude, he with much tenderness burst out into tears so soon as he saw his King in Chains, and laden with Iron, attributing his Imprisonment by the Spaniards to his own default and absence. But the Inca replied, that his absence was not to be blamed, nor could any other cause be as∣signed hereof, than onely the Decree of the Pachacamac, of which many Prophe∣cies and Prognostications had for many years past preceded, foretelling their Inva∣sion by new and unknown Nations, who should destroy their Religion, and sub∣vert their Empire; as his Father Huayna Capac had foretold at the hour of his Death. And for better assurance of the truth hereof, so soon as he was taken, he sent to Cozco to consult with his Father the Sun, and with the other Oracles, which resolved Questions and Demands in his Kingdom, and particularly with the prating Idol in the Valley of Rimac, which notwithstanding its former readiness of speech was become silent; and what was most to be admired, was, that the hidden Oracle in the Temple of Pachacamac, which had undertaken on all occasi∣ons to answer the doubts and questions which were made concerning the successes of Kings and great Men, was also become dumb, and made no answers. And though it was told to that Oracle that their Inca was held in Chains, and was con∣jured by them to advise a remedy for his release, he became deaf and silent: And moreover the Priests, and such as formerly entertained free and familiar discour∣ses with the other Oracles, reported, that they were not able to obtain an answer, or screw out the least word from them; for which cause Atahualpa said, that he was greatly troubled and distracted in his thoughts, fearing, lest his Father the Sun had absolutely abandoned him; for otherwise he would not have tied up the mouths of his Idols on a sudden, which he had formerly caused to be free and familiar with devout persons, not suffering them to advise, and yield them com∣fort in their ultimate distress: All which were certain and unevitable signals of their approaching misery, and alienation of their Empire. These and such sad apprehensions Atahualpa uttered with extreme grief of heart to his General Challcu∣chima in the Prison where he was, beginning then to feel the pangs of conscience for his Treason and Rebellion against Huascar; in reward of which, and of all other the Tyrannies and Cruelties he had committed against him and his family, he confessed himself to be now justly punished with the like troubles and anguish in his own Soul.

CHAP. XXX.

How the Devils of Peru were strook dumb by the Sacraments of the Holy Mother the Church of Rome.

IT is most certainly true, that so soon as the Sacraments of our Holy Mother the Church of Rome were brought into Peru, namely the Consecration of the Host, or of the Body and Bloud of Christ our Lord, as is performed in the Mass, and celebrated on such days as the Spaniards had time and leisure to hear it; and that some Indians, who had entered themselves into the Service of Spaniards, re∣ceived the Sacrament of Baptism; and that likewise the Sacraments of Marriage and Penance were practised; so soon, I say, as these four Holy Mysteries were made known, and appeared, (for the other three were not as yet introduced into those Countries) the Devils became dumb and silent, and lost that familiar dis∣course and conversation in publick which (as we have said) they formerly used and practised with those Gentiles, onely they whispered sometimes in secret, with the famous Magicians, who were said to have a greater power and influence upon them. And though at first the party of Huascar gave out, that this sullen reservedness and silence of the Oracles was caused by the anger and displeasure of the Sun for the tyrannies and cruelties committed by Atahualpa; yet at length they were convinced of a more over-ruling cause, which affected the Indians with a general fear and consternation, believing that the entrance of these new Guests into their Countrey, had over-awed and silenced their Oracles: the which opinion served to augment the dread and reverence they had of the Spaniards, and confirm the Name which they gave them of Viracocha, who is the God espe∣cially adored by them, and held in more esteem and worship, than all their petty Huacas; of which we have already given a more large relation.

CHAP. XXXI.

How Huascar Inca demanded succour and justice from the Two who went on discovery.

HErnando de Soto, and Peter del Barco, having travelled above a hundred Leagues, came at length to Sausa, where the Captains of Atahualpa held Huascar in imprisonment; of which the Spaniards being informed, they desired to see him; and the Inca being in like manner desirous thereof, though he was kept under close custody, yet at length they obtained admission: What discourse passed between them at that time, was not well understood for want of an Interpreter; nor could they express themselves in any other manner, than by signs. Onely afterwards it was reported, That Huascar being informed by the Indians, that the principal de∣sign of the Spaniards was to doe justice, and to relieve Men under oppression and violence, which pretence (as the Spanish Writers affirm) was always in a specious manner published by the Spaniards from the time of their first Invasion of those Countries, and which at all times they boasted in pursuance of the Commands of his Majesty, who enjoyned them to hurt none, and to render unto every one his due: Of which (as we say) Huascar being assured, he with more assurance of re∣dress, complained of the tyranny, cruelty and injustice, which he had received from his Brother Atahualpa, who not content to despoil him and his Heirs of his Kingdom and Dominions, resolved to bereave him of his life, and to that end had imprisoned him under strict and watchfull Guards: Wherefore with all ear∣nestness he conjured them, not to abandon and leave him in that condition, but to take him with them out of the hands of that Guard, which designed (so soon as they were departed) to put him to death. And whereas they had published and made known unto all persons, that their intentions were to ease and relieve the oppressed, he was well assured, that so soon as they had received true infor∣mation from the Captain-General of the justice of his cause, they would restore him again to his Liberty and Kingdom: Upon which condition he promised them not onely to fill the Chamber with Vessels of Gold and Silver unto the line drawn by his Brother, but that he would raise and pile them up unto the very ceiling; for the performance of which, he esteemed himself much more able than his Brother; in regard that he was well acquainted with the places where secret Treasures of his Father were concealed, and where his Ancestours had amassed immense Sums and Riches, which his Brother would have embezled, and much diminished, to build Temples and Altars for accomplishment of his Vows; in which he had been so profuse, that he was become poor, and unable to comply with the Ransome which he had promised. In answer whereunto, Hernando de Soto, and Peter del Barco, gave him to understand by signs, that in obedience to the Command of their Captain-General, they were obliged to proceed as far as Cozco, and for that reason could not stay with him, but at their return they would perform whatsoever might tend to his service and advantage: After which they departed, leaving poor Huascar more sad and disconsolate than before; for having once entertained some hopes and expectation of relief by their coming, he became absolutely desperate, and desponding of life and comfort; believing, as it afterwards happened, that their visit and discourse was a prelude to his death.

CHAP. XXXII.

How these two Spaniards arrived at Cozco, where they found Crosses in the Temples and Royal Palaces.

THese two Companions proceeding on their Journey towards Cozco, arrived on the high Promontory of Carmenca, from whence they took a survey of the Imperial City, and much admired the neighbouring Towns and Villages which encompassed, or were adjoyning to it. The people coming forth to meet them, received them with joy and mirth, with Musick and Dances, erecting Triumphal Arches in the ways, crowned with Flowers and Garlands, and strowing the streets with Rushes, and lodged them in those Royal Apartments, which were called Amarucancha, belonging to Huayna Capac; for being in their estimation persons of Divine Race, they allotted those Chambers for them, which appertained to their greatest and most beloved King. At the entrance thereunto was a very fair Tower, being four Stories high, each of which had a cieling of Timber, in such manner as covered the Royal Chambers, and which were so lofty, that to speak in com∣pass, the Turret above was a high as any Spire in Spain, unless that of Seville. The top thereof was in form of a Globe, as were all the Chambers; and above all, in the place of a Weather-cock or Vayne, (which the Indians did not under∣stand) they had erected a Ball, which added much to the height, and was so large, that the hollow of it contained above sixty Foot in compass, called by them Sun∣turhuaci, which signifies as much as the rare piece of Architecture, there being no other building adjoyning thereunto to support or hide it. In my time it was thrown down or demolished, to make the Market-place more large and airy; though the truth is, it took not up much place, and now in lieu thereof the Jesuits have erected a high Coloseo, or Pyramid, as we have mentioned in the first Part of this History. The next day after the Spaniards arrived, the Indians carried them in several Palanchines, or Seats, placed on Mens shoulders to see and view the City; and as they passed, the people adored and worshipped them after the manner of their Gentilism and Religion. Nor were the Spaniards less surprized to see the Majesty of Cozco, with the Grandeur and Riches of the Palaces and Temples; which though much defaced, and despoiled of their ancient beauty, by reason of the late Wars between the Incas, and the Imprisonment of Huascar, yet they could not but much admire the excellent Architecture of the Royal Palaces, which were built without those Instruments and Engines, which are necessary for the erecting such mighty Fabricks: But above all, they were much pleased with the rare Pavements, which were curiously in-layed with divers Figures on each side of the stream, which runs for above a quarter of a League through the City; and the multitude of people, and the numbers of Merchants (though the Com∣modities not many) were so great, as much pleased them to behold; especially observing the gentile behaviour of the Nobles, and the courtesie of the Commo∣nalty, who were all desirous to serve them, and gain their favour; and had it not been for the late Wars between the two Brothers, all things would certainly have appeared in much more beauty and splendour: But above all, they much admired to see Crosses erected on the top of the high Pinnacles of their Tem∣ples and Palaces; the which, it seems, were introduced from the time onely that Pedro de Candia being in Tumpiz charmed, or made tame those wild Beasts which were let loose to devour him, and which onely by virtue of the Cross which he held in his hand became gentle and domestick: All which was recounted with such admiration by the Indians, who carried the news of this Miracle unto Cozco, that when the Inhabitants of the City had understood it, they went immediately to their Sanctuary, where a Cross of Jaspar-stone, as clear as Chrystal, remained, as we have before mentioned; which when they had brought forth, they with loud Acclamations adored and worshipped it, conceiving that though the Sign

of the Cross had for many Ages been conserved by them in high esteem and venera∣tion, yet it was not entertained with such devotion as it deserved, because they were not as yet acquainted with its virtues. Wherefore now with stronger assurance believing, that as the Sign of the Cross had tamed, and shut the mouth of the wild Beasts, so as that they could not hurt Pedro de Candia; so also they imagined, that it had a like power to deliver them out of the hands of these New-come Guests: On which consideration having adored the Cross, they erected several of them in their Temples, and in the Royal Palaces, like Tutelar Gods to defend their Kingdom from the violence of Enemies.

Whence it is to be noted, that these Gentiles who were Idolaters, did entirely, and with an implicit faith, devote themselves to the Cross, and therewith to the belief of the whole Christian Doctrine before the Gospel was preached to them. It is most certain, that after the Death of Huayna Capac (as we have mentioned at the end of his Reign) the Indians remained in great fear and consternation, ap∣prehending that the time approached in which their Idolatrous Religion was to be at an end, and therewith their Empire, Greatness and Dominion was to expire. And though many years past many Predictions were uttered of this nature by their Southsayers and Magicians, the which were confirmed by their Oracles, and divers Prodigies; yet they were delivered in such obscure terms, that nothing was clear, or intelligible, from thence, untill such time as Huayna Capac, by I know not what Spirit, explained and interpreted those Prophecies with such clearness, as evidently pointed at the coming of the Spaniards, and the propagation of the Gospel, declaring that the Empire of Peru was to end with his Life. And this is the true reason why the Indians adored and worshipped the Spaniards for Gods, with such humility and submission, as we have declared, being certainly assured, that these were the people in whom the Prophecy of their King was to be accom∣plished.

Of all these matters Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del Barco, gave due intelligence to their Captain-General, with farther information of the incredible Riches found in that City, which were beyond all imagination, as also of the kind treatment, duty and respect, which they had received from the Indians, by virtue of that Edict and Command which Atahualpa had caused to be proclaimed in all parts of his Dominions in favour of the Spaniards. In like manner the other four Spies, or Discoverers, which were sent into other parts, dispatched their Informations of all things they had seen, and which had happened to them. All which news de∣claring the immense Riches, and the adoration which was paid to their Com∣panions, the other Spaniards received with great joy and satisfaction: But as to the Prophecies of Huayna Capac, they esteemed them for no other than Witch∣crafts and Sorceries of the Indians, of which they made no account or esteem.

CHAP. XXXIII.

Of the Subtilty of Atahualpa, and the Death of the King Huascar Inca.

AUgustin de Carate having related the Discourse which Huascar Inca had enter∣tained with Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del Barco, (which was the same that we have already related) and how they had left him in a sad and despairing con∣dition, he farther proceeds in the sixth Chapter of his second Book in this man∣ner.

And so (says he) they proceeded on their Journey, which was the cause of the Death of Huascar, and the loss of all that Gold which he had promised; for the Captains to whose Custody he was committed, immediately gave intelli∣gence to Atabaliba by the Post, of all that had passed; which when he had well considered, and that if once the Injustice which he had done to his Bro∣ther should come to the knowledge of the Spanish Governour, together with the Promises and Intimation which Huascar had given of a greater abundance of Gold than he could engage for; he greatly feared that his offers would be so prevalent with the Christians, (whom he observed to be covetous and thirsty of Gold,) that they would not onely take the Kingdom from him, and trans∣fer it to his Brother, but, to free themselves from all other troubles of competi∣tion, might also deprive him of his Life, for which they had so just an occasion on the score of his Brother, whose Kingdom he had traiterously usurped, with the Death and Slaughter of all his Kindred; for which reason he resolved to kill Huascar: But in regard he feared to commit that Murther, because he had heard the Christians frequently say, that one of their principal Laws was, That he who shed Man's Bloud, by Man should his Bloud be spilt; he therefore, before he would enter upon this Attempt, thought fit to try the Mind of the Spanish Governour, in what manner he would be concerned for an Act of this nature. To perform which with the more Subtilty and Dissimulation, he seigned himself one day to be very sad and dejected, weeping, and sighing, and refusing to eat, or speak. And though the Spanish Governour was very im∣portunate to know the cause and reason of his Melancholy, at length with much adoe he made Answer, that he had received information, how that one of his Captains had killed his Brother Huascar, in the Hands of those to whose Custody he had committed him; the which he deeply resented, for that he was his Elder Brother, and his Father; and though he detained him a Priso∣ner, and under restraint, yet it was not with any intention to doe him hurt, but onely to secure him in such a capacity, as might disenable him from making any Attempts on his Kingdom of Quitu, which did not at all ap∣pertain unto him; for that Province having been obtained by his Father's Con∣quests, was conferred and bequeathed by Testament to himself, being no part of the Inheritance which belonged to the Elder Son. In Answer hereunto the Governour bid him be of good chear and comfort, for that Death was natural and common to all; and that so soon as the Countrey was quiet and settled, he would enquire into this Murther, and punish those who should be found guilty of that great Crime. Atabaliba observing that Marquis Piçarro was little con∣cerned for the matter, resolved to kill his Brother, and accordingly his Com∣mands were put into Execution with such speed, that it was hard to distinguish whether Huascar was put to Death before or after the time that he testified his Sorrow in presence of Piçarro. The fault of this unhappy accident is common∣ly objected against Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del Barco; for that they being Souldiers, ought not to have been ignorant of the Duty and Respect they owe to the Commands of their General, which are not to be dispensed with on any

pretence or occasion whatsoever, without express Order to the contrary. The Indians report, that when Huascar saw that there was no remedy, but that he must dye, he uttered these Words with great passion. I have been Lord of this Countrey but for a short time, but as to my Brother that Traitor, by whose Command, I that am his natural Lord, am put to death, he shall enjoy his Government for a much shorter time than I have done. Wherefore when the Indians had heard that Ataba∣liba was afterwards put to death, (as shall be related in the following Chapter,) they believed Huascar to have been of the true and legitimate Progeny of the Sun, who had illuminated him with a prophetick Spirit, touching the Fate of his Brother. And likewise Huascar farther declared, that when his Father gave him his last farewell, he enjoyned and commanded him, That when a People, or Nation, which were white, and had beards, should invade his Do∣minions, that he should labour to make a friendship with them, for that they were to become Lords of that Kingdom.

Thus far are the Words of Augu∣stine Carate.

For my part, when I find the Spanish Writers to relate things fairly, and with the truth, and gravity of History, I am more pleased to make use of their words verbatim, than my own; for as I am an Indian, and not a Spaniard, their words and expressions must be more proper than mine; the which Rule we shall always observe, unless it be where the Spanish Histories are defective, and want Addi∣tions.

But to return unto the Relation which Augustin de Carate hath given; It is to be noted, that he briefly touches many particulars, which we have more at large related in this our History, as namely, that which concerns the Tyranny, the Craft and Dissimulation of Atahualpa, when he proved the Mind of Francis Piçar∣ro, how, and in what manner he would take the Death of Huascar; for in reality had the Spaniard been as wary and as sagacious as was this Indian, and had presently replied upon him, and told him plainly, that I know, and am well assured, that it was you that killed this Person, and that therefore I shall inflict such punish∣ment on you as your Crime deserves; it is most certain, that he would then have been better advised, and never have adventured on this Murther of his Brother; but when on the contrary, he perceived an indifferency in the Governour, who little suspected so much evil in a person of that simplicity; he then took courage and resolution to put his wicked Intention into practice against the Inca his natural King; which consummated all his other cruelties; Nor did he onely put him to Death, but killed him barbarously, cutting his Flesh into slices, and throwing them none knows where; but the Indians report, and believe, that they ate his Flesh out of mere rage and malice against him. Acosta saith that they burnt him. And Carate mentions, that the diligence and speed, used in sending the Dispatches for his Death, were not by the Posts, but by Fires or Beacons, which the Chas∣quis, or Postmasters, were ordered to make both by night and day, for greater ex∣pedition, when any matter required extraordinary haste. In like manner this Au∣thour touches on the Prognostication which Huayna Capac had left, concerning the Invasion which the Spaniards were to make into those Countries, and of which they were to become Masters. He also farther proceeds, and tells us, that Her∣nando de Soto and Peter del Barco were not blameable for not remaining with Huas∣car, as he desired, and for not hearkening to the proposition he had made to them, which imported three times the Treasure, which his Brother had promised, because in reality they did not understand him, for otherwise no doubt, but those Men, whose business was neither Conquest, nor their Embassy matter of War or Peace, but onely to see that the Promise made by Atahualpa for his ransome, were complied with, would have readily embraced the more advantageous Offer of three times the value made by Huascar. And thus these two Spaniards excuse and clear themselves from what was objected against them, touching the Death of Huascar.

Thus this unhappy Inca, the last of the Monarchs of that Empire fell and en∣ded his Days, having been a Spectator of all those Cruelties and Murthers which his Brother had exercised upon his Vassals, Servants, Uncles, Brothers and Sons; and as to his own Person, had been used with such Hardships and Severity in Prison, as were insupportable, and which Diego Fernandez relates to have been in this manner:

The two Captains of Atabalipa returning to their Lord, carried Huascar Priso∣ner with them; to whom in their Journey they gave nothing but Urine to drink, and no other Food to eat than Worms, and other filthiness. Whilst these things passed, Francis Piçarro, with other Christians his Companions, en∣tred the Countrey, and took Atabalipa Prisoner in Caxamal.

Thus far are the Words of this Authour, who, in another place, says that they killed Huascar in Andamarca, and Atabalipa in Caxamarca, that is Cassamarca, which is the Countrey or Province of Frost, for Cassa signifies Frost, and Marca a Countrey; likewise Andamarca ought to be wrote Anta Marca, for Anta signifies Copper, and Anta Marca the Copper Countrey.

CHAP. XXXIV.

Don Diego de Almagro comes to Cassamarca; and what Fears and Apprehensions Atahualpa conceived before his Death, by Comets and Apparitions in the Heavens.

AFter the Death of poor Huascar, which happened in the manner as before re∣lated, Atahualpa did neither thereby obtain the liberty of his Person, nor secure his Life; but on the contrary, in a few days afterwards, orders were given to put him to death, the manner of which is related by Augustin de Carate, and Lopez de Gomara, both which agree in the particulars of this passage, as they doe in other matters of this History.

Heaven often punishes those who trust more in their own Plots and Artifices, than in the ways of Reason and Justice; for God suffers their Mischiefs and Con∣trivances to fall upon their own Heads, an Instance of which we shall speedily give in the sequel of this History. For now we must know, That Don Diego de Almagro was departed from Panama, on a very good Ship, carrying with him fresh Men, and good Supplies, in order to a farther Conquest; and his Enemies report, that his Design was to advance farther to the Southward than Piçarro, whose Go∣vernment, as yet, was not extended more than two hundred Leagues to the South, from the Equinoctial Line; and that he intended to set up for himself, and act on his own Foundation; the which, as is reported, was discovered by the Secretary of Almagro to Piçarro, whom his Master hanged for his Treachery. But be it as it will, this is certain, that Almagro being on his way, and receiving intelligence of the Imprisonment of Atahualpa, and of the incredible Riches which he offered for his Ransome, resolved to change his Design, and to join himself with his victo∣rious Companion; for that according to Articles of Agreement between them, one half of the Benefits and Profits appertained unto him. Accordingly Almagro, with his Souldiers, arrived in Cassamarca, greatly wondring to see those heaps of Gold and Silver which they had amassed together. But in a short time afterwards the Souldiers of Piçarro plainly told the People of Almagro, that in regard they had not been present at the taking of Atahualpa Prisoner, no share of those Riches and Spoils belonged to them, which were already gained, nor no part of that which was wanting to reach the Line which Atahualpa had drawn, and promised in pay∣ment of his Ransome. Which when the Almagrians had heard, and considering the largeness of the room, believed that if all the Gold and Silver of the World were amassed together, it would never arrive or reach to the height of the Line, they presently cried out, that the Inca should be killed, so that they might receive their share of what should be collected after his Death. These and the like rea∣sons were sufficient to arraign and execute this great Prince Atahualpa, who obser∣ving the Quarrels amongst the Spaniards, and their incessant noise, and wranglings,

he sadly suspected that the Fury of those Jars would at last turn to his destruction; the which Fear and Apprehension was increased by the Oracles, which were now become silent to all his Questions and Demands, and by the reports which the Indians gave him of new Stars, and Comets, which appeared, all which, in times of less Extremity than the present, were ever interpreted as bad Omens, and sig∣nals, and, according to their superstitious Observations, were esteemed to por∣tend utter Destruction and Ruine.

But that which above all things appeared fatal to him, was a certain great Co∣met of a darkish green colour, little less in breadth than the Body of a Man, and of a yard in length, which shewed it self at night, being much of the same size and shape as that which appeared before the Death of his Father Huayna Capac, of which when Atahualpa had notice given him, he was extremely troubled, and desired the Spaniards to give him the leave and liberty to be brought forth, that he might see it with his own Eyes; which when he had done, he was so struck with sadness and melancholy, that, as formerly, he became sullen and silent, and would entertain no converse with any Person whatsoever; the reason of which, when Piçarro had pressed very earnestly to know, Atahualpa to satisfie him gave him this Answer. Apu, said he, (which is General) I am now assured that the time of my Death approaches, being certified thereof by the appearance of this Comet, for that another of the like nature with this shewed it self not many days before the death of my Father; and in regard that such Prodigies in the Heavens do always precede the Death of Kings, and por∣tend nothing but Calamities, and the Subversion of Empires, I cannot but imagine my self concerned, being to leave my Kingdoms before I have enjoyed them. Indeed when I saw my self first in Chains, I thought there would be little distance between my Imprisonment and my Grave, of which I am now fully certified by this Comet; and now I have given you the real Cause of this my sadness.

The Governour, to comfort him, bid him be of good courage, and not to trust or confide in such signals, to which no Credit was to be given; for that on the contrary he might shortly expect to be freed from his imprisonment, and resto∣red to his Kingdom. Howsoever Atahualpa, whose Faith was placed in the su∣perstition of his Gentilism, gave no belief to the assurance of Piçarro, but remai∣ned in his Dumps, and disconsolate as before. Peter de Cieça, in the 65th Chap∣ter of his Book, mentions the same concerning this Comet, and tells us how su∣perstitious those Indians were in these Astrological Observations.

Atahualpa giving entire credit to these Presages, wholly sunk in his Courage, and despaired of his Liberty, not being able to put the thoughts of Deth out of his mind; the which accordingly happened fifteen days after the appearance of the Comet, as Cieça confirms in the aforesaid Chapter.

CHAP. XXXV.

Hernando Piçarro returns to Spain, to give an Account of what had succeeded in Peru.

THE Governour, Don Francisco Piçarro, not regarding the fears and apprehen∣sions of Atahualpa, was elated in his Hopes and Expectations, by those fa∣vours which good fortune had cast upon him; and resolving to follow and im∣prove his success, he judged it convenient and necessary to render an account to His Majesty of all matters, which unto that time had occurred in Peru; the which Intention being moved to Almagro, his Companion, and his Brothers, it was agreed by them to dispatch Hernando Piçarro into Spain, with Advices to His Ma∣jesty of what had happened, that so their Services might be rewarded according to their Merit. And in regard Hernando Piçarro was employed as a publick Per∣son in behalf of the Commonalty, or the whole Company, it was ordered that so much should be taken out of the heaps which were already collected for the Ran∣some of Atahualpa, as would serve to defray his Charges; and moreover that he should carry with him the value of two hundred thousand Pieces of Eight in Gold, and one hundred thousand in Silver, for that fifth part which appertained to the King, on account of the Ransome of Atahualpa; the which Gold and Silver were as the first Fruits, and as an earnest of that Treasure and Riches which they have already, and are yet to carry from my Countrey to His Majesty. The Silver, as Augustin Carate reports, was carried in pieces of massy Plate, a Relation of which he gives in these Words:

They agreed (said he) to send Hernando Piçarro to give a Narrative to His Majesty of their prosperous Successes, which had occurred untill that time; but whereas as yet they could not make a just computation of what share His Ma∣jesty was to receive out of the Collections already made, they took from their Heaps the value of two hundred thousand Pieces of Eight in Gold, and twenty thousand Marks in Silver; for which they chose the most fair and weighty Pieces of Plate, for the better show and appearance in Spain. All which were weighed out, and the Jars, Pans, Figures of Men, and Women, and Sheep, were all cast into the Scale to make up the full weight and value already men∣tioned. With this Prize Hernando Piçarro embarked, to the great grief of Ata∣baliba, who had a great kindness for him, and entertained such confidence in him, that he freely communicated all his thoughts to him, wherefore at his de∣parture he said to him: And do you go, Captain, I am troubled for it at my very heart, for when you are gone, I am sure that fat Fellow, and that blind Rascal, will soon make an end of me; meaning Almagro, who, as we said before, was blind of one Eye, and Alonso Requelme, His Majesty's Treasurer, whom he had observed to mur∣mur and quarrell about him on the occasion before related. And so indeed, it happened, for no sooner was Hernando departed, than that immediately they contrived his Death by means of their Interpreter Philipillio, who was an Indian, &c.

And Gomara confirms what we shall more at large here∣after relate, That Hernando Piçarro carried the fifth part of what appertained to His Majesty on account of the Ransome of Atahualpa, and he farther adds these Words.

The Truth of what passed is this: Hernando Piçarro carried no more with him from Cassamarca than what is before mentioned; but soon after his depar∣ture followed the Death of Atabaliba, and then a Dividend was made of his Ransome; untill which time his Execution was rather deferred, than his Life

granted, or Freedom intended. Afterwards sixty of these Adventurers retur∣ned into Spain, having made a Division of their Spoils, which amounted to forty or fifty thousand Pieces of Eight a Man, besides the fifth which appertai∣ned to His Majesty. These Persons departed after Hernando Piçarro, and over∣took him at Nombre de Dios, where they embarked, and returned altogether in company to Spain.

Thus we see how all Authours agree together in the same Relation of this matter.

Soon after the Departure of Hernando Piçarro, Hernando de Soto and Pedro del Bar∣co returned from Cozco, giving a Report of the Riches which they had seen in that City, as also in the Temples of the Sun, and in the Palaces of the late Kings, in the Fortress, and in the Sanctuaries, and private Cells, where the Devil en∣tertained Discourses with their Wizards, Priests, and others his Votaries; all which places being esteemed sacred, were adorned with Gold and Silver; the like report was also brought by the other four Discoverers. The Spaniards being highly pleased with this News, were impatient untill they could take possession of these Treasures; which that they might hasten with the more convenience and security, they speedily determined the Death of Atahualpa, to prevent the insur∣rections of the People, that with the more ease, and with the least opposition, they might seize the Gold and Silver which was lodged in the Imperial City, and in other parts. Both the aforesaid Authours agree in all the material circumstances relating to the Death of Atahualpa; wherefore we shall repeat the very Words of Lopez de Gomara, specified in the 119th Chapter of his Book, the Title of which is as followeth.

CHAP. XXXVI.

Of the Death of Atahualpa; and how he was arraigned by Justice, and upon the false Information and Testimony which was given against him.

THE Death of Atabaliba was forwarded by a means, the least expected, for Philipilio, the Interpreter, falling in love with one of the Wives of Ata∣baliba, whom he intended to marry, after he was dead, raised a report, that Atabaliba had secretly, and under hand, given order to raise Men, whereby to overcome the Christians, and free himself. So soon as this report came to be spread, and noised amongst the Spaniards, their Jealousie created a Be∣lief; so that some cried out to have him killed, for security of their own Lives, and of those Kingdoms; others were of opinion, that they should not imbrue their Hands in the Bloud of so great a Prince, though never so faulty, but ra∣ther that they should send him to the Emperour: This certainly had been the best course, but the other prevailed by means (as some report) of that party which came with Almagro; for they conceiving that no share of the Spoil would appertain unto them, during the Life of Atabaliba, and untill the condi∣tions were complied with, which, according to Agreement, were made for his ransome; and Piçarro being also of opinion, that his Death would free the Spa∣niards of much trouble, and render the Conquest and Possession of the Countrey much more easie, a resolution was taken by general consent to put him to Death. In order to which, that things might appear with a better face of Ju∣stice, an Endictment was brought against him for the Murther of his Brother

[illustration]

Huascar, King of those Countries, and for designing to raise War against the Spaniards, though this last was a false and malitious suggestion of Philipillio, who brought the Indians for Witnesses, making them to say what he pleased; and in regard the Spaniards understood not the Language, whereby to cross exa∣mine the Witnesses, all that Philipillio alledged passed for current, and good Testimony; howsoever Atabaliba stifly denied it, saying, That such an Accu∣sation could have no ground of Reason in it, considering that he remai∣ned under such Guards, and Chains, that it was impossible for him to make an escape; wherefore he persisted in his Denial, threatning Philipillio, and desiring the Spaniards to give no credence to his Words. After Sentence of Death was passed upon him, he complained much of Francisco Piçarro, for that having promised him his Life upon payment of the Ransome agreed, he afterwards faltered with him, and put him to Death. Wherefore he earnestly intreated him rather to transport him into Spain, than to imbrue his Hands in the Bloud of a Person who had never offended him, but rather enriched him, and done him good. As they carried him to Exe∣cution, those who attended to comfort him, advised him to desire Bap∣tism before he dyed, for that without that they threatned to burn him alive: Whereupon being baptized, he was bound to a Post; and there strangled. His Burial was celebrated according to the Manner and Rites of Christians, Piçarro also put himself into mourning, and performed his Fu∣nerals with Pomp, and Solemnity. As to those who were the causes of his Death, Divine Vengeance overtook them for this sin; so that in a short time afterwards they came all to unhappy ends, as will appear in the sequel of this History. Thus Atabaliba dyed by a violent Death, before which he ordered his Body to be carried to Quitu, and there buried a∣mongst the Kings, his Ancestours by the Mother's side. If the Baptism he desired was from his heart, most happy he, but if not, the Murthers and Bloud he was guilty of will be set to his Account in the World to come. He was naturally of a good Disposition, wise, courageous, frank and open hearted. He had many Wives, and left some Children: Though he usur∣ped the Dominions of his Brother Huascar, yet he would never assume the purple Wreath, or Diadem, untill he was imprisoned; nor would he ever spit upon the Ground, but, for Majesty and State, (when he had occa∣sion) he would spit in the Hand of a principal Lady, whom he loved. The Indians were in great admiration, when they heard of his untimely Death, which they esteemed for an accomplishment of the Prophecy of Huascar, who being of the true and legitimate Off-spring of the Sun, was divinely inspired to foretell the coming of his speedy Fate.

Thus far are the Words of Lopez de Gomara.

But to return now to the Remarks which this Authour makes on the ill In∣terpretation of this Philipillio, and how he suborned the Indian Witnesses to te∣stifie whatsoever he desired; he concludes that the fault was chiefly his, in regard that the Spaniards wanting Language, could neither examine the mat∣ter, nor dive into the Truth of it. And hence we may collect what false and imperfect Notions he must have rendred to the Indians of the Catholick Faith: So that as for want of a true understanding of the Indian Language, Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del Barco, abandoned Huascar, and exposed his Life to the subtilty of his Brother; so also Atabaliba dyed, and both these powerfull Kings incurred the same fate for want of true understanding, and faithfull In∣terpretation of all matters.

Atahualpa ordered his Body to be enterred in Quitu, amongst the Relations of his Mother, rather than in Cozco, with the Ancestours of his Father; for though the Funerals of Kings were much more pompous and stately in Cozco, than the Solemnities used by the Caciques in Quitu, yet considering how de∣testable his Memory would be to the People of Cozco, for the Cruelties and Murthers he had committed on their natural Kings, he believed that his Bo∣dy would be abused, and his Ashes never suffered quietly to repose in the Sepulchre of his Ancestours; and for that reason he chose rather to be buried

amongst his own People with obscurity, than with greater Ornament and State by the angry and incensed Citizens of Cozco. It is most certain that Atahualpa did not bind his Head with the coloured Wreath, untill he had taken his Brother Huascar Prisoner; for before that time that Ensign of Re∣gality belonged to his Elder Brother, who was his Sovereign Lord; but af∣ter he was taken, and imprisoned by him, he then proclaimed himself for the universal Lord, and with his Dominions he usurped all the Marks of Power which belonged to them, as we have before related.

But now to consider that an Indian, who was an Idolater, and who had been guilty of such horrible Cruelties, as Atahualpa had been, should receive the Sacrament of Baptism at the hour of his Death, can be esteemed no other∣wise, than as an Effect of the infinite Mercy of God towards so great Sin∣ners as he was, and I am. At his Baptism Atahualpa was named Don John. Blas Valera says, That Friar Vincent de Valverde laboured many days before his death to teach and instruct him in the Articles of the Catholick Faith; du∣ring which time the Inca finding himself in Prison, and Chains, and with∣out other Society or Attendance of Indians, excepting a Youth, who was his Kinsman, and permitted to serve him, he was struck with such a dump of Melancholy on his Spirits, that he remained almost insensible. Upon which the Spaniards brought him out of the Prison, and called the principal Indians to his Assistance, who seeing their Lord in that condition, immediately sent for their Chief Herbalists to ease and cure him. So soon as those Physicians came, they felt his Pulse, to discover the nature and force of his Fever; but not as our Doctours, who try the Pulse at the Wrist, but laid their Fingers on the top of the Nostrils, and under the Eye-lids; after which they gave him a Drink, made of the juice of certain Herbs, of great Virtue; what they were, is not known, unless that onely which is called Payco. Moreover he saith, that this Drink put him into a violent sweat, and caused a long and sound sleep; af∣ter which his Fever left him, and being returned again to his Senses, he was car∣ried back to Prison. When warning was given him of his Death, he was commanded to receive Baptism, for without it they threatned to burn him alive, as they had done Huahutimoc at Mexico, who was King of that Empire; and to affright him into Baptism, the Pile of Wood was kindled, when they notified this Sentence to him. At length he said that he was contented to be baptized, after which Proclamation being made of the Crimes for which he died, he was tied to a Post, and strangled. In all which particulars the Spanish Historians agree, and also that he remained three months in Prison.

CHAP. XXXVII.

Of the Information and Process which was given in, and made against Atahualpa.

THE Trial of Atahualpa was long and solemn, though Gomara touches upon it in short. But the manner was this:

The Governour himself was Lord Chief Justice of the Bench, and with him presided Don Diego de Almagro, his Companion; the Clerk of the Court was San∣cho de Cuellar; there was also an Attorney General appointed in behalf of the King, and Council allowed for Atahualpa; and others were assigned to bring in the Witnesses, and take their Testimonies upon twelve several Interrogatories; there were also two other Judges named, to be Assistants, and give their opinions in the Case, whom, for respect, I think not fit to nominate, though they were suf∣ficiently known to me.

The first Interrogatory was this: Did you know Huayna Capac and his Wives? and how many had he? The 2d. Was Huascar Inca his lawfully begotten Sun and Heir of this Kingdom? and was Atahualpa illegitimate, and a Bastard, and not Son of the King, but of some Indian of Quitu? The 3d. Had the Inca other Sons besides those before mentioned? The 4th. Did Atahualpa inherit this Em∣pire by virtue of his Father's Testament, or did he usurp it by Tyranny? The 5th. Was Huascar disinherited of his Kingdom by his Father's Testament, or was he declared Heir? The 6th. Was Huascar still living, or was he dead? or did he dye a natural Death, or was he killed by order of Atahualpa? and when was it, either before or since the coming of the Spaniards? The 7th. Was Atahualpa an Idolater? and did he command his Subjects to sacrifice Men and Children? The 8th. Did Atahualpa raise unjust Wars? and was he guilty of the Bloud of much People? The 9th. Did Atahualpa entertain many Concubines? The 10th. Did Atahualpa receive the Tribute of the Empire since the Spaniards took the possession of it? and did he consume and embezle it? The 11th. Do you know that since the coming in of the Spaniards that Atahualpa hath given Presents or Gifts out of the Royal Treasury to his Kindred and Captains? and how, and in what manner hath he embezled and wasted the Wealth of the Publick? The 12th. Do you know that King Atahualpa hath since his Imprisonment treated with any Captains and Souldiers to rebell, and raise War against the Spaniards? and what Levies of Men, and what Preparations of Arms have been made for War? Up∣on these Interogatories they examined ten several Persons; seven of which were Servants to the Spaniards, and three of them were not, that so they might not ap∣pear to be their Creatures; yet they all declared whatsoever Philipilio put into their Mouths, as Gomara affirms. Onely there was one Witness, who was none of the Servants belonging to the Spaniards, called Quespe, who was Captain of a Com∣pany, being the last that was to be examined, suspecting that the Interpreter would say something which he had not testified, he, to prevent it, answered in short, either in the Affirmative, or in the Negative, saying either Y, which is yes, or Manam, which is no. And lest the Interpreter should falsifie these Words, which were not well understood by the Persons present, when he spake in the affirmative, he would nod with his Head two or three times, and when in the negative, he would shake with his Head and his Right-hand, at which the Judges much admired, being pleased with the subtilty of the Indian. Howsoever the Death of Atahualpa being determined, Sentences was passed upon him, and accor∣dingly he was executed, as we have already declared, though many of them, as well such as belonged to Piçarro, as those who came with Almagro, who were of a generous Spirit, dissented, and protested against the Fact. The Names of the most eminent amongst them were Francisco de Chaves, and Diego de Chaves, who were Brothers, and Natives of Truxillo, Francisco de Fuentes, Padro de Ayala, Diego

de Mora, Francisco Moscoso, Hernando de Haro, Pedro de Mendoca, Juan de Herrads, and Alonso de Avila, and Blas de Atiença, with many others; all which were of opi∣nion, that it was not lawfull to put a King to death, who had treated them kind∣ly, and had never done them any Injury; and if in case he were guilty of any Crime, they should transport him into Spain, there to be tried by the Emperour, and not by themselves, who had no Power or Jurisdiction over Kings. That they should consider the Honour of the Spanish Nation, which must greatly suffer in the Reputation of the World, and be branded with Tyranny and Cruelty, when∣soever it should be objected against them, that they had put a King to death, du∣ring the time that they had given their Parole to the contrary, and were under Obligations of Treaty, and Articles, for his Ransome, of which they had already received the greatest part. That they should be cautious how, and in what man∣ner they stained their great Atchievements with an Act so foul and inhumane as this; that the fear of God should restrain them, who, after so barbarous an Action, could not expect Blessings, or Successes agreeable to their happy beginnings, but, on the contrary, Misfortunes, and Ruines, and an unhappy end to all those who had a hand in this Wickedness. That it was not lawfull to put any Man to death, without hearing what he could say in his own Defence; that they appea∣led from their Sentence to the Emperour Charles the 5th. and in the mean time constituted Juan de Herrada Protectour of the Person of King Atahualpa. These and many other particulars of this nature, they uttered not onely in Words, but also in Writing, solemnly protesting before the Judges against this Fact, and against all the evils which might be the consequences thereof. Nor were those on the other side less bitter and violent against those who favoured Atahualpa, calling them Traitors to the Royal Crown of Castile, and the Emperour their Sovereign, the augmentation and enlargement of whose Dominion, they had endeavoured to prevent. That by the death of this Tyrant they might secure their own Lives, and the entire Dominion of that whole Empire, all which by the contrary would run great danger and hazard. Of all which, and of the Mu∣tinies which these Dissenters caused, they would inform His Majesty, that so he might distinguish between such who were his loyal Subjects, and faithfull to his Service, and those who were Traitors, and mutinous; and obstructive to the en∣largement of his Dominions. Thus were the Discords enflamed to such a degree, that they had broken out into a Civil War, had not some more moderate Men, and less passionate, interposed between both Parties, and represented how de∣structive and fatal such Differences might prove to both sides, and to the success of the Design in hand, in case that Christians, on the score of Infidels, should en∣ter into a Civil War. They moreover represented to those who maintained the Cause of Atahualpa; that they should consider how they were no more than fifty in number, and inferiour to the contrary party, which consisted of three hun∣dred and fifty; so that in case they should pretend to decide the controversie by Arms, the Issue would be their own destruction, and the loss of that rich King∣dom, which now they might secure by the Death of this King. These Reasons and Considerations abated the Spirits of those who protected Atahualpa, so that they concurred with the others in his Sentence of Death, which was accordingly executed.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Of the Wit and Subtilty of Atahualpa; and of the Trea∣sure wh•••••• was colle••••ed towards his Ransome.

ATahualpa (as we have said) was of a quick and ready Understanding, an In∣stance whereof we have in this passage, which indeed hastned his Death; for he observing the Spaniards to read and write, did believe that it was a Gift natural to them, and born with them, to try which he desired a Spaniard, who came to visit him, or that was one of his Guard, that he would write the Name of God on the Nail of his Thumb; the Souldier having vvrote, as he desired, he asked three or four Souldiers, one after another, vvhat that Word meant, they all told him, that it vvas the name of God. At length Don Francisco Piçarro came in, vvith vvhom after he had discoursed a vvhile, he asked him the meaning of those Letters vvhich vvere vvrote on his Nail: Novv Piçarro not knovving ei∣ther to vvrite or read, ansvvered that he could not tell, by vvhich he collected, that the knovvledge of Letters vvas acquired, and not natural; and from that time ever after he conceived a meaner esteem of the Governour than before; for that (as vve have said) the Incas, in their Moral Philosophy, vvere taught, that the Royal Family, Nobles and Gentlemen, ought to exceed their Inferiours in knovvledge and Vertues, as appears in the Trial of Novitiates, (as vve have formerly related) vvho vvere to run through all Exercises and Hardships, vvhich might try and approve them; so vvhen Atahualpa had discovered the Ignorance of Piçarro, vvho being the Governour, and Chief, vvas, according to his Rule, to have excelled all his Inferiours in Learning and Vertues, he conceived a mea∣ner Opinion of him, which when the Governour had observed, he grew angry and offended with him, which hastened the Death of Atahualpa. This passage I have heard from those who were then present, which may be a caution, and an adver∣tisement to Noble Persons in the Education of their Sons; for that for want of Reading, and Writing, and a little Latin, they may fall into Disgraces, and be subject to Affronts; though indeed in those times ignorance was more excusable than in this present age, which affords many Masters in Spain, where all Sciences and Learning flourish, and where Noble-men value themselves not more on their honourable Birth, than on their vertuous Education, which yields a Lustre like pretious Stones enchased with Gold.

Another thing is reported of Atahualpa, for an Instance of his Wit and good Understand, which was this, that amongst many other things, which the Spani∣ards brought to truck and barter with the Indians, or, as some say, wherewith to cheat them, there was one who had a Glass Cup, of the finest sort of Metal, which was made at Venice. The Merchant of it hoping for a good Reward, pre∣sented it to the King Atahualpa, who received it so kindly, that (though he was then a Prisoner) he ordered ten of his Cups of Gold, and Silver, to be given the Spaniard in return thereof. The Inca looking and admiring much the curiosity of the Workmanship, asked one that stood by, if any other besides the Kings of Castile were served in such Vessels; to which he that made the Answer, supposing that he meant the Glass, and not the Workmanship, replied, that not onely Kings and Nobles, but the Commonalty of Spain, made use of those Glasses: which when Atahualpa heard, he let it fall from his Hands, saying, that things so com∣mon, were not worthy the esteem of a King. At which Words of an Indian all Persons then present did much admire.

Thus was Atahualpa put to Death by formal process of Justice, (as is related) and before the quantity of Gold and Silver which he had promised for his Ran∣some was fully completed, because time was not given him to make due com∣pliance; though some report, that they put him to death after he had paid the en∣tire quantity: but whatsoever that was, the Spaniards divided to every Man his

Share, in the nature of Spoils taken in War. But what the value of this Ran∣some was, Augustin de Carate, and Francis Lopez, who wrote in those days, vari∣ously report. I suppose that their Errours were in the heap or mass, I shall men∣tion some particulars thereof, that we may make a better judgment of the whole matter. Carate, in the 7th Chapter of his second Book, hath these precise Words.

There was due to His Majesty for his Fifths, thirty thousand Marks of pure, fine Plate, wrought and embossed; and in Gold an hundred and twenty Millions of Marks, &c.

Gomara, in the 118th Chapter, saith, That Francisco Piçarro, after he had made an Effa•• the Gold •••• Silver, he caused them to be weighed, and found fifty two thousand M•••• in good Silver, and a million and three hundred and twenty six thousand and five hundred weight or Ducats of Gold.

In case we compare these two Authours together, we shall find that Gomara comes short of the Sum which Carate mentions, at least one hundred thousand Marks of Silver; because that to make the King's Fifth to amount unto thirty thousand Mark, the principal must consist of one hundred and fifty thousand, the like Errour, and much more, there is in the Gold; for whereas Carate saith, that His Majesty's Fifth of the Gold amounted unto an hundred and twenty millions of Marks, which must be a plain Errour in the Print; for if according to the va∣lue we multiply every Mark of Gold at seventy two Ducats, the sum will be∣come so vast and immense, that there will scarce be numbers in Arithmetick suf∣ficient to contain the account. And if by Marks they mean Maravedis, the Er∣rour will be as low on that side, as it was excessive in the other, because an hun∣dred and twenty millions of Maravedis make onely three hundred and twenty thousand Ducats; which likewise is more evident, as will hereafter appear by the account of Division, which these Authours make, in the share and proportion which belonged to every single Person out of the Ransome of Atahualpa, whereby they make the value of the Gold, reduced into Silver, to amount unto seven hun∣dred and eighty six thousand and six hundred Ducats. According to which I am inclined to make out every Man's share and proportion of Gold and Silver, rather than to follow an opinion of such incredible Sums as are before mentioned. And herein I am more willing to give credit unto Carate (who was Accountant General) in such Sums as he sets down precisely, than to the reports of Goers and Comers, who speak at random: Onely as to the quantity of Silver which was divided, I follow that which Gomara relates, because Carate is silent in that particular, as also in the proportions divided to each Captain, as appears by his History; onely the share which appertained to the General we have taken upon the information of those who were present. Both Authours agree, that the Horse∣men were sixty in number, and the Foot, or Infantry, one hundred and fifty. Though Cieça de Leon, speaking of Cassamarca, where Atahualpa was imprisoned, saith, that those who took him were sixty Horse, and an hundred Foot; in which report concerning the Foot, I rather follow this Authour than Gomara; for besides that he was actually in Peru, when he wrote of these matters, I am also much more apt to keep within the compass of Accounts, and set down ten too little, ra∣ther than five too much.

These Authours also differ much about the shares which every Souldier recei∣ved; for to the Souldiers they allot six parts in Gold, and one in Silver; and to the Governour, and his Captains, and the People with Almagro, they give three parts in Gold, and one in Silver. Why in those times the Gold so much exceeded the quantity of the Silver, (the contrary to which now appears in all parts of the World) the true Reason is this: Because that the Incan Kings were always Ma∣sters of more Gold than Silver, of which they made no other use than to adorn their Temples, and Royal Palaces, not esteeming them in the place of Riches, or Treasure. Moreover there was much more difficulty in digging Silver, than in finding Gold. For Silver, as we see in the Mines of Potosi, is fetched from the Bowels of the Earth, into which they sink sometimes two hundred fathoms, as Acosta reports in the 8th Chapter of his 4th Book, which such as have the curio∣sity may read and learn with what incredible labour that Metal is extracted, for which cause the Incas would not exact their Tribute from the People in that Me∣tal, but Gold is procured with much more ease, being found on the Surface of the Earth, being washed down from the Mountains with sudden Rains, and with the fall of the Waters is found in Brooks, and on the Banks of Rivers; and gene∣rally

in all parts of Peru, though more in some parts than in others; this Metal, when the Indians find, they wash it, and sift it as Goldsmiths do their Cinders, and afterwards made Presents thereof unto their Kings.

But to return again unto our purpose, which is to determine what the value was of that incredible Ransome, for our better judgment wherein, vve shall set dovvn the several particulars mentioned by the aforesaid Authours. As to the va∣lue and difference betvveen Gold and Silver, there vvas in those days, as vvell as novv in Spain, about tvventy per Cent. In the esteem of Gold above that of Sil∣ver, and rather more than less; but for more plainness, vve vvill reduce the Weights of Gold and Silver to Ducats of Castile, of eleven Ryalls and one Mara∣vedis to a Ducat. Novv to come to the Division, Carate saith, that the share to every Horseman came to 12000 Weight, that is Ducats in Gold, besides Silver; for every Horseman had a fourth part more than a Foot-man, and yet notvvith∣standing Atabaliba had not complied vvith the fifth part of vvhat he had promised for his Ransome. And in regard that no share of this Ransome belonged to Al∣magro and his Souldiers, because they vvere not then present vvhen Atabaliba vvas made a Prisoner, hovvsoever the Governour bestovved a thousand Ducats on eve∣ry Souldier, as a Gratuity, and an Encouragement: This Carate affirms. Gomara saith, that the share to every Horseman amounted to 370 Marks of Plate, besides Gold; and to the Captains thirty or forty thousand Ducats a-piece. And now after we have summed up the whole, which these Authours put to account, of every parcel, let us subtract the fifth, and then we shall easily compute what the summ total amounted unto, and how much belonged to every Man for his single share and proportion.

To the Governour they divided 200000 Ducats, of which 150000 was in Gold, and 50000 in Silver; besides the Chair in which the Inca was carried, weighing 25000 Ducats of Gold, which being thrown into the Heaps amongst the other Riches, appertained to him, as Captain General. To the three Captains of Horse their proportion was 90000 Ducats in Gold, and 30000 in Silver. To the four Captains of Foot the like summ was proportioned of 90000 Ducats in Gold, and 30000 in Silver. To the hundred Foot Souldiers their share amounted unto 900000 Ducats in Gold, and 195000 in Silver. To the two hundred and for∣ty Spaniards which came up with Almagro, a largess was given of 80000 Ducats in Gold, and 60000 in Silver. And to Almagro himself 30000 Ducats in Gold, and 10000 in Silver, besides the Allowance which his Companion made him out of his own share, as shall hereafter be more particularly mentioned. The fifth of all which, deducted from these several parcels in Gold, amounted unto 546250 Ducats, and the fifth from the Silver unto 15750 Ducats. And in regard, as Hi∣storians report, that the Silver was purified, and much finer than that which we call Standard, and was by four Ryalls per Mark better, or of more value; we shall add the summ of 38160 Ducats unto this Account, being for so much as this Sil∣ver was more refined and better than the common Standard. And not to wea∣ry the Reader farther with these long Accounts of every particular summ, we shall cast up the total, with allowance of twenty per cent. advance, in the value be∣tween the Gold and the Silver; with twenty per cent. difference between the Piece of Eight and the Ducat; so that an hundred Pesos in Gold are worth an hundred and forty four Ducats, according to which we shall easily make up the several summs in Gold. And in regard that Historians do not mention whether the Gold was fine, as they do that the Silver was refined and purified, we shall suppose that the Gold was worth twenty two Quilats and an half, as in the Stan∣dard in Peru, and not twenty four Quilats, as in Spain, for then we should add to the whole value of the Gold 218500 Ducats, which arises on the Quilat and an half of Advance; but because the Spanish Writers do not mention that difference, we shall likewise leave it out in this Account, left we should seem to insert any thing without good Authority. As to the Silver, there is no other difference than of twenty per cent. between the Piece of Eight and the Ducat. We say then that the Gold, which fell to the share of the Governour, together with the Royal

• Chair, amounted unto 252000 Ducats.
• the Silver unto 60000
• To the three Captains of Horse in Gold 129600
• in Silver 36000

• To the sixty Horsemen in Gold 1036800 Ducats.
• and in Silver 129600
• To the hundred Foot-souldiers in Gold 1296000
• and in Silver 162000
• To the 240 Men which came with Almagro in Gold 259200
• and in Silver 72000
• To Almagro himself in Gold 43200
• and in Silver 12000
• The fifth deducted from the Gold 786600
• and from the Silver 126900
• The difference of the refined Silver above the Standard 38170

So that the summ total of the Ransome of Atahualpa amounted unto 4605670 Ducats, of which summ 3933000 Ducats are the value of the Gold, and the 672670 Ducats are the value of the Silver, accounting therein the advantage upon the fine∣ness above the Standard; both which summs together amount to the aforesaid total of 4605670 Ducats. This was the value of those Riches which the Spani∣ards gained in Peru, but much greater was that which they found in Cozco, when they made their entrance into that City, as Gomara and Carate report, and as we shall de∣clare hereafter in its due place. Blas Valera saith, that the Ransome of Atahualpa a∣mounted unto 4800000 Ducats, the which he reports on the Authority of the In∣dians, who had set down an account by their knots of every particular parcel which was brought from the several Provinces; but we shall rather follow the ac∣count given by our Historians herein, than that of the Indians; though Blas Valera differs from the others, and makes the summ greater by 194330 Ducats, than what is before mentioned. In those former times such great summs seemed incredible, because they were not known, though now they create no great Wonder, since it is manifest, that for these thirty years past, there have been imported ten or twelve Millions every year in the River of Guadalquivir; the which my Countrey having sent as an Offering to Spain, and all the old World, hath thereby been more pro∣fitable to Strangers, than kind and natural to her own Children.

Gomara in the 118th. Chap. of his Book speaking of this Ransome, hath these Words.

Francisco Piçarro sent the fifth part of his Spoils, together with a Re∣lation of his Successes, by his Brother Hernando, unto the Emperour, and with him returned many of the Souldiers very rich, with twenty, thirty and forty thousand Ducats a Man. In short, they brought away almost all the Gold fil∣ling the Bank of Seville with Money, and the World with the fame and dis∣course thereof, and with desires of that enterprise.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara. It is well known, that those who returned were sixty in number. The Governour shared to his Companion 120000 Ducats, being so much as appertai∣ned to him out of his proportion. To Hernando de Luque, the Schoolmaster, no∣thing was divided, because it was known, that he being already failed, could be no farther usefull, so that Historians have no occasion to make other mention concerning him.

CHAP. XXXIX.

Of the Discourses which the Spaniards made upon these Af∣fairs.

BY the Death of these two Brother-Kings, (or rather Enemies) Huascar and Atahualpa, the Spaniards became absolute Lords and Masters of both their Kingdoms; there being none remaining to defend the People, or make head against them; for the race of the Incas, being almost extinct, the Indians were like Sheep without a Shepherd, having none to govern them, either in Peace or War; and besides, the Civil and intestine Discords between the Factions of Huas∣car and Atahualpa were become irreconcileable, so that both Parties, being desi∣rous to gratifie the Spaniards, made them the Instruments of each other's Revenge. Moreover those Captains who were of Atahualpa's party were divided amongst themselves; for some of them made head against the Spaniards, as we shall see hereafter, and others disbanded the Armies under their Command, with inten∣tion to set up an Inca of their own choice, supposing that he would be more kind and indulgent to them than a strange Prince; the Person whom they elec∣ted was Paullu, the Son of Huayna Capac, being one of those who had made his escape from the Cruelty of Atahualpa. The Person who had the principal hand in this Election, was the Major General Quizquiz, who was in Cuntisuyu when the News came of the Imprisonment of Atahualpa, and until that time had been an Enemy to Paullu. But urgent and violent necessities cause Men to stoop unto mean and low Actions, and more especially Tyrants, and Men of poor and base Souls, who finding themselves sinking, regard neither Honour nor Consci∣ence, but onely such means as tend to their own vile and mischievous Designs. Quizquiz was an Officer of Atahualpa, and a stout and an experienced Souldier. To Paullu they gave the coloured Wreath, but he received no satisfaction in that Royal Signal, because he knew that the lawfull Inheritance belonged to Manco Inca, and not to himself; which when Quizquiz observed, and that Paullu was cold, and not desirous of the Government, he then set up for himself, resolving to contend with his own Force and Prowess; and accordingly having raised an Army, he marched towards Cazco, to know what was become of his King Ata∣hualpa; upon which March we shall leave him, untill we come to the time and place of his Actions.

The Spaniards observing with what Honour and Adoration they were generally received by the Indians, and that, according to the report made them by the six Spaniards who went on Discovery, all Veneration and Service was paid to them; they often entertained familiar Discourses one with the other on that Subject; making various Reflexions on the causes thereof, as the fancy of every Man did suggest. Some would attribute the success of all to their own Prowess and Va∣lour, for that the Indians seeing them so stout and resolute, believed them to be invincible, and so out of mere fear and terrour submitted and yielded, and framing a thousand Rodomontado's of their own Conduct and Courage, searched not for any cause beyond themselves, not reflected on the Prophecies of Huayna Capac, which foretold the coming of the Spaniards into their Countrey, who should de∣stroy their Idolatry, and their Empire; and out of this superstitious Belief yielded all up without resistance. Howsoever there were some more considerate than the rest, who being zealous for the service of God, and for the propagation of the Christian Faith, attributed all their Successes to the miraculous Operations of God, in favour to the propagation of the Gospel, that so the Faithfull, as well as Infidels, beholding them with wonderfull attention, the one might be thereby induced to receive the Faith with readiness and love, and the others be encouraged

to preach it with fervour and charity towards their Neighbours, and with due re∣spect towards God, who hath shewed them such great and miraculous works. And indeed we may aver it for a truth; that it could be no less than miraculous, That a Spaniard or two should travell alone two or three hundred Leagues in an Enemies Countrey, and be carried through it on Mens Shoulders, and all Re∣spect and Adoration paid to them, as if they had been Gods, whenas they might have thrown them over some Bridge, or down some precipice, or by other means have easily destroyed them, is a conservation above all humane Wisedom and Direction, and ought to be solely attributed to the Divine Providence, by such as profess themselves good Christians, and Preachers of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Others improving this consideration and Argument farther, did some times in presence of the Governour discourse to this effect. That in regard Ata∣hualpa had received Baptism, it had been more conducing to the quiet of that Kingdom, and propagation of the Catholick Faith, to have conserved him alive, and paid him all Honour and Respect, requiring of him, that since he himself was become a Christian, that he should publish an Edict in favour of that Reli∣gion, commanding all his Subjects and Vassals within a certain time to be bap∣tized; certainly this course would have been extremely prevalent for three or four most pungent Reasons, every one of which singly might have been sufficient to have converted the whole Nation, how much more, when they all concurred to∣gether.

As first, The Command of the Inca, to which in the most trivial matters Obe∣dience is yielded, as to the Law of God; how much more would it be in the Case of Religion, delivered by those whom they in their own Minds esteemed to be Gods.

Secondly, the Natural Obedience which they always yielded to their Incas.

Thirdly, The Example which the King had given in being baptized, would easily have begotten a conformity in his People. And,

Fourthly, That which would have appeared most spetious and obligatory, and which comprehends the force of all together, would have been the Precept of Atahualpa, declaring, That in pursuance of the Prophecy of his Father Huayna Ca∣pac, delivered in his last Will and Testament, signifying the Obedience they were to yield to those new Guests, who were to enter into their Countrey, whose Law and Religion was much better, and more excellent than theirs.

Had (I say) the Preachers taken advantage of this convincing Method of Ar∣guments, certainly the Gospel would have entred and spread without opposition; but God in his secret Judgment would not admit of these Methods, that so those matters might come to pass, which afterwards succeeded.

CHAP. XL.

The Effects which the Civil Discords between the two Incan Kings, who were Brothers, did produce.

THE War which was raised between the two Kings Huascar and Atahualpa, who were Brothers, vvas the cause of the total subversion of that Empire, and facilitated the Entrance, and the Conquest vvhich the Spaniards made of that Countrey, vvhich being for the most part craggy and mountainous, and full of difficult Passages, might othervvise have been easily defended. But God, vvho in his Mercy designed the propagation of the Gospel in those Countries, vvas pleased for the more easie introduction thereof, to permit those feuds betvveen those tvvo Brothers.

Acosta speaking summarily of this Point, in the 22d. Chapter of his 6th Book, hath these Words.

Huayna Capac vvas succeeded in Cozco by one of his Sons, called Tito Cusi Gualpa, (he means Inti Cusi Gualpa) aftervvards he vvas called Guascar Ynga, and his Body burned by the Captains of Atahualpa, vvho also vvas the Son of Guayna Capac, and raised Arms against his Brother in Quitu, and came against him vvith a povverfull Army. At that time the Captains of Atahualpa, namely Quizquiz, and Chilicuchima seized upon Guascar Inca in the City of Cozco, after he vvas declared Sovereign Lord and King, and indeed he vvas the lawfull Heir and Successour. Great was the Confusion and Noise which this Action made through all parts, both of the Kingdom, and of the Court. And whereas it was their Custome upon all great Emergencies of Af∣fairs, to have recourse unto Sacrifices, the People finding themselves in no ca∣pacity to relieve their King, who was in the Hands of the Captains of Atahual∣pa, and guarded by a powerfull Army, they therefore agreed, and, as they say, by order of their Captive King, to offer a solemn Sacrifice to the Viracocha Pa∣chyachachic, (he should have said Pachacamac) who is the Creatour of the Uni∣verse, praying, that since they were not able of themselves to deliver their King out of Prison, that he would be pleased to send some People from Hea∣ven, who might procure his Freedom. Whilst they were intent to the so∣lemn performance of this Sacrifice, News was brought, that a certain People was come by Sea, and having landed, had seized, Atahualpa, and kept him Pri∣soner. And in regard that this Affair happened just in that conjuncture of time, when this Sacrifice was offering, and that the People were very few in number, who had seized on Atahualpa in Caxamalca; they gave the name of Viracochas to the Spaniards, which name continues to them unto this day, upon a belief, that they were sent from God for rescue of their King; and indeed the People would have been confirmed in this opinion, had the Spaniards fol∣lowed those Methods which were pursuant thereunto. And on this occasion we ought seriously to contemplate the Wisedom of the Divine Providence, which conducted the Spaniards into those Countries in that seasonable con∣juncture of Affairs, when the Divisions between the two Brothers were grown up to a Civil and an Intestine War; without which advantage, which begat in the Indians a belief, that the Spaniards were a People dropped from Heaven, it had been impossible for such a handfull of Men to have become Conquerours of that numerous People, the loss of whose Countrey was recompenced to them, by the gain which Heaven was to their Souls.

Thus far are the Words of Acosta, with which he concludes that Chapter, wherein with much brevity he sums up the War between the two Brothers, the Tyranny of the one, and the Right of Succession which appertained to the other, the Imprisonment of them both, and the small number of Men which took Atahualpa Prisoner, and how gratious the Divine Providence was to those poor Gentiles in their Conversion; what Name they gave to the Christians, and the Esteem which

they had of them, upon an opinion that they were come from Heaven: All which particulars we have already declared, and set forth at large. We are now to tell you the reason of that name of Viracocha, given by them to the Spani∣ards, which was this: So soon as they saw the Spaniards in their Countrey with that Beard and Habit, in which the Phantasme appeared to their Inca Viracocha, the which Apparition the Indians ever afterwards adored for a God, as he declared himself to be. And that when some time after they saw that the Spaniards had at their first entrance taken Atahualpa Prisoner, and in a few days afterwards had put him to death by form of Law, and in such manner as is due to Murtherers and Malefactours, and had at his Execution, by the Voice of a Crier, published the Tyrannies, Cruelties and Treason against Huascar, for which he suffered; they were then really convinced, that the Spaniards were Sons of the God Viracocha, and were descended from their Father the Sun, to punish Atahualpa for his Crimes, and to revenge upon him the Bloud of his Brother, and of all that Family. And what did moreover confirm this Belief, were the Cannon and Musquets which the Spaniards used, and which the Indians took for proper Arms and Ammunition of the Sun, giving them the name of Yllapa, which signifies Thunder, and Lightning, and Thunderbolts. And to the Name of Viracocha, they added the Title of Inca, as properly belonging to them on score of the Relation they had to the Sun their Father, from whom they descended; the which Title they gave to all the Con∣querours of Peru, from the first, who entred with Francisco Piçarro, to those who came in with Almagro, and afterwards with Don Pedro de Alvarado, all whom they adored for Gods; the which Esteem and Veneration for them continued untill the Covetousness, Luxury, Cruelty and Severity, with which in a barbarous manner many of them treated the poor Indians, discovered the falsity of this vain Opinion; and opened their Eyes; giving them to understand, that such as were so different in their Morals, and in all their Actions to their ancient Incas, could not be descended from the Sun, and consequently could not merit the Title of Inca; howsoever they continued the Name of Viracocha, for the similitude they had in their Habit, and Beard to the Phantasme, or Apparition. Thus did the Indians judge of those Spaniards who were cruel, and ill natured to them, calling them Cupay, which is the Name they give to the Devil; but on the contrary, such as were gentle, kind and compassionate towards them, they not onely confirmed their former Titles which they had given them, but added thereunto such other compellations as they attributed to their Kings, as Yntipchurin, Child of the Sun, Hanc-chacuay, a Lover of the poor; and when they would higher exalt the Good∣ness and Vertue of those Spaniards, who treated them kindly, they called them the Sons of God, which when they would express in Spanish, for the Name of God, which is Dios, they would pronounce it Tius, because the Letter D. is not in the Indian Language. So Tiuspachurin is with them the Son of God, though in these times, by learning the Spanish Tongue, they are come to a better pronuncia∣tion. Such Honour and Veneration did these poor Indians shew at the beginning to those Spaniards who were compassionate, and good natured towards them, and the like respect do they still bear towards the Clergy, as well as to the Seculars, in whom they observe the brightness of Vertue to shine with Humility and Gen∣tleness, without Avarice or Luxury; for the Indians are naturally of a good disposi∣tion, very meek and humble, cordial to their Benefactours, and gratefull for the least favour or good they receive. The which natural proneness to make acknow∣ledgments for good Offices done, they derived from the ancient Customs of their Kings, whose Studies were for the publick wellfare of their People, by which they merited all those Names and Surnames of Renown, which were attributed by their People to them.

CHAP. XLI.

Of the Faithfulness which the Indians of Peru shewed unto the Spaniards when taken by them in the War.

THE Indians of Peru held this Maxime or Principle. That if any yielded himself, or having been taken by a Spaniard in the War, he was thereby become his absolute Slave, and esteemed him by whom he was taken to be his Idol, and his God, and that he ought to honour and revere him for such; and to obey, serve, and be faithfull to him unto the death, and not to deny him ei∣ther for the sake of his Countrey, Parents, Wife or Children. Upon this Prin∣ciple they preferred the Wellfare of a Spaniard, who was their Master, before all other considerations whatsoever, and would sell or betray their own Family, if their Master required it, and that it were necessary or conducing to his Service; by which means the Spaniards never wanted Spies, nor Intelligence of whatsoever passed amongst the Indians, which was of great use to them in the Subjection and Conquest of that Countrey; for they believed it to be a real duty in them to be obedient unto those to whom they had yielded themselves Captives; and therefore would engage in fight on their Masters side, against their own Countreymen and Relations, as if they were their mortal Enemies: When some Spanish Troops in their March had taken some Indian Captives, and that the Commanders would share them amongst the Souldiers according as every Man wanted a Servant, the Indian would refuse to acknowledge any other for his Master, than him onely to whom he had yielded himself; and when they were told, that it was the Rule of War to divide equal shares to every Souldier, and that he who was already pro∣vided, was to permit his Companion to be equally accommodated: The Indian answered, that he would obey on condition, that when the Christian to whom he was allotted had taken another Captive, that he might have the liberty to return to his Master to whom he had first submitted; the like Fidelity the Women also pro∣fessed. Three Indians taken in this manner I left in the House of my Father, and Lord Garçilasso de la Vega, one of which was called Alli, which is as much as to say Good; he was taken in a Battel, of which there were many in Collao, after the Indians had made their general Insurrection, in one of which this Alli fought like a very stout Souldier, and having engaged far with some few Persons, he took no care to save himself, untill he saw all his Companions put to flight, and hard∣ly pursued by the Spaniards, and having then little hopes of safety or refuge, he laid himself amongst the dead, to which posture he had opportunity to compose himself by the darkness of the night, and casting away his Shirt, he wallowed in the bloud of the slain, that so he might seem to be one of them.

The Spaniards returning from the pursuit unto their Camp in several Compa∣nies, three or four of them happened to pass that way, where this Indian lay coun∣terfeiting the dead Man; and whilst they vvere vievving the dead, my Lord and Master Garçilasso de la Vega observed one of them to pant, and dravv his Breath, vvhereupon he vvent near him, and touched him vvith the point of his Spear, to try if he had sense, and vvere living; so soon as the Indian felt the prick he immediately started up, and cried for quarter, fearing that there vvas nothing less than Death for him. After vvhich he remained in the Service of my Father, vvith that Fidelity and Subjection vvhich vve have already expressed, being desi∣rous to evidence the same on all occasions. He vvas aftervvards baptized, calling himself John, and his Wife Isabel.

Royal Commentaries. BOOK II.

CHAP. I.

Don Pedro de Alvarado goes to the Conquest of Peru.

THE Fame of the great Atchievements in Peru, and the Riches thereof was now spread in all parts with such Renown, that as Lopez de Gomara in the 26th Chapter of his Book reports, the Spaniards crowded in such numbers to take a share of the Gold, that Panama, Nicaragua, Quahutemallan, Cartagena, and other Plan∣tations, and Islands were almost dispeopled, and left desolate. Amongst the rest Admiral Don Pedro de Alvarado, one of the most famous and re∣nowned Captains of that age, being not contented with the Glory and Riches he had acquired by the Conquest of the Empire of Mexico, Utlatlan, and Quahutemallan, resolved to augment his Greatness by his attempts upon Peru. To which end he ob∣tained a Commission from the Emperour Charles the fifth, to conquer, plant and govern all that Countrey which he should gain, at such a number of Leagues di∣stant from the Jurisdiction and Conquests of Francisco de Piçarro. For this Enter∣prise he made Levies of many stout Fellows, and moreover many Gentlemen of Quality from all parts of Spain offered their Services, especially those of Estremen∣nos, because Don Pedro himself was a Native of Badajoz.

This noble Person, amongst his many other Excellencies of Nature, was en∣dued with such nimbleness and activity of Body, that thereby he saved his own Life, when the Marquiss del Valle was forced to make a retreat from Mexico: for the Indians having broken the Bridge over which the Spaniards were to pass: This Don Pedro, with the help of a Lance which he carried in his hand, the point of which having fixed in the Bodies of the dead, he took a running leap of twenty five Foot clear over the Bridge; at which the Indians were so much astonished, and wondred, that they called him a Son of God. This Passage Lopez de Gomara touches in the 107th Chapter of his Book, where treating of the Conquest of Mexico, and of Hernando de Cortes, he hath these Words, which we have delive∣red verbatim:

When he returned to them, though some fought very stoutly, yet he found many killed. He lost his Gold, his Baggage, and Prisoners. In fine, his Men were routed, and his Camp dispersed, and nothing remained in that posture in which he had left it; howsoever he rallied as many as he could, put them in the front, and he himself brought up the rere. And Pedro de Al∣varado was ordered to rally what Forces he could and to make head against the Enemy, but they charged him so home, that he was not able to withstand them; when seeing his Men slain round about him, and that if he staid, there

was no possibility to escape; he followed Cortes with the Lance in his hand, and passing over the dead bodies, and such as were wounded and groaning, he came to the Bridge Cabrera, and leaped over it with his Lance, at which not onely the Indians, but the Spaniards were astonished, for that no other was able to doe the like; some indeed there were who attempted it, but falling short, they were drowned.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara.

I remember, when I was a Boy, that I have heard the Spaniards discourse much of the great activity of this Gentleman; and that the second time after Mexico was subdued, how he had set two Marble Pillars at each end of the Arch of the Bridge, for marks of the leap which he had taken; to which, for the truth of what I have said, I refer my self, in case they be still remaining, though it is a wonder if envy and emulation of this Age hath not destroyed them.

The first time that this Don Pedro de Alvarado was at Seville, with design to em∣bark for the Indies, he, with some other young Sparks his Companions, ascended to the top of the Steeple of the Great Church to enjoy the Air, and take a view of that most pleasant prospect; where seeing a Beam thrust out from the Tower of about ten or twelve Foot long, and had been there placed some few days be∣fore for a Scaffold, to mend some part of the Steeple. One of those Gentlemen that was with him, I do not well remember his Name, but he was a Native of Cordova; knowing how much Don Pedro did boast, and avail himself of his acti∣vity, he on a sudden laid aside his Sword and Cloak, and without speaking a word, went out of the Tower upon the Beam, measuring of it foot by foot, un∣till he came to the end of it; and then turning about, walked back again with the same even steadiness as before.

Don Pedro observing this bold action, and believing that it was onely to dare him, scorned to be out done; and therefore keeping on both his Sword and Cloak, threw one end of his Cloak over his left shoulder, and the other part holding close under his right arme, and his Sword with his left; he in that posture marched forth upon the Timber, and coming to the end thereof, gave a sudden turn round, measuring it with the same footing back untill he came to the Tower. Certainly it was a very bold and daring action both of one and the other. Ano∣ther time it happened, that this Don Pedro, with some other of his youthfull Com∣panions, going to Hunt, met some Countrey fellows, who to out-vye each other, were jumping over a certain Well, that was very broad, some of which leaped over it, but some would not adventure. At length came Don Pedro, and he pla∣cing his feet together, just at the brink of the Well; Now, said he, this were a good standing jump, if I durst adventure it: With that he gave a leap, and reached the other side onely with the fore-part of his feet, and gave again on a sudden a jerk back to the very place where he had taken his leap forwards. These and such∣like feats of activity are recounted of this Gentleman, and others who were em∣ployed in the Conquest of this new World, as if God, who had that great Work for them to doe, had endued them with abilities of body and mind proportioned to so great an enterprize; for if the very Journey it self through those unknown parts with peace and quietness, were a matter of labour and hardship; how much more difficult must it be to pass those Straits and craggy Mountains by force of Arms? But in reality, it was the Divine Assistence which co-operated with the Prowess of these Heroes; for without such a miraculous concurrence, humane power could never have attained to such mighty Atchievements. Thus we have mentioned something of the Activity of Alvarado; but his Acts and Monuments of his Valour are recorded in the Histories which write of Mexico, Nicaragua and Peru, though not so fully as his great Worthiness deserved.

Moreover, he was so comely a Person both Walking, and on Horse-back, that returning one time from Mexico into Spain, to clear himself of some Aspersi∣ons which his envious Adversaries had charged upon him; and coming, as his du∣ty was, to kiss the Emperour's hands, and render him an account of his Services: His Majesty being then at Aranjuez; in one of the Walks of that Garden, and see∣ing Don Pedro with a manly gate, and handsome Air coming towards him, asked who he was? and being told that it was Alvarado; This Man, said the Emperour, hath not the fashion and meen of a person that can be guilty of such actions as are charged upon him: And so acquitting him of all the calumnies with which he was slaunder∣ed, he gave him his hand to kiss, and received him to favour.

It was upon this Voyage when he returned a Married Man into New Spain, and carried with him several young Ladies for Wives, to those who had conquered that Countrey, and were setled there in good Houses with riches and prosperity. Alvarado being arrived at Huahutimallan, was there received with great joy of the people, and in his own House, with Balls and Dances, which continued for ma∣ny Days and Nights. It happened that one day, when all the Conquerours were sate in the great Hall, to behold the Dancing; and that the Ladies were also look∣ing out of the Jealousies, or Latices, where, after the modest fashion of Spain, they remained unseen: One of them said to the others, What, are these the Conquerours with whom we are to Marry? What, said another, with these Old rotten fellows? Let those Marry with them that will, for my part, I will have none of them; the Devil take them, for they look as if they had been come from Hell; for some of them are Cripples, others Lame and Maimed; some without Ears, others with one Eye, or half a Face, and the best of them hath been slashed and hacked over and over again. No, replied the other, we are not to Marry them for their good Looks, but to inherit the Estates they have gained; for they being old, and worn out, are to dye quickly, that we may Marry again, and chuse what young brisk fellow we please, as if we were to change an old Kettle for a new Pot. One of these Old Gentlemen standing near these Ladies, and not seen by them, over∣heard all this discourse; and not enduring the scorn with which they treated these Old fellows, he replied upon them with affrontive terms, and high indignation, and told all that he had heard unto the company; saying, Marry with them who will for me; and I'll warrant you they will well reward your kindness to them. Having said thus much, he returned home, and presently sent for the Parson, and Married his Indian Woman, who was of Noble Birth, and on whom he had already begot two or three Children; which he made legitimate, that they might inherit his Plantations and Estate, rather than that Gallant, whom the Lady should chuse to enjoy the fruits of his labours, and make servants and slaves of his Children. There have been some few in Peru, who have followed his example, and Married Indian Women; but the most part have yielded to the pleasure and counsel of the Lady. The Children of these Conquerours can by experience tell us the truth of this matter, and in the Alms-houses, where they now remain, may la∣ment the loss of their Inheritances, acquired by their Fathers Toils and Valour, and enjoyed by Strangers and Aliens, not related either to Father or Mother. In the beginning of those times, when an Indian Woman had brought a Child to a Spaniard; all the whole family of that Woman were devoted, and swore them∣selves slaves and servants to that Spaniard, worshipping and adoring him as their Idol, because he had entered into an affinity with them; and hereby they became very usefull to the Spaniards in their Conquest of the Indies. It was one of the Laws made by the Conquerours of the new World, That every one should en∣joy the Lands which were divided to him for two Lives, that is, for his own and his Son's life; and in case he had no Child, then the Spanish Wife was to come into the Inheritance, and barred all the natural Children, as if the Lady had con∣tributed more towards the Conquest, than the Indian Mothers; by which means it came often to pass, that the fine Ladies changed their old Husbands for young Gallants.

CHAP. II.

Of the difficulties and dangers which Don Pedro de Alva∣rado and his Companions sustained in their Voyage.

THis brave General Don Pedro de Alvarado was accompanied with many other worthy Gentlemen of Quality, in which number was Garçilasso de la Vega, my Lord and Father, whom Cieça de Leon calls Captain Garçilasso; and in the 42d Chapter of his Book uses these words:

General Don Pedro de Alvarado was accompanied with Diego, Gomez, and Alonso de Alvarado, which latter is now Ma∣reschal in Peru, as also with Captain Garçilasso de la Vega, John de Saavedra, Go∣mez de Alvarado, and other Persons of Quality, and arrived at a place near to the Quarters of Diego de Almagro; upon which such contests and quarrels arose between the two Parties, that it was feared, that matters would have broken out into an open defiance, &c.

Thus far are the Words of Cieça; where it is observable, that he onely calls Garçilasso de la Vega Captain, and the others Gentlemen; with all whom I had a personal acquaintance, unless it were with Pedro, and Diego de Alvarado. In their passage by Sea from Nicaragua to Puerto Viejo, they suffered much for want of Water, and other Provisions; for upon a belief or supposition, that the Voyage would not be long, and being in great haste to depart, they omitted to take Aboard all those things which were necessa∣ry for their Voyage. The like want both of Victuals and Water, they suffered after they were Landed, as will appear by the Relations of the Accountant Augu∣stin de Carate, and the Priest Lopez de Gomara, both which agree in the same Nar∣rative, onely with this difference about the value or price of the Horses which they were forced to kill in the Journey, wherewith to give food to their Men. Wherefore I have thought fit to set down the Words of Gomara in the 127th Chapter of his Book; wherein he briefly touches on all the particular Labours and Difficulties which Don Pedro and his Companions endured in this Expedition; part of which are as followeth:

The Riches of Peru being published in all parts, Pedro de Alvarado obtained a Commission from the Emperour to discover and plant Colonies in those Coun∣tries, which were not as yet inhabited by any Spaniards: And in the first place he dispatched Garci Holguin with two Vessels to discover the Countrey, and bring intelligence of what had lately passed in those parts. Holguin soon after returned with great commendations of the Countrey, and with mighty admi∣ration of the vast Riches which were taken and seized by the Imprisonment of Atabaliba, reporting also that Cozco and Quitu, a Countrey not far from Porto Vi∣ejo, were extremely rich. Upon this advice they resolved to sail thither; and accordingly in the year 1535, they armed out five Ships, and embarked there∣upon four hundred Spaniards, and many Horses. With these Alvarado Landed in Puerto Viejo, and marched towards Quitu, enquiring always for the way, un∣till they came to certain great Plains, encompassed with very lofty Mountains; where they had all perished for want of Water, had they not by chance lighted upon a sort of Canes, which were filled with Water; and to satisfie their hun∣ger, they are the Flesh of their Horses, which they were forced to kill, though they were worth above a thousand Ducats a Horse; though Carate saith, that every Horse was worth about four or five thousand pieces of Eight Spanish Mo∣ney; and truly I think, that this was the most probable value, because I heard so much in Peru. The Volcano of Quitu (which is a burning Mountain), threw up such quantities of Ashes by a terrible irruption which continued for many days, that all the Earth was covered with them for above eighty Leagues round; and when it burns with its fierceness, such flames ascend from it, that they may be seen at a hundred Leagues distant, and make such a noise, that they astonish more than Thunder and Lightning: They were forced also to Fell the Woods

to make a passage: They passed also several snowy Mountains and Desarts, (a thing very strange so near the Equinoctial) in that cold Countrey sixty of their people were frozen to death; so that when they were escaped from the Snows, they returned hearty thanks to God, who had delivered them from that dan∣ger; and cursed all the Gold and Silver to the pit of Hell, which had enticed and tempted them to a condition of starving both with cold and hunger.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara; and then Carate proceeds, and says,

Thus did they travel without hope, or comfort, or power to succour one the other; for it happened, that a Spaniard, who carried his Wife and two little Children with him, finding them so tired and weary, that they could travel no farther, nor himself able to carry them; he sate down with them to take some repose, during which time they were all frozen to death; and though the Man could have escaped, yet such was his compassion to his Wife and Children, that he would rather perish with them, than forsake them in that condition. With such labour and difficulty as this they passed the snowy Mountain, rejoycing much when they had got over to the other side.

Thus far are the Words of Carate, in the 9th Chapter of his second Book. And here we may condole this unhappy fate, that the first Spanish Woman which came to Peru, should thus most miserably perish.

As to the five hundred Men which these Authours account to have been with Alvarado, I have been informed from several that were with him, that they were no less than eight hundred Spaniards; perhaps they might be no more than five hundred that came from Nicaragua, and that when they were landed in Peru, other recruits might join with them; so that in the Plains of Rivecpampa, where Alvarado, and Diego de Almagro entered into Articles of Confederacy together, they might arise to the number of eight hundred: But another Historian makes a difference of three years time between these matters, but that is not much to our purpose.

As to the Canes in which they found the Water, called Ypa, they are common∣ly as big as a Man's leg or thigh, though the end of them is not thicker than the finger of a Man's hand: they grow in no other than in hot Countries, where they make use of them to Thatch their Houses: The information they had of the Wa∣ter was from the people of the Countrey, who guided them to the Canes, some of which contained six Gallons of Water, and some more, according to the bigness of them, which is proportionable to their height. Augustine Carate in the 10th Chapter of his second Book, writing the Journal of this Don Pedro de Alvarado, gives this description of the Canes:

In this Journey, saith he, they endured much hunger, and greater thirst; for such was their want of Water, that had they not met with Groves or Thickets of Canes, which yielded good and whol∣some Water, they had all perished. These Canes are commonly about the big∣ness of a Man's leg, every knot of which contained about a quart of Water, having a natural propriety to imbibe or suck in the nightly Dews which fall from the Heavens; besides which there was no Water nor Springs in that dry Countrey; and herewith Don Pedro refreshed both his Men and Horses.

Thus far Augustine Carate gives us an account of General Don Pedro de Alvarado, where we shall leave him for a while, and return to the Spaniards and Indians which we left in Cassamarca.

CHAP. III.

How the Body of Atahualpa was carried to Quitu; and of the Treason of Rumminavi.

SO soon as Don Francisco Piçarro, and Don Diego de Almagro had buried Atahu∣alpa, they travelled to Cozco, visiting in their way thither, that very rich Temple, which was situated in the Valley of Pachacamac; from whence they carried away all the Gold and Silver which Hernando Piçarro had left behind, not having been able to take it with him. From thence they proceeded to Cozco, in which Journey, though they had many steep and craggy Mountains, many swift Torrents and deep Rivers to pass, yet they met no very great difficulty, but that onely which we shall hereafter relate.

And thus leaving them on their way, let us return to the General Challcuchima, and other Captains of Atahualpa, who joyned themselves with the Nobles of the Court, and other principal persons, who remained in Cassamarca. So soon as the Spaniards were departed from that Province on their Journey to Cozco, the In∣dians took up the Body of their King, and according to his Command transpor∣ted it to Quitu, where they interred it with such decency as became the Burial of a Prince, and yet with such little pomp, as was agreeable to a conquered people, that had yielded to the subjection of a foreign and stranger Nation.

Rumminavi seemed the most forward of any both to receive the Body of the King, and to Embalm it, though already corrupted, and tending to putrefaction; and in the mean time he secretly made Levies, and prepared a way to set up himself in the Government, dissembling all respect and obedience to Quillisca∣cha, the Brother of Atahualpa; and that he might try in what manner his mind stood affected to Rule and Dominion, he persuaded him to bind his head with a coloured Wreath, if he were desirous to revenge the Death of his Brother. All which Rumminavi uttered with design to blind the understanding of Quillis∣cacha, and cover his plots and evil intentions, untill he could bring his affairs to maturity; but to this persuasion Quilliscacha refused to hearken, saying, That the Spaniards would not easily quit their Empire; and in case they would, yet there were so many Sons of Huayna Capac surviving, who were ready to lay their claim to the Government, and had a better right and title to it than himself; that some or other of them would adventure to assume the Government; and that the people would appear in vindication of the just title and cause of the un∣doubted Heir, for whose sufferings by the late unhappy Wars and Miseries they had a true sense and compassion.

This prudent and cautious Answer of Quilliscacha did not alter the sinister de∣signs and intentions of Rumminavi, for being both a Tyrant and Barbarous, he resolved to proceed, and set up his own interest, telling his familiar friends in their private discourses with him, that according to the Practices and Examples which he had seen, the right to Rule and Govern belonged to the strongest; for that he who could wrest the Power into his own hands, and kill his Master, as Atahualpa had Murthered his Brother, and as the Spaniards had Atahualpa; the same had title sufficient to constitute himself Chief and Supreme Lord. Rummi∣navi remaining firm in this principle, and resolute in this design, made great pre∣parations to receive Atahualpa, assembling the people together under pretence of performing the funeral Obsequies of their late Inca; the which Solemnity, though formerly continued for the course of a year, was now concluded within the space of fifteen days. At the end of which, Rumminavi judging not fit to let pass so

fair an opportunity whereby to compass his designs; for that fortune having put into his hands all those whom he intended to kill, as namely the Sons and Bro∣ther of Atahualpa, the chief Captain Challcuchima, with many other Captains and Lords then present, he resolved to execute his bloudy purpose. To which end he invited all the great Persons there present to a Dinner, that being together they might treat of affairs, and consider of the way and means how to secure and defend themselves from the Spaniards; he also nominated Quilliscatha for Vice-king, or Regent, in the Kingdom of Quitu, during the Minority of the eldest Son of Atahualpa, who was as yet but an Infant.

The Captains and Curacas accordingly assembled in the Palace of the Inca, where many things were proposed, but nothing determined: At length Din∣ner was brought in, which was very sumptuous, having been provided at the cost and charge of Rumminavi. Dinner being ended, and the Meat taken a∣way, the Drink was brought in, which they call Sora, and in other Tongues Vinnapu, which, as we have said, is a sort of Liquour forbidden by the Indian Kings upon pain of Death; for that on a sudden it seizes the spirits, and in∣toxicates in such manner, that such as drink it remain (as it were) dead for some time, and without sense. Acosta saith, that it inebriates much sooner than Wine. For though of their common liquour they make great quantities, yet this immediately intoxicates. So soon as Rumminavi perceived these Captains and Curacas besotted, and stupified with this Liquour, he fell to his work, and cut all their throats; amongst which was Challcuchima, Quilliscacha, and all the Sons and Daughters of Atahualpa, not leaving one alive that was capable to oppose his design. And to create a greater terrour of himself in the minds of the people, for he pretended not to be obeyed for love, but for dread and fear, he flea'd off the Skin of Quilliscacha, and therewith covered a Drum, the Skin of the head hanging to it, that so like a good Scholar and Officer of his Master Ata∣hualpa, he might appear with all the Ensigns, and marks of tyranny and cruelty. Carate mentions onely, in short, this barbarous Cruelty. Peter de Cieça saith, that Francisco Piçarro burnt Challcuchima in Sacsahuanna, but this was not the Challcuchima whom we mean, but a Kinsman of his of that Name, but of less fame and renown. He also adds, that the General Challcuchima was pre∣sent at the Death of Atahualpa, and that he carried his Body to Quitu, as be∣fore related, and that he was afterwards Murthered there by the hands of his own people.

CHAP. IV.

Rumminavi takes all the Select Virgins of a Convent and Buries them alive.

TWO Spanish Historians treating of the Cruelties of Rumminavi, specifie a∣mongst the rest, one of the most barbarous pieces of inhumanity that ever was committed: They say, that when Rumminavi came to Quitu, where entertain∣ing some discourse with the Women, he said to them,

Cheer up, and be merry, for the Christians are now coming with whom you may solace your selves; at which some of the Women happening innocently to laugh, thinking no hurt, he spoiled their jest, and cut their throats, and burnt down the Closet or With-drawing∣room of Atahualpa:

These are the words of one of the Writers, and the other agrees with him in the same sense. But the truth of the story is this: The Ty∣rant one day went to visit the Convent of those who are called the Select Vir∣gins, with intention to chuse out from those Women who were there placed, and separated for the use of Atahualpa, some of the most beautifull and pleasing to his fancy; in regard that he being declared King, all the Women, Estate, and Riches of his Predecessour devolved to him with the possession of the Kingdom. Dis∣coursing one day with these Ladies concerning the present state, and success of affairs, he described the behaviour and habit of the Spaniards, whose Bravery and Valour he extolled to a high degree, saying, That it was no shame to fly from their irresistible fury; that they were a strange sort of people with Beards in their faces, and were mounted upon creatures called Horses, which were so strong and fierce, that a thousand Indians were not able to withstand the violence of one of them, and with the swiftness of his carriere was so terrible as to rout, and put them all to flight. He added farther, That the Spaniards carried Thunder and Light∣ning with them, by which they could kill the Indians at two or three hundred Paces distant from them, and that they were armed with Iron from head to foot. In fine, after he had described them with high admiration, he said, that they wore a certain kind of Codpiece, like a Box wherein to inclose their Genitals; it is to be supposed, he meant the Codpiece to the Breeches, (used in the days of Our Henry the Eighth) which was a fashion neither modest nor usefull. The Wo∣men hearing the latter part of the Story, burst out heartily into a laughter, suppo∣sing that they had rather pleased than angred Rumminavi therewith: but he on the contrary interpreting their laughter to be an effect of unchast and dishonest de∣sires, and that they would joyn and concur with the Spaniards when occasion of∣fered, he was transported with such rage, that it broke forth into this furious lan∣guage: Ah wicked Whores and Traytoresses, if onely with talk of the Spaniards you are so pleased, what would you doe and act with them, if they were present? But I shall take care to spoil your sport and pastime with them. So soon as the words were out of his mouth, he immediately commanded his Officers to take and carry all the Wo∣men, as well the young as the old, to a stream of water which runs by the City, and to execute upon them the same punishment which their Law inflicts, which is to bury them alive; according to the Sentence they were carried thither, and there interred alive under great heaps of stones, which were thrown upon them from certain Mountains and Rocks, which lye on both sides the River. Thus did this barbarous Tyrant discover more unhumane cruelty, and relentless bowels, by this Murther committed on poor silly Women, who knew nothing but how to Knit and Weave, than by his bloudy treachery practised on stout Souldiers, and Martial Men; and what farther aggravates his crime, was, that he was there present to see the execution of his detestable Sentence, being more pleased with the objects of his cruelty, and his eyes more delighted with the sad and dismal sight of so many perishing Virgins, than with any other prospect or colours which could have been presented before his view. Thus ended these poor Vir∣gins,

dying onely for a little feigned laughter, which transported this Tyrant be∣yond his senses: But this villany passed not unpunished; for after many other Outrages he had committed, during the time of his Rebellion, against the Spa∣niards, and after some Skirmishes with Sebastian Belalcaçar, who was sent to sup∣press him, as we shall hereafter relate; and after he had found by experience, that he was neither able to resist the Spaniards, nor yet by reason of his detesta∣ble cruelties to live amongst the Indians; he was forced to retire with his Family into the Mountains of Antis, where he suffered the fate of other Tyrannical U∣surpers, and there most miserably perished.

CHAP. V.

Of two Skirmishes between the Indians and the Spani∣ards.

THE Governour Don Pedro de Piçarro, and his fellow Souldiers, which with the recruits that Almagro brought with him, made up the number of about three hundred and fifty Spaniards, marched carelesly towards Cozco, and with such security, as if they had no Enemy to encounter, and as if the whole Kingdom had been their own, travelling from one Town to another, as in their own Coun∣trey, without fear or apprehension of any thing. Carate in the 8th Chapter of his second Book, touches on this particular, and relates a brave Exploit perfor∣med by the Indian Captains, as we shall see hereafter, though he varies something from others in their Names. The Inca Titu Atauchi, Brother of Atahualpa, seeing the King a Prisoner, and his Ransome agreed, travelled into divers parts of the Kingdom to collect all the Gold and Silver he was able, that therewith he might purchase the freedom of his Brother; and being returned as far as Cassamarca with vast riches in Gold and Silver, he received news of the Death of his Brother, and that the Spaniards were departed for Cozco, and securely travelling on their way thither in no order or posture to receive an Enemy: the which when Titu Atauchi had heard and considered, he disburthened himself of his Riches; and ha∣ving gathered and joyned what forces he could in a Body, he pursued the Spani∣ards as far as to the Province Huayllas, and amongst the people called Tocto, where with six thousand Men he made an assault upon the Spaniards, and took eight of them Prisoners, who were as yet in their Quarters, amongst which was Sancho de Cuellar, who was the Clerk that drew up the Indictment and Sentence of Death against Atahualpa. Carate touches upon this passage, and says it was Quizquiz that did this Exploit, but he mistakes one for the other, and makes no men∣tion of any taken. Whilst matters passed thus in Huayllas, the Spaniards had another Skirmish with the Indians, who were Commanded by Major-General Quizquiz, one of the most famous Captains belonging to Atahualpa, of whom we have already made mention: For he having at Cozco received advice that his King was taken and made a Prisoner, marched with his Squadron, consisting of eleven or twelve thousand Men towards Cassamarca, to endeavour either by fair or foul means the releasement of his Inca; but meeting with the Spaniards on his march thither, he engaged with them, and fought a stout Battel, which Historians re∣late in short and confusedly, but much in favour of the Spaniards. The truth of what passed is this: Quizquiz having understood by his Scouts, that the Spani∣ards were approaching, and that they marched carelesly, and without order, he laid an Ambuscade within the Woods and Rocks; and having ranged his Men in a half circle, he attacqued them in the Rere with such bravery, that four Spaniards were wounded, and ten or twelve Indians, their Servants, were killed. The Go∣vernour, who marched in the Van-guard, being Allarum'd at the surprize of his

Rere, detached two Captains of Horse for the succour and relief of them, sup∣posing that the Indians upon sight of the Horse would immediately run, and be put to flight, as formerly they had done in Cassamarca, where they abandoned and forsook their King. So soon as the Horse came up to the Station of Quiz∣quiz, he made a feigned retreat to certain Rocks and Mountains, where the Horse could not pass, nor doe any service, continuing still a defensive Fight, as they retired, entertaining the Spaniards with a Skirmish for the space of three hours, by which time their Horses became faint and tired; of which the Indians taking advantage, sallied forth with that whole Body, which by the Command and Conduct of Quizquiz were lodged within the Rocks and Mountains; and assailed the Spaniards with such fury, that they killed seventeen of them; though a certain Historian mentions onely five or six, besides some that were wounded, and others taken Prisoners, and the rest escaped by the swiftness of their Horses: Of the Indians seventy were slain; those that were taken, were Francisco de Cha∣ves, who was one of the Chief Commanders; Pedro Gonçales, who was after∣wards an Inhabitant of Truxillo, Alonso de Alarcon, Hernando de Haro, Alonso de Hojeda, who some years afterwards fell into so deep a melancholy, that he lost his senses and understanding, and died in Truxillo; also Christopher de Horozco, a Native of Seville; John Diaz, a Gentleman of Portugal, besides several others of less account, whose Names time hath abolished. Alonso de Alarcon was taken by the fall of his Horse, with which his Leg was broke short off at the Knee; and though the bone was afterwards set by the Indians, who took great care of him, and of the others who were wounded, yet he remained lame for ever after.

Quizquiz having gained this advantage, like an experienced Captain, would not stay untill the remainder of the Spanish Forces were come up, but retreated with his people towards Cassamarca, to meet with Titu Atauchi, Brother of the late King, who (as he had heard) was on his march: And to cut his way as short as he could, he passed a great River, and then burnt the Bridge, because it was made of Osiers, that so the Spaniards might not be able to follow in the pursuit of them.

Having met with the Inca Atauchi, they both agreed to return to Cassamarca, there to consider of Affairs, and to treat of those things which might conduce to the common good, and welfare of the people; and so accordingly they pro∣ceeded.

CHAP. VI.

The Indians put Cuellar to Death, and enter into Articles with the other Prisoners.

SO soon as the Inca Titu Atauchi, and Quizquiz, were entred into Cassamarca with the Spaniards their Prisoners, they examined the Indians concerning the Death of their King Atahualpa; and being informed that Cuellar had been Clerk, and drawn up the Indictment, and made all the Process against Atahualpa, and had been present to see their King executed: And being likewise informed that Francis de Chaves, and Hernando de Haro, and others then Prisoners, had appeared in favour of Inca Atahualpa, and that they interceded for his Life and Liberty with such heat and earnestness, that they adventured their own lives in his cause: Upon which full hearing and information of the matter, Titu Atauchi, and Quiz∣quiz, and the other Captains, resolved that the Clerk Cuellar for his bold attempt on the Life of their King, and for having notified the Sentence, should be put to death in the same form and manner as their King was executed. But as to the other Spaniards, out of respect to Francis de Chaves, and Hernando de Haro, who had appeared in favour of their Inca, order was given for their Cure, and that they should be well treated, and civilly used; and that being recovered of their wounds, they should be dismissed with freedom and presents. According to this deter∣mination the Counsels were executed; for Cuellar being taken out from the very Prison where Atahualpa had been lodged, and being carried to the very same place of Execution, with a Cryer before him, Proclamation was made as followeth: The Pachacamac commands that this Auca, which signifies as much as Tyrant, Tray∣tor, &c. and all those who have had a hand in the Murther of our late Inca, should be put to death. Not that this form of a Cryer was according to the use of their Coun∣trey, but onely in imitation and revenge of what had been done to their Inca, and accordingly Cuellar was tied and strangled at the very same Post at which Atahu∣alpa had been Executed; with which a shout was made, Thus may all thy Compa∣nions perish. Cuellar being dead, they left his body exposed the whole day to com∣mon view, and towards the Evening buried it, imitating in all particulars the forms used by the Spaniards in Execution of Atahualpa. But as to Francis de Cha∣ves, and his other Companions, so soon as they were cured of their wounds, and were in a condition to travel, they bestowed on them Presents of Gold, and Sil∣ver, and Emeralds, and dispatched them away with several Indians to carry them on their shoulders: But first they capitulated with them, as Representatives for the other Spaniards, and agreed on several Articles of Peace and Friendship: the principal of which were these:

That all the Acts of War, and Hostility, and Injuries hitherto committed on either side, shall cease, and be pardoned, and forgotten. That for the future a Peace shall be established between the Spani∣ards and the Indians, and that they shall offer no hurt or damage to each other. That the Spaniards shall not deprive Manco Inca of his Empire, because it is his right to Govern, being lawfull Heir. That the Indians and Spaniards in all their Commerce and Negotiations shall treat amicably together, and afford help and succour each to the other. That the Spaniards shall set those Indians at liberty, whom they hold in Chains, and that for the future they shall put none of them into Irons, but freely to use them in their service. That the Laws made by the past Incas, in favour, and for the benefit of their people, and which are not re∣pugnant to the Christian Law, shall be conserved inviolably in their force and virtue. That the Governour Don Francisco de Piçarro shall in a convenient time send these Capitulations into Spain to be there ratified and confirmed by his Im∣perial Majesty.

All which the Indians, as well as they were able, gave to understand unto Francis de Chaves, partly by signs, and partly by words, which were interpreted

by the Indians, who were Servants to the Spaniards, and had been taken with them, and whom Titu Atauchi taught and instructed word by word, that so having the matter well inculcated to them, they might be better able to utter and express his meaning. The Spaniards observing the great generosity with which they were treated by Titu Atauchi, and his people; and that when they were Prisoners to them, and lay at their mercy, and that they might have proceeded against them as guilty of the Murther of their King, and Disturbers of the common peace and quiet of their Nation; yet then on the contrary they frankly restored them unto their liberty with Presents of Gold, Silver, and pretious Stones, dispeeding them away with attendance to carry them, and with other Accommodation for their Journey: In fine, when they considered all this, and the reasonable Articles and Terms which the Indians proposed, they could not but admire, and remain confused at the peaceable and quiet disposition of the Indians: Moreover, when they were under custody, and in hourly expectation of Death, and had time, as Men, to reflect on their present condition, they much lamented their remisness, and want of care to instruct the Indians in the Doctrine of the Gospel; howso∣ever, resolving for the future to make amends for that default, and being embold∣ned by the gentle temper of the Indians, they adventured to ask leave, that they might demand onely two things from them: To which the Indians replied; That whatsoever they should require, should readily be granted. Hereupon Francis de Chaves said, that he did in the Name of the Governour, and all the Spaniards, require that the Incas, and all their Captains and Lords, should receive the Law of the Christians, and consent, that it should be freely preached in all parts of their Empire. Secondly, That whereas the Spaniards being Strangers and Aliens in that Countrey, had neither Servants nor Lands to serve and maintain them; that a subsistance should be granted to them, as to the Natives of the Kingdom, that Indian Men and Women may be allowed to serve them, not as Slaves, but as hired Servants. To which answer was made, That as to what concerned the Law of the Christians, they did not onely not reject it, but did earnestly intreat them immediately to send to the place where the Governour resided, desiring him with all convenient speed to furnish them with such Preachers and Priests, as might instruct them in those Precepts and Principles which were necessary for them to know, promising for their parts to treat and use them kindly, and with such honour and reverence, as if they were Gods; for they were well assured from the testimony of their late Inca Huayna Capac, that the Law of the Spaniards was much better than their own; and though they had no other reason to enter∣tain such a belief, than the bare recommendation of their Inca, yet that was so prevalent, as to engage them to all obedience, usefulness and service towards the Spaniards; the truth of which had been evidenced by their Inca Atahualpa, had he been suffered to live, yet he had sealed this sincere obedience with his bloud; and therefore they might be confident they could ask nothing but what would be granted to their satisfaction. The Covenants which were thus agreed, were by their Historiographers recorded on their Knots; and licence being given to the Spaniards to depart, they took their farewell, and being laden with Presents, and accompanied with a numerous Attendance, they proceeded on their Journey in search of their Governour. And as they were on their way, Francisco de Chaves, and his Companions, being considering Men, fell into discourse concerning the late passages; and reflecting thereupon, they were of opinion, that the words and actions of that people were so well agreeing to reason, as did not favour of the Gentilism and Barbarity in which they were nurtured, but were Miracles of the divine inspiration infused into the Souls of that people, disposing their minds to receive the Doctrine of the Gospel with ease and readiness; on which encourage∣ment they resolved to persuade the Governour, and the other Spaniards, to send Missionaries to that intent and purpose into those parts: And though they were all generally of the same mind in this particular, yet the Devil, who is the com∣mon enemy of Mankind, endeavoured by all his wiles and artifices to obstruct the conversion of those Indians; the which in a great measure he effected by the aid and assistence of his diligent Ministers the seven mortal Sins, which being in those times of liberty let loose, greatly prevailed, committing all those outra∣geous Villanies which might bring a disrepute on the profession of the Gospel. Hence arose those Wars, which in a short time after were waged between the Indians and the Spaniards, occasioned by persidiousness and non-performance of

the Articles, for that Pride would not stoop, nor consent to a restitution of the Kingdom to his proper and lawfull Master. Afterwards Anger prevailed, and raised War between the two Companions Piçarro and Almagro; which being maintained by Envy and Emulation, one not supporting the greater power of the other, continued untill both of them perished in a competition for Authority, for Almagro was killed by the Brother of Piçarro, and so was Piçarro slain by the Son of Almagro. These Wars were followed by others between that good Governour Vaca de Castro, (with whom I was acquainted at Madrid in the year 1562,) and Don Diego de Almagro Junior; for Pride, which is the Mother of Dissention, was so prevalent in the mind of this Youth, that having neither a Spirit to submit to his Lord and Sovereign, nor Power to maintain his Dominion, he perished in his folly. Soon after Covetousness and Tyranny raised a War between the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, and Gonçalo Piçarro; the which in a few years after was fol∣lowed by Stirs and Combustions between Don Sebastian de Castilla, and Francisco Hernandez Giron, occasioned by Gluttony and Luxury. All which Wars succee∣ding one after the other, for the space of twenty five years, were raised by the malice and contrivance of the Devil, as we shall demonstrate in their due place, and were great obstructions to the propagation of the Gospel; for by reason of continual disturbances, neither the Priests could freely Preach, nor had the Infi∣dels leisure nor convenience to receive the Doctrine of Faith, being under the continual amazements of Fire and Sword, and other miseries; in which the In∣dians had a greater share than the Spaniards, being oppressed by both sides, and compelled to supply both Camps with Provisions, and carry the burthens for them on their shoulders with wonderfull patience and labour; of which I my self have in part been an Eye-witness.

CHAP. VII.

Of the Entrance of the Spaniards into Cozco, and of the great Treasure which they found there.

SO soon as the Inca Titu Atauchi had dispeeded Francisco de Chaves and his Companions with the aforesaid Capitulations, he sent an Express Messenger to Inca Manco Capac, who was his Brother by the Father's side, with advice of the Articles agreed, and of all particulars which had passed; that so being well informed of all matters, he might be provided to act and treat with the Spaniards. The General Quizquiz sent in like manner to advise him, that he should by no means disband his Army, but rather increase it, untill such time as he had wholly concluded and setled matters with the Spaniards, lest being secure, and over confi∣dent of their kindness, he should fall into the same snare, and run into the same fate which his Brother Atahualpa had already suffered.

With these Informations and Advices the Indians sent their humble Submissi∣ons to Manco Inca, acknowledging him for their Supreme Lord and King; for though they had been Enemies to him whilst he stood in competition with his Brother Atahualpa, yet that difference being now ended by his Death, all was re∣conciled; it being agreed at a Council of War, that the Empire should be re∣stored to that person unto whom the Succession did by lawfull Inheritance apper∣tain: And on this foundation they resolved to unite their forces for Expulsion of the Spaniards, in case they could not live in amity with them, believing themselves much more formidable by this concord and union, than when they were divided into several Factions and Parties.

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The Prince Manco Inca received the Advices of his Brother, and the Addresses of Quizquiz, with much joy, being much pleased to find that those who were his late Enemies, were now reconciled and joyned with him in his just claim and title to the Empire. And herein he was the more satisfied to understand, that the Spaniards concurred in the like intentions, having on all occasions openly declared their inclinations to right and justice. Upon which presumption the Inca adven∣tured to apply himself to the Spaniards to demand Peace and Friendship, and in a simple and sincere manner to require the Government and Dominion over his Kingdom, according to the Capitulations which his Brother Titu Atauchi had sent to him. And here we shall leave him for a while in his preparations for such an Address, untill its due time and place, and return to our Francisco Piçarro, who be∣ing better advised by the late damage which his people had sustained from Titu Atauchi, did now march with more caution, and less security than before; so that they met no considerable Encounters, unless a few flying Skirmishes near the City of Cozco, from whence the Inhabitants sallied out to defend a Pass; but making a feeble and poor resistence, they hastily fled to their Houses, from whence carry∣ing away their Wives and Children, and what Stock and Goods they could col∣lect, they retired into the Mountains, being greatly affrighted with the reports of what had succeeded in Cassamarca, for that Countrey having been subject to the power of Atahualpa, made some resistence, being desirous, if possible, to revenge the Death of their Prince. Gomara treating of this particular passage, hath these words:

The next day the Spaniards entred into Cozco without any opposition, and presently they fell at work, some to unrip the Gold and Silver from the Walls of the Temple, others to dig up the Jewels and Vessels of Plate, which were buried with the Dead, others pillaged and rifled the Idols, and sacked the Houses, and the Fortress, where still great quantities of Gold and Silver were conserved, which had been there amassed and laid up by Guayna Capac. In short, there was more Gold and Silver found in this City, and in the parts a∣bout it, than what was produced at Caxamalca, by the ransome of Atabaliba: Howsoever, the particular share belonging to every individual person did not amount unto so much as the former Dividend, by reason that the number was greater which was to partake thereof; nor was the second fame so loud as the first, which published the Triumph of Riches with the Imprisonment of a King. A certain Spaniard entering into a Vault, found there an entire Sepul∣chre of Silver, so thick and massy, that it was worth fifty thousand pieces of Eight; others had the fortune to find such as were of less value, for it was the custome of rich Men of those Countries to be buried in this manner up and down the Fields, and there to be laid in State like some Idol: Nor were the Spaniards contented with this prize, but still thirsting after greater Riches, were hot in the pursuit of the Treasures of Huayna Capac, and of others hidden by the ancient Kings of Cozco, but neither then, nor afterwards, were any of those Treasuries known; howsoever they tortured and vexed the poor Indians with se∣vere usage and cruelties, to shew and discover to them the rich Sepulchres.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara, extracted verbatim from the 124th Chapter of his Book. Carate in the 8th Chapter of his second Book, speaking of some Spaniards, who went in pursuit of an Indian Captain, saith as follows:

And not being able to meet with him, they returned to Cozco, where they found a greater prize both of Gold and Silver, than that in Caxamalca; all which the Governour divided amongst his people.

Thus far are the Words of Carate. And now I suppose by these Authorities, it hath been sufficiently proved, that the Riches which the Spaniards found in Cozco, were greater than those taken in Cassamarca; and to acquit my self in the truth of what I relate, I am pleased to cite, or quote, the Spanish Historians, and to specifie their Names, lest I should seen like the Magpye, to deck my self with borrowed feathers.

But to return now to those Treasures, which, as Gomara mentions, were dis∣covered by the Spaniards under-ground both in Cozco, and in the parts adjacent: It is certain, that for the space of seven or eight years after the Spaniards had re∣mained in quiet possession of that Empire, several Treasures were discovered both within and without the City; and particularly within the Precincts of that Palace called Amurucancha, (which upon the division made, fell to the lot of An∣tonio Altamirano) and where it happened that a Horse galloping round a Court∣yard

of that Palace, strook one of his feet into a hole, which they supposed at first to be some old Sink, or drain for Water from the House; but looking more narrowly, they found the hole opening to a Jar of Gold, weighing above two hundred pounds weight, for the Indians make greater, or less, of these, as their occasions require, using them to boil their Drink and Liquours in. With this great Jar, they found others of Gold and Silver; and though they were not so large, yet they were valued at above eighty thousand Ducats. Moreover, in the Convents of the Select Virgins, and particularly in that part which fell to the share of Pedro del Barco, and afterwards came to the possession of Hernando de Sego∣via, who was an Apothecary, and with whom I had an acquaintance; this Her∣nando altering his House, and removing some part of the foundation, found a Trea∣sure of seventy two thousand Ducats, with which, and with above twenty thousand Ducats more, which he had gained by his Practice, he returned into Spain, where I saw him at Seville, where, in a few days after his Arrival, he died for mere grief and sorrow that he had left Cozco, as several others have done, whom I knew in the same condition. Hereby it is manifest, that the Treasures which the Spani∣ards found in that City, when they made their entrance first into it, were very considerable, as were those also which were afterwards discovered. And it is probable, that the Riches had been much greater, had not the Indians, as we have said in the first Part, hid them away, to conceal them from the sight of the Spaniards.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the Conversion of an Indian, who desired to be informed of that which was the true Law of Mankind.

THE first day that the Christians entered into the Imperial City of Cozco, an extraordinary matter passed between a Spaniard and an Indian, which was this: A certain Gentleman, who was a Native of Truxillo, called Alonso Ruyz, roving about, and sacking the City as the others did, chanced to enter into a House, from whence the Master came forth courteously to receive him; and at first speaking to him with a smiling countenance in his own Language, bid him welcome, telling him, that for many days he had expected his coming, for that the Pachacamac had by Dreams and Visions assured him, that he should not dye until a stranger Nation should come, which should instruct him in the true Law which he was to follow. And since, said he, I have languished all my life with this desire in my heart, I am confident that you must be that person which is designed to instruct me. The Spaniard not understanding at first the words which the Indian said to him, yet he apprehended, that what he uttered was very kind, for he had learned those two words in the Indian Language, You are very welcome, which the Spaniards express in four; and also guessing by the chearfulness of the Indian's countenance, that he was desirous of his conversation, so often as his leisure would admit, nor so much out of a placency in his company, as for some sober and religious end, he resolved to stay, and take up his Lodging with the Indian, who, during the time of his aboad, entertained and treated him with as much kindness and accommo∣dation, as his Cottage could afford. At length three or four days being past, and things a little settled and quieted after the Spaniards had sacked the City, Alonso Ruyz went out to find Philip the Interpreter; and having found him, he returned with him to his Lodging to be better informed of what he as yet imperfectly un∣derstood; and at first he proposed several Queries concerning his Customs, and manner of living; in answer unto which, he gave them to understand, that he had been a Man of an humble and peaceable Spirit, contented with his own

fortune, and never offered injury or violence to his Neighbour; That he was de∣sirous to be informed of that which was the true Law of Mankind, for that his own Law did not answer or satisfie the many notions he had conceived in his mind of a better and a more sublime Religion. Hereupon the Spaniard endea∣voured in the best manner he could to instruct him in the Principles of the Ca∣tholick Faith, which true Faith was, That he should worship God in the Trinity, and the Trinity in Unity: And because (as we have intimated before) that there wanted words in the Indian Language to express that Mystery, he advised him to keep the word Trinity, and the word Credo in his memory, for that those words would let him in unto that Faith, which the Roman Church, which is the Mother of all good Christians, doth believe and embrace. And having repea∣ted these words often, and having to several questions made to him, answered, Yes in the Affirmative; a Priest was called, who being satisfied in what had passed, and that the Indian desired to be a Christian, he was baptized to the great satis∣faction of all three, that is, of the Priest, the Person baptized, and of Alonso Ruyz, who was his Godfather; in a short time after which, the Indian ended his days with much joy and comfort, that he died a Christian. Afterwards Alonso Ruyz re∣turned into Spain with fifty thousand pieces of Eight in his Purse, the which he had gained in Cassamarca, Cozco, and other parts; but being troubled with scru∣ples of Conscience for having gained his Wealth unjustly, he applied himself to the Emperour with words to this purpose:

Most Sacred Majesty, I am one of those Conquerours of Peru, to whom a share or pro∣portion of the spoils thereof have been divided to the Import of fifty thousand pieces of Eight, which I have brought with me into Spain; but being troubled in Conscience for these ill-got∣ten goods, I come here to make restitution thereof unto your Majesty, who is Supreme Sove∣reign of that Empire. If your Majesty will be so bountifull as to grant me any share thereof, I shall receive it as from the true Lord and Master, who hath power to make me a just and lawfull title thereunto; and if not, I shall remain contented, and believe my self unworthy of your Majesty's Grace and Bounty.

The Emperour accepted the Restitution as an effect of an honest and a conscien∣tious mind; and in lieu thereof, bestowed upon him a Revenue in fee of four hundred thousand Maravedis of yearly Rent, together with the Command or Lordship of a small Village called Marta, situate near the City of Truxillo; which now a Nephew of this Alonso Ruyz doth possess and inherit; and besides the qui∣etness of conscience which this Ruyz reaped by this restitution, he also increased and improved his Estate thereby, having obtained a greater parcel of Land than his money could have purchased, given in see to himself and his Heirs for ever, and which at present is descended and possessed by his own kindred; whereas the Divisions made in the Indies were not to continue longer than for two Lives, which are almost all extinct at this time. And it is very remarkable, that what Estate hath been brought from the Indies, (though not arising by the Division of Lands, but by other ways) hath not continued to the third Heir; whereas this Estate of Ruiz wears like Iron, and descends intailed to the right possessour, and his Heirs for ever. And so let us return to the thread of our History.

CHAP. IX.

Don Diego de Almagro joins his Forces with Don Pedro de Alvarado, and Belalcaçar to suppress Rumminavi.

DOn Francisco de Piçarro, and D. Diego de Almagro, were busily employed in ga∣thering, heaping and disposing of the Treasure which they had found in Cozco, and the parts thereabouts, when the News came that Don Pedro de Alvarado was arrived in Peru with Commission to Govern and Command all those parts which he should conquer; that he was inforced with five hundred Men, most of which were Gentlemen of Noble Birth, and of the flower of Spain, well moun∣ted on Horse-back, well Armed, and well Accoutred with all matters fit for War. This news possessed the minds of the Spaniards with an apprehension of jealousie, that these people came to dispossess them of the Riches and Wealth which they had gained; for such is the condition of humane nature, which can never be entirely happy, or prosperous without some mixtures of allay. Where∣fore the Governour sent his companion Almagro with a hundred Spaniards to pre∣vent the mischief which might happen; and so to defend the Sea-coast, as to ob∣struct their Landing, or otherwise to corrupt the Army by certain insinuations and promises, alluring them to abandon the design of their own Leader, and join with them in an enterprize which was already prosperous, and brought to matu∣rity. Almagro acted according to these Instructions, but the success thereof we shall declare afterwards, being obliged first to recount other important matters which were transacted at that time; for we must know, that soon after the de∣parture of Almagro, Francisco de Chaves, and his Companions, arrived at Cozco, gi∣ving an account unto the Governour, and the other Spaniards of the civil and ge∣nerous treatment which he had received from Titu Atauchi, and his Captains, spe∣cifying the Care, the Entertainments, and the Presents bestowed on them, as also the Attendance and Accommodation which had been afforded them for their Journey; and also the Articles which they had entred into, in behalf of the Spa∣niards with the Indians; and, in fine, they related the methods of Justice which had been executed on Cuellar with the formalities of the Cryer and Executioner.

Great was the joy which the Governour, and the others conceived to see Fran∣cisco de Chaves and his Companions, (whom they had given over for lost) to re∣turn in safety; and more was their wonder, to understand and hear the civility and kind treatment which the Indians had used towards them; as also the Parti∣culars of the Death of de Cuellar, being a passage very observable, that they should onely vent their anger and revenge on his single Person, and not onely suffer the others to escape, but to contribute to their departure with freedom and honour: But that at which the Spaniards most admired, were the Capitulations and Con∣ditions proposed by the Indians, which evidenced a sincere desire of Peace and Friendship with the Spaniards, and a Zeal to imbrace the Doctrine of the Holy Gospel; in all which the Spaniards were desirous to agree, and comply with them; but the troubles which arose upon the coming of Don Pedro de Alvarado gave a stop to those intentions, so that there was no farther discourse of peace and quiet, or propagation of the Gospel, onely alarums and incitements to War and Cruelty were heard, which involved the Indians and Spaniards in a mutual calamity, as will appear by the sequel of this History.

At the same time almost intelligence was brought to the Governour of the great slaughters and tyranny which Rumminavi had committed in Quitu, that he was there raising Men against the Spaniards. To suppress which Insurrection, and punish this Tyrant, and obviate all those mischiefs which these beginnings might produce, the Governour immediately dispeeded away Captain Sebastian de Belalcaçar with Horse and Foot, well provided of all things, to re-inforce Alma∣gro; who marching with all diligence, and with more care and watchfulness than

formerly, to prevent surprize, met some Encounters on the way, with certain Captains of Atahualpa of small note, who hearing of the Imprisonment of their King, had raised some people in a confused manner; and being but few in num∣ber, were fled to the Mountains, to guard some Passes on the Rocks and Precipi∣ces, which were difficult to take. And though they had been informed of the Death of Atahualpa, yet they Disbanded not their people in expectation of Sum∣mons from some of the next of Bloud, who might require their assistence to re∣venge the Murther of their King: For which reason several small Companies were scattered over the Countrey without Chief or Commander to Marshal or Con∣duct them, which had they been united together to guard and defend those diffi∣cult Passes, might have done the Spaniards great mischief. With this sort of Soul∣diers Sebastian de Belalcaçar had several slight Skirmishes, but they quickly deserted the Fight, and gave over before much hurt was done; onely Cupay Yupanqui, which is as much as to say, Yupanqui the Devil fought very stoutly, having killed five Spaniards, and wounded fourteen, and might have cut them all to pieces, had he been supplied with force sufficient. Lopez de Gomara, who was one of his Catho∣lick Majesty's Chaplains, writing of these Skirmishes in the 128th Chapter of his Book, calls him Captain Zopo Copagui; and Augustin Carate, who was the Empe∣rour's Accountant, in the 10th Chapter of his second Book, names him Capa Co∣pagui, which comes nearest to the true word; but to give him his true Name, we must call him Cumac Yupanqui, which signifies the handsome Yupanqui, because that when this Indian was young, he was of comely features, and of a well shaped and proportioned body; for the word Cumac, as we have mentioned in the Poetry used by the Incas, signifies handsome or beautifull.

He was a natural Son of one of the Royal Bloud, his Mother was of the King∣dom of Quitu; he was bred up with Atahualpa; and for his skilfulness in Martial affairs, merited the honour to be one of his Captains. After that Atahualpa had taken his Brother Huascar Prisoner, and committed many cruelties; this Man was a chief instrument in the execution of all his bloudy practices, and invented many exquisite torments to be inflicted on the Enemies of his Master, which could ne∣ver enter into the head of the King, or any others to perform; following herein the custome of wicked Servants, who having neither the fear of God, nor the shame of the World before their eyes, perpetrate all Villanies to gain the good will and favour of their Masters; for which reason the Captains and Servants of Atahualpa observing his cruel and diabolical nature, changed his Sir-name of Cumac into that of Cupay, which signifies the Devil. This Indian after he had made some little opposition against Sebastian de Belalcaçar, and done him what hurt he was able, retired into some obscure places unknown both to Indians and Spaniards. How∣soever it is believed, that being abhorred by the Indians for his wicked practices, and living in fear of the Spaniards, not daring to cohabit with his own people, nor trust himself with Strangers, he fled to the craggy and wild Mountains of the An∣tis, there to live and associate with Tygers and Serpents, in such manner as other Captains his Companions had done.

From this Enterprize Belalcaçar proceeded, and came to Quitu, there to give a stop to the Cruelties of Rumminavi, and to punish him; Rumminavi (as we have said) sallied forth to meet and skirmish with him; but in all Encounters, the In∣dians, who were few in number, and ill disciplined, were worsted without almost any damage to the Spaniards. For this Captain, by reason of the many cruelties he had executed on his own people, having Murthered his fellow Souldiers, with the Brother and Sons of his own King, and buried the Select Virgins alive without any reason or justice, he became so hated and detested by the Indians, that none would appear on his side against the Spaniards, though he pretended to revenge the Death of their King Atahualpa. Thus not being able to make head against Atahualpa, he retired with melancholy and despair into the Mountains; the which place, according to these Examples, became also a refuge to some Spa∣niards, as we shall hereafter declare.

CHAP. X.

The hopes and fears of Almagro; he is forsaken by his In∣terpreter; and an Agreement is made with Alvarado.

THus honest Don Diego de Almagro marching in Quest of D. Pedro de Alvarado, encountred some Skirmishes by the way with the Captains of Atahualpa; but so inconsiderable they were, that they were scarce worthy to be mentioned: And in regard he had certain intelligence that Alvarado was Landed, and was marched up into the Countrey, he proceeded slowly, that he might not miss his way, or wander into parts distant from him, of whom he went in search.

Sebastian de Belalcaçar, who was sent with recruits to re-inforce Almagro, having chased Rumminavi and his Captains from Quitu, proceeded with all diligence in Quest of Almagro, and having joined his Forces with him, they defeated some Squadrons of Indians, which were scattered over those Provinces. In which En∣terprise they chose rather to employ themselves, than to attempt Alvarado, for knowing that he was a Man of courage, and his people stout and good Souldiers, they would willingly have declined all engagements with him, could they have come off handsomely, without shame or dishonour. In these doubtfull terms they mained, until Alvarado approached near their Quarters, and had taken seven of their Horse which Almagro had sent for Forrage into the Countrey; but Alvarado immediately released them, so soon as he understood unto whom they belonged, and had been informed of all other matters and circumstances of these affairs, for the design of Alvarado was not to trouble or disturb the first Adventurers in their Conquests of Peru, but onely to assist and join with them in their Enterprize. This generous Action of Alvarado eased Almagro in a great measure of his fears, esteeming it for an evidence of Peace and Friendship: But in regard he had sent no Message by the Horse-men which he had freed, he remained doubtfull be∣tween hope and fear, not knowing what his intentions and meaning might be.

Whilst Almagro remained in this thoughtfull condition, an unhappy accident increased his fears, which was the flight of his Interpreter Philip the Indian, who hearing that Alvarado was nearly approached, he took occasion one night to run to him, carrying away with him a principal Cacique. When he was come to Al∣varado, he informed him of the small number that was with Almagro, and that the Curacas which were with him were desirous to revolt, and take his part, and to serve him; the like Example he assured him, that the people of that Kingdom were inclinable to follow, undertaking to bring them all under his Dominion and Obedience, and in the mean time to guide him to the Camp of Almagro, where he might easily surprize, and take him without much opposition. Though Alva∣rado was well pleased with the report and proposals of Philip, yet he thought not fit to follow his counsel, having a more advantageous prospect of succeeding bet∣ter by another method; for he was jealous of this Indian, who having been false, and perjured in the evidence he had given against Atahualpa, he could not believe that he would ever prove faithfull to him; for this Traytor had falsly sworn, that Atahualpa designed to Massacre the Spaniards; upon which testimony Sentence of Death was passed upon him: But to be short in this story; an interview was agreed upon between Don Pedro de Alvarado, and Don Diego de Almagro, and accor∣dingly they met in the Plains of Rivecpampa, which the Spaniards call Riobamba, where both Squadrons were drawn up, and remained in a posture to engage in Battel; but when they came near to make the on-set, both sides were touched with a natural sense of Bloud, and proximity of Alliance, being almost all of the Countrey of Estremenos, so that the common Souldiers, without permission or Or∣ders of their Generals, mixed together in common discourse, offering to each other Conditions and Articles of Peace and Amity, as it hath at other times happened between the Souldiers of Julius Caesar and Pompey, and of Petreius and Afranius;

for though Almagro, who was much inferiour in number, not having the fourth part of the people which Alvarado had with him, was well pleased with the Trea∣ty; yet rather than condescend to base and dishonourable terms, both he and his people were ready to dye bravely with Swords in their hands: But the Souldiers on both sides (as we have said) being inclinable to an Accommodation, a Truce was made for twenty four hours; during which time the Generals met, and with the assistence of the Lawyer Caldera, a Native of Seville; they agreed on several Articles and Conditions, as followeth: That both sides should equally share in the prize already gained, and in what should be gained for the future. That Alvarado should march with his Forces along the Coast to the Southward, to make discovery of the Kingdoms and Provinces which lay on that side. That Piçarro and Almagro should remain in possession of the Countries they had subdued, and labour to secure their Conquests. And that the Souldiers both of one part, and the other, might freely pass, and travel from one Jurisdiction to another, either into the new Discoveries, or into the Countries already conquered. These are the Articles which were then published to please and gratifie the Souldiers of Alva∣rado, who, as Cieça, Gomara and Carate report, were composed of many Gentle∣men, that were apt to resent the least matter which might be ungratefull to them.

But the secret Accord not fit to be published was this: Almagro engaged to pay unto Alvarado a hundred thousand Pesos of good Gold, (accounting four hundred and fifty Maravedis to each Peso) a Peso in English money makes about a No∣ble. In consideration of the Souldiers Horses, and other Accoutrements of War which he had brought with him, that having received this Money, he should re∣turn to his Government of Huahutimallan; and that he should swear, as afterwards he did, never more to return unto Peru, during the Life of the two Companions, Piçarro and Almagro: upon which agreement both parties remained with mutual satisfaction.

The Articles being in this manner concluded and signed, Almagro burnt the Cu∣raca alive, for having treacherously forsaken his Colours, and had in the same manner dealt with Philip the Interpreter, had not Alvarado interceded in his behalf. Upon which passage Gomara in the 129th Chapter of his Book, discourseth as fol∣lows:

Almagro (saith he) did not find wherewith to pay these hundred thou∣sand Pesos of Gold in compliance of his obligation to Alvarado, out of the be∣nefit and gains of the late Acquisitions, although in Caramba there was a Tem∣ple plated in the in-side with Silver, which perhaps he would not take away, untill such time, as either he had first procured the consent of Piçarro thereunto, or else had found some ways to dispose thereof. And so both of them proceeded together unto St. Miguel de Tangarata; but Alvarado dismissed several of his Company, suffering them to plant and settle themselves with Belalcaçar in Qui∣tu, conserving to himself the bravest and stoutest of his Companions.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara, which I repeat and alledge his Authority for what I have declared. Of all which matters and occurrences Almagro gave intelligence to Don Francisco de Piçarro.

CHAP. XI.

Almagro and Alvarado march together unto Cozco. The Prince Manco Inca comes to treat with the Governour, who gives him a magnificent Reception.

THE Spaniards having with mutual joy solemnized the Peace and Amity which was concluded and agreed between both Parties, the two Governours, Al∣magro and Alvarado, (for to the last I attribute the Title of Governour, as well as to the others, because that he was entred into the same Confederacy and League with them,) gave orders to Captain Sebastian de Belalçacar, to return unto Quitu, for securing the Peace and Quiet of that Kingdom; for that some petty Comman∣ders of the Indians roved up and down the Countrey, to cause Disturbances and Insurrections. This being dispatched, other matters were to be provided for, and particularly it was thought fit to raise a Fortress, and furnish it with a Gar∣rison to defend themselves from the Spaniards, who upon the fame of the vast Riches of Peru, crouded in great numbers from Panama, and Nicaragua, to take a share thereof with the present possessours; to oppose which the Garrison was provided with Men, and Arms, and Provision sufficient to defend it. As to Don Pedro de Alvarado, who, according to the Articles agreed and published, was to return unto his Ships, and sail along the Coast towards the Southward, there to conquer and posses new Dominions of Kingdoms and Provinces, declared, that he had a mind to travail by Land, and make a visit to the Governour Don Fran∣cisco Piçarro, and to divert himself a while in the sight and survey of those parts; the which was but a bare pretence, that he might the better colour and conceal the secret agreement; and upon this occasion it was resolved, that Almagro should send one of his Officers, who was called Diego de Mora, (with whom I was after∣wards acquainted,) to command the Fleet in his place and stead; and according∣ly Alvarado dispatched his Orders to Garciholguin, to deliver up the charge of the Fleet into the Hands of Diego de Mora, the Person commissionated and entrusted by both Parties, in regard, that according to the late Agreement, the Ships and Men, and all that belonged unto them, were to be employed in the publick Ser∣vice, and defrayed at the common expence. Necessary Orders being taken here∣in, the two Governours proceeded on their way towards Cozco, where we shall leave them in their Journey for a while, and return to the Successes of Piçarro, who being left at Cozco, as vve have said, many particulars vvere transacted by him, which we shall mention in order, that so we may keep the due Method of our History, both as to time and place.

Manco Inca, moved by the Advices which his Brother Titu Atauchi, and his Major General Quizquiz had sent to him, (as we have before specified) prepared himself to make a visit to the Governour, and to demand of him the restitution of his Empire, and performance of those Capitulations which his Brother, and the principal Nobles of his Kingdom had made, and concluded with the Spani∣ards; upon which point entring into divers Consultations with his Confidents, whether it were better to go in a peaceable and friendly manner, or attended with a strong and powerfull Army; in which matter the Counsels were much divided, sometimes being of one Opinion, and sometimes of another; though the gene∣rality followed the Advice of Quizquiz, who was of opinion, that the Inca ought to be well guarded, lest his Fate should be like to that of his Brother Atahualpa, who trusting to the good Nature and generous Disposition of Strangers, fell into those snares wherein he perished. But whilst they were thus in Dispute, and con∣troverting the matter, the Inca spake to them in this manner:

Sons and Brethren of mine, We are now going to demand Justice of those whom we esteem for Persons who are descended from our God Viracocha, and who at their first entrance into these our Countries, declared, that it was their sole and proper Design to administer Justice to all the World; so that I cannot imagine that they should refuse the concession and grant of that which is so just and reasonable as our Claim and Title to the Kingdom: for if these peo∣ple are of the true Race and Off-spring of the Sun, as our Forefathers were, who taught us Truth for a Principle, and that our Actions are to square and correspond with our Words and Promises, then certainly they cannot deny what they have so solemnly engaged to perform; for if they do, why should we longer esteem them Godlike, or to have any thing of Divinity in them, who so palpably disown it by their Tyranny and falseness? For my part, I would rather confide in the Reason and Justice of our Cause, than in our Power and Arms; for if they be, as they pretend, Messengers from the God Pachacamac, they will fear to offend him, knowing that there is nothing more inconsistent with the Divine Nature than Injustice, and especially in those who being made his Ministers for the execution thereof, do usurp that to themselves, which is the Right and Property of another. Let us therefore go to them, ar∣med with the Justice of our Cause, for if they are Gods, (as we believe them to be) they will act like the true and legitimate Off-spring of the Sun, and like our Incas, will readily yield our Empire to us. For our Ancestours did never deprive the Curacas of their Heredi∣tary Rights, nor take a Forfeiture of them in the Case of Rebellion; much less ought these Spaniards to devest us of our Inheritance, and of our Empire, who did never oppose them, but rather yield and resign up all upon their first Summons. Let us therefore go to them in a peaceable manner; for if we go armed, they will imagine we intend to make War upon them, and with that pretence deny the most reasonable thing we can demand; for covetous Men, armed with Power, are glad of the least excuse, or pretence to deny that which is re∣quired of them. Instead of our Arms let us carry such Presents with us, as may serve to appease the Anger of enraged Men, and pacifie the Displeasure of offended Gods. Let us gather what Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones we can gather; let us take what Birds and Beasts we can get, as also the best and most delitious Fruits that our Countrey yields; and with these let us in the best manner we are able present our selves before them, for though the Ancient Power, and force of our Kings is low, and failing, yet let us still keep up the Honour of a truly Noble and Royal Spirit of the Incas. And if all this will not prevail with them to re∣store unto us our Empire, we may then absolutely conclude, that the Prophecy left unto us by our Father Huayna Capac is accomplished; that our Monarchy is to be translated to a fo∣reign and stranger Nation, our political Government destroyed, and our Religion abolished, part of which Prophecy we our selves have seen fulfilled; and if the Pachacamac hath so or∣dained these things, what can we doe but submit and obey? Let them doe what they please, but let not us be wanting either to the Rules of Reason, or Justice.

When the Inca had uttered these Words with a Majesty becoming his Quality and Condition, the Captains and Curacas burst out into Tears, lamenting to con∣sider, that the time was now coming, which would be the ultimate Term and Pe∣riod of their Empire. Having wept a while, and dried their Eyes, the Curacas and Officers made provision of such things as the Inca had appointed, and prepared such an Equipage as might become the Majesty of their King, though inferiour to the Train and Magnificence of his Ancestours. In this manner he travelled to Cozco, attended with many Curacas and Lords, together with their Relations and Dependents; for of his own Kindred there remained but few, who had esca∣ped from the Cruelty and Tyranny of Atahualpa. At the News of their near ap∣proach, all the Spaniards, both Horse and Foot, came forth to meet and receive them at a far distance from the City. So soon as the Governour was come near to the Inca, he alighted from his Horse; as also the Inca did from his Chair, which was not, as formerly, made of Gold, but of Wood; for though the Counsellours of the Inca ad∣vised him to take his Chair of Gold, and march in that State which became the Dig∣nity, and wear the coloured Wreath about his Head; yet he refused both one and the other, esteeming it very improper for him, who was a Petitioner, and came to ask the Restitution of his Kingdom, to appear before them with the Ensigns of his Regality, as if he intended in despight of the Spaniards, by appearing with the Badge of his Regal Power, to assume and vindicate the Possession and Dominion of his Em∣pire; wherefore he judged it more proper for him to wear the Wreath of a pale yel∣low Colour, for that, as he said, the Viracochas, meaning the Spaniards, would under∣stand him thereby to be the true Heir apparent of the Kingdom. In short, being come near one to the other, the Governour made his Reverence to the Inca after the Ca∣stilian

manner, and bid him welcome; and the Inca replied, that he was come to serve and adore those whom they esteemed for Gods, and as Messengers sent from the supreme Pachacamac. Their Words were few, and their Discourse short, for want of good Interpreters; after which the Governour presently retired to give place to the other Spaniards, and to his two Brothers, John and Gonçalo Piçarro. The Inca being advertised that these two were Brothers of the Apu, which is, Cap∣tain General, he embraced and shewed them great respect; for it is observable, that the Inca, before he came to this Interview with the Spaniards, had provided himself with a certain Indian, who was well acquainted with the Spaniards, and gave him notice of the several Captains, and Commanders, and Officers, and of their Degrees and Qualities: This Indian was Servant to a Spaniard, and informed a Curaca which stood near to the King of every Man's condition, which he accor∣dingly whispered him, so that being advertised thereof, he treated every Man with some kind of difference, testifying to all in general his Love and Affection for them, which he expressed by the chearfulness of his Countenance, his Words and Gestures. And at last, turning to his own People, he said to the same pur∣pose as Atahualpa had done, when he first saw Hernando Piçarro, and Hernando de Soto. These Men (said he) are the true Sons of our God Viracocha, for so they resemble him in their Behaviour, in their Beards and Habits, and therefore do justly challenge all Duty and Service from us, according to the Commands enjoined us by our Father Huayna Capac, as appears by his last Will and Testament.

CHAP. XII.

The Inca demands Restitution of his Empire; and what An∣swer was returned to him thereupon.

THese Discourses being ended, the Spaniards mounted on Horseback, and the Inca into his Chair; then the Governour took the Left hand of the Inca and his Brothers, and the other Captains and Souldiers marched in the front, each Company by it self; one Company was commanded to bring up the Rere, and a Guard of twenty four foot-Souldiers were ordered to attend and march by the Chair of the Inca. Thus when the Indians found themselves to join in one Body with the Spaniards, they were highly pleased to be so honoured, and esteemed worthy to associate and to join company with those whom they adored for Gods. In this order they entred into the City with great Joy and Triumph, the Inhabitants going forth to meet them, with Dances and Songs composed in Praise of the Viracochas; for the poor people were overjoyed to see their Inca, and to understand that the true and lawfull Heir, which had escaped from the Tyranny of Atahualpa, was now to succeed into the Throne of his Ancestours. The Street through which the Inca was to pass, was covered with a sort of their Rushes and Canes, and some triumphal Arches erected at a certain distance each from the other, decked with Flowers after the Fashion which they used at the Triumphs of their Kings. The Spaniards conducted the King to one of the Royal Palaces, called Cassana, si∣tuate in the Market-place, fronting to the Colosseo, belonging to the Jesuites, where they left him highly pleased, and big with expectation to be restored to his Em∣pire; for measuring the good Intentions of the Spaniards by the kind reception which they gave him, the Inca and his Attendants were fully persuaded that the days were now returned, in which they should enjoy the ancient Peace, Quiet and Freedom, which flourished in the time of their Incas. So soon as the King was settled in his Lodgings, the Officers delivered the Presents which they had brought to the Governour and his Viracochas, who received them with so many Thanks and kind Words, that the Indians were infinitely pleased and overjoyed

at the gratefull acceptance of them. This was the onely happy day, crowned with Honour and Contentment, that this poor Inca had ever known in all the course of his former Life; for in the time of his Brother Atahualpa, he remained under great persecutions, flying from place to place in perpetual dread and fear; and the remainder of his Days, untill the time of his Death, admitted of little more Con∣solation than the former, as we shall see hereafter in the Sequel of this Story. When the Inca had a little reposed himself in his Lodgings, he sent to Francisco Chaves, and his Companions, letting them know, that he was desirous to see, and to be acquainted with them on the good report and character he had received from his People concerning them; so soon as they were come he embraced them with all demonstration of kindness, and having drank with them, according to the cu∣stome of the Incas, he told them, besides many other kind expressions, that their Actions shewed them to be the true Off-spring of the God Viracocha, and Brethren of the Incas, because they endeavoured to deliver Atahualpa from Death, which worthy Act he would ever acknowledge and recompence, desiring them to esteem him for their Brother, considering that they were all descended from the same Race and Lineage of the Sun; and then he presented them with Vessels of Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones, which he had brought apart for this Gentleman, and his Companions, which were taken so kindly, that Chaves, in the name of the rest, returned his Complement, and said, that they were all Servants of his Highness, and would evidence so much when occasion should offer, and that what they had endeavoured for his Brother, was onely in compliance with their Duty, and Obligation, and that if he doubted of their Reality, they desired him to make a trial of their good-will and services for him. Then the Inca embracing them again, dismissed them, highly satisfied with the Presents he had made them of Jewels, and of Gold, and Silver, Turquoises, and Emeralds.

Two days after his Arrival, the Prince Manco Inca proposed to the Governour that he might be restored to his Empiré, according to the Articles agreed between the Indians and the Spaniards, and that a firm Peace and an Alliance might be made between them: That Priests should be sent to preach and propagate the Law of the Christians unto the Indians, as the Spaniards had themselves proposed; and that for what concerned the Inca to perform, he was ready to give his orders, that they should be well received, and treated with high Veneration and Esteem in all the principal Provinces of the Empire; where they would find the People very docible, and willing to be instructed in their Faith, upon the assurance they had received from their Father Huayna Capac, who at the time of his death did at∣test, that the Law of the Christians was better than our own: And whereas this their Father had by his last Will and Testament ordained, that his People should obey and serve the Spaniards, they were ready to comply with his Injunctions there∣in, and to resign so much, and what part of the Kingdom they should desire, into their Hands.

To which the Governour returned this Answer, That his Highness was welcome to his own Imperial City, and that he should rest, and take his Repose with qui∣etness and security: That he was very well pleased to know his Will and Plea∣sure, that so he might give him a proof of his readiness to comply with his De∣sires: And that as to the Capitulations which were agreed; they were so just and reasonable, that nothing could be objected against the performance of them. After which some Discourse past, but very short, for want of an Interpreter.

The next day the Governour holding a Consultation with his Brothers, and the rest of the Captains, touching the demand which was made by the Inca, seve∣ral opinions arose upon the Debate, but it being considered, that the possession of the Kingdom had no other meaning than the binding of the Inca's Head with the coloured Wreath; the Governour, with his Attendants, went to the House of the Inca, and without farther Preface, or long Oration, desired him to take im∣mediate possession of his Empire; for had he been acquainted with the custome of his Countrey, he should not have remained one moment without the Ensign of his Royal Dignity upon his Head; and that as to the Division of the Kingdom, they would treat more fully hereafter, when matters were a little better settled in quietness, for that at present the Indians had made Insurrections in divers places, which were not yet appeased; but as to the Services which the Indians were to perform towards the Spaniards, and the modification of the Peace, which was to be maintained, he remitted all to the Disposition of the Inca, to order and design

that which should be most agreeable to his own Good-will and Pleasure, which the Spaniards would embrace with a chearfull readiness; but as to the Preachers which were intended to instruct his People in the Divine Law, they had so few Priests amongst them, that as yet they could not spare any, but that when a new supply came, which they did shortly expect, they should be immediately dispeeded upon this Errant; for that the chief Design of the Christians was to retract the Indians from the Errours of their ways, and to shew unto them the folly of their Super∣stition and Idolatry. With these Assurances the Indians were greatly satisfied, and the Inca delayed not immediately to bind his Head with the coloured Wreath; which Ceremony was attended with great Joy and Triumph, though for want of those of the Bloud Royal, and of many Curacas or Barons, who were cut off by the Cruelty of Atahualpa, the solemnity was nothing so splendid and magnificent as in the times of the ancient Incas, when the great numbers of Nobility added Glory to the Court; yet the young Gallants rejoiced to see that Festival, how mean soever, at which the old Men grieved, who remembred the times of the Great Huayna Capac, and had seen the splendour of his Court.

CHAP. XIII.

How the two Governours marched in pursuit of Major Ge∣neral Quizquiz.

IN our former Discourse, we left Don Pedro de Alvarado, and Don Diego de Al∣magro, with their brisk Souldiery on their march towards Cozco, where the Governour Don Francisco de Piçarro kept his Court; and as they were on their way, News was brought them, that the Major General Quizquiz had gathered great Forces, and was encamped in the Province of Cannaris, having with him much Gold, and Silver, and other pretious Commodities, with great Flocks and Herds of Cattel. The Fame hereof increased in the telling, as is usual, wherefore the Governours resolved to march that way to defeat that Army, and destroy the Tyrant, having understood from the Indians, that there was no other Army besides that in all the Empire. Though Quizquiz was strong in his num∣bers, yet he was not willing, or very ready to engage with the Spaniards; for in regard that both he, and the Inca Titu Atauchi, had sent the Articles and Capitu∣lations to the Governour, which they had concluded and agreed with Francisco de Chaves and his Companions, (as we have before mentioned,) they remained in ex∣pectation to hear of a general Peace between the Indians and the Spaniards, and little dreamed of any Forces which were marching to destroy them. This security and confidence was much increased by the persuasion of the Inca Titu Atauchi, on whose Words uttered at the hour of his Death they much relied; for we must know, that this poor Inca died a few days after he had dismissed Chaves and his Companions; his end being hastned by the melancholy, he conceived for the sad fate of his Brother Atahualpa, and by the news of the bloudy Tragedy, acted by that Traytor Rumminavi in Quitu on his Kindred, Brothers, Captains, and on the innocent select Virgins. All which Massacres and Villanies committed by a Vas∣sal on the Bloud Royal, and on the Life of his own Inca, he esteemed to be fore∣runners of the entire subversion of the Empire, and of the Majesty of his Family, and being overwhelmed with the sense thereof, he called for Quizquiz, and his other Captains, and told them plainly, that they should endeavour to make a Peace with the Viracochas, and should serve and adore them, according as the Inca Huay∣na Capac had by his last Will and Testament ordered and commanded them; who being the Oracle of that time, his Ordinances and Rules were esteemed indispensi∣ble, therefore they should endeavour to please the Viracochas, who were the Off-spring descended from their Father the Sun, and of the same Lineage with the In∣cas;

all which he farther enforced and confirmed by virtue of the Command and Charge committed unto him by his Father Huayna Capac.

With such Arguments as these, and in hopes and expectations that the Capitula∣tions would be maintained, Quizquiz remained very secure in the matters of War; and though he received intelligence that the Governours were marching towards him, yet he apprehended no hurt, nor received an Allarm, onely he detached a∣bout an hundred Souldiers, under a Centurion or Captain, (which is the smallest number that the Indians have in a Company,) this Centurion the Historians Go∣mara and Carate call Sctaurco, which signifies six Mountains, for C, Octa signifies six, and Orco a Mountain, for he was born in a Valley between six lofty Mountains, (such as are common in that Countrey,) and they say, that his Father and Mother were in his company, which must be upon some extraordinary occasion, for Wo∣men never go to the War with their Husbands; perhaps it might be to keep up the story of his Birth, and of his Life, for the Indians by such like Names, and by such Sayings, or by Cyphers, or Hieroglyphicks, and by their Verses and Poetry have conserved the Traditions of their History; and have therein comprehended the success of all their Matters in a compendious manner, as for example; the Em∣bassies sent to their Incas, and their Answer thereunto; the Speeches made in Peace and War; what such a King or Governour commanded, with the punish∣ments inflicted; and in short, whatsoever was transacted in the publick Affairs. All which the Historians, or Notaries, taught unto their Children by Tradition, instructing them in Cyphers, and short Versicles, and in such short Words as the Name of this Captain, and in such other Brief Sayings as we have already decla∣red; by help of which, and of their Knots, an Indian would read or recount the passages of his Time, as well, or faster than a Spaniard could reade Books writ with Letters, as Acosta testifies in the 8th Chapter of his 6th Book; not that these Knots furnished him with Words, but onely called things to his Memory, which having studied day and night, he became versed in every particular, so as to be able to render an account of his Office. All which though we have formerly de∣clared at large, yet having so pertinent an Instance as this Name of Captain C, Octaorco, we have thought it not impertinent to repeat the same, that we may verifie what we have formerly reported, and to help the Memory of the Reader. This Captain, as we have said, was sent by Quizquiz for a scout to discover the March and Force of the Spaniards, and to know their Intentions towards him; but the silly Wretch was not so cautious as he ought to have been, but suffered himself to be surprised, and taken by the Spaniards, who carried him to Alvarado, and by him the Spaniards were informed of the place where Quizquiz was quarte∣red, and of the numbers and force he had with him, so they marched with all expedition towards him, and being near, they watched all night to beat up his Quarters early in the morning. This Exploit was committed to a party of Horse, which travelling over rocky Hills and Ways, for the space of a Day's Journey, most of the Horse cast their Shoes, so that they were forced to shoe them by can∣dle-light, as the Writers of this matter do generally agree. All the next day they continued their Journey with great haste and expedition, lest Quizquiz should receive intelligence of their March, by return of some of those they met, and so they proceeded untill the next day in the Evening, by which time they were come within sight of the Camp of Quizquiz, who upon their appearance immediately fled, with all his Women and Attendants. This is affirmed by Ca∣rate, and Gomara reports almost the same thing; the which is a sufficient proof, that Quizquiz never intended to make War on the Spaniards, or was provided for it; for if he had, certainly he would have been better guarded, than by a com∣pany of Women, and domestick Attendants; nor were his Souldiers so inexpert, or unskilfull in War, as not to have appeared with Arms at the Camp, or Ren∣dezvous upon the Summons of their Captain, which might have been speedily effected by passing the Word from one to the other. But this amusement and stu∣pid security of Quizquiz may well be attributed to the Providence of Heaven, which had designed the Spaniards to be Preachers of the Gospel. Moreover Quiz∣quiz depended on the Capitulations which the Indians had made with Francisco Chaves, of which those Spaniards who marched against him were not informed, for Don Diego de Almagro was departed from Cozco with his Forces, in search of Al∣varado, before Francisco de Chaves had brought the News thereof. So the Spaniards being ignorant of the Goodwill and Intentions of Quizquiz, went with Design

to destroy him, which had been avoided, had there been a true and right under∣standing of matters between them; but the Devil, who always delights in Dis∣cord and Mischiefs, had by his Artifice contrived to prevent the true Information, that so matters proceeding to Bloud and Tyranny! the Indians might be possessed with a sinister and prejudicial esteem of the Spaniards, and of the Christian Doc∣trine they professed to propagate.

CHAP. XIV.

Three Battels between the Indians and the Spaniards; and of the Number of the Slain.

QUizquiz observing the haste which the Spaniards made towards him, did ima∣gine that their Design was to engage him to fight, and therefore repenting too late of his Security and Neglect, and being mad, and ashamed for his Folly and stupidity, he retreated as well as he could, unto the top of a craggy and rug∣ged Mountain, which was unpassable, and inaccessible for Horses, where he se∣cured his Women and useless People; and in the mean time, to amuse and em∣ploy the Spaniards, he sent a certain Captain, whom the Spaniards call Guaypalcon, though his proper Name was Huaypallca, the signification of which I do not well understand, because it is a word of the Language of Quitu; but this Person, as we said, was sent with Commission to raise what Forces he was able to oppose the Spaniards, and having gathered some numbers together, he durst not assault Alvarado, fearing the great Body of his Horse, which drew themselves up on such Ground, where they might be most serviceable, and not fight up∣on a disadvantage. Howsoever he found an opportunity to engage Almagro, who, to encompass Quisquiz between him and Alvarado, was mounted with his Horse to such a craggy and asperous part of a mountain, that he was in danger of being entirely lost and defeated, as Carate confirms by these Words:

Huaypalcon, says he, with his Souldiers, went to engage Almagro, who, with his Horse, was got up to the ridge of a Mountain, the ascent unto which was so steep, that they mounted by turnings and windings, and had wearied and tired all their Horses; and besides, the Indians threw down from the top mighty great Stones, called Galgas, which tumbling five or six furlongs down, carried thirty or forty more before them, and these drove innumerable others, before they came to the bottome.

Thus far are the Words of Carate, the which are confirmed in like manner by Gomara, as we shall see hereafter.

Almagro was greatly incommoded by the fall of these Rocks which killed both his Men and Horse, and he himself also was in great danger of his Life, to avoid which, he was forced to take another way less rugged, that so he might be ena∣bled the better to come at Huaypallca, who fearing to fall between the two Com∣manders, retreated to the safeguard of a steep and craggy Mountain, by help of which he valiantly defended himself untill night; for in such inaccessible places as those, neither the Horse nor Foot could be of Service; and the Indians had a great advantage of the Viracochas, or Spaniards, who were laden with Armour and of∣fensive Weapons. The night being come, Huaypallca, by help of the darkness re∣treated with his Souldiers into more fast and secure places. The Day following the Spaniards fell in with the Rere-guard of Quizquiz, who not dreaming of War or fighting, marched with their Army divided into two Bands, at least fifteen Leagues distant one from the other; as is reported by Carate in the 12th Chapter of his 2d Book, and in the same Chapter he hath these Words following.

Don Diego, and D. Pedro rallied all their Forces together, and the Indians, by the ob∣scurity of the night, escaped, and went to join themselves with Quizquiz, and the 3000 Indians, who taking their way by the Left-hand, cut off the Heads of

fourteen Spaniards, whom they had encountred at a distance from the Main Bo∣dy, and so marching forward they overtook the Rere-guard of Quizquiz; then the Indians fortified themselves at the Pass of a River, where they faced the Spa∣niards for a whole day, and suffered none of them to pass, whilst others of them passed over above; then the Spaniards intended to make an Attempt up∣on the Indians, who had taken the side of a very high mountain; but it had like to have proved fatal to them, by reason that the Spaniards in that craggy and rugged ground, could not make a Retreat when they pleased; so that many of them were wounded, as namely, Captain Alonso de Alvarado, who was run through the thigh, as was likewise a Lieutenant, and all that night the Indians kept strict Watch. But so soon as it was day, they quitted the pass on the River, and fortified themselves in the Mountains, where the Spaniards left them in quiet, because Almagro did not judge it convenient to continue his Quarters in that place.

Thus far are the Words of Carate, with whom Gomara agrees, and in the 130th Chapter of his Book hath these Words:

Quizquiz flying, and running away, had not gone many Leagues before the Spaniards fell upon his rere; which when the Indians perceived, they defended the Banks of a River to keep the Spaniards from passing. Their numbers were so great, that whilst some maintained the passage of the River, others above got over, and put themselves into a posture of fight, intending to encompass the Spaniards on all sides, and to kill and take them as they pleased; then they possessed themselves of a little Hill, which was very rocky, to secure themselves from the Spanish Horse, from which with some advantage and fresh courage they renewed the Fight, and kil∣led some of the Horse, which could not easily turn or move in that rugged place, and wounded several Spaniards, of which Alonso de Alvarado de Burga was run through the thigh, and Don Diego de Almagro himself narrowly escaped.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara. The Spaniards which were killed in this Fight, and died afterwards of their wounds, received in the three late Skirmishes, were fifty three in all, reckoning the fourteen which Carate mentions, and eighteen were cu∣red of their wounds: The Horses killed were thirty four, one of which was that of Almagro, which was overthrown by the rowling down of a Galga or Rock, which struck him a-thwart his hinder leg, and broke it, with which Man and Horse came to the ground; and had the stone taken them full, both of them had been beaten to pieces. Of the Indians not above sixty were killed, for the Rocks were their protection, on which the Spaniards and their Horse fought with great disadvantage; for which reason Almagro withdrew his Forces, and would not far∣ther engage in those places, being troubled at the loss he had received in those two days Engagements; which Gomara in the 130th Chapter of his Book mentions in short, and describes the unhappy Encounter which our Men had with the Rere-guard of Quizquiz, &c. Blas Valera reckoning up the most Memorable Battels, and which had been the most fatal to the Spaniards of any in Peru, he mentions eight, besides several other Skirmishes of lesser moment; and numbes this in the first place, calling it the Battel of Quitu, because it was fought on the frontiers of that Countrey; and says, that the Spaniards had then been most certainly defea∣ted and destroyed, had not the Divine Providence, which designed by their means to propagate the Gospel in those parts, appeared for them: And also the Spaniards, who were then present in those Engagements confirm the same; and I have heard many of them declare, that they often gave themselves over for lost in their Fights with the Indians; and that when things seemed to be desperate, and according to humane reason, without all hopes, and possibility of escape, then presently, and on a sudden, their fortune would turn, and by some unexpected accident from Hea∣ven they became victorious. And discoursing on these matters, and of the great dangers and hazards they had sustained, they would often say, that if the Indians, who came with no intention to fight, and without any order being divided into four Squadrons, were able to doe them so much hurt, and put them into so much disorder; what would they have done, had they been aware, and had come with design to engage under the Command and Discipline of their Commander Quiz∣quiz, who was accounted a famous, and a renowned Captain, as Gomara reports, when he relates the Story of him, and of the manner whereby he was put to Death by his own Souldiers.

After all which Don Diego de Almagro sent to gather the spoils, which the Hi∣storians mention to have been a thousand head of Cattel, and about a thousand

Indian Men and Women for service, which were forced or pressed to attend the Camp; and which finding themselves free, and at liberty, ran away, and fled to the Spaniards. As to the fine Linen and Cloth, little appeared, for the Indi∣ans, rather than be troubled with too great baggage, burnt it; and likewise made away with the Gold and Silver, and concealed it in such manner, as it never after came to light; of all which Almagro gave intelligence to the Governour, and of the success of the two Battels, and dispatched his Advices by Indians whom he sent with his Letters: And also that Don Pedro de Alvarado was on his Journey towards Cozco to make him a visit, that so he might accordingly provide for his reception.

CHAP. XV.

The Governour departs from Cozco to meet Alvarado; he sees him and pays him the Money according to agree∣ment.

THE Governour Piçarro having received intelligence of the loss of the Men and Horse, which were killed by the Souldiers of Quizquiz, was very much troubled, esteeming it of ill consequence for the Spaniards to be baffled, or the reputation which they had gained, to suffer and be impaired in the opinion of the Indians; but there being no remedy for what was past, but onely patience, he encouraged his Souldiers, and advised them to proceed more warily for the future. And in regard he was advised that Alvarado was marching towards Cozco, he was desirous to prevent him, and save him the trouble of a long Journey; and there∣fore to cut matters short, he provided to make him the payment for which Alma∣gro had agreed, and with that to persuade him to return; for though he desired to see him, yet it might be inconvenient, and cause some disorders to have three Governours, as in reality there would be within that Jurisdiction. For these Go∣vernours, when they were poor, might possibly agree in co-ordinate rule each with other; but being rich and powerfull, and in a condition of Sovereignty, which admits of no equal, and perhaps of no Second, they could not long con∣tinue Peace, and a Brotherly Alliance; the which discord caused by Ambition, was the Original of all the misfortunes and fatal calamities which befell them, as will appear in the sequel of this History. On this consideration the Governour, that he might hasten the dispatch and return of Alvarado, resolved to go and meet him as far as the Valley of Pachacamac; so that he might neither travel at too far a distance from the Sea-coast, and might excuse him from a Journey of two hun∣dred and forty Leagues, as the going would be from Pachacamac to Cozco, and the return back again to that place; and besides, he was not willing that he should see the Imperial City, and the Grandeur and Riches thereof, lest the temptations of that Wealth should cause alteration, and a breach of the Articles agreed; and therefore he was impatient untill he saw them again ratified and confirmed. As to the Equipage for his Journey, he took the opinion and sense of his Brothers, and other Officers of his Army; recommending in the mean time the Person of the Inca unto their care, and all other matters which were necessary to conserve their Peace and League with the Indians. And in order thereunto he discoursed with the Inca, and told him, that it was convenient for him to absent himself for some days, whilst he could make a Journey to the Valley of Pachacamac, for per∣formance of some agreements made with the Spaniards, who were lately come into those Countries; on confirmation of which, the Articles made between the Indians and Spaniards did much depend, which should be faithfully complied with

at his return; and therefore he desired his licence to make that Journey for a few days, leaving in the mean time his Brothers, and other Spaniards, in the Service of his Highness, who, he supposed, would be acceptable to him, in regard he estee∣med them for his Kindred, and to be of the same Lineage and Off-spring from the Sun. To which the Inca made answer, that he wished him a prosperous Jour∣ney; and as to his two Brothers, and the other Viracochas, he would take them into his care, and treat them with such respect and kind usage, as that he should have cause to render him thanks for the same at his return. And having said this, he immediately dispatched a Message to the Commanders of the several Pla∣ces and Countries through which the Governour was to pass, that they should ap∣point their Subjects and Vassals to attend his coming, and wait on him in the same manner, as on his own Person; and moreover, that they should provide a Guard of two hundred Men to attend and conduct the Governour, and to change them every three days, to that they might be more fresh and active in his Service.

The Governour having understood what the Inca had appointed in reference unto him, took his leave and farewell of him, making choice of thirty Horse to attend him on this Journey; and being come to Sausta, he received intelligence that Don Diego, and D. Pedro de Alvarado were to pass by the way of Pachacamac, to visit that great Temple in those parts: Wherefore he hastened his Journey, that he might meet them in that pleasant Valley, and there receive and treat Alvarado, and demonstrate that honour to him which was due to a famous Captain of his Quality and Renown, and accordingly preparations were made for his reception and treatment. Twenty days after the Governour had been at Pachacamac, Don Pedro de Alvarado arrived there, being received by him with all the caresses and de∣monstrations of respect and kindness that could be expressed; for he gave posi∣tive command to his People and Officers, to own and acknowledge Alvarado for their Chief and Governour, and to give him that title solely; and as to himself and Almagro, to distinguish them by no other titles of Honour, than their own pro∣per Names; and accordingly, during all the time that Alvarado remained at Pacha∣camac, Piçarro refused to take cognisance of any cause, matter, or thing, whatso∣ever, but referred all to the judgment of Alvarado, whom he commanded his peo∣ple to observe and obey; seeming extremely rejoyced with the sight and presence of so many Illustrious Cavaliers, who were come in the train and company of Al∣varado, and whom he honoured and complemented with all the demonstrations of respect and civility that could be expressed. After some days had passed with ceremony and complement, and with the satisfaction of mutual contentment, Pi∣çarro paid to Alvarado the hundred thousand Pesos of Gold,* 1.2 as was agreed, with an additional Aid of twenty thousand more to pay the charges of his Journey thi∣ther, besides many Emeralds and Torquoises of considerable value, and several Vessels of Gold for his use and service. And indeed the succour and reputation which Alvarado brought to this enterprise might well deserve such a reward for the Horse, Men and Arms which he brought with him, so terrified and affrighted the Souldiers of Atahualpa, that they entirely yielded and resigned their whole Empire into the hands of the Spaniards: In consideration of which, the Governour honest∣ly and justly, without farther dispute or scruple, paid the Money, as was agreed, with the other advantages as aforesaid; though others were of opinion (as Go∣mara and Carate report) that Piçarro had done better if he had not paid the Mo∣ney, but rather had taken Alvarado and sent him Prisoner to Spain, for having by force of Arms invaded his Territory, in regard that such a compact which was made with Almagro by force of Arms, was not obligatory; or at least if the Mo∣ney was to have been paid, yet that he should pay him no more than fifty thou∣sand Pesos of Gold, (which made one hundred thousand pieces of Eight) because that the Ships and Arms were not more worth, two of the Ships belonging to Pi∣çarro himself; and as to the Men, Horses and Arms, they belonged not to Alva∣rado, but were the Goods and Estates of other Men. Howsoever, Piçarro being a Man of honour, and one who more regarded his word and reputation, than the evasions which some would suggest to him, whereby to cause him to violate and break his Faith and Word: He paid Alvarado in that noble and generous manner as we have expressed, with regard to that honour and respect which one Gentle∣man ought in all dealings to perform towards another. And though the agree∣ment was made by his Partner, yet he esteemed it obligatory to himself, prefer∣ring his Paroll of Honour before any interest whatsoever. And though some did

object, that Almagro made a blind bargain, and did not well consider of the value of the Ships, or perhaps was inforced to that Engagement; yet Piçarro returned a full answer thereunto, That a Gentleman ought well to consider of his promise before he gave it, and not to pretend afterwards that he was surprized, being by the rules of a Souldier, and of a Gentleman, engaged to a performance of his words. And on the contrary Alvarado might have alledged, that in case they e∣steemed themselves agrieved, they needed onely to restore things to their former state, in which they were before the agreement, and leave him then to make his best advantage. And as to the price of the Ships, which they supposed might be over-charged, were the advantage duly considered, which they brought by the succours and recruits of Men, Horse, Arms and Guns; the reputation of which brought a terrour on all that Empire, and reduced it to subjection, nothing could have been esteemed too great to have procured that assistence, much less when it was obtained at so small a rate, as the bare fraight did amount unto. In fine, Piçarro, who was noble and sincere in his dealings, replied to those who gave him contrary advice, that no consideration of benefit or profit could balance or stand in competition with his Faith and Honour; and so with this constancy and reso∣lution he rejected the low and degenerate counsels of mean-spirited Men, and ap∣plied himself to receive and treat Alvarado with all the esteem, kindness and mag∣nificence that he was able.

CHAP. XVI.

Of the unfortunate Death of Don Pedro de Alvarado.

ADmiral Don Pedro de Alvarado being greatly satisfied with the kind and obli∣ging treatment which Don Francisco de Piçarro had made him, they took their leave and farewell each of other with all the kind expressions and complements imaginable, offering mutual succours and assistences as the affairs and emergen∣cies in which they were now engaged, should respectively require. So Alvarado returned to his Government of Huahutimallan, where he reposed not long, or en∣joyed the riches and prosperity which he had acquired; but being exalted with his triumphs and his good fortune, which had ever attended him from his Youth, he proceeded to higher Actions and Atchievements, being restless, and desirous of vain-glory, untill he perished therein, as we shall find hereafter. And though the success hereof doth not properly appertain to this History; yet considering the unhappy and lamentable end of this famous Captain, who had performed so many brave Exploits in divers Countries, which the Renowned John de Grijalva had discovered, and in the Conquest of the Empire of Mexico in company with Hernando Cortes; and lastly, in the Province of Guatimala, or Huahutimallan, which he conquered by his own Arms, and in other parts of New Spain: Besides all which, we may add the Conquests which he made in Peru, for without his aid and assistence that Empire could never have been secured. Howsoever, he died, as Gomara in the 210th Chapter of his History of the Indies reports, besides many other particulars worthy to be mentioned, which I have extracted verbatim, as followeth:

Pedro de Alvarado remaining quiet, and peaceably settled in his Government of Huahutimallan and Chiapa, the latter of which he exchanged with Francisco Montejo for his Dominion of the Honduras, obtained licence of the Emperour to discover and plant a Colony in Quitu, which was one of the Provinces of Peru, and a Countrey which was rich, and not as yet possessed by the Spaniards. On this Adventure, in the year 1535, he armed and set forth five Ships, upon which and upon two others which he fraighted in Nicaragua, he embarked five hundred Spaniards, and many Horses; the which being landed at Puerto Viejo,

he marched to Quitu, having in that Journey endured much cold and hunger; the news whereof affected the minds of Piçarro and Almagro with jealousie and fear. At length he sold the Ships, Guns, &c. for two hundred thousand pieces of Eight; which having received, he returned rich and triumphant unto Hua∣timallan. After which he built ten or twelve Ships, one Gally, and other Pin∣naces which were light, and rowed well with the Ore, with design to make a Voyage to the Espe••eria, and a father discovery towards the Cape of Vallenas, called by some California. In the year 1538, Friar Marcos de Niça, and other Franciscan Friars travelled by Land through the Countrey of Culhuacan, at least three hundred Leagues to the Westward, and much farther than the Spaniards of Xalixco had as yet discovered, and returned with high commendations of the Countries, and of the Riches and good Air of Sibola, and other Cities. Upon the relation of these Friars, they resolved once to send an Army by Sea to those parts under the Command of Don Antonio de Mendoça, Vice-king of New Spain, and Don Fernando Cortes Marquis de Valle, who was Captain-General of New Spain, and first Discoverer of the Coast along the South-Sea; but not a∣greeing upon Articles, they quarrelled, and so Cortes returned into Spain, and Alvarado was sent in his place with the Ships before mentioned; for which the Money, as aforesaid, was paid him. Alvarado sailed, as I conceive, with his Fleet to the Port of Navidad, and thence travelled by Land to Mexico, where he agreed with the Vice-king upon an adventure to Sibola, without any regard to the gratitude he owed to Cortes, who was the Authour of all his fortune. In his return from Mexico, he passed through Xalixco, to subdue and reduce the people of that Kingdom, who had made an Insurrection, and were in defiance against the Spaniards. At length he came to Eçatlan, where Diego de Lopez, was making War against the Rebels, and joyning his Forces with him, they stormed the Indians, who had fortified themselves on the corner of a Rock with such resolution, that having killed thirty of them, they put the rest unto flight; and having climbed up into a high and narrow Rock, many of their Horses came tumbling down the Precipice: And whereas one of them came sliding down just upon the Horse of Alvarado, he, to avoid him, alighted, intending to give him way, and save himself; but the Horse in his fall striking on the edge of a Rock, turned his fall just on Alvarado, and carried him headlong with him down to the bottom; the which misfortune happened on Midsummer-day, in the year 1541, and in a few days after died of the bruises he had received at Eçatlan, which is a place about three hundred Leagues distant from Huatimallan; he conserved his Senses, and the judgment of a Christian, untill the last; for being asked where his chief pain was, he answered, in his Soul: As to other matters, he was a Man of a free and chearfull temper.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara; and at the end of the same Chapter he adds,

That he left no Estate, nor did there remain any Memory or Relicks of him, unless what is before re∣cited, and a Daughter which he had by an Indian Woman, which was after∣wards Married to Don Francisco de la Cueva;

and so he concludes that Chapter. This Relation is the very same which is commonly current in Peru, with all the circumstances thereof; onely they differ in this, that one says it was a Horse that tumbled upon him; and the other, that it was a Rock, which was thrown down by the fall of a Horse; 'tis probable that it might be the one as well as the o∣ther, and that the Horse and Stones might come all rowling down together. Besides, I was acquainted with his Daughter, and with one of his Sons, who was a Mongrel or Mestizo (as we call them) born of an Indian Woman, named Don Diego de Alvarado, a Son worthy, and not degenerating from a Father of such great renown, for he resembled his Father in all his Vertues; was a true pattern of him in all circumstances, nor did he differ from him in the very misfortune of his Death; for having with other Spaniards made his escape from the Battel of Chelqui Inca, he was afterwards killed by the Indians in the pursuit, as we shall here∣after relate in its due place.

Thus ended the Life of this worthy Cavalier Don Pedro de Alvarado, he was Knight of the Habit of St. Jago, and one of the most dexterous with his Lance of any that passed into the New World. His unhappy Death was greatly lamented at Cozco by all those who had been his followers in that Empire; many Masses were said for his Soul at that time, and for several years afterwards; I my self have been present at some, which were said for him, when I was there. Whensoever

any occasion was offered to make mention of him, I have heard several Gentle∣men remember him with great praise of his Goodness and Vertue; and some of them specified and recounted the kindnesses and good offices he had shewn to them in particular: And whereas he was very familiarly acquainted, and conversant in my Father's house; I have been an Ear-witness of divers passages relating to his good Nature, and to the generosity of his great Soul: One of which was this; That in their Voyage to Peru his people suffered much for want of fresh Water; so that when they came to Tumpiz, they became very sickly, and many of them were so weakned by the Calenture Fever, by reason of the Thirst they had endu∣red, that they were not able to leave the Ship and Land on the shore. Where∣fore Alvarado himself landed from the Ship, and provided them with Water; and though he had suffered as much by Thirst as any of them, yet he would not taste a drop of Water untill he was assured that the Sick had drank, and all the Ships-company had been provided. Many other generous Acts of this nature were related of this worthy Gentleman; though Gomara in his Writings gives a different character of him, which he must have received from some of those (as there were many) who were envious and emulous of his Vertues and Fortune: And though it was impossible to suppress the fame of his Exploits and Adven∣tures, which were notorious to all the World, yet at least they endeavoured to eclipse and disparage the glory of them. Of which this Authour being sensible, did in part excuse and clear himself of the falsity of those reports which were gi∣ven; and so concludes the 192d Chapter of his Book with these words: He that doth well, and is not praised, lives amongst bad Neighbours, &c. And this he said, be∣cause he knew that in all estates of Men, there are some who are envious and slan∣derers, and unworthy the society of good Men, being inclined to speak a lye, ra∣ther than to utter truth in commendations of another. And now we shall return to the Affairs of Peru, and to the Transactions therein since the departure of Don Pedro de Alvarado from thence.

CHAP. XVII.

Of the Foundation of the City de los Reyes, and of the City of Truxillo.

SO soon as the Governour had dismissed Don Pedro de Alvarado, he immediately gave notice thereof to his Partner Don Diego de Almagro, then at Cozco, and therewith sent a great number of those Gentlemen which came with Alvarado, to be entertained in the Service of the Prince Manco Inca, and his Brothers, John and Gonçalo Piçarro, desiring them to be serviceable to the Inca, and kind to the Indians; for in regard the Inca surrendred himself voluntarily, and of his own ac∣cord, he would not have him lose that confidence and affection which he had con∣ceived of the Spaniards; in the mean time the Governour remained in the Valley of Pachacamac, with design to build a City near the Sea-coast for the better advan∣tage of Trade and Commerce: And having considered upon this matter with his friends, he dispatched several persons experienced in Maritime affairs, to discover on both sides where was the most convenient place for a Port or Harbour. At length being informed, that four Leagues to the North of Pachacamac, there was a very safe Port right against the Valley of Rimac; which when the Governour had viewed and surveyed, he transplanted the people which had begun to settle a Colony in the Valley of Saussa, which is thirty Leagues from Rimac within the Land, unto that convenient place where he founded the City of los Reyes in the year 1534.

But as to the precise year, Authours differ very much; for some make it sooner, and others later; and some will have it in the year 1530, leaving out the 4. But not to insist on these several opinions, let us compare the times with the great and notable Actions which succeeded; for it is most certain, and therein all Authours agree, that it was in the year 1525, when Piçarro, Almagro, and the School-master Hernando de Luca, did first enter into Articles of their Triumvirate. Three years afterwards were spent in the discovery, before they arrived the first time at Tum∣piz. Two years farther passed before they could finish their Voyage into Spain to procure their commission to make a Conquest, and before their return back to Panama with Ammunition and Provisions for such an undertaking. In the year 1531, they invaded the Island Puna, and also Tumpiz; and in December of the same year they took Atahualpa Prisoner; and in March following, being the year 1532, he was put to Death, in October following, they entred into Cozco, where the Governour resided untill April 1533, when news came of the Arrival of Alva∣rado; and in September he departed from Cozco to meet him, and pay him the Mo∣ney according to agreement. And about the beginning of the year 1534, being Twelfth-day, or the Day of the Kings, he laid the Foundation of that City, and so called it la ciudad de los Reyes, or the City of the Kings: In remembrance of which he made the Arms of the City to be Three Crowns, with a Star shining over them; the Form or Model of it was very beautifull, for the Market place was very wide and large, unless perhaps it was too wide for the City, the Streets also were wide and streight; so that from every corner of them cross-ways, the Fields may be seen on all sides. On the North-side there is a River, from which several Chanels are cut, to water the Lands round about, and to supply every House in the City with water. This Town, at a distance, makes no good shew, nor appears well, because the Houses are not covered with Tile, but thatched with a sort of Straw which that Countrey yields; for in regard it never Rains in that Climate, nor for many Leagues distant on either side along the Coast, the coverings of the Houses are all made of a sort of Straw, or Rushes, which grow in that Countrey; on which laying a kind of Mortar, or Earth, mixed with Straw, two or three fingers thick, it makes a good defence against the Heats of the Sun: But as to the Buildings themselves, both within and without, they are good and commodious, and they daily improve their Art in Architecture. This Town is about two small Leagues distant from the Sea; but as the report is, the parts nearest to the Sea are best inhabited. The Climate is hot and moist, and much of the same temperament with that of Andaluzia; the difference of which is onely, that the Days there are not so long, nor the Nights so short in July and August, as they are here; so that the Sun arising there more late, and setting more early, hath not time to heat and warm the Earth, as in those Regions where the Days are longer; so that though the situation be nearer the Sun, yet the Nights being long, the Earth hath more time to become cool, and to be refreshed: But in regard the Heats are constant, and admit of small remissions, the Inhabitants being habituated or accustomed thereunto, do invent and contrive preventions and remedies against the Heats, both in the coolness of their Houses, Garments and Bedding, which they so cover and fence, that the Flies and Gnats (with which that Countrey is much infested) can have no passage to hinder or disturb their repose, either by day or night; for in these low Grounds and Marshes, the Gnats are extremely busie and troublesome, as well by day as by night; those which are busie at night, make a buzzing, and are of the same colour with such as we have here, onely that they are much greater, and sting so terribly, that the Spani∣ards say, that they will bite through a pair of Cordovan Boots; perhaps indeed they may pass a knit Stockin, with a Linen one under it, but not if it were of Cloth or Kersy; and indeed in some Countries they are much more keen and hungry than they are in others: The Gnats which are troublesome by day, are little, and not much unlike those which are here bred in Shops, and generated from Wine; onely they are of a yellowish colour, and so thirsty of bloud, (that as I have heard credibly reported) many of them have been seen to burst at the same time that they have been sucking: To try this experiment, I have suffered some of them to suck of my bloud, as much as they would; and when they were full, they would drop off, and rowl, but were not able to go or fly: The stings of these Gnats are in some degree poisonous, especially to some sorts of flesh, in which they will make little wounds, though not dangerous, or of great moment.

By reason that the City of los Reyes is of a hot and moist Air, Flesh will immedi∣ately corrupt in it; and therefore when it is newly killed and bought, it must be eaten the same day, which are all qualities different to the Climate of Cozco, that being hot, and this cold, or temperate. The Cities and other Colonies of Spa∣niards, which are situate along the Coast of Peru, are all of the same tempera∣ment with the Town of los Reyes, being under the same degree. All the other Cities within the Land from Quitu, as far as Chuquisaca, which runs for the space of seven hundred Leagues North and South, are of a pleasant Climate, not being cold as Cozco, nor hot like Rimac, but of an equal and moderate temperature; excepting onely the situation of Potosi, where the Mines of Silver are, is extreme∣ly cold, and the Air penetrating. The Indians call it Puna, which is to say, a Cli∣mate, not habitable by reason of coldness; howsoever the love and thirst of Sil∣ver hath invited such numbers of Spaniards and Indians to that place, that at pre∣sent it is the most populous, and the best served with Provisions of any Countrey in all Peru. Acosta in the 6th Chapter of his 4th Book, mentioning the Greatness of that Colony, says, that the Town, that is, the place inhabited is two Leagues, (which are six miles) in compass.

Thus much shall be sufficient to have spoken in general of all the Cities and Plantations of Peru, so as that we need not treat farther of any one in particular: But to return to the City of los Reyes; we say, that the Governour Francisco Piçarro having founded this City, and divided the Lands, Fields, and Inheritances toge∣ther with the Indians amongst his Spaniards, he descended to the Valley of Chimo, about eighty Leagues Northward from los Reyes, along the Sea-coast, and there built another City, which to this day is called Truxillo, and was so named in re∣membrance of his own Countrey: At which place also he made a division of Lands to the first Conquerours, to whom he marked out the several Provinces, Lands and possessions, which belonged to every person in reward of the labours and hazards which every person had sustained. The like he performed in the City and Countrey of los Reyes, where he with great applause and satisfaction as∣signed to every Man his share and due proportion; so that it appeared as if the Land began to be at peace, and all things to dispose themselves towards quietness and enjoyment: And having thus justly shared to the first Conquerours their dues, it was not to be doubted, but that he would deal with others, who were to fol∣low with the like equality. And being thus well employed, as this famous Ca∣valier ever was in all the course of his life, we shall now leave him for a while to treat of other matters, which at the same time passed amongst the Indians.

CHAP. XVIII.

How the General Quizquiz was slain by his own Soul∣diers.

THat we may omit nothing material of all those matters which occurred at that time in Peru, it is necessary for us to give an account of what success befell the General Quizquiz, the Captain Huaypallca, and their Forces; who be∣ing animated and encouraged by the advantages they had gained over Don Pedro de Alvarado and Almagro in three several Skirmishes, began to presume themselves able to drive the Spaniards out of their Empire; and especially Huaypallca was the more confident, because in the absence of Quizquiz he had been the Chief Com∣mander in those late Battels, which so vainly puffed him up in his own imagina∣tion, that he became presumptuous, and secure in his strength and fortune. Here∣upon these two Commanders marched towards Quitu, with design to make new Levies of Men, and Provisions for a War against the Spaniards; but they had not made many days march before they were disappointed of their hopes and expec∣tations; for the Curacas, as well as the common Indians, being affrighted and fore∣warned by the late treachery of Rumminavi, and jealous lest they should act over the like practices that the others had done, refused either to follow them to the War, or obey their Commands, which were for bringing in of Provisions; for amongst all the Captains of their Army, there was none of the Bloud-Royal that appeared, nor any person with a Title to the Kingdom of Quitu, either derived from Atahualpa, or Manco Inca, who being the onely Lawfull and Universal Heir of all that Empire, might countenance the design. With these difficulties, and in straits of Provisions, Quizquiz was labouring when his Purveyors fell into the hands of Sebastian de Belalcaçar, by the Advices which his friends the Indians had given; for they being generally desirous of a Peace, were troubled at all acts and motions which tended to a War; and in regard that there was no Army a∣foot against the Spaniards, but this onely, they were desirous to see it defeated; so that upon this advice Belalcaçar surprized the Foragers, and easily destroyed them, and took many of them Prisoners; such as escaped, carried the news of their defeat, and that the Viracochas were very numerous and strong; for having but the day before found so many of them in a body together, they were unde∣ceived in the reports they had, that the Spaniards, or greatest part of them, were departed out of the Countrey with Alvarado and Almagro. Upon this advice Quizquiz assembled all his Captains to consider what would be most expedient in this case, proposing it necessary to make a retreat for the present, in order to ga∣ther Provisions, which were greatly wanting, and then on a sudden to assault the Viracochas, and prosecute them untill they had entirely destroyed and extirpated them out of their Countrey; but the Captains amongst whom Huaypallca, (who ever since the late successes, was acknowledged the Chief) were of a different opinion, esteeming it their best course to render and submit themselves unto the Spaniards, to desire Peace and Friendship with them; whom to subdue, it was a madness to imagine, since experience had shewn them to be Invincible; and that it was impossible to get Provisions from the Indians, who had with∣drawn themselves from their obedience; and in that starving condition, how diffi∣cult would it be for them to make War upon a victorious Army; and which it were more easie to overcome with fair words, and kind treatment, than to resist a people come from Heaven, which upon submission would readily entertain Friendship and Peace with them. And in regard the Prophecy foretold by the Inca Huayna Capac (namely, that a stranger Nation should be Lords of that Na∣tion) was now fulfilled, it was in vain to tempt the fortune of War longer. But Quizquiz being a stout Man, and a Souldier, declared against this manner of sub∣mission, upbraiding his Souldiers with cowardise and pusillanimity of spirit; and

with haughty and proud Language told them plainly, that he had no need of their Counsel in this case, nor in any other whatsoever; and therefore he required them as their General to obey and follow him, if they hoped for Success and Victory in this Enterprise. But the Captains, who from the time that they had been worsted in several Skirmishes, which they had had with Alvarado, and Almagro, began to lose much of the Respect and Honour which once they conceived for Quizquiz, because they believed he had not behaved himself with that Courage which he professed in divers Engagements against the Spaniards; so that now, quitting all Respect towards him, they told him plainly, That since he was so averse to all Peace and Friendship with the Viracochas, and so resolute to maintain the War, and confident of Victory, that he should make no Delays, but imme∣diately engage in Fight with the Spaniards, which would be much better than cowardly to retire, and rather honourably to dye like brave Souldiers, than to perish in the Mountains and Desarts with hunger, like miserable People: And this they declared to be their ultimate Resolution in the Case.

Quizquiz was not a little nettled to find his Captains replying so briskly upon him, the which confirmed him in the belief of what he had for some days sus∣pected, that there was some Mutiny contriving against him in the Army; and therefore he told them, That he plainly perceived that they passed or transferred the respect they had for him unto Captain Huaypallca, the which he could not en∣dure, and thereof admonished them to amend speedily, before he proceeded to punish this their Offence. And in the mean time he gave them to understand, That he took notice of the liberty they used in their insolent Discourse, which fa∣voured of Rebellion and Disobedience towards their Commander; into which he would make a strict Enquiry, and Examination, and punish both the Muti∣niers, and the chief Leader of them. Huaypallca thinking himself reflected upon by this Discourse, began to huff, and be very angry; and being elated, and his Spirits raised by his late Successes, and being sensible of the great Esteem which the Captains had for him, he made an Attempt, which none believed he had Courage to doe, and wrested the Javelin which Quizquiz held in his Hand, and forced it from him; the which Weapon was the Ensign of his Command, like those Truncheons which our Generals carry in their Hands, and is called by the Indians Chuquiapu; with this Lance, or Javelin, Huaypallca ran him through the Breast, and being in like manner seconded by the other Commanders, every one of which had a blow at him with his Weapon, he was soon dispatched. Thus Quizquiz ended his Days, being the last and the most famous Souldier of all the Captains and Servants of Atahualpa; his Fate was like that of his other Compani∣ons, for the Justice of Heaven allways provides punishments agreeable to Mens Offences, and raises up one Tyrant to punish and afflict another. Hereupon Hu∣aypallca, and the other Captains disbanded their Army, and every one in a dis∣guise shifted for himself, retiring into places where they thought they might live most hidden and obscure; howsoever they lived in perpetual fear and apprehen∣sion of being betrayed by their own People.

CHAP. XIX.

Don Diego de Almagro makes himself Governour with∣out the King's Commission; and what Agreement was made between him and Marquiss Piçarro.

DIscord having now produced one of its effects amongst the Indians, which was the Death of Quizquiz, did endeavour to avail in like manner a∣mongst the Spaniards, had not Peace and Friendship, which are an opposite par∣ty thereunto, countermined its Works: For it is to be noted, that some Months after the News came to Peru of the Arrival of Hernando Pi••arro in Spain, and of the kind reception which the Treasure he carried had made for him, and of the Honour and Respect which was shewed him in his Negotiations with His Ma∣jesty, who was pleased to bestow the Title of Marquiss on his Brother, of which Augustin Carate gives an Account in the 5th Chapter of his 3d Book, in this manner:

Amongst other things for which the Governour Don Francisco Piçarro peti∣tioned His Hajesty, one was, That in reward of his great Services, performed in the Conquest of Peru, he would be pleased to grant to him and his Heirs, the perpetual Vassalage of twenty thousand Indians in the Province of Atabillios, together with the Rents, Tribute and Jurisdiction belonging there∣unto, and with the Title of Marquiss. In Answer hereunto His Majesty readily bestowed on him the Title of Marquiss of that Province; but as to the Command over the Indians, he would first inform himself of the nature and quality of the Countrey, and of what Damage or Prejudice such a Con∣cession might prove; and that then he would shew him all the Grace and Fa∣vour which was convenient: From which time the Patent of his Marqui∣sate taking date, we shall for the future style him with the Honour of that Title.

Thus far are the Words of Carate, who also affirms; that besides this Honour, his Government was enlarged for many Leagues, but yet doth not tell us how far.

Hernando Piçarro obtained for himself a Knighthood, with the Habit of St. Jago, with other favours; and for Almagro he acquired the Title of Mareschal of Pe∣ru, with the extent of Government, reaching an hundred Leagues North and South, distinct from the Jurisdiction of Marquis Piçarro; the which second Go∣vernment was called New Toledo, as the other was New Castlle. The Advices hereof being wrote from Spain, Almagro received them at Cozco, where he resi∣ded with Prince Manco Inca, and with John and Gonçalo Piçarro, Brothers of the Marquiss, and being, as is the nature of all ambitious Men, impatient for Go∣vernment and Command, he never staid for Commission from His Majesty, nor Confirmation of the News, but immediately from that time took on him the Ti∣tle of Governour. And whereas (it was reported) that the Jurisdiction of the Mar∣quiss Piçarro was to extend 200 Leagues in length from the Equinoctial Southward, whether the same be measured along the Coast, or within Land, or by the degrees of latitude, it would fall out, that the City of Cozco would not be comprehended within his Lot, but would belong to Almagro; on confidence of which, without other Considerations, he laid aside the Deputation he had received from Alma∣gro, and in virtue of his own Right assumed to himself the Government of that City, and shared the Vassalage of the Indians amongst his own Creatures by Authority from himself. All which he acted by the Advice and Counsel of

several Spaniards, who being desirous of Novelty, and Dissention, moved and incited him thereunto. On the other side John and Gonçalo Piçarro, and other Gentlemen, which came in with Alvarado, made head, and opposed him; of which were Graviel de Rojas, Garcilasso de la Vega, Antonio Alti••••rano, Alonso de Al∣varado, and the greatest part of that Regiment, and the Dissentions arose so high amongst them, and to that Rage, that many of them were often killed and wounded in the Scuffles. Of which intelligence being brought to the Marquiss then at Truxillo, he immediately departed thence, being carried from one stage to another on the Shoulders of Indians, for the space of two hundred Leagues, which is the distance of that place from Cozco. In this Journey the Marquiss tra∣velled alone, and trusted himself to the Faithfulness of the Indians, on Confi∣dence and Security of Manco Inca, who remained as a Pawn in the Hands of his Brothers, whom we call Prince, and not King, because he was never per∣mitted to Reign, though the Indians did strive, and endeavour by all means pos∣sible, to oblige the Spaniards, in hopes that by such Compliances, they might be induced to restore the Empire unto their Inca. The Marquiss being arrived, the Discontents quickly vanished; for these two great Men having sworn Friendship, and ancient Brotherhood together, were immediately reconciled, and brought to a better understanding, by removal of evil Counsellours, and of such as designed to make a Benefit by their Differences.

And now Almagro was become sensible of his too hasty Declaration, and that he had been too forward in carving out a Jurisdiction to himself, upon a bare Information, before he had been authorized to claim his Right thereunto by His Majesty's Commission; on which acknowledgment the Marquiss pardoned him, and both of them became as perfect Friends as if there had never passed any Difference between them: And for better Security and Conservation of this Confederacy, they renewed their Vows at the Holy Sacrament never more to violate their Faith each to the other, and by mutual consent agreed between themselves and their parties respectively, That Almagro should undertake the Conquest of the Kingdom of Chili, which abounded with Gold, and appertained to the Incas; upon which conditions they agreed to join together in their Petition to His Majesty, to grant unto him that Dominion; and in case that could not be obtained, that then they would make an equal Division of Peru between themselves.

On these Terms both Parties remained well satisfied, though some ma∣litious persons suggested, that Almagro, who had been so good a Companion, and so necessary an Instrument in this Conquest, had been unjustly treated, and thrown out of all Right in the Division of Peru, and that the Piçarros, under the pretence of an hundred Leagues, had engrossed and appropriated the whole Dominion thereof unto themselves. And whereas upon the Fame and Noise which the Riches of that Empire had made in the World, great numbers of Spaniards had flocked from all places, and that the parts already conquered did scarce yield a Tract of Land, sufficient to satisfie the Merits and Expectations of the first Conquerours; it was therefore judged necessary to enlarge the extent of the Possessions by new Conquests; and that as Almagro was to subdue the Kingdom of Chili, so also Captain Alonso de Alvarado was designed for the Pro∣vince of the Chachapuyas; which, though under the Command of the Inca, yet trusting to the Security of the Mountains, where Horse can doe little Service, and to their own Skilfulness, and Valour in War, refused to yield any Obe∣dience to the Spaniards. Captain Garcilasso de la Vega was designed for the Pro∣vince which the Spaniards, by Irony, or contraries, call the Province of Good Fortune. Captain John Porcel was sent into the Countrey called by the Spani∣ards Bracamoros, and by the Indians Pacamuru. And farther, it was ordered, That Recruits should be sent to Sebastian de Belalcaçar, for his Assistance in the Conquest of Quitu; by which means Provisions would not onely be made to satisfie the Desires and Expectations of all Persons, but the Minds of the Adventurers employed, and amused in new Acquisitions and Enter∣prises, which remaining in Idleness and Sloth, would be inclinable to Mutinies and Sedition.

These Articles being concluded and agreed between Almagro and the Mar∣quiss Piçarro, the foregoing Designs were published, so that the Captains pre∣pared themselves for their respective Enterprises, and accordingly raised and enrolled their Men. Alonso de Alvarado listed three hundred Men for his Con∣quest, Garcilasso de la Vega two hundred and fifty for his; and he that was in∣tended for the Pacamurus, was provided with a like number; and all three entred into their respective Divisions, where they sustained great Labours, and Hardships, by reason of the high Mountains and Interruption of Rivers, as we shall hereafter shew in their due places. The Recruits sent to Sebastian de Belalcaçar consisted of one hundred and fifty Men. But Almagro made up a Force five hundred and fifty, amongst which several of them had already Lands set out to them, and commands over Indians, yet in hopes of better Fortune in Chili, of whose Riches there was great talk, they left their Pos∣sessions and Estates about Cozco. For in those beginnings every poor Spaniard in the condition of a common Souldier, thought all Peru but a mean Share and Reward of his Labours. Almagro lent thirty Thousand Pesos of Gold to his Souldiers, to buy Horses, and Arms, and other necessaries; so that they were all very well provided.

John de Saavedra, a Native of Seville, (with whom I was well acquainted) was sent in the Van, or Forlorn Hope, with one hundred and fifty Men, to discover the Countrey, which they found to be very quiet, and in a peace∣able posture, by reason that their Inca, Prince Manco, remained in the Hands of the Spaniards, and that the Indians were in very great hopes of his Restau∣ration to the Empire.

Almagro left Captain Ruy Diaz, and John de Herrada, his intimate Friend, to reside as Agents for him in the City of Cozco, to raise Men, and to send him Recruits, and supply him with what was necessary for the War against the Kingdom of Chili, it being reported to be a Countrey mountainous, and the People Warlike.

CHAP. XX.

Almagro enters Chili with the great detriment of his Army; but is well received by the People of the Inca.

MAtters being designed, as before related, Almagro departed from Cozco about the beginning of the Year 1535, carrying in his company with him Paullu the Brother of Manco Inca, of whom we have formerly made mention; as also the High Priest, which was as yet maintained in Honour, called Villac Omu by the Indians, but by the Spaniards Villa Oma. He was also accompanied with ma∣ny Indian Nobles, and many of the common sort, who carried Arms and Baggage to the number of 15000 Men; all which were sent by the Command of Manco Inca, who imagined, that such Services as these would oblige the Spaniards, and ni common Gratitude engage them to ••surrender his Kingdom to him. On this expectation he enjoined his Brother, and the High Priest to attend the Viracochas, whereby the Indians were much more ready to honour and doe them Service. But in the Relation of this passage, Historians mistake in not rightly timing matters, say∣ing, That the Inca gave Instructions to his Brother to kill Almagro in the Charcas, or in some other convenient place. But this was afterwards certified, when the Inca perceived that the Spaniards never intended to restore him to his Kingdom, as we shall relate in its due place. But as to the present Affair, Saavedra, who led the Van before, came to the Charcas, which is about two hundred Leagues distant from Cozco, without the least misfortune, or unhappy accident by the way, wor∣thy the notice; for the Indians received them with all amicable and kind Treat∣ment in every place where they came. It was his fortune to meet in the Charcas with Gabriel de Rojas, sent thither by Marquiss Piçarro, with a Force of about seventy Men, the which Saavedra would have taken without just reason, for since the Vice of Discord could not find entrance into the peaceable Minds of the Indians, it would make its way into the Humour of the Spaniards, to put all into Flame and Combustion; but Gabriel de Rojas having information hereof, took another way to the City of los Reyes, and so wisely avoided the Plot in∣tended against him; but the most part of his Souldiers joined with Almagro in his Enterprise against Chili. In like manner Almagro came to the Charcas, without any Accident which befell him on the way worthy the notice: And now to proceed in his March, he caused every thing that was necessary to be provided, and because the Journey was a much nearer cut over Mountains, than by the Sea-Coast, he resolved to take that way, and though Paullu, and Villac Umu infor∣med him, that the way over the famous Mountain of the Cordillera was not passable, by reason of the Snows, but at a certain reason of the Year, yet he would give no credence to their Words, but told them, that the Countrey of Peru was to yield, and be obedient to the Discoverers and Conquerours of it, and that the very Elements, the Region, and Climates, and Heaven it self was to become propitious, and favourable to their Designs, as it had hitherto been.

With this Resolution Almagro departed from the Charcas, and proceeded on his Journey by way of the Mountains; for being jealous, that Paullu did not faith∣fully advise him, he slighted the Counsel which he had given him; but they had not passed many days Journey through the Mountains, before they began to repent of the Way they had taken, by reason of the many Difficulties sustained therein. The first that lead the Way, being not able to pass by rea∣son of the Depths of Snow, were forced to throw it aside with their Hands and Arms, which was the cause that they made short Days Journies. At length their Provisions began to fail, by reason that they were in the Way three times

longer than they expected; but their greatest inconvenience was the Extremity of Cold; for, according to the Description of Cosmographers, the Top of that snowy Mountain reaches as high as the middle Region of the Air; the which being extremely cold, and the ground covered with Snow, and the Season of the Year being about the time of our Midsummer, when the Days are at the shortest it froze so excessively, that Spaniards, Negroes, and Indians, and many Horses were frozen to Death. The poor Indians suffered most, being ill provided with warm Garments, so that ten thousand of the fifteen thousand Indians dyed with the Cold; nor did the Spaniards escape, who were better clothed, for of them also one hundred and fifty dyed; and so cruel and severe was the Frost, that their Fingers and Toes were so benumbed, that they were insensible of the freezing thereof, untill they rotted off from their Hands and Feet. I was ac∣quainted with one of these persons, called Jeronimo Castilla, born at Camora, of as good a Family as any is in that City. Many of them lost their baggage, not by violence of an Enemy, because there was none in those parts to oppose them, but were forced to relinquish and leave them, the Indians being dead who carried their Burthens.

In fine, after a tedious Journey the Spaniards passed the Mountain, harassed and tired with their Travels and Labour, and being come to the other side, instead of Enemies they fell into the Hands of the Indians, who were their Friends, and who received them as kindly, and treated them as well as if they had been their Countrey-Men, and of their own Bloud; for they being In∣habitants of Copayapu, and Subjects of the Inca, did, in respect to Paullu Inca, and the High Priest, Feast and entertain the Spaniards with all the plenty and va∣riety of Curiosities which their Countrey could afford. And most happy was it for the Spaniards, for had the Indians proved Enemies, and not Friends, and taken them unprovided, and at that advantage they might all have perished, and not one escaped.

During the time that the Viracochas refreshed themselves, after their late Suf∣ferings and Labours, which were greater than can be expressed. Paullu Inca, and his Kinsman Villac Umu, entertained Discourse with the Captains and Curacas of the Empire, and gave them to understand all that passed in Peru, relating to the Story of Huascar Inca, and Atahualpa; and how the Spaniards put him to Death in Revenge of the Murther he had committed on his King, and all his Family, that at present the Prince Manco Inca, the lawfull Heir, was in their Hands and Custody, and treated by them with all imaginable Respect and Ho∣nour, and with Promises of being restored unto his Empire, and to the Height and Grandeur of Majesty; in expectation of which, all Indians were obliged to assist and serve them, the better to engage them unto a performance of their Promise to the Inca: And farther, they informed them, that these were Men descended from their Father the Sun, and for that Reason they called them Incas, and owned them for Kindred and Relations, with the Name of their God Viracocha. And in regard their General was Brother and Associate with him, that resided at Cozco, the Services and Kindnesses which were shewed to one, would be accepted by the other; and that the greatest Presents, and best Treatment, that could be given them, would be much Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones, for they loved those things very much; and since their Coun∣trey yielded nothing besides Gold, they would doe well to gather as much of it, as they could, and present it to the Spaniards, who would not onely kindly accept it, but the Prince Manco Inca would likewise esteem himself very well served by those Gifts.

Upon this Information the Indians of Copayapu were infinitely rejoiced with the Hopes to see their Inca restored to his Empire, so that the same day they amassed together above the value of two hundred thousand Ducats, in Vessels of Gold, the which having been designed for the accustomary Presents which were due to their Incas, were reserved untill that time; for so soon as News came to Chili of the Wars between Huascar and Atahualpa, the Incas, who were the Captains, and ruled that Kingdom, desisted from their Services, and from making Presents to the Inca, untill such time as the Controversie about the Government was decided.

Paullu having amassed the Gold, carried it to Almagro, and presented it to him in the Name of his Brother Manco Inca, and of all the Kingdom of Chili; which much rejoiced and encouraged Almagro, and his Souldiers to see, that a small People, in so short a time was able to provide such a quantity of Gold, which was a clear evidence of the Riches of that Countrey. When Almagro saw the Gold, he smiled, and heartily thanked Paullu, telling him, that such Gifts as these were so acceptable to him, as would oblige him for the future, as they did at present, to make him such gratefull returns as would be much to his advantage.

Paullu perceiving that these Presents extorted kind Words and Promises from Almagro, all which he believed, endeavoured more and more to oblige him with Presents of that nature, and accordingly sent to the Villages, and inhabited Val∣lies, which were thereunto adjoining, to bring in all the Gold they had con∣served for the Incas, for that he had occasion thereof, to make Presents unto the Viracochas, who were Brothers to the Inca. Upon the Orders the Indians, in a few days, brought in three hundred thousand Ducats of Gold over and above the former quantity, and laid them before Almagro; which when he saw, he hugged himself with the thoughts of that rich Countrey, which was faln to his Lot, the which esteeming now for his own, in gratitude to his happy Fortune, he became munificent in a high degree, both to acquire Honour and Fame, of which he was very ambitious, and to gain the Good-will and Affection of his Souldiers and Companions; which that he might procure, he, in presence of them all, took out the Obligations and Bonds which every one of them, both before and on occasion of this Enterprise, had given him, which amounted un∣to above an hundred thousand Ducats, the which he tore and cancelled one after the other; telling those who were bound to him in those Papers, That he remitted, and made Presents to them of their Debts, wishing that the Summs had been greater, that he might have had occasion to have obliged them far∣ther; and to those who were not indebted to him, he gave Money to de∣fray their Charges, and make such Provisions as were then necessary; with which Liberality all the Souldiers were greatly satisfied and pleased.

Lopez de Gomara, in the 142d Chapter of his Book, says, That this act of Li∣berality was a piece of Magnificence, rather of a Prince than of a Souldier, yet when he dyed, there was not any who would cover him with a rag of Cloth at the place where he was beheaded, &c.

CHAP. XXI.

New Pretensions obstruct the Conquest of Chili. Almagro designs to return unto Peru; and the Reasons why.

ALmagro having reposed a while, and refreshed himself, his Men, and his Horses, after the Hardship sustained in the late Conquests, he then con∣sulted of the Way and Method how to subdue the other Vallies and Provinces of the Kingdom of Chili, which were not subject to the Dominion of the Inca; for those that were, upon appearance of Paullu, Brother of their King, needed no other force to render them obedient; wherefore Almagro communicated unto Paullu his Intentions, who considering that such Conquests would be Enlargements of his Brother's Empire, readily assented, and in order to that Design drew out from the Garrisons, and places of Defence, all the Force that were in them, and issued out his Commands for making Provisions, and bringing them to the Camp; which having done, he accompanied Almagro to the Conquest of the Pro∣vinces of Purumauca, Antulli, Pinc••, Canqui, and the Parts adjacent, as far as to the Province of Araueu. In this Enterprise they had many Skirmishes with the Natives, who behaved themselves valiantly, and like Souldiers, being in a signal manner dexterous in their Bows and Arrows, with which they would shoot with admirable aim; but the particulars thereof we shall not relate, nor yet the Battels, onely in general, that they were very bloudy, and stoutly fought, because we must hasten to our History of Peru. In short therefore, though the Enemies made good resistence, yet the Spaniards gained upon them with happy Success, by the Assistence and Good-will of Paullu, and his Indians. But these happy and prosperous proceedings were soon obstructed by Discord, which always blowed the Flames of Feuds and Dissention between these two famous Brothers, which were never quenched, untill both of them were consumed, as will appear in the sequel of this History.

Thus Almagro proceeding in a prosperous course of Victory, though at the ex∣pence of Spanish and Indian Bloud; at the end of five Months, from the time that he entred Chili, Recruits of an hundred Men were brought to him, under the Command and Conduct of Ruis Dias, and John de Herrada, who (as we have said) were appointed to remain in Cozco, to make Levies of Men, and send him Suc∣cours. Their passage was over the same Mountains, and by the same way that Al∣magro had traversed before; and though it happened at a better season of the Year, that is, in the month of November, which is Summer in that Climate, when the Snows were not so deep, nor the Colds so intense, yet many Indians, and some Spaniards were frozen to Death; and those that escaped had perished with Hunger, had they not been sustained by the Flesh of those Horses which were found dead in the way, where having been frozen ever since the time that Alma∣gro passed that way, the flesh thereof was as fresh and good, after five Months, as if they had been killed that very day.

The Difficulties of this Journey being overcome, (which were greater than we are able to express,) they were received by their General with all imaginable Joy and Contentment; and better was their wellcome, when it was known that Herrada brought with him His Majesty's Commission, which invested Almagro in the Government and Jurisdiction of an hundred Leagues of Land, exempt and distinct from the Territories of Marquiss Piçarro. This Commission was brought by Hernando Piçarro, when he last returned from Spain unto Peru, the which he sent from los Reyes to Herrada by the Post•• knowing that he was then upon his departure for Chili. This particular is related by Gomara in the 135th Chapter of his Book, the which Words we have extracted verbatim in this manner.

Almagro being employed in his Wars in Chili, John de Herrada came to him with a Commission for his Government, which was brought from Spain by Hernando Piçarro, which, though it cost him his Life, yet he more rejoiced and triumphed than with all the Gold and Silver he had gained, for he was more ambitious of Honour than covetous of Riches. Hereupon he entred into con∣sultation of the course he was to steer, whether to remain in Chili, or return to Cozco; after some debate thereupon, the latter was resolved, namely, to return unto Cozco, to take possession thereof, since the Government of that place fell to his Fortune. It had been better for him if he had followed the Advice and Request of those who persuaded him to remain in Chili, or in the Charcas, which is a very rich and fruitfull Countrey, and from thence to have sent and known the Will and Pleasure of Francisco Piçarro, and his Assistants at Cozco, be∣fore he attempted a matter, which proved a breach of their Association. The Persons who persuaded him to return, were chiefly Gomez and Diego de Alvarado, and Rodrigo Orgonnos, his familiar and intimate Friend. In fine, Almagro resolved to return to Cozco, and assume the Government thereof by force, in case the Pi∣çarros should not easily render and resign the same.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara.

The Motives which incited Almagro and his Captains to return unto Peru, were not the bare Command and Jurisdiction over a hundred Leagues of Land, for they possessed that, and much more, already in Chili, where the People received and treated them with excesses of Kindness and Service, and where their Domi∣nions increased, and were daily enlarged with new Conquests over Countries that abounded with Gold, and other Riches; but the ambition of being Prince over the Imperial City of Cozco, over-balanced all other considerations; and was that Bone of Dissention thrown in by the Devil between those two Governours, from whence arose the Civil Wars which interrupted the propagation of the Gos∣pel, and occasioned the Death of many Christians; and was the Cause that an innu∣merable company of others dyed without the Sacrament of Baptism; but the pas∣sion which Almagro and his Companions had for the Imperial City, transported them with a desire to return into Peru, not by the way they came, for the Diffi∣culty thereof, and their Sufferings were still fresh in their memory, but taking their passage over a Sandy Desart, in which they endured extremity of Heat, with want of Water, the Sufferings were as great as when they sustained the contraries of Snow, Frost, and craggy Mountains; as we shall hereafter more par∣ticularly relate; and in the mean time we cannot but take notice of the different manner that these Historians, Carate and Gomara relate this Expedition of Almagro into Chili, for they say that he returned by the same way, and that he made seve∣ral Lether Bottels, or Jacks, to carry Water, which was much wanting in those dry Desarts, in which there is a plain mistake; for where there is abundance of Snow, there can be no want of Water: But these Authours confound the going with the return of Almagro, which were two different ways, subject to contrary inconveniencies. And farther they say, that the Gold which Paullu presented to Almagro in Chili, was forced from the Indians of Charcas by Saavedra, as they were carrying it for a Present to their King; for that ever since the beginning of the War between the two Brothers, Huascar and Atahualpa, they had conserved their Gold, and had stopped all intercourse and correspondences by that way. Upon all which matter, that ancient Conquerour, (of whom we have made mention in the former part) taking notice in his Marginal Notes on the History of Gomara of the confused Relation of these passages; in a kind of anger makes the Exceptions following to the Chapter 135.

In the Relation which this Authour gives of Cozco and Chile, there are many things that might be added, and many things omitted; for in writing his Hi∣story, he seems to have taken his information from such as were as ignorant of matters as himself; the which appears in this particular passage; the truth of which is this: Almagro, as is evident, did not return from Chile, by the way that he went thither, which was by a passage over that Mountain, on which they endured extremity of hunger and cold, and by that entrance into Copayapu, which is the first Valley of Chile on that side, where fell so much Snow, that many Indians, Spaniards and Horses were frozen to death; and many of those who escaped, lost their Toes and Fingers, benumbed by the Frost, but by ano∣ther way, as we shall hereafter declare. Five Months after which, Ruy-dias, and

John de Herrada, who were left in Peru for Agents to Almagro, passed that way with their people, and in like manner endured much extremity both by hunger and cold; for the passage is long, and of at least five or six days continuance, with hard travel; during which time they wanted Provisions very much, be∣cause the Indians, which carried them, were frozen to death: And yet they passed at a better season than did Almagro, the Snows not being so deep, nor the cold so intense; howsoever they suffered much, and many died: Their chief relief and remedy against Hunger they received from the Flesh of those Horses, which being frozen, were conserved from corruption. But Almagro (as is said) returned not by this way of the Mountain by which he came, but by the Plains, which run along by the Sea-coast, where the Countrey is de∣sart, and uninhabited from Atacama, which is the most remote people of Peru, untill you come to Copayapu, which is eighty Leagues distant from thence, and in the way there are certain Pools of stagnated, or standing Waters, which do not run: For which reason, and because they are not drawn, they stink, and are corrupted, and are about six or seven Leagues distant one from the other; wherefore for better Accommodation of the whole Army, Almagro ordered, that the Horse should lead the Van, and be the first to pass the Desart in small Parties of five and six in a Company; so that the Wells being drawn by the first, the Waters became sweet and wholsome for the use of those that follow∣ed, and were again filled with a new supply of Water sufficient for a small Company, by which means the whole Army passed without much inconveni∣ence; but Almagro himself, to avoid the Desart embarked on a small Vessel, which was brought for him by Noguerol de Ulloa, one of his Captains, who was Son of the Alcayde, or chief Constable of Simancas, whom the Bishop of Camora put to death. Geronimo de Alderete, who many years after was Governour of Chile, observing when he was at Copayapu, that the passage over the Mountains was clear of Snow, resolved to pass that way; and having many others in his company, they made search for the Remains and Relicks of that great Morta∣lity which happened to those who passed with Almagro; and there they found a Negro standing against a Rock on his feet bolt upright, as also a Horse on his feet, as if it had been a Figure set up of Straw, and the Negro holding the Reins in his hands, which were rotten, the skin and flesh being fallen from the bones; and this was five or six years after that Valdivia had been Governour there, whom Alderete succeeded.

And thus far are the Words of that ancient Con∣querour, who made Marginal Notes on the History of Gomara, and farther ex∣presses himself in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XXII.

Almagro leaves Chili, and returns to Cozco. Prince Manco Inca demands a second time to be restored to his Empire; and what Answer was made thereunto. Hernando Piçarro travels into Peru; and the Inca is imprisoned.

ALmagro resolving to return unto Peru, (which in the end proved fatal to him) acquainted Paullu Inca with his intention, because he had found him faith∣full and usefull to him, asking his opinion, by which way it might be most con∣venient to return, that he might avoid the like danger as before; for having consi∣dered the late disasture, for want of credence or belief to the words of the Inca, and that he and all his company had certainly perished therein, had not God, who designed to make them Preachers of the Gospel, and instruments to propagate the Catholick Faith, rescued them by his infinite mercy from such destruction; he therefore consulted Paullu and his Indians; who for answer gave him a description of the way by the Sea-coast, and told him, that since the Wars between Huascar, and his Brother Atahualpa, that way was rendred impassable for want of Water, for that the Wells and Fountains of which Travellers were used to drink, were filled up and covered with Sand, and for want of drawing were become dry, or yielded little Water, which also was corrupted and stinking. Howsoever, he would send some Indians before, who should open and cleanse the Wells, and drain the filthy Water thence, so that sweet and wholsome Water might spring in the place thereof; and that according to the Advices he should receive from these Indians, concerning the quantity of Water which these Pools yielded, he might proportion the number of his several Squadrons; for that Wells, the more they are drained, the more and the better Water they yield, and that he needed not fear to divide his people, for that there was no Enemy in all that Countrey to oppose them. And in regard that these Pools, or Wells, are some six, some se∣ven Leagues distant one from the other; he would cause Leather Bottles to be made for carrying Water to supply their necessities by the way; in which manner the Incas his Ancestours did use to travel over those desarts. This discourse and proposal of Paullu Inca, Almagro and his Captains judged very rational, and there∣fore they desired him to order matters in the same course and method herein for the common good and benefit of all, as was agreeable to the custome of the Incas his Forefathers, from whom he was descended. Paullu being very proud of the Commands of the Governour and his Spaniards, and that they were pleased to repose such a confidence in him, in a matter where their lives and safeties were concerned, he instantly set to work, and with all diligence dispatched away his Indians to open and cleanse the Wells and Springs, with Orders to return him Advices according as they succeeded therein. And farther, he gave order to flea some Sheep, that with their Skins they might make Vessels for carrying Water, and that Provisions of food should be made sufficient to supply their necessities during their Journey, and travel over those eighty Leagues of desart Countrey. Whilst these matters were preparing, the Indians which were sent before to open and cleanse the Wells and Springs, sent Advices of their proceedings, and that the Spaniards might, when they were pleased, begin their Journey.

But Almagro did not think fit so absolutely to confide in a matter of such im∣portance, wherein the life and safety of his whole Army did consist, unto the bare report of the Indians; but for more security, and better caution, he dispatched four Horse-men before with Orders to advise him from the end of every days

Journey of the Waters, and of the way, not trusting to Advices by word of mouth, but to avoid mistakes to send all by writing. Upon the certainty of these Informations the Spaniards adventured to begin their Journey in greater and lesser Parties, untill they were all departed out of Chili. In this manner they tra∣velled untill they came to Tacama, where Almagro received intelligence, that No∣guerol de Ulloa was not far distant, who was that person whom the Marquis of Pi∣çarro had employed in a Ship to make discovery of the Ports which were on that Coast, and to proceed as far as Chili, that he might from thence bring him intelli∣gence of the proceedings and successes of Almagro, and accordingly send him re∣cruits and provisions as his occasions required. Almagro (as we have said) hearing that Noguerol de Ulloa was near, wrote him a Letter, desiring to see him, that he might inform himself of all the Transactions in Peru since his departure. In an∣swer whereunto, Noguerol gave Almagro a meeting, at which they had opportunity of discourse together at large; but that they might have more time mutually to relate the successes of both Kingdoms, and not retard the March of the Army; and that he might also oblige Noguerol, who was very much his friend; he told him, that he would go aboard his Ship, where he would be his Souldier and Sea∣man for three or four Days; and in the mean time his Army might proceed in their March to that place, where he designed to cross upon them by Sea, and again joyn with them. With this intention Almagro embarked on the Ship to the great contentment of Noguerol, and having a good passage by Sea, he speedily over∣took his Army, where we shall leave him for a while, untill we have given an account of the general insurrection of the Indians, who, after the departure of Al∣magro out of Chili, revolted from the subjection of the Spaniards.

In order unto which, we must call to mind, that so soon as Almagro was de∣parted from Cozco on his way to Chili, and the other Captains on their respective Enterprises; that Prince Manco Inca finding the Governour Piçarro at leisure and ease, moved him a second time to comply with those Capitulations which were agreed between the Indians and the Spaniards, and which he himself had promised to see executed and performed, that is, to see him restored unto the possession and enjoyment of his Empire; the which he now more earnestly urged, that so his people might live in peace and quietness, and be encouraged by such obliga∣tions to assist and serve the Spaniards. The Governour and his Brothers were much out of countenance at this motion, not knowing what substantial reply to make to this demand, nor how to entertain the Inca longer with vain hopes and expectations: Howsoever, not to make him desperate, they told him, that though they were not unmindfull of the Capitulations, to a performance of which they had obliged themselves; yet several accidents having lately happened, which had disappointed as yet the performance of the agreement, they could not put the same in execution, untill they had received an answer from the Emperour their Lord and Master; to whom having given intelligence of these Capitulati∣ons, and that one point of them was his Restauration to the Empire, they could not in good manners, and in duty, but attend his Majesty's pleasure therein, which they did not doubt but would speedily be brought by Hernando Piçarro, and prove to the satisfaction of the Inca, in regard that a Prince so just and religious as their Emperour, could not doe less than confirm and ratifie that agreement; and there∣fore desired him to have patience untill the Arrival of Hernando, who would clear and remove all the obstructions which at present retarded the execution of this agreement. In the mean time intelligence coming of the Arrival of Hernando Pi∣çarro at Tumpiz, and the Marquis finding hereby a good excuse to leave Cozco, as he had long desired, that he might avoid the importunity of the Inca, and visit his new Plantation of los Reyes, which he had lately begun, and desired to see fini∣shed; he told him, that to expedite the Commands of his Imperial Majesty in order to his Restauration, it was necessary for him to meet and receive his Bro∣ther Hernando Piçarro; and therefore he desired his leave for a short time to make that Journey, assuring him, that his stay should not be long, before he returned a∣gain to perform and comply with the Capitulations agreed; and in the mean time, that his Highness would be pleased to retire into his Fortress for his own better quiet, and satisfaction, and security of the Spaniards, and to remain in that place untill his return, where his Brothers and Companions would attend and serve him according to their duty and obligation.

In this manner the Marquis and the others, thought fit to amuse the mind of the Inca Manco, and flatter his humour with gentle hopes, lest being a Person of a great spirit and courage, though he had long dissembled the abuses and affronts, which by vain delusions had been imposed upon him, he should at length grow impatient of longer delays, and plot and attempt something towards his Restau∣ration, and to the execution of the agreement established. Though the Inca did not like this manner of proceedings, nor esteem them for good signs or symptoms of real intentions towards his Restauration; yet not to anger the Marquis, or pro∣voke him to some worse injuries and wrongs, he with prudence dissembled the whole matter, consenting to whatsoever the Marquis required of him; and so put∣ting a good countenance on it, he chearfully went to the Fortress; and to shew his humility and plain dealing, he walked a-foot up the Hill unto the Castle: So soon as the Spaniards saw him there, they made him a Prisoner, as Gomara alledges in Chapter 134, according to these words following:

Mango, the Son of Guayn•• Capac, to whom Francisco Piçarro gave the coloured Wreath at Vilcas, shewing himself to be a Man of Valour, and of a Spirit to resent affronts, was clapt into Irons, and imprisoned in the Castle of Cozco.

Thus far Gomara.

So soon as the Indians perceived that their Inca was in Prison, and that their hopes were vain, and all the promises vanished, they made sad complaints and la∣mentations; but Prince Manco Inca comforted them, saying, that he was resolved to obey the Spaniards in every thing with a ready, and with a willing mind, and exhorted them to doe the like, in regard that such was the Command of Huayna Capac, specified in his last Will and Testament; and therefore that they should not be instant, or precipitate matters, untill they had seen the ultimate issue of this resolution; hoping that the Spaniards had put him under this restraint, that their munificence and generosity might be more evident to the World, when at the same time they should restore him to his liberty, and to his Empire; and in the mean time, that they should entertain no thoughts of the Viracochas, but such as were just and good, considering that they were a people descended from Heaven. Thus the Marquis fairly took his leave of the Inca, but privately enjoyned his Bro∣thers, John and Gonçalo Piçarro, and the Guards to take care of his Person, and secure him: And so he proceeded on his Journey to the City of los Reyes, where he re∣ceived his Brother Hernando, who brought him his new Commission, Honours and Titles, and welcomed him with Magnificence and Triumph; which Gomara in the 133d Chapter relates in these words:

Soon after that Almagro was departed from Chili, Fernando Piçarro arrived at Lima, a City of los Reyes, bringing to Francisco Piçarro the Title of Marquis de los Atavillos, and to D. Diego de Almagro Commission for the Government of the New Kingdom of Toledo, which was bounded by the Territories of the New Castile, then under the Command and Jurisdiction of Piçarro, and did extend a hundred Leagues South-East from thence. Moreover, Hernando required from the Conquerours, in behalf of the Emperour, the whole sum received for ran∣some of Atabaliba, for that the ransome of one King is the sole right of another: To which demand answer was made, that the Emperour had already received his Fifth, which was as much as his Right came to, and that nothing more was due to him. And herein they grew so warm, that matters proceeded almost to a Mutiny, saying, that in the Court of Spain their Services were despised and vilified, and that they were esteemed rather for Slaves, than for Souldiers and Adventurers, who deserved the Countrey and Riches they had Atchieved by their Industry and Valour: But to appease them, Francisco Piçarro told them, that what they had gained by their Bravery and Virtue, they deserved to enjoy; and that they merited the same Franchises and Dignities as those who assisted the King Don Pelayo, and his Successours, to recover Spain out of the hands of the Moors; and therefore he told his Brother, that he was to seek and contrive some other expedient to satisfie the promise he had made to the Emperour; for that none of them would willingly refund, nor would he force any person to relinquish his right. Then Hernando demanded so much per cent. out of the Gold which was melted down, by which he incurred the great displeasure and

hatred of the people; but that not being granted, he went to Cozco, and en∣deavoured to gain the good will of Mango Inca, that by his favour he might procure a considerable quantity of Gold for the Emperour, whose Coffers were greatly exhausted by the expence of his Coronation, and by his Wars against the Turk before Vienna, and by his Expedition against Tunis.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara, with which he concludes that Chapter. But we say that the Marquis sent his Brother to Cozco, with Commission to be Governour there in his stead, and with Instructions to be carefull to secure the Inca, whilst he him∣self remained at los Reyes to people and increase that Plantation.

CHAP. XXIII.

The Means which Prince Manco Inca practised in order to his Restauration unto the Empire.

THE Prince Manco Inca being now a Prisoner in that Fortress which his Ancestours had built, (for ostentation of their Glory, and as a Trophy of their Greatness, little imagining that it should ever become a Prison for any of those descended from them) did by his prudence and patience of mind endea∣vour to sweeten the bitterness of his Prison, by caressing and treating the Spani∣ards, both Commanders and Inferiours, with gifts and presents not onely of Fruit, Birds, Flesh, and other Provisions; but likewise with Gold and Silver, Eme∣ralds and Torquoises: And moreover, his communication with them was so affa∣ble and obliging, and with signs of so little regret and discontent for his Imprison∣ment, that the Officers being well assured that he would not endeavour an escape, gave him the liberty to walk freely within the Precincts of the Fortress. During which time the Inca received intelligence, that Hernando Piçarro was upon his Journey to Cozco to be Commander in Chief in that City; upon which advice he made more urgent instances, that he might have the liberty to live in one of his Houses within the City; the which he easily obtained, for he was so much in favour with the Spaniards, that they refused him nothing of what he desired: And this request the Inca more earnestly pressed at that time, that Hernando at his coming might not find him a Prisoner, and under that notion suspect him, and cause him to pay his ransome, and not give him credit or belief in any thing that he should promise. In which particular we shall quote the testimony of Go∣mara and Carate, who relate the matter almost in the same words. Carate in the third Chapter of his third Book, saith as follows:

Hernando Piçarro being arrived at Cozco, made great Courtship to the Inca; and though he treated him very kindly, yet he always had an eye upon him: We may believe that this extraordinary kindness was to introduce and usher in the Request he had to make him for some Gold, both for the Emperour and himself. Two Months after that Hernando arrived at Cozco, the Inca desired leave of him, that he might go into the Countrey of Jucaya, where a certain Festival was celebrated; whence he promised to bring him a Statue of Massy Gold, which was made in representation of his Father Guaynacava; and be∣ing on his Journey thither, he then completed that which he had meditated, ever since the departure of Almagro from Chili.

Thus far are the Words of Carate.

It is certain that the Inca did ask and obtain leave to go unto Yucaya, which, as we have formerly mentioned, was the Garden of those Kings, and about a League from thence, near the River side, was the place of their Sepulchres, called Tampu,

where their Bowels were buried, when taken out, in order to embalm their Bo∣dies; and it is probable, that the Statue of Gold which was to represent his Fa∣ther, might be placed there. The Inca being at Yucaya on pretence of celebrating this Feast, he summoned together some old Captains, which remained of those belonging to his Father, and others of principal note; and at a full Assembly com∣plained of the treachery and persidiousness of the Spaniards, for not complying with the Articles and Capitulations which they had agreed and contracted with his Brother Titu Atauchi, likewise of his Imprisonment under Irons, and of the absence of the Captain-General, who had twice when he was upon his departure, promised to restore him to his Empire, and had failed, entertaining him onely with vain hopes and delusions. Moreover, he affirmed, that though he was from the beginning sensible of the false and persidious intentions of the Spaniards, yet he was willing to temporize and dissemble with them, that so he might justifie himself before God and his people, that he had been in no manner accessory to the breach of that peace which had been agreed between the Incas and the Spani∣ards; that he well observed how the Spaniards divided the Lands of the Coun∣trey amongst themselves both in Cozco, Rimac and Tumpiz; whereby it plainly ap∣peared, that they had no intention to restore unto him the Empire; and that if he had dissembled compliance and contentment in all things towards the Spaniards, it was with design to secure his own Person, which without any occasion, or of∣fence, they had imprisoned, and cast into Irons. Wherefore as loyal Subjects and faithfull Vassals, he conjured them to give counsel to him their Prince in an enter∣prise of such grand importance; for that his design was to vindicate his Right to the Empire by force of Arms, hoping that neither the Pachacamac, nor his Father the Sun, would desert him in defence of his righteous cause: For answer where∣unto, the Captains and Curacas made choice of one of the most Ancient amongst them to be Speaker, and deliver the common Sentiments of them all there∣upon; who having first made his due Obeisance unto the Inca, discoursed in this manner:

It never was, Sir, the Advice of your Council, nor esteemed by them either secure or decent, that your Majesty should commit your Person into the hands of Strangers, or trust unto them for restitution of your Empire: Howsoever, they were willing to comply, and concur with your Majesty's humour, which they found inclining to the maintenance of that peace and concord which was concerted with them by your Brother Titu Atauchi; from which we can now expect little benefit, if we take our measures from the Treatment of your Bro∣ther Atahualpa, who having contracted for, and paid his ransome, was after∣wards put to death. And we must attribute it to the Mercy and Provi∣dence of the Pachacamac, that they treated not your own Royal Person, when in their power, and under custody, in the same manner as they had done your Brother. As to your Restauration to the Empire, there is little to be expected from a Nation so entirely given over to Avarice; for it is not to be imagined that those who are greedy of the fruit, should restore the tree unto the true Proprietor; but it is more probable they should destroy, and put him and his out of the way, left they should aspire to that Empire, which they re∣solve to enjoy. Wherefore since the Spaniards themselves have given just cause to suspect, and doubt the performance of their promises, your Majesty ought immediately, without delay, to raise as many Souldiers as is possible, and make such other provisions as are necessary for War, wherein no time is to be lost; for that they being now divided into several parties, may be more easily Massa∣cred, and cut to pieces, than when united in one body: In management of which design, we must agree to attack them all at the same time in several places, so that they may not be able to assist or succour each other. We must also secure the ways, and stop and hinder all intercourse and correspondence between them: And in regard your Souldiers are so numerous, that their Multitudes may easily overwhelm such a handfull as are the Spaniards, and are able to throw the very Mountains upon them, if your Majesty so com∣mands; nay if they refuse to grant them Succours onely, and Provisions, they must necessarily perish with famine, being as it were besieged by your Sub∣jects, who encompass them on all sides: But this resolution is to be speedily executed, for the success of the whole design depends thereupon; of which we need not doubt, if we consider the justice of our cause.

Which having said, the Captain ended his Discourse, whereupon a general Insurrection was concluded and resolved. In pursuance whereof, Messengers were dispatched with great secrecy to the Captains and Officers in all parts of the Kingdom, enjoyning them to raise what Souldiers they were able, and upon one and the same day to surprize and massacre all their New-come Guests, and to furnish and supply the publick Granaries, or Magazines, with all the Provisi∣ons they could amass and gather. And in regard those Repositories were much emptied by the late Wars of Atahualpa, they ought to be again furnished and supplied from private Stores; for which satisfaction and reparation was promised to be made to every particular person, after these Enemies and Tyrants were de∣stroyed and confounded. That in the performance of this Exploit, the life, safety and liberty of them all did consist from the least to the greatest of them, even to the very Inca. Upon which Command of Prince Manco Inca, all the Souldiers which inhabit the Countrey from the City of los Reyes to the Chichas, which is three hundred Leagues and more in length, made a general Insurrection, and put themselves into a posture of War: But on the other side of the King∣dom, which is from los Reyes to Quitu, all was quiet, for that the people were destroyed by the Wars of Atahualpa, and by the slaughter the Spaniards had made of them on occasion of the Imprisonment and Death of that King. In like man∣ner Advices were sent by disguised Messengers to the Kingdom of Chili, who were publickly to pretend, that they were sent to enquire of the Health of Paullu, and the High Priest Villac Umu, but were secretly to inform them of the truth and depth of the design, whose part therein was to fall upon Almagro and his people, and utterly to destroy them; without which there was no hopes for the Inca of Restauration to his Empire. The people being in Arms, the Inca gave unto the people their respective tasks and parts of the work; those who were the In-land Inhabitants, as far as from Atahuaylla, and those along the Coast from Nanascu, which were on the side of Chinchasuyu, were to attempt Rimac, and kill the Go∣vernour and his Company. The people of Cuntisuyu, and Collasuyu, and Antis••••••, were to undertake Cozco, and there to kill Hernando Piçarro, and his Brothers, and all the Spaniards with them, which were not above two hundred in all; and Captains were named with inferiour Officers both for one and the other Army. The success of which, as to what relates to the City, we shall declare in the Chapter following, wherein the Mercifull hand of God did manifestly appear in favour of the Spaniards, that the Gospel might be propagated amongst the Gen∣tiles, and their Idolatry confounded.

CHAP. XXIV.

The Insurrection of Prince Manco Inca; and of the Two Miracles which were wrought in favour of the Chri∣stians.

THE Plot being thus laid, the Inca gave Command that the Souldiers now leavied, and in a posture of War should march towards Cozco, and to the City of los Reyes, to kill, slay and destroy the Spaniards therein; and also as many of them as they found scattered and dispersed over the Kingdom; for by the great kindness and peaceable disposition which the Indians had shewn to them hitherto, the Spaniards became secure, and without fear or jealousie of any Mis∣chief, employed themselves in digging Gold out of the Mines, with as much con∣fidence as if they had been in their own Countrey. The War having taken its beginning from the slaughter of many Spaniards, that were labouring in divers places, they marched to Cozco, with all the privacy they were able, and came thi∣ther on the day appointed; and that very night following they suddenly fell on the Spaniards with loud Noise and Shouts, being two hundred thousand in num∣ber, many of which were armed with Bows and Arrows, which they shot with Fire-balls into all the Houses of the City, not sparing the very Palaces of their Kings, nor any other, excepting onely the Temple of the Sun, and the Chambers belonging to it, and also the Convent of the Select Virgins, and the Shops of the four Streets, where this House was situate; and though these Houses were de∣spoiled of their Riches, and without Inhabitants, yet their Reverence and Devo∣tion towards those sacred places, caused them to abstain from all sort of Sacri∣lege or violence thereunto. They also thought fit to conserve from Fire the three great Halls in the Market-place, where they usually celebrated their Festi∣vals in rainy Weather, intending to maintain them for the like use again, after they had freed themselves from the Tyranny of the Spaniards. One of these Halls was situate in the highest part of the City, adjoining to the Houses of the first In∣ca, Manco Capac, as we have described in the Model of the City: The other Hall appertained to the Houses of Inca Pachacutec, called Cass-ava: The third Hall was belonging to the Edifice of Huayna Capac, which they called Amarucancha, where now the Jesuites have their College. And moreover they preserved a handsome round Capolo, which was built on the Front of these Houses; all the other Buildings were burnt, and not so much as one left standing. To burn the House of the Inca Viracocha, where the Spaniards were quartered, the stoutest and most valiant Indians were chosen, who stormed it with great Fury, and shooting their Arrows at far distance, set it on fire, and entirely consumed it. The great Hall thereof, which is now the Cathedral, and then a Chapel, where the Chri∣stians said Mass, was by the Providence of God defended from the Fire; and though innumerable Arrows, carrying Fire, were shot into it, and began to burn it, in several parts, yet in a miraculous manner it quenched of it self, as if Water in flouds had been thrown upon it: And this was one of the Miracles which God wrought for us, to make way for the Propagation of the Gospel, in that City, where certainly is now settled the most devout and religious society of Men that is in all the New World, both for Spaniards and Indians.

Hernando Piçarro, and his two Brothers, with their Souldiers, which in all did not make above two hundred, which was an inconsiderable number against so mighty a Force, kept close in a Body; and like good Souldiers were always upon the Guard, placing their Centinels at every Avenue, and Watchmen upon the Tower. As oft as the Noise of the Indians allarm'd them, they stood to their Arms, and bridled their Horses, of which every night thirty stood ready sadled, to make Sallies on the Enemy, and survey their Force. When they had discovered their

great multitude, but not as yet the Weapons they carried, wherewith to offend the Horse, (which were the Creatures they most dreaded,) they resolved to re∣treat into the Market-place, which being wide and spacious, was much more advantageous for receiving the Enemy, than in the narrow Streets: And be∣ing there drawn up in Battalia, the Body of Infantry, consisting of one hun∣dred and twenty Men, was placed in the middle, flanked on each side with the Horse, not being above Eighty in all; of which two Troops, of twenty in a Troop, were placed in the Van, and two Troops, of the like number, were drawn up in the Rere, so that they might charge the Enemy on whatsoever side they should be attacked by them.

The Indians seeing the Spaniards in a Body, assaulted them on every part with great fury, intending to over-run them in an instant; but the Horse sallying out upon them, made stout resistance, and fought with them untill Break of Day, when the Indians again reinforced the Battel, and rained showers of Arrows up∣on them, with Vollies of Stones discharged from their Slings, howsoever the Horse, (which is wonderfull to consider) revenged themselves upon them with their Lances, killing in every onset, an hundred and fifty, or two hundred In∣dians; by reason that they neither carried defensive Arms, nor used Pikes to keep off the Horse, though they were armed with them; for not being used to fight against Cavalry, but onely Foot to Foot, and naked Men against naked Men; the Spaniards by their Horse and Armour prevailed over the Indians with great Slaughter, who hoped notwithstanding by their numbers to become Conque∣rours in the end.

In this posture of War the Indians continued for the space of seventeen Days to straiten and besiege the Spaniards in the Market-place of Cozco, not permit∣ting them to sally forth; during which time, as well by night as by Day, the Spaniards continued in their Ranks and Squadrons, to be in a readiness against the Enemy, and as often as they went to drink, they were forced to go in Companies to the Stream, which runs through the Streets of the City; and to search into the Ruines of the Houses, which were burnt, for Mayz, which was the onely Food they had to sustain them; but Provender for their Horses was more wanting than Victuals for themselves, howsoever they found some Pro∣vision for support both of one and the other, though much damaged by the Fire, which Hunger and Necessity made passable. On which particular Carate reports as followeth.

In this manner the Inca attempted Cozco with all his Force, and besieged it for eight Months, and at every Full of the Moon he stormed the Spaniards on all sides, but Hernando Piçarro, and his Brothers, vvith many Gentlemen and Captains, that vvere vvithin the City, made stout resistance, and repulsed the Indians vvith great Valour; in vvhich Actions those vvhich vvere most sig∣nalized, vvere Gabriel de Rojas, Hernan Ponce de Leon, Don Alonso Enriquez, and the Treasurer Riquelme, vvith many others; all vvhich, with their Souldiers, behaved themselves vvith Courage and Bravery, and none of them unbracing their Armour, either by day or night, fighting like desperate Men, vvho had given all over for lost; for having received intelligence, that the Governour, and all the Spaniards, vvere cut off, and slain by the Indians, vvho had made a general Insurrection in all parts, they expected no Relief or Succour, but from God, nor Safety, but in their ovvn Arms, though they killed and vvoun∣ded the Indians very much, and daily diminished their numbers.

Thus far are the Words of Carate, vvho briefly relates the great Danger and the many Straits to vvhich these Conquerours vvere reduced in this Siege, vvherein, though they used all the diligence imaginable to provide themselves vvith Food, yet all had not sufficed to free them from Famine, had not their Indian Servants, vvho lived vvith them in their Houses, like good and faithfull Friends, supplied their vvants; for by day they passed over to the Enemy, in vvhom to beget a Confidence of them, they seemed to fight against the Spania∣ards, and by night they returned to them laden vvith Provisions; all vvhich is confirmed by the Testimony of Gomara and Carate, though that and the other Enterprises of the Inca are touched onely in short by them, vvho are silent also in the account of those Miracles vvhich our Lord Jesus Christ vvorked at Cozco

in favour of the Spaniards, where was most danger, and where the Indians spent the fierceness of their Fury. And indeed the Danger was: so great, that in the first eleven or twelve Days of the Siege, the Spaniards were so harassed and tired out, as well Horse as Foot, by the continual Skirmishes in which they were en∣gaged, and for want of Provisions, that they were reduced to the last extremi∣ty; for by this time thirty Christians were killed, and almost all wounded, without Remedies or Salves for their Cure; so that in a few days not being able longer to hold out, they all expected to perish, having no hopes of Relief or Succour from other places, or means, than onely from Heaven, to which they lifted up their Cries, and offered their daily Prayers, begging the Mercy and Defence of God, and the Intercession and Protection of the ever blessed Virgin Mary.

The Indians having observed, that the Night when they burned all the Town, yet the Gallery in which the Spaniards were quartered still remained untouched by the Flames, wherefore they attempted to burn that also, (and might easily per∣form it, in regard there was none to make Head, or Opposition to prevent them,) and for several Days and Nights, at all hours, they continually put fire to it, but it would not burn; which the Indians much admiring, said, That the Fire had lost its Force and Virtue, and could not consume that House in which the Vira∣cochas had lived and quartered. At length the Spaniards found themselves so hard put to it, and so assailed on all sides, that they resolved to put it to the issue of a Battel, and rather dye fighting, with their Arms in their Hands, than linger out a miserable Death, and at length perish with Famine or faintness, permitting the Enemy tamely to cut their Throats, after they had no farther Force or Spirit to resist them.

Having thus resolved, they confessed their sins to three Priests, that were with them, and for want of time, such as could not, confessed one to the other, and all called upon the Name of God, and upon those Saints to which they had de∣voted themselves; and being thus prepared to dye like Christians, so soon as it was day, the Indians, who were a thousand to one, being ashamed to be so long opposed by such a handfull of Men, assailed the Spaniards with their usual Fury, resolving not to quit or remit the Battel, untill they had totally destroyed them; and the Spaniards on the contrary, with loud Cries calling upon the Name of the Virgin, and the Apostle St. James, their Champion, maintained the Fight with such Resolution, that the Slaughter was great on both sides, and many Spaniards wounded. At last, after five hours Fight, the Christians became so weary, and their Horses so spent with the Engagement of that Day, that they expected no∣thing less than Death. The Faintness and Relaxation of the Spaniards gave new Courage to the Indians to reinforce and renew the Fight, for Prince Manco Inca observing the Passages of the Battel from an high place, animated his People, calling upon them by the Names of their several Provinces, and inciting them to renew the Fight, being, as it were, certain with the Success of that Day to re∣cover his Empire. When on a sudden, and in this Extremity, it pleased God to own the Cause of his faithfull People, by sending to their Assistence the blessed Apostle St. James, the Champion and Protectour of Spain, who visibly appeared both to the Spaniards, and the Indians, mounted on a White Horse, carrying a Target, with the sign of his Military Order thereon inscribed, and in his Right Hand a Sword, which, by the glistering of it, seemed like Lightning. The In∣dians, greatly affrighted to see this new Cavalier enter the Lists, asked one the other, what Viracocha that was, which carried the Yllapa, in his Hand; which Word signifies Thunder, and Lightning, and the Thunderbolt. Wheresoever this new Cavalier assailed the Indians, they ran like Men amazed, trampling one upon the other, and on what part soever the Indians assaulted the Christians, the Saint immediately appeared in the Front, to succour and defend them from the Indians, who, affrighted with the Apparition, fled and forsook the Battel; and the Spa∣niards herewith taking courage, renewed the Fight, and killed an innumerable number of the Enemies, who being possessed with a fear, ran away, and for∣sook the Battel.

Thus were the Christians delivered this day by this blessed Apostle; and the Victory wrested out of the Hands of the Infidels; the same was the Success of the day following, and as often as the Indians adventured to fight; for so soon as they began to engage, they became amazed with confusion, and not knowing

where to go, or what to doe, they returned to their Quarters, asking one the other, what the meaning of these matters was, and how it came to pass that they were thus Utic, Campa, Llaclla, which is as much as to say, foolish, cowardly, pusillanimous. Howsoever all this did not deter them from their purpose; for they continued the Siege for the space of eight Months after all these Actions, as will appear in the Sequel of this History.

CHAP. XXV.

The Miracle which was wrought by our Lady in favour of the Christians; and of a signal Combate between two Indians.

THE Indians being retreated into their Camp, the Inca called the Captains before him, and publickly reprehended them for the Cowardise and Pusil∣lanimity which they had shewn in that days Battel, telling them what a shame it was that such a multitude of Indians should fly from before the Face of a small number of Viracochas, who were already tired out, and harassed and weakned with Famine and Hunger; wherefore they should now look to it, and endeavour to repair the Honour which they had lost in the late Battel, and acquit themselves like Men; for otherwise he would send them to spin with the Women, and chuse other Captains in their places, of better Courage and Bravery. The Indians, in excuse of what was past, alledged, that there appeared a new Viracocha, carrying Thunder and Lightning in his Hand, who so terrified and amazed them, that they knew not what they did, whether they fought, or were put to flight, but promi∣sed to behave themselves better in the next Engagement; on which assurance the Inca ordered them to put their Souldiers into a readiness against the third night, when he resolved to make another attempt on the Viracochas, hoping that by the Darkness they should not see or distinguish the Viracocha who so lately affrighted them. The Christians on the other side with humble Thankfulness acknowledged the Mercy of Divine Providence in their Delivery, and became so encouraged and heartned by their Success, that having well fixed their Arms, and refreshed their Horses, they believed, and were assured that Heaven had bestowed that Kingdom on them, in testimony and in earnest vvhereof he had given them the late unexpected Victory.

The night being come, vvhich the Inca had appointed for another Exploit, the Indians sallied forth vvith furious Rage, threatning to revenge and make amends for the late Disgrace, and not to spare, or give quarter to one of the Viracochas: of all which the Spaniards having intelligence from the Indians, vvho had been their Menial Servants, (and novv served them for Spies,) put themselves into a posture to receive them at the time appointed, calling vvith great Devotion upon the Name of Christ our Lord, the blessed Virgin, and the Apostle St. James to succour and defend them in that time of Extremity. The Indians being dravvn up in Battel, and ready to assail the Christians, behold, there appeared in the Air our Lady, vvith the Child Jesus in her Armes, vvith so much lustre and bright∣ness, that the Infidels beholding the Apparition, vvere strucken vvith amazement, and looking up stedfastly upon it, such a Dust, or Sand, fell like a Devv from above into their Eyes, that they knevv not the place in vvhich they vvere, and so returned again to their quarters, from vvhence for many days they durst not ad∣venture to sally forth.

This vvas novv the seventeenth night that the Indians had so straitned the Spa∣niards vvithin the compass of the Market-place, that neither by Day or Night

they could adventure out, unless in strong Parties; but after this Apparition the, Indians, became so amazed, than the Spaniards afterwards had the liberty of a grea∣ter compass, and their Quarte••s were much enlarged. But as Infidelity is always blind, so in a few days the Impression made by the late Wonder beginning to wear away, the Inca persuaded his Souldiers to make another attempt upon the Christians, to which they were zealously moved, out of an earnest Desire to see their Inca restored to his Empire: Howsoever such was the sense they concei∣ved from the late Apparitions, that their Hearts failed them, so soon as they put themselves into a posture of Fight, so that all their Resolutions and Designs pro∣duced, nothing more than Noise and Allarms; which served to keep the Spaniards in a continual. Watchfulness who seeing that the Indians durst not engage them, they retired again to the Gallery, which was their head Quarter; and so often as they returned thither, they blessed God, who had conserved that narrow place for them, wherein to cure their wounded, and to shelter those who were as yet sound and well; and for that reason they made a Vow to dedicate that place for a Chapel to the Service of God, so soon as he should have freed and delivered them from the Hands of his Enemies.

In all which necessities the Indian Servants were very usefull, bringing Herbs to cure the sick and wounded, and Food to relieve the healthfull; for (as we have said in the first part of this History) there are many skilfull Herbalists amongst the Indians, so that the Spaniards themselves confess, that unless the Indians had succoured them in their Distress, relieving their Hunger with Mayz, and Herbs, and other Provisions, and had served them for Spies, and as it were Centinels to give them signals, when the Enemy moved either by day or night; it had fared worse with them, and perhaps it had been impossible for them to have subsisted; all which Service and Fidelity of the Indians to Strangers in their Countrey, and to Enemies of their Kings and Religion, is to be attributed to the wonderfull Providence of God, who was pleased to infuse such Fidelity and ardent Affection into the Hearts of these poor Wretches towards the Spaniards their Masters, that they would dye an hundred times, and suffer all imaginable tortures, rather than betray them.

After the Insurrection of the Indians was suppressed, both the Natives of Cozco, and all the other Nations, who were present at that Siege, confessed themselves to have been overcome by the appearance of the Virgin Mary, the Lustre of whose beautifull Countenance, which darted Rays from her sparkling Eyes, char∣med them with such Love and Affection towards them, as not onely caused them to lay down their Weapons, but likewise to accept and embrace the Catholick Faith, and willingly to learn her Names and Titles both in the Latin and Castilian Tongues; which to understand the better, they have translated into their own Language all the Names and Titles given to our Lady, which they repeat as often as they have occasion to pray and ask blessings from her.

But to return again to Prince Manco Inca, his Captains and Souldiers, it is cer∣tain, that they were so terribly affrighted with the Visions they had seen, that they durst not so much as mention them, for the very thought and remembrance of them was full of Amazement. Howsoever they continued the Siege in hopes of better fortune, though they durst not adventure to engage, having been often worsted by St. James, who always appeared in the Front of the Spaniards, which the Indians observing, and that the new-come Cavalier affrighted and terrified them more than all the others, they called out with loud voices, and said, Keep but up and restrain that Viracocha which rides upon the White Horse, that he fall not up∣on us, and you shall quickly see how we will dispatch and deal with all the others. After the Siege had continued for the space of five Months, a certain Indian Captain, who was possessed with a great opinion of his own Valour, was desirous to sig∣nalize himself, and try whether Fortune would be more favourable in a single Combate, than in a common Fight; and upon this presumption he asked leave of his Superiour Officers to challenge any Viracocha whatsoever to a single Duel; and in regard he observed that the Spaniards fought on Horseback with Lances, he armed himself with the like Weapon, and with a little Hatchet, or Pole-Axe, by his side, called Champi, which were all the Arms that he would use. And in this manner he presented himself before the Guards, which were always set for Centinels, at every Avenue of the Market-place, which was the head Quarters

of the Spaniards, and there with a loud Voice cried out, That if any Viracocha had Courage to engage with him in a single Duel, that he should come forth and fight with him, for he there attended him with his Arms. But the Spaniards esteeming it a condescension too mean, and no Honour to kill a silly Indian, scor∣ned to accept the Challenge.

But at length a Noble Indian, of the Nation of Cannari, who from his Infan∣cy had been bred up a Page in the Court of the great Huayna Capac, and then prosessed himself a Servant to the Marquiss Don Francisco Piçarro; for ha∣ving yielded himself to him in one of the late Skirmishes, he ever after acknow∣ledged him for his Master; with this Person I had an Acquaintance, and left him alive in Cozco, when I came thence for Spain. This Cannarian, I say, asked leave of Hernando, and John, and Gonçalo Piçarro, Brothers of his Lord, to answer the Challenge, saying, That since that Fellow had the boldness to de∣fie the Viracochas, that he, who was a Servant of theirs, would undertake the Duel, not doubting but, by virtue of their propitious Fortune, to return victo∣rious. Hernando Piçarro, and his Brother, applauding his Courage and Resolu∣tion, granted him licence; upon which he took the like Arms which the other carried, and went forth to meet him: And having fought together a long while, they closed three or four times, and wrestled, but being not able to throw one the other, they loosed, and again returned to the management of their Arms; with which the Cannarian being most dextrous, thrust his Enemy into the Breast with his Lance, and then cutting off his Head, he carried it by the Hairs thereof unto the Spaniards, with which testimony of Conquest he was received with that Triumph which his Victory deserved.

The Inca, and his People, were much ashamed of the Victory which the Can∣narian had gained; for had it been a Spaniard, the Dishonour had been much less, but to be overcome by one of their own Indian Vassals, was an Affront and Disgrace which could portend nothing but ill fortune; and being a People natu∣rally superstitious, and terrified with the apprehension of such Omens, they never afterwards attempted any thing of Moment, during the remainder of the Siege; nor did any thing remarkable succeed, unless the unfortunate Death of that wor∣thy John Piçarro, as we shall hereafter relate.

So often as I call to mind these Miracles, and several others, which God was pleased to work in favour of the Christians, both at the Siege of Cozco, and of los Reyes, as we shall see hereafter, I cannot but wonder that the Historians should be so silent therein, especially since they were so clear and evident to all the World, having in my youth heard them reported both by Indians and Spaniards, with great admiration; in memory of which, after the Siege, they dedicated unto our Lady that Gallery wherein the Spaniards were quartered, and where now the Cathedral Church is built, called by the Name of St. Mary of the As∣sumption and Advocation; and the City it self they dedicated to St. James of Spain; to both which Saints Anniversary Days of Feasts are appointed, in thank∣full remembrance for the gratious Benefits received; the which Festivals begin in the morning with a solemn Procession, and Sermon, and then High Mass is celebrated; and lastly, the Day is concluded with the Sport of Bulls, and other Recreations.

In the Porch of this Church, which leads to the Market-place, the Picture of St. James is painted, mounted on a White Horse, with his Buckler on his Arme, and a Serpentine Sword in his Hand, with many Indians dead and wounded under his Feet; which Picture when the Indians beheld, they said that a Viracocha like this, was he that destroyed us in the Market-place. In the Year 1560, when I departed from Cozco, to go into Spain, the Picture was then fresh; the Insurrection of the Inca began in the Year 1535. and ended in 1536. and I was born in the Year 1539. so that I might well be acquainted both with Indians and Spani∣ards, who had been actually in those Wars, and Witnesses of those Apparitions, which we have declared; and I my self, for five Years together, have always been present at the Sports and Pastimes of those Festivals; for which Reasons from plain demonstration, I cannot but wonder why Historians have been silent in these particulars, unless it be, that they would attribute unto the valour of the Spaniards all the Honour of those Days, without making due return of thankfull acknowledgment unto God for the Victories so miraculously obtained.

Many days after I had wrote this Chapter, turning over the Leaves of the Book of Acosta, I met with some thing to this purpose, in confirmation of the Miracles which our Lord Jesus Christ, and his Mother the Virgin Mary, Queen of the Angels, had wrought in the New World, in favour of our holy Faith and Religion; which when I had read, and found my own Reports confirmed by his Authority, I cannot express the Joy I conceived by this happy concurrence. For since the Delivery of truth is my chief Aim and Design, I cannot but be great∣ly delighted when I find my Relations confirmed either in part, or in whole, by the Authority of other Historians; for I hate the Character of being either a Flatterer, or a fabulous Writer; which to avoid, I have thought fit to produce the Words of Acosta in the 27th Chapter of his 7th Book, which are as followeth.

When the Spaniards were besieged in the City of Cozco, and so closely pres∣sed and straitned, that without the Assistence of Heaven it was impossible for them to escape, I have heard from very credible Persons, that the Indians threw Fire on the Roof of that House where the Spaniards were lodged, and where now the Cathedral Church is built; and though the Covering of the House was a sort of Thatch, (which they call Chicho, or rather Ychu,) and that the Fire was made with a rasimy kind of burning Wood, yet it took no hold on that combustible matter; for our Lady appearing from above, kept a con∣stant Guard over that place, and immediately extinguished the Fire; all which the Indians visibly saw, and remained with astonishment. All the Relations and Histories, which are wrote on this Subject, report for a certain truth, that in divers Battels, which the Spaniards fought in New Spain, and in Peru, the Indians plainly discovered in the Air, a Cavalier, mounted on a white Horse, with a Sword in his Hand, fighting for the Spaniards; whence it is, that in all parts of the West-Indies great Devotion and Honour is paid to that glorious Apostle St. James; and at other times in several difficult Encounters, the Image of our Lady hath presented it self, from which Christians have received inex∣pressible Benefits; and were all these Apparitions and Wonders of Heaven par∣ticularly described, they would swell a Volume too large for this History, &c.

Thus far are the Words of Acosta, who reports, that almost fourty years after these matters were transacted he made a Voyage into Peru, where he received In∣formation of all these particulars. And having said thus much, we will return again to our Spaniards, who remaining under such propitious circumstances of the Divine Providence, were enabled to become the Masters of an hundred New Worlds.

CHAP. XXVI.

The Spaniards gain the Fortress with the Death of the wor∣thy John Piçarro.

IN the 5th Chapter of the 8th Book of the first part, we there mentioned the Loyalty which the Natives of the Cannaris bore towards their Kings the In∣cas, and we then promised to declare, how that on occasion of the great Love, and Friendship which one of that Nation professed towards the Spaniards, all the others withdrew their Obedience, and renounced their Allegiance to the Incas. In the 37th Chapter of the 9th Book of the first part, we described the great Loyalty of that People towards their Princes; we are now to give an account of the reason, for which the same was afterwards denied. The Cause was this:

When the Indians, after the Victory observed the many Favours and Honours which the Spaniards bestowed on the Person of the Cannarian, who fought the duel, they became so entirely affectionated and devoted to the Spaniards, that they denied all farther Service and Duty to their own Inca, and from that time became Spies, Informers and Betrayers of the other Indians, and in the very civil Wars which the Spaniards had one with the other, even to the time of Francisco Hernandes Giron; the Cannarians which lived in Cozco, under the Command of this Don Fran∣cisco the Cannarian, and were then very numerous, served for Spies, and Informers against the Indians; and in all the civil Wars which the Spaniards waged one against the other, to that very War of Hernandez Giron; the Cannarians (who were very numerous at Cozco, and lived there under the Command of Don Fran∣cisco Cannari,) did all that time serve for Spies; and dividing themselves into two Parties, some took the Kings party, and others sided with the Tyrant; so that at the end of the War, they so shuffled their matters together, that they all preten∣ded to have been of the strongest and the conquering side; and whereas they are naturally a sort of dissembling People, they all rejoiced, and congratulated the Success of the Victorious; which piece of Fraud and Dissimulation the Spaniards could hardly discover amongst them, because they always treated with their Com∣manders, and not with the Commonalty, so that they could not know their Faces, or distinguish their Persons; and yet these fawning Rascals, who were all of a Bloud and Kindred, conferred together, and communicated intelligence of all that passed in one or the other Army. And thus much I was given to understand from one of the Natives of Cannaris, who after the War of Hernandez discovered all these secret Cabals, and Intrigues to another, who asked him, how it fared with those who had taken part with the Tyrant; but as to Don Francisco Cannari him∣self, he became so proud, and insolent, by that favour and countenance which the Spaniards had shewn to him, that some Years afterwards he adventured (as is commonly reported) to poison Philip Inca, the Son of Huayna Capac, of whom we have formerly made mention; and this matter is the more suspicious, because he afterwards married the Wife of this Philip Inca, who was a very beautifull Woman, and took her rather by force, than by Courtship, causing his Creatures and Confidents to threaten her into the Match, to which she was forced to yield against the Consent and Approbation of the Incas; but now there was nothing but Patience, for their Empire and Command was taken from them. We shall hereafter tell of another Atchievement of this insolent Indian, to the great scandal of all the other Indian Inhabitants of that City.

The Spaniards finding themselves daily favoured by the miraculous Hand of Divine Providence, and the Indians so cowed and terrified, that they durst not make any Attempt upon them, but onely to keep them, as it were, blocked up, they resolved at length to sally forth, and shew, that though their numbers could bear no comparison with the multitudes of the Indians, yet that they entertained no dread or apprehensions of them; to evidence which, they made frequent

Sallies, forcing them to retreat to what place, and as far as they pleased; with which at length they became so amazed and affrighted, that they would make no Defence, so that twenty five or thirty Spaniards were able to deal with great Squa∣drons of the Indians, and kill and put them to flight, as if they had been so many Infants or Children. For if God be for us, who can be against us? In this manner the Indians left the Siege of the City, being driven from the Fields, and all the Quarters thereabouts; and not one appearing, unless in the Rocks and Mountains, where the Horse could doe but little service: And yet the Rocks were not a suffi∣cient safe-guard and protection for them, because the Horse trotted over them like so many Goats: This, I say, is a comparison of my own, but I have heard another, much more apt to this purpose, from one of the Conquerours of those times, called Rodriguez de Villa-fuerte, who was one of those thirteen who remain∣ed with Francisco Piçarro, when all his other companions deserted and abandoned him, as we have formerly related.

This Cavalier, with divers others, going one day to bring several Gentlemen on their way, that were travelling into Spain, I also remember to have been with them, though but a Youth, it being then towards the end of the year 1552; and being on the Road which leads to Arequepa, Rodriguez de Villa-fuerte, during all the time that he was travelling from Cozco to Quespecancha, which are three Leagues, related the many successes which occurred in the late Siege; pointing with his finger at the places where such and such Actions had passed, telling that there such a person performed such an Exploit, at such a place another acted such a piece of bravery; and, amongst others, which were very strange and wonderfull, he re∣counted one of Gonçalo Piçarro on the very ground where it was performed; the which we shall mention in its due place. And having made us a Narrative of many strange Atchievements, he added, that we ought not to disbelieve these matters as incredible, for that God was pleased visibly to assist, and favour us with his Miracles; amongst which it was none of the least, that our Horses were nim∣ble, and tripped over the Rocks and Precipices of those Mountains with such ease and activity, as if they had been Doves or Pigeons; and yet those Mountains, which are to the East-side of the way, are very steep and craggy. I wish I had not forgot many particulars which he related to us that day, for they would have furnished me with sufficient matter to have filled many leaves of Paper touching the many Exploits performed by the Spaniards in that Siege: Howsoever, in gene∣ral, it is worthy our admiration that a hundred and seventy Men onely should be able to oppose two hundred thousand fighting Men, and contend with them un∣der the many sufferings of Hunger, Watchings by continual Allarums, tired out with Labours, wounded without the help and cure of Chirurgeons, and many o∣ther inconveniences which attend straitned and distressed Sieges: And more than all this, the Reader may fansie in his imagination, considering that it is im∣possible to describe all the particular difficulties which the Spaniards endured, and overcame by the invincible Valour of their Spirits, which were supported by the sole Power of God, who was pleased to make choice of this people, for those who were to preach and plant the Gospel in that Empire.

The Indians having now quitted the Siege, the Spaniards judged it no complete Victory, unless they made themselves in like manner Masters of the Fortress: Wherefore having left a sufficient Guard in the City, they mounted the Hill to∣wards the Fort, which was valiantly defended by the Indians for five or six Days together: At last one night after they had fought stoutly the whole day, so that the Spaniards were retired to their Quarters, and that Don John Piçarro, who some days before had been wounded, had for his better ease taken off his Helmet; it happened, that a Stone thrown at random from a Sling strook him on the head, of which unhappy wound he died in three days afterwards.

This was a loss (Augustine Carate reports) which sensibly touched all those Spaniards, who were Adventurers in that Countrey, for that this Piçarro had the reputation of a valiant Person, and an experienced Souldier in the Wars against the Indians, and was generally beloved and esteemed by all.

Thus far are the Words of Carate.

And thus did this Worthy Gentleman end his days, to the great grief and sor∣row of all that knew him; for he had the fame and reputation of a generous Person, valiant and courteous, being adorned with all those Vertues which become a Gentleman, and a Person of Honour. His Body was buried in the great Cha∣pel of the Cathedral of that City, and over it was laid a great Marble Stone of an Azure blew, without any Inscription; though his Merits deserved a fair Epi∣taph, which perhaps might have been omitted, for want of Engravers in Stone; for at that time, and many years after, they knew not the Art to Engrave; nor to use any other sharp tool, unless the Sword and Lance. At this great loss and expence the Spaniards gained the Fortress of Cozco, and drove the Indians from thence. The Historians in the relations they make of this Siege, declare the ta∣king of this Fortress in the first place; but the Indians report it to have been after∣wards; which is the truth of the History, but in other matters they agree with the Spaniards.

CHAP. XXVII.

Of the several Exploits performed both by Indians and Spa∣niards during the Siege of Cozco.

THE Death of John Piçarro, who was Brother to the Governour, and a Per∣son of principal note, gave spirit and encouragement to the Indians, who from such successes as these, were apt to conceive new hopes and expectations; so that they resolved to adventure again another Battel; for though they had been worsted and foiled in every one, yet still the desire they had to be revenged on the Spaniards, and restore the Empire again to their Inca, prevailed above the ap∣prehension of their ill successes, and caused them still to persevere in their obsti∣nate resistence. Howsoever, the Christians were not now so narrowly besieged by the Indians, but that they had liberty to sally forth, and range for a League round; and yet they still troubled and molested them, not suffering the Indian Servants to carry them Victuals, or other refreshments: To supply which, the Spaniards were forced to make frequent Excursions into the Countrey for Provisi∣ons and Forage; of which they were always in want during the Siege; for though the Indian Servants stole something for them, which they privately conveyed into the Town; yet it was so little, as could not satisfie their necessities. Augustine Carate relates one of these Sallies in this manner following:

During this War and Siege, Gonçalo Piçarro made a sally with twenty Horse, and an in-road as far as to the Lake of Chinchero, which is about five Leagues from Cozco, where he was assailed and overwhelmed with such multitudes of people, (having engaged farther with them, than prudence and due regard to his small company did require) that he had certainly been taken, had not Her∣nando Piçarro, and Alonso de Toro, with some few Horse, seasonably come in to his rescue.

Thus far are the Words of Carate.

This Lake of Chinchiru (so called by the Indians) is about two Leagues distant from the City Northward, it is a Water extremely delightfull, and which anci∣ently, by the Munificence of the Incas, was furnished with several Pipes and A∣queducts to convey the Water into divers parts of those Plains, which refreshed the Grounds which were sowed, and made all that Valley of Cozco to become fruitfull, untill Wars and Troubles amongst the Spaniards themselves caused them to be neglected, and for want of care became wholly useless. Afterwards in the

[illustration]

years 1555, and 56, they were repaired by my Lord and Father Garçilasso de la Vega, being then Mayor of that City; and in that good condition I left them, when I departed thence, and so I hope they will be conserved, because that Wa∣ter is greatly beneficial to all that Valley. But to return again to what Carate speaks of the danger in which Gonçalo Piçarro was engaged, when he was rescued by his Brother; it is to be noted (as we have mentioned in our History of Flo∣rida) that he was the most dextrous Man with his Lance of any of those who had passed into the New World; in confidence of which, both he and his people fought stoutly that day, and adventured so far, that they had been overwhelmed by the multitude of Indians, had they not been succoured beyond all expectation; and indeed 'twas a mercy wholly to be attributed to Divine Providence; for nei∣ther did Gonçalo require it, nor Hernando Piçarro know that his Brother was enga∣ged so far to all extremity.

Another day when the Spaniards and Indians engaged in the Field of Salinas, which is about a small League distant from Cozco to the Southward, many brave Actions were performed by both parties; and though the Indians were many, and made stout resistence, yet they were at length overcome, and put to flight: How∣soever, some resolute Captains amongst them, who chose rather to dye, than cowardly to run away in sight of their Inca, who from a high Tower beheld and observed the Actions of the day, continued in the Field, and fought with un∣daunted courage: One of which posting himself in the middle of the road which leads to Collao, attended the coming of a certain Cavalier (Whom I knew) as he was making up to him on Horse-back with his Lance in his hand; the Indian with a fierce countenance, like an undaunted Souldier, stood ready with his Bow drawn to receive him; and at the same time that the Spaniard made a thrust at him with his Lance, he strook the point of it down to the ground, and catching hold of it, forced it from his hands. Another Gentleman of my acquaintance standing by, and observing a single Combat between a Spaniard and an Indian, did not concern himself, because they were one to one, untill he saw that the Indian had wrested the Lance out of the hand of the Spaniard; and then he thought it time to take part with his companion, and so made at him with his Lance; but the Indian bearing off the blow with what he had in his hands, wrested also the Spear from the Spaniard, and defended himself from both of them at the same time; their Names I shall conceal out of respect to their posterity; one of which was a Schol∣lar with me at the Grammar School. Gonçalo Piçarro, who was engaged in ano∣ther place, and had put his Enemies to flight, happened to come in at the same time, and be a Spectator of this Action; and seeing how matters passed, he cried out with a loud voice, Out for shame, what two to one! The Spaniards knowing the voice of Gonçalo Piçarro, made a stop, untill he himself came up to make trial, whether he could deal better with him than they had done: The Indian seeing another Horse-man come upon him, set his footing on the first Lance he had gai∣ned and with the other he encountred the third Cavalier; who before he could come to wound him, he gave such a stroke with his Lance at the head of the Horse, as raised him bolt upright, and almost threw him back upon his hanches. The Indian finding himself thus hardly beset, quitted his Lance, and catched hold of that in the hand of Piçarro, intending to wrest it from him, as he had done the others; but Piçarro keeping fast hold thereof with his left hand, drew his Sword with his right to cut off the hands of the Indian; but he being aware thereof, seeing the Sword over his head, loosed the Lance, and catched up the other, which was under his feet. And now the two Cavaliers, which were Spectators, thought it time to dally no longer, but to come in, and without other complement to kill the Indian: but Gonçalo Piçarro cried out against it, saying, That it was pity so brave a Man should dye; and that he deserved rather Honour and Reward, than Death. The Indian observing that the two other Cavaliers were restrained by the words of Piçarro, and that he had saved his life; he immediately threw away his Lance, and in token of submission went to him, and kissed his right leg, saying, Hence∣forth thou shalt be my Inca, and I will be thy Servant: And for ever afterwards he ser∣ved him with great fidelity; and Gonçalo Piçarro loved him as his own Son, untill such time as he was killed in the Battel of Canela, as we shall hereafter understand. This Story I heard from the Mouth of Rodriguez de Villa-fuerte, who was present

in that Battel; and the same was confirmed by the report of many others. And Gonçalo Piçarro confessed himself, that in all the Wars in which he had been enga∣ged, he had never been so hard put to it, nor never so endangered as he had been by that Indian.

Not far from this place to the Southward, another Action happened as strange as the former, which Rodriguez de Villa-fuerte related that day unto us: which was this: A certain Cavalier riding softly on his Horse upon the way, for the Indians were all fled, and not one of them appeared; on a sudden the Horse fell under him; and though the Rider nimbly leaped from his back, yet the Horse with some difficulty recovered himself, and stood upon three legs, an Arrow having wounded him in the sinews of one of his foremost legs; the Spaniard looking a∣bout him to see from whence this Arrow was shot, could not for a great while discover any person, untill at length on the East-side of the way, they found an Indian leaning against the side of a bank within a great Water-gall; (of which there are many in that Countrey) but howsoever the distance was so great, that it was judged almost impossible, that an Arrow could be shot so far, as to the place where the Horse fell: But looking more narrowly into the matter, and con∣sidering that the Arrow must necessarily come from that part, they went that way, and found an Indian dead standing right upon his legs, leaning against the side of the bank, grasping his Bow in one hand, and his Arrow in the other: This Indian, it seems, had received a thrust with a Lance, which passed from his shoulder to the bottom of his waste; and to avoid the Horse, had thrown himself into that Water-channel; and finding himself in a languishing condition, was resolved to make one bolt or shot more before he died. This Indian had certainly made a good shot of it, had not the distance been far, and his spirits fainting; for had the Arrow been drawn with full force, he had either wounded the Spaniard in the face, or in the body; but being weak, it flew low, and shot the Horse in the fore-leg. These two notable Exploits were performed by Indians on that day, which was the last of the Siege. And so leaving the Affairs of Cozco, we shall proceed on to the Transactions of Rimac, where the Governour Don Francisco Pi∣çarro was then residing. At first he was ignorant, and not informed of the many dangers with which his Brothers were encompassed; but so soon as he was adver∣tised thereof, he performed the office and part of a carefull and able Commander, as we shall make appear by that which follows.

CHAP. XXVIII.

What Number of Spaniards the Indians might kill in the ways; and what succeeded at the Siege of the City of los Reyes.

SO soon as Marquis Piçarro perceived that the usual correspondence and inter∣course of Letters between him and his Brothers ceased, he immediately sus∣pected some mischief in the way; and to prove and try the truth thereof, he em∣ployed several Indians, who were Domestick Servants to Spaniards, to enquire of their Kindred and Relations, and inform themselves of the News of Cozco, and of all the Transactions of that Kingdom; for it was not without just suspicion of mischief that the Ways and Avenues were all stopped. The Yanacunas (for so they call the Indian Servants) enquiring into the matter, understood that the Inca had made an Insurrection, and with a strong Army was Master of Cozco; but as to the Particulars thereof, they gave no other account to the Marquis, but onely in a confused manner, without head or tail; howsoever, he thought fit with all dili∣gence to write unto Panama, Nicaragua, Mexico, and Santo Domingo, desiring that Succours should be sent with all speed. Upon which passage Carate hath these Words:

The Marquis seeing the Number of Indians to increase, and Multitudes of them ready to Assault the City of los Reyes, he gave it for granted that Hernando Piçarro, and all those of Cozco, were perished; and that this Insurrection had been so general over all Chili, that Almagro and all his Souldiers were defeated and destroyed: Howsoever, to undeceive the Indians in their belief, that the Ships were detained on purpose to make an escape, and that the Spaniards also might despair of other safety than in their Arms, he dispatched away the Ships for Panama with Letters to the Vice-king of New Spain, and to all the Gover∣nours of the Indies, acquainting them with the dangers and difficulties in which they were engaged, and desired Succours and Relief from them in that distress.

Thus far Carate.

But besides these Dispatches, he wrote also by conveyance of the faithfull Yana∣cunas, to Alonso de Alvarado, who was then employed in the Conquest of the Cha∣chapuyas, and to Sebastian de Belalcaçar, who was then in Peru, the Affairs of both which succeeded prosperously. He wrote also to Garçilasso de la Vega, whose Af∣fairs on the other side were not so happy in the Conquest of that Countrey, or Province, which by contraries they called the Buena Ventura, or the Countrey of Good Fortune, where the five Rivers called Quixlmies empty themselves into the Sea, and are plentifull and rapid streams. In these parts matters did not succeed ill with him, by reason that he found little resistence from the Inhabitants, for there were few or none in all that Countrey; onely the Mountains were so high, barren and cragged, that it was scarce inhabitable: of which, and of the difficul∣ties he sustained in this Expedition, we shall discourse more at large hereafter. He wrote also to John Porcel, who was employed in the Conquest of the Pacamurus, instantly conjuring them with all speed to come unto the City of los Reyes, that being united together they might make the better resistence against the Indians. In the mean time, not knowing to what distress his Brothers might be reduced, he with all diligence dispatched away seventy Horse under the Command of his Kins∣man Captain Diego Piçarro, which was all the force that he was able to spare, with an Addition of thirty Foot-Souldiers, as Carate reports.

The Indians, whose design was to destroy the Marquis, and all his people, un∣derstanding by their Spies, that he was sending Succours to relieve his Brothers,

changed their resolution of assaulting los Reyes, and determined to stop and inter∣rupt them in their passage, and to that end to take possession of all the narrow Passes and Avenues; for in the Road from Cozco to Quitu, there are many strait ways, which are not passable without much difficulty. The Plot being thus laid, they suffered Diego Piçarro, and his Company, to travel seventy Leagues vvithout giving them the least interruption or disturbance; for though there vvere many difficult Passes before they had proceeded so far, yet they thought fit to trole them on to some considerable distance from the Governour, that hearing no nevvs of them, he might believe that they vvere arrived in safety at Cozco: So at length taking them on the side of a stony Mountain called the Parcos, they threvv from the top mighty Stones, and pieces of Rocks upon them, called Galgas, against which no Armour being proof sufficient, they overvvhelmed them all vvithout use of Lance or Svvord, not one of them escaping. In the same manner they ser∣ved Captain Morgovejo de Quinnones vvith sixty Horse and seventy Foot; and after that they over-threvv Captain Gonçalo de Tapia, as he vvas marching vvith sixty Foot Souldiers, and eighty Horse; and soon after that they defeared Captain Alonso de Gahete vvith forty Horse, and sixty Foot under his Command. So that on se∣veral passages of the vvay, four hundred and seventy Spaniards vvere lost, of which tvvo hundred and fifty vvere Horse. Carate reckons them to have been three hundred, and tvvo hundred and tvventy Foot: But Peter de Cieça making up the account of the number of Spaniards which the Indians killed in this general Insur∣rection, declares in the 82d Chapter of his Book, as follovvs:

It is said that the Indians of this Province of Cunchucu were a stout, and a warlike people; for which reason the Incas finding some difficulty to subdue them, did labour to win and allure them by fair words, and obliging actions. These Indians killed many Spaniards in divers parts; to revenge which, Mar∣quis Piçarro sent Francis de Chaves to make War on the Indians in a most cruel and terrible manner; in pursuance of which, as some Writers report, he burned and empaled great numbers of them. The truth is, about that time, or a little before, a general Insurrection was made in all the Provinces; and on the way or road between Cozco and Quitu, they killed above seven hundred Spaniards; and such of them as they took alive, they put to death with cruel Tortures. God deliver us from the rage of the Indians, for certainly they are a furious and bloudy people, where they can get the Mastery, and effect their desires; though, to excuse themselves, they alledged, that they fought for their Liberty, and to free themselves from the Slavery and Tyranny of the Spaniards, &c.

Thus far are the Words of de Cieça; which are confirmed by Blas Valera, who reports, that above seven hundred Spaniards were killed in the late Insurrection; of which above three hundred were Assasinated in the Mines, and in their Pos∣sessions and Lands, wherein they were scattered in pursuit of their gains and bene∣fits; and that four hundred and seventy which were sent for Succours, were killed in the Mountains: but these were not all dispeeded together, but in several De∣tachments, that so the first might arrive with better speed and diligence; for it was never imagined that so much danger was in the way; or that the Indians, who were able to contend with, and overcome ten Horse-men, should be capable to overthrow sixty, seventy or eighty Horse in a body, besides the Infantry. And though he presumed much on this opinion, and on the confidence he had of his own people; yet not having received intelligence of the first, nor yet of the se∣cond that were sent, he was greatly troubled; wherefore to satisfie himself there∣in, and to understand some news from his Brothers, he dispatched away another Captain called Francis de Godoy, a Native of Carceres, with a Party of forty five light Horse without baggage or other incumbrance; not that they should proceed so far as Cozco, but onely to enquire on the ways, and get the best intelligence they could concerning their Companions. Of which passage Gomara speaking in the 136th Chapter, hath these Words:

Piçarro being much troubled that he received no Letters from his Brothers, nor from his other Captains; and being jealous of the misfortune which then had happened, he dispatched away forty Horse under Command of Francis de Godoy to make enquiries of what had succeeded, and to bring him intelligence

thereof. Godoy returned (as they say) with his tail between his legs, and with two Spaniards in company with him, who had belonged to Gahete, and by help of their Horses had made an escape; the ill news hereof, which greatly troubled Piçarro, was speedily seconded by Diego •••• Aguero, who fled for safety to los Reyes, and gave a relation, that all the Indians were in Arms, and had burned all his Plantations, and were very near with a most powerfull Army. The news hereof greatly terrified the whole City, in regard the Number of the Spaniards was much diminished; howsoever, Piçarro dispeeded Peter de Lerma de Burgos with seventy Horse, and many Indians who were Friends, and were become Christians to intercept them in their passage, and hinder them from making too near an approach towards the City, and he himself marched in the Rere with all the Spaniards that remained; but Lerma fighting with good success, drove the Enemy into the Rocks, where he might have totally destroyed them, had not Piçarro sounded a retreat.

That day one Spanish Horse-man was killed in the Fight, but many were wounded; and Pedro de Lerma had his Teeth beaten out: Howsoever, the In∣dians returned many thanks to their God the Sun, who had delivered them from those dangers; and in testimony thereof, offered many Sacrifices unto him. Then they removed their Camp to a certain Mountain near unto los Reyes, through the middle of which runs a River, where they continued for the space of ten Days, fighting and skirmishing with the Spaniards; but with the Indians, who were their Enemies, they avoided all Engagements.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara; the which is confirmed by Carate almost in the same words, and which (if we well observe) is more in favour to the In∣dians, than to the Spaniards. The truth of all which is this; The Infidels having killed and destroyed many Spaniards on the Ways and Roads, became so encou∣raged by their success, that they resolved to attempt los Reyes, and destroy the Marquis and all his people; and being on their March thither with this intention, about eight or ten Leagues from the City, they encountred Pedro de Lerma and his Forces, and engaged valiantly with them: And in regard the Fight began in a Plain, the Spanish Horse had a great advantage on the Indians, and killed many of them; but they afterwards making a retreat into the Mountains, with loud shouts, and with the sound of Trumpets and Drums allarum'd all the Indians round, so that they encreased to the number of forty thousand: And in regard the Mountains were sharp and craggy, and that the Horses began to be tired and weary, the Indians adventured to sally out upon them, and to renew the Fight. Pedro de Lerma had the misfortune to have his Teeth beaten out with a Stone hur∣led from a Sling, besides which many Spaniards were wounded, of which thirty two died, to the great grief and sorrow of all; likewise eight Horses died of their wounds, though actually in the Battel there was but one Man, and one Horse that was slain. The Governour who came in the Rere, observing how his Soul∣diers were distressed, sounded a retreat, which served for a Signal to the Enemy, that he was marching to the Succour of his Friends; at which the Indians being affrighted, made a retreat, and so ended the Battel of that day, which was very bloudy. The Spaniards hereupon returned to the City, and the Indians to their Quarter and Rendezvous, where the Countrey flocking in, they quickly made a Body of sixty thousand Indians under Command of their General Titu Yupanqui, called by Carate Tiço Yupangui, and by Gomara Tizoyo; and with this force they pitched their Camp near the City, having the River between to keep and defend them from the Spanish Horse.

There they offered Sacrifices, and returned thanks to the Sun for having, as they imagined, given them an advantage over the Spaniards, and caused them to retreat into their City, and to give over the Fight. The Historians who write of these matters say, that the Indians offered their Sacrifices in thanks for deliverance from their dangers; and farther they add, that they continually skirmished with the Spaniards, and not with the Indians, who took part with the Spaniards, scorning, as it were, to engage and fight against their own Vassals, after they had had the Ho∣nour to fight with the Viracochas; and though daily Encounters passed between them of little or no damage to the Spaniards, because on the Plains the Horse had great advantage, and could hem in and encompass the Indians on all sides; yet the continual Allarums which were given the Spaniards both by Night and Day, kept

them still watchfull, and tired them out with constant labour. Moreover, they suffered much for want of Provisions; though they received some supplies from the Indians, who were their Menial Servants, and would every Night (as they had practised at the Siege of Cozco) go forth into the Enemy's Camp, where pre∣tending, that they had revolted from their Masters, would return back with Pro∣visions, and with intelligence of all the designs and intentions of the Enemy; which was of great use to them, for that when the Indians made any Attack upon them, they were always in a readiness to receive them; and it was by advice from them that Diego de Aguero, and many others who had Plantations near los Reyes were not surprized, before they had time, by help of their Horses, to secure their retreat within the Walls of the City. But besides these humane Assistences, God was pleased to work Miracles at that Siege in favour of the Christians, as he had formerly done in that of Cozco; for that the River to which they trusted much for their safety, and was their best defence, was the occasion of ruine, and turned to their entire destruction; for during the time of the Siege, the Waters swelled above the banks, so that whensoever they passed over to the Spaniards, or were forced to return, they received a loss; for that being often put to flight, many with fear cast themselves into the Waters, and were drowned; and yet this River was not so deep as many others are in that Countrey, being commonly shallow, unless in the Winter, when the falls of the Land-waters make great Flouds; how∣soever, the Spaniards made nothing to pass and re-pass it at their pleasure; which when the Indians observed, they concluded that the very Elements fought against them, and were reconciled to the party of the Viracochas; and that the Pachaca∣mac, who is the God which sustains the Universe, had forsaken their Cause, and favoured the Enemy. Farther they considered, that so soon as they saw the Vira∣cochas drawn up in the Field, their hearts failed them; and that though they were a thousand to one, yet they durst not engage with them; all which were clear evidences, that the great Creatour of the World did interest himself in favour of the cause and quarrel of the Spaniards.

The Indians being affected with these Apprehensions, and with a clear mani∣festation of the Miracles of God, they every day abated in their Courage, and became so cowed and disheartned, that from that time afterwards they attempted nothing of any moment; and though they continued their Camp on the side of the River, it was rather in obedience to their Commanders, than in hopes of per∣forming any thing to the ruine of their Enemies, and the good of themselves. In the mean time the Indian Domestick Servants gave intelligence to their Masters of all that was discoursed and designed in the Camp of the Indians; and the Spa∣niards being sensible of the great Miracles which God wrought for them, and that their Enemies observed the same, they returned thanks for all those Wonders, comparing their deliverance by means of this River, to that which the Children of Israel received from the Egyptians at the Red Sea. And in regard their greatest Battels and Victories succeeded on the banks of this River, they conceived a most especial devotion for the Blessed St. Christopher, calling unto remembrance all the Wonders which are recorded of that Saint, and which are painted commonly in Churches, to describe and set forth the Miracles which God performed in the Ri∣ver by means of that Saint; and afterwards in all their Battels and Skirmishes, they invoked the Name of St. Christopher equally with that of St. James: And af∣ter this Siege, they called those Hills in which the Indians kept their Head-quarters, the Mountains of St. Christopher, because they were so near, that nothing but the River parted them and the City, and were the places where the Spaniards put an end to the War, having entirely subjected and conquered the Indians.

CHAP. XXIX.

The Flight of Villac Umu. Philip the Interpreter pu∣nished. The Prince Manco Inca leaves his Empire, and remains an Exile in foreign parts.

WE have in the foregoing Chapters declared, how that Prince Manco Inca sent Messengers into Chili, to advise his Brother Paullu, and the High Priest, Villac Umu, of his Design, to kill and destroy all the Spaniards that were in Peru, as being the onely means thereby to recover his Empire, desiring them to take the same course with Almagro, and his People, who were in those parts.

Now we must know, that this Intimation was brought to Chili, before Alma∣gro was departed thence, howsoever Paullu having consulted with his Friends, did conclude and agree, that they were not then in a condition to fight the Spa∣niards, in regard that having lost above ten thousand Indians, by Colds, and Snow, in passing the Mountains, (as we have formerly mentioned,) their Force was much decreased, and not capable to oppose the Spaniards in open Field; and that such was the Vigilancy of the Enemy, as well by night as by day, being always on the Guard, that there was little hopes to take an advantage on them by surprise; wherefore it was thought most convenient to dissemble their Dis∣contents with a colour of Service and Fidelity to the Spaniards, untill a more fit opportunity did happen for execution of their Design; in order whereunto, Paullu and Villac Umu being then together in Tacama, (which is a Countrey of Peru, distinct from the Desarts of Chili, as we have mentioned in the 22d Chapter of this Book,) they agreed, that the High Priest should leave the Spa∣niards, and be gone, but that Paullu should continue with them for a Spie, to give Intelligence to the Inca, his Brother, of all the Designs, which were contri∣ved against him.

Gomara reports, that both of them fled away together, but Carate saith other∣wise; for in the first Chapter of his third Book, he mentions none but the High Priest, and in the fourth Chapter of the same Book, speaking of Paullu, he hath these Words.

Almagro made Paullu Inca, and bestowed on him the Imperial Wreath; be∣cause that Manco Inca, being conscious of his evil Intentions, was fled with many Souldiers into the high Mountains of Andes.

Thus far are the Words of Carate, whose Testimony (as we have said) we shall always follow, where Authours disagree, because he was resident in Peru, and the other was not. In like manner Philip the Interpreter, who was with Al∣magro, made his Escape; for that ever since the Death of Atahualpa, he was fear∣full of the Spaniards, and desired to get as far from them as he was able, not that he kept a Correspondence with the Indians, for they were always jealous of him, lest he should betray them; but he was desirous to imitate the other Indians, and cast off the Spaniards, whom he abhorred in his very Soul. But this Flight vvas fatal to him; for not being acquainted vvith the Countrey, he fell into the Hands of Almagro, and his Souldiers, who calling to mind now he once deserted Alvarado, and having a suspicion that he was privy to the Escape of the High Priest, and would not reveal it, he was sentenced to be hanged and quartered. Upon this passage, though not according to the order of time, Gomara, in

the 135th Chapter of his Book, hath these Words, which we have extracted verbatim.

This unhappy Wretch confessed at the time of his death, that he had given false Evidence against the good King Atabaliba, that he might enjoy one of his Wives with security. This Philipillio de Pohechos was an ill Man, treache∣rous, inconstant, false, desirous of Mutinies, bloudy, and had little of a Chri∣stian, though he had been baptized.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara, whence we may consider, how lamen∣table a thing it is, that the first Interpreter that was chosen to preach the Gos∣pel in those parts, should prove such a Villain. But Almagro little regarding the Flight of Villac Umu, so long as Paullu remained with him, proceeded in his March towards Cozco; when he received intelligence of the Insurrection which the Indians had made, of which though formerly he entertained some suspicions, yet he was not so inquisitive as was fit, because he depended for these Advices, on that Fidelity and Service which Paullu and his People professed towards them. The way which he took in his March was by Collao, where the Countrey being open, and plain, was not so dangerous for Ambushes, as the way between Cozco and los Reyes. When he arrived near Cozco, he found that the Prince Manco Inca had quitted the Siege; for not knowing the Design against the Piçarros, he imagined, that the Intention of Almagro was to relieve and Succour his Friends. Almagro took this occasion to see and treat with the Inca; for having had former acquaintance with him, he believed that he might be able to draw him to his Party. The Inca, who hoped to take this opportunity to kill Almagro, and all his Followers, consented to an Interview; but such was the Prudence and Caution of Almagro, that he was always so well guarded with his Souldiers, both Horse and Foot, that the Indians durst not attempt any thing upon them. Nor would the Inca hearken to the Proposition that was made, to take part with Almagro, but told him plainly. That his Intention was to recover the Empire for himself, and therefore was resolved not to be concerned, either for one side, or the other: Howsoever when he and Almagro were parted, the Indians would have persua∣ded him to accept the Proposal, and to foment the Civil War between the Spaniards, saying, That when they had killed and weakned each other, he might then be better able to subdue and master the prevailing Party. To which the Prince made this Reply, That it became not the Honour of an Inca to dissemble, or fail in his Word, unto those to whom it was given, and that he would rather lose his Empire, than maintain it with Falsity, or Trea∣chery, to those whom he had received into his Favour, and under his Pro∣tection.

Whilst Almagro was thus in treaty with the Inca, Hernando Piçarro sent private∣ly to try the Pulse of Saavedra, who was then with Almagro, promising, that if he would revolt unto his Party, he should neither want Honours nor Bene∣fits. But this John de Saavedra, who was of as Noble Bloud, as any that owns that Name in Seville, rejected the Proposals that were made him of Advantage, rather than stain his Honour with the least blemish. And thus these three Par∣ties stood at a Gaze, without any Attempt made by one or other. At length the Inca considering that Almagro was returned from Chili, and had brought with him four hundred and fifty Spaniards, though he had lost two hundred, or there∣about, in his Passage over the Snowy Mountains, in the Wars, and by other Accidents; and that if in many Months he was not able to subdue the Spaniards, when they vvere not more than one hundred and seventy, hovv much more vvould they prove an unequal match to them, at this time, vvhen they vvere encreased to six hundred: And though they vvere divided by private Quar∣rels, and Civil Dissentions, yet they vvould quickly unite, and be cemented again, so soon as the Indians, vvho are their common Enemy, should appear in a formidable manner against them. And as to the matter of carrying on the War, Experience had taught them already, that it vvould prove fatal, and of most ruinous Consequence; for that in the space of one Year, since this Insurrection first began, they had lost above fourty thousand Men, which had perished by the Svvords of the Enemy, by Famine, and other Calamities,

vvhich attend the success of War; and therefore in Compassion to his Peo∣ple, he would rather chuse to give over his Pretensions, as desperate, than engolf himself in such a Design which was every day attended with new Diffi∣culties.

And having duly considered these things, and consulted on them vvith some few of his Relations, he resolved to give over the War; and that he might in∣timate so much to the Officers of his Army, he assembled the principal of them together, and publickly discoursed vvith them to this effect:

Brethren, and Sons of mine, I have vvell observed, and proved the great Affection and Zeal ye have demonstrated tovvards my Service, having with much Alacrity, and Readiness, offered your Lives and Fortunes, Wives and Children, that ye might again establish me in the Throne of my Empire; but since it is apparent, that the Pachacamac visibly fights against us, and hath decreed that I should not be King, there is no reason for us to withstand and oppose his Divine Will.

I am well assured, and I believe ye are all sensible, that my Desires to reign and govern, are not grounded on Principles of Ambition; but that my Kingdoms may recover that Peace and Liberty which they enjoyed under the gentle and easie Government of my Ancestours; it being the Du∣ty of every good King to study the Prosperity and Welfare of his People; and according to the practice of the Incas, to prefer that before any other Consideration whatsoever. But I have good reason to suspect and fear, that the Designs of these Men, whom we call Gods, and say they were sent from Heaven, are very much different from these Principles. How∣soever, for my part, I cannot, but with much Regret and Tenderness to∣wards you, seek to gain my point at the cost of your Lives, and would rather live in a private manner, despoiled of my Empire, which is my In∣heritance, than to recover it at the expence of their Bloud, whom I love as dearly as my own Children. And now therefore, that the Viracochas may not treat you ill for my sake, I am resolved to retire my self, and to live an Exile from my Countrey, that so all Cause of Jealousie and Sus∣picion being removed by my Absence, ye may be received into their good Grace and Favour.

And now I find the Prophecy of my Father Huayna Capac fully accom∣plished, which was, That a Stranger Nation should deprive us of our Empire, and destroy our Laws, and Religion. Had we well considered this, before we began the War, we should have acquiesced, and submit∣ted, because my Father, the King, enjoined us to obey and serve the Vi∣racochas, whose Laws, as he said, were better than ours, and their Arms more powerfull than our force. Both which things have proved true, for so soon as they entred into this Empire, Our Oracles became silent, which is a sign that they yielded unto theirs: And as to their Arms they have had an advantage over ours; for though at the beginning we had the fortune to kill some few of them, yet at length one hundred and seventy onely which survived, were able to deal with us; nay as we may say, did conquer us, seeing that in the end we are forced to retreat.

The truth is, it cannot well be said that they conquered us, nor can they boast much of their Victories; for setting aside the Miracles which appeared in their Favour, they of themselves gained no advantage over us. For what can we say to the Fire, which burned our own Houses, and became extinct, so soon as it touched theirs? What can we think of that Cavalier, who, at the Extremity of the Siege, appeared with Thun∣der and Lightning in his Hand, and routed and destroyed all before him? And then in the Night, a most beautiful Princess appeared in the Clouds, with an Infant in her Armes; which, with that astonishing Brightness she darted from her Eyes, dismayed and blinded us in such manner, that we knew not what we did, and even feared to return unto our own Quar∣ters; how much less durst we adventure to give Battel to these Vira∣cochas?

Moreover, we have seen, and tried, how such a handfull of Men have been able to defend themselves against such multitudes of ours, without Food, Sleep, or Rest; that when we imagined, they were wearied, faint, and rea∣dy to yield, they appeared formidable, and refreshed with new Vigour. All which being considered, 'tis apparent that the Hand of God is in it, and that the Pachacamac, who favours them, doth discourage and infuse fear into our Minds; wherefore let us yield our selves, rather than bring so many calami∣ties upon our own Heads. For my part, I am resolved to retire within the Mountains of Antis, and there secure and defend my self better, than I am able to doe with all my power; and there living quietly, and without of∣fence, I shall not provoke those Strangers to doe Hurt and Mischief unto you for any Cause or Reason of mine. In this my Solitude and Banishment it will be my Comfort to hear that it passeth well with you, and that ye live with Liberty and Contentment under this new Government of the Spaniards; wherefore instead of my last Will and Testament, and in pursuance of that Command left us by my Father, I do conjure you to serve and obey them, to the utmost of your power, so shall ye be well treated and used by them: And so farewell, and remain in peace; and now methinks I am very sorry to leave you in the Hands of Strangers, wishing with all my Heart, that I were able to take you all with me.

When the Inca had ended his Speech, his People dropped a Floud of Tears, with such Groans and Sighs, that the fulness of Sorrow stopped the utterance of Words; nor durst they dissuade him from this resolution, perceiving that he determined so to doe; wherefore in the first place he disbanded all his Souldiers, that were under Command of their respective Caciques, advising them to repair unto their several Provinces, and there patiently submit unto, and obey, and serve the Spaniards; but the Inca collecting as many as he could together of his own Bloud, and Family, both Men and Women, fled with them into the wild Mountains of Antis, and seated himself at a certain place, called Villcapampa; where he passed his time (as we may imagine) in Solitude, like a Prince deposed and dispossessed of his Sceptre, and there lived, untill he was killed by a certain Spaniard, to whom he had given Protection, and conserved from his Enemies, and who most inhumanely sought his Life: As we shall see in its due place.

CHAP. XXX.

What a certain Author reports of the Incan Kings and their Subjects.

BLas Valera discoursing of the Wisedom, Abilities, Prowess and Valour of the Indians of Peru, he gives this Character of them, as follows; which I the rather mention, because it conduces much to the matter in hand, and will serve to confirm what we have already said, and what we shall hereafter report.

The People of Peru exceed most Nations of the World in quickness of Wit, and strength of Judgment, the which appears in that they have been able without the help of Letters, to attain unto the knowledge of many things, which the learning of the Egyptians, Caldeans and Greeks could never reach; so that if in place of their Knots, they had made use of Letters, they had sur∣passed the Romans, and Galls, and other Nations, in all points of Learning whatsoever. That rudeness of Manners which appears in them at present, is not for want of Natural Parts, or Endowments of Mind, but for want of prac∣tice in the Fashions and Customs of Europe, and of Instructours in Liberal Sci∣ences, being taught nothing but what relates to Interest and Gain; for such of them as have Masters, or Teachers, and leisure time, and liberty to learn; nay, if they do but see a thing, they will imitate it so exactly, without being taught, that they become better Artists and Mechanicks than the Spaniards themselves, and would become better Scholars in reading and Writing, and be more expert in all sorts of musical Instruments than the Spaniards, had they onely the ad∣vantage of being taught; nor would they prove ill Scholars in the Latin Tongue: And moreover they are not more ignorant in our Books, than we are in the knowledge of theirs; for though we have now lived amongst them, and have had Conversation with them for seventy Years, yet have not attained to the knowledge of their Knots, nor the nature of their Accounts; when they in a short time have attained to the knowledge of our Letters and Ciphers; which are evidences of their Ingenuity, and good capacity: And as to their Memory, they generally exceed the Spaniards, having by their Knots, and Joints of their Fingers, figured several Common places, out of which they do extract par∣ticulars in their due Order for the help and benefit of the Memory. And what is more strange, the same Knots serve for divers Passages, and Arguments of History; and giving them onely the Subject, they will run on with a Histo∣ry as currently as a Reader can his Book; which is an Art unto which no Spa∣niard as yet hath been able to attain, nor know in what manner, it is perfor∣med; and are all good Arguments of the acute Judgment and great Memory of the Indians.

As to their Art in Military Affairs, take all things in their due Circumstances, the People of Peru are more expert than those of Europe; for shew me the most brave and famous Captains of Spain or France, on Foot without Horses, with∣out Armour, without Lance, Sword, Pistol, or other Fire-arms; let them ap∣pear in their Shirts without Cloths, with a Sling instead of a Girdle, and their Heads covered with a Cap of Feathers, or Garland of Flowers, instead of a Head-piece, or Steel Bergandine; let them march with their bare Feet over Briers, or Thorns; let their Diet be Herbs, and Roots of the Field, carrying a piece of a Mat in their Left hands instead of a Buckler; and in this manner let them enter the Field to blunt the Edges of Swords, and Halbards, and Pikes with three Forks; and let them stand the Stone-slings, the poisoned Arrows, and the skilfull Archer, which will hit the Eye, or the Heart, or anything; if in this naked and simple condition they become Conquerours, I will then say, that they deserve the Fame and Reputation of valiant Captains above the Indians,

but in regard it is impossible to put the Europeans in this state and condition, or to persuade them to the use of such Arms, Customs, or Habit, so humanely speaking, they will never make trial or essay to gain Victories with such tools or instruments. And, on the contrary, were the Indians armed as are the Eu∣ropeans, trained up with the same Military Discipline, and instructed in the Art of War, both by Sea and Land, they would be more invincible than the Turks. Of the Truth hereof Experience is the best proof; for whensoever the Spaniards and Indians were equal in their Arms, the Spaniards were slain in great numbers, as for Example, in Puno of Mexico, and long before that in other places; for the truth is, when the Spaniards have been laden and encumbred with their Arms, and the Indians free and light, the Spaniards have been often defeated in open Battel; as in Quitu, in Chachapuaya, in Chaquisaca, in Tucma, in Cunti, in Sausa, in Parcus, in Chili, and other parts. Wherefore in comparing the Va∣lour and Prowess of the Spaniards with that of the Indians, both of Mexico and Peru, there can be no measure or trial made by the Success or Conquests, by reason of the great inequality in their Arms, and above all, the Invention of Fire-arms was more terrible to them than all the rest, and seems something more than what is humane or natural; and in reality the Victories which have been obtained in most parts of the new World, and especially in Peru, were won∣derfull Effects of Divine Providence, and rather to be attributed to the Power of God, in favour of the Gospel, than to the Valour of the Spaniards. But though we may compare the Europeans and the Asitiaticks together in the point of Arms, yet we cannot admit of any Comparison between the Spaniards and the Indians, as to the Art of War, in which, no doubt but the Spaniards have much the advantage: But to let pass this point, and compare Indians with In∣dians, there is no doubt but the Incas, and the People of Peru, were much the better Souldiers; of which they have given us sufficient Testimonies by the many Conquests they made over the many Countries they reduced to their Obedience, and enjoyed; nor were they signalized for their Valour of late Years onely, (as some People vainly imagine) but for above five or six hundred Years past, amongst which many Kings of them have been very powerfull; namely Manco Capac, Inca Roca, Viracocha Inca, Pachacutec, and those descended from that Line to the great Huayna Capac, who was Emperour, be∣sides many other Captains of the same Bloud, of whom we have treated at large in other places.

Thus far are the Words of Blas Valera; after which short digression let us re∣turn again to our Spaniards.

CHAP. XXXI.

Of the differences which arose between the Almagro's, and the Piçarro's; and of the Imprisonment of Hernando Piçarro.

SO soon as Almagro and Piçarro saw that the Inca had disbanded his Army, and was fled, and had left unto them free possession of the Empire; they began then openly to discover their Passions, and turn their Arms each against the other; one affected to rule and govern absolutely alone, and the other prepared to pre∣vent and disappoint him of the Possession of that supreme Power which neither admits a Superiour nor a Rival. Thus Almagro required Hernando Piçarro to sur∣render the City to him, and leave him in free possession thereof, pretending, that it was the Part and Division which belonged to him, and not to his Brother; as not being comprehended within the two hundred Leagues of Land belonging to the Marquis, which were to be measured, and set out from the Equinoctial South∣ward, along the Sea-coast, according to the Capes, and Points, and Bays, run∣ning by the Sea-shore; but certainly Land was never measured in that manner, or by other Lines than by the High-ways. Howsoever the party of Almagro insisted on this point, and would understand no other Measures than by the Sea-coast, which if Piçarro had granted and condescended unto, though His Majesty should have enlarged his Jurisdiction an hundred Leagues farther, yet his Dominion would not have reached so far as los Reyes, much less could it have extended unto Cozco. Howsoever these groundless Reasons and Fancies had so far possessed the Mind of Almagro, and his Party, that they would suffer no Contradiction, or hearken to any Arguments to the contrary, but violently resolved to abandon the Kingdom of Chili, and return to Peru, and Cozco, from whence afterwards so ma∣ny Ruines and Mischiefs did ensue.

To this Demand Hernando Piçarro made Answer, that he did not command that City by virtue of his own Authority, but by a Power derived from the Gover∣nour, who was his Captain General, to whom having made Oath never to sur∣render up that City into any other hands, than his own; he could neither perform the part of a Gentleman, nor of a Souldier, in case he should betray his Trust by such a base surrender, which was an absolute Breach of his Oath; but in case they would write to the Marquis, and obtain his Order, he would immediately yield all compliance to his Commands. But waving that particular, he insisted, that the Imperial City belonged to his Brother, and was comprehended within the Limits of his Jurisdiction; for that the measures he propounded by Capes, and Gulfs, and Bays, along the Sea-coast, were mere fancies, and fallacies, and such as never were admitted amongst any rational Geographers; for the tur∣nings and windings of the Land will take up above half the extent of Ground, as is manifest by experience of the doubling of the Lands onely from the Isle of Palmes to the Cape of St. Francis. Nor ought the Land to be measured by the High-ways, which often turn and wind, and are steep, and oftentimes ascend three or four Leagues, and then again descend as many more; which upon a streight Line from one Hill to another, will not make half a League. But the Piçarros did not approve of this kind of Measure, alledging, that the Leagues were to be reckoned according to the Degrees of the Equinoctial, as Mariners mete out by their Compasses the distances at Sea, allowing to every Degree seventeen Leagues and an half, in sailing plain North and South: Now whereas there were not above eleven Degrees of South-latitude from the Equinoctial to the City of los Reyes, which make not more than an hundred ninety two Leagues and an half; and that to Cozco, which stands in fourteen Degrees, it will not make above two hundred forty five Leagues in all; so that both Cities of los Reyes, and Cozco, were

to be comprehended within the new Enlargement which His Majesty gave to Pi∣çarro, though the number of Leagues were not specified in that Grant.

Hereunto the Party of Almagro replied, that in case the distances were to be meted by the Heavens, and not by the Land, they were not to be taken North and South, but East and West, which gives Eighty Leagues to a Degree: But in regard that neither side would agree to that Measure, the matter, as they said, ought to be accommodated, and forty nine Leagues allowed to a Degree, and then the Jurisdiction of Piçarro would not reach farther than six Degrees from the Equinoctial, yielding forty nine Leagues to every Degree; now in case the Pi∣çarros yielded to any of these three sorts of Measures, neither Cozco, nor los Reyes, would be comprehended within his Jurisdiction.

In these Debates, pro & con, many Days were spent, which were oftentimes so warmly argued, that had it not been for the Moderation and Discretion of Diego de Alvarado, Uncle to the General Don Pedro de Alvarado and Gomez de Alvarado, a Person of great worth, they had proceeded to Arms, and open violence; he came in company with Almagro unto Chili, and being sensible of the evil Conse∣quences which a Breach or Misunderstanding of this nature between the Gover∣nours would produce, he so laboured to beget a good correspondence between them, that at length, by consent of the major part, it was agreed that Hernando should intimate to the Marquis his Brother the Demands and Pretensions of Al∣magro; and that untill an Answer should be returned thereunto, all matters should remain in suspence, and Acts of Hostility should cease, which accordingly was observed for some days; but some Men of an unquiet humour, who were desi∣rous to disturb that Union and Friendship which was established between those two Companions, suggested to Almagro, that he had done ill, and to the prejudice of his own right, by referring the Title and Claim which he justly had by Grant from the Emperour, to the Will and Pleasure of another. That Hernando Piçarro had resolved what to doe before he wrote, and that this pretence of Writing was onely to keep himself in his station so long as he could; for it could not be ex∣pected that the Marquis should ever be contented to resign and quit the Imperial City of Cozco, and that the Agreement which was made, being without limitation of time, might bind Almagro for ever, in case Piçarro should not return an Answer thereunto. Wherefore in regard his Claim to the Government of that City was clear, and without dispute, he was advised without farther Ceremonies, or pause, to take Possession thereof, it not being probable that ever the contrary party should assent to the Surrender of a Jewel so rich and important as that City; and therefore, that he should look to his own Interest, and not make delays in a mat∣ter which so much concerned him.

Almagro, who had no need of Sparks to enflame the burning heat of Ambition, which was smothered in his Mind, immediately took Fire at these Incentives, and embraced the Advices, which were given him by his evil Companions, for such Counsels as these are never projected by good Men: Wherefore without far∣ther Consultation with his wife and true Friends, he rashly attempted the lodg∣ings of Hernando and Gonçalo Piçarro, and in a dark night, and with armed Forces, broke in upon them, for the Guards were asleep, and secure, on confidence of the Truce which was so lately made; howsoever the matter was not so covertly carried, but that Intelligence was brought by one of Almagro's Men of the danger approaching, the which Hernando Piçarro would not believe at first, or conceive it possible, that a Gentleman should so manifestly violate his Word, and the Faith, he had given; but whilst Hernando was thus arguing, a noise and combustion was heard without, and then he that brought the News said. Sir, since you give no credit to what you hear with your Ears, believe what you see with your Eyes, for, behold, they are come.

Hereupon an Allarm was given to the Servants and People belonging to the Piçarros, who instantly armed, and ran to defend the Doors of the House, which had been fortified, and strongly barred, as were all the Quarters of the City where the Spaniards lodged, ever since the time that the Inca departed. The Almagrians not finding a speedy Entrance, set Fire to the House in several places: Hereup∣on the Defendants giving themselves for lost, opened the Doors, and so Hernando and Gonçalo Piçarro, with many of their Friends and Relations, who were all of the Countrey of Estremenno, or Estremadura, vvere taken, and put together into a strait Chamber of the Cassana, which they made secure with bars and bolts of Iron:

Some evil Counsellours which loved to make and foment differences, advised Al∣magro to kill Hernando Piçarro, for that ever since the first time that he came from Spain, they had discovered in him a strange malice towards his Person, ha∣ving never mentioned him with any kind character; and that he was a Man of a violent spirit, revengefull to the utmost, and of a different temper to his Bro∣thers; and therefore that it was dangerous to suffer such a Man to live.

Almagro was ready to have executed this counsel, but that Diego, and Gomez de Alvarado; John de Saavedra, Bartolomeo de Terrazas, Vasco de Guevara, and Geronimo de Costilla, and others, who were all Gentlemen of Noble descent, and friends to peace and quietness, restrained this violence; telling him, that there was no rea∣son in that open manner to break with the Marquis, who had been his faithfull friend and confederate in all Enterprises; for perhaps the reputation he had ble∣mished by breach of the Truce might be salved again, and the seizure he had made on the Government might be accommodated; but the Assassination of Her∣nando Piçarro was a thing so odious to the World, and so infamous to his Name, that the stain thereof could never be blotted out; and therefore he would doe well to consult with Reason and Prudence, rather than with his Anger and Re∣venge, which would carry him to more dangerous extremities.

With these and the like Reasons these Gentlemen persuaded Almagro to desist from this cruel intention, contenting himself with the Government of the City; which having taken upon him, he caused all the Officers of the Corporation, and the people a hundred Leagues round, according to the limits prefixed to him by his Majesty, to swear Fealty and Allegiance to him. Where we will leave him for a while, and pass forwards to other matters which hapned at the same time.

CHAP. XXXII.

Of the Hardships and Difficulties which Garçilasso de la Vega, and his Companions, sustained to Discover the Countrey of Buena-ventura, which signifies Good For∣tune.

WE have formerly related how that Don Francis Piçarro finding himself be∣sieged by the Indians, who had made a general Insurrection, greatly feared, that his Brothers in Cozco, and Almagro in Chili, were destroyed by them; and therefore with all diligence dispatched Advices to Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, St. Domingo, and the other Islands of Barlovento, to demand succours and relief; he likewise sent Orders to recall his Captains, namely, Alonso de Alvarado, Sebastian de Belalcaçar, Garçilasso de la Vega, and John Porcell, requiring them to desist from their Conquests, and to return to him with all their force, having need of their Aid against the power of the Indians. Alonso de Alvarado, who was the nearest of any to his Quarters, was the first that came in, but not timely enough to yield his assistence before the Indians began to flag, and withdraw their force from the City of los Reyes, which they totally abandoned, so soon as he appeared; but nei∣ther Captain Sebastian de Belalcaçar, nor Captain de los Bracamoros, nor John Porcell, were present at this Action, by reason that the Indians, who carried the Command, were killed by the way, so that the Order or Summons never came to their hands: besides, Garçilasso de la Vega arrived not long after the coming of Alonso de Alvarado from the Bay, which is called St. Mathew's Bay, and Buena-ventura; the which Countrey (as we have touched before) was bad, and almost uninhabita∣ble,

so that the people which were sent thither sustained much difficulty and hardship; for the Mountains were incredibly high, and covered with lofty trees, of such a sort of hard Timber, as would not yield to the Hatchet; and the Bushes so thick and close, that they were like a Wall, that neither Man or Beast could pass through them; and the Rains were so constant, and made such a perpetual Deluge, that when they intended to have burnt them, the fire was extinguished, and would not take.

At first when the Spaniards entred upon that Conquest, they expected to have found many Indians within the Countrey; and so passed, as well as they were able, opening the ways by force of Arms and Labour, rising and descending by the Chanels which were made by Waters falling from the Mountain. And with these Difficulties they proceeded for many days, though they were sufficiently in∣formed by the Indians, whom they brought out of Peru to serve them, that it was all labour lost, that there were no people in many Leagues distant from those parts, that the Region being uninhabitable, was Abandoned by all people, and never planted by the Incan Kings: Howsoever, the Spaniards would not hearken to them, esteeming it a disreputation to their Enterprise to return back to the Countrey of their Companions. Wherefore persisting in this resolution to proceed, they tra∣velled at least a hundred Leagues, being reduced to such a want of all Provisions, that they were forced to eat Herbs and Roots, Toads, Serpents, and other Insects, which, as they said, in that time of Famine, had as good a rellish as Hares or Co∣nies; and, as they report, the great Serpents were much better Meat than the smaller Snakes. At length, after a long and tedious Journey, in which they had no prospect of a better condition, but that still their Famine and Hardships en∣creased, the Officers of the Army, and of the King's Treasure, went to the Cap∣tain, and told him, That since they had learned by experience, that the Hard∣ships of that discovery were not longer to be sustained; for that having now wandred for above five Months within those Mountains, they had not seen so much as one Indian to conquer, nor an Acre of Land to cultivate, but had onely met with Mountains, and Rivers, and Lakes, and Brooks, and a perpetual Deluge of Rain; wherefore they conceived it better to consult his own, and the safety of his people by a return, rather than out of an obstinate humour to throw away the Lives of his people by Famine, and other Hardships. To which the Cap∣tain made answer, That he had many days past observed and considered all those Difficulties which they laid before him; and that about the time of two Months after they had entred within those Mountains, he had conceived some thoughts of making a return; but considering that such a retreat would have been disho∣nourable to them, and to himself, he had persisted in this Enterprise untill this very time; and still must continue to intreat, and importune them to take cou∣rage and proceed forward, so that their Companions, who are emulous of their great undertakings, might not have occasion to revile them with scorn, and bid them to begone to their Riches, and delicious Dwellings of Peru. Wherefore he again requested and conjured them not now to relinquish their design, or turn their backs to a work which they had almost overcome; for the more danger, the more honour; and since Fame and Glory is the reward of Victory, they should press forward like good Souldiers to obtain it, at least persist so far in the prosecu∣tion of it, untill it appeared desperate, and drive it so far, as that their Adversa∣ries and evil Tongues might have nothing to object against them; for which they would have sufficient subject and cause, in case they should so soon return with their business uneffected; in the mean time he could not but have a sense and feeling of their Labours and Hardships, more than of his own; howsoever, since they saw that he did not flinch, nor retreat a step backward, he desired them to follow him, who was their Captain, being thereunto obliged as Cavaliers, good Souldiers and Spaniards. With which good words, and pressing instances, being overcome, they complied with his desires, and proceeded other three Months in their discovery: As their Journey lengthned, so Sickness increased; for the bodies of Men not being able to sustain such Hardships, many, as well Indians as Spaniards, fell sick and died, more of Hunger, than of any other Distemper. Thus seeing that their Men fell sick, and died every day, so that they were not able to proceed forward, they resolved by common consent to return, yet not by the same way; but taking a compass to the Eastward, they came about by the South, that for their better satisfaction they might take a round, and bring all

within their discovery: Their way was now over other Mountains, not better than those already passed, but worse, if worse could be: And still Famine and Mortality pressed them hard with great discouragement, so that they were forced to kill their worst Horses, and with ther Flesh to make Broth for their sick peo∣ple. But what was most lamentable to see, was Men dying and perishing with mere weakness; for not having strength to walk, they were left to themselves in the Mountains; and not being able to help one the other, every one shifted for himself: One day they left eleven Men alive in this manner, and another day thir∣teen. When they were almost starved, and were forced to yield to their weakness, the under-jaw fell in that manner, that they could not shut their mouths; so when they left them, all they said was, God rest, and remain with you; and the poor Wretches would answer with an imperfect pronunciation, God go with you; not ha∣ving strength to move their Tongues. All these particulars, besides the common report, were related to me by a certain Souldier called—de Fortalva; I heard it repeated more than once, and I could not but weep at the sadness of the story: And he farther said, that it did not so much trouble him when he left them dead, but to abandon Men in that condition alive, was more grievous than could be expres∣sed. In this manner above eighty Spaniards perished, besides Indians, in a far grea∣ter number. Moreover, they had another difficulty to pass the River Quiximis; for the Timbers which they cut for that purpose, were so heavy, being sappy and green, that they would not float, but sink to the bottom; nor were there any places where it might be waded over, being a very swift and rapid stream, and much infested with Alligators, which they call Caymanes, which are a sort of Cro∣codile of about twenty five or thirty Foot long; and so voracious, that they are very dangerous in the Water. At length they made some Floats with Boughs fastned together, and therewith passed with as much difficulty as we can imagine. It happened, that being to pass one of these Rivers, and seeking the most com∣modious place, they espied two great Trees opposite to each other, one on one side, and the other on the other side of the River, with branches extending so wide, that they reached each other; it was thought fit to cut down one of these towards the root, which they did, and so directed the fall of it on the tree on the other side, that it fell and rested on the other; both which trees being joyned to∣gether, served for a Bridge, over which the Spaniards and Indians taking hold on the boughs, passed by three and four at a time. At length there remained onely six persons to go over, which were three Spaniards, and three Indians, of which the Captain himself was one who would be the last to bring up the rere; the In∣dians were ordered to go foremost to carry the Arms, and two other Spaniards who were intimate Comerades of the Captains were to bear the Saddles, and pas∣sing in this order near the top of the standing tree, that which was cut gave a crack, and broke off from that part towards the bottom, which remained un∣hewen; the two Spaniards, and the three Indians, kept their hold fast upon the boughs; and the Captain, who observed the danger more than those who were before him, gave a leap over his Companions, and catched firm hold on a bough of the standing tree, which breaking with his weight, he fell therewith into the Water; those which sate on the other tree were likewise carried down the stream with him, and were never seen more: But two or three of the Captain's Comerades standing on the other side, and observing the danger in which he was, followed him on the bank, and reaching out to him the end of their Lances, he took hold of them, and therewith they drew him to the shore, and saved him, returning thanks to Almighty God for this great deliverance. And now travelling on their way forward, in what place soever that they found any plenty of wild Fruit or Roots larger than ordinary, they would stay there to ga∣ther and make provision of them for food in their Journey. And having thus wan∣dered above the space of one whole year in the Mountains, at length one day whilst they made a stay to gather their Fruits, the Captain took a fancy to climb a tree, which grew on the highest part of the Mountain, to see if he could espy any plain or end of those Rocks, or hope to free themselves from that Maze, or Labyrinth: And being on the top of one of the highest trees, which are in those parts like lofty Towers, he could not discover any plain Countrey, being still en∣vironed on all sides with mighty Mountains; but looking round about, he obser∣ved a great flock of Parrots near him, which with their usual chattering noise took their flight South-East, and at a good distance from him, about five or six Leagues

as he could guess, he observed that they stooped from the Wing to some low Valley: Now whereas Parrots are great lovers of Mayz, which is their chief food, he concluded, that in or about the place where he saw them fall, there must be some Plantation, or Dwelling for people; and upon this presumption, eying well the place, he returned to his Companions, and told them, that they should be of good comfort, for that he had discovered sure and certain, tokens and evi∣dences, that they should now very speedily arrive at some inhabited Countrey. The Spaniards and all their company being comforted and encouraged with this good news, took heart, and next morning fell to work, opening a way through the Boscage with Axe and Hatchet, and in the space of thirty Days, penetrated and broke through eight Leagues in length, and then entred into a small Planta∣tion of the Indians, consisting of about a hundred Families, with whom Mayz, and other sorts of Grane and Pulse, were in great plenty; and the Soil was very good, and able to produce food and maintenance for greater numbers, than did there inhabit: Upon sight of which, and entrance thereinto, the Spaniards returned thanks to God, who had brought them forth, and delivered them out of those extremes of misery. The Indians, when they saw a people with Beards, and most of them cloathed in Skins, (for their Garments were rotted upon their backs, ha∣ving been for the most part wet,) and those who were best habited amongst them were instead of their Rags covered with the Bark and Leaves of Trees, they were strangely surprized, and much more did they admire to see the Horses, for some of them were still conserved from being eaten. At the appearance of this new sight, they called to each other to fly into the Mountains; but some signs being made to them, not to fear, they were induced to stay, and call their Ca∣cique, who was then in the Fields; the Cacique coming, received them with much kindness and courtesie, shewing some trouble and pity to see them almost naked, full of scratches and wounds received from the Woods and Bushes, and so weak and pale, that they seemed half dead: He entertained them like Brothers, and gave them Manto's of Cotten, such as were made for his own cloathing; and in a short time he took such an affection to the Spaniards, and particularly to the Captain, that he desired him never more to leave his Countrey; but if he would not be persuaded to remain there, yet then that he would take him into his com∣pany, and carry him to the place of his aboad and residence. At this place they remained thirty Days, and had occasion for their better refreshment, to have con∣tinued there longer; but that out of pity to those poor Indians, that they might not eat up their Provisions, which they so freely bestowed on them, they quitted their Countrey, the name of which they did not enquire, it being their business rather to pass through, than to inform themselves of Names and Places. The Cacique would needs bring them on part of their way, and appointed thirty of his Indians to be their Guides, and carry such Provisions for them as were very need∣full in that desart Countrey through which they were to pass: the which Indians were likewise very serviceable in transporting their people over certain Rivers; for they were skillfull in the manner how to make Floats, and knew how to conduct and steer them over, better than the Spaniards. At length coming to the first Valley within the jurisdiction of Puerto Viejo, the Cacique and his Indians took their leave of them with many tears, being very sorrowfull to lose their company; and especially they were devoted to the Captain, who had won their hearts by his affable and obliging deportment. At last the Spaniards entred Puerto Viejo, with no greater number than of one hundred and sixty Persons; for of the two hundred and fifty, who at first undertook that Conquest, above eighty of them were star∣ved with hunger, and perished with other hardships within the Mountains. At Puerto Viejo they received the first intelligence of the Insurrection of the Indians, but knew nothing as yet of the success; wherefore they hastned with all diligence to the City of los Reyes; and being on their way, they met the Command of the Mar∣quis, summoning them to come in unto his succour; upon which they quickned their March, and came to Rimac some few days after the Arrival of Captain Alonso de Alvarado at that place; which coming so seasonably to the succour and relief of the Marquis, they were received by him with much joy and comfort.

CHAP. XXXIII.

Alonso de Alvarado marches to the Succour of Cozco; and what his success was in these Travels.

SO soon as Marquis Piçarro was recruited with Forces, both from Alonso de Al∣varado, and Garcilasso de la Vega, he sent Succours to his Brothers, being alto∣gether as yet ignorant of the success of affairs at Cozco; for he was neither infor∣med that Prince Manco Inca was retreated, nor that Almagro was returned from Chili, nor his Brothers imprisoned. Of those Troops which came to him, and of his own, he drew out a Detachment of three hundred Men, well Accoutred, and Accommodated in all respects, one hundred and twenty of which were Horse, and an hundred and eighty Foot: Alonso de Alvarado was appointed to Command in Chief, which Office did formerly appertain to Pedro de Lerma, a Native of Bur∣gos, who, during the Insurrection of the Indians, had acquitted himself like a good Commander, and a valiant Souldier; and as he always behaved himself stoutly as became him, so one day particularly in a Battel between the Indians and the Spa∣niards, his Teeth were beaten out with an unlucky stone thrown from a Sling: Nor was he onely deprived of his Command, and the same given to another, but he was ordered to serve under Alonso de Alvarado in Quality of Captain of Horse: the which Action, as some construed it, was unpolitickly done by the Marquis, and without due consultation; for since he was resolved in a manner to degrade him, he had better have kept him in his own company, than to have caused him to serve under a Person against whom he conceived some piques of Emulation: And indeed Pedro de Lerma did more resent this circumstance, than the depriva∣tion of his Office; for they were both of the same Countrey, and both Noble; and it is a piece of pride incident to the Nature of Mankind, rather to submit to the command of a Stranger, though of meaner rank and quality, than to his equal of the same Countrey: And from this errour it was, that Piçarro afterwards lost the fortune of the day, as we shall see by the sequel of the Story.

When the day appointed for the departure of these Forces grew near, Garçilasso de la Vega desired licence of the Marquis, that he might with the other Captains be employed in this adventure for relief and succour of his Brothers; to which the Marquis made answer, that he should suddenly have occasion of more supplies, and that then he should be sent Commander in Chief of them; but Garçilasso in∣stantly pressed that his desires might not be deferred, for that he could not be quiet in his mind, when he considered the distress of his Lordships Brothers; for ha∣ving an especial Friendship for them, and related to them as Countreymen, he could not pardon himself, in case he should be guilty of remisness, and be a se∣cond, and not one of the first to yield, and administer Aid to them in their di∣stress; and that for the recruits which were hereafter to be sent, he did not doubt but that he was furnished with Commanders, unto whom he might worthily com∣mit that charge. The Marquis yielding at length to his importunity, suffered him to depart with the others; so taking their March by way of the Plains, as far as Nanasca, to avoid the bad and difficult passages, they came to the beautifull Valley of Pachacamac, where about four Leagues distant from los Reyes, they were engaged in a bloudy Battel against the Indians, who were still in Arms, and in a Body, notwithstanding that their Prince was retired into the Mountains; and had until that time always beaten the Succours which had been sent to Cozco; and with that encouragement adventured to engage with Alonso de Alvarado, fighting a long time with much bravery; but being now in the open Field, without the covert and defence of Woods and Mountains, where the Horse could doe service, many of the Indians were slain; but in the craggy and woody Mountains they did much mischief to the Spaniards, killing eleven of them, and seven Horses. From thence Alonso de Alvarado marched forward, and to make the more haste, they tra∣velled

by Day against the advice and persuasion of the Indians, who assured them, that it was a matter most pernitious to their health to travel over those sandy De∣sarts by Day; for that whilst the Sun reflected in its full violence on them, the Heats were insupportable; and that unless they carried Water with them, the peo∣ple would dye with thirst. But this advice given by the Indians to march by Night, was not regarded by the Spaniards, who imagined that they gave that coun∣sel out of good will and favour to their Incas; and therefore threatned to kill them in case they did not hasten their Journey. The poor Indians, who were humble and obedient, submitted to their pleasure; and having travelled a whole day, un∣till an hour after Sun-setting, both they and the Spaniards found themselves in great distress for want of Water; and more especially the Indians, who having carried Burthens all the day, above five hundred of them perished with heat and thirst. The Spanish Foot had incurred the like fate, but that the Horse understanding that a River was not far distant, ran thither, and brought Water, which refreshed them in their great extremity: the which report Augustine Carate confirms in the sixth Chapter of his third Book, as may appear in these Words following:

Alonso de Alvarado passing on his Journey to Cozco, over a sandy Desart, su∣stained such want of Water, that above five hundred of his Indians, who car∣ried Burthens, were choaked with thirst; and had not the Horse ran in haste to a River, and brought thence in certain Vessels some Water for refreshment of the Spanish Foot, it is believed that they had all perished.

Thus far are the Words of Carate.

For want of those Indians who died with thirst, they were forced to stay some Days, untill they were supplied with others to carry their Burthens. And not to incur again the like necessity, they left the way of the Desart, and took up by the Mountains, where they joyned with other two hundred Men, seventy of which were Horse, and the rest Foot, which the Marquis had sent under Command of Gomez de Tordoya de Vargas, a near Kinsman to Garçilasso de la Vega, to recruit the Forces under Alonso de Alvarado, which consisted to five hundred Spaniards: All which, as they marched through those mountainous and fast Countries, had many Skirmishes at every pass with the Indians; but being well advised by frequent misfortunes of this nature, they marched warily, and with due care to avoid the like snares, and unhappy successes. At length they came to the Bridge called Rumicacha, which is as much as to say the Stone-bridge; which being a difficult pass, the Indians did all they were able to give a stop to the Enemy at that place, and many other Avenues they guarded with Souldiers; to gain which, the Spani∣ards made a Detachment of about forty or fifty Musquetiers, with a great num∣ber of those Indians, whom they had taken up for Servants, and which were to guide the Spaniards, whilst the Musquetiers guarded the rere, until the whole Body had escaped the danger of those close and difficult passages. At the Bridge an in∣numerable Company of Indians crouded on the Spaniards, and fought valiantly; the Battel continued several hours, but at last the Indians were forced to give way with great slaughter, for the Musquetiers of which there were one hundred, galled them very much, and were those onely who gained the Victory, for in those in∣closures the Horse were able to doe no service; howsoever, the Spaniards lost twenty eight Men, and nine Horses, besides many of their Indian Servants. As Gomara in the 138th Chapter relates in these Words:

Alvarado marched without any interruption with his five hundred Spaniards, untill he came to Lumichaca, where is a Stone-bridge; but there he met with great numbers of Indians, who thought to cut off all the Christians, or at least disperse them: But Alvarado and his Souldiers, though encompassed on all sides with Enemies, fought with that Valour and Conduct, that they over-threw them with a great slaughter: but this Victory cost the lives of many Spaniards, and of many Indians, who were friends, and came to serve and assist them, &c.

From Rumichaca Alonso de Alvarado proceeded forwards, skirmishing with the In∣dians at every turn, where the Passes were narrow and difficult; and though they conceived little hopes to overcome them, howsoever it was some satisfaction to them to disturb them in their March; and though the Indians being now beaten

out of the Field, durst not engage in a pitched Battel, as they had formerly done, yet they continued their frequent Skirmishes with loss and damage on one side and the other. And having marched twenty Leagues farther unto the Bridge of A∣mancay, Alonso de Alvarado received intelligence from the Indians, that the Inca was fled, and retired into the Mountains, that Hernando de Piçarro was imprisoned, that John de Piçarro was dead, with many others, during the last Siege, besides se∣veral other particulars which had happened; to all which Alvarado had been a stranger untill that time: But now upon this advice, it was judged most safe not to proceed farther, untill they had received new Orders from the Marquis, to whom they gave a true information of the state of all affairs; and lest, in the mean time, Almagro should make an attempt upon them, they fortified themselves, and provi∣ded for a Siege. Almagro hearing that Alonso de Alvarado was with his Forces come as far as the Bridge of Amancay, dispatched a Message to him by Diego de Alvarado, and eight other Cavaliers of the best Quality then with him; and in a peaceable and civil manner gave him to understand, that the title and claim he laid to that Government was very manifest and plain by the Commission he had received from his Majesty; and therefore he exhorted him to return in peace, and if not, he pro∣tested against him for all the Bloud, Miseries and Damages which should follow. This Message being delivered, Alonso de Alvarado seized on those that brought it, and detained them Prisoners, saying, That to the Marquis, and not to him, they ought to notifie their instructions, not being authorized or empowred to act any thing without his Orders: And though Garçilasso de la Vega, Peralvarez Holguin, Gomez de Tordoya, and other principal Officers were of opinion, that they ought to be set free, and liberty given them to intimate their Message to the Marquis him∣self; for that in all parts of the World, even amongst the most barbarous Nati∣ons, the Persons of Ambassadours were always privileged, and freed from Mole∣stations and Arrests whatsoever. That this course would serve to augment and enflame the heats of passion, which were kindled between the Governours, ra∣ther than to allay and appease them. That it was a hard case that those who had gained that Empire, and were in hopes to enjoy the fruits of their labours in peace and quietness, should now quarrel and kill each other, when they came to share and divide the prey. That he should consider with what infamy the relation of this Story would be received in the World, when it should come to be known, that on the force of particular interests, a civil and intestine War was begun a∣mongst them: But Alonso de Alvarado being far from being moved by these reasons, adhered to his own opinion, incited by a natural obstinacy, to the great discon∣tentment of his people, who were desirous to enjoy the Riches of Peru in peace, and in an amicable correspondence, which they had acquired at the cost and ex∣pence of much bloud, and of incessant labours and turmoils full of danger.

CHAP. XXXIV.

The Battel of the River Amancay; and the Imprisonment of Alonso de Alvarado and his Souldiers.

NOT long after the Ambassadours were departed from Cozco, Almagro fol∣lowed them out of the City; and finding that they did not return in their due time, he retired again to the City, where he remained with some trouble and anxiety of mind, suspecting the evil which had befallen them; for he was very sensible both that Alonso de Alvarado had much a better Army than his; and that he was not well assured of the fidelity of the people with him, of which many had belonged to Hernando Piçarro, and might probably change the side and colours at the appearance of the Enemy, for which reason it was not judged convenient to carry them into the Field with them: And moreover, he believed that there could be no good designs towards him, in regard that a detention or seizure had been made of his Messengers. Whilst Almagro was thus divided in his thoughts and fears, he received a Letter from Captain Pedro de Lerma, who (as we have said before) being much disgusted with the Marquis, and judging this to be a conve∣nient opportunity to revenge himself; gave intimation to Almagro of his own just resentments, on score of the unhandsome usage he had received from Piçarro; and hereunto adding the perfidious treatment exercised towards his Ambassadours, which was a barbarous Act, and disowned by the greatest part of his people; he invited him to advance against the Forces under the Command of Alvarado, assu∣ring him, that upon his appearance above a hundred of his friends would join with him, and secure him of happy success with much facility and honour, and that he doubted not but to bring over the whole party to his side and interest, being en∣tirely dissatisfied with the proceedings of Alvarado their Captain.

Upon these Advices Diego de Almagro, in the space of fifteen Days, fitted and provided himself with all matters necessary for this Enterprise, and departed from Cozco in search of Alonso de Alvarado; and in his way he took Alvarez Holguin, who was sent out upon a party to make discovery, and learn something of the procee∣dings of Almagro, but was betrayed by his own Men, who had been suborned and instructed by Pedro de Lerma; as also the greatest number of those who remained were engaged in the Conspiracy. So soon as Alonso de Alvarado was informed that Alvarez Holguin was taken, he suspected Pedro de Lerma, and would have seized him; for, as Gomara saith, he had uttered some suspicious words, as that he was of Burgos, and was well acquainted with the humour of Alvarado; but Pedro de Lerma being advised of the secret intentions of Alvarado towards him, escaped away with several friends, in a kind of open manner; for such was the affection and interest he had with the Souldiery, that had he had onely four Days time to have worked his designs, he had carried the whole Army with him: And now to accomplish his Plot, he counselled Almagro to make all speed and haste possible, for that his Victory consisted in expedition; of which he might be well assured, for that he had already secured the Affections of the people towards him: And as to the Rules which were to be observed in the management of this affair, he directed him the manner how, the time when, and the place where he was to assault him; the time was to be at Night, when Darkness covers the guilt of Traytours; and he in Person was their guide to the Bridge, where many of the Conspiratours were attending in expectation of them; and the Horse were ordered to pass the River, which was not so deep, but that they might foard or wade it over with∣out danger.

Having these Hopes and Expectations of Victory, they marched forward; on the other side, the Captains and Officers of Alvarado issued out Orders for the Fight, and for Defence, but were not obeyed; for it was night, and most of them engaged in the Conspiracy; the Horsemen pretended, that their Lances were stoln from them, and cast into the River; the Infantry complained that their Muskets, Cross-bows, and Pikes, were hidden, and laid aside; so that none obey∣ed the Command of their Captains, but every one was in confusion, and followed his own Fancy. Those that were appointed to defend the River, and secure the Bridge, instead of repulsing the Enemy, directed them where they might pass with most ease and security; and in regard it was night, so that the Almagrians could not discover the fordable places, the Party on the other side directed and guided them over, and those at the Bridge invited and assured them, that they might pass without fear. By these means Don Diego de Almagro obtained a Victo∣ry, and took Alonso de Alvarado, Garcilasso de la Vega, Gomez de Tordoya, and Cap∣tain Villalva, Prisoners, with other Captains and Officers of the Army, with about an hundred common Souldiers, who refused to enter into the Conspiracy; all which was performed without the loss of one Man, either killed or wounded on either side, onely Rodrigo de Orgonnos paid for all, having his Teeth beaten out by an unlucky Stone thrown at randome from a sling, no Man knows how, nor from whence it came. Thus Almagro, and his Souldiers, returned victorious, and triumphant, unto Cozco, giving out Words of Scorn and Contempt against the Piçarros, as that they would not leave so much as one Piçarra under foot (which is a pebble Stone) in all Peru, that if they affected Government, and Dominion, they should go seek it amongst the Manglares, and in those high Mountains which run along the Sea-coast, under the Equinoctial. Those whom they suspected of Ma∣lignancy towards them, they secured under safe Custody, and because they were many in number, they committed them unto two Prisons, some they sent to the Fortress, and others to the Cassana, which is the common Prison of the Town.

We have formerly mentioned, how that the Marquis Piçarro having dis∣patched Alonso de Alvarado, and soon after Gomez de Tordoya, with Recruits and Succours to his Brothers, he himself remained in the City of los Reyes, to order and dispose those Troops, which came to him from divers parts, according as he had demanded; of which Gomara, in the 137th Chapter of his Book, gives this Account.

Alonso de Fuen Mayor, President and Bishop of St. Domingo, sent, under the Command of his Brother, Diego de Fuen Mayor, Native of Yanguas, many Spa∣nish Musquetiers, which were lately come to him with Pedro de Vergara. Fer∣nando Cortes sent upon his own Ship, commanded by Rodrigo di Grijalua, as far as from New Spain, a considerable quantity of Arms, such as Lances, Sadles, and Furniture for Horses, Garments of Silk, and one Suit of Martin's Furr. Gas∣per de Espinosa brought from Panama, Nombre de Dios, and other parts of the Contenent, a great Company of Spaniards; and Diego de Ayala returned with good Recruits, which he had gathered at Nicaragua, and Quahutemallan; besides many others, from divers other parts: So that now the Army of Piçarro was become far greater than ever, and the number of his Musque∣tiers much encreased, of which though he had no great use against the In∣dians, yet they came seasonably to his Aid against Almagro, as shall hereafter be related, &c.

The Marquis finding himself so well reinforced, for as Carate reports, his Troops consisted of seven hundred Spaniards, Horse and Foot, he resolved in person to march to the Relief of his Brothers; for his Mind could not be at rest, being in daily apprehensions and fears for them, and could not be satisfied whilst he remained at so far a distance: Wherefore taking his way by the Plains, and with short Days Marches, he met the Intelligence which was sent him by Alvarado, how that the Inca was retired, that Almagro was returned to Cozco, that two of his Brothers were imprisoned, and a third dead; all which ill News the Marquis received with a due sense of Sorrow and Affliction: But

that might not be oppressed with all his Griefs at the same time, the second News, of the loss of his Forces, and Imprisonment of Alvarado, came not to him untill two days after the Receipt of the former, which served to augment the sense he conceived for his late Misfortunes. Whereupon giving a stop to his March, he resolved to return again to los Reyes, though he was already advanced twenty five Leagues upon his Way; for that when he departed thence, he had made preparations onely for a War against the Indians; but now the Design being changed, and that he was to fight with Spaniards, another sort of Arms, and other accoutrements of War, were to be provided, as necessa∣ry against this Enemy.

Moreover he thought it advisable first to make trial of the more moderate Terms of Treaty and Accommodation, not being willing to tempt Fortune a third time, which had been severe to him in two former Adventures. He farther considered, That his Competitor was strong, both in Horse and Foot; and that they were wellarmed; and that the most safe and easie way to ex∣tinguish that Fire which was now kindled in the Breast of Almagro, was to re∣vive the ancient Conditions of Brother-hood and Friendship, which had been so often confirmed, and ratified under so many Oaths and Religious Vows; by Virtue of which, that great and rich Empire having been gained, and con∣quered; it would be most lamentable to see the Enjoyment of those Blessings disappointed, and at the end of all, to see nothing intended, but the Ruine and Destruction of each other.

On these Considerations he dispatched the Lawyer, Doctour Espinosa, unto Cozco, with Instructions, if possible, to conclude some middle Terms of Ac∣commodation between him and Almagro; and that he should especially endea∣vour to make him sensible, that in case their Quarrels and Dissentions should be made known to His Majesty, and the Differences between his Gover∣nours, suggested as irreconcileable; it was more than probable, that His Majesty would, before they could lay the matter open before him, provide himself with another Governour to supplant them both, and who, without Svveat, or Labour, vvould immediately enter into the Possession, and En∣joyment of that Dominion, which they, at the Expence of so much Bloud and Industry, had atchieved. That he should consider, that a good Peace was better than an evil War, and that though those Words are commonly in∣verted, yet under the present Circumstances they vvere most certainly true. And lastly, vvhen he should see that Almagro vvas not to be prevailed vvith, on any equal Terms, that then he should conclude with him on Conditions to release his Brothers; and that as for the matter of the Government of Cozco, he should rule and govern there in God's Name, untill such time as that the case being stated, and made known to His Majesty, he should be pleased to determine the particular Limits and Precincts of each other's Go∣vernment: Provided also in the mean time, that Almagro should not make any Attempt on the City of los Reyes, nor on any of the Territories thereunto belonging.

Doctour Espinosa being thus dispatched with this Commission, and these In∣structions, he arrived at Cozco, where he proposed all matters accordingly to Almagro, and his Officers; but they vvere become so high, and elated, with their former Success, that they vvould neither yield, nor hearken to any Pro∣posals: And though Diego de Alvarado, with his usual Candour and Mode∣ration, insisted, That the Articles now offered, were the very same that they formerly required; for that they never demanded more than Possession, and quiet Enjoyment of the City of Cozco; yet they rejected all his Counsel, and Offers, saying, That he was not to prescribe them Limits, or confine and restrain them from marching towards los Reyes; for that he was not to be im∣posed upon within his own Jurisdiction, but in that prosperous and flourish∣ing state of Affairs, rather to give them to receive Conditions from others. To which Diego de Alvarado made Answer, that the Conditions were such as he himself gave, and not received; but all he could say was in vain, and insig∣nificant, for it was entirely rejected.

And here it is observable, that both Governours challenged the City of Coz∣co for his own, and both agreed that the Limits of their respective Govern∣ments should be begun and be established from the Chanels without, one to the Southward, and the other Northward; the choice of which being abso∣lutely granted to Almagro, he refused to accept either; for seeing himself now in possession of the City, and that his Competitour had condescended to all his Conditions, he believed that such Compliance proceeded from a fear of loosing all his Government; wherefore since Fortune had with displayed wings owned his Cause, he was resolved to push it forward, and try if he could be∣come sole Monarch of all that Empire.

Thus Almagro being puffed up with Ambition, and moved with Covetous∣ness, which are two unsatiable Affections of the Mind, he would yield to no Agreement with the Marquis, and Espinosa dying amidst the heat of these De∣bates, nothing was concluded; nor the Benefit of that Peace and happy Ac∣commodation produced, as might have been expected from the Prudence, Judgment, and moderation of that worthy Person, who, before his Death, presaged the Ruine and Destruction of both the Governours. And now Al∣magro, to testifie to the World that he had not yielded to the Propositions of the Marquis, he marched out of Cozco with an Army, leaving Graviel de Ro∣jas Governour in his stead, with Commission to have a particular Eye and Regard over the Prisoners, who, with the first taken with Hernando Piçarro, and those with Alonso de Alvarado, did amount in all to the number of one hun∣dred and fifty which were committed unto two several Prisons, as we have already declared.

But in regard that Almagro durst not trust Hernando Piçarro in Prison, lest he should make his Escape, he took him with himself, and marched by way of the Plains; and having passed the Territories belonging to Cozco, he entred into the Jurisdiction of los Reyes, and came to the Valley of Chincha, which is not much more than twenty Leagues distant from that City, where, in token of Live∣ry and Seisin, he founded a new Colony, giving thereby a clear Evidence of his Intentions, to become Master of both Governments. And here for a while he pitched his Camp, to see how the Marquis would take this Attempt, giving him thereby to understand, That in case he should be displeased with these his Proceedings, that he was there ready to defie him, and there expected him in the Field, to decide the Controversie like a Souldier, and a valiant Captain.

CHAP. XXXV.

The Marquis nominates Captains for the War. Gonzalo Piçarro makes his Escape out of Prison. The Sentence given by the Umpires concerning the Government. The Interview between the two Governours: And the Liber∣ty of Hernando Piçarro.

SO soon as the Marquis was returned to the City of los Reyes, he began his Preparations for a War against Almagro, his Drums were beat up for new Leavies and Advices were dispatched along the Coast of all matters which had passed: Upon which the people flocked together in such numbers, that ha∣ving increased his Army very considerably, he gave out his Commissions to Cap∣tains and other Officers. Pedro de Valdivia, and Antonio de Villalva, were ordai∣ned Major-Generals; the Son of Collonel Villalva was made Seargeant Major: Peranzures, Diego de Rojas, and Alonso de Mercadillo, were appointed Captains of Horse: Diego de Urbino Native of Ordunna, the Kinsman of John de Urbino was made Captain of Lanciers: Nunno de Castro, and Peter de Vergara, who had been a Souldier in Flanders, and brought with him from thence into the Indies, a com∣pany of Musquetiers with Ammunition, and necessaries agreeable thereunto; were confirmed by Commission for Officers of that Militia. These Commanders mustered eight hundred choice Souldiers, viz. six hundred Foot, and two hundred Horse, with which Force the Marquis marched out of los Reyes to fight Almagro. Whilst matters succeeded, as we have related, between the Marquis, and Alma∣gro, the Prisoners which remained in Cozco, were contriving the manner how to obtain their desired Liberty; and in regard that the nature of civil Wars is such, as that Mens Minds are easily corrupted and seduced to the contrary Fashion; so on this occasion these wanted not Men, who, upon promise of Reward, were persuaded to sell the Loyalty and Faith which they had sworn to Almagro, and his Deputy Graviel de Rojas; the price whereof was not paid in hand, but on the bare Promise of Ganzalo Piçarro, and Alonso de Alvarado with about fifty or sixty more, who were then Prisoners in the Cassana; the Persons who were privy to this escape, were about forty in number, and were the Guards of the Prison; who having licence to go in and out to the Prisoners, as occasion served; they left them instruments to file off their Chains and Arms for their Defence; and ha∣ving other Souldiers with them in the Plot, they provided them with Horses, and other necessaries, for their Flight: The Prisoners, and their Complices, be∣ing in readiness to make their escape with the silence of the night, it happened, that some time before the matter was to be put in Execution, that Graviel de Rojas, as was his Custome, every night came to visit the Prisoners, where having opened the Doors, he found the Prisoners loose, and at Liberty, and he himself taken; for being encompassed by them all, they told him plainly, that either he must resolve to go with them, or dye upon the place. Graviel de Rojas seeing himself thus unexpectedly surprised, and not being in any Capacity to make a Re∣sistence, consented to what they required, and so in company with about an hundred Men, he was forced with those who had taken him Prisoner, toge∣ther with those who revolted, to the party of Francisco Piçarro, having free passage by way of the Mountains, for Almagro, with his Forces, was quartered in the Plains by the Sea-coast.

Some have malitiously reported, that Graviel de Rojas was joined in the same Conspiracy with the others, but that was a false Surmise; for had he been real∣ly in that Plot, he would not have left near an hundred Prisoners in the For∣tress, many of which were in the number of the first Conquerours, such as Francisco de Villafuerte, Alonso de Maçueta, Mancio serra de Leguiçamo, Diego de Maldovado, Julio de Hojeda, Tomas Vasque••, Diego de Truxillo, and John de Pancorvo, with whom I had acquaintance, and were Persons of great Interest and Estates amongst the Indians in Cozco: Besides which, Garcilasso de la Vega, Gomez de Tor∣doya, and Peralvarez Holguin, remained Prisoners; all which to have taken with them, would have been much to the benefit of the Conspiratours: But this was the truth of the Matter: The Marquis, when he saw his Brother, and his other Friends, rejoiced exceedingly, for he greatly feared, that by the Malice and Rage of his Enemies they had been put to death; and his people were greatly encouraged by these additional Forces. Gonçalo Piçarro was made General of the Foot, and Alonso de Alvarado of the Horse; and so well was Gonçalo Piçarro be∣loved even by his Enemies, that many quitted their Horses to serve on Foot, onely to have the Honour to be one of his Souldiers.

Almagro having received intelligence of the great Force which was with the Marquis, and that those whom he held in Custody, had made their Escapes, and that his Deputy Governour was a Prisoner, he feared that the course of his good Fortune was changed; and repenting now that he had not accepted the Propositions which were offered him, he resolved to enter into a Treaty; and to that end he dispatched three Gentlemen to Piçarro, namely, Alonso En∣riquez, Diego Nunnez de Mercadura, Adjutant, and John de Guzm••n, Auditour, both which were Officers of His Majesties Revenue, giving them full Power and Authority, to treat and conclude all Matters without Passion, in such manner as should be just and reasonable. Piçarro received them with all the kindness and respect imaginable; but being entred into a treaty such differences arose in the points between them, that nothing was concluded: wherefore to put an end thereunto, the controversie was referred to the Umpirage, and Award of Frier Francis de Bobadilla, Provincial in those parts of the Order of the Merceds, a Person of that Probity, Conscience and good Understanding, that both Parties by mutual Consent agreed to rest satisfied with his Determination: but in this particular Authours disagree; for Carate makes mention of this Friar, and of no other; but Gomara reports that the Person nominated by Almagro was Friar Fran∣cisco Husando; but whether the Arbitratours were two, or one, it matters not much; for both Historians agree in the material Points, and almost in the same Words, which, according to Carate, in the eighth Chapter of his third Book, are these.

Friar Francisco being deputed Umpire, by the consent of both Parties, did by virtue of that Authority, determine, That in the first place Hernando Piçarro should be set at Liberty, and that the Marquis, according to the pri∣mary Agreement, should be invested in the possession of the City of Cozco; That both Armies should be disbanded, and the several Detachments there∣of should be made, and sent for the Discovery of other Parts; and that in∣formation should be given to His Majesty of all these particulars, that so he might determine and ordain according to his own gratious Pleasure. And far∣ther, for the better Confirmation of these Articles, he determined, That an Interview should be had between the Marquis and Almagro, in the Countrey called Malla, which was the middle place between the two Armies; and that neither party should appear with more than twelve Horse on a side. And in regard that Gonzalo Piçarro did not much confide in the Promises of Almagro, not trust much to the Truce that was made, he speedily followed the Marquis with all his Souldiers, and posted himself privately near the peo∣ple of Malla, and lined a certain Wood, or Thicker, through which Almagro was to pass, with about forty Musquetiers, resolving that in case more Soul∣diers were brought than were agreed, that then they should fire upon them, and upon that signal he would come in to their assistence.

Thus far are the Words of Carate, not mentioning farther of Almagro, of whom Gomara reports in the 140th Chapter, as followeth.

Almagro when he saw Piçarro declared, that he was greatly rejoiced to see him, though he could not but much complain of the Severity and hardness of the Sentence. When he went in Company of his twelve Friends, to meet Pi∣çarro, he recommended unto Rodrigo Orgonnos his General to be near at hand with his Army in a readiness, in case Piçarro should attempt any thing contra∣ry to Agreement, and that he should be sure to kill Hernando Piçarro, whom he had left purposely in his Power, in case he should make any Resistence. Pi∣çarro came to the place appointed with his twelve Companions, and in the Arrere was all his Camp, with Gonzalo Piçarro; but whether this was done by the appointment of the Marquis, is doubtfull: Howsoever it is most cer∣tain, that Gonzalo posted himself near to Malla, and commanded Captain Nun∣nez de Castro to place an Ambuscade of forty Musquetiers in the Woods, by which Almagro was to pass. It happened that Piçarro came first to Malla, where meeting afterwards with Almagro, they embraced with great Joy, and began to discourse of indifferent matters; but before they had entred upon business, one came hastily, and told Almagro, in hearing of the Company, that he should speedily be gone, for that he remained there in danger of his Life; whereupon without delay he mounted on Horseback, and without speaking one Word more, or Treaty of Business, he returned: When he discovered the Ambuscade, he could not but believe his Eyes, and made grievous Com∣plaints of Piçarro, and of the Friars, and of all that Party, terming them as so many Pilates for the Injustice of their Sentence. Though Piçarro was persua∣ded to have seized him, he refused so to doe, saying, That he had com∣mitted himself to him under his Parole of Honour, and disowned to have given Order to his Brother to lay that Ambush, or to have suborned the Friars.

And herewith Gomara concludes this Chapter; and so much Carate confirms of this Interview, which proved to little benefit, and served to increase the Hatted and Indignation of both Parties; howsoever in fine, a true Understanding was made of this matter between Almagro and Piçarro, without any Prejudice or Pas∣sion, and all things were so well pacified and accommodated by the Endeavours of Diego de Alvarado, that Hernando Piçarro was set at Liberty: And it was far∣ther agreed, That for sending Writings and Informations into Spain about the whole Matter, the Marquis should grant unto Almagro the freedom of a Port, and the convenience of a Ship, for carrying his Dispatches, because he had nei∣ther one nor other within his Jurisdiction; and in the mean time, that neither side should enterprise, or attempt any thing against the other, untill new Orders and Commands were come from the Emperour. So Almagro, upon Bail, and Security given him by Alvarado, gave Hernando Piçarro his Liberty, though much against the Will and Advice of Orgonnos, who, being well acquainted with the malitious and angry humour of Hernando Piçarro, very much persuaded the con∣trary; and indeed when Almagro himself considered his Errour, he would have de∣tained him, but it was then too late; for it was commonly discoursed, that this turbulent Man would cause new Commotions, and indeed they were much in the right; for no sooner was he set at Liberty, but a Breach ensued. Nor was Piçarro himself very fair, or clear in the performance of his Agreement; for when a new Patent was come from the Emperour, wherein, by a certain Clause, it was required, that both Parties should remain in possession of what they were already seized, and though one had gotten and intruded himself into the Lands of the other; yet notwithstanding for quietness sake, that matters should continue in the same Posture. Howsoever Piçarro having his Brother about him, and his chief Counsellour, required Almagro, in virtue of this new Patent, to quit the Countrey, which he himself had peopled and discovered. Almagro having read and considered that Clause, answered, That he was ready to obey the Em∣perour's Command, and Royal Signature, according unto which, he was to keep Possession of Cozco, and of other places, whereof he was now the Master, and according thereunto he desired that he might receive no farther Disturbance and Molestation in his Enjoyment.

Hereunto Piçarro replied, that the Emperour's meaning was, that every one should enjoy that whereof he was peaceably possessed, and not that which was taken by force of Arms, under which the Government of the new Kingdom of T••∣ledo would fall; and therefore he required him immediately to quit and abandon Cozco, and other parts in dispute, or otherwise, that he would chase him from thence by force of Arms; for since the arrival of the Emperour's late Determina∣tion, the Engagements and Securities he had given of Truce, did all cease and ex∣pire. But Almagro remaining firm and positive in his first Resolutions, Piçarro marched with all his Army to Chincha, of which his Commanders were such, as before related, and his chief Counsellour was Hernando, his pretence at first being onely to dispossess his Enemies of Chincha, to which he had a clear and an un∣doubted Title.

Almagro fearing the force of his Enemies, and not willing to engage with them, retreated towards Cozco; and lest they should pursue him too close in the Rere, he cut the Bridges, and obstructed the ways, and fortified himself in Guitara, a crag∣gy and mountainous Countrey. Piçarro marched close after him, and having a better, and a more numerous Army, Fernando Piçarro, by the benefit of the night, climbed the mountain with his Musquetiers, and gained the Pass. Almagro by these means being in a bad condition, marched away with all speed possible, lea∣ving Orgonnos to bring up the Rere, and to retreat as orderly as he could, without fighting, the which he performed accordingly, though, as Christopher de Sotelo, and others, report, he had better have given Battel to the Piçarrists, who were, as it were, sea-sick, being trouble with a kind of vomiting. For it was very or∣dinary for the Spaniards, when at first they came out of the warm, or rather, hot Plains, and ascended to the tops of the snowy Mountains, to be taken with a kind of dizziness in the Head, and sickness in their Stomachs, as if they were Sea-sick, such change there is, and alteration of Air, in so short a distance of place. In fine, Almagro having joined all his Force into one Body, marched directly for Cozco, brake all the Bridges behind him, caused Armour to be made of Silver and Cop∣per, with Musquets, and other Fire-arms; provided the City with Victuals, and repaired the outworks, and old Fortifications, &c.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara, which are confirmed by Carate, though with more brevity. And because these Authors to avoid tediousness are so short in the relation of these particulars, that they become obscure, we shall in the following Chapter serve the Reader with a Coment, and enlarge thereupon as the matter requires.

CHAP. XXXVI.

A farther Narrative of what hath been formerly mentioned; and how Hernando Piçarro marched against Don Diego de Almagro.

AS we have formerly said, Diego de Alvarado was very much a Gentleman, and a Person of great Sense and Moderation; and indeed he shewed him∣self so to be, in all his Negotiations of things which we have already related, of what we are now treating, and of what remain for our future Discourse; and had not the Passions of the Governours exceeded all the Bounds of Reason, he had by his Wisedom and Discretion produced a true and a right understanding between them. For when he observed, that the Sentence given by the Friars, did rather serve to enflame than appease the Differences, he vigorously inter∣posed, and frequently passing from one to the other, he at length produced a good Understanding and Peace between them; for it was by his Intercession, that Almagro gave Hernando Piçarro his Liberty; and that the Marquis yielded to afford a Ship, and a free Pass-port to Almagro's Messenger, which was sent into Spain: And to the end that this Peace might be established for ever, he caused all three of them to swear unto the maintenance of the Articles, and to oblige them the more firmly thereunto, he himself would become Guarranty to both Parties; supposing, that out of respect to him, and in observance of their Oaths, as Christians, and of their Paroles, as Gentlemen, they would never violate what they had so solemnly protested. Wherefore Gomara saith, that the Peace was made at the Instance and Intercession of Diego de Alvarado; who moreover became Caution and Guarranty for the same. But Orgonnos was he who declared himself against the setting of Hernando at Liberty; and when he saw that Almagro was resolved to doe it, Sir, said he, (as if he had presaged his Ruine) you may loose the Bull if you please, and then, you shall find, that he will attack and kill you, without respect to his Word or Oath.

As to what Gomara relates of the Souldiers of Piçarro, that they were like Men, that were Seasick, we must understand, that those who are fresh Men or late∣ly come out of Spain, (in the Language of Barlovento are called Chapetones,) and those who are inured to the Countrey are termed Baquianos;) these, I say, after they have resided some time in the Plain, which are by the Sea-coast, and come to the Mountains, are presently seized with a Sickness, like those at Sea, and according to the different Complexions and Constitutions of Men, it is much worse; for at first they will remain a day or two without eating or drinking, and not able to stand on their Legs, but continually vomit whatsoever they have in their Stomaches; and besides, the brightness of the Snow so dazles their Eyes, that for two or three days they become perfectly blind, though afterwards they recover their sight again. The Reason hereof they attribute to the sudden change of Air from one Extreme to the other, that is, from the hot Plains, to the cold Cordillera, or the snowy tops of the Mountains, for it is not above six hours tra∣vel from one Region to the other; and it is farther observable, that those who descend from the Mountain into the Plains, are not affected with this Altera∣tion.

Acosta, in his Treatise concerning this Mountain-sickness, describes the Causes and Effects of it much at large in the third Book of his Natural History of the Indies, unto which I refer the Reader. Matters being in this posture, had the Counsel which Christopher de Sotelo, and others, gave to Orgonnos, been followed, which was to have faln upon the Enemy in that condition, when they were weak and sick, they might, without much resistence, have been defeated; which Carate confirms in these Words.

Rodrigo Orgonnos having no Orders from the Governour to engage, lost his ad∣vantage; which if he had done, it is probable he might have had success; for the Army of Piçarro was so weakned with the Snows, besides other inconve∣niencies of the Mountains, that they were in no condition to make resistence: Wherefore the Marquis hastned into the Plains, and Almagro unto Cozco, &c, Thus far Carate.

Almagro in the instructions given to his General, ordered him not to fight, but upon constraint; for these two Governours had always inclinations to agree, and not drive matters to the extremity of a breach, as may be observed ever since their meeting at Cozco, before Almagro departed for Chili, when between them∣selves all the flames of difference were extinguished: the like passed at Malla, where, as both the Historians agree, they chearfully embraced each other with all the kindness and affection imaginable, and discoursed of indifferent matters with pleasure and delight: And this good correspondence continued, untill wicked In∣cendiaries interposed, who representing every action with an evil face, incited and precipitated them to such destructive resolutions, as were afterwards fatal and ruinous to them both: Nor did these pernicious Counsellours reap any benefit thereby unto themselves, but being involved in the same calamities, were ensna∣red (as is usual) in their own devices. But to proceed, Carate in the 11th Chap∣ter of his third Book, hath these Words:

The Marquis remaining with his whole Army in the Plains, just upon the turn of the Mountain; he found that there was a great diversity of opinions amongst his Officers, concerning the manner and way that they were to proceed; at length it was resolved, That Hernando Piçarro, in quality of Lieutenant-General, should march with the Army unto Cozco, and that his Brother Gon∣çalo should be Commander in Chief; and that being arrived there, he should declare, that his intention and design of that Expedition was in compliance with Justice, to restore those Citizens to their Estates and Commands over the In∣dians, who had been deprived and banished from thence by the force and usur∣pation of Almagro. In this manner the Army proceeding on their march to∣wards Cozco, and the Marquis returning to the City of los Reyes; Hernando Pi∣çarro came at length near to Cozco, where the Officers advised, as most conve∣nient, to pitch their Camp in the Plains for that Night; but Hernando was of a contrary opinion, and would Quarter within the Mountain: So soon as it was Day, Orgonnos appeared in the Field with the Forces of Almagro drawn up in Bat∣talia: His Captains of Horse were Francis de Chaves, John Tello, Vincent de Gue∣vara, (or rather Vasco de Guevara) and Francis de Chaves was elder Brother to another of the same name, who was an intimate and familiar friend to the Marquis. On the side of the Mountain some Spaniards were drawn up, with a great number of Indians, who at that time served for Auxiliaries: All the Friends and Servants of the Marquis, who were Prisoners at Cozco, were crou∣ded into two Angles of the Fortress, which being a Prison so strait, as could not contain the number of the people, some of them were pressed and crouded to death in the place.

The next Day in the Morning, after Mass, Gonçalo Piçarro, with his Army, descended into the Plain, where they disposed their Troops into several Batta∣lions, and in that order marched towards the City, intending to draw up his Men upon a Hill, which over-topped the Castle; upon supposition, that Alma∣gro discovering his force, would scarce adventure to give him Battel; which he desired to avoid, knowing how much depended on the success thereof; but Ro∣drigo Orgonnos having no such thoughts, attended his coming in the open way with his Army and Artillery, &c.

Thus far are the Words of Carate, which are confirmed by Lopez de Gomara: To which we shall add some things which these Authours have omitted, and are worthy to be remembred, and may serve for the more clear understanding of this History. And as to the first, which was the place where the Battel was fought, we say it was an errour of those who relate it to have been on the Hill, which over-looks the Fortress: For certainly the Engagement was in that Plain which

the Indians call Cachipampa, which signifies the Field of Salt, and is situate about a League distant to the Southward from the Fortress, near to a pleasant Foun∣tain of saltish Water; of which the Inhabitants of the City, and parts adjacent, bringing the streams into several Salt-pans, make great abundance of Salt: And these Works of Salt lying between the City, and the place-where the Fight was, they called it the Battel of the Salinas.

Orgonnos drew up his Men into Battalia, with intention to dye with his Sword in his hand: And though the Enemy was much more strong than his Army, both in Men and Arms; yet having been a Souldier in Italy, where he had seen much service, and had vanquished in a single Combat a Cavalier, who was a famous Commander; he did not in the least droop in his courage, or shew any incon∣stancy, or fear of mind: And being a stout Souldier, he something resented, and was heartily piqued at a Message which Hernando Piçarro had sent him two Days before, because it appeared something like a challenge; being to give him notice, that he, and a certain Companion, would enter the Battel on Horse-back, armed with Coats of Male, over which they would wear a slashed Coat of Orange-co∣loured Velvet; of which he thought fit to give him notice, that in case he, or any other, had an intention to engage with him, he might distinguish him by those Signals.

This Message Hernando was induced to send on the score of some Indignities, which he remembred and resented ever since the time of his Imprisonment. Orgonnos taking this for a challenge, called Captain Pedro de Lerma to him, whom he knew to be an Enemy to the Piçarros, and one who ever since the business at Amancay, had excluded himself from all possibility of reconciliation with them; and told him, saying, Our Enemy is so confident of his Force, that he already triumphs for his Victory, giving us the signs by which we may know his Person.

Now in regard our Army is inferiour to his in Number, though superiour in Courage and Bravery, so that we have little hopes to subdue him; howsoever, let us at least ravish the enjoyment of Victory out of his hands, nor suffer him, whatsoever comes of it, to see that joyfull day: They are, as they say, two Com∣panions, so and so habited: Let you and I Encounter them with such resolution, as that they may be slain by our hands; so shall we wipe off this affront, and not dye unrevenged. With this resolution they prepared themselves for the Battel, which shortly ensued with great effusion of bloud and cruelty, as will appear in the Chapters following.

CHAP. XXXVII.

Of the bloudy Battel of the Salinas.

ROdrigo Orgonnos, to perform the part of a good Souldier, put his Forces the next Morning, very early, into order of Battel, his Infantry he reduced to one Battalion, supported on each Wing by his Harquebusiers, which were few in number, and much less than those on the contrary side, which was the cause that he lost the day. The Captains of the Foot were Christopher de Sotelo, Hernando de Alvarado, John de Moscoso, and Diego de Salinas. The Horse were divided into two Squadrons, the one Commanded by John Tello, and Vasco de Guevara, and the o∣ther by Francis de Chaves, and Ruy Dias. Orgonnos being Commander in Chief, did not oblige himself to any particular rank, being to be present, and assisting at every action of the Field, and designed with his companion Pedro de Lerma to seek for Hernando de Piçarro, and fight with him. His Artillery he planted on one side, of the Squadrons, where it might most annoy the Enemy: before them was a stream of Water, which ran through all those Plains, and a Moorish sort of plashy ground, which made the Access of the Enemy to them to be something difficult.

On the other side Pedro de Valdivia, who was Major-General, and Antonio de Cam∣po Sergeant-Major, disposed their Forces in the same order, as might answer that of Rodrigo Orgonnos. Their Battalion of Foot was flanked on each Wing with good numbers of Harquebusiers, who were those that did the work, and gained the Victory of that day: Their Horse were drawn up into two Squadrons, of a hundred in each, against those of Orgonnos. Hernando Piçarro, with his Compa∣nion Francisco de Barahona, were in the Front of one of the Squadrons of Horse, and Alonso de Alvarado at the Head of the other; and Gonzalo Piçarro as General of the Infantry resolved to fight on Foot. In which order marching against the Almagrians, they resolutely passed both the stream of Water and the Moor, with∣out any opposition of the Enemy; for they had given them first such a Volly of small shot, as had very much disordered them, and put them into that confusion, that they might easily be routed; for both Horse and Foot retreated from their ground to avoid the shot of the Harquebusiers; which when Orgonnos observed, he doubted much of the Victory, and gave order for the Artillery to play upon them; which succeeded so well, that one shot carried off a whole rank of five Men at once; which so dismayed the Enemy, that had four or five in the like manner followed, they might have defeated that whole Squadron. But Gonzalo Piçarro, and his Major-General Valdivia appearing in the Front, forced the Souldi∣ers forwards, and commanded them to charge the Enemy's Pikes with their Cop∣per shot; for as the Souldiers of Almagro were more numerous in their Pikes, so those of Piçarro availed themselves most of their Harquebusiers, and aimed much to defeat their Pikes, that their Horse might afterwards charge them with less danger. And so accordingly it succeeded, for as Carate and Gomara relate, fifty of their Pikes were broken with two Vollies of shot.

The Copper Bullets (for information of those who have never seen them) are cast in a common Mould like others: They take a third or a fourth part of Iron-wire, and at each end of this Wire they make a little hook for a link, and put the end of the two Hooks into the middle of the Mould: Then to divide the Mould into two parts, they separate it with leaf of Copper or Iron as thin as Pa∣per; then they pour in the melted Lead, which incorporates it self with the links of Iron, and divides the Bullet in two parts, fastned with the Iron links. Then when they ram them into the Gun, they joyn them like one Bullet; and when they are shot out, they spread themselves to the length of the Chain, and cut all before them. By these means, as the Historians say, they did great execution upon the Pikes, for without this invention they could never have done half this mischief. Howsoever, they did not aim at the Pikemen themselves, but at their Pikes, that they might shew what they were able to do, and what advantage they had over them in their Arms.

This invention of Chain-bullets was brought from Flanders to Peru by Pedro de Vergara, with the Guns which were made for them. I remember to have seen some of them in my own Countrey; and in Spain I have seen them, and made them; and there I was acquainted with a Gentleman called Alonso de Loaysa, a Na∣tive of Truxillo, who was wounded in that Battel, having his lower jaw, with his teeth and gums, carried away with one of those Bullets; he was the Father of Francisco Loaysa, who lives this day at Cozco, and is one of those few Sons of the Conquerours which remain and enjoy the inheritance and portion divided to their Fathers: and according to this form, I have seen others like these made for Cannon.

But to return to our Story of the Battel. Rodrigo de Orgonnos, and his Comrade Pedro de Lerma, observing the great execution which the Harquebusiers made up∣on their people, charged the Squadron of Horse, commanded by Hernando Piçarro, hoping to find, and kill him, which was the ultimate end of their expectation, for they perceived that the Victory began to incline to the side of their Enemies; and setting themselves just in the Front of Hernando, and his Companion, whom they distinguished, and knew by their Coats of Incarnation-Velvet, they charged them with great bravery and resolution, Orgonnos, who carried his Lance in its Rest full-butt against Francisco de Barabona, happened to direct it right upon* 1.3 the Beaver which covered his face; which being made of a mixture, between Silver and Copper, opened with the blow, and gave passage to the Lance which ran into his head; with which falling to the ground, Orgonnos proceeded forward, and ran another with his Lance into the breast; and then laying his hand to his Sword, he had performed Miracles in his own Person; but that an unlucky Chain, or Par∣tridge-shot, from the Harquebusiers, strook him in the forehead, with which he lost both his sight and force. Pedro de Lerma, and Hernando Piçarro, encountred each other with their Lances; but being mounted on Gennets, they fixed them not in the Rests, but in another manner; which was this: At that time, and long after, during all the time of the Civil Wars, the Spaniards made certain Ca∣ses, or Holsters of Leather, which were fastned to the bow of the Saddle, and reached to the neck of the Horse; and then putting the end of the Lance into the Holster, they brought it under the Arme like a Rest. In this manner pas∣sed many brave Combats between the Spaniards in Peru; for the Encounters, or Justs, were with all the force both of Man and Horse; but all this needed not against the Indians, whose Skins were ••ierced with a more easie stroke of the Arme. We have judged fit to give this account of the offensive and defensive Arms of my Countrey, for the better understanding of what is hereafter to be treated. But to return unto the Combat between Hernando Piçarro, and Pedro de Lerma, it happened in this manner: The Lances of both the Duellists being very long, and therefore more pliant, or not so stiff as they desired, both of them aimed low at each other; so that Hernando Piçarro forely wounded his Enemy in the thigh, piercing the Coat of Male which covered it. Pedro de Lerma woun∣ded Piçarro's Horse in the Forehead, which razed the skin, and with the sharp point of the Lance cut the head-stall of the Horse; and then making a second charge, he happened to bear upon the pummel of the Saddle with such force, that though it were made for War, yet it broke and gave way to the Lance, which passing forward, pierced the Coat of Male, and wounded Piçarro. In the belly, though not mortally; for the Horse being over-born, fell backwards to the ground; by which means yielding to the force of the stroke, he saved his life, which otherwise had been in great danger; for had the Lance found full resistence, it had passed quite thorow his Entrails.

On this occasion both our Historians having just cause to applaud the Prowess and Valour of Orgonnos, do almost use the same words. Augustine Carate in the Encomiu•• which he gives of him, saith as follows:

In this Fight Rodrigo Orgonnos was wounded with a Chain-shot in the fore∣head, which passed the Beaver of his Head-piece: and yet after this wound he killed two Men with his Lance; and with his Rapier he ran another into the mouth, who was a Servant to Hernando Piçarro, mistaking him for the Master, by reason of his good Habit.

Thus far Carate.

And here it is to be noted, that he who sent a Narrative of this Battel into Spain, must have been an Enemy to Piçarro, because the Relation he gave there∣of was to the prejudice of that party; for he reports, that Hernando Piçarro had cloathed a Servant of his with the same Habit which he pretended to wear on the day of Battel, that so those who fought for him, might reak their fury on his Ser∣vant, and suffer him to escape; which if it had been true, he might have deser∣ved the disgrace and character of Coward: But though this Story was absolutely false, yet it so far prevailed in Spain, and over all Peru, that the Royal Council of the Indies to be truly informed of the matter, sent for a famous Souldier who was present at the Battel on Almagro's side, called Silvestre Gonzalez; and amongst other things demanded of him, they asked, Whether in Peru Hernando Piçarro was esteemed for a Coward? In reply unto which, though the Souldier was of the adverse party, yet he averred all that which was reported of Hernando Piçarro, touching the Combat which he and his Companions fought, and related it in the same manner as we have done; adding, that such was the common fame and report concerning the particulars of that Battel. This passed at Madrid towards the latter years of the Imprisonment of Hernando Piçarro, which were twenty three in all; and this Souldier himself acquainted me with what he had declared to the King's Council of the Indies: But that which gave the first colour to this scanda∣lous report, was (as he said) the term of Servant, which we call a Companion; for it was said, that he was richly cloathed; and so it was true, for he was habi∣ted exactly like Piçarro, wearing a Coat of Incarnation-coloured Velvet, which was very much slashed: Thus far was very true, but then that wherein the mi∣stake lay, was, that this Person was a Servant, and not a Companion.

But to proceed: When the Souldiers of Hernando Piçarro saw their Comman∣der on the ground, they believed that he was killed; and then presently the Ar∣mies began to engage, and fought with such bravery, that a great slaughter ensued on both sides; for they killed and wounded each other with extreme fury and de∣spair, forgetting that they were of the same Nation and Religion, or Brothers and Companions in Arms; and that they had entred into Articles of Agreement and Brother-hood for the Conquest of that Empire. The Victory continued for a much longer time doubtfull than was believed; for though the Almagrians were much Inferiour in their Numbers, yet the others being equal in their Courage and Art of War, made great resistence; but the advantage which the other party had by their Harquebuses was so great, that with the loss of many lives they at last yielded; and after most of them were killed and wounded, the rest were put to flight; when in the pursuit the cruelty and slaughter was greater than in the Battel, not pardoning those who were already conquered, and had yielded to their force; as Carate and Gomara do both avouch, one in the 11th Chapter of the third Book, and the other in the Chap. 141. the Words of which are these which follow.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Of the fatal Consequences which ensued after the Battel of Salinas.

THE Armies of Almagro, and Gonzalo Piçarro, joyned Battel, and both sides, like Spaniards, fought with much Bravery; but at length the Piçarrists prevailed, who made use of their Victory with much cruelty and se∣verity, which, in excuse, they attribute to the revenge they designed, for the defection which was made from Alvarado at the bridge of Amancay. Orgonnos having yielded himself Prisoner unto two Cavaliers, another came and fell up∣on him, and killed him: When Captain Ruydiaz was taken, and quarter given him, one came behind and passed his body thorough with his Lance; in the same manner many others were killed, after they had thrown away their Arms, and Quarter given them. Samaniego stabbed Pedro de Lerma by night in his bed. Many died fighting, with their Swords in their hands, of which the Captains were Moscoso, Salinas, and Hernando de Alvarado, besides such a number of Spa∣niards, that had the Indians (as was talked) fallen upon those few that remain∣ed, they might easily have become Masters of them all: But they were so bu∣sie, and taken up in stripping the dead, whom they left naked; and in plun∣dering the Tents and Baggage, which were not guarded, for every one was em∣ployed in the pursuit, that they had no leisure to think of this advantage. Al∣magro, by reason of his indisposition of health, did not engage personally in the Battel, but stood on the side of a Hill to behold the success; which when he perceived to have been fatal to himself, he fled to the Fortress of Cozco; where being pursued and taken by Gonzalo Piçarro, and Alonso de Alvarado, they cast him into the same Prison, wherein they themselves had been detained, and held by him.

Thus far are the Words of Gomara, with which he concludes that Chapter.

Amongst the many remarkable passages which happened that day, of which some are omitted by this Authour; we shall add others not unworthy to be no∣ted. One whereof is this; A certain Cavalier carrying behind him on his Horse, Hernando de Sotelo (who was Kinsman of Christopher Sotelo) for his Prisoner, to whom he had given Quarter, there came a Souldier, and shot him with his Car∣bine through the back, the Bullet wounding, though not mortally, the person which rid before him. This, they say, was done in revenge, for that counsel which his Kinsman Christopher de Sotelo gave to Orgonnos, advising him (as we have before mentioned) to attack the Forces of Hernando Piçarro, when they were sick, and giddy with the Air of the Mountains. Wherefore when one of the Souldi∣ers cried out, Here they bring Sotelo; the Harquebusier thinking it to have been Christopher Sotelo, he shot him in the back, supposing thereby to have performed acceptable service, by killing a Man so generally hated. Many other cruelties were committed by the Conquerours after the Battel, unworthy the Dignity of the Spanish Nation; for more Men were slain in cold bloud, than in the heat of the Fight.

Another piece of cruelty was the Death of Pedro de Lerma, which being in an extraordinary manner barbarous, is fit to be observed. Lerma (as we have said) being forced to quit the Field, both by reason of the wound he had received from Hernando Piçarro, and others, which were given him in the late Fight; he was car∣ried to the House of a certain Gentleman, who was a friend of his, called Pedro de los Rios, with whom I was acquainted when I was very young; he was of as noble, and as ancient a Family, as any was in Cordova, of which there are many in that Royal City.

A certain Souldier, named John de Samaniego, who had formerly been affronted by Pedro de Lerma, made enquiry after him, that he might take a revenge for the affront: Two days after the Battel he was informed that he lay wounded in the House of Pedro de los Rios; and going thither with the insolence of a victorious Souldier, he found free entrance into the House, for in this time of War there was none to oppose him; so that he went from Chamber to Chamber, untill he came to a poor Bed on which de Lerma was laid; sitting thereupon, he began to discourse with much sobriety and phlegm:

Senior Pedro de Lerma, said he, I am come in satisfaction to my Honour, to kill you, for a box o'th' Ear which you once gave me. Sir, answered Pedro de Lerma, you may well remember, that you were the first Aggressour, and that by your insolencies you gave me just provocation. It can be little or no satisfac∣tion to your Honour to kill a Man that is wounded, and dying in his bed. If God shall spare my life, I do here Vow, and engage my Faith to give you all the satisfaction you shall require either by word of mouth, or in writing, with all the formalities and circumstances which the Rules of Souldiers can require in reparation of Honour. No, Zounds, said Samaniego, I will not stay so long, but I will kill you presently, for my Honour requires it. I deny that, replied Lerma, for you must rather lose than gain Honour by killing a Man who is half dead already: but if I live, I will give you entire satisfaction.

These were the precise Words both of one and the other, which were repea∣ted three or four times, the one threatning death, and the other promising satis∣faction. At length when Pedro de Lerma imagined that his Adversary was conten∣ted with his promise, and with the satisfaction he had offered him according to the formalities and rules of a Souldier; Samaniego arose, and laying his hand up∣on his Dagger, gave him many stabs therewith untill he died; afterwards going out into the Market-place, he boasted, how in satisfaction of his Honour he had stabbed Captain Pedro de Lerma: And farther to magnifie the glory of his Exploit, he recounted word for word all the discourse which had passed between them, and how often the same words were repeated; with which he was troublesome to all that heard him, for he would admit of no other discourse wheresoever he was, than onely the vapours and boasts he made of this Action; in which imper∣tinency he continued, untill his insolence effected his ruine; and that as he was authour of his crime, so he brought the punishment of it on his own head. The manner whereof we shall relate in this place; for though it be out of the order of time; yet not to lose the opportunity of affecting the minds of the Readers with a detestation of the merciless bowels of this Samaniego, whose villany was abominated in all parts of Peru, it will be most seasonable to deliver a Narrative of it, as follows.

Five years after this villany was perpetrated, when the Kingdom was quiet, and in peace, and freed from the Dissentions between the Piçarrists and Almagrians: John de Samaniego was then an Inhabitant in Puerto Viejo, where, according to his usual practice, he still continued to magnifie the glory of his Exploits, vapouring at every turn, that he had in satisfaction of his Honour killed a Captain with his Dagger, who had been Lieutenant-General of the Governour Don Francisco Pi∣çarro, and that none durst ever question him for it, adding moreover many things of intolerable insolences. The Governour, who was chief Justiciary of this place, being tired out with the incessant repetition of these matters, gave Samaniego to understand by a certain friend of his, that it were better, and more agreeable to his Honour, to bury these matters in silence, than to make farther talk of them; for that since he had revenged the injury, he should remain contented, and en∣large no farther on that unpleasant subject. Samaniego, instead of taking this kind admonition in good part, was violently enraged; and going into the Market-place, espied the Governour with about fifteen or twenty Spaniards, (for there were very few more Inhabitants in that Town) and as they were discour∣sing pleasantly together, he accosted the company, and with an angry Look said,

'Tis well that there wants not those who are agrieved at the satisfaction which was given to my Honour, by the Death of Pedro de Lerma: Whosoever he is, let him speak clearly in publick, and not in secret and obscure Whispers; for by Heavens I am a Man who dare answer him, and give him as many stabs, as I did to Pedro de Lerma.

The Governour knowing that he meant and aimed at him, presently made up to him, and taking hold of the Collar of his Doublet, cried out with a loud voice, I seize you in the King's Name, and I charge you all to assist the Justice against a Traytour and a Murtherer. Whereupon all that vvere pre∣sent took hold on Samaniego, and put him in Prison, for every one hated him, being tired with his insolences. Hereupon the Governour made Process against him by examination and testimony of four Witnesses: the substance whereof was this; That they had heard Samanicgo say, that he had killed Pedro de Lerma, who was one of his Majesty's Captains, and who had performed great Service to the Crown in the late Conquest, having executed the Office of Lieutenant-Ge∣neral to Marquis Piçarro; and that he killed him not in the Battel, but as he lay wounded in his bed: Being accused upon this Indictment, he was found guilty, and condemned to dye; during the time of which Trial, the Indians having erec∣ted a Gallows for him, he was brought forth to punishment; and the Indians ha∣ving in their own Language proclaimed his Crime, were the Executioners also to hang him up: which was a piece of Justice applauded by all who saw and heard of it.

But to return again to our History. The Indians did not execute the design they had agreed, which was to kill all the Spaniards after the Battel, which they imagined might have been done, after they were weakned by the common slaugh∣ter: For God, who intended by their means to propagate the Holy Gospel in those parts, prevented that intention by dissention amongst the Indians themselves; for that the Indians, who were the Menial and Domestick Servants of the Spani∣ards, being affected with a natural Loyalty to their Masters, would not consent to the Massacre of them, but rather judged themselves obliged to desend and fight for them; for the remembrance of what was encharged them by Huayna Ca∣pac, and Manco Inca, occurred still to their mind, by which they believed, that an obligation lay on them to serve and obey the Spaniards. Thus did the divi∣sion between the Indian Servants, and the others, prevent the execution of their design; from which also little success could have been expected, considering that they had no Head, or General, to conduct them: And if they had had one, yet, as Histories say, the Indians, who were on the side of the Conquerours, would not well have accorded with those who were vanquished.

This Battel happened on the 6th of April 1538, which being on a Saturday, which was the day after the Feast of Lazarus, the Spaniards conceived a particular devotion for that Saint; and in remembrance thereof built and dedicated a Church to him in those Plains where this Battel was fought, and which was standing when I departed from thence. Within this Church the Bodies of all those who were slain, both of one side and the other, were interred: And though some alledge, that the Battel happened on the 26th of April, I cannot but believe that it was an Errour of the Printer, who instead of 6, put down 26. Blas Valera describing the Grandure of the City of Cozco, touches some particu∣lars relating to this Battel, and says:

That in those Plains there is a Church dedicated to St. Lazarus, where for a long time lay interred the Bodies of those who were slain in that Fight. Af∣terwards a Spaniard, who was one of the Conquerours, a Person both Noble and Religious, was accustomed to resort frequently thither to pray for the Souls of those who were interred in that place. And having continued this devotion for a long time, at length he happened to hear sighs and deep groans from the Vaults of the Church, and therewith appeared before him the Person of one of his friends, which had been there slain; but he said nothing more to him, than onely to intreat him, that he would continue his visits to that Church frequently at certain Hours both by Day and Night. At first the Spaniard was possessed with great fear at the sight of this Apparition, but at length being

accustomed thereunto, and encouraged by Admonitions and Directions from Father Andrew Lopez, who was a Jesuit, and his Confessour, he continued his Devotions of Prayer not onely for his friend, but for all those who were there buried, without any concernment or distraction of mind; exhorting likewise others to join with him both in their Prayers and Alms. And afterwards, by the advice and example of this Person, the Mestizos, who were the Sons of Spaniards, begotten on the Bodies of Indian Women, did in the year 1581, transport the Bones of their Fathers from that place to the City of Cozco, where they buried them in an Hospital, and caused many Masses, Alms, and other pious Works to be celebrated and performed for them; to which all the City concurring with a general Alacrity, from that time forward the Vision ceased to appear. Thus far are the Words of Blas Valera.

And now to complete the sum of all these Cruelties after this unhappy Battel, there remains nothing more to be related than onely the Tragedy of Don Diego de Almagro himself; the consequence of which was the total destruction of both the Governours, with their Confidents and Abettours, in which calamity the com∣mon Welfare of Peru was involved. In which Relation both the Historians una∣nimously agree, that is to say, Carate in the 12th Chapter of his third Book, and Gomara in Chapter 142, have these Words, which are extracted verbatim in such manner as we have recited them in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XXXIX.

Of the Tragical Death of Don Diego de Almagro.

THis Victory being obtained, and Almagro taken, one side was enriched, and the other impoverished; which is the natural consequence of a Ci∣vil War, waged between Citizens and Relations in Bloud and Consanguinity. Fernando Piçarro immediately took possession of Cozco, though not without much discontent and murmurings of the people; for though he shared the spoils a∣mongst them, yet there not being sufficient to satisfie the expectations of eve∣ry person, Mutinies were feared; to prevent which, the Souldiers were em∣ployed on new Conquests, and to make things more safe, the friends of Alma∣gro were joyned to the others without distinction: And to take away farther cause, or occasion of Faction and Mutiny, Don Diego de Almagro, Junior, was sent a Prisoner to the City of los Reyes; as to Almagro himself, Process was made against him, and a report was published, that he, together with his Son, was to be sent Prisoner to los Reyes, and thence into Spain: But whereas it was commonly talked, that Mesa and others intended to rescue him on the way, which was a mere pretence to cloak the severity of their proceedings, they sen∣tenced him to Death. The crimes laid to his charge, were, that he had entred Cozco by force of Arms; that he had caused the effusion of much Spanish Bloud; that he had entred into a secret Treaty with Mango Ynga against the Spaniards; that he had given and prescribed Limits for Government and Juris∣diction without licence from the Emperour; that he had broken all his Arti∣cles and Oaths; that contrary to the Peace of their Sovereign Lord the King he had fought two Battels, one at Abancay, and the other at Salinas; besides divers other Misdemeanours committed by him of lesser moment. Almagro grievously resented the severity of this sentence, and made such sad lamentations there∣upon, as were sufficient to draw Tears from the most obdurate heart: And

though he made his Appeal to the Emperour, yet Fernando (notwithstanding the importunities of many persons, who earnestly urged him thereunto) refu∣sed to admit of his Appeal. All which not prevailing, Almagro himself implored his mercy, beseeching him to spare his life; in consideration, that when he himself was in his power, he had not put him to death, nor spilt the bloud of his Friends or Relations. That he would remember how he had been an instrument to raise his dear Brother to that high pitch of honour and pro∣sperity which he now enjoyed. That he would behold, and consider him for an old, decayed, and gouty Man; and therefore admit of his Appeal, that he might pass those few unhappy days which remained to him of life, within the dark solitudes of a Prison, there to lament and bewail his sins. Ferdinando Pi∣çarro remained deaf and unmoved with all these pressing instances, which were sufficient to have mollified a heart of steel, saying, that he wondered much, that a Man of his Spirit and Courage should entertain such apprehensions of Death. To which he replied, That since Christ himself feared it, how much more might the frailty of his Nature be touched with the approach thereof: And lastly, he conjured him by the reverence due to his old Age, which, ac∣cording to the course of Nature, could not long continue: Almagro was hard∣ly brought to Confession, having still hopes of life; but at length he submit∣ted, and having confessed to the Priest, he made his Will and Testament, making the King, and his Son Don Diego, his Heirs: Howsoever, he would not own the Sentence passed upon him, lest Execution should immediately follow: Nor would Fernando Piçarro allow the Appeal, both because he had received Commands from Francisco Piçarro to the contrary, and likewise be∣cause he believed that the Council of the Indies would revoke the Sentence. In fine, Execution was performed; and notwithstanding all the Applications made for him, he was strangled in the Prison, and afterwards publickly be∣headed in the Market-place at Cozco, in the year 1538.

The Death of Almagro was greatly lamented, but by none more (unless by his own Son) than by Diego de Alvarado, who was once security to Alma∣gro for Fernando Piçarro, and procured his release and freedom out of Prison; and yet notwithstanding all that could in gratitude, and on the score of the like usage be pleaded for him, nothing would prevail. Wherefore Alvarado returned to Spain to impeach Francisco Piçarro and his Brothers, and to de∣mand satisfaction from Fernando for breach of promise; but whilst he fol∣lowed this Suit at Valladolid, where the Court then resided, he died, but not without some suspicion of Poison, because he lay not sick above three or four days.

Diego de Almagro was a Native of Almagro, it was never certainly known who was his Father, though some say he was a Priest. He had never learned letters, nor could he reade; howsoever, he was an undertaking Man, dili∣gent, and ambitious of Honour and Fame; he was free and liberal, yet not without Affectation of vain-glory, contriving to make the World witnesses of his generous Actions: His Souldiers loved him for the Presents and Lar∣gesses he gave them, otherwise he was hated for the hard treatment he fre∣quently used towards them both in Words and corporal Punishments. He remitted the Debts of a hundred thousand Ducats, which his Souldiers owed him, tearing and cancelling the Obligations of those who were present with him in Chili; which was a piece of Liberality more becoming a Prince, than a Souldier; and yet when he was dead, there was not a Person that would bestow a Clout to cover his Wound. His Death seemed the more Tragi∣cal, and so much the more cruel, because he never would put any Man to death who had relation to Francisco Piçarro. He never was Married, howsoever he had a Son by an Indian Woman in Panama; he called him by his own Name, and gave him good Education; but his end was unhappy, as will appear hereafter.

Thus far Gomara; the which is confirmed (as we said before) by Ca∣rate.

And now on this occasion it is necessary we should say something for the better understanding of this whole matter. After the Victory, Hernando Piçarro laboured for his own security to drive his Enemies far from him, lest they should kill him; for after the Battel the Animosities which one side conceived against the other, were raised to such a degree of hatred, that they passed the terms of all reconciliation: For though Hernando Piçarro endeavoured to the utmost of his power to win the affections of the most principal Persons, yet so far was that rancour spread, and the malice so virulent, that Men publickly declared, that they wanted onely an opportunity to revenge themselves.

On the other side, his friends, who found themselves disappointed of their vain hopes, began to fall off from him, taxing him with want of compliance, and breach of promise; for every one imagined mighty things, and flattered him∣self at least with the Command of a Province. And though, as Gomara saith, Hernando gave to every one something, for it was impossible to prefer every Man; yet the most part esteemed themselves disobliged, and became as uneasie and dis∣contented, as the worst of his Enemies. Wherefore, as the onely means to be freed from the insolences of those who complained, they were not sufficiently gratified, and from the Plots of those who were his professed Enemies, he amu∣sed their minds with the thoughts of new Conquests, as shall be specified in the following Chapter.

When Almagro was condemned to dye, his Estate was confiscated to the use of his Majesty. At first Hernando did not intend to put him to death, but onely ha∣ving made his Process to send him into Spain; but when he perceived that Plots were laid to cause his escape out of Prison, and that the publick discourse of the Town was, that Hernando was more to blame than Almagro, taxing him to have been the great Incentive of all the discords and differences between the two Go∣vernours, which had never arose to that heat of passion, had not he blown them into a flame; saying farther, that on the score of his own private piques, and to doe himself justice, he had devested Almagro of his Government, who had expen∣ded more of his Estate, and had contributed more to the Conquest of that Coun∣trey, than all those who belonged to Piçarro; which were matters of such high provocation, as were able to move the stones to rise up in judgment against them.

When Hernando Piçarro was certified of these matters, and was particularly in∣formed, that one of his Captains called Mesa, who Commanded the Artillery, was discontented for want of his Pay, (as we shall more at large declare hereaf∣ter) and therefore designed to set Almagro at liberty, he then resolved to put him to death, and to hasten his execution; supposing, that when he vvas once out of the vvay, all the passions for him vvould vanish, and all things return to a setled condition of peace and quietness: All which imaginations succeeded to the con∣trary, as vvill be proved by the sequel of this Story.

Gomara saith, That though diligent enquiry was made to know the Father of Almagro, yet it could never be discovered; and in confirmation hereof, Carate adds, that being an Infant he was laid at the Church-door: the which may very well be, and yet he not be a Bastard; for the Catholick Church presuming that such Foundlings are honestly and lawfully begotten, do own them capable of be∣ing admitted into Ecclesiastical Orders, and to the Degrees of a Prelate: And whereas Gomara alledges, that common report made him the Son of a Priest; it is very false, and a calumny raised by malitious and virulent tongues, which having nothing whereby to obscure and disgrace the lustre and glory of his Actions, have cast this blemish on his Birth without any colour or appearance of truth. Those Sons, whose Fathers are not known, are ennobled by their own Merits and Vertue; especially being of that lustre, as were the great Actions of this Ge∣neral and Governour Don Diego de Almagro, which have legitimated his Birth, and added Nobility to his Family. To what end do Sons boast of the Atchieve∣ments of their Ancestours, who blemish and obscure their great Actions by their own Vices? for Nobility is the Parent of Virtue, and is supported by it. So that we may truly say, that Almagro was the Son of Noble Parents, for so his Actions declare him; and so great Exploits have always made the Princes

of this World rich and powerfull: the truth of which hath been proved at large by what hath preceded.

In fine therefore, (as we have said) this great Hero was strangled in Prison, which was sufficient to have made an end of him; but to affect the minds of those who saw him with greater compassion and sorrow, his Body was brought forth into the Market-place, and his Throat cut there; he had passed the Age of seventy five years, and his Health was so broken and infirm, that had they not hastned his Death, he could not have lived much longer. It is said, that his Ene∣mies, to shew their great abhorrence and detestation of him, had killed him twice. The Executioner in privilege of his Office, and as his Fees, stripped him of his Cloaths, and would also have taken his Shirt had it been suffered: And in this condition he lay exposed in the Market-place, the greatest part of the day, neither friend or enemy daring to dispose otherwise of his Corpse; for his friends, who were vanquished, and in custody, could not doe it; and his enemies, though touched with some sense of grief and compassion, durst not adventure upon an Action which might administer occasion of publick scandal. Whence we may see the falseness of this World, and how ill it rewards the worthy Actions of deserving Men.

At length, towards the Evening, a poor Negro, who had been the Slave of the deceased, came and brought a course Sheet, which was his own, or which he had begged; and with the help of some Indians, who had been the Servants of Almagro, they wrapped the Body therein, and carried it to be enterred in the Church of the Merceds, where the Friars, according to their accustomary Acts of Charity, buried it with many Tears in a Chapel which is under the High Altar.

Thus ended that Great Don Diego de Almagro, who hath left nothing more Me∣morable of his Life, than his great Actions; and of his Death, than grief and lamentations for it: the which, as it was a fore-runner of the like fate of the Marquis Piçarro, so the manner of his Death was agreeable thereunto, and may therewith be compared in all the circumstances thereof, as will appear by that which follows; that so these two Companions, who had an equal share in the Conquest and Government of this great and rich Empire of Peru, may also be equalized in the manner of their Deaths.

CHAP. XL.

Who those Captains were that were employed on the New Conquests; the Arrival of Hernando Piçarro in Spain, and his long Imprisonment there.

SO soon as Hernando Piçarro had taken Almagro Prisoner, he immediately employed many of his Captains in new Conquests; both that thereby he might free him∣self from their importunities, who were in expectation of great and mighty rewards for their services, and might also secure his own Person from suspicion and jealou∣sies, which his Enemies were contriving and plotting against him. Pedro de Val∣divia was sent Commander in Chief, with a considerable Force to the Conquest of Chili, which was begun, but left imperfect by Almagro; the success of which, with his prosperous and unhappy fortune, we have formerly declared in the Life of Inca Yupanqui the tenth King of Peru. Francisco de Villagra (with whom I was acquainted) went in company with him, as did also Alonso de Montroy. Captain Francisco de Olmos, with whom went Garçilasso de la Vega, was sent to the Bay of St. Matthew: Of whose Conquest and Successes Gomara speaks in the 143d Chap∣ter, as follows:

Gomez de Alvarado was employed in the Conquest of the Province of Guanu∣cu: Francisco de Chaves was sent to suppress the Conchucos, who much infelted the Inhabitants about Trugillo, and in their Army carried an Idol, to which they sacrificed the spoils of their Enemies, and the bloud of Christians. Pera de Vergara marched against the Bracamoros, which is a Countrey, that to the North∣ward joins to the Countrey of Quitu; Perez de Vergara went to the Chachapoyas, and Alonso de Mercadillo to Mullubamba; but Pedro de Candia went to the High∣lands of Collao; into which, by reason of the difficulty and badness of the Coun∣trey, he could make no great progress; and besides, his people fell into a Mu∣tiny, who were for the most part friends of Almagro, as was also Mesa Captain of the Artillery to Piçarro: For which reason Fernando went to them; and ha∣ving accused Mesa of Mutiny, and with Scandalous Words against the Piçarros, and with a Plot to have set Almagro at liberty, in case he had been carried to the Marquis at los Reyes; all which having been proved against him, he put him to Death. The three hundred Men which belonged to Pedro de Candia he gave to Perançures, and sent him forward to the Conquest of that Countrey. In this manner all the Spaniards were employed, and in a very short time enlarged their Conquest, at least three hundred Leagues in length from East to West, though with the death and loss of Multitudes of people. Fernando and Gonçalo Piçarro subdued the Collao, which is a Countrey wherein Gold so much abounds, that they Wainscoat the in-sides of their Chapels, and Chambers with Plates of Gold; and therein is a sort of Sheep, which have some resemblance of a Ca∣mel, and something of a Deer.

Thus far Gomara, who farther on in the same Chapter adds:

Fernando Piçarro, saith he, returned to Cozco, where he met with Francisco Pi∣çarro, whom he had not seen since the Imprisonment of Almagro. After they had entertained discourse for several Days, concerning the matters lately past, and what was farther to be done in order to the Government: It was determi∣ned that Fernando should go into Spain to render a true information unto the Em∣perour of all matters which had passed, and to carry with him the Fifths of all which belonged to his Majesty, with an account of the Revenue, as it was late∣ly augmented. Many of his friends who knew the true state of matters, and how ill the Death of Almagro would be resented by the Emperour, dissuaded

Fernando from this intention, especially since Diego de Alvarado was then residing at the Court, and ready to accuse him, saying, That this matter would be bet∣ter negotiated at a distance, than upon the place: Howsoever, Fernando would not hearken thereunto, being of a contrary opinion, that he had greatly deser∣ved of the Emperour for his many Services, and for having by way of Justice cleared the Countrey of those turbulent Spirits, who were Disturbers of the Peace. At his departure, he advised his Brother Francisco not to repose confi∣dence in any of the Almagrians, especially those who were gone into Chili, whom he had found to be constant and affectionate to the Memory of Almagro: And he farther counselled him not to permit them to Cabal, for by experience he had found, that five onely of them being together, were plotting in what man∣ner to kill him. At length being departed, he came to Spain, and appeared at the Court with a great Equipage and Riches; but it was not long before they carried him from Valladolid, to the Prison of Medina de Campo, from whence, as yet, he is not freed.

And herewith Gomara ends that Chapter.

For the better understanding of which, we are to know, That though Gonçalo de Mesa had served Hernando Piçarro in Quality of Captain of the Artillery, yet he, with many others, was much discontented, because he looked upon himself as ill rewarded for his former Services; and that when he expected to have been sent Commander in Chief, he was then employed Under-Captain to Pedro de Candia: Wherefore finding himself in this manner slighted without any place of Honour, or Advantage, he began to speak ill of Hernando Piçarro, and to threaten, that he would set Almagro at liberty whensoever they brought him forth to carry him to los Reyes: All which he declared openly, and without any consideration of the dan∣ger he incurred of his life, he assembled his friends, and formed a party for Al∣magro, in which he found many that were ready to comply. So soon as Hernando Piçarro was informed hereof, he immediately, with all diligence, went to the Col∣lao, but Mesa was not then Quartered there, being newly returned with Pedro de Candia from the Frontiers, and was then at Mussus, which lyes Eastward from Collao, a Countrey very Mountainous, and full of deep Rivers, as we have descri∣bed at large in the Life of the King Inca Yupanqui: The Spaniards, by reason of these impediments, not having been able to make their Conquests, were returned from Collao when Hernando met them, and put Gonzalo de Mesa to Death; and ca∣shiering Pedro de Candia from his Command, he bestowed it on a certain Gentle∣man called Peranzures de Campo Redondo; who afterwards made an entrance into that Countrey, and did more than any that went before him; howsoever, the ways and passages were so difficult, that all his labours and endeavours proved vain and fruitless. Pedro de Candia esteeming himself affronted, and agrieved hereby, being troubled to be deprived of his Command, concealed the anger hereof in his breast, untill such time as an opportunity presented, that he might declare for the Almagrians; the success whereof was fatal to him, as we shall see hereafter. For Pedro de Candia could not so well dissemble his resentments, but that they were visible to Hernando, and appeared in his countenance; for though the Tongue be silent, yet the Face commonly discovers the grief, or the delight of the Heart: the like dissatisfaction was also apparent in the behaviour of many others. Wherefore considering that his endeavours to lessen the numbers of his Enemies, served to multiply them, he was as it were forced to put Almagro to death, which he accordingly executed after his return to Cozco from Collao; supposing, that when the cause and object of all these Mutinies and Disturbances was removed, all things would return to the usual and setled condition of peace and quietness; but it happened out quite contrary: For by the dolefull Tragedy of the Death of Al∣magro, Hernando Piçarro rendred himself so odious, that his condition was much more secure, by putting himself into the hands of the Justice of Spain, where Die∣go de Alvarado was ready to accuse him, than if he had remained in Peru, where the opposite Faction of Almagro watched onely an opportunity to destroy him. Hernando Piçarro was a discreet Person, and against the opinion and persuasion of all his friends, judged it the least evil to make a Voyage into Spain; where he imagined, that the great Services he had performed in the Conquest of that Em∣pire, and the insuperable Labours he had overcome in the Siege vvould justifie his Cause before his Majesty, and the Riches vvhich he imported vvith him, for the King's and his ovvn account vvould make his Access easie to the Royal Presence,

and obtain more mercy for him, than he could expect from his Enemies in Peru, who onely attended an opportunity to kill him. Hernando having on these Con∣siderations left the Indies, and escaped out of the hands of his Enemies; that ha∣tred which was prepared for him, was converted against his Brother the Marquis, and proceeded so far, as in the end to effect his ruine; the which will appear in what is to follow.

Hernando Piçarro being arrived in Spain, Diego de Alvarado brought a severe In∣dictment against him, desiring that the Cause might be tried either by the Civil Law, or by a Court-Marshal, as his Majesty should direct; or otherwise he chal∣lenged him to a single Combat, offering to prove by force of Arms, that he had violated both his Word and Faith, and that he himself was guilty of those crimes which he had objected against Almagro: Moreover, he laid many other things to his charge, which for brevity sake we shall pass by. Upon these Accusations Her∣nando was committed to the Prison of Medina del Campo; during which time, and whilst Alvarado was prosecuting his Suit, he complained, that many rich Presents both of Gold, and Silver, and pretious Stones, were given with intention to cor∣rupt the minds of certain persons; the which being proved, was occasion of trou∣ble to some great and considerable Men. But this being a nice point, we have onely touched upon it; and the rather, because in the heat of this prosecution Al∣varado died, not without suspicion of poison, by reason (as Gomara saith) that his Death was sudden and unexpected: Howsoever, before that time, he had so well grounded his process, and proceeded so far, that he had obtained several Verdicts against his Adversary. Howsoever, at length, time, which accomplishes every thing, moderated the severities of his Imprisonment, from whence he procured his discharge in the year 1562, after twenty three years that he had remained in custody, which he sustained with great equality of mind; of which he gave most certain proofs in all the particulars of his adverse fortune, which then manifestly appeared, when with wonderfull patience he received the news of the Death of his Brother, and of his other Kindred, and of the Confiscation of his Lands and Possessions which belonged to him, besides the vast expence he was put to, both in Prison, and to maintain his Law-suits. This was all the World gave him in reward for his great and mighty Actions, and for the innumerable difficulties he sustained to aid and assist his Brother the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro in the Con∣quest of Peru, performing, as he always did, the Office of Captain-General; with which we will conclude this second Book, returning thanks unto Almighty God, who hath brought us so far as to this period.

Royal Commentaries. BOOK III.

CHAP. I.

Of the Conquest of the Charcas; and of other Battels be∣tween the Indians and the Spaniards.

BY the Death of Almagro, and the Absence of Hernando Piçarro, all the management of the Conquest, and the weight of the Government of Peru was charged on the shoulders of Marquis Piçarro, to whom God had given a sufficient talent of Wisedom to support the care both of one and the other, had not evil Counsellours interposed, to the disturbance and confusion of every thing; for the Captains (as we have mentioned in the preceding Book) being dispeeded away, and amused with new Conquests, the Land was at rest and quiet; amongst which Com∣manders, Gonzalo Piçarro, Brother to the Marquis, was sent to conquer the Collao, and the Charcas, and people distant about two hundred Leagues to the South∣ward of Cozco; with him the greatest part of those Cavaliers were sent, who came in with Don Pedro de Alvarado to gain new Countries; for those already subdued, were onely such as were Dependances on the Cities of Cozco and los Reyes, which, together with all the Vallies along the Sea-coast, as far as Tumpiz, were divided amongst the first Conquerours, who had had a hand in the Imprisonment of Ata∣hualpa. Wherefore it was necessary to enlarge those Conquests, that out of them provision might be made for the second Adventurers, who entred in with D. Diego de Almagro, and Pedro de Alvarado.

Gonzalo Piçarro entred on the Collao with a good number of stout and valiant Men; at first the Indians made little opposition, but afterwards when they found them well entred into the Charcas, and at a hundred and fifty Leagues distance from Cozco, they then plied them close, and frequently engaged them in Battels, in which there were losses on both sides; and the Indians aimed chiefly at their Horses; for they were of opinion, that if they could kill them, and force the Men to fight on Foot, they should have much the advantage, and over-power them with their Multitudes, At length it happened, that after a bloudy Fight, in which many were killed on both sides, that the Spaniards gained the Victory: To prosecute which on all sides, several parties took divers ways, and amongst the rest, three Companions agreed to go with Gonzalo Piçarro. One of which was Garçilasso de la Vega, another John de Figueroa, and the third Gaspar Jara; all which had Commands over Indians in that Town, which is now called the City of Plate, and in the Indian Tongue Chuquisaca, and afterwards they improved

their Fortunes by Possessions in the City of Cozco, where it was my Fortune to have acquaintance with them.

These four walking softly over a Plain, to ease their Horses, which were much tired with the Labours of the last Engagement, and being at some distance from the place where the Battel was fought, they discovered on the side of a little Hill below, seven Indian Gentlemen, all armed with their Bows and Arrows, going to join with the Indian Army, and very gallant, with their Plumes of Feathers, and other Ornaments. So soon as they saw the Spaniards, they put themselves into Rank, at ten or twelve paces distant each from the other, with design to divide the Enemy, that they might come apart, and not in a Body together. The Spa∣niards made signs to them, that they were Friends, and would not fight with them; but notwithstanding the Indians prepared their Arms, and would not accept of their Friendship, so that both sides engaged with great Courage and Resolution.

The Spaniards (as they report themselves) say, that they were ashamed of the inequality of this match, that four Cavaliers, such as they were, well armed, and mounted on their Horses, with Lances in their Hands, should engage with seven Indians on Foot, and naked, without defensive Arms, who notwithstanding re∣fused not to fight with as much courage, as if their Breasts had been covered with Steel, assisting and helping each other with much Bravery. That Indian who had none to encounter him, always helped him, that was engaged, and so alter∣natively came in, to the succour each of other, sometimes cross, and sometimes behind, according to the Order and Method agreed amongst them; so that for the most part, two Indians fought with one Spaniard. At length, after a long Skirmish, that every Spaniard had killed his Indian, and one of them was in pur∣suit of a single Indian, who, as he was flying, took up a Stone, which he threw and hit the Beaver of his Head-piece, which covered his Face, with such force as half stunn'd him, and had killed him outright, had it not been for that piece of Armour; howsoever, notwithstanding the Blow, the Spaniard made an end of this Indian, and killed him also.

The other two Indians fled, and escaped; for the Spaniards were not very eager to pursue them, considering that their Horses had been much tired, and harassed with this second, as well as with the first Encounter; so that they thought it neither honourable, nor worth their pains, to kill the two surviving Indians.

After the Skirmish was over, the four Companions staid a while, to examine themselves, and to know what hurt each Man had received; and upon Enquiry they found, that three of them were wounded, and that two of these three had received three Wounds apiece, though slight ones, and the fourth had his Horse wounded with an Arrow, the which hurt was many Days in hea∣ling; according as he, who was Master of the Horse, related it to me in this manner:

All four of us, said he, were wounded, but I most grievously of any, be∣cause I was more sensible of the hurt, which my Horse received, than if I had been wounded my self, by reason of the great want I had of him.

I remember when I was a Child, the great lamentation the Spaniards made for their Horses, and would rather have been wounded themselves than their Horses; and in like manner this Gentleman was troubled for this misfortune.

In fine, these four returned to the Army, and acquainted their Companions, that the Engagement which they had had with the seven Indians that day, was more dangerous, than the great fight with six or seven thousand of them. Several other Skirmishes passed the same day of the like nature, one of which was that which we have recounted in the last Chapter of the first Book of this second Part, where we speak of the Loyalty and Affection which the Indians taken in fight profess unto the Spaniards. In this manner they marched forward, fighting every other day more or less, untill they came to a warlike People, called Chuqui∣saca, where they engaged with many thousands of Indians, who straitned the Spa∣niards with want of Provisions, and kept them always allarm'd with continual Skirmishes, wherein many were killed and wounded, which the Historians men∣tion, but with great brevity.

Gomara in the 143d. Chapter, and Carate in the 12th Chapter of his 3d. Book, saith, That Gonzalo Piçarro made a Discovery as far as the Province of the Charcas, where he was surrounded with such numbers of Indians, which assailed him on all sides, that he was forced to desire succours from the Marquis, who supplied him therewith, both of Horse and Foot, from Cozco; and for better expedition the Marquis gave out, that he himself would go in person, and accordingly he marched out with them three or four days from the City.

This Siege, as Authours write, was so close, and strait, that the Spaniards be∣ing reduced at last to the utmost extremity, sent advice thereof to the Marquis, by the Indians whom they retained in their Service, who (as we have seen before) had served for Messengers with all fidelity in the like dangers, in confidence of whom, they dispatched many of them by divers ways; so that in case some should miscarry, others might escape.

The Marquis being hereby made sensible of the great Distress to which his Bro∣ther Gonzalo Piçarro was reduced, dispeeded a Captain with Succours, and gave out, for the more haste of the Supplies, as Carate saith, that he himself would go in Per∣son; but neither the diligence used in sending Relief, which would have come too late, nor yet the appearance which the Marquis made of going in Person, would have availed toward the delivery of the Spaniards, from the straits of that Siege, had not God most wonderfully appeared for them, and sent the Divine St. Jago, the Patron of Spain, visibly to fight on their side, as he had done before at Cozco.

The Christians seeing themselves thus wonderfully favoured, and that in this, as in the like occasions, they had been rescued by Miracle, they fought with such Courage, that before the Succours came, they had gained the Victory. In remembrance of which signal Favour which God had performed for them, they determined to establish a Colony of Christian People in that place, where now a Cathedral Church is built, and the Royal Chancery is held, which is enno∣bled and enriched to that degree, in which we see it at present; all which is arisen from the Mines of Potosi, which are about eighteen Leagues distant from thence.

Blas Valera giving a Relation of all the memorable Battels which happened between the Spaniards and the Indians in Peru, gives an Account of that which was fought in this Province, and says, that God, by his Angel, fought there for his Gospel.

CHAP. II.

The Marquis makes a Division of the Kingdom and Province of the Charcas, and Gonzalo Piçarro is sent to the Conquest of the Canela.

THE War being ended, and the Indians setled in peace, the Marquis made a Division of the Countrey amongst the principal Persons concerned in the Conquest. To his Brother Hernando Piçarro he divided a very large share, and another part to Gonzalo, within whose Division, some years after, the Silver Mines of Potosi were discovered; of which one part belonged to Hernando Piçarro, as Inhabitant of that City; and though he were then in Spain, yet one Mine was resigned to his Officers, to dig the Plate for his Benefit and Use; the which was of so rich a vein, that in something more than eight months, they digged Silver of the finest sort from thence without any Allay, and without other trouble than onely to melt down the Metal. I have mentioned these Riches in this place, having forgotten to specifie them, when in the first part of these Com∣mentaries we treated of that famous Hill. To my Lord Garçilasso de la Vega that part was given which is called Tapac••ri. To Graviel de Rojas another very consi∣derable Possession was given, and the like to many other Cavaliers, and all with∣in the compass of one hundred Leagues; of which also some part was given to the City, called la Paz, or the City of Peace.

But these Divisions then given, were of little value, though the Soil was fruit∣full, and abounding with all Provisions, and very populous, and well inhabited by Indians, untill the Mines of Potosi were discovered in those parts; for then the Rents were raised ten for one; and those Possessions which yielded two, or three, or four thousand Pieces of Eight, amounted afterwards to twenty, thirty, and forty thousand Crowns a year. The Marquis, Francisco Piçarro, having given or∣der to sound that City, which is called the City of Plate, and having divided the Indians under that Jurisdiction amongst the Conquerours and Adventurers; all which happened in the Years 1538, and 1539. he had not rested and reposed in quietness from his civil War, and late Conquests, before he undertook some other more laborious, and more dangerous Adventures than the former, which shall hereafter be related.

By the death of Almagro the Marquis remained sole and supreme Governour of more than 700 Leagues of Land, which reach North and South from the Charcas to Quitu, and had enough to doe, how and in what manner to secure those new Conquests, which his Captains had made in divers parts, and how to rule with Laws of Justice those People who were setled in a quiet and peaceable Condition, yet since the desire of Rule and Government is never to be satisfied, his Warlike Mind was incited to farther Enterprises, being encouraged with the good Fortune of his past Successes.

For now the News arrived, that besides the Limits of Quitu, and other Coun∣tries, over which the Incan Kings were supreme Commanders, another Countrey was discovered both long and wide, where Cinnamon was growing, for which reason they called it the Countrey of Canela, which signifies Cinnamon. The Mar∣quis had a desire to employ his Brother in that Conquest, with intention to make the Extent of his Land as long and wide as his own; and having consul∣ted hereupon with those of his Cabinet Council, he renounced his right to the Government of Quitu, and transferred it to his said Brother, so that in the Con∣quest of Canela, which lies Eastward from Quitu, he might have the benefit of supplies and succour from that City.

Having this Design in his Eye, he sent for his Brother Gonzalo, who was then in the Charcas, employed in the settlement of a new Colony in the City of Plate, and of that Division of Indian Subjects, and rule over them, as was faln to his lot and possession. Gonzalo Piçarro, at the Summons of his Brother repaired speedily to Cozco, where the Marquis then resided; and having there treated of the Con∣quest of Canela, he prepared himself for that adventure, shewing therein the same forwardness, and personal bravery, as he had done in other Enterprises of the like nature.

In Cozco he levied above two hundred Souldiers, of which one hundred were Horse, and a like number of Foot; with which he marched five hundred Leagues, (which is the distance between Cozco and Quitu,) where Pedro de Pu∣elles was then Governour. In his way thither he met with many light Skirmishes and Encounters with the Indians, which appeared in Arms; but those of Hua∣nucu put him so hard to it, (as Carate reports in the first Chapter of his fourth Book,) that the Marquis was forced to send him speedy Relief by Francisco de Chaves.

Gonzalo Piçarro being delivered out of this danger, and from others of less mo∣ment, arrived at length at Quitu, where Pedro de Puelles yielded all Obedience to the Commands of the Marquis, providing him, as was the Office of Gover∣nour, with all things necessary for that Expedition, together with a recruit of an hundred Souldiers, so that his numbers were three hundred and forty in all, of which one hundred and fifty were Horse, and the rest Foot.

Moreover he had a Retinue of four thousand Indians, who were laden with Arms, Provisions, and other necessaries for this Enterprise, such as Iron, Hatchets, Match, Cords, and Bas-ropes, Nails, and wooden Pins, to use, as occasion ser∣ved: They also drove with them a Herd of about four thousand Swine, and Sheep of the biggest size that that Empire afforded, on which they laded part of their Ammunition and Baggage.

Pedro de Puelles was ordained and lest in Quitu in Quality of Deputy Gover∣nour, and Piçarro having reformed all Disorders, and settled matters on a good Foundation of Rule and Government; he departed from Quitu about Christmas, in the Year 1539. Thus did he march peaceably, and was kindly received, and treated by the Indians, through all the Dominions belonging to the Incas, till at length he entred into that Province which Historians call Quixos. And in regard that Lopez de Gomara and Carate do so well agree in the Relation of this Adven∣ture, that their very Words are almost the same; and because I have often heard the particulars of this Discovery, from the Mouth of those who were present with Gonzalo Piçarro at the very action; I shall repeat the Summ of all that passed, as it hath been delivered by divers Relations.

It is certain, that in the Province of Quixos, which lies North from Quitu, great numbers of Indians presented themselves in a warlike posture in opposition to Gonzalo Piçarro; but so soon as they discovered the many Spaniards, and the Horse which came with him, they immediately retired within the Countrey, from whence they never more appeared. Some few days afterwards there happened so terrible an Earth-quake, that many Houses in those Villages where they then were, fell to the ground; the Earth opened in many places, and so terrible were the Lightnings, and Thunder, and so very quick, almost without Intermission, and so fierce were the Rains, which poured down like Buckets of Water; that the Spaniards much admired at the nature of that Climate, so different to any they had ever seen in Peru.

After this Storm was over, which continued about forty or fifty days, they prepared to pass the snowy Mountains; for which though they had made good Provisions, yet the Climate was so extremely cold, by the great quantities of Snow which fell, that many Indians, who went thin in their Clothing, were frozen to death. The Spaniards, that they might make haste out of that Snow, and Cold, and severe Region, left their Cattel, and provisions behind them, ex∣pecting to find sufficient supplies of all things, at the next place, where the Indians inhabited. But the matter succeeded otherwise, for having passed the Moun∣tains, they entred into a Countrey so barren, and fruitless, that it was void of all Inhabitants; wherefore doubling their Journies to get out of it, they came at length to a Province, and People, called Cumaco, situated at the foot of a Hill,

which casts out Fire, like the Volcano, where they found plenty of Provisions; but the Countrey was so wet, that for the space of two Months they remained there, it never ceased one day from raining, which was such a damage to them, that all their Cloths became rotten by the moisture.

In that Province, called Cumaco, which is situate under the Equinoctial, or ve∣ry near it, the Cinnamon grows, of which they went in search; the Trees whereof are tall and lofty, bearing a leaf, as big as the Laurel, with a small sort of Fruit, which grows in Clusters like the Acorn. These Trees grow wild in the Mountains, and produce a sort of Fruit, but not so good as that which is gathered from those Trees, vvhich the Indians plant, and cultivate in their ovvn Grounds; and vvhich having gathered, they lay it up in their stores, and trade vvith it, into neighbouring Countries, though not into Peru; vvhere they use no other sorts of Spice than the Vchu, called by the Spaniards Axi, and by us red Pepper.

CHAP. III.

Of the great Difficulties, and Hardships, sustained by Gon∣zalo Piçarro, and his Companions; how they made a Bridge of Wood, and a sort of Ferry-Boat, to pass the great River.

THE Spaniards found, that in Cumaco, and the Countries thereunto adjoining, the Indians went naked, without any Cloths, onely the Women for Modesty∣sake wore a little flap before them; the Climate is so excessively hot, that they need no Cloths, and is so subject to Rains, that they would become rotten in a short time, as we have mentioned before; and indeed the Spaniards confess, that those Indians did well not to trouble themselves with care for Cloths, which would onely be troublesome, without any use.

Gonzalo Piçarro leaving the greatest part of his People in Cumacu, took with him a small party of such as he esteemed most active, to try and search for some Pass, leading out of the Countrey; for as yet the way for an hundred Leagues together, had been nothing but Mountains, and Desarts, and Woods, which they were forced to lay open by the Hatchet, and strength of their Armes; and sometimes the Indians, who were their Guards, deceived them, carrying them out of the way by Mountains, and Desarts, and difficult passages, where they sustained Hunger, and Cold, without other sustenance than Herbs, and Roots, and wild Fruit, and conducted them by by-ways, to avoid the Countrey of their Friends and Confederates; but in case they happened to lead them aright, then they were esteemed and applauded for good Guides.

With such Labours and Sufferings as these, which may rather be fansied than described, they came at length to that Province which is called Cuca, which was more populous, than any they had formerly passed, and where provisions were plentifull. Here the Chief Lord came forth in a peaceable manner to welcome them, and afforded them Provisions, which was the chief thing of which they stood in want; there is a great River which passes through this Countrey, and is the largest of those which, falling in together, make that River which some call Orellana, and others Marannen.

In these parts they remained two months in Expectation of the coming of those Spaniards, whom they had left in Cumaco, and had directed to follow them by such traces and marks as they should find of the way they had taken before them; the Companions being come up to them, and a while refreshed after their Journey, they travelled all together by the Banks of that great River, for the space of fifty Leagues, in all which way, they neither found Bridge, nor shallow place, which was fordable, for the Water was very deep, and the River so broad, that no Bridge could be made over it.

At length they came to a place where this whole River falls from the top of a Rock, above two hundred fathom high, which Catarack, or falling of the Wa∣ters, makes a noise, that is heard above six Leagues from the place; at which, though the Spaniards were wonderfully amazed, yet it was much more wonderfull to see, about forty or fifty Leagues lower, that immense quantity of Water contracted and straitened within a Chanel made by one great Rock. This Cha∣nel is so narrow, that from one side to the other it is not above twenty foot wide; but so high, that from the top, where the Spaniards made their Bridge to pass down to the Surface of the Water, are two hundred Fathom, as was that of the Catarack.

It is indeed strange to consider, that in that Countrey there should be such prodigious Wonders, which are beyond Expression, as may appear by these two instances, and divers others, which occur in this History. Gonzalo Piçarro, and his Captains, considering that there was no more convenient passage to be found over the River than this, and that it was necessary to pass to the other side, by reason that the Countrey was barren on that side which they then were in, it was agreed to make a Bridge over the top of the Rock. The Indians, though few in num∣ber, stoutly defended the Pass, so that the Spaniards were forced to fight with them, which was the first Encounter they had with those of that Countrey: When the Spaniards killed any one, or more of them, with their Musquets, the others immediately fled, being terrified to see their Companions killed at the distance of an hundred or two hundred paces; and flying with Fear and Amaze∣ment, reported in all places, that there was a sort of People come into their Countrey, of such wonderfull Power, that killed those with Thunder and Light∣ning, that would not obey them.

The Pass being now clear, the Spaniards fell to work on the Bridge of Timber, which cost much labour before the first Beam could be passed over to the other Rock, which was so high, that it was a bold thing for any one to adventure to look dovvn; for vvhilst a Spaniard cast his Eyes to behold from the top of that precipice the svvift current of the Water belovv, his Head became dizzy, and turned, so that dovvn he fell, and vvas drovvned in the Waters. The other Spaniards being vvarned by this unfortunate Example, vvent more cautiously to vvork, and after much Difficulty, and Labour, they passed the first Beam over to the opposite Rock, by help of vvhich a second vvas more easily laid, and then other pieces of Timber, vvhich vvere necessary; so that by degrees they formed a Bridge, over vvhich both Man and Horse securely passed, vvhich they left in the same condition to remain, in case they should have occasion to re∣turn back by the same vvay: And so they travelled by the side of the River, over certain Mountains, vvhich vvere so thick vvith Wood, that they vvere forced to open their vvay vvith the Hatchet, and other Instruments. With these Difficulties they came at length to a Countrey, called Guema, vvhich vvas so poor, and starved, that it vvas more barren than any they had passed before: Here vvere some fevv Indians, vvho at the sight of the Spaniards fled into the Moun∣tains, and never aftervvards appeared.

Here the Spaniards, and their Indian Servants, vvere forced again to sustain themselves vvith Herbs, and Roots, and vvith the tender sprouts of Trees, vvhich are as good to eat, as the stalks of our Vine Leaves are here. Thus vvith Famine, and Travels, and with perpetual Rains, so that their Cloths vvere never dry on their Backs, many of the Spaniards fell sick and dyed; yet in despight of all these Difficulties, they proceeded many Leagues farther on their vvay, untill at length they came vvhere Indians inhabited, something more civilized than the former; for they vvere such as did eat Mayz, and clothed themselves vvith Garments of Cotten; but still the Climate vvas subject to Rains.

Whilst they staid in this place, they sent some people round by divers vvays, to see if they could discover any passage into a more pleasant Land; but they all returned vvith the same Nevvs, that the Countrey round vvas nothing but vvild Mountains, full of Bogs, Lakes, and Moorish Grounds, over vvhich vvas no passage, or vvay to go out, or ford over. Hereupon they resolved to build a Brigantine, or Vessel, vvhich might ferry them over from one side of the Ri∣ver to the other, vvhich novv vvas become about tvvo Leagues broad. In order whereunto, the first thing to be done, was to make a Smith's Forge, for Nails and Iron-work; but then they had need of Charcole, which was difficult to be made in those Climates, because the continual Rains extinguished the Fire; to prevent which they made Coverings of Wood, and Huts for themselves to cast off the Rain, and to defend them from the Sun, which is directly over their Heads, they being then just under the Equinoctial Line, where the Climate was hot and moist in excess: Part of their Iron-work they made of their Horses Shoes, which they had killed in that Extremity, to administer some substantial Nourishment to their Sick, and to sustain those who were in Health; and for the rest of the Iron, of which they stood in very great need, they made use of the small Store which they had brought with them, and which was now be∣come more scarce than Gold.

Gonzalo Piçarro, though Chief Commander, was the first that laid his Hand on the Hatchet to Hew down the Timber, and to make the Charcole, which was required to forge the Iron, and was always the most forward in every Of∣fice, though never so mean and low, that so giving a good Example, none might excuse himself on privilege of his Command. The Rosin which estuated from certain Trees, served them in the place of Pitch; their old rotten Shirts and Rags were made use of in stead of Oakam, to cauke the seams of their Vessels, to which every one did so freely contribute, that they were ready to give their Shirts from their Backs, rather than any thing should be wanting; for they considered, that the Life and Safety of them all depended on this Ves∣sel: Which being now in this manner finished, they lanched it into the Wa∣ter with great Joy and Triumph, imagining, that herewith they should quickly escape out of all their Dangers, and be freed from all their Difficulties; but it proved otherwise, for a few days shewed the contrary, and gave them cause to repent, that they had ever made it, as we shall speeedily see by what fol∣lows hereafter.

CHAP. IV.

Francisco de Orellana goes aboard the Vessel which was built, and sails into Spain, to demand the Government of that Conquest; and of his End and Death.

ALL the Gold which they had gathered, which amounted to about the va∣lue of one hundred thousand Pieces of Eight, with a great abundance of Emeralds, some of which were of great value, as also their Iron and Iron-work, and whatsoever was of any esteem, they laded on their Vessel, and such as were weak, and sick, and not able to travel, were also put aboard. And now after a Journey of almost two hundred Leagues, they departed from this place, taking their course down the Stream, some by Water, and others by Land, keeping such a convenient distance each from the other, that at night they always joined and lodged together; the which Journey was performed with great difficulty, both of one, and of the other; for those on the Land were forced to open a great part of their way with Hatchet and Bill, and those on the Water were put to hard Labour to stemm the Stream, and keep the Vessel from being forcibly car∣ried down by the current from the Company of their Associates. When at any time their passage was interrupted by some Mountain, so that they could not keep by the Shore of the River; they then ferried to the other side by help of their Vessel, and of sour Canoes, which were with them; but this gave a great let and stop to their proceedings, for the space of three or four days, which was very grievous to Men starving and perishing with Hunger.

Having in this manner travelled for the space of two Months, they at length met with certain Indians, who by Signs, and by some Words which were under∣stood by their Indian Servants, gave them intelligence, that about ten days Jour∣ney from thence they would find a Countrey well peopled, plentifull of Pro∣visions, and abounding with Gold, and other Riches, of which they were in pursuit; and farther signified to them by Signs, that this Countrey was situate on the Banks of another great River, which joined, and fell into that, wherein they now were. The Spaniards being greatly comforted, and encouraged with this news, Gonzalo Piçarro made Francisco de Orellana Captain of his Brigantine, or Vessel, and thereon put fifty Souldiers aboard, giving them orders to pass down the Stream to that place, where the two Rivers met, and that there leaving the Goods he had then aboard, he should lade his Vessel with Provisions, and return towards them with all the speed imaginable to succour, and relieve them in that great Distress of Famine, of which many Spaniards were already dead, and especially Indians, who of four thousand were reduced to half the number.

According to these Orders Francisco de Orellana entred on the Voyage, and in the space of three days, without Oars, or Sail, onely by force of the Current, he was carried the eighty Leagues before mentioned, though in the opinion of all they proved to be more than an hundred; notwithstanding which being come thither, no Provisions were found, as the Indians had promised; wherefore con∣sidering what was to be done in that Extremity, they concluded, that to return again to Gonzalo Piçarro with this ill news, they were not able in the space of a Year to perform that Voyage back, against the force of the Stream, which they had already with the help thereof been carried in three days onely. And not knowing in how long time Gonzalo Piçarro would be able to perform his Journey thither, Orellana resolved to change his Design, and set up for himself; and with these thoughts he set sail, and casting off all care and regard to Piçarro, and his Companions, then in distress, he resolved to take a Voyage into Spain, there to obtain the Government and Conquest of those Countries for himself: But this

cruel Resolution was opposed by many of those who were then aboard with him, who suspecting his evil Intention, told him plainly, that he was not to exceed the Order of his Captain General, nor was it humanity to forsake his Compa∣nions in their great Distress, knowing how usefull and necessary that Brigantine was to them. In this point none was more zealous, and urgent than a good Friar called Gaspar Carvajal, and a young Gentleman, Native of Badajoz, named Hernando Sanchez de Vargas, whom those of the contrary opinion made their chief, and were so warm in their Debates on this Subject, that the Quarrel had come to Bloud, had not Orellana with fair and gentle Words appeased the Tumult for that present. Howsoever he so worked afterwards with those, who had opposed his Intention, that with great Promises he enticed them all to his party, and then rudely treated the poor Friar, whom he had exposed to the same famine and misery (had it not been for respect to his Habit and Profession) as he did Sanchez de Vargas, for whom he thought Death too mean a punishment, unless attended with the direfull circumstances of Cruelty; and therefore left him in that Desart, encom∣passed with high Mountains on the one side, and with a great River on the other, and imprisoned both with Sea and Land, he was left there to perish by Famine.

After which Francisco de Orellana pursuing his Voyage, renounced in a few days the Commission he had received from Gonzalo Piçarro, disclaiming all subjection to him, but pretended to act as a Captain immediately depending on His Maje∣sty. The which Enterprise may best deserve the term of the highest piece of Treachery that ever was acted; though in reality other Captains, who have been concerned in the Conquest of this new World, have been guilty of Actions as in∣famous as this. Captain Gonzalo Hernandez de Oviedo & Valdes, who was Historio∣grapher to His Catholick Majesty, the Emperour Charles the Fifth, in the 17th. Book, and 20th. Chapter of his General History of the Indies, relates villanous Actions of Treachery, which were repaid in a Coin of the like nature, by those who came to succeed them in the same Offices, and places of Trust; to confirm which Truth, there is a Proverb which says, Kill, and thou shalt be killed, and they shall kill him that kills thee. Were it to our purpose to enlarge on this Subject, we were able to produce many Instances of the highest Perfidiousness and Treachery, acted after the time of this Historiographer; but 'tis not our business to rake into such horrible Stories, and therefore we shall rather pass them by in silence, than repeat those direfull passages, from which Men would not be deterred by Thun∣der, Lightning, or other Evidences of God's Wrath.

But to return to our business in hand. Francisco de Orellana found some Provi∣sions amongst the Inhabitants on the River below, who because they were fierce, and wild, and that the Women came forth with their Husbands to fight, they gave it the name of the River of Amazons; the which Term served to raise the Honour of this Atchievement, and to induce the Emperour to bestow the Go∣vernment thereof upon Orellana. Proceeding yet farther down this River, they found other Indians, more civil, or at least less brutish than the others, who re∣ceived them amicably, and with good Welcome, admiring to behold the Brigan∣tine, and Men so strangely habited, but they treated them kindly, and furnished them with as much Provision, as they had occasion to use. The Spaniards remained in this place for some days, where they built another Brigantine, for they were very much straitned for room in the first; and having fitted themselves as well as they were able, they adventured out to Sea, and having sailed two hundred Leagues, (as the Sea-chart sets it down,) they arrived at the Island of the Holy Trinity, after having passed so many Difficulties, as before related, and escaped such Dangers in the River, as that they often gave themselves over to be Ship∣wrecked, and lost. At this Island Orellana bought a Ship, with which he sailed into Spain, where he requested His Majesty's Commission for the Conquest and Government of that Countrey. To make this Enterprise appear with greater Re∣putation, he alledged that it was a Countrey abounding with Gold, Silver, and Pretious Stones, and in Testimony thereof he produced the Riches which he had brought with him. His Majesty having accordingly granted the Request he made for the Government of vvhat he should there conquer; Orellana made Levies of five hundred Souldiers, the greatest part of vvhich vvere brisk young Gentle∣men, and principal Persons of Honour, vvith vvhich he embarqued at St. Lucar,

but he dying in the Voyage, his followers dispersed, and disposed of themselves in divers parts. And here was an end of this Design, which found a success agree∣able to the evil beginnings of it.

And now let us return to Gonzalo Piçarro, and see what becomes of him, whom we left in such sad Distress. After Francisco de Orellana was dispeeded away with the Brigantine, he built ten or twelve Canoes, and other Floats, wherewith to pass from one side of the River to the other; so often as their Progress was inter∣rupted by the impassable Mountains, as at other times they had contrived; and so they proceeded forwards in hopes to meet the Brigantine, which they had dis∣patched for Provisions, and to bring them Relief, having met no other Enemy than Hunger in all these Travels. At the end of two Months they arrived at that Point where the two Rivers met, and where they expected to have found their Brigantine, laden with Provisions, which, by reason (as they imagined) of the swiftness of the Current, was not able to return to them. And here it was that they found themselves deceived, and to have lost all hopes of any possibility of escaping out of that Hell of a Countrey; for we can give it no better Term, where they had suffered such Difficulties, and such grievous Miseries, without prospect of deliverance from thence; and here at the Conjunction of these two Ri∣vers they found the poor, honest Hernan Sanchas de Vargas, who with constancy of Mind, and on Principles of Honour, like the true Son of a Gentleman, endured with great Resolution Famine, and all the Miseries to which he was exposed, ra∣ther than violate his Faith; and was contented to remain in that solitude, that he might render an Account of the perfidious Faith of Orellana, and of his villanous Designs, all which was strange to Piçarro, who much admired that there should be such Men in the World, whose Actions should be so different to their Pro∣fessions, and unanswerable to the hopes which were conceived of them; and with this News the Captains and Souldiers became so dismayed, that they seemed to be reduced to the utmost point of Despair.

The General, who conceived greater Disquiet, and Torment of Mind, than the others, yet putting a good face upon the matter, cheared them all up, and en∣couraged them with hopes of better Fortune; telling them, that they ought like Spaniards to bear with equality of Mind these Labours, and yet greater, if any thing could be worse; that the more Danger, the more Honour, and the greater would their Renown be in Histories, which should declare their Adventures to future Ages. That since it was their Fortune to become the Conquerours of that Empire, that they should act like Men whom the Divine Providence had chosen for the accomplishment of so great a work. The Souldiers observing such chear∣fulness in their Captain General, who had more cause to resent those Evils than any other, took Heart and Courage, and proceeded on their Voyage by the Banks of the River, sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other, according to the turnings and windings of the Land.

But we cannot express the great Difficulty there was to carry the Horses upon the Floats, for there still remained about one hundred and fifty of their number which they had brought from Quitu: In like manner almost two thousand Indi∣ans were still alive, which came with them from Peru, who, like Sons, served their Masters with such Faithfulness and Affection, as was admirable; for in their great extremities of Hunger they brought them Herbs, and Roots, and wild Fruit, with Toads, Snakes, and other kinds of Insects which were found in those Moun∣tains; all which went down with them, and were digested by the Spaniards with a good Stomach; for without them they could not have subsisted.

CHAP. V.

Gonzalo Piçarro considers of returning to Quitu; and those of Chili plot and contrive how they may kill the Marquis.

IN this Misery and Want they proceeded another hundred Leagues down the River, without appearance or hopes of finding a better Countrey, every place seeming worse and more barren than the other; all which being conside∣red, and debated by the General and Captains, they agreed to return again to Quitu, (if it were possible,) for now they were at a distance of four hundred Leagues from thence: But in regard it was impossible for them to return against the Force of the Stream, they resolved to take another way by the North side of the River, for they had observed in their coming, that there were not so many bogs, and Lakes, and moorish places, on that side, as on that by which they came. So now entring within the Mountains, and making their way with Bill and Hatchet, which custome would have made less grievous, had good nutri∣ment presented to corroborate and sustain their Nature in it; but we must leave them amidst these Difficulties, to return to the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, and see what Accidents befell him, whilst his Brother was engolfed in these immense Labours. It seems that these renowned Persons, who were born for great Actions, and A••chievements, were also destinated to insuperable Diffi∣culties and Misfortunes, which pursued them to the ultimate point of their Lives, which ended with the grief and compassion of all those who had the Honour of their Acquaintance.

For so it was, that the Marquis having made a Division, and shared out the Provinces of the Charcas to the Conquerours of that Kingdom, and reformed and setled some things of importance in Cozco, which the late Dissentions between his Party and that of Almagro had caused; with which having left all things in Peace and Quietness, he returned to the City of los Reyes, to advance and encou∣rage that new Colony. We have mentioned formerly that Almagro the Younger was sent by Hernando Piçarro, soon after the Execution of his Father, to be kept Prisoner in that place, where when the Marquis arrived, he discovered that di∣vers of the Almagrian Faction were frequently in company with him, whom he fed and maintained out of the Estate which he enjoyed in right of his Fa∣ther, being a large Inheritance, and Command over Indians; the which Bounty he liberally dispensed to them, because that their own Estates were forfeited, and confiscated, as it were for Treason, and for their Loyalty and Affection to Al∣magro.

The Marquis, who was of a noble and generous Nature, endeavoured to gra∣tifie those Gentlemen with Largesses, and Summs of Money, and to procure for them Offices and Employments in matters of Justice, or about the King's Reve∣nue. But these Persons expecting that Vengeance and Punishment would befall the Piçarrists for that unjust Death and Bloud of Almagro, and for those horrid Cruelties, committed at the Battel of Salinas, and after it, refused all the Offers that were made them of Gratuity and Kindness; that so neither their Malice, nor Rancour, might abate, and be mollified, which they had conceived against the Marquis and his Adherents; nor that it might ever be objected against them, that they had received or accepted Gifts from the adverse Party, at the same time that they were contriving and plotting against them.

Thus did the Almagrians succour and assist each other, rejecting all subsistence and Kindness from the Piçarrists, notwithstanding the urgent, and extreme necessi∣ties to which they were reduced. The which being observed, and considered by the Ministers and Counsellours of the Marquis, they, like ill Instruments, advised him, that since that party could not be won by fair means to any Terms of Friendship, that he should compell them thereunto by want and necessity. The Marquis (though much against his own nature) was persuaded to follow this ri∣gorous and severe Advice of his Ministers, and to take away the Estate of Al∣magro, by which all the party had their subsistence, so that not finding a support, they might be compelled to depart from thence, and seek their livelyhood in other Countries: But this was much against the humour of the Marquis, who naturally abhorred to doe any thing of severity, or unkindness, whatsoever. But this Act, instead of mollifying and subjecting the stiff nature of Almagro, incensed him to a higher degree of Rage; for Tyranny, with unjust dealings, operate little on the Minds of Men, who esteem themselves innocent. And so it was with the Almagrians, who being reduced to a necessitous condition, resolved not to abandon the City, but instead thereof dispatched a Narrative in Writing, of the state of their case, to all places where any of those lived, who were inclined and devoted to the Almagrian Party, inviting them to repair to the City of los Reyes, to abet their Party, and to assist them in their pretensions. This Faction was then become very considerable, for besides those who had been actually engaged in the Battel, there were divers other who had taken an Affection to that side, as it commonly happens in Civil and intestine Dis∣cords.

Upon these Summons above two hundred Souldiers resorted to the City of Los Reyes, from parts above three and four hundred Leagues remote, who being joined in such numbers together, took the Liberty to talk boldly, and in a pub∣lick manner to arm themselves; for untill then they were not permitted to carry any Weapons, living in the nature of Prisoners. The gentle Treatment which the Marquis used towards them, encouraged them to higher Attempts, and to treat of the manner how the Death of Don Diego de Almagro might be revenged by the Bloud of the Marquis; for though Hernando Piçarro, after his return from Spain, was the great Incendiary and the real Authour of all those Evils that had hitherto ensued, yet the Revenge for, all was to refund on the Head of the Marquis. But these private Cabals and Conspiracies were not contrived and carried on so secretly, but that they were made known to the Coun∣sellours of the Marquis, who instantly urged him to disturb those Meetings, and punish the Malecontents, by taking off the Heads of the Chief Leaders, and by banishment of the others, before their Plot was ripe, and become too strong to be suppressed. Carate, in the fourth, fifth, and sixth Books, declares the matter to be thus.

The Marquis (saith he) remained so confident and secure, being of a Dispo∣sition not inclined to Jealousie, that in Reply unto what they advised, he made Answer, that there was no need to fear or apprehend Danger from Men, in that poor and forlorn condition, who had Difficulties sufficient, in conten∣ding with Poverty. Almagro and his Complices growing more confident by this Inadvertency and Goodness of the Marquis, proceeded at length to that degree, as to lay aside all respect towards his Person, and not so much as to take off their Caps, or make any other demonstration of Honour, as he passed by them.

Thus far Carate.

And indeed such was the Want and Indigency they sustained, that Almagro made a Consortship with seven Souldiers, who lodged in the same Chamber together; amongst which they had but one Cloak; and that not new, but old and patched; with this Worshipfull Garment they took their turns to go abroad, the others staying at home, whilst the Cloak was employed, and till it returned. They also made a common Purse, putting the Money which they gained at play, or otherwise, into the hands of John de Rada, whom they made their Treasurer, and common Steward, to buy and dress their Victuals.

As was their Poverty, such was their Boldness and Impudence, which presu∣med on the good Nature and Gentleness of the Marquis so far, as to act many shamefull things in affront to his Person; amongst which, one was this: By night they fixed three Ropes on the Pillory, which was erected in the Market-place, one whereof they stretched; and tied to the House of Antonio Picado, Se∣cretary to the Marquis, another to the Window of Doctour Velazquez, Chief Justice, and the third to the House of Piçarro himself; which was such a piece of Insolence, as would have provoked any thing below the Patience of the Mar∣quis to have hanged them all with the same Cords; but such was the soft and generous Nature of this good Man, that he not onely neglected all Examination and Enquiry into this daring and impudent Action; but rather inclined to form Excuses for them, saying that they were low, unhappy, and provoked thereunto by their Misfortunes, which were a sufficient punishment, and needed no other Revenge by the way of Justice.

When this tameness of the Marquis was published in Chili, their Spirits were not mollified thereby, but became farther outrageous and unsupportable, till they proceeded to touch the Bloud, and Life of the Marquis himself, as we shall speedily see in what is to follow.

CHAP. VI.

Of the Mutiny in which the People of Chili killed the Mar∣quis, and what occasion provoked them thereunto.

THough the Almagrians had by several open Actions evidenced a resolution to kill the Marquis, yet they could not agree on the manner, how that Vil∣lany was to be committed; for sometimes they were of opinion, that the best way was to expect the Imperial Warrant from His Majesty, which could not long be wanting, to put him to Death; for that, as we formerly intimated, Diego de Alvarado was then actually in Spain, accusing the Family of Piçarro, and had so far proceeded in his Evidence, as to procure a special Commission of Oyer and Terminer to be held at Cozco, on this very matter; but then they considered, that this very Power which the Judge was bringing, was limited, and without other Authority, than onely to examine the matter of Fact, and to report it back again into Spain, and that thereupon His Majesty would far∣ther determine, what other Proceedings should be made, and sentenced against the guilty.

The Almagrians were not a little scandalized and troubled at this kind of Com∣mission; for they were onely for cutting off of Heads, right or wrong; and ex∣pected Judges, who upon their Informations and suggestions, should hang up the Bodies, and confiscate the Estates of as many as they should in a black Roll pro∣scribe. But not being assured, as yet, how far the Commission of the Judge might extend, they agreed to expect his Arrival; and in case he immediately seized on the Person of the Marquis, and performed other pieces of exemplary Justice, agreeable to their own Expectations and Humours, that then they would acquiesce, and side with, and assist him in his prosecution of Justice; but if his Commission was short and faulty, that then they themselves would become the Executioners, and both revenge the Bloud of Almagro, by the Death of the Marquis, and the remisness of the Emperour, especially in a Cause so black, and so foul as this; both which they secretly plotted to perform by a General Insurrection of all the Countrey, as will more at large appear by the Sequel of this History.

This Plot was so publickly talked of over all the City of Los Reyes, and that the people of Chili designed to kill the Marquis, that his Friends gave him fair no∣tice and warning of the Treason intended, to whom, as Carate reports, he made this Answer.

That the Chief Heads of that place would guard his; and so little did he seem to be concerned for his own safety, that he would frequently walk abroad, attended onely with a single Page, to certain Mills, which he had set up without the City. And when he was asked why he took not his Guards with him, he replied, he would not have the World believe that he appre∣hended any fear, or intended to secure himself from the Lawyer Vaca de Castro, who was coming, as was reported, with Commission to sit in Judgment upon him; for which reason, and farther to amuse the Marquis, the people of Chili gave out, that Vaca de Castro was dead.

It happened one day that John de Rada, with some few Attendants, went and made a visit to the Marquis, whom finding in a Garden, he asked him the reason why his Lordship intended to put him and his Friends to Death: Whereunto the Marquis made Answer, with an Oath, that he never had any such intention; but that on the contrary, it might rather he suspected that they designed to kill him, since they had bought Arms to that purpose; to which John de Rada made Answer, That it was not strange, that since his Lord∣ship had bought Lances, if they should provide themselves with Coats of Mail for their Defence. To which bold Saying he was encouraged, in con∣fidence of fourty Men, which he had then lying in wait not far from him, and well armed. And farther he added, That in case his Lordship was jealous of their practices, he desired onely leave for Don Diego de Almagro, and his Com∣panions, to retire out of the Countrey. The Marquis being far from taking those Words in the worst sense, or conceiving suspicion thereby, but com∣passionating their condition, he assured him with mild and obliging Words, that those Lances were not bought with design or bad intention against them: With which gathering some Oranges, he presented them to John de Rada, which were esteemed for a curiosity at that time, being the first, and the most early fruit, and with all told him in the publick hearing of those then present, that he should consider, and acquaint him with what he stood in need, and it should be provided for him. John de Rada kissing his Hands for the favour, left the Marquis well assured of his true and honest meaning, and without jea∣lousie, or the least suspicion of a Plot against his Life, and so retired to his Lodging, where he met with the principal Conspiratours, and with them agreed, that since they had missed of their Design to kill him on Midsummer Day, that it should now be perpetrated on the Sunday following.

Thus far Carate, the which is confirmed by Lopez de Gomara in this manner.

The good Marquis (says he) was as careless of his Safety, and as little ap∣prehensive of any Mischief from the people of Chili, as they were intent and solicitous to commit the Act.

Howsoever they thought fit to defer the Execu∣tion untill the coming of the Judge, and had seen the manner whereby he inten∣ded to proceed.

This Delay of the Almagrians gave time to Antonio Picado, Secretary to the Mar∣quis, to evidence his Resentment with rage and Indignation against those of Chili, for the impudent affront offered to the Marquis, and himself, by the Ropes which they had fastened to the Pillory, as we before mentioned; but since this was rather a matter of Threatning, and an Indication of what they designed to act, had not their Fear and Cowardise restrained them, the Secretary in scorn and contempt of what they were able to perform, took out of his Cap a certain Medal of Gold, richly enameled, with a Finger scornfully pointing, with this Motto, Thus much for those of Chili. With which these angry Souldiers were so far incensed, that they resolved to precipitate the Design, and to kill the Marquis before the arrival of the Judge; so that now they acted more publickly than before; by which means the Plot coming to the knowledge of a Priest, he gave notice to the Marquis of the manner how, and of the time when this Assassination was to be committed; all which the Marquis communicated to

Doctour Velazquez, the Chief Justice, and to Picado his Secretary; but they were so far from being concerned, or allarmed herewith, that they slighted the report, and told him that no Danger could be apprehended from such poor and incon∣siderable Wretches, whom Famine and Poverty provoked to complain and threaten. Howsoever the jealousie hereof made such Impression in the Mind of the Marquis, that he forbore to go to Mass unto the Great Church on that Day, which was the Feast of St. John Baptist, in the Year 1541. being the Day appointed for the Execution of that Murther. The like caution he used on Sunday following, being the 26th. of June, on pretence of some Indisposition of Body, intending to shut himself up for some days, that he might the better con∣sult with his Party and Friends concerning the means to secure his own Person, and suppress those bold and daring Seditions, which were arrived at the highest degree of Insolence. The principal Officers of the City missing the Marquis at Mass, went to enquire the cause, and the state of his Health; and having made their Court and Visit, they returned again to their own Houses, onely Doctour Velazquez, and Francis de Chaves, his true and intimate Friend, remai∣ned with him.

The Conspiratours of Chili observing that the Marquis began to grow cau∣tious how he exposed his Person, and that many of the principal Persons of his party made him frequent visits, they suspected that some Plot and Design was contriving to cut them off; with which apprehension becoming desperate, on that very Sunday, about the hour of Dinner, and when the Marquis had scarce dined, a party of the Assassinates appeared at a corner of the Market-place, on the left hand of the Cathedral Church, which joins to the Lodging of Den Diego de Almagro the younger; where meeting the principal of the Conspiratours, they passed clear over the Market-place, which is very large, and wide, and went di∣rectly to the House of the Marquis, of which they were thirteen in number, twelve of which Gomara particularly names, not specifying of what Countrey they were, but sets them down in this manner following.

John de Rada, the Chief Leader, Martin de Bilbao, Diego Mendez, Christopher de Sofa, Martin Carrillo, Arbolancha Hinogeros, Narvaez, S. Millan, Porras, Velazquez, Francis Nunnez, and Gomez Perez; which are all that Gomara mentions. These went over the Market-place with their Swords drawn, crying out with loud voices, May the Tyrant Traitour perish, who hath murthered the Judge whom the Emperour sent to execute Justice upon him. The reason which induced them so publickly to own their Fact, was, that the People of the City, who were then in their Houses, might imagine that the Conspiratours were more in number, than they really were; and therefore might be cautious how they left their Houses for succour and assistence of the Marquis. Indeed it was a bold and rash Attempt, to act in such a publick manner; but such was the Fate of the Mar∣quis, that the Almagrians gained their point, and succeeded in the Revenge inten∣ded, by the Death of the Marquis, as will appear more at large in the following Chapter.

CHAP. VII.

Of the Death of the Marquis Don Franciso Piçarro; and his poor Funeral and Enterment.

THE Indians, who were Servants to the Marquis, hearing the noise and out∣cry which the Faction of Chili made in the Streets, immediately rushed in and acquainted him of the Tumult, and of the manner with which they were coming. The Marquis being then in Discourse with Doctour Velazquez, the Chief Justice, and with Captain Francisco de Chaves, who vvas his Lieutenant Ge∣neral, and vvith Francisco Martin Alcantara, his half Brother by the Mother side, and about tvvelve or thirteen Servants of his Houshold standing by, vvas greatly allarm'd hereat, easily suspecting vvhat the matter vvas; vvherefore he gave order to Francisco de Chaves, to run and shut the Door of the Hall, and of the Dining-Room, vvhere they sate, that he and his Friends might have time to buckle on their Armour. But de Chaves imagining that this disturbance vvas no other than some quarrel amongst the Souldiers, vvhich the Authority of his Presence might appease, instead of shutting the Doors, as he vvas ordered, he ran out to them, and met them upon the head of the Stairs; and being novv troubled at this unexpected Encounter, he asked them vvhat their pleasure vvas; vvhere∣unto he vvas ansvvered by a Stab; and finding himself vvounded, he laid his Hand upon his Svvord, but before he could dravv it, he received another, vvith such a slash on his Neck, that, as Gomara saith, in Chap. 145. his Head hanged onely by a piece of the skin, and therevvith they threvv his Body dovvn the Stairs. The Servants of the Marquis, vvho vvere in the Hall, came running to see vvhat the matter vvas, and finding Francisco de Chaves dead, they fled like poor spirited Servants, and got out of the Windovvs, on the Gardenside; amongst vvhich Doctour Velazquez vvas one, vvho holding his vvhite Wand in his Mouth, supposed that that Badge of his Authority vvould give a respect to his Person, and so ran as fast as his Legs and Arms could carry him.

The Assassinates finding the Hall empty, went to the Door of the Dining-room, where the Marquis hearing them so near at hand, and perceiving he had not time to brace on his Arms, hastily took hold of his Buckler and Sword, and together with his Brother Martin de Alcantara, and two Pages, who were grown up to be Men, one of which was named John de Vargas, Son of Gomez de Tordoya, and the other Alonso Escandon, neither of which had time to put on their defensive Arms, all these posted themselves at the Entry of the Door, which they stoutly defen∣ded for a great while, the Marquis still calling out with great Courage, Let us kill these villanous Traitors. Thus whilst both sides fought very valiantly, the Brother of the Marquis was killed, into the place of whom one of the Pages stepped, and he and his Master so stoutly defended the Door, that the Assassinates began to fear, lest whilst they were gaining Entrance, they should be surprised by Assistence from without, and that then they should be encompassed on all sides; wherefore John de Rada made one effort for all, and taking Narvaez in his Arms, thrust him in at the Door before him, in whose Body whilst the Marquis had em∣ployed his Sword, the others had opportunity to enter in; some of which en∣gaged with the Marquis, and others with the Pages, who fought so valiantly, that before they were killed, they sorely wounded four of their Enemies. The Marquis being the onely Person remaining, they all set upon him at once, and encompassed him on all sides; but he so well defended himself, that he dange∣rously wounded three of the Russians: But in regard there were so many to one, and that he was above the Age of sixty five Years, he began to grow faint, so that one of the Villains making a Pass at him, ran him through the Throat, with which falling to the Ground, he cried out with a loud voice for a Confes∣sour; but time not being given for Confession; he made a Cross with his Right

Hand, which clapping to his mouth, he kissed it, and so expired his last Breath; so dyed that famous Don Francisco Piçarro, the most renowned amongst the Wor∣thies, who hath so much enriched, and made great, and still by the Riches and Treasure he hath acquired, continues greatness, and Riches to the Crown of Spain, and to all the World, as appears by what hath been already declared, and what is manifested by the effects in these our days. And yet not withstanding all this vast Treasure and Greatness, he died poor and forsaken, having no Friend so much as to wind him in a sheet, or lay him in his Grave; by which it may ap∣pear, that all the favour and prosperity which Fortune had been bestowing on him, during the whole course of his Life, was snatched away on a sudden, in less than the space of one hour. To confirm which Carate, in the 8th Chapter of his 4th Book hath these Words.

In this manner he resigned his Soul unto God, and with the Marquis two of his Pages were killed; of the Faction of Chili four were killed, besides others that were dangerously wounded. So soon as this news was spread through the Town, above two hundred Men appeared in favour of Don Diego de Almagro; which, though armed and in a readiness, yet durst not declare themselves, un∣till they saw how the matter succeeded, and then they dispersed themselves over all parts of the City, seizing and disarming those whom they believed to be well affected to the party of Piçarro.

The Assassinates having done their work, came out of the House with their Swords drawn, and bloudy; and John de Rada causing Almagro to mount on Horse-black, conducted him through the City, proclaiming him Governour over all Peru, and sole King thereof. Then they plundered the Houses of the Marquis, and his Brother, and of Antonio Picado; and caused the Corporation of the City to receive Don Diego for Governour, by virtue of that Capitula∣tion and Charter, signed by his Majesty at the time of the first Discovery of these Countries, whereby the Government of the new Toledo was granted to Almagro, and his Heirs, or to such Person of Persons as he should assign. Af∣ter which they put several to Death, whom they knew to be Servants and De∣pendants on the Marquis, which caused great Cries through the whole City, the Women weeping and wailing to see their Husbands murthered, and their Houses plundered.

All which time none durst touch the Body of the Marquis, to bestow decent Burial thereupon, unless some few Negroes, who rather dragged than carried it to the Church, untill John de Barbaran, and his Wife, who were inhabitants of Truxillo, and had been Servants to the Marquis, having first obtained leave of Almagro, buried him and his Brother in such decent manner as they were able. The which they were forced to perform with such haste, that they had scarce time to cloth his Body with the Habit of St. Jago, of which Order he was a Knight, and to put on his Spurs, before they were told that those of Chili were coming in great haste to cut off his Head, and to place it on the Gallows. So that Barbaran was forced to slubber over the Funeral and Offices for the dead with great haste, defraying the Charges of the Torches, and other Duties, at his own Expence. And having laid the Body in the Grave, they immedi∣ately endeavoured to secure his Sons, who lay privately concealed; for the par∣ty of Chili were now become Masters of the whole City.

Hence we may learn the variety of Fortune in this World, if we consider in how short a time a Gentleman was brought to nothing, who had discovered, and governed, and possessed such a vast Extent, and Tract of Land, and King∣doms; and had bestowed a greater Revenue, and Riches on others, than the most powerfull Prince in the World was able to have done; and how in a mo∣ment he was made to perish, without time given him to confess, and prepare for his Soul, or settle his Estate; and that he should be assassinated by the Hands of twelve Men onely, at Noon-day, and in the midst of his City, where the Inhabitants were all his Servants and Creatures, Kinsmen and Soul∣diers, and all had eaten of his Bread, and subsisted by his Bounty; and after this, that none should dare to come unto his Succour, but rather fly from him, and abandon his House. And moreover, that his Burial should be so obscure, that of all the Riches and Greatness he possessed, there should not be left so much as to defray the Charge of the Wax-Candles, and other Expences of his

Funeral; the which, and other Circumstances, preceding his Death, by which (as we have specified) he would take no warning, are so strange, as can be at∣tributed to no other cause than to the unsearchable Judgments of Almighty God.

Thus far are the Words of Carate.

In which place he makes a comparison between the Death and Burial of Alma∣gro, and this of Piçarro; the circumstances of whose Life and Death were in all things agreeable, They were companions, and had sworn Friendship, and entred into Articles to gain and conquer that Empire, and it is strange to consider with what equality Fortune balanced the course of their Lives, and the circumstances of their Deaths. As the same Carate reports in the Chapter following.

Many Years after, saith he, that the Wars were ceased in that Kingdom, the Bones of this brave and worthy Gentleman were taken up out of the Grave, and with such decent Solemnity as became them, were put into a Coffin, and interred in a Vault of the Cathedral Church, on the Right-hand of the High Altar: Where it remained in the Year 1560. when I came for Spain:

The Death of the Marquis happened on the 26th of June, in the Year 1541.

Carate, who was a good Historian, imitated the method of the great Plutarch, comparing the Lives of these two famous Heroes, who were unhappy Spaniards, and ill rewarded by the World. Howsoever he judges them so worthy, that he could never express sufficient wherewith to exalt their Praises; and comparing their Lives, Customs and Death together, fills a whole Chapter with that Sub∣ject, which is the 9th of the 4th Book, which being transferred into these our Commentaries, shall serve for the 8th Chapter of the 3d Book of our Second Part; the Words whereof verbatim are these.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the Actions and Qualities of the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, and the Lord Deputy Don Diego de Almagro.

IN regard that the Discovery and Conquest of this Province, (which is the Subject of this History,) had its Original from these two Captains of whom we have hitherto discoursed, namely, the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, and the Lord Deputy Don Diego de Almagro, we are obliged in justice to their memories to describe the Qualifications and Actions of these two Worthies, in comparison of each with the other; imitating herein the method of Plutarch, who having wrote the Lives of two great Captains, he in the next place compares them together, shewing wherein they were equal, and wherein they differed.

As to what concerns their Parentage, and Families, we have already dis∣coursed; as to other matters, they were both couragious in their Persons, bold and daring, patient of Labour, vertuous and friendly, being ready to per∣form all good Offices, though at their own Charge and Expence. They re∣sembled each other in their natural Inclinations, particularly in their condition and state of Life, for neither of them was married, though when they dyed, the youngest was arrived to the Age of sixty five Years.

They were both inclined to War, though Almagro having for the chiefest part of his Life no occasion to exercise himself in Arms, applied his mind with much earnestness to heap and gather Riches.

They were both of good Years when they first entred upon the Conquest of Peru, in which their Labours were as great as we have formerly described; though the Marquis sustained more of Danger therein than the Deputy had done; because that whilst the one exposed his Person in the first Discovery, the other continued in Panama, to provide all necessaries required thereunto, as hath been before declared.

They were both of great Minds, and entertained high Thoughts, which they were enabled to put into practice by their extreme Patience, joined to that affable and obliging Behaviour which they used towards their Souldiers.

They were both liberal and generous in their Gifts, but if either excelled the other, it was Almagro, because he was ambitious to have his Liberality and Gifts known and published to the World; but the Marquis on the contrary, was secret, and modest in his Gifts, desiring rather to conceal them, than sound his Trumpet; being more willing to provide for the necessities of the poor, than to make an Ostentation of his Charity.

An Example we have in his kindness to a Souldier, whose Horse happened to dye; to repair the Loss whereof, he came to a Pall-Mall belonging to his House, expecting to find the Souldier, that he might with his own hand pre∣sent him with a small Ingot of Gold, of ten pounds weight; but the Souldier not being then come, he in the mean time plaid a match in the Mall, with his Coat on, that he might conceal the Gold; at length (which was three hours after) the Souldier came, when calling him aside, he privately gave him the Gold, and told him, that he had rather have given him three times as much, than to have endured what he did, by so long an expectation and attendance for him. Many other Instances might be given of this nature, for the Marquis never gave any thing but with his own hand, endeavouring to conceal his Liberality.

For which reason Almagro was always esteemed the more generous, because he contrived how his Presents might be given with greater ostentation, and with the best appearance to the World. Howsoever in this Vertue of Munifi∣cence they may well be equalized, because (as the Marquis himself alledged) all came from their common Purse, whereof being partners, the moiety of what one gave belonged to the other; so that he who consented to the Present, was as generous as he who delivered it.

They were both in their Life-time the richest Men in ready Money, and in Revenue, that have been known in many Ages, and were the most powerfull of any under the Degree of Crowned Heads; and yet they dyed so poor, that no mention is made of the Estates they left, or of their Money wherewith to pay the Charges of their Funeral Expences; resembling Cato, and Silius, and other Roman Captains herein, who were interred at the Cost of the Publick.

They were both extremely kind to their Servants, and obliging to their Soul∣diers, endeavouring to enrich and advance them, and to rescue them, in all times of Danger; in which piece of Gallantry the Marquis was prodigal beyond com∣parison; as appears by what happened in passing a River, which they call Bar∣ranca, where one of his Indian Servants being carried down by force of the stream, the Marquis leaped in, and swam after him, and catching him by the Hair of his Head, buoyed him up above the Water, and with great hazard of his own Life, saved his, which none of the most adventurous of his Army durst have attempted; and when his Captains reproved him for his rashness, he answered, that none of them knew of what prevalency his Love was unto a Servant.

Though the Marquis governed longer, and in greater peace, yet Almagro was much more ambitious, and desirous of Rule. They both affected antiquity, and would never change the fashion of that Habit to which they had been accusto∣med from their youth, especially the Marquis, who never wore other than a Jer∣kin of black Cloth, with Skirts down to his Ankles, with a short Waste a little below his Breasts; his Shoes were made of a white Cordivant, his Hat white, with Sword and Dagger, after the old fashion; sometimes upon high Days, at the instance and request of his Servants, he wore a Caffock, lined with Martins Furrs, which the Marquis de Valle sent him from Spain; but when he returned home from Mass, he stript them off, and remained in cuerpo; and about his Neck he commonly cast a Towel to wipe the Sweat from his face, when he plaid at Bowls, or at Pall-mall, which were his common Exercises in the time of peace. Both these Captains were men well enduring labour and hunger, which the Mar∣quis especially evidenced by the Pastimes we have mentioned, to which he was so intent, that no young men could hold out so long as he. He vvas much more given to gaming than Almagro, for he vvould many times play the vvole day at Bovvls, not considering vvith vvhom he plaid, vvether he vvere Mariner or Miller, nor vvould he suffer them to give him up his Bovvls, or use any other Ceremonies tovvards him, vvhich belonged to the Dignity of his Person.

Not every sort of business could divert him from his game, especially if he lost; but if in case there happened any Insurrection or Rebellion amongst the Indians, he vvould then lay all aside, and immediately brace on his Arms, and taking his Lance and Target in his hand, vvould run vvith all hasle to the place

where the mutiny was arisen, not expecting untill his people came, though they followed him with all the haste they were able.

Both these Captains were so stout and expert in their Wars against the Indi∣ans, that either of them being single, would break through a Body of a hun∣dred Indians. They were both very intelligent persons, and of great judgment in all matters, whether Martial or Civil, especially considering that they were illiterate Men, and neither knew how to write or reade, or so much as to form their Names; which in persons of their degree, and of that sphere wherein they moved, was a remarkable defect, considering the business and negotiations which they treated: And though their Virtues, and other En∣dowments, gave them an appearance of Noble Personages, yet their ignorance in letters was a plain demonstration of their mean Parentage and Extraction.

The Marquis was so confident, and assured of the faithfulness of his Ser∣vants and Friends, that in all the Dispatches which he issued out either rela∣ting to Orders of Government, or to Assigning over to each person his share and division of Lands; his manner was to make two lines with the Pen, in the middle of which Antonio Picado his Secretary formed the Name of Francisco Pi∣çarro. But for his excuse herein, we may say the same which Ovid did for Romu∣lus, That he was better versed in the knowledge of Arms, than Astrology; and applied his mind rather to conquer his Neighbours, than to understand Letters.

They were both extremely affable and familiar with the people of the City, making them visits at their own Houses, and not refusing to Dine with such as first invited them. They were equally abstemious in Eating and Drink∣ing, and refrained their inclinations towards the Castilian Women, upon a principle, that they could not make use of their Wives or Daughters without some prejudice and dishonour to their Neighbours: As to the Indian Women of Peru, they were more free, though of the two, Almagro was the more conti∣nent; for unless it were with the Woman by whom he had his Son, he enter∣tained little or no conversation with any. The Marquis conserved a particular affection for an Indian Lady, who was the Sister of Atabaliba, by whom he had a Son, called Don Gonzalo, which dyed at the Age of fourteen years, and a Daughter called Donna Francisca; by another Indian Woman of Cozco he had a Son called Don Francisco; And as to this Son of Almagro, who killed the Mar∣quis, he was born of an Indian Woman at Panama.

Both of them had received Favours and Honours from his Majesty; Piçarro, as we have said, was honoured with the title of Marquis, as before related, and was made Governour of New Castile, and vested with the Habit of St. Jago. Almagro was rewarded vvith the Government of the Nevv Toledo, and dignified vvith the title of Lord Lieutenant of that Countrey.

The Marquis in a particular manner was devoted to his Majesty, and had such an awe and reverence for his Name, that he would often deny himself the exercise of his Authority in many lawfull matters, lest he should seem to stretch his Power beyond his Commission. Many times as he was sitting on his Chair in the Melting-houses, he would arise, and take up the small granes, or drops of Gold and Silver which were fallen aside from the Scissers, with which they cut the King's Fifths, saying, That when hands failed, wherewith to amass and heap up the Treasure which belonged to the King, they were to doe it with their mouths. Thus as they resembled one the other in their Lives, so did they not differ in the manner of their Deaths; for as the Brother of the Mar∣quis killed Almagro, so the Son of Almagro killed Piçarro.

The Marquis was very industrious to improve his Land, and cultivate his Plantations; he built several very fair Houses in the City of los Reyes; and on the River he made two Sluces to stop the Water to drive his Mills; in which projects and buildings he employed all his leisure times, that he might over-see the Workmen, and hasten them in their labour.

Moreover, he was very diligent and zealous in erecting a great Church for the City of los Reyes, and Monasteries for the Orders of St. Domingo, and the Merceds; for a Revenue unto which, and to keep those Buildings in repair, he gave and set out Lands with Indians to manure them.

Thus far Carate.

In the following Chapter we shall declare what this Authour farther saith on this Subject, to which we shall add several other Excellencies of this Worthy Person, whose Praises we can never sufficiently extoll.

CHAP. IX.

Of the affable Nature of the Marquis, and his Intentions to succour and relieve those whom he believed to be in want.

THe Marquis had one Son, and one Daughter, and no more, and Gonzalo Piçarro, as we have mentioned in the 38th Chapter of his 9th Book, had one Son; but Carate makes them all three to be the Children of the Marquis. The Mother of the Son of the Marquis was Daughter, and not Sister of Atahu∣alpa; but his Daughter he had by a Daughter of Huayna Capac, whose Indian Name was Huayllas Nusta, but afterwards her Christian Name was Donna Beatriz, as we have at large specified in the aforementioned Chapter.

And farther, this Authour confirms what we have formerly said; namely, that though these two Governours were so vastly rich, yet they died so poor, that of all their Wealth there was scarce sufficient to bury them. And indeed there was nothing remaining, so that they were buried of mere Charity.

Almagro was buried by one that had been his Slave, and the Marquis by ano∣ther, who had been his Servant, as the same Authour alledges. And those who carried both one and the other to their Burial, were Negros and Indians, as both Authours agree. And thus much shall suffice to shew in what manner the World rewards those who have been so usefull and deserving in their gene∣ration.

The Marquis was so generally kind and obliging in his carriage, that he never gave an ill word to any person whatsoever. When he plaid at Bowls, he never would suffer any to give him up his Bowls from the ground; but in case any one was so courteous as to doe it, he would take it, and throw it instantly far from him, which went for a cast. It happened once, that taking up a Bovvl, he dirted his hands vvith some filth which stuck to it, and presently lifting up his foot, he vviped it off vvith his Buskins: For I remember then, and many years after, that it vvas the fashion and gallantry of Souldiers to vvear a sort of Buskins made vvith Pack-thread, and not Shoes. On vvich occasion a certain Favourite to the Mar∣quis seeing him to vvipe his hands on the Buskin, came and offered him his Hand∣kerchief; to which the Marquis smilingly replied, I protest your Linen is so white, that I dare not touch it.

One day being at Bowls with a certain Souldier called Alonso Palomares, a well-conditioned Man, and of a chearfull humour; and the Marquis losing almost at every end, he quarrelled and cursed at every cast which was plaid; and herein he was so eager and concerned that all the standers-by took notice, that either he was troubled at his own ill play, or otherwise for the eight or nine thousand Crowns which he lost by the game. Some days passing, that the Marquis paid not the Money, the Winner took the confidence to ask him for it; and being afterwards troubled with the importunity, the Marquis forbad him to ask any more, for that he was resolved never to pay him: To which Palomares replied, If your Lordship be resolved never to pay me, what made you quarrel, and be so angry the other day, when you lost? The Marquis was so well pleased with the Answer, that he gave order he should be immediately paid. He would play at al Games, and with all sorts of Persons; and when he knew any one to be necessitous and wanting, he would in∣vite him to play with him, with intention and purpose to lose to him; thinking it a more noble and generous way to relieve a person in want, than by direct Alms, which to a haughty Spaniard is a kind of an affront; but when he gains by advan∣tage of play, he not onely rejoyces in the gain, but triumphs in the Honour of being a better Gamester than the Marquis, and to receive his Money rather as a due, than given as a favour. When he bowled with such persons as these, he would either cast short, or beyond, that the other might win. And when he plaid

at Cards, at which his Game was commonly Primera; he would often vye with his worst Cards; and if he had the fortune to have Flush or Primera, he would shuffle up his Cards, and not shew them seeming to be angry or displeased at his ill luck: by such ways as these he gained himself so much good-will and affection, as were due to his Worthy and Heroick Merits.

Gomara treating of the Death of this Prince (nay more than a Prince; for, in reality, I know no title upon Earth sufficient to express the Grandure and Merits of this Hero) saith that which follows in the Chapter 145.

He was the Bastard Son of Gonzalo Piçarro, Captain in Navarre, was born at Truxillo, and laid in the Church Porch: he sucked a Sow for several days, till another Nurse was provided for him. Afterwards his Father acknowledged him, and employed him in keeping Hogs, so that he was never educated in any learning. One day it happened, that the Flies did so bite the Hogs, that they all ran away, and were lost; upon which he durst not return home again for fear, but attended some Travellers to Sevil, from whence he embarked himself for the Indies; and being arrived at St. Domingo, he went with Alonso de Hojeda to Urana, and with Vasco Nunnez de Balboa, to discover the Sea of Sur, and thence with Pedrarias to Panama; at length he discovered and conquered that Countrey which they call Peru, &c. which are the very Words of this Authour.

Upon which one might make (if it were lawfull) many reflexions both in re∣ference to him who wrote it, as well as to him who related it; for if the things had been true, yet it had not been convenient or decent to report such mean and low things of a Gentleman, whose Triumphs and great Actions he had wrote with such wonder and applause; much less was it fit to mention them, seeing that they were doubtfull, and admitted onely of a probability.

I would know of him, who gave this relation, how he came to the knowledge of such particulars, which related to the Birth of a poor child, that was exposed in the Porch of a Church, and was suckled by a Beast, for want of a better Nurse? When things of this nature happen to the Sons of great Kings and Princes, it is difficult to learn the particular circumstances thereof; how much less of a poor boy thrown at a Church door? And then to say, after he was acknowledged by his Father, that he was sent to keep Swine, must be a piece of envy and malice, and nothing else; for 'tis not probable that such a principal person as Gonzalo Piçarro, Captain of his Majesty's Troops in Navarre, should send his Son after he had acknowledged him to keep Swine. Nor is it probable that the Flies should take the Hogs in such manner as to make them stray, where they could never more be found; and therefore that he durst not return home for fear: To confute which, I have particularly enquired of some Paisants, or Countrey people, whose business it was to breed up Hogs, whether the Fly doth bite them at any time in such manner, as to cause them to stray abroad; and they have generally assured me, that such a thing cannot be.

But Envy in Countries where parties and factions prevail, doth often raise re∣ports of this nature to eclipse the glory of Worthy Men; for finding they are not able to deny, or darken the lustre of their mighty Actions, which are manifest and apparent to all the World, as were those of the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro; they feign and invent some mean passages relating to their Birth and Education, which being obscure, are not easily refuted.

The truth of all is this: The Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, who was Conque∣rour and Governour of that great Empire called Peru, was the Natural Son of his Father and Mother, and acknowledged by them at the instant of his Birth.

Afterwards his Father Captain Gonzalo Piçarro Married her, who was Mother to our Marquis, and one by extraction of an ancient Family of Christians, unto a certain Countrey Farmer of good repute, called Goodman such a one—of Alcantara, by whom he had a Son named Francisco Martin de Alcantara, whom Gomara saith was the half Brother to the Marquis Piçarro, and was killed with the Marquis, as we have before declared.

Wherefore I conclude, that though such reports as these should have some∣thing of probable truth in them, yet they ought not to be related to the prejudice of such a Prince, whose fame may be equalized with those of highest renown.

And since we are not able to extoll his praises to that degree which they deserve, we must refer the defect of our Expressions to be supplied by his own Acts and Conquests, which speak themselves. And so we shall pass forward in our History.

CHAP. X.

Don Diego de Almagro Administers an Oath of Allegiance to all Officers, causing them to swear Fealty to him as Governour of Peru; and sends his Warrants into divers parts of the Kingdom, which are opposed and resisted.

THE Marquis being thus slain, as before related, caused chiefly by the over-confidence of Francisco de Chaves; for had he shut the doors, as he was or∣dered, the Marquis, and such as were with him, might have had time to have armed themselves, whilst the Assassinates were employed in breaking open the doors; and perhaps in that manner they might have prevailed over their Ene∣mies: For if the Marquis, and his Brother, and two Pages, were able without their defensive Arms to kill four of those Russians, as some Authours report, be∣sides those who were wounded by them; what may we imagine they would have done, had they been in a readiness, and well appointed? And had those who leaped out of the Windows stood to it, and joyned with their Masters, 'tis very probable they might have been able to have resisted, and overcome them; but when a mischief once comes with surprize, it is hardly prevented by humane Counsels. That Negro which Gomara says, vvas killed by these Villains, vvas one vvho hearing the busle, came up the stairs to help his Master, or to dye vvith him: but vvhen he came to the door, he understood that he vvas already killed; vvherefore he intended to have locked and barred the door, so as to have kept them in untill he could have called the Justice: But as the Negro vvas shutting and fastning the doors, one of the Assassinates happened to come out, and guessing at the intention of the Negro, sell upon him, and stabbed him to death with his Dagger. There were seven killed on the side of the Marquis, amongst which the Servant of Chaves was one; soon after which the saction of Almagro went out into the Market-place, and published their Victory. This was the fate of that good Marquis, who perished rather by the negligence and obstinacy of his own People, than by the power and strength of his Enemies. Upon the news of his Death a great tumult was raised through the whole City; some cried out, they have wounded the King by the Death of the Marquis, others with a loud voice proclaimed, the Tyrant is dead, and the Murther of Almagro revenged. With this manner of noise and confusion many of these different parties, both of one side and of the other, ran out from their Houses to favour their respective Facti∣ons; upon which quarrels and disputes several were killed and wounded; but so soon as it was known that the Marquis was killed, all his party retired, and the point was decided. Then those of Chili brought forth Don Diego Almagro, Junior, proclaiming him King of Peru. The tumult of that of that day being ceased, he was sworn by the Corporation of that City to be Governour of that Countrey, none daring to contradict, or question, whatsoever that prevailing party required. In pursuance hereof, the late Ministers and Officers of Justice were all displaced, and others appointed in their steads. The rich and powerfull Men were all impri∣soned, and those of any Estates in los Reyes, which were ill affected, were all seized, and their Goods confiscated. Then they took all the Fifths belonging to the King, which being already gathered, amounted to a vast sum. In like man∣ner all the Goods and Estates of such as were dead, or absent, and esteemed Ma∣lignants,

or ill affected, were seized, and converted to the use of their own party, who being poor, (as we have before mentioned) had need thereof to repair their fortunes.

John de Rada was the Person nominated for General: John Tello de Guzman, a Native of Seville, and Francis de Chaves, a near Kinsman of the other Francis de Chaves, who was killed with the Marquis, were made Captains; for it is one of the essential miseries of Civil War for Brothers to fight against Brothers. Like∣wise Christopher Sotelo received a Commission to be a Captain, and others were nominated for other Offices. At the news of these alterations, all the idle Spani∣ards and Vagabonds, which were void of employment in Peru, came flocking to the City of los Reyes; so that in a short time Almagro had composed an Army of more than eight hundred Men: In confidence of which force, he dispatched his Orders and Commands to Cozco, and all the Cities of Peru, namely to Arequepa, to the Charcas, and to all places along the Sea-coast of Truxillo, and to the Inland Countries of the Chachapoyas, to receive and acknowledge him for absolute Lord and Governour over all the Empire. One or two Cities complied and obeyed, rather out of fear than love, because they had not power to make resistence against fifty Men, which were sent against them: but other Cities refused to submit, as will presently appear.

It is a common phrase in the Language of Peru to say, Up the Coast, and down the Coast; not that upon the Sea, which is a Plain, there can be Up or Down; but it is a term used in the New Navigation, in respect to the South-wind which always blows Trade, or the same way in those Seas, Panama lying to Lee-ward of Peru; so on the contrary those who Sail from Panama to Peru must turn to Wind-ward, which is, as it were, up-hill, as the other is down.

John de Rada, as we have said, having had a great hand in the late Revolution, took upon him to Issue out all Commissions in the Name of Almagro, without com∣municating the sense or substance thereof to his other Companions, who had been equally concerned with him in the Murther of the Marquis; which was the cause of much spleen and malice amongst the principal Men, so that they began to ban∣dy amongst themselves, and contrive ways in what manner to kill him.

The Plot being discovered, Francisco de Chaves endured the Wrack, and after∣wards was hanged, being the Ring-leader of this Conspiracy; several others were likewise for the same cause put to death, amongst which Antonio de Orihuela, a Na∣tive of Salamanca, was one, though lately come from Spain, having on the way from thence said, that the party which now ruled were a company of Tyrants; after which rash saying, he was ill advised to adventure his life in their hands.

Garcia de Alvarado was one of those Officers whom Almagro employed to take possession of Towns and Plantations for his use, and to levy Souldiers, and to plunder Horses, and to disarm all those of the contrary party who had command over Indians, or any power, being esteemed for Enemies to the Government. Accordingly he went to Truxillo, where he discharged Diego de Mora from being Judge of that place, though he had been deputed in that Office by Don Diego de Almagro; but having kept a correspondence with Alonso de Alvarado, who was of the contrary faction, he was esteemed for one disaffected, and not fit for that em∣ployment.

In the City of St. Michel he put Francisco de Vozmediano, and Hernando de Villegas, to death, besides other Outrages: And in Huanucu he killed Alonso de Cabrera, who had once been Steward to Francisco Piçarro, because he had made a party to joyn together, and fly to the King's Forces.

Another instrument or Officer they had procured, named Diego Mendez, who went to the Town of Plate in the Charcas, which they found without people, be∣cause they had all dispersed themselves by several ways to meet at Cozco, and to declare for the King, as will presently appear. Howsoever, Diego Mendez took great quantities of Gold in that Town, which the Spaniards had with privity of the Indians hidden and concealed; but such was the cowardise of that poor-spiri∣ted people, that upon the least threat they immediately made a discovery.

Moreover, he made a seizure of sixty thousand Pesos of refined Silver, digged from the Mines of del Porco, for as yet those of Potocsi were not discovered; and confiscated to the use of Almagro all the Indians Riches and Wealth, vvhich be∣longed to the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, vvhich amounted to a vast sum: the like he did of the Plantations of Captain Diego de Rojas, of Perançurez, of Graviel

de Rojas, of Garçilasso de la Vega, and of all other the Inhabitants of that Town, whom he knew well affected to the party of Piçarro.

Another Messenger was sent into the Province of Chachapuyas, which Alonso de Alvarado had kept in peace and quiet; and who having seen and read the Decla∣ration of Don Diego, which promised great rewards to such as obeyed him, and threatned such as opposed him; he notwithstanding seized on the Messenger, and persuaded a hundred that were with him to follow him and serve his Majesty; to which they having yielded a chearfull assent, he declared for the King, and set up his Standard. And though Almagro wrote him very kind Letters, endeavouring to allure him to his party; he refused all his Offers, protesting, that he would ne∣ver own or acknowledge him for Governour, untill such time as he had seen his Majesty's express Commission, and Commands for the same; which as he knew his Majesty would never grant, so he did not doubt, but with the help of God, and the Valour of his Souldiers, to revenge the bloud of the Marquis, and punish the contempt which he had put on the Authority of his Majesty. All which Al∣varado adventured to say and act, trusting to the advantage of the situation of that Countrey, which, as we have said in several places, was very Mountainous; by help of which, he hoped to secure his small force, untill such time as recruits and greater numbers of those who were Piçarrists could come in to joyn with him; being well assured that all that party, and the people inhabiting along the Coast, would readily assist, and serve the Emperour. Where now we will leave them for a while to treat of others, who followed the same course.

The Officers and Instruments of Almagro, which were dispatched with his Commission to Cozco, durst not proceed with the like rigour there, as in other places; for they well knew, that as there were many well-affected persons in that City, so those, who were rich and principal Men there, and had power over the Indians, were all devoted to the service of his Majesty. And that the contrary party consisted onely of some poor, indigent Souldiers, and such as were newly come into that Countrey, who hoped by such disturbances and alterations to make their fortunes. Those who were the Chief Justices at that time in the City were Diego de Silva, (whom we have formerly mentioned under the Name of the Son of Fe∣liciano de Silva, a Native of the City of Rodrigo,) together with Francis de Carva∣jal, who afterwards was Major-General to Gonzalo Piçarro.

These persons having seen the Orders, did not think fit to irritate the contrary party by a flat and down-right denial of all compliance; but having consulted the Jurats, and the Community of the City Council, returned answer, That in an Act of such great weight and importance, it was necessary that Don Diego should send a more ample power than that which he had already done, which seemed short and defective in many particulars; upon tender of which they promised to receive him for their Governour: But this was said, not with any intention to comply, but onely to amuse them, and spin out time untill they could unite their forces, which were, for the most part, dispersed in their possessions, and employed in the Gold Mines, of which most of the Inhabitants of that City of Cozco had some shares allotted to them.

CHAP. XI.

What the Inhabitants of Cozco acted in order to the King's Service. What also was done in favour of Don Diego. Vaca de Castro nominated in Spain for Judge to deter∣mine the quarrels and differences in Peru.

GOmez de Tordoya, who was principal Citizen, and Chief of the Common Council of that Corporation, was not then present, when the Orders and Commission of Almagro were brought to Cozco, having been in the Countrey for six or seven days to divertise himself with Hawking and other sports; so soon as he had read the Letters which advised him of the Tragical Death of the Marquis, for whom he conceived a particular esteem, being his particular Friend and Con∣fident, he was much grieved, and shrinking up his shoulders, turned his head to∣ward the Hawk he carried, saying, It is now more seasonable for us to prepare for a War, with Fire and Sword, than to attend to our sports, and our Countrey recreations; for being a judicious Man, he well foresaw all those miseries and ca∣lamities, cruel deaths and revolutions, which would be the certain consequences of the late successes. Hereupon he immediately returned to the City, and not to give any occasion of jealousie or offence to the contrary party, he came in by night; and having discoursed with several of the Corporation, he told them, that it was necessary to convene the people of Arequepa, of the Charcas, and of the parts lying Southward from Cozco, and to assemble the Spaniards, which were dis∣persed about the Countries: To which end he advised them to dispeed Messen∣gers, of which he offered himself for one. This resolution being taken, he de∣parted that very night from Cozco, and went in search of Captain Nunno de Castro, who then resided at his Plantation, which was about fifteen or twenty Leagues from the City, where being arrived, they both dispatched Messengers to Pedro de Ançures, and to Garçilasso de la Vega; and having informed them of the late succes∣ses, they required them as good and loyal Subjects, to repair to Cozco, there to perform such Services as their duty to his Majesty required. After these Messages were dispatched, Gomez de Tordoya went in all haste to seek out for Captain Pe∣dro Alvarez Holguin, who with a hundred Spaniards was marched to the East of Collao to conquer the Indians of those parts, who as yet had not been subdued; and travelling with all diligence and haste, at length he over-took him, and gave him a relation of the Death of the Marquis, and how Don Diego de Almagro pretended to govern the Empire. Wherefore he desired him to take this business to heart, and to interest himself so far in this service of God and the King, as to become Captain and Chief Leader of the people, who had joyned in this League and As∣sociation together; and farther to oblige him, he offered to serve under him in quality of the meanest of his Souldiers.

Pedro Alvarez being sensibly touched with the Justice of the cause, and pleased with the Honour so freely offered to him, accepted the Command and Charge, and immediately set up a Standard for his Majesty, sending Messengers to the Char∣cas, and to Arequepa, to publish his Declaration, containing his Reasons and Inten∣tion of this War; farther giving them to understand, that he would march fair and softly with the people that were with him towards Cozco, that so those who were in the rere might have time to come up and joyn with him before he entred the City. The Countrey was by this time all in an uproar upon the confused report of the Death of the Marquis; so that the Messengers sent to Arequepa, and the Charcas met the people already on the way coming to joyn with Pedro Alva∣rez Holguin, and accordingly the several Bodies being united, their Numbers a∣mounted unto almost two hundred Men. The news of their March being known at Cozco, allarum'd the Almagrian Faction in such manner, that about fifty of them

fearing some rigorous punishment for their demerit, stole secretly out of the Town by night, and fled, with intention to joyn with Don Diego; but of this number there was not one person of Note or Quality amongst them. Captain Nunno de Castro, and Captain Hernando Bachicao having notice hereof, pursued them with twenty Harquebusiers, which beating up their Quarters in the Night, by surprize took and brought them back again to the City without any hurt or other mis∣chief. In the mean time Alvarez Holguin, with his Souldiers, arrived at the City, to whom also many principal persons of condition flocked from all parts, and were received by the Corporation of the City with much joy and contentment. After which, their first business was to Elect a General, for Alvarez Holguin ha∣ving performed that charge hitherto, was desirous to be dismissed from that Of∣fice. In this point therefore was some diversity in Opinions, which occasioned delay; not that any Emulations or Parties obstructed the progress of affairs, but the many persons, which for their Quality and Abilities were deserving of that Honour, caused the Election to be with more difficulty determined. At length, by the common consent of all those in the City, the choice fell upon Pedro Alva∣rez Holguin, who was accordingly sworn Captain-General, and Chief Justiciary of Peru, untill his Majesty's farther pleasure should be known therein. The which Act was legally done, for it was in the power of the Government of this City (as the Head of the Empire) to nominate a Chief, with other Officers both Military and Civil, whensoever the lawfull Magistrates should fail, and the same so to continue, untill his Majesty should confirm them, or Commishonate others. Gomez de Tordoya was appointed for Lieutenant-General, Garçilasso de la Vega, and Pedro de Ançures, were made Captains of Horse, Nunno de Castro, and Hernando de Bachicao Captains of Foot, and Martin de Robles was appointed Ensign to carry the Royal Standard.

Hereupon War was declared against Diego de Almagro, and the Citizens of Cozco obliged themselves to make good unto his Majesty whatsoever Alvarez Holguin should expend in prosecution of this War out of the Royal Exchequer in case his Majesty should not allow the same: To the performance of which, not onely the Citizens of Cozco, but the Inhabitants of Charcas and Arequepa did bind both their Persons and Estates; and such was the chearfulness and affection towards his Ma∣jesty's Service, that in a short time they composed a Body of three hundred and fifty, all choice and select Men, both Officers and Souldiers; of which number there were about a hundred and fifty Horse, a hundred Harquebusiers, and the rest Pikemen. In the mean time News came to Alvarez Holguin, that Alonso de Alvarado had set up his Standard for the Emperour in the Chachapuyas, which oc∣casioned great joy, because they greatly feared, that all that Countrey from Rimac to Quitu was well affected to Almagro. Much about the same time likewise in∣telligence came, that Don Diego was marching towards Cozco with an Army of a∣bove eight hundred Men, with intention to give them Battel; which being consi∣dered at a Council of War, it was agreed not to stay, and expect his coming to Cozco, but to march forth and joyn with Alonso de Alvarado; and that passing by way of the Mountains and narrow places, they might easily avoid the Engagement with Almagro, untill they were better recruited, and reinforced by such as were loyal and well-affected to their cause, which (as they were advised) were coming to them from all parts, by secret ways of Woods and Mountains. With this re∣solution they departed from Cozco, leaving such behind as were useless, and not fit for service; and that the City might still keep a face of being theirs, Officers were appointed to maintain the Government, and distribute Justice. In their March they used all due caution, sending their Scouts before to discover the Enemy, re∣solving to avoid fighting with Almagro, unless they could surprize him with ad∣vantage.

In the mean time, whilst things were thus ordered in Cozco, Almagro and his Complices were not idle or negligent in the City of los Reyes, where they received secret intelligence of all that passed at Cozco, and how they intended to march by way of the Mountains to joyn with Alonso de Alvarado, and with his to strengthen their Forces, which as yet were not sufficient to give him Battel. Upon these Advices Almagro, with concurrence of his Captains, resolved to meet them; and in order thereunto he recalled Captain Garçia de Alvarado, who was busily em∣ployed along the Coast of Truxillo, levying Men, and providing Horses and Arms for this service: And though he intended to have fallen upon Alonso de Alvarado,

who was then in Chachapuyas, because he believed himself to have an advantage in his numbers; yet having been re-manded by Orders from Almagro, he obeyed them, and relinquished his design. Garçia de Alvarado being returned, Almagro de∣parted from los Reyes, and marched towards Cozco with intention to fight Alvarez Holguin, the force of Almagro consisted of three hundred Horse well appointed, of an hundred and twenty Harquebusiers, and about a hundred and sixty Pikemen, which being almost six hundred, were all choice and approved Men; amongst which there were many Persons of great Quality, and rich, whom Almagro had seized, when he killed the Marquis.

And lest after his departure any party should make an Insurrection against him, and serve him, as those who were Enemies to his Father had done to him, he took Order to send all the Children of the Marquis, and of Gonzalo Piçarro, out of the Countrey. And now first to find out whether the Marquis had left any secret Treasure, not discovered, he put the Question to Antonio Picado, Secretary to the Marquis, upon the Rack; and not being able to extort any thing from him, he sent him to the Gallows, and hanged him up; and so he paid the Medal with his own Coin, which he had stamped for the Faction of Chili. After which he marched towards Cozco, keeping in his way due martial Discipline and Order with much severity; where we shall leave both him, and Alvarez Holguin, to render an account of what his Imperial Majesty ordained in Spain; after he had under∣stood the great Commotions which had happened in Peru untill the Death of Don Diego de Almagro the Elder.

To appease which, and to examine the true state of all matters, his Majesty was pleased to give Commission to Dr. Vaca de Castro, one of His Privy Council, to examine all matters concerning the Death of Don Diego de Almagro, without making any alteration in the Power and Government of the Marquis; but in case the Marquis should be dead before his Arrival, then by a provisional Commission he was constituted Governour in his place. This worthy Person (for so his Acti∣ons shew him) was a Native of the City of Le••, and of the Families of the Va∣cas de Castro, and Quinnones, which are noble Houses, amongst many others which flourish in that Royal City.

Vaca de Castro embarked at Sevil for Peru, and after many Difficulties and stor∣my Weather, to which that Northern Sea is subject, he arrived at Nombre de Dios much later than was expected, from whence he went to Panama, where he again embarked for Peru, upon a Ship not so well provided for such a Voyage, as was requisite, especially since it was to execute a Commission of such great importance; for the Ship being defective, had not proceeded many Leagues on her Voyage, before she was detained on the Coast by contrary Winds; by force of which ha∣ving lost one of her Anchors, she was carried by the Current into that Bay which is called the Bay or Gulf of Gorgona, which is a bad place, and very hard for any Ship to get out, which is bound to Peru. Wherefore Vaca de Castro encouraged the Mariners to use all the diligence they were able, but finding all ineffectual, and to little purpose, he resolved to go by Land, since he could not avail to go by Sea. But the Journey was long, difficult and tedious, by reason of the craggy Mountains, the great Rivers and Desarts which they were to pass, with want of those Provisions which were good and wholsome. This long delay gave oppor∣tunity to Almagro to revenge the Death of his Father, of which he was impatient, seeing that the Justice which His Majesty had promised was so long deferred.

At length, after various chances of a difficult Journey, Judge Vaca de Castro came to the Frontiers of Quitu, where Pedro de Puelles resided in Quality of De∣puty to Gonzalo Piçarro: So soon as he found himself within the Limits of his own Countrey, and had been rightly informed of all matters which had passed in Peru, and of the Practices and Designs of the several Factions, he wrote unto all parts, giving them advice of his Arrival, and of the Commission he brought with him from His Majesty; by virtue of which he required them to receive him for their Governour. And whereas he had thereby a power to substitute other Offi∣cers, he dispatched his Commissions to all the Cities of Peru, constituting such Men Judges thereof, who (as he was informed) were moderate Persons, and not interested or engaged in either party.

CHAP. XII.

The People of Rimac, and other parts, receive Vaca de Castro for Governour. Peralvarez, and his Complices, contrive a Strategeme of War against Almagro, and join with Alonso de Alvarado.

AMongst the Commissions which Judge Vaca de Castro dispatched to several places; that for the City of Los Reyes was directed to Friar Thomas de St. Martin, Provincial of the Order of the Dominicans, and to Francis de Barionuevo, and to Geronimo de Aliaga, giving them power and authority to superintend the Government of that City, and of the parts thereunto belonging, untill he himself arrived there in Person.

These Commissions were brought and delivered in the Convent of St. Dominick, some few days after the departure of Almagro, and in the absence also of the Fa∣ther Provincial, whom Almagro had carried with him, to countenance his Enter∣prise with the presence of such a Person. Howsoever the Mayor and Aldermen of the City assembled in the night, and having opened the Commission, they with common consent obeyed it, and received Vaca de Castro for Governour of that Empire, and Geronimo de Aliaga to be his Deputy, as the Commission specified. So soon as the Citizens had passed this Act, they fled to Truxillo; fearing the re∣turn of Almagro, who as yet was not advanced so far on his march, but that up∣on the News of this Revolution he was ready to have returned with full intent to avenge this sudden desertion on the City with Fire, and Sword, and other Cruelties; but then fearing lest this delay should give an advantage to Alvarez Holguin, he resolved to proceed, and to pursue his Design, which vvas of greatest importance. Hovvsoever in the Execution thereof many cross and unfortunate Accidents occurred; for so soon as it vvas knovvn in the Army, that a Gover∣nour from His Majesty vvas arrived in the Countrey, many of the principal Men revolted, and deserted him; amongst vvhich vvere the Father Provincial, John de Saavedra, the Agitant Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, de Aguero, and Gomez de Alvarado. Hovvsoever in despight of all these discouragements Almagro resolutely pursued his Point and Design, though to his great disappointment and prejudice his Lieu∣tenant General, John de Rada, fell sick, by reason of vvhich he vvas greatly con∣fused vvithin himself vvhat course to take; for in case he left him behind, he vvas in danger of falling into the Hands of the Enemy, nor did the Extremity of his Sickness admit of any motion; hovvsoever for his sake he lessened his days journies, and marched very softly, knovving that his principal business vvas to overthrovv Alvarez Holguin.

Pedro Alvarez being informed that the Enemy vvas dravving near, to vvhom his Force vvas much inferiour, he thought it no vvise prudent to adventure the success of Affairs on the hazard of a Battel, considering that the subsistence of his Army vvas of great importance to the Service of his Majesty; vvherefore to supply that vvhich vvas vvanting in strength by some Strategeme of War, it vvas agreed by a Council of War, to detach a Body of tvventy choice Horse to serve for Scouts, and to use all their endeavours to take some of the Souldiers of Almagro, vvhich accordingly happened out; for these Horse took three Spies be∣longing to the Enemy, vvhich being brought to Alvarez, he hanged up tvvo of them, and the third he saved, making him great promises of Revvard for the fu∣ture, and in hand bestovved on him three thousand Pesos of Gold, conditionally, that he should return to the Camp of Almagro, and there persuade several of those vvhom he knevv to be vvell affected to him, to revolt from Almagro, and assist him in the Fight, for that he designed the next day, by tvvilight of the morning, to assault the Army of Almagro on the East-side of the Camp, vvhich, by reason

that it bordered on the Skirts of the snovvy Mountain, he imagined vvould be the worst guarded, and that therefore little or no provision would be made on that part against any Attempt. And farther they gave him instructions to assure such Friends as should join herein of the same Rewards; and should be more am∣ply repaid according to those great Services, which thereby they would perform to the Emperour, his King and Master; and to secure the Souldier's Faith in this mat∣ter, they tendered an Oath to him, whereby they caused him to swear never to discover this secret to any person whatsoever, saying, that having esteemed him for a good Friend they had entrusted to him the greatest secret in the World. The Souldier returning, told his Story, how that his two Companions were hanged by the Enemy, and he alone was saved and set at Liberty, upon which Almagro re∣flecting a while, imagined that some use was to be made of this Souldier, who with∣out any apparent reason was better treated than the other; to discover which he seized on the Souldier, and put him to the torment. The Souldier being on the Rack, confessed the secret committed to him, and how Peralvarez designed to attack him on the Quarter which was next to the snowy Mountain, by reason that that side being esteemed almost inaccessible, would lie the most open and undefended. By which Confession Almagro finding that the Souldier intended to act in a trea∣cherous manner against him, gave order to have him hanged. Howsoever giving some credit to his Words, he fortified that side of his Camp, which bordered to∣wards the snowy Mountain, where for the space of three days he endured much cold; howsoever by these means Alvarez got the start, and marched at a good di∣stance before him; Almagro followed him for some Leagues, but finding that it was impossible to overtake him, he returned into the high Road, which leads to Cozco. Alvarez proceeding on the way he intended, joined his Forces with those of Alonso de Alvarado, at which meeting there was great joy and triumph, because that the greatest number of them consisted of such as had entred that Countrey with Don Pedro de Alvarado, which was the first original of Friendship and Associ∣ation which was commenced between them.

These Forces being thus joined, Letters were written by common consent to the Judge Vaca de Castro, giving him to understand of all matters that were past, and desiring him to hasten with speed to them, for that his presence was necessary in that conjuncture for better countenance of their Affairs. So soon as these Letters came to hand, Castro de Vaca hastened to the City of Quitu to recruit his People with the Forces which were in that place. When he came near, Lorenzo de Alda∣na, who was Lieutenant Governour for the Marquis in Quitu, went forth to meet and receive him, as did also Pedro de Puelles, who was the Deputy of Gonzalo Pi∣çarro, and Captain Pedro de Vergara, not to be faulty or remiss in paying the same respect, though otherwise employed in the Conquest of that Province, which is called Pacamuru, and by the Spaniards Bracamoros, went also to receive Judge Vaca de Castro; and deserted the place, which he had already fortified, that he might be better enabled to defend himself, and send his Forces against Almagro; but be∣fore Vaca de Castro thought fit to leave Quitu, he dispatched Pedro de Puelles before to Truxillo, to make such provisions in that City, and in the Countrey thereabouts, as the War required. He likewise dispatched orders to Gomez de Rojas, a Native of Cuellar, to repair with his Forces in all diligence to Cozco, and there to persuade the People to receive him for Governour; who accordingly made such speed, that he arrived at Cozco before Almagro, who was detained in his way by the sickness of John de Rada, who dyed afterwards in that Province. Gomez de Rojas was well re∣ceived in Cozco, and his Orders and Instructions obeyed, and accordingly Castro was acknowledged for Governour; for that City remained loyal and obedient to His Majesty in such manner as it had been left by Alvarez Holguin. In the mean time Vaca de Castro departed from Quitu, and went to Truxillo, and by the way was met with many Noble Persons, who had been dispersed about the Countries, and by many Souldiers, who being desirous to serve His Majesty, went forth to receive him. Pedro Alvarez, and his people, who then resided at Truxillo, agreed to send two persons to meet him on the way, and in the name of them, and of the whole City, to make tender of their Obedience and Service to him, as Governour by Commission from His Majesty, by which Title we shall distinguish him hereafter; the Persons nominated for Envoyes on this occasion were Gomez de Tordoya, and Garcilasso de la Vega; with sight of whom the Governour was greatly rejoiced, be∣ing much encouraged to see his party daily encrease to such numbers, that when

he entered Truxillo, he brought with him above 200 Souldiers, besides several which fled from Almagro, amongst which the principal Persons were the Father Provincial, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez de Alvarado, John de Saavedra, and Diego de Aguero. Being arrived at Truxillo, he was received with such solemnity as was due to a Governour, that is, in a military pomp, with found of Drums, and Trum∣pets, and Vollies of Shot; for as yet matters were in a state of War, and not prepared for a reception according to the formalities of Peace.

CHAP. XIII.

The Governour makes choice of Captains. Sends his Army before. Provides all things necessary for the service of His Majesty. Christopher de Sotelo is killed by Garcia de Alvarado; and Garcia de Alvarado by Don Diego de Almagro.

PEdro Alvarez Holguin, and his Captains and Souldiers, who had professed Sub∣mission and Loyalty to the Governour in his absence, did now upon his ar∣rival testifie their actual Obedience by a publick Declaration in Writing, under their hands, and solemnly resign the Command and Power of the Army into his hands, the Captains and Officers delivering up their Commissions, and laying their Ensigns at his Feet; the like was followed by the Governours and Justices of the City of Truxillo, all which the Governour received in such manner as was fitting, and renewed them again in the name of His Majesty, confirming every person in his Office, either Civil or Military, respectively as before. He gave six Com∣missions to Captains of Horse, namely, to Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Alonso de Alvarado, Pedro Anzures, Gomez de Alvarado, Garcilasso de la Vega, and to Pedro de Puelles. The Captains of Harquebusiers were Pedro de Vergara, Nunno de Castro, and John Velez de Guevara, who was a Scholar, as well as a Souldier, and such a Mecha∣nick, that he directed the making all the Musquets for his own Company, and was so active and industrious, that he divided his time between Letters and Arms in such manner, that both in this present state of Affairs, as also on occasion of the Troubles caused by Goazalo Piçarro, as we shall hereafter relate, he was ordained and constituted in quality of a Judge; so that all the morning, untill noon, he clothed himself in the Robes of a Lawyer, in which he heard Causes, and deter∣mined Differences; then afterwards in the afternoon he changed his Habit to ap∣pear like a Souldier, with Breeches and Dublet of divers colours, richly embrode∣red with Gold, and very gallant with his plume of Feathers; and buckling on his Coat of Mail, with his Musquet on his Shoulder, trained his Souldiers in shooting, and other Exercises of War. Thus far are the Words of Carate in the 15th Chap∣ter of his 4th Book; by which it appears, that the same Person may be both a Souldier and a Scholar; and the Qualities of one so consistent with that of the other, as to be both usefull in their proper times and seasons. But to proceed.

Hernando Bachicao was named for Captain of the Pikemen, and Francis de Car∣vajal was made Sergeant Major, who was afterwards Major-General to Gonzalo Pi∣çarro. Gomez de Tordoya was made Lieutenant General; and the Royal Standard he reserved for himself, with which he performed the Office of General. Thus having setled his Forces, he dispeeded them before him, under command of their respective Officers, which in all composed an Army of 700 Men, of which 370 were Harquebusiiers, 160 Pikemen, and the rest were Horse. Pedro de Puelles was commanded to march before, with a Detachment of thirty Horse, to discover the Enemy and other Obstructions in the way; having Instructions to go by way of the Mountain, but not to pass Saussa; but there to expect the coming up of the Main Body, because their resolution was to march along the coast to the City of

Los Reyes. In the mean time Diego de Mora was appointed Deputy Governour, and Commander in Chief of the Forces which remained behind.

Matters being in this manner disposed, the Governour marched to the City of Los Reyes, where he received into his Possession, and under his Command the Arms, and Souldiers, which flocked to him from all parts; and having left Fran∣cisco Barionuevo his Deputy in that place, and made and constituted John Perez de Guevara Admiral of the City, he parted thence to Saussa, to follow his Army; lea∣ving Orders, that in case Don Diego de Almagro should come to the City of Los Reyes, that Captain Perez de Guevara, and his Deputy Barionuevo, should take care to embark on board the Ships then in Port all the Women and Children, and infirm and useless People, that so they might not fall into the hand of the Enemy to be ill treated by them; and that upon advice thereof, he would march to their Relief.

But let us here leave him in his way, to treat of what in the mean time passed amongst the Almagrians in Cozco; where Discord was not satisfied with the fire of Dissention, blown into a Flame between the two Parties; but Emulation and Envy stirred up Strife in those of the same side, which proceeded to effusion of the Bloud of those who were of the chiefest Rank and Quality amongst them. For Almagro marching towards Cozco, made choice of Christopher de Sotelo, and Gar∣cia de Alvarado, for his Counsellours, and chief Confidents, in the place of John de Rada, who (as we have said) dyed on the way, and gave to them the chief Au∣thority and Command in the Army. Christopher de Sotelo was dispeeded before to Cozco, with a certain number of choice Men, to take possession of that City, and to reduce all things to the Service and Devotion of Almagro, that when he arri∣ved there, he might be received without any opposition. Sotelo accordingly per∣formed his Orders, finding no Force to make resistence against him; so that with∣out any difficulty he removed all the Officers of Justice, which Pedro Alvarez had ordained there, and supplied their places with others of his own party. More∣over he gathered all the Provisions he was able from the parts round about, that when the Enemy came near, they might perish with Want and Famine. Soon after which Almagro arriving at Cozco, made great quantities of Gunpowder, of the strongest and finest sort, by means of the Salt-Petre, which in those parts is bet∣ter than any in Peru; and by the help and art of certain Levantines, (the Greeks so called in the Indies,) he cast several pieces of Cannon, of which People many came into those parts out of good-will and respect unto Pedro de Candia, who ha∣ving (as we mentioned before) been disobliged by Piçarro, followed afterwards the Party of Almagro; that Countrey abounding with Copper, and other Metalls, fit for making Cannon, they founded many Pieces, the Command of which was given to Pedro de Candia, with Title of Master of the Artillery. In like manner the Greeks, with the assistence of the Indian Silver-smiths, made many Helmets, and Corslets of Silver, mixed with Copper, which proved admirably good. The Prince Manco Inca, who had for long time voluntarily banished himself into the Mountains, calling to mind the ancient Friendship he had entertained with Al∣magro the Father, was pleased to revive the same by his kindness to the Son, which he knew not in what other manner to testifie in his low condition, then by presenting unto him the Coats of Mail, Armour, Swords, and Saddles; which had been the Spoils which the Indians had taken from the Spaniards, whom they had killed, during the Siege of Cozco; of which there was a sufficient quan∣tity to arm two hundred Men.

But whilst matters succeeded thus prosperously on the side of Almagro, above his hopes and expectations, an unhappy controversie fell out between Christopher de Sotelo, and Garcia de Alvarado, who being the Chief Commanders, and leading Men of the Army, proved very unfortunate, considering the circumstances of Af∣fairs which at that time required Union and Communication of Counsels, when on the contrary whatsoever was proposed by one, was disliked and opposed by the other; and in this manner Malice boiled in each other's Breast to such a de∣gree, that one day being together in the Market-place, and happening to quarrel about a trivial matter, Garcia de Alvarado killed Christopher de Sotelo; and whereas these two were the Chief Commanders of the Army, they could not want friends on each side to maintain the Quarrel; so that many coming in to interest them∣selves as seconds in that Rencounter, much Bloud had certainly been shed, had not Almagro interposed, and with fair and gentle Words appeased the Tumult, which

was raised between the different Factions. Howsoever he could not forbear to resent the Death of Christopher de Sotelo, who was a person of an obliging deport∣ment towards him, and ever forward to perform his Commands; but as yet it was requisite to dissemble, and reserve the punishment till a more seasonable occasion. Notwithstanding which Almagro knew not how to conceal his Anger so well, but that Alvarado suspected his evil Intentions towards him; and considering that no gentle remedy offered, or could possibly be applyed, wherewith he might soften his mind, and reconcile his Affections, but that he would sooner or later take his revenge, he concluded that the onely means to secure his own safety, was to kill Almagro, designing by his bloud to make a sacrifice of Atonement to the Gover∣nour, whereby to obtain pardon for himself, and his Complices; and having con∣sulted hereupon with some of his Friends and Confidents; the means agreed to compass this design, was to invite Almagro to a solemn Banquet, at which being present, and without suspition in his House, he might set upon him, and kill him. Accordingly an invitation was made unto Almagro, who to avoid the ap∣pearance of all suspition and Jealousie relating to what he feared, he accepted the Offer: The day being come, and he more confirmed in the certainty of what he formerly suspected, feigned himself sick, and much indisposed; and unfit to be present at a Banquet. And here Carate proceeds on his story, and says,

Garcia de Alvarado finding himself disappointed, after he had disposed and pre∣pared all matters in order to the execution of his Design, determined to go with a great Train of Friends to importune Almagro to accept the Invitation; and being on his way thither, he met with Martin Carillo, and told him where he was going, to which he made answer, that in his opinion, he did not doe well, being assured that he would be there killed; another Souldier also confirmed the same, all which was not sufficient to dissuade him to the contrary; so in he went to the Chamber, where he found Almagro lying on his Bed, having se∣cretly conveyed certain armed Men into an inner Room. So soon as Alvarado and his Complices came in, Come my Lord, said he, arise, and give not way to a little Indisposition, it will be good for you to walk, and divertise your self; and though you eat but little, yet your presence will chear up the Company, and the other Guests. Al∣magro told him that he would go, and arising called for his Cloak, for he was laid on the Bed in his Wastecoat, with his Sword and Dagger; and being about to go forth, the People in the room went out first, and just as Alvarado, who was immediately before Almagro, was ready to go out, John de Rada, who kept the door, clapt it to on a sudden, and then closing with Garcia de Alva∣rado, You are my Prisoner, said he; with which Almagro drawing his Sword, ran him through the Body, saying, You are not onely a Prisoner, but a dead Man; with which John Balsa, Alonso de Saavedra, Diego Mendez, Brother of Rodrigo Orgonnos, and others, which lay concealed in the inner Room, rushed forth, and gave him so many wounds, as deprived him of his Life. The news hereof being re∣ported abroad, began to cause great Tumults in the City, but Almagro appeased all with his presence, so that the mischief proceeded no farther, onely the Complices of Alvarado thereupon fled to the Governour.

Thus far Carate; the which is confirmed by Lopez de Gomara. The name of the Souldier which Ca∣rate says, advised Alvarado not to goe, was Augustine Salado. And whereas it is said, that John de Rada was he who shut the Door, is a mistake, and slip of the pen, for as is before mentioned, he dyed at Saussa; but he who clapt the door to was Peter de Onnate, for which piece of Service so opportunely performed, Alma∣gro made him his Lieutenant General.

CHAP. XIV.

Don Diego de Almagro marches forth to meet the Go∣vernour; and Gonzalo Piçarro, after having passed most incredible Difficulties, finds his way out of the Cinnamon Countrey.

SOme days after that matters were quieted, which had been put into a fermen∣tation and disturbance by the Death of Alvarado. Almagro resolved to pro∣ceed with his Army against the Governour Vaca de Castro, who, as he had recei∣ved intelligence, was departed from the City of Los Reyes, to meet and fight him. On which occasion Almagro resolved to give him to understand, that he did not fear his Force, esteeming himself the more formidable of the two; for that his Souldiers, being seven hundred Spaniards in number, were all brave and stout fellows; amongst which two hundred were Harquebusiers, two hundred and fifty Pikemen, and of them many armed with Halberds, the rest consisted of two hun∣dred and fifty Horsemen, all armed with Coats of Mail, and Back and Breast of Iron, many of which were made by themselves; and, as Gomara, saith in Chap∣ter 149. were better Men, and better armed than any of those belonging to the Armies either of his Father, or of Piçarro. Moreover, he had a great Train of Artillery, to which he trusted very much, besides a number of Indians, &c. These are the Words of Gomara, to which he farther adds, That John Balsa was his General, and Peter d'Onate his Lieutenant-General.

With these Souldiers, and with these Provisions and Equipage Almagro marched to meet and give Battel to the Governour, Vaca de Castro, and having proceeded fifty Leagues, he entred into the Province of Villca, where he received informa∣tion, that the King's Army was thirty Leagues distant from thence.

But let us for a while make a digression from both these Parties, and return to Gonzalo Piçarro, whom with his Companions we left engolfed in the most inextri∣cable Difficulties and Necessities, which humane Nature was capable to sustain; for they were to contend with deep and rapid Rivers, with Bogs and moorish Grounds, which were unpassable; and were to travel over Mountains of incredi∣ble height, on which grew Trees of an immense magnitude, as Gomara in the end of his eighth Chapter reports, upon the authority of Vicente Yanez Pinçon, who was one of the Discoverers, and who having related what had befaln him in those parts, concludes at length with the strange Prodigies of that Countrey, of which he gives a Narrative in these following Words.

The Discoverers brought with them the bark of certain Trees, which seemed to be Cinnamon, and the Skin of a Beast which put its young ones into its Breast; and they related for a strange Story, that they had seen Trees which sixteen Men could not fathome, or encompass with their Armes, &c.

But besides the many Difficulties with which Gonzalo Piçarro and his Compa∣nions were to struggle, the most irresistible of all was Hunger, that grievous and cruel Enemy of Man and Beast, which hath been so fatal to both in that uninha∣bited Countrey. We have said before that Gonzalo Piçarro resolved to return un∣to Peru, and therefore leaving the River, he took his way Northward, and passed through Lands and Mountains no less difficult than the former, being forced to open a way and path with Bills and Hatchets, and to feed upon Herbs and Roots, and wild Fruit; which were so scarce, that when any plenty thereof happened, they esteemed themselves fortunate in that Days journey; when they came to Lakes and moorish Grounds, they carried their sick and infirm people on their Shoul∣ders, in which work none took more pains than Gonzalo Piçarro, and his Captains,

who by their Example gave courage and chearfulness to all the rest. In this man∣ner they had travelled three hundred Leagues through all the Difficulties we have related, and more than can be expressed; for who can fansie or imagine the La∣bours they had sustained in the Journey of four hundred Leagus outwards; and in that of three hundred Leagues back, and yet after all, there was no prospect of an end, though they had killed their Horses, and eaten them one after another, till they had made an end of all. At first they eat their Grey-hounds, Spannels, and Mastiff-Dogs, which (as we have mentioned in our History of Florida) were of great use and service to them in the Conquest of the Indies; and of these they made their Delicacies, so long as they lasted. At length, as Gomara saith, Chap∣ter 144. the Spaniards were ready to eat those which dyed, according to the Cu∣stome of those barbarous Indians, who inhabit those Mountains, &c.

So soon as the Horse-flesh sailed, which being divided amongst so great num∣bers was inconsiderable; many Indians, as well as Spaniards, were starved with Hunger, for the force of Herbs was not alone able to sustain Nature, so that they began then to faint and droop; so being forced to leave the Indians and Spa∣niards by three and four in a company, abandoning them to the Woods, and to the Mountains, there to perish, and dye without comfort; in the same manner as we have related in the Journal of Garcilasso de la Vega, where they were exposed to the like Misery, not being able to travel, and keep company with their Fellows.

But the want of Salt was none of their least needs, for that in their Travels of four hundred Leagues, as Carare saith in the 5th of his 4th Book, they found not one grane thereof; for the Countries being uninhabited, they neither found any, nor people to inform them what they used in the place thereof; for want of which they became weak in their joints, faint, and scorbutick, stinking, and almost rot∣ten alive, in the same manner as we have related in the History of Florida, where is demonstrated how much Salt is necessary for conservation of humane Life.

By reason of the continual Rains, and moisture of the Earth, their woollen Cloths and linen being always wet, became rotten, and dropped from their Bo∣dies, so that from the highest to the lowest every Man was naked, and had no other covering than some few Leaves, with which they hid their privy parts both before and behind. And though that warm Climate did not require much clothing, yet it had been a good Defence against the Thorns and Bushes of those rough Mountains, over which they could make no other way than by Bills and Hatchets, and yet the Briers and Brambles tore their Skins, that they seemed all over raw, and half flead.

So great, and so unsupportable were the Miseries which Gonzalo Piçarro and his Companions endured for want of Food, that the four thousand Indians which attended them in this Discovery, perished with Famine, and amongst them a certain Indian greatly beloved by Gonzalo Piçarro, who took the Lances from the two Cavaliers, as we have before related; for which piece of bravery he was la∣mented by him with as much sense of Grief, as if he had been his Brother, as he often declared. Likewise of the three hundred and forty Spaniards which entred on this Discovery two hundred and ten dyed, besides the fifty which were carried away by Orellana. Those eighty which remained alive, after having passed three hun∣dred Leagues of Mountain, entred at length into a more open Countrey, and a more dry Climate, where they found Birds, Deer, and other wild Beasts, which they killed with their Cross-bows, and Guns, by the help of a small quantity of their Powder, which they had reserved. Of the Skins of these Beasts they made themselves short Breeches, onely sufficient to cover their Nakedness, for they would not reach farther, their Swords they carried without Scabbards, all cove∣red with rust, and they walked barefoot, and their Visages were become so black, dry, and withered, that they scarce knew one the other; in which condition they came at length to the Frontiers of Quitu, where they kissed they Ground, and re∣turned Thanks to Almighty God, who had delivered them out of so many and so imminent Dangers. And being come now to a place of Food, and sustenance, they were so greedy thereof, that they were forced to lay a restraint upon their Appetites, and stint themselves to a certain proportion, lest they should surfeit with excess; some of them, who were of a more weak Constitution, and accu∣stomed to Fastings, and Abstinence, were not able to endure repletion, their Sto∣machs rejecting the Food and Nutriment, administred to them.

And now approaching near to the City of Quitu, they gave notice to the In∣habitants of their condition; but the place being almost dispeopled by reason of the Wars raised by Almagro, and by the absence of its principal Citizens, and by the few Merchants which were therein; they were so poor, that all the Cloathing they could make was not sufficient to supply the wants of Piçarro and his company: All the stock which the City could make, being onely six Suits of Apparel, contributed by several persons; one brought a Cloak, another a Coat, another a Wastcoat, another a pair of Breeches, another a Hat and Shirts, and all of several Pieces and Colours, which served to cloath Gonzalo Piçarro, and his other five principal Officers; for it was impossible to provide sufficient furni∣ture for them all.

In the whole Town there were onely twelve Horses left, for all the rest were sent to the Wars in Service of his Majesty; on these they laded Provisions, and food for them, and would have sent all the delicacies in the World, had that place afforded them; for Gonzalo Piçarro was the most beloved Man in Peru; and indeed his Nature was so affable, and his Deportment so obliging, that he rendred himself acceptable to Strangers, wheresoever he came; and how much more to Friends and Companions?

Twelve of the most substantial Citizens were appointed to carry the Presents, and therewith travelled thirty Leagues from the City before they met with Gon∣zalo Piçarro. It is not to be imagined how much joy and satisfaction was expres∣sed at this meeting, accompanied with such a floud of tears upon rehearsal of the dolefull Story, that it is hard to determine which passion either of joy or sor∣row was the most prevalent; for Piçarro and his Companions were transported with an Excess of joy and comfort to see themselves delivered from those dan∣gers and miseries out of which they once believed it impossible to escape. The Citizens on the other side grieved and lamented to see in what a miserable and squalid condition Gonzalo and his Friends returned, and to hear the dole∣full story of those who perished with Famine, and in what manner they had left many of their Companions alive in the Mountains, and exposed to dye with hunger. But at length considering that there was no remedy for what was past, they comforted each other, drying up their Tears, which little availed.

CHAP. XV.

Gonzalo Piçarro being entred into Quitu, writes to the Governour, offering his Person and his People to serve him. The Governour's Answer thereunto; and what Con∣ditions the Governour offered to Don Diego de Al∣magro.

GOnzalo Piçarro, and his Captains and Souldiers, received the relief which was brought them with gratefull acknowledgment: But whereas they perceived, that the Garments which were provided, were onely sufficient to cloath the Chief Commanders, they refused to accept them, or (as Carate saith in the 5th Chap∣ter of the fourth Book) to change their Habits, or mount on Horse-back, endu∣ring and suffering equally with their common Souldiers; and so in this manner, which we have mentioned, they entred one morning into the City of Quitu, and went directly to the Church to hear Mass, and to return thanks to Almighty God, who had delivered them out of so many, and so great miseries.

Thus far is the Relation given by Carate; to which may be added, what I have understood from the testimony of those who were Eye-witnesses of what farther passed in this matter; which was this: The twelve persons which brought the Presents to Gonzalo Piçarro, perceiving that neither he, nor his Captains, would ac∣cept of the Cloths which were brought them, nor yet make use of their Horses, but chose to enter the City bare-footed, and naked; they agreed all to put them∣selves in the same guise and fashion to participate of the Honour, Fame and Glo∣ry, which these persons had acquired by their patience and sufferings, by which they had overcome so many, and such immense labours; the City applauded their Ambassadours for their conformity thereunto; in which manner, after the Entry was made, and Mass was said, the people congratulated the Arrival of Piçarro with all the joy they were able to express, but yet attempered with some grief and pity to see them in that lamentable condition. This Entry was made about the beginning of June in the year 1542, having spent in this Enterprize two years and a halfs time, though a certain Authour by mistake says, that they were not more than a year and half both in their going out, and in their return home. Du∣ring the time that they remained in the City, every one provided for himself the best he was able. And Gonzalo Piçarro receiving informations of what had passed since his departure, was given to understand what Revolutions had lately happen∣ed, namely the Death of his Brother the Marquis, the Insurrection of Don Diego de Almagro, his disobedience and rebellion against his Majesty, the Arrival of Doctor Vaca de Castro for Governour of that Empire; and that he was then on his march against Almagro with an Army, in which all the friends and party of his Brother the Marquis wer joyned. All which being considered by Gonzalo Piçarro, he thought it not fit for him to be backward in that Service to his Majesty, in which all those Gentlemen who had been his Comrades and Companions, had been engaged. Wherefore he wrote to the Governour, giving him a relation of the Hardships he had sustained and suffered in his Journey; and lastly, made ten∣der of his Person and People to serve him in quality of Souldiers under his Com∣mand.

In answer whereunto, the Governour assured him of his kind acceptance of the good will and affection which he demonstrated to his Majesty's Service, and re∣turned him thanks for the assistence he had offered both by his own Person, and with those Forces which had so long been trained up in Military Discipline, and in∣ured to the Sufferings and Hardships of War. Howsoever, he intreated him as from himself, and required him in his Majesty's Name to continue still in Quitu, and there to refresh himself after the miseries he had sustained, untill such time as

he should by Orders from him be employed on those affairs, which may best con∣duce to his Majesty's Service.

It was not for want of good assurance, which the Governour conceived of the Loyalty of Gonzalo Piçarro, that he enjoyned him to remain in the parts where he was untill farther Orders; but because he hoped not to need his assistence, in re∣gard his design was to bring matters between him and Almagro to some conditions of Accommodation; which he believed to be the much more prudent course, for considering that the Animosities were very high and inveterate between the two parties, it would necessarily follow that the Battel would be fought with much obstinacy, and end with great effusion of bloud; and therefore to avoid such mor∣tality and destruction, he endeavoured to make a right and good understanding between himself and Almagro.

The Governour also farther conceived, that in case Gonzalo Piçarro were actual∣ly present in the Army, that the peace with Almagro would be effected with much more difficulty, and give Almagro occasion of jealousie, and distrust, and fear, to put himself into the hands of the Governour, lest Piçarro should machinate or plot any secret revenge against him; of which he was the more apprehensive, when he considered the great interest which Piçarro had made in the Army.

This certainly was the true intention and meaning of the Governour, but other ill-natured and malitious Men put him farther in the head, that the presence of Piçarro in the Army was not to be admitted on other scores, lest the Souldiery, which had conceived a great affection to him for his Prowess and Valour, and experience in Military affairs, should by common consent make choice of him for their General.

In obedience to the Governour's Command, Gonzalo Piçarro remained in Quitu untill the end of the War. Moreover, the Governour gave order to those who had the care and tuition of the Sons of the Marquis, and of Gonzalo Piçarro, that they should still continue their residence in the Cities of St. Michael and Truxillo, and not to remove them to los Reyes, untill they should receive other instructions; declaring, that they were much more secure at that distance; than nearer hand; though some discontented Men interpreted this Order to be a design he had to estrange himself from them, and to proceed from a principle of jealousie he con∣ceived of them, though as yet they were but Children.

Matters being thus disposed, (as we have said) the Governour marched to∣wards Huamanca, upon a report that Almagro was come near to that City, and that his design was to possess and fortifie it, because it was esteemed a place naturally strong, being environed on all sides with broken cliffs, and inaccessible ways: Wherefore he dispeeded Captain Castro before with his Company of Harquebu∣siers, to take possession of a craggy Hill which lyes in the way, which the Indians call Farcu, and the Spaniards Parcos: But whilst he was in his march thither, he received intelligence, that Almagro had already entred, and taken possession of the City, which troubled the Governour very much, considering the disadvantage he received thereby, and that a great part of his own Forces were not as yet come up, but marched slowly, and in several parties. Hereupon he dispatched Alonso de Alvarado back to hasten them, who with the diligence he used, speedily brought them all the other Companies in a body to joyn with the Army: To perform which, some marched four, others five and six Leagues in a day; with which long marches, though very much tired, yet the Enemy (as was reported) being within two Leagues of them, they were forced to remain all the night on the Watch drawn up in Battalia; but other intelligence coming in the Morning, which gave them advice, that Almagro was removed at a farther distance from the City: They drew off, and marched forward to Huamanca, where they took a con∣venient repose; and having refreshed their Men, they enlarged their Quarters, and removed their Camp into a more open Plain; for the Countrey where they then were, was enclosed, and so straitned with Mountains, that in case of a Fight, their Horse could not come to engage, and doe service; which would be of great dis∣advantage to them, considering that their Horse was the Nerve of their strength, being more numerous, and better armed, than those of the Enemy. Wherefore leaving the City, he drew up his Army in the Plains of Chupas, from whence he dispatched two persons to Almagro, one called Francisco de Ydiacaez, and the other Diego Mercado, who informed him, that they were sent to him from the Gover∣nour

to offer unto him, and all his Souldiers and Followers, in the Name of his Majesty, a general Pardon for whatsoever was passed, provided he returned to his Obedience, and listed himself under the Royal Standard; and that having Dis∣banded his Army, he promised to confirm this Pardon with Honours and Prefer∣ments. Almagro readily made answer, that he accepted the Conditions, provided the Pardon might be General both to himself and his Associates, and that the Government of the New Kingdom of Toledo, the Mines of Gold, and all the Lands and Jurisdiction over the Indians, which his Father possessed, should be re∣stored and setled upon him.

Almagro was moved to make this extravagant demand, upon an assurance which a certain Clergyman gave him, who some few days before was arrived from Pa∣nama, and told him, that all the talk and news there was, that the King had sealed his Pardon, and given him the Government of the New Toledo in which Cozco was comprised; of which he gave him joy, and asked a reward for his good news.

Moreover, he informed him, that Vaca de Castro had but a small number of Souldiers, and those ill armed and discontented: the which News, though hardly to be believed, yet Almagro entertained with some assurance, because it was in his favour; and was thereby encouraged to make those high demands to the Gover∣nour, whose weakness, as he supposed, would cause him to yield unto all the Ar∣ticles he could propose.

After Vaca de Castro had sent away the two Messengers before mentioned, he dispatched a Souldier called Alonso Garcia with several Letters to the Captains and principal Gentlemen of Almagro's Army, promising them pardon for whatsoever was past, and a reward of great and large possessions and jurisdiction over the In∣dians. This Messenger went in the Habit of an Indian, for his better disguise, and took a by-way out of the Road, that he might not be seized or intercepted in his Journey: But the misfortune was, that it had Snowed that day, so that the Scouts of Almagro discovering the impression which he had made in the Snow, tracked him by his footing, and so followed, and took him, and carried him with all his Letters and Dispatches to Almagro; who, as Gomara reports in Chapter 150th, and Carate in the 16th Chapter of the 4th Book, was highly incensed, and angry at the double dealing of the Governour, who at the same time that he was in treaty with him, was making Divisions and Mutinies in his Army: At which he was so greatly enraged, that he immediately caused the Souldier to be hanged, both because he came in a disguise, and brought Letters of Treasonable importance; and in the sight and presence of the two Messengers caused his Army to be drawn out, and ranged in a posture ready to engage, promising to whom∣soever should kill the Governour, to bestow on him his Lands, his Wife, and all his Estate: And so he returned answer to the Governour, that he would never own or obey him so long as he was associated with his Enemies, who were Pedro Alvarez Holguin, and Alonso de Alvarado, Gomez de Tordoya, John de Saavedra, Garçi∣lasso de la Vega, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez de Alvarado, and all the other Gen∣tlemen who had sided with Piçarro.

Thus much Almagro uttered with intent to discourage the Governour from at∣tempting any more the way of dividing his people by separate Treaties, or indeed to put him out of all hopes of attaining any thing by way of Accommodation; for if one of his Conditions was to cashier all those who were of Piçarro's party, he must be contented to remain without Army or People, which he knew could never be assented unto. And moreover, he sent him word that he would doe well to leave off that way of seducing his people from him, for he might be con∣fident there was none of them which would be tempted to forsake his party, but would all unanimously joyn in Battel to defend that Countrey against him, and all the World, which he would speedily verifie by marching out immediately to meet and fight him; Almagro was as good as his word, and accordingly marched against the Governour with courage and resolution to give him Battel; the which was confirmed by an unanimous consent of all his Souldiers, who generally dis∣dained and resented the secret and treacherous dealing of the Governour, and cau∣sed them to adhere more closely to the party of Almagro; concluding within themselves, that he who would be false towards their Captain, might very well be suspected of the like perfidiousness and breach of Faith towards them.

Whence it was agreed on all sides to dye fighting, and hearken no farther to any Articles of Treaty. It is believed, that had it not been for this Action, Almagro would have inclined to a Peace, upon the Pardon of his Majesty, which was al∣ready signed and sealed, and in the hands of the Governour.

CHAP. XVI.

Of the Order that Vaca de Castro, and Don Diego de Almagro observed in drawing up their Squadrons. The beginning of the Battel, and the Death of Captain Pe∣dro de Candia.

UPon this Answer which Almagro had given, the Governour observed a strange unwillingness and dissatisfaction in his Souldiers to an Engagement; who declared, that since his Majesty was so ill pleased with the late Battel of Salinas, that he committed Hernando Piçarro to Prison for it; they ought to be wary and cautious how they incurred his Majesty's displeasure by any offence of the like nature. Wherefore the Governour, to satisfie this scruple arisen in the minds of his Souldiery, recounted to them the crimes and offences of Almagro, how he had killed the Marquis, and murthered many other persons; that he had confiscated the Goods and Estates of other Men, and converted them to his own use; that he had made a division of Indians, and reparted them amongst his friends without any Commission from his Majesty; that at present he came with an Army against the Standard-Royal, and gave defiance to the Governour, who was established by the King's Commission. And farther to justifie his cause, he did there in hearing of all his Army, by virtue of the Power committed to him by his Majesty, pro∣nounce sentence against Almagro, proclaiming him Rebel and Traytor, and for his crimes did condemn him to die, and lose all his estate both real and personal; requiring all the Captains and the whole Army to be aiding and assisting to him in the execution of this Sentence, which he declared by virtue of a Commission from his Majesty, whereby he was constituted and appointed Chief Minister and Governour of that Empire.

The Sentence being given, Vaca de Castro concluded, that according to the An∣swer of Almagro, which evidenced a resolution to persist in his rebellion, there was no farther place to hope for Peace by way of Treaty: Wherefore he put his people into a posture of defence, having received intelligence that Almagro and his Army were approaching near.

Having drawn his Forces into the Field, he made them a Speech, telling them, That they were to consider who they were, from whence they came, and for whom, and for what cause they were to fight; that the possession and enjoyment of that whole Empire was held up to them for a reward and prize to the Conque∣rours; if they were overcome, neither he nor they could escape death; and if on the contrary they won the Field, they would be for ever happy; for besides the duty and obligation incumbent on them, as true and loyal Subjects to serve their King, they would remain Lords, and Possessours of all the Divisions of Land, which had been already made with the vast Wealth and Riches thereof, and for ever to enjoy the same in peace and quietness. And so to those who were not as yet so well provided with possessions, he did promise them in the Name and Word of his Majesty, to divide and set out Lands to them, for reward of their Loyalty and Service to their King. In short, he told them, that he knew there was no need of long Speeches and Exhortations to incite Courage in such Noble Cavaliers, and Valiant Souldiers; and though he was well assured they would be

forward in action, yet they should see him their Leader, to be the first who should break his Lance in the Front against his Enemies. Answer was made hereunto with common voice, that they would all dye, rather than be overcome; and since every Man esteemed himself equally concerned in this Enterprize, they earnestly intreated the Governour not to hazard himself in the Front of the Battel, but rather conserve his own Person, on whose safety the Welfare of the whole Army did greatly depend; and that he would please with a Guard of thirty Horse to retire to some place in the Rere, from whence he might see how the Battel went, and accordingly order and apply Succours to that part which he judged to be most hardly beset and oppressed; in compliance with the importunity of his Captains, the Governour consented to take his station in the Rere, in which po∣sture they expected the coming of Almagro, whose Quarters were about two Leagues from thence; and the day following the Scouts returned with news, that the Ene∣my was come within half a League with design to give them Battel.

Hereupon the Governour immediately drew out his Forces into Battalia; On the right hand of the Infantry he placed the Royal Standard, desended by Alonso de Alvarado, and carried by Christopher de Barrientos, Native of Ciudad-rodrigo, and Inhabitant of Truxillo, where Pedro Alvarez Holguin was possessed of a great Estate and Jurisdiction over the Indians: Gomez de Alvarado, Garçilasso de la Vega, and Pe∣dro Ançures, who were Captains of Horse, flanked the Foot on the left Wing. Carate saith in the 18th Chapter of his fourth Book,

That these Commanders marched very orderly, keeping their Colours and Companies in an equal line, they themselves being in the first rank; and that the Infantry, Commanded by the Captains, Pedro de Vergara, and John Valez de Guevara, marched between the two Wings and Squadrons of Horse; and that Nunno de Castro, who Comman∣ded the Harquebusiers, was placed in the Van, to begin the Fight, and being repulsed to retire into the main Body.

Vaca de Castro remained with his thirty Horse in the Rere, at some distance from the main Body, from whence he might be able to observe all that passed, and accordingly apply succours and relief where occasion did most require.

Thus far Carate.

Pedro de Alvarado wore over his Arms a Coat of white Satten, slashed and pinked, saying, That when Archers shoot at Butts, there are very few which hit the white Mark. In this posture they remained in expectation of the coming of Almagro, who by this time was entred the Plain, and encamped on the ridge of a Hill so far distant from the Royal Army, as was out of Cannon-shot. Pedro Suarez, Serjeant-Major, who had been long a Souldier in Italy, and trained up to the War, soon perceived the advantage they had of the ground, and drew up his Squadrons in form and manner to answer those of the Enemy. His Insantry he flanked on one side and the other with Wings of Horse Commanded by his Captain-General John Balsa, and Major-General Pedro d' Onnate; and the Captains were John Tello de Guzman, Diego Mendez, John de Onna, Martin de Bilbao, Diego de Hojeda, and Malavez: All which were brave fellows, and well resolved to con∣quer the Empire, and acquire Dominion over the poor Vassals of that Countrey. The Serjeant-Major placed all the Artillery in the Front, (of which Pedro de Can∣dia was chief Master or Captain) bearing directly on that side of the Enemy, where it was possible for them to be attacked: And then he went to Almagro, who with a Guard of eight or ten Men was placed in the midst between the Horse and Foot; and said to him in this manner: Sir, your Lordship hath now all your Forces so advantageously drawn up under the defence of your Cannon; that if you please but to continue in this order, and not to move from it, you may overcome your Enemies either without push of the Lance, or stroke of Sword: For let the Enemy come which way they will, you must break and destroy them with your Cannon, before they can come within shot of Mus∣quet. But by that time that things could be thus ordered and disposed, it was to∣wards the Evening, when the Sun was onely two hours high.

Vaca de Castro and his Council were much divided in their opinions, whether they should engage that day or not. Francisco de Carvajal; who was Serjeant-Major, and an experienced Souldier, was of opinion, that by no means the Bat∣tel should be deferred that day, though they fought part of the night; for that were to give courage to their Enemies, and a check to the forward resolution of their own Army, and might, perhaps, give time and occasion unto several of them

to revolt unto Almagro. Hereupon the Governour resolved immediately to give them Battel, wishing he had had the power of Joshuah to command the Sun to stay his course.

Herewith the word was given to march directly against the Squadrons of Alma∣gro, who upon their first motion ordered his Cannon to play upon the Enemy, and to startle them in the first onset; but Francisco de Caravajal observing, that if they kept a direct course upon the Enemy, they should receive much damage from their Cannon, which were many, and very good; directed them another way un∣der the covert of a Hill: But having passed this shelter into the open Field, so that they remained exposed to the Enemy's Cannon, Pedro de Candia, who com∣manded the Artillery, shot over them, so that they received no damage; which when Almagro saw and observed, he immediately fell upon Pedro de Candia, and killed him with his Lance upon the very Cannon; and being full of rage and anger for this piece of treachery, he leaped from his Horse, and mounted on the nose of one of the Guns, and with the weight of his body lored it in such man∣ner, as to make it bear on the Enemy; and then ordering the Cannonier to give fire thereunto, he placed his shot amidst the Squadron of Vaca de Castro, which raking them from the Front to the Rere, as Carate confirms in the 18th Chapter of his fourth Book, and Gomara in Chap. 150. but do not say how many were slain thereby, which were seventeen Men; which unlucky shot, had it been fol∣lowed by others with the like success, they had needed no other force, but had secured the Victory according to the assurance which Suarez the Serjeant-Major had given; but all was lost by that treachery which Pedro de Candia had acted. For we must know that Captain Pedro, having considered that Hernando Piçarro, who was the Person that had affronted and injured him, was imprisoned in Spain, (as we have formerly mentioned,) and that by reason of him had sided with the party of Chili. And that the Marquis, who by his Power and Greatness had much oppressed him, was now dead, he judged himself sufficiently revenged both of one, and of the other: And that now since there was a new Governour, it was his best course to return unto the Obedience and Service of his Majesty, that he might not utterly lose all the hopes and merit he had acquired by being useful in the Conquest of that Empire. And on this Motive it was, that he sent secret intelligence to the Governour not to fear the Cannon, for he would so order it, that he should not need to apprehend any damage or hurt from thence. On confidence of which promise the Governour resolved not to delay the Battel, though Pedro de Candia did not attain the end he designed.

CHAP. XVII.

The Relation of the cruel Battel of Chupas is continued. A disagreement amongst the People of Almagro. The Victory of the Governour; and the Flight of Almagro.

THE Serjeant-Major, and the other Captains of his Majesty, observing what a Lane was made through their Squadron by the Enemy's shot, and that their Foot was daunted therewith, they presently clapt within the void place, and cau∣sed their ranks to close up, and without stop or any delay to make up directly up∣on the Enemy; and to have no cause of retardment, they left and deserted all their own train of Artillery. The Captains of Almagro not well considering their case and advantage, and as people not much used to such kind of emergencies; observing the Enemy to advance upon them, cried out with a loud voice, Let not our Enemies gain honour by our cowardise, they see us stand still as not daring to oppose them: Let us to them, let us to them; for we are not able longer to endure this affront. Here∣with they forced Almagro to advance with his Squadron, and with so little consi∣deration, that they made him to interpose between the Enemy and his own Can∣non; which when Serjeant-Major Suarez observed, he went to Almagro, and with a loud voice told him, saying, Sir, had you kept the order which I directed, and had fol∣lowed my counsel, you had been victorious; but since you take measures from others, you will lose the honour of this day; and since your Lordship is not pleased to make me a Conque∣rour in your Camp, I will make my way to it on the side of your Enemies. And having re∣peated these words, he set Spurs to his Horse, and passed over to Vaca de Castro, advising him immediately to close with the Enemy, and to give them no time, for that there was great disorder and confusion in their Counsels.

Vaca de Castro observing this good advice which Suarez had given him, com∣manded his Forces to march directly up in face of the Enemy; with which Francisco de Carvajal was so encouraged, and assured of victory, by reason of the unskilfulness of their Foes, that he threw off his Coat of Male, and his Head-piece, and cast them on the ground, telling his Souldiers, That they should not be affrighted at the Cannon; for that if he who was as fat and big as any two of them, was not fearfull of them, much less ought any of them who were but half the mark that he was.

At this time a certain Gentleman who was of Noble Bloud, and rode with the Horse, observing both sides within Musquet-shot, and that there was no other re∣medy but that he must engage; he on a sudden passed forth from the Squadron of the Governour, and said, Sirs, I declare my self for the party of Chili, for all the World knows, that at the Battel of Salinas I was then on the side of Almagro the Elder; and since I cannot now be for them, there is no reason but that I should stand neuter, and not be against them. Herewith he sallied out of his rank, and separated himself at some distance, where a certain Priest remained called Hernando de Luque, who was a Kinsman to that School-matter of Panama, that was the Companion and Asso∣ciate of Almagro and Piçarro. With this Priest there was another Gentleman al∣so, who being sick, was excused from the Fight; but the retreat of this Gentle∣man was interpreted by all the Army to be an effect of down-right cowardise, and that therefore he durst not engage on either side. The Harquebusiers of Ca∣stro de Vaca would have fired upon him, but the haste they were in prevented their intention; and when they understood the reason for which he desired to stand a Neuter, they then were willing to spare their shot. I had once an ac∣quaintance with him, and left him alive in a certain City of Peru, when I departed thence; and I know and remember well his Name, though I think fit to conceal it in this place, and onely recount the fact in general to the end, that such a piece of cowardise may be hated and scorned by all Persons of Quality and Worthy Souldiers.

In short, the Souldiers of Vaca de Castro made such haste, that without much hurt they mounted the Hill, where the Squadrons of Almagro were drawn up, being much disordered, and removed out of that good posture in which they were first placed. Howsoever the Harquebusiers received them with such a Volley of Shot, that they killed many of the Foot, and wounded the Major General, Gomez de Tordoya, with three Bullets, of which he dyed two days afterwards. Nunno de Castro was also desperately wounded, besides many others who were slain, which being observed by Francisco de Carvajal, he commanded the Horse to charge them, for they were the chief Force to which he trusted, being more in number than those of Almagro; accordingly the Horse engaged, and both sides maintained the Fight with such bravery, that the Victory for a long time remained doubtfull. Pedro Alvarez Holguin was killed with a Musquet-shot; for being clothed in white, and by his Colour and Habit known to all, he became the common Mark, eve∣ry one aiming to hit so famous a Person. On the other side the Infantry of Vaca de Castro charging the Enemy, came valiantly up to the very Cannon, which were now of no use, in regard that by the ill discipline and disorder of Almagro's Commanders, they had interposed their own Souldiers between their Cannon and the Enemy. Howsoever both sides fought with such animosity and bravery, that they continued fighting in the night, which when it was so dark and obscure, that they could not see each other; they then made use of the words Chili and Pachacamac to make their distinctions, whereby the Piçarrists and Almagrians knew their parties; the greatest slaughter was amongst the Horse, who after the use of their Lances, coming to a closer Fight, killed each other with their Swords and Pole-axes. The success of this Battel being of high concernment, animated both sides with a resolution to dye, or gain the victory; being well assured, that as the Dominion of that Empire, and the Riches depended on this Victory; so being overthrown, there remained no other reward for them, but death or slavery. It was now above two hours in the night, and yet the Fight continued with equal slaughter, being full four hours since it first began. At length the Governour charged the left wing of the Enemy, which was still entire, and not as yet broken, so that the Battel seemed to be again renewed: Howsoever, at length the Gover∣nour routed and defeated them with the loss of ten or twelve of his Guard, a∣mongst which were Captain Ximenez, formerly a Merchant in Medina, and Nunno Montalvo. By this time both sides began to think themselves secure of Victory, and yet still the Fight continued: At length the Forces of Almagro seemed to grow faint; which when he observed, he put himself into the head of them, and be∣ing seconded by those few which were his Life-guard, he entred amidst the thickest of his Enemies with that valour and resolution, that he performed Mira∣cles by his own Person, being desirous to be slain on the place; but being un∣known, and well armed, he escaped with his life, and without a wound; fighting bravely, as Gomara reports of him in Chapter 150.

And now Victory began to incline to the side of the Governour; which when Almagro and his chief Officers observed, they called out aloud, and said, I am such an one; it was I who killed the Marquis; and so they fought with fury and despair untill they were slain and cut in pieces. Many of Almagro's people escaped by fa∣vour of a dark night, having taken off their white Ribbons, and placed the Co∣lours of Vaca de Castro in their stead, with which they supplied themselves from those who were slain on the other side. Almagro himself seeing that there was no hopes of Victory left, and that Death fled from him, he escaped out of the Bat∣tel with six Companions, namely, Diego Mendez, Bergan, and John de Guzman, and three others, whose Names I have forgotten. Thence he fled to Cozco, where he met that Death which he could not receive from his Enemies, by the hands of those Men whom he had there constituted in Offices of Justice and Military Em∣ployments: For so soon as they understood that he had lost the day, Rodrigo de Sa∣lazar, who was a Native of Toledo, and deputed by Almagro for his Governour in that place; and Antonio Ruyz de Guevara, who was Commissionated also by him to be chief Justiciary, immediately laid hands on him, and made him Prisoner; and to consummate this cruelty, they took those also who were his Companions, and attended his Person: To confirm which particular, Carate in the 19th Chap∣ter of his fourth Book, hath these Words which follow.

Thus ended the Reign and Government of Don Diego de Almagro, who was one day Commander in Chief of all Peru, and the day following was seized by an Officer, whom by his own Authority he had constituted chief Justiciary of Cozco. This Battel was fought the 16th of September 1542.

Thus far Ca∣rate; and herewith he concludes the Chapter aforesaid.

This Victory was in part obtained about nine of the Clock at night, but not completed, for the noise of fighting and clashing of Arms was heard in several places of the Field: And lest Almagro should again rally, and in the Morning renew the Battel, (for as yet his flight and escape was not known) the Gover∣nour commanded his Serjeant-Major to sound a retreat to his Army, and put them again into a posture of Battel, placing the Horse and Foot in their respec∣tive stations, with Orders to stand to their Arms untill the Morning, when the light would discover the state of their Victory: Which being accordingly exe∣cuted, they continued on their Guard, and in a readiness to receive whatsoever should occur.

CHAP. XVIII.

Wherein those Principal Commanders are named, who were present at this Battel; the Number that was slain; the Punishment of the Rebels; and the Death of Don Die∣go de Almagro.

THE Governour passed a great part of the Night in discourse to his Souldi∣ers, praising the courage and resolution which his Captains, Cavaliers and Souldiers had shewed in that days Engagement; he applauded and admired their bravery which they had made appear in the Service of his Majesty. He then re∣counted some particular Actions performed by such and such, naming them by their Names; whereby he acknowledged the fidelity, love and friendship, which they had evidenced to the Memory of the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, for whose sake, and in revenge of whose Death, they had exposed their own lives to all the hazards and perils in the World. Nor did he omit to mention the bravery of Al∣magro, whereby he had signalized himself to revenge the Death of his Father, ha∣ving therein performed above what could have been expected from his years, not having passed above the Age of twenty: Nor did he forbear to commend the Courage of several Captains of the contrary party, who had carried themselves bravely in the Action of that day. In a particular manner he took notice of the stout resolution, and Military behaviour of Francisco de Carvajal, who without fear either of the great or small Shot, marched boldly at the head of his Men, being ever intent and ready to apply his succour and relief, where it was most required: Of all which Actions the Governour was the best Judge, and could give the best account of them, in regard he was retired to a place from whence he could have a prospect of all that passed. The principal Persons on his Majesty's side, who signalized themselves in this Engagement, were the Major-General Gomez de Tor∣doya, the Agitant Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, and his Brother Benito de Carvajal, John Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vasquez, Lorenço de Aldana, John de Saavedra, Francisco de Go∣doy, Diego Maldonado, who afterwards obtained the Sir-name of the Rich, John de Sa∣las; Brother of the Arch-bishop of Sevile, Alonso de Loaysa, Brother of the Arch-bishop of los Reyes, Geronimo de Loaysa, John de Pancorvo, Alonso Maçuela, Martin de Meneses, John de Figueroa, Pedro Alonso Carrasco, Diego de Truxillo, Alonso de Soto,

Antonio de Quinnones, and his Brother Suero de Quinnones, and his Cousin Pedro de Quinnones, who had been an old Souldier in Italy, and were all three near in Kin∣dred to the Governour, Gaspar Jara, Diego Ortiz de Guzman, Garcia de Melo, who lost his right hand in the Battel, Pedro de los Rios a Native of Cordova, Francisco de Ampuero, Don Pedro Puertocarrero, Pedro de Hinojosa, John Alonso Palomino, Don Gomez de Luna, the Elder Brother of Garçilasso de la Vega, Gomez de Alvarado, Gaspar de Rojas, Melchior Verdugo, Lope de Mendoça, Juan de Barbaran, Miguel de la Serna, Ge∣ronimo de Aliaga, Nicolas de Ribera, and Geronimo de Ribera, who for distinction sake we have in the other part of this Book called Ribera Senior, and Ribera Junior.

All which, and many others, whose Names we cannot call to mind, did that day in the Battel signalize their Valour in an extraordinary manner, for fighting in the front of their Companies, most of them were wounded. In short, there was not one Man of note in all Peru, as Gomara affirms, but was engaged in the Battel of that day on his Majesty's side. On the King's party three hundred Spaniards were slain, many also were killed on the other, though not so great a number; the Battel was very bloudy; the slaughter fell much upon the Captains, of which most of them were killed; four hundred were wounded, of which most dyed with cold that night, it happening to freeze very sharply. These are the Words of Gomara, and therewith he ends the 150th Chapter of his History.

Of Almagro's side two hundred were slain, so that Gomara with much reason terms it a bloudy Battel; for of fifteen hundred Men on both sides, five hundred were slain, and five hundred wounded; of which last, four hundred were of the King's side, and but one hundred of Almagro's.

There was one of the King's Souldiers so cruel, that after the Battel was ended, he killed eleven of the Almagrians in cold bloud; of which evil Act he made great boast, saying, that in such a place they had robbed him of eleven thousand pieces of Eight, in revenge of which he had killed eleven of them.

Many other things of this nature passed that night; and the reason why so ma∣ny of those wounded were frozen to death, was, because the Indians finding them unable to help and defend themselves, made bold to strip them of all their cloath∣ing, leaving them naked, and exposed to the weather, without regard to either side or party, of which there could no distinction be made in the night; and if there had, yet the Indians, whose business it was to pilfer, would not have forborn on any small consideration, or complement to either side. Nor could the Conque∣rours for the present take that due care of their wounded, because the Carriages with their Tents not being come up, they were all forced to lodge in the open Air; onely they made a shift to set up two Tents, wherein they made an Accom∣modation for Gomez de Tordoya, Pedro Ancures, Gomez de Alvarado, and Garçilasso de la Vega, who were all mortally wounded; others who had received some slighter hurts, endured the open Air, which caused their wounds so to smart, that it was grievous to hear the groans, sighs and cries which they uttered. Nor did the In∣dians spare those who were fled out of the Battel, taking the courage to pursue and assail Men in their flight; so that they killed John Balsa on the way, with ten or twelve others of his companions, without any regard or respect to his Quality or Character of Captain-General; in like manner they killed many other Spaniards, who fled out of the Battel in divers parts: But so soon as it was day the Gover∣nour sent abroad to bring in the wounded, taking care to have their wounds dres∣sed: And as for the dead, they buried them together, in four or five large Graves, which were made for them, into which they cast them all without distinction, excepting onely Pedro Alvarez Holguin, and Gomez de Tordoya de Vargas, with some other noble and principal Persons, whom they carried to Huamanca, and there ce∣lebrated their Funerals with what decency they were able. Above a hundred Horse, and fifty or sixty Foot, fled from the Battel, and escaped to the City of Huamanca; but being pursued by those few who remained Masters of the Field, were again defeated, they yielding up their Horses and Arms upn conditions of Quarter for their lives. And as that day they performed an Act of Charity in the burial of the Dead, so likewise they performed an Act of Justice in punishment of the Offenders; for having found the Bodies of Martin de Bilbao, and Arbolacha, and Hinojeros, and Martin Carillo amongst the Dead, who cried out in the Battel on purpose to be killed, that they were the persons who had Assassinated the Mar∣quis; and though they were then cut in pieces, yet according to a new form of Justice, they were afterwards drawn and quartered, the Cryer at the same time

publishing their offence: the like piece of Justice was executed on other insolent and rebellious persons. The day following the Governour went to Huamancu, where he understood, that Captain Diego de Rojas had killed Captain John Tello de Guzman, and Pedro d' Onnate, who was Major-General to Almagro: the punishment of other Offenders was referred by the Governour to Judge de la Gama, who condemned all the principal Leaders of the Almagrian party to dye, who were ta∣ken and imprisoned at Huamanca, such as Diego de Hoces, Antonio de Cardenas, whose throats he caused to be cut; and hanged John Perez, Francisco Peces, John Diente, and Martin Cote, and thirty others of the most culpable or chiefest Offen∣ders; others who were pardoned for life, were banished into the remote parts of that Kingdom.

Whilst the Governour was thus employed in doing justice at Huamanca, he received intelligence that Almagro was taken and imprisoned at Cozco; wherefore hastning to that place, and arriving there, he immediately caused the Sentence to be executed, which he had passed upon him before the Battel, not being willing to spend more time in new Processes. Carate saith, that they cut his throat in the same place, and by the same Executioner, who put his Father to death, and who stripped him, and took his Cloaths in the same manner as he had done his Father's, onely some friends agreed for his Breeches, Wastcoat and Shirt, which were conserved to him; his Body was laid out, and exposed the whole day to publick view; afterwards they carried it to the Convent of our Lady of the Mer∣ceds, and there buried it by the side, or in the very Grave of his Father, without Winding-sheet or other Shroud than his own Cloaths, onely out of charity some few Masses were said for his Soul.

This was the end of Don Diego Almagro Junior, which was so like to that of his Father, that fortune seemed to make the circumstances of their lives parallel in every thing; for besides that they were Father and Son, and had the same Name; they were endued with equal courage and conduct in War, and with the same prudence and counsel in Peace; and if there was any thing of excellency more in one than in the other, it appeared in the Son, who from his youth had been trai∣ned up in good literature, in which by help of his good parts both for judgment and quickness of fancy he made great improvement: they resembled each other in their Deaths, which happened in the same place, and almost in the same man∣ner; their Funerals were much alike, for having been rich and powerfull, they died so poor, that their Burial-charges were paid upon charity; and to render the circumstances of their lives in all things agreeable, the Battels they fought and lost were both upon a Saturday.

Thus poor Don Diego Almagro Junior, concluded the Scene of his Life, who had been the bravest Mestizo (that is, one begot by a Spaniard on the body of an In∣dian Woman) that ever this new World produced, had he taken the right side, and obeyed the Governour, who was constituted by Commission from his Ma∣jesty. He was a Man who had a handsome seat on Horse-back in both Saddles, either riding with his legs at length, or short, as is the fashion on the Gennet: At last he died like a good Christian with great repentance for his sins. Almagro being dead, they hanged up John Rodriguez Barragan, and Ensign Enriquez, with eight others, who adventured to follow Almagro unto Cozco. Gomez Perez, and Diego Mendez, and another companion of theirs, made their escape out of Prison; but finding no secure place wherein to conceal themselves in all Peru, they fled to the Mountains, where Prince Manco Inca remained in retirement, and were fol∣lowed by five others, who went also to hide, and cure themselves of their wounds in that place: All which were received with great kindness, and with as good entertainment by the Inca, as he was able to give them; but in what Coin they again repaid him, will appear by the sequel, for he was killed by one of them in requital for his favours and kindness towards them.

CHAP. XIX.

The good Government of Vaca de Castro; the peace and quietness of Peru; the cause and original of other Troubles.

DOn Diego Almagro Junior, being dead, and all the Complices and Heads of that party being either put to death, or banished, the whole Empire of Pe∣ru began to enjoy peace and settlement, the name and interest of that Almagrian Faction being totally extinguished. Judge Vaca de Castro being a prudent, and a discreet Person in all his actions, governed with much Equity and Justice, to the great satisfaction and contentment both of Spaniards and Indians, having establish∣ed several Laws so advantageous to the Welfare of both Nations, that the Indi∣ans themselves rejoyced in such happy constitutions, and esteemed them equal to those which had been made by their Incas. Likewise the Governour bestowed such Plantations of Indians, which were void and forfeited for Rebellion, on per∣sons who had well deserved for their Services to his Majesty in the late War: He also encreased the Possessions of others, or exchanged them for those which were better in other places, or Cities, where they were most pleased to chuse their habitation. At that time many of the Inhabitants of Charcas transplanted themselves and Families to Cozco, amongst whom my Lord Garçilasso de la Vega was one, who (as we have said formerly) had left the Province Tapac-ri to settle himself in the Province Quechua, which belongs to the Nation Cotanera, and Huamampallpa. And though the Governour in the Divisions he made proceeded with all the equality and caution imaginable, as was apparent to all the World, yet many were discontented for want of having Lands, and Plantations of Indians allotted to them, which they believed and presumed to be due for all their Servi∣ces and Labours they had sustained in the Conquest of Peru. Amongst these dis∣contented persons there was a certain Gentleman called Hernando Mogollon, born at Badajoz, of whom we have made mention in the third Chapter of the first Book of our History of Florida. This Gentleman presuming that he had well deserved and performed great Services in the Conquest of these new Countries, and par∣ticularly at the Battel of Chupas, where he signalized his bravery in an extraordi∣nary manner, of which Vaca de Castro himself was a Witness; for which finding he had no reward, or Lands, or Indian Servants divided to him, he went and ap∣plied himself to the Governour, and told him plainly:

Sir, In this Countrey, as your Lordship well knows, all People eat from the Labours of Mogollon, and he alone starves with hunger. And in regard that he was one of those who discovered Florida, and was forward and active in other important Conquests which have been acquired to the Crown of Spain; and lastly, was present in the Battel of Chupas, where he fought under your Lordship's Standard; it is but reason that some remembrance should be had of him, who hath not forgotten his Duty and Service to his Majesty.

The Governour considering well the Merits of the Man, and that he asked nothing but what was very reasonable, he bestowed upon him a small share of Lands, inhabited by Indians. And as an expedient to quiet the minds of other complaining and indigent Souldiers, of which many were unrewarded; and to prevent a farther Mutiny, he imitated the example of Marquis Piçarro, who on the like occasion dispeeded several Companies with their Captains, to conquer and possess divers other parts of the Countrey; by which means enlarging their Ter∣ritories, every Man might obtain some Inheritance and Dominion over the Indi∣ans. And accordingly he gave order to Captain Pedro de Vergara to return to his Province of Pacamuru, where he had made some progress in his Conquest, when

he was recalled from thence to serve his Majesty in the late War with his Men, who were very good and experienced Souldiers.

Diego de Rojas, Nicholas de Eredia, and Philip Gutierrez (a Native of Madrid) were sent to the Province of Mussu, called by the Spaniards los Moxos; with them were listed a Company of brave Men, who had sustained many great difficulties before they arrived at the River of Plate, of which we shall hereafter give a Re∣lation. Gonzalo de Monrroy was sent to the Kingdom of Chili to recruit and assist the Forces of the Governour Pedro de Valdivia, who then was employed in the Conquest of the Provinces and Nations belonging to that Kingdom. To another Province called Mullupampa he sent Captain John Perez de Guevara, who had made a late discovery thereof, and had there received intelligence and intimation of other new Countries, and large Territories, which stretch themselves Eastward between the Rivers called Orellana, Marannon, and the River of Plate: But that those were Countries very Mountainous, and full of Moors, Fens and Bogs, and inhabited by few Indians, who lived in a bestial manner, like brute Beasts, with∣out Religion, Laws or Civility, and were such as ate one the other; and that the Climate being hot, they needed no cloathing, but went naked.

Thus the Governour Vaca de Castro having ridded his hands of the Souldiers, and cleared the Kingdom of Peru of the burthen of new Levies, having sent them from Quitu to the Charcas, which are seven hundred Leagues distant each from the other, he remained much at ease, and freed from the daily importunities which disturbed him; so that he attended to his Government in peace and qui∣etness to the general satisfaction of all people. And that he might form and establish Laws most agreeable to the nature and constitution of those Countries, he informed himself of the Curacas, and ancient Captains; of the Order and Rules which their Incan Kings observed in their Administration of Justice, out of which he chose and culled such as he esteemed most proper and agreeable to the constitutions of both Nations, whereby the Spaniards might be conserved, and the Indians increased. Then he sent Letters to Gonzalo Piçarro; who still re∣mained in Quitu to come to him; and having in the Name of his Majesty, and in his own behalf, thanked him for all the Services he had performed to the Crown, and applauded the dangers and adventures he had run, which his Ma∣jesty would in due time reward; he gave him leave to return to his own habita∣tion, and to his Dominion in the Charcas over the Indians there, advising him to take care of his health, and attend to the improvement of his Estate. The Indi∣ans finding themselves freed from the calamities and miseries they had sustained by the late intestine Wars, which had been carried on at the expence of their Lives and Estates; of which, as Gomara saith, the Spaniards had been so prodi∣gal, that above a Million and a half of them were destroyed; at length being more at ease, they returned to their Countrey affairs, and to tillage and cultiva∣tion of their Lands, which by the industry and knowledge of the Spaniards in Agriculture yielded great plenty, and abundance of all Provisions; and both sides attending to their own quiet and ease, the Indians discovered several rich Mines of Gold in many parts of Peru; the richest of which were situated Eastward from Cozco in the Province of Collahuaya, called by the Spaniards Caravaya, from whence they digged great quantities of the finest Gold of twenty four Quilates; which Mines also yield some Gold to this day, though not in such abundance as former∣ly. To the Westward of Cozco, in the Province of Quechua, which is well peo∣pled with divers Nations so named; and on that side thereof which is called Huallaripa, other Mines of Gold were discovered; which though they yielded not their Gold so fine as that of Collahuaya, yet it amounted to twenty Quilats more or less in goodness; howsoever the quantity thereof was so great, that about nine or ten years after the Mine was opened, I remember to have seen some In∣dians bring home to their Master every Saturday night two thousand Pesos of Gold Sand for his single part or share in those Mines. We call that Gold Sand, or Dust, which they gather like the Filings of Iron; there is also another sort something thicker, like Bran after it is sifted from the Flour, amongst which they find now and then some granes as big as the Seeds of Melons or Pompions, to the value of six or eight Ducats each grane. From such considerable quantities of Gold as were daily brought to the Mint, or Melting-houses, the fifth part there∣of which appertained to his Majesty, amounted to a vast Treasure; for of every

five Marks one, and of every five Pesos, one was delivered for the King's use, and exactly counted to the last Maravedis or Farthing.

Thus by the prudent and good management of this Christian Governour, who was very much a Gentleman, prudent, wise and zealous for the Service of God and the King, that Empire began to flourish, and under many concurring circum∣stances arrived to that high pitch of happiness and felicity, that it daily increased and improved to greater benefits: But that which above all was considerable, was the propagation and increase of our Holy Catholick Faith, which the Spaniards with great zeal and labour preached over all those Countries; the which was re∣ceived by the Indians with the greater satisfaction and diligence, because that ma∣ny of those Doctrines which were preached unto them, were the same Precepts and Commands which their Incan Kings had by the mere light of Nature deli∣vered to them.

But whilst the Gospel grew and flourished, and many were enlightned with the glorious Majesty thereof, and that the Indians, as well as Spaniards, enjoyed in Peru both spiritual and temporal Blessings with peace and quietness: Behold, the Devil, that common enemy to Mankind, laboured to disturb the happy progress of this prosperity: To destroy and overthrow which, he let loose his Officers and evil instruments, such as Ambition, Envy, Covetousness, Avarice, Anger, Pride, Discord and Tyranny, to whom he gave Commission in their several places to endeavour the subversion of the Gospel, and hinder the conversion of the Gen∣tiles to the Catholick Faith, the advancement of which tended to the destruction of his Power and Kingdom; and God in his secret judgments, and for punish∣ment of the sins of Men, permitted those devices of the Devil to succeed, in such fatal manner, as we shall find by the sequel. For some certain persons, guided by a blind and mistaken zeal for the common good of the Indians took false mea∣sures in the proposals they made therein to the Royal Council; arguing in many Debates, that new Laws and Constitutions ought to be established with peculiar reference and respect to the Governments of Mexico and Peru. The person who most warmly and earnestly insisted on this point, was a certain Friar called Bar∣tholomew de las Casas, who some years past being a Secular Priest, had travelled over the Islands of Barlovento, and had been at Mexico, and in the parts adjacent; and having taken a religious Habit on him, he proposed divers matters, which he alledged, were for the good of the Indians, and tended to the propagation of the Catholick Faith, and increase of the Royal Revenue; but what effect and success his Councils had, Francis Lopez de Gomara, Chaplain to his Imperial Ma∣jesty, relates in Chapter 152, and the same is confirmed by Carate, Accountant-General of the Royal Exchequer, in the first Chapter of his fifth Book.

The same is also related by a new Historian called Diego Fernando, a Citizen of Palencia, who recites the many disturbances which the new Laws and Constituti∣ons caused both in Mexico and Peru; this Authour begins his History from those Revolutions, and differs very little from the substance of those particulars men∣tioned by the two others. Wherefore we shall repeat singly what each Authour writes; for considering the aversion I naturally have to all relations of fatal and dolefull passages, I unwillingly recount any thing of that nature; but being forced thereunto for declaration of the Truth, and for continuation of the History, I judge it convenient to fortifie my discourses with the testimony of the three fore∣going Authours, that so I may not seem of my own head to have framed matters which have produced sad and evil consequences to the whole Empire, and which have proved ruinous to the several parties and factions of those Countries: And left in the Quotation of these Authours, or citing them by Notes in the Mar∣gent, I should be taxed of mistakes, or of having added any thing of my own, I have rather chosen to follow my former method, by repetition of their words verbatim in those particulars, which contain matter of reflexion, or blame on any person; though in other things my discourses shall not be confined to their very words, but rather serve for a Comment, enlarging on many passages, and adding to what they have omitted; all which shall be performed with great respect to truth, founded on the testimony of those who having been Eye-witnesses, and Actors in those Revolutions, have delivered undoubted Narratives thereof unto me without partiality or prejudice to any.

Wherefore now to proceed after this preamble, we say, That when the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela arrived in Peru, I was then about four years of Age; and afterwards in my riper years, I was acquainted with several of those who are na∣med in this following History. In the first place therefore we will relate the ma∣ny troubles which the new Constitutions caused in Mexico, and the good effects which in the end were produced by the prudent and wise management of the Judge, who was employed to put them in execution. After which we will re∣turn to Peru, and relate the many misfortunes, slaughters, and other miseries which attended them, caused by the severity, rigour and imprudence of that Vice-king, who was Commissionated to execute those Laws, and govern that Empire. And though the History of Mexico is foreign to our discourse, yet I have thought fit to compare the successes of one and of the other Kingdom, which had various and almost contrary effects, arising notwithstanding on the same causes. That so Kings and Princes may by the examples and precedents of History learn and observe how dangerous it is to establish Laws, which are rigorous, and cause them to be executed by severe Judges, who for want of moderation incline the Subjects and Vassals to a detestation of their Government, whereby they lose that respect, duty and allegiance, which is due thereunto. And indeed all Hi∣stories, both Divine and Humane, hath from all antiquity averred the truth here∣of; and the experience of these Modern times have given us to understand, that never was any Rebellion commenced against Kings, who were gentle and kind to their Subjects; but when cruelty, tyranny and oppression by taxes, and heavy im∣positions prevailed, then all things ran to misery and confusion.

CHAP. XX.

Of the New Laws and Constitutions made in the Court of Spain, for the better Government of the two Empires, Mexico and Peru.

WE must understand that in the year 1539, a certain Friar called Bartholomew de las Casas, came from New Spain to Madrid, where the Court resided at that time, shewing himself in all his Sermons and familiar Discourses extreme∣ly zealous for the good of the Indians, and a great Favourer and Protectour of them: In evidence of which, he propounded many things, and maintained them to be very reasonable, and which in themselves outwardly appeared holy and good, yet in the execution thereof they proved rigorous, cruel and difficult to be put into practice. The proposals notwithstanding of this Friar were offered, and laid before the Supreme Council of the Indies, where they were ill approved, and rejected by the prudence and understanding of Don Garcia de Loaysa, the good Car∣dinal of Seville, who was made of that Council, in regard that for several years he had been Governour of the Indies, and had more knowledge and experience of the affairs of those parts, than any of those who had been Conquerours and Inha∣bitants thereof: Wherefore dissenting from the opinion of the Friar, his Proposals were not entertained, but suspended untill the year 1542, when the Emperour Charles the Fifth returned into Spain after a long Journey he had made through France, Flanders and Germany. His Majesty, who was endued with great zeal and devotion for propagation of the Christian Faith, was easily persuaded to hearken to the gentle propositions of the Friar, which he insinuated under the specious colour of Conscience, and with the guise of Religion, offered several new Laws and Constitutions to be enacted and put in force for the greater good and benefit of the Indians.

After his Imperial Majesty had duly heard and considered all that the Frier had to offer, he assembled his great Council, to which he farther added several grave and learned persons both Prelates and Lawyers; and, having laid before them the particular Laws and new Establishments, they were approved, and passed by the major part of the Assembly; notwithstanding many being of a different opinion dissented from the Majority, and declared their Votes to the contrary; amongst which were the Cardinal aforementioned, President of the Council, the Bishop of Lugo, Don John Suarez de Carvajal (with whom I was once acquainted) Francis∣co de los Covos; Secretary to his Majesty, Don Sabastian Ramirez Bishop of Cuenca and President of Valladolid, who formerly had been President in St. Domingo and Mexico; Don Garcia Manrique, Count of Osorno and President of Ordenes, who (as Gomara saith) had for a long time been Super-Intendent over the Affairs of the Indies, during the absence of Cardinal Garcia de Loaysa; all which having been long conversant, and Men of experience in the Affairs of the Indies, did dislike and disapprove the new Laws and Ordinances, which were 40 in number, as disagreeable to the natural Constitutions of those Countries and People. How∣soever the same were passed and confirmed by the Emperour in Barcelona, on the 20th of November, 1542. as Gomara, in Chap. 152. relates: and the Battel of Chu∣pas was fought between the Governour Vacca de Castro, and Don Diego Almagro Ju∣nior, on the 15th of September, of the same year, being two months and five days be∣fore these Laws were signed and passed: by which it may plainly appear how much the Devil was concerned to disturb and hinder the propagation of the Gospel in Peru: for no sooner was one Fire extinguished, before another was in a Flame more fierce and terrible than the former, occasioned by those Discontents which arose from the new Constitutions; of which we shall mention onely four, which are laid down by the aforesaid Authours, as most pertinent to the present Histo∣ry, and are these which follow.

The first Law was this, That after the Death of the Conquerours and of those who had Plantations, and had built Cities, those who were in possession thereof should hold them of the King, for their Lives onely, without right of Inheri∣tance descending to their Wives and Children; but that when any one died the King should succeed, giving to the Children such a proportion of the fruits thereof as might support and maintain them.

That no Indian should be charged with any Tax or Imposition unless in those Countries where the Indians paid not the same by bodily Labour; that no Indian should be forced to labour in the Mines or fish for Pearls; and that having paid a Tribute or Imposition on his Goods to the Lord of the Manour or Freehold, he should be discharged from corporal services.

That the Lands and Plantations cultivated by Indians, which Bishops or Mona∣steries, or Hospitals held in their own right, should be quitted by them, and vested in the King; and that all Governours, Presidents, Judges, Officers of Justice, and their Deputies under them; as also all the Officers of his Majesties revenue should renounce and disclaim all Title and Interest to such Lands and Plantations of In∣dians; and that no Officers of his Majesty should be capable of keeping Indian Slaves, though they should renounce their Offices to be capacitated thereunto.

That all such as have Lands in Peru, (which is to be understood of those who have command over Indians) and have had any concernment, or been interested in the late disturbances between Don Francisco de Picarro and Don Diego de Almagro, shall lose and forfeit all their power and dominion over the Indians, as well one side as the other: by which Law and Constitution (as Diego Fernandez well ob∣serves) all People were comprehended, there not being one person in all Peru, who was capacitated either to hold Lands, or to enjoy an Estate in all that Coun∣try: and consequently all Persons of Quality as well in new Spain as in Peru were excluded not onely by this, but by the third Law; for all or most of them had been Governours, Justices, Deputies or Officers of the Royal revenue: so that both these two Laws were as Toiles which caught every person, being so compre∣hensive, as to take in every person in the Indies, and by virtue thereof excluded them from all their Possessions: but for the better understanding of these Acts, Laws and Constitutions, and the grounds thereof, we shall mention and declare the Motives and Reasons which the Legislators produced and alledged for constituting and establishing the same. And as to the first Act or Ordinance we must know, that in recompence and reward to the first Discoverers and Conquerours of the

Indies, a Grant was made to possess and enjoy the Lands they had gained for two Lives, that is, for their own, and the life of their eldest Son, and to the Daughter, in case a Son should be wanting.

Afterwards a Command was given, That every one should marry, upon sup∣position, that men being married would desire to be quiet, and apply themselves to cultivate and improve their Lands, and not be mutinous and desirous of No∣velties; and upon this Consideration, and for the encouragement of Marriage, it was ordained, that the Wise for want of Children should enter into the possessi∣on, and enjoy it for her Life. The reason of the second Law or Constitution, exempting the Indians from payment of Taxes or Impositions was grounded on a suggestion that the Spaniards paid or allowed nothing to the Indians for their pains or labour in their services: perhaps this might be particularly true in relati∣on to some Spaniards, of evil consciences and tyrannical dispositions; but as to the generality, it could not be made good; for that many Indians were entertained in the service of the Spaniards, and as Day-labourers hired themselves out to hew or saw timber, receiving their wages and hire for their labours: and therefore to ordain that the Indians should not be charged with labours or employed in work, was to cut off their bread and their gain: and therefore it had been much more political to have made a Law severely to punish those who withheld payment from the Indians, after they had done their service and labour which deserved it.

As to that Law, which forbids the Indians to be compelled to work in the Mines, I have nothing to say, but onely to referr my self to the present practice, which is now used this year 1611. when by order of the Government, the Indians are compelled to labour in the Silver Mines of the Mountain of Potosci, and in the Mines of Quick-silver which arise in the Province of Huanca: in which, if the Indians were not employed; the quantities of Gold and Silver which are yearly imported from this Empire into Spain would greatly fail.

As to that particular Law which imposes a Tribute or Quit-rent paiable by the Tenant to the Lord of the Manor, it was a matter so well established, that it was received with general applause at that time when President Pedro de la Garca pro∣portioned the Tax in Peru, of which I was my self an eye witness: but as to the exemption of Indians from personal service, they gave no good information, nor did they know how to make such a roport as might be proper in that case. For the matter stood thus: Every Adventurer that was an Inhabitant had a cer∣tain number of Indians allotted to him in lieu of part of his Tribute, for mainte∣nance of his house; so that every Lord; besides his principal Mansion dwelling had some small Cottages of about fourty or fifty in number, or sixty at the most, set out to him, obliged to personal Services; that is to say, to provide his house with Wood, Water, and Hay or Grass for his Stables, for at that time, they had no Straw, and, besides this, they were obliged to no other Tribute or Service: and of this nature my Father was possessed of three little Villages in the Valley of Cozco; and in the parts adjacent; the Inhabitants of Cozco held divers such like Cottages obliged to the use and service of the City. And where it happened out, that the lot fell to any person, in places uninhabited, they presently sent to the Head-quarters to be supplied with Indians in part of the Tribute due to them; and accordingly the same was granted, and the Indians which were allotted to them, with great chearfulness and contentment followed and observed the imposition of their Masters: so that when the President Gasca came, and found this particular point so equally disposed and established, he approved thereof, and made no man∣ner of alteration therein.

As to the third Precept, which retrenched the Bishops, Monasteries and Ho∣spitals in those large proportions of services which former Governours had be∣stowed upon them, over Indians: It seemed neither injurious nor unreasonable wholly to take them away; for that the Intention of the Governours was not to grant them for a longer time than they were impowred by his Majesties Commis∣sion, which was only for two lives, which being expired, their right ceased; and herein Monasteries, Bishopricks and Hospitals, though of perpetual durance, yet could not pretend to a greater privilege than the Adventurers and Conquerours of those Empires. The remaining part of this third and fourth Ordinance we shall declare hereafter, in the place where we give a relation of the Complaints which those made who believed themselves injured and damnifyed thereby.

CHAP. XXI.

Of the Officers which were sent to Mexico and Peru, to put these Laws into Execution. And a Description of the Imperial City of Mexico.

WHen these Laws of the new Establishment came over; It was farther orde∣red, that the Court held at Panama should be dissolved, and another new one erected in the confines of Guatimala and Nicaragua, to which Court the whole Terra Firma, or Continent, was to be subjected.

It was farther ordained, That another Court of Chancery should be erected in Peru, consisting of four Judges and a President, to whom the title should be gi∣ven of Vice-king and Captain General: And that a certain person should be sent unto New Spain with a power of Visitation, to oversee the Government of the Vice-king, and the Proceedings in the Court of Mexico and of the several Bi∣shopricks, and to take an account from the Officers of the Royal Revenue, and of all the Justices of that Kingdom.

All which Regulations were issued forth with the aforementioned Ordinances, which, as formerly declared, were fourty in number. And whereas there resided in the Court of Spain many Indians from all parts; divers Copies of these new Rules were translated, sent-over and dispersed, which all and every particular per∣son, inhabitants of those two Empires, took out for his information, being of ge∣neral concernment: but so displeasing were these new regulations to the generali∣ty of those People, that in high discontent they caballed together, and held pu∣blick meetings to contrive a remedy.

Some few days after the publication of these Orders, his Imperial Majesty no∣minated Don Francisco Tello de Sandoval, a Native of Seville, who had been Inquisi∣tor of Toledo, to be his Visitor, for which Office he judged him the most proper person he could chuse, in consideration that he had formerly been a member of the Royal Council of the Indies, and a person of great probity and prudence, and for that reason, was well worthy of the emploiment; to see that the new Laws should be put in execution as well in New Spain as in other parts of the Empire, and to that purpose, that he should visit all places, to see them actually perfor∣med and put into practice.

At the same time Blasco Nunnez Vela, who was Surveyor General of the Forts of Castile was named President and Vice-king of the Kingdoms and Provinces of Peru, concerning which matter Carate, in the second Chapter of his fifth Book, hath these words following,

The great experience his Majesty had of this Gentleman, whom he had tryed and approved in other Governments of Countries and Cities, namely, in Malaga and Cuenca; and having found that he was a Gentleman of great probity and rectitude, executing impartial justice unto all men without respect to persons, and that he was ever zealous for the Royal Interest, and that with great courage he performed the King's Com∣mands, and without failure in any thing, his Majesty therefore judged him wor∣thy of this honourable emploiment.

Thus far are the words of Carate.

Moreover Don Diego de Cepeda, a Native of Tordersillas, who had been Judge in the Isles of the Canaries, and Don Lison de Texada, a Native of Logromo, who had been Judge of the Marshal's Court held at Valladolid, for deciding points of Ho∣nour, and Don Alvarez, who had been a Pleader or Advocate in the same Court, with Don Pedro Ortez de Carate, a Native of the City of Ordunna, formerly Mayor of Segovla, were all four put into Commission, and appointed Officers in those parts.

Moreover Augustine de Carate, who had been Secretary of the Privy-Council, was appointed Auditor General of all the Accounts of those Kingdoms and Provinces, and of that whole Continent. To whom, and to the persons above-mentioned, these Rules and Orders above-mentioned were delivered, with Com∣mand,

That so soon as the Courts were setled and established in the City of Los Reyes, where his Majesty commanded they should be held; the several Laws mentioned in the sequel of the Commissions, should be observed and maintained without any violation.

Thus much is reported by Diego Fernandez in the second Chapter of his Book, and the like also is mentioned by Augustine Carate, almost in the same termes; and that these Laws were issued out and dated in the month of April, 1543.

And now, in the first place, we will briefly relate the happy success of these matters in Mexico, from whence we will proceed to Peru, and there declare the sad and dolefull effects thereof, which happened in that Kingdom as well to Spaniards as Indians.

In the month of November, 1543. the Vice-king, together with his Judges, Ministers, and Chief Super-Intendent, Don Francisco Tello de Sandoval, embarked at San Lucar upon a noble Fleet, consisting of about 52 Sail of good and tall Ships; and loosing from thence with a prosperous gale arrived in 12 days at the Islands of the Canaries; from whence having taken some refreshments, they pursued their voyage; and then divided their Fleet, those for New Spain steering their course to the right-hand, and those for Peru unto the left; where we will leave our Vice-king in prosecution of his voyage, to relate the success of the Visitor or Super-Intendent in the Kingdom of Mexico. And passing by the many particulars of his voyage, which are mentioned by Diego Fernandez Paletino; we shall say, in short, that in the month of Febr. 1544. he safely arrived in the Port of St. John de Ulva, and from thence proceeded to Veracruz; and in a short time afterwards came to Mexico; being received in his way thither by all People with that re∣spect, duty and joy, as was due to his Quality and Commission.

But the People of Mexico, being informed of the Rules and Instructions he brought with him, resolved to goe forth and meet him at some short distance from the City; not with Musick or Merriment, but as Diego Fernandez reports, clothed in Mourning, and with such sadness and sorrow in their countenances, as might testifie their resentments, fears and apprehensions, they conceived at his en∣trance into the Government.

Which Intention being made known to the Vice-king Don Antonio de Mendoça, he presently endeavoured to prevent the same, and to put the People into a better humour, commanding them to receive him with Joy and Mirth; and according∣ly the Vice-king and Council, with the Officers of State, the Mayor and Alder∣men of the City, as also the Clergy, with above 600 Gentlemen all richly ador∣ned and well-armed, went forth to receive him at half a League distance from the City. The Vice-king and the Super-Intendent met, and entertained each o∣ther with much complement and ceremonies, and the like passed with all others: and then he proceeded to the Monastery of St. Domingo, at his entrance into which he was received by Father John Cumarrage, of the Order of St. Francis, Arch-bishop of Mexico, and was conducted thither by the Vice-king, who having seen him there in his Lodging, he left him, and committed him to his repose. All which being thus far related by Diego Fernandez, he proceeds to give us a description of the City of Mexico in these words.

If it may be lawfull for me, who am an Indian, and for that reason may seem partial to my own Countrey:

I should gladly repeat the words which he uses in honour of that great City, which may be compared to the ancient greatness of Rome in its glory: His words are these.

This great City of Mexico is situated in a plain, and founded amidst the Waters like Venice; and therefore for the better communication of the Inhabitants, it is furnished with a great number of Bridges. The Lake in which this City is built, though it seems to be of one single Water; yet in reality it consists of two, which are of different na∣tures, the one is of a bitterish and brackish sort of Waters: and the other of a sweet taste and wholesome for the body: the Salt-water ebbs and flows; but the Sweet-water doth not so, but being of a higher situation falls into the Salt-water, and the Salt-water on the contrary doth not arise so high as to da∣mage the other.

The Salt-water Lake is about five Leagues broad, and eight Leagues in length; and the Sweet-water is much of the like dimension; upon these Lakes about 200 thousand small Boats are emploied, which the Natives call Acales, and the Spaniards, Canoes; they are all made of one piece of Timber, and are

bigger or less, according to the proportion of the Tree out of which they were hewen.

About this time this City contained 700 great and principal Palaces, well built of Lime and Stone; the which were not covered with Tile or Slate, but made flat with a Tarras, so that People might walk on the top.

The Streets are very commodious, plain and streight, and so wide that four Horsemen may be able to ride a-breast with their Lances and Targets, without touching one the other.

The Town-house, where the Tribunals of Justice are held, hath nine seve∣ral Courts or Yards within it, together with a large Garden, and a spacious place, where they exercised their Sports called the Feasts of Bulls. Within this House the Vice-king Don Antonio de Mendoça kept his Court, and the Visi∣tor or Super-Intendent Don Francisco Tello de Sandoval, with three Judges and the Accountant General were conveniently lodged. Within the Verge also of this Town-house, the Royal Prison was contained, and a House and Office for sounding Bells and Cannon, as also the Mint for Coinage of Money.

Upon one side of this House the Street fronts which they call Tacuba, and on the other side runs the Street of St. Francis, and behind is the Street called the Chase, all which are Principal Streets; and on the Front of all is the open Place where they bait the Bulls; and; in fine, this Palace is of that large Cir∣cumference, that it answers to the eighty Gates belonging to the Houses of Principal Inhabitants of that City.

The Indians of this City live in two great Streets called St. Jago and Mexico; the number of which are at this time reckoned to be 200 thousand. The A∣venues to this City are four, one whereof is two Leagues in length, and is that to the South-ward, by which Hernando Cortes made his entry.

Thus far are the words of Diego Fernandez, to which this Authour adds, That in those days there were 700 great capacious Houses, he might mean rather 700 large Streets, which may well be imagined, if we take the Measures thereof by the proportion of that vast Palace, wherein were contained the Vice-king's House, the Visitors Apartments, with the Lodgings of the Judges and other Officers of the Kingdom, as also the Prison, the Mint, and the rooms wherein the Bells and Cannon were founded; all and every of which Offices were so large that each of them of it self contained a whole Street; which this Authour confirms in the Description he gives of this House, saying, That this House is so large that it answers to 80 great Gates belonging to the Houses of Principal Citizens. In short, we may positively affirm, that this Imperial City of Mexico is certainly one of the chief, if not the most considerable City in the World. The which I prove by the testimony of a Dutch Gentleman, who having out of curiosity travailed to see the most famous Cities of the Old World, did averre, that out of curiosity onely to see Mexico, he took a voyage into the new-found World; and that, besides the pleasure he took in the sight thereof, he had gained 20 thou∣sand Ducats in his Countrey upon several wagers he had made, concerning the particulars he had related thereof; to prove which a man was purposely sent to those parts.

But not to make too long a Digression upon this Subject, we shall omit many particulars which he related to me hereof, as also of his long Travails he made there, and the many years he spent therein, which to my best remembrance he told me were 14. Palentino reports, that when the Vice-king went forth to meet and receive the Visitor or Super-Intendent, he was accompanied with the Privy Council, Judges and other Officers of State, as also with the Mayor and Alder∣men of the City, and the Clergy, together with 600 Gentlemen all very richly attired and well armed; all which was no Romance nor more than the truth. For besides other Grandeurs and pieces of Ostentation belonging to Mexico; it is most certain, that 'tis common and usual on Sundays, and other Festival-days, to see 5 or 600 Gentlemen riding through the Streets, not upon design of Matches or Horse-races, or the like, but onely for common pastime, and to take the Air: which for a subordinate Government without the presence of a King, is very ma∣gnificent and extraordinary.

CHAP. XXII.

Persons are appointed to petition against the New Laws; the same are publickly proclaimed. Of the Trouble and Mutiny which was caused thereby; and how it was ap∣peased. And how matters flourished in all the Empire of Mexico by the prudence and good conduct of this Vi∣sitor or Super-Intendent.

BUT to return again to the course of our History from whence we are di∣gressed; we are here to declare, that the next day after the arrival of this Visitor, there was a general mutiny and discontent in all the City of Mexico; saying, That this new Guest was come to put the new Laws in execution, and every one descanted on matters according to his own humour and fancy, so that there were several publick Cabals and Consultations held in what manner to over∣throw, and prevent this general agrievance, the result of which was with general consent, that they should petition against these Ordinances, and lay before the Visitor their Objections against them; to consider and perfect which the Corpo∣ration of the City and Officers of his Majesties Exchequer spent that whole night and the Sunday following; and upon Munday morning, so soon as it was light, they convened together, namely, the chief of the Cabal with their Clerk who atten∣ded with a multitude of People, went to the Monastery of St. Domingo, where they delivered their Petition and Reasons against the new Regulations: and though the Monastery was very spatious, yet the Croud of People was so great, that the place was not capable to contain them. And though the Visitor was something fearfull and apprehensive of the rudeness and insolence of the rabble, yet he put a good face upon the matter, and with much frankness declared unto them the Reasons of his coming. Howsoever he gently reproved them with fair words, wondering that before he had opened his Commission, or declared the causes and matters upon which he was employed, that they should so eagerly offer their Complaints against agrievances which never touched them. Wherefore he desi∣red them to depart in peace with their multitude, and out of them to depute two or three of their principal Officers to represent their Complaints before him; and that they should return to him in the afternoon, when he would treat with them, and give Answers to their Demands: with this Answer they all retired, and upon consultation together, they appointed the Atturney General and two Justices of the Peace, and the Clerk of the Cabal, named Lopez de Legaspi, to be their Deputies; who accordingly at two a clock in the afternoon went to the Mona∣stery to offer their agrievances.

The Visitor to outward appearance seemed to receive them with much cheer∣fulness; and having admitted them into an inward room, began sharply to reprove them for the Tumult which they had raised in the morning, aggravating their Fault by the dangerous consequences which might have happened thereupon, to the dishonour of God, and the breach of the publick Peace. Moreover he assu∣red them, that he came not to destroy or prejudice the Countrey, but to advance and improve it to the utmost of his power: he likewise promised to intercede with his Majesty on their behalf, and represent the Inconvenience of the most ri∣gorous Statutes, and that untill an Answer thereof were returned, he would su∣spend the execution of them.

In fine, he so managed his discourse, and so overcame them with good words and forcible Persuasions, that without enforcing the particulars on which they were deputed they returned with full satisfaction, and appeased the unquietness and rage of the Tumult; and so the Mutinies of the People being abated for the

space of several days, until Monday the 24th of March, when the new Statutes were publickly proclaimed, at which time the persons who were present were, the Vice-king, the Visitor, and all the Council. So soon as the Proclamation was ended, the Sheriff of the City broke through the Croud, and in a confused manner came up to the Visitor, and delivered him a Petition which he had prepared, with se∣veral Reasons against the new Statutes; the People at the same time murmuring, and seemingly resolved to maintain their former liberties: Upon which the Vi∣sitor, fearing the outrage of the People, began to excuse himself, and with much earnestness declared, that what he had done therein, was not of choice, but by compulsion: promising them with all the assurance imaginable, that whatsoever in that Proclamation tended to the prejudice of the Conquerours he would never enforce or execute; and that he would assuredly perform whatsoever he had pro∣mised to the Deputies of the Common Council of the People. And whereas they seemed to give no credence to his words, he much complained, and with vehe∣ment Asseverations vowed and swore to them, that he was infinitely concerned, and that they themselves did not so much desire the flourishing estate and con∣dition of New Spain, as he did.

He moreover promised upon Oath to write unto his Majesty in favour of the Conquerours and Inhabitants, beseeching his Majesty not onely to conserve unto them their Estates and Revenue, Privileges and ancient Charters, but likewise, to confirm and enlarge the same, and to confer upon them those other Lands to be e∣qually divided; which lye waste and without a Possessor. In like manner the Bishop of Mexico, observing the general sadness and discontent which appeared in the coun∣tenance of the Citizens, offered to engage his own Faith and Credit, that the Vi∣sitor should perform whatsoever he had promised; and for an evidence of his kind∣ness, he invited all the People on the next day being the twenty fifth of March, and the great Festival of our Lady, to be present at the great Church, where he promised to give them a Sermon, and that the Visitor should celebrate Mass.

With these Promises and Assurances, though their Minds were a little eased, yet they departed sad and fearfull, doubting the performance of the many Promi∣ses which were made to them; and though they passed that night with fear and anguish of mind; yet in the morning they stocked to the great Church, where the Vice-king, the Judges and Officers of the Corporation of the City were pre∣sent. The Visitor having finished the Mass, the Bishop of Mexico ascended the Pulpit, and began his Sermon, in which he produced many Texts of Holy Scri∣pture pertinent to the Affliction of the People, and enforced them with that zeal and fervour of Spirit as gave great comfort and consolation to the People. After which their sullenness began to vanish, and more cheerfulness appeared in their conversation and business: so that the Attorney General and Judges went to make their visit to Don Francisco Tello, contriving with him the form and me∣thod whereby they were to make their application to his Majesty for a redress of these aggrievances which were designed against them: in pursuance of which, with the consent and advice of the Visitor, they named two Friers of good esteem, and two Burgomasters of the City Council, whom they deputed in behalf of the whole Kingdom to carry their address into Germany, where the Emperour at that time resided being employed in Wars against the Lutherans: with them the Visi∣tor sent his Letters of recommendation, giving his Majesty to understand, how much the suspension of the late Statutes concerned the Service of God, and of his Majesty: and the conservation of the common peace and quiet of that Countrey; and on the contrary, what inconveniences, troubles and confusions might result from the execution of them.

In all which particulars the Visitor performed his word like a Gentleman. For in his Letters to his Majesty, having in the first place given a relation of his voy∣age, and of what happened at his arrival in New Spain, he touched upon divers things relating to the execution of the New Statutes; remarking what in every Law might properly be restrained or enlarged: within this Letter he inclosed a paper containing 25 Heads, relating to such conditions as were proper and ten∣ding to the welfare of the Indians, and in what manner they might be best con∣served, and the Natives increased: howsoever the Articles were all for the most part in favour of the Spaniards who were Inhabitants of those Countries.

With these Dispatches the persons deputed to carry the Address embarked for Spain, and with them several others who were willing to be absent, to avoid the

force of these new Laws, howsoever some few days after they were published, the Visitor craftily and underhand began to insinuate and privately to put some of the new Regulations into practice. The most easie and safe way, as he thought, was to begin with the King's Officers, who could not reasonably complain of such Rules as their Master imposed on them; in pursuance whereof he acquitted the In∣dians of their services to them; in like manner he released them from all manner of service to Convents, Bishops and Hospitals; and hereof gave immediate ad∣vice to his Majesty.

In the mean time the Friers and Burgesses who were deputed to carry this Mes∣sage, departed from New Spain, and, having had a fair wind, gained a prosperous pas∣sage, and arrived safe in Castile, from whence they hastned with all diligence into Germany to represent their cause before his Imperial Majesty, and in regard the Wars in Germany were very hot, and the persecution of Monasteries and religi∣ous Persons which the Hereticks exercised in those parts were very grievous; the Friers thought fit to change their habit, and accouter themselves in the fashi∣on of Souldiers. In short, their negotiations at the Court were successfull, and speedily dispatched, having obtained his Majesties Royal hand for the ease and redress of their aggrievances, they, by the first Fleet, gave an account of the success of their affairs, and how prevalent the recommendations and report which the Visitor had given them were towards the relief and redress of their aggrievances.

So soon as these Dispatches arrived at Mexico, and that the Letters were read at the Common Council of the City; they all immediately repaired to the House of the Visitor, but in a far different manner, and with a more cheerfull aspect than when they first came to offer their petition, and considerations against the new Statutes: for now, without that sullenness of look which they formerly shew∣ed, they now with smiles and pleasant looks returned him many thanks for the Letter which he had so kindly wrote in their favour; by virtue of which they had obtained the Royal Mandate, which they delivered to him, commanding the Visitor to suspend the execution of the new Laws, untill farther Order; and moreover it was therein added, that his Majesty would speedily give directions for dividing the Countrey among the Conquerours and the Inhabitants thereof: and accordingly in the very next Fleet his Majesty sent a Commission to Don Anto∣nio de Mandoca, to make a distribution of such Lands as lay waste, and without any Possessour: all which gave such general satisfaction, that the Common Council of the City gave orders for a day of festivity and rejoycing to be solemnly cele∣brated; which was performed with Bull-baiting and other Sports and Pastimes in such manner as the like was never practised before: After which, all fears and jealousies vanishing, every man followed his pleasures and delights.

And farther, to confirm them in the Assurance that the new Laws should not be put in execution, an Instance was given them by the death of one of the Conquerours, who leaving a Widow without Issue; the Vice-king and the Vi∣sitor ordained, that the Indians who were his Subjects, and whom he held in villenage, should still continue in the same condition, subjected to the Widow of the deceased; the which action took away the remainder of the jealousie they apprehended concerning the Practice of the new Statutes.

Thus Don Francisco Tello having performed all matters in New Spain in the man∣ner as we have related, and setled every thing according as he was commanded by his Majesty, he returned again to Castile, where he was preferred by his Ma∣jesty to be President in the Courts of Judicature in Granada and Valladolid, and made President of the Royal Council of the Indies: and in the month of Decem∣ber, 1566. his Majesty conferred upon him the Bishoprick of Osma.

Thus much shall serve to have said concerning the new Laws and Constitutions in Mexico: We shall now proceed to give a relation of the many sad misfortunes and calamities which were the consequences of them in Peru, where all things being managed in a different manner to those of Mexico, occasioned great Disor∣ders in that Empire: the riches whereof being great, it was necessary to use the more severity and rigour to put the new Statutes in practice: whence proceeded so many slaughters, ruines, robberies, tyrannies and cruelties that we are not able to describe the tenth part of those Miseries which Spaniards and Indians of both sexes and all ages sustained in that great tract of Land where was nothing but Misery and Confusion for the space of 700 leagues together.

The End of the Third Book.

Royal Commentaries. BOOK IV.

CHAP. I.

Of the Accidents which befell the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela so soon as he landed on the Continent and on the Con∣fines of Peru.

IN the preceding History we have given a Relation of the happy and prospe∣rous State of Affairs in the Kingdom of Mexico, caused by the Moderation, Wisedom and good Conduct of the Visitor Don Francisco Tello de Sandoval: We are now, on the contrary, obliged to make a Relation of the Ruines, Slaughters and other Calamities of the Empire of Peru, caused by the Rigour, Severity and Evil disposition of the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, who so obsti∣nately, against the opinion and sense of all his Council and Officers, pursued the design of putting the new Statutes into practice, that for want of due conside∣ration of what might conduce to his Majesties service, he put the whole well∣fare of the Empire into danger: We have formerly mentioned, how that the two Fleets bound for Peru and Mexico separated each from the other in the Gulf or Bay of Las Damas; and steering thence a different course, the Vice-king with a prosperous Wind arrived at Nombre de Dios, on the 10th of January 1544. from whence he travailed to Panama, where he manumitted, or set at liberty great num∣bers of Indians, and freed them from their duty and servitude to the Spaniards, who had brought them from Peru, and caused them again to return thither; the which action was displeasing and ill resented on all sides; for that the Spaniards were highly troubled to be deprived of the Vassalage of their Indian Servants whom they had instructed and taught to be industrious: and they themselves being tur∣ned Christians, and inured to the service of the Spaniards, and domesticated in their families, were unwilling to quit their Masters. And though it was often insinuated to the Vice-king that this action would prove to the disservice both of God and the King, to exempt the Indians from their servitude to the Spaniards; in regard that such of them as had declared and professed themselves Christians, could not long continue in that state; but so soon as they returned to the power of their Caciques, would renounce Christianity, and revert to their old prin∣ciples and Sacrifices to the Devil. Moreover, they represented unto him, that though his Majesty ordained that the Indians should be set at liberty, yet he com∣manded, that they should be free to reside where they pleased, and not be for∣ced against their own wills to return unto Peru, and with so little Provision and ill accommodation, that it was almost impossible for them to be sustained, but that most of them must perish in the voyage thither: To all which the Vice-king

made no other reply than that such was the express command and pleasure of his Majesty, from which he was resolved not to deviate in the least tittle: and accordingly he sent his Orders to all Masters of Indians, that they should immedi∣ately set their Indians at liberty, and furnish them with provisions for their voy∣age: in pursuance of which Command 300 Indians were embarked, and dispat∣ched away, but so ill accommodated and provided in the Ship, that many of them were starved with hunger, and others being landed and left to shift for them∣selves on the coast, perished with famine and the hardship they sustained in that desolate Countrey. Such persons as undertook to dissuade the Vice-king from putting the new Laws into practice, offered many Reasons to the contrary, repre∣senting unto him the many late unhappy Civil Wars which would easily be re∣newed by a People whose humours were already in a fermentation, and disposed to make insurrections.

These Discourses being displeasing and ungratefull to the Vice-king, moved him to unhansome expressions, and to tell them that such Motions as those were punish∣able, and that, were he in a place within his own jurisdiction, he would advance the Promoters thereof unto the Gallows: the which angry and rude Answer gave a check to all Addresses intended to be made to the Vice-king of this matter.

Blasco Nunnez remained twenty days in Panama, during which time the She∣riffs and Justices of the City received several advices of the state of Peru, in which two things were very considerable: One was, that upon the advice of the co∣ming of the new Rules, the Conquerours of Peru were all in a Mutiny, and in great Discontent: And the other, that it was impossible to put the same in exe∣cution without great danger of subverting the whole Government: For that it being but lately since the Battel was fought, wherein Vaca de Castro overthrew Diego de Almagro the younger, with the Slaughter of 350 men: and that those who survived esteemed that the dangers they had sustained by the suppression of this Rebellion was a piece of such service to his Majesty as deserved a high re∣ward, rather than the least diminution of their Estates and Privileges. Howso∣ever the Justices and Officers, being acquainted with the humour and disposition of the Vice-king did not think fit to inform or press him farther, supposing that upon his arrival in Peru, having seen and observed the nature and constitution of those Countreys, he would be more easily convinced, and more apt to receive the impressions of better Councils: but the Vice-king, being of a froward and petulant disposition, easily moved with the least occasion, resolved not to suffer the Judges to associate or go in company with him; swearing, that before they came thither, he would effect and compass all matters, according to the Rules and Laws which were prescribed.

Carate, who was then Governour of Panama, being at that time sick and in his Bed, the Vice-king made him the Complement of a Visit before his depar∣ture: when Carate told him, that since he was resolved to depart without the attendance and company of the Judges, he earnestly desired and heartily admo∣nished him to enter into the Countrey in a mild and gentle manner, and not to propose or attempt to put any of the new Laws into execution or practice, untill the Courts of Justice were erected and setled in the City of Los Reyes; and till he was fully possessed of the Power and Authority of the Countrey; for before that time such an enterprize would not be feasible, nor prove honourable for his Majesty; nor conduce to the welfare of the People or conservation of the Go∣vernment: And in regard that several of those new Laws which he designed to put in execution were very rigorous and oppressive on the People; he advised him to suspend them, untill he had given his advice thereupon unto his Majesty, with his opinion of the mischiefs which might accrue thereby; and that if, after all this, his Majesty should continue his Pleasure to have them executed; it might then be more seasonable to promulge and put them in practice, for that by that time he might be able to get into Power, and establish himself in the Govern∣ment. All which, and many other things, were declared to him by Carate; but he not relishing them, being contrary to his humour, served onely to move his Choler, and cause him in a passion to swear, that he would, without other preamble or address to the King for other Instructions, immediately execute the new Laws, without the help or assistence of the Judges; who upon their arrival in Peru, should find that he had no need of their help to enforce those Laws.

In this manner, without other attendance than his own private Family, he em∣barked, and on the 4th of May he arrived in the Port of Tumbez, from whence he travailed over Land, and all the way he went, he published the new Orders, and caused them to be executed and obeyed, laying a Tax or Imposition on the People according to the numbers of those Indians they held, and taking them a∣way from others, caused them all to be held as of the King.

In this manner he passed through Piura and Truxillo, proclaiming the new Laws as he went, and causing them to be executed, without admitting any Petition or Argument thereupon. And though the Inhabitants alledged that this method of proceeding was not justifiable without hearing the Objections they had to produce unto the contrary, and that the Laws were not to be enforced without knowledge of the Cause, or publication of his Power, or Commission in a Court of Judica∣ture; it being expresly signified by his Majesty that those new Laws were to be published in Court in presence of the Vice-king and four Judges. Howsoever the Vice-king, unmoved by any reasons or persuasions proceeded resolutely to exe∣cute them, threatning those who refused to obey them, the which struck great terrour and confusion into the minds of the People, considering that the Laws were general and comprehensive of all sort of People without any qualification or restriction. And herein this Vice-king was so positive, that so soon as he was landed on the Coast of Peru, he dispatched his Emissaries before him to the City of Los Reyes, and to Cozco; giving them to understand, that he being arrived with∣in those Dominions, the whole power and authority as Vice-king devolved upon him, and that thereupon the Commission and Command of Vaca de Castro was superseded.

Some few days before these advices were brought to the City of Los Reyes, the whole tenure of the new Regulations dispatched from the King by Blasco Nunnez Vela were made known by the Copies which were dispersed in all places; so that the Corporation of Los Reyes dispatched away the Advices thereof to Antonio de Ribera and John Alonso Palomino, desiring them to make Vaca de Castro acquainted therewith; but he was not ignorant before of all that passed; for his Servant in Spain called James de Aller, being informed of the new Statutes and Regulations, speedily posted with them to his Master in Cozco, so that he was informed of eve∣ry particular before the Vice-king arrived.

Thus far is reported by the Writings of Fernandez de Palentino, and generally all the Historians agree with him in the same Relation.

CHAP. II.

Judge Vaca de Castro goes to the City of Los Reyes, and discharges those who went with him upon the way. The great noise and disturbance which the Execution of the new Laws occasioned, and the mutinous words which the People uttered thereupon.

THE Governour Vaca de Castro having received information of the approach of the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, and of the tenure of the Laws which he brought with him, and that he put them in execution with all the vigour ima∣ginable, without hearing any man speak or admitting any Petition to the contrary; he thought fit to secure his own interest and party by a due compliance with him; in order whereunto he went to the City of Los Reyes, there to receive him for Vice-king. And though the Corporation of the City of Rimac sent their Emis∣saries Antonio de Ribera and John Alonso Palamino to him, and also others from the City of Cozco and other parts, persuading him not to goe in person to the Vice-king, but rather to send a Message to him in the name of all the People, desiring him to suspend the execution of the new Laws. And whereas this Vice-king by

reason of his rough and obstinate humour, had rendred himself uncapable of Of∣fice by not giving ear to the complaints and aggrievances which his Majesty's good Subjects offered to him; shewing nothing but fierceness in the execution of mat∣ters of the smallest moment, they were generally of opinion that he should be rejected and not admitted to the Government; and that in case Vaca de Castro would not concurr with them herein, they did not doubt but to fix upon another person who should join with them in the opposition which they intended to make.

By this obstinacy and fierceness of the Vice-king all Peru was put into a flame, and the humours of the people into a fermentation: there was now no other talk or discourse over all Peru than of the new Laws, the contents of which the Mes∣sengers of the Vice-king, whom he had sent before to take up his quarters, had openly divulged in all places: and thereunto the rumour of the people, as is com∣mon in such cases, had aggravated the severity thereof, the more to provoke and incense the people. Hereupon Vaca de Castro prepared himself for his Journey to Los Reyes; and being upon his departure from Cozco, he was accompanied with a numerous Train of Citizens and Souldiers; for being a person well beloved, there would not have remained so much as one person in the City if he would have ac∣cepted of their attendance; and, being on his way, he was met by Messengers from the Vice-king giving him to understand, that his Commission for the Go∣vernment was now superseded by his arrival in those parts, and that he was to re∣ceive and acknowledge him for the chief Governour of that Countrey; to all which Vaca de Castro chearfully submitted, and desisted from exercising the power of his Office: but before that time, by a Writing under his hand, he had be∣stowed and settled several Plantations of Indians on certain persons, who had by their services and sufferings well deserved the favour and reward of his Majesty, being such of whose merits he had been an eye-witness, or at least had received sufficient Testimonials of their loyalty and good services before he came to the administration of the Government. The Messengers which the Vice-king sent before to provide for his entertainment, gave a relation in all places in what man∣ner the new Laws were put in practice and how enforced; how he had freed the Indians in Panama from their duty and vassalage to the Spaniards, against whose will, and in despight of whom, he had embarked and sent them away to Peru; how he had in Tumpiz, St. Michael's and Truxillo laid a Tax upon some Lands, and freed others, and settled them all in Capite to be held of the King, according to the rules prescribed by the new Laws, without any consideration of difference or distinction of cases, but made all things equal without admitting of provisoes, or reservations, or hearing what any man had to alledge; but with an unshaken resolution pretended that so was his Majesty's pleasure. The which so much en∣raged the people who accompanied Vaca de Castro, that most of them returned back to Cozco without so much as taking their leave of the Governour, pretending that they could not appear before a man so fierce and arbitrary without danger of being by him condemned to the Gallows: Howsoever they gave out, that when the Au∣ditours and Justices came, they would then appear to give in their plea and rea∣sons against such proceedings; yet in the mean time they seemed to act like dis∣contented persons, professing openly their aggrievances and dissatisfaction: for when they came to Huamanca they took away all the Artillery which had been lodged there ever since the defeat of Almagro and carried them away to Cozco; the chief Authour of which enterprise was called Gaspar Rodriguez, who, by the help of great numbers of Indians, carried them away to the dissatisfaction of all those who either saw or heard of the action. Vaca de Castro, having intelligence hereof, proceeded on his Journey, and by the way it was his fortune to meet with a certain Priest called Baltasar de Loaysa, who out of kindness told him, that in the City of Los Reyes the people spake hardly of him; and therefore he advised him to be wary and to go well attended both with Men and Arms. Vaca de Castro making use of this information, desired those Gentlemen, who came in his com∣pany and entred into his attendance, that they would now be pleased to leave him and return to their own homes: and that such who were unwilling so to doe, and were desirous to continue with him; yet at least, that they should quit their Lances and Fire-arms; though it were the practice at that time, as well as many years after, to travel both with offensive and defensive Arms. Accordingly his Friends that accompanied him laid aside their Weapons, and by short journies

arrived at length at Los Reyes: the persons who were his associates were Lorenço de Aldana, Pedro de los Rios, Benito de Carvajal, a civil Lawyer, Don Alonso de Monte-Major and Hernando de Bachichao; whose arrival at the City of Los Reyes was so∣lemnized with great joy, though much abated by the apprehensions they concei∣ved of the severity of the new Statutes, and the inexorable and inflexible humour of the Vice-king, so different from the temper of his Predecessour. So soon as he was arrived he immediately dispatched away from thence his Steward called Jero∣nimo de Serena, and his Secretary Pedro Lopez de Caçalla with Letters to the Vice-king, congratulating his safe arrival, with offers both of his life and fortune to serve both his Majesty and his Lordship. Whilst these matters passed on the way between Cozco and the City of Los Reyes, other more unpleasing passages oc∣curred in the Journey between Tumpiz and Rimac, where the Vice-king, without any difference or consideration of circumstances, put the new Rules into executi∣on with all the rigour and fury imaginable, without giving ear to the defence or reasons which the Conquerours and Gainers of that great Empire could make or alledge in their own favour and behalf, saying, that so was the King's will and pleasure, which admitted of no delay or contradiction, or any thing besides pure obedience: Hereupon all the Citizens and Inhabitants, being generally concerned, were inflamed and inraged; for as Fernandez saith, there was not a man amongst them unconcerned; so that people began to talk loudly and scandalously against those new Laws, saying, that this course was the effect of the pernicious Counsels of evil men, and of such as being envious of the riches and power which those Conquerours had acquired, had for their own ends put his Majesty upon indirect means, and upon rigorours courses very prejudicial to the publick welfare, and persuaded him to see them executed by Officers inflexible and without reason: all which is fully reported by Gomara in the 155th Chapter of his Book, the Title of which is this,

The manner how Blasco Nunnez treated with those of Truxillo, and of the Reasons and Objections which the People gave against the new Rules and Statutes.

At length Blasco Nunnez entred into Truxillo to the great discontent and general sorrow of the Spaniards; for he immediately made Proclamation to impose a new sort of Tribute, and to affrighten men from bringing the Indians under vassalage; forbidding all people from oppressing, or causing them to labour without pay or against their inclinations: in fine, the Indians were all brought under vassalage to the King and no other. And though the people and several Corporations petitioned against the most oppressive Articles of the new Rules, being willing to admit of the Tributes and Taxes which were imposed upon them, and to free the Indians from their services; yet the Vice-king would hearken to no terms of composition or moderation, but positively persisted in the execution of the express commands of the Emperour, without any Appeal: All that they could get of him was this, that he would write and inform his Majesty how ill he had been advised in the constitution and establishment of those new Laws. Notwithstanding which fair words, the Inhabitants, who observed his inflexible disposition, began to mutiny; some said that they would abandon their Wives; others declared that those Women or Wenches which, by command of the Government, they had married and taken for Wives, they would renounce and cut them off from alimony and maintenance; others said it were better to have no Wives or Children to maintain than to want the subsistence and benefit of Slaves who might labour in the Mines for them, and in the works of Husbandry and other servile Offices, for their support and easiness of living; others requi∣red money, and the price of their Slaves, for which having paid the fifths unto the King, their brand and mark had been set upon them; others murmured and complained that their Services were ill rewarded, and their time ill employed, to have spent their youth and flower of their years in hardships and difficulties, and at last to be deprived of their Servants and convenient attendances in their old age; some shewed how their Teeth were fallen out with eating roasted Mayz during the time of War in Peru, and others opened and displayed their wounds and fractures of their Bones, and the bites of Serpents and venemous Creatures received in the enterprises they undertook to gain that Empire; in which also they had spent their Estates and shed their Bloud, and all to increase the Dominions of the Emperour, in reward for which he was pleased to de∣prive

them of those few Vassals they had purchased to themselves: and the Souldiers huft and muttered, that they would not concern themselves farther in new adventures, since they had no encouragement: but were resolved to live upon spoil and plunder on all hands.

The King's Officers and Ministers complained, that they were hardly dealt with, to be deprived of the vassalage of the Indians whom they had so kind∣ly treated and used in their Services: and the Friers and Clergy declared, that they should be unable to support and sustain their Monasteries, and Churches, and Hospitals, without the necessary services of the Indians. But none spoke more daringly and freely, both against the Vice-king and the King himself, then did Frier Peter Munnoz, of the Order of Merced, saying plainly, that his Ma∣jesty had ill rewarded those who had served him well; and that those new Laws smelt rank of interest and selfishness rather than of equity; for it was an intolerable injustice in the King, to take away those Slaves whom he had sold, and yet not return the money for them, and the price he had received; and that Monasteries, Hospitals and Churches, and the very Conquerours them∣selves should be divested of their servants and slaves, to make them vassals to the King: And, what was most unreasonable, in the mean time a double du∣ty and tribute was imposed upon the Indians; which was intended for their ease and relief, though in reality it proved their greatest aggrievance and oppressi∣on.

Thus far are the words of Gomara.

CHAP. III.

Of the Discourse and Reports the People of Peru raised a∣gainst the Promoters of the new Laws; and particularly against the Civil-Lawyer Bartholomew de las Catas.

SUch Liberty the People generally took in their Discourses against all those who had been Contrivers and Promoters of these new Laws, that they re∣ported a thousand evil things of them; and particularly of Frier Bartholomew de las Casas, who being notoriously known to have had a chief hand in these new Regulations, fell under the severe lash of their Tongues; for as Diego Fernandez, one of the first Adventurers and Conquerours of Peru, reports, they ript up a thousand Misdemeanours of which he was guilty before he entred into the pro∣fession of a religious Life; and particularly how he had endeavoured to make himself the Conquerour and Governour of the Island in Cumana; and that he had been the cause of the destruction and slaughter of many Spaniards; by the false reports he had given to the Emperour of the State of Affairs in Peru; making great and large Promises of advancing the King's revenue, and of sending vast quantities of Gold and Pearl to the Flemins and Burgundians, who resided in the Court of Spain. Many of those Spaniards who had been employed in the Con∣quest of the Isles of Barlovento, were well acquainted with Bartholomew de las Casas before he professed himself a Frier, and were well informed of the effect and success of the Promises he made touching the Conversion of the Indians in the Isle of Cumana; of all which Lopez de Gomara, in the 77th Chapter of his History writes so particularly that it is probable he might have received a Relation there∣of from some of the Conquerours of that Countrey; in confirmation whereof, and for the better authority of this his History; I will here insert the very Chap∣ter it self, the Title whereof is as followeth.

Chapter the 77th, wherein is contained a relation of the Death of those Christian Spa∣niards who followed Bartholomew de las Casas a Priest.

Bartholomew de las Casas, a Priest was in that time at St. Domingo, when the Monasteries of Cumana and Chirivichi were in their flourishing state and condition; and having heard a good report of the fruitfulness of that soil, of the gentle and pacifick humour of the Natives, and of the great abundance of Pearl which that

Countrey afforded; he sailed into Spain; and demanded of the Emperour the Government of Cumana, promising to improve and increase the Royal Revenue, which was much abated by the frauds and abuses of those Officers who had it in managemet. But John Rodriguez de Fonseca and Dr. Lewis Capatoa, and Secre∣tary Lopez de Conchillos contradicted him in his report and represented him as a per∣son uncapable of such office and emploiment, in regard he was not onely a Priest, but a person of ill fame and reputation, and ignorant of the Countrey, and of the state of those affairs which he pretended to declare. Howsoever, upon the pre∣tence of being a good Christian, and of a new method he proposed by a more ready way to convert the Indians, and upon promises of advancing the King's re∣venue, and sending them store of Pearls, he obtained the favour of Monsieur La∣••ao, Lord Chamberlain to the Emperour, and of several Flemins and Burgundians who were men of power and authority in that Court. At that time great quanti∣ties of Pearls were imported into Spain, so that the Wife of Xeures begged 170 *Marks of them which came on account of the King's fifths, and many Flemins and others begged great quantities from the King.* 1.4 He desired to have Workmen and Artificers to be sent with him, rather than Souldiers who were fit for no∣thing but to plunder and pillage, and to be mutinous and disobedient to Com∣mands: He desired also to be accompanied with a new order of Knights, who should wear a golden Spur and carry a red Cross of different shape and fashion to the order of Calatrava; which distinction, as it ennobled them, so also it was a testimony, that they went voluntarily, and of their own accord. Moreover, Or∣ders were sent to Seville to provide him with Ships and Seamen at the charge of the King: and with this equipage he arrived at Cumana in the year 1520, with about 300 Artificers, all wearing Crosses; at which time Gonçalo de Ocampo re∣sided at New Toledo; who was much troubled to see so many Spaniards under the command of a person of that ill character, and transported thither by order of the Admiralty and Council, because the Countrey was of a different nature to what it was reported to be in the Court. Howsoever, Bartholomew presented and shewed his Commission, requiring that, according thereunto, they should quit the Countrey, and leave it free for him to plant his People, and to govern the place: Whereunto Gonçalo de Ocampo made answer, that with all ready obedience he did submit thereunto; but howsoever he could not put those matters into execution without first receiving directions from the Governours and the Judges of St. Do∣mingo, by whose Commission he was placed in that station. And in the mean time he passed many a jest upon the Priest on certain occasions which had former∣ly happened, for he was well acquainted with him, and knew his humour and his conversation: sometimes he jeered his new Knights and their Crosses, all which the Priest would put off with a Jest, though he was inwardly troubled to be taxed with so many Truths which he could not deny: And in regard they would not give him admittance into the Town of Toledo, he built himself a House of Wood and Morter, near to the Monastery of St. Francis, which served him for a Magazine wherein to lodge his provisions, stores and instruments, during the time that he went to St. Domingo to make known his Complaints and seek a Re∣dress. Gonçalo de Ocampo went also, I know not for what cause or reason, whether on this occasion, or for some Law-suit he had with the People of that place; but certain it is, that all the Inhabitants followed him; so that the Town was aban∣doned by all excepting the Artisans and Mechanicks which he brought with him: The Indians, who were glad to make their advantages of these differences and quarrels amongst the Spaniards, took this opportunity to demolish their Houses, and to kill all the golden Knights and others which remained there, excepting some few who made their escape in a small vessel, so that there remained not one Spaniard alive in all the Coast where the Pearl is taken.

So soon as Bartholomew de las Casas, was informed of the death of his friends and the loss of the King's Treasury, he entred himself a Frier amongst the Dominicans; with which an end was put to all his great Actions; so he neither advanced the King's revenue, nor ennobled his Artisans, nor sent his Pearls to the Flemins and Burgundians, as he had promised: And thus far are the words of Gomara.

This and much more, to the prejudice and disparagement of Bartholomew de las Casas, was reported by those who found themselves aggrieved by the late new re∣gulations: though Gomara endeavours to mince and disguise much the matter:

but those of Peru, who speak more plainly of this matter, report, that he had turned Frier in discontent, because he was fallen under his Majesties displeasure, and feared lest he should be called to account for the false relations he had given of matters which he had never seen nor understood of the Countrey of Cumana; and because he was conscious to himself that he had been a principal Contriver of the new Statutes, upon the specious pretence of raising the King's revenue, and out of a zeal he shewed to the good and benefit of the Indians: but how real and sincere all this was, may very well be judged by his actions, of which people spake and talked more at large than can be expressed in this History. Diego Fernandes re∣ports, that this Frier Bartholomew was by the Emperour created Bishop of Chiapa, which is a Countrey in the Kingdom of Mexico, but he durst not go to his See, by reason of the many mischiefs which he had been the Authour of in the Indies. In the year 1562. I met him at Madrid, where he gave me his hand to kiss; but when he understood that I was of Peru, and not of Mexico, he was a little more reserved in his behaviour towards me.

CHAP. IV.

The Reasons which the Complainants gave against the new Regulations. And the manner how they prepared to receive the Vice-king.

MUCH and many were the Reasons which the Complainants produced a∣gainst the new Regulations, as well those of the City of Los Reyes as of all Peru. And the better to clear this point, we must observe, that both at Mexico and in Peru the Spaniards had then a Custome amongst them which continued untill 1560, (which was the year that I came from thence) to make choice of four Gentlemen of principal quality, in whom they could repose most confidence and trust, to be Officers of the Royal revenue, to collect the fifths of the King's gold and silver, in what part soever it did arise; and this was the first Tribute which the Catholick Kings imposed upon the new World. These Officers of the reve∣nue were Treasurers, Accountants, Factours and Comptrollers: and to them was committed the care (besides the fifths) to collect such Tribute from the Indians as became due by the death of the Inhabitants, who all held their Estates of the King.

Besides which Offices, the Spaniards every year, in all parts where they inhabi∣ted, made choice of two chief Constables in ordinary, one Judge and a deputy Judge, with 6, 8, or 10 Justices of the peace, more or less, according to the ex∣tent of the Countrey; and to them several other Officers were adjoined, to con∣serve the safety and welfare of the Commonwealth.

These Officers, as also all Governours, Presidents, Judges and other Ministers of Justice and their Deputies were concerned in the third ordinance: by virtue of which both they, and such as had been employed in Offices, were commanded to quit all claim, interest and power in and over the Indians.

In opposition whereunto the Complainants made this Reply. We, said they, at the hazard and expence of our Lives and Bloud, have gained this large Empire, which contains many Kingdoms and Dominions, the which we annexed to the Crown of Castile. In reward of these our services and adventures the Indians, which we now possess and retain in our services, were given and granted to us for two Lives: the which dominion and jurisdiction ought to be as firm and valid as the Seigniories or Lordships are in Spain. Now the reason why this privilege is ta∣ken from us is no other than because we are chosen to be Commissioners of his Majesties Royal revenue, and employed in the Offices of Justices of the peace and Judges.

If we have administred these Offices faithfully and without the prejudice or aggrievance of any person; what reason is there that we should be deprived of our Indians, onely because we are in the service of his Majesty, and bear our part

in the Government of the people. It had been better for us to have been Thieves, Adulterers, Homicides and Robbers rather than honest men, since that the Law is in force against the latter and not against the former.

With like liberty and freedom of speech, did those who were comprehended under the fourth Law vent their anger; namely, those who had taken party with the two Factions of the Piçarrists and Almagrians; by virtue of which (as Diego Fernandez observes) no person in all Peru could be master of Indians or Estates. What fault, said they, had we who obeyed the Governours and Magistrates which his Majesty had sent us, as both those were, and who acted by Commis∣sion from his Majesty: And if there arose private quarrels and animosities amongst themselves, by the instigation of the Devil, to which men diversly adhered; yet neither of these Parties acted against the Crown. And if one Party was in the wrong, and was guilty of Delinquency, yet the other acted for the King's service; and why then should they be equally punished by confiscation of their Goods and Estates with those who have offended; which seems to be such a piece of Inju∣stice as is not to be parallel'd by the tyranny of Nero, and seems rather to proceed from an arbitrary Constitution, to satisfie the lust and interest of certain persons, than from a desire tending to the welfare and good of the Subject.

To all which they added a thousand curses upon those who had contrived these new Laws, or counselled his Majesty to pass and sign them, and to order the exe∣cution of them with such severity, on pretence that it was for his service, and advancement of his Royal Crown.

If they (said they) had been at the Conquest of Peru, and sustained those la∣bours and hazards which we have done, they would have been of another mind than to make such Laws; nay rather, they would have been the first to oppose them. In confirmation whereof, they quoted several passages in History both an∣cient and modern, which might be compared to the civil Wars between the Al∣magrians and the Piçarrists; and particularly said they in the Wars of Spain, be∣tween those two Kings, Don Pedro the Cruel, and his Brother Don Henrique, to whose parties all the Noblemen and persons of Estates in Spain adhered on one side or the other, and actually served untill the death of one of them determined the quarrel; if a succeeding King, after the Wars were ended, should have depri∣ved all those who were engaged in this quarrel both of one side and the other, what troubles would it have created, and how would it have moved the spirits of all the powerfull men in Spain? The like which happened between the House of Castile and that of Portugal might be brought into example; as namely the Par∣ty which held for Beltraneja, who was twice sworn Princess of Castile, and in fa∣vour of her many of the chief Lords of that Countrey appeared; whom when Queen Isabella called Rebels and Traitours, the Duke of Alva replied, pray God, Madam, that we may overcome them, for if we do not, I am sure they will call us Traitours and prove us so too. To apply these particulars in History to the present case; what will become of us, said they, if the Successour to this King should seise on the Estates of those who were concerned in this War. Besides all which, they uttered many scandalous and seditious words, which we purposely omit not to offend the ears of the hearers; howsoever the contrary Party was highly incensed thereat, and both sides put into a fermentation, whence all those mischiefs were derived which afterwards happened.

But to return to the Vice-king, who was now on his Journey to Los Reyes; so soon as the Messengers from Vaca de Castro came to him, he received them to outward appearance kindly and with much respect, and gave them a speedy dispatch that they might return freely again to Los Reyes; where being returned, they rendred a sad relation of the rigour and severity wherewith the new Laws were put in exe∣cution, and of the rude and morose humour of the Vice-king, who admitted of no Pleas, or Petitions, or Appeals to the contrary; which served to add new fuel, and blow all into a flame both in Los Reyes, Cozco, and in all that King∣dom.

So that now they began generally to discourse, that they would neither receive this Vice-king, not obey the new Laws which he was putting into practice; for that they were well assured, that the very day that he entred Vice-king into Los Reyes, and his Laws were published, they should be no longer Masters of their In∣dians nor of their Estates; and that besides the point of taking their Indians from them, his Laws and new regulations included so many severe things, that all their

Estates were confiscated and their Lives endangered: for by the same rule that they took away their Indians from them, because they had been engaged on one side or the other, with the Almagrians or the Piçarrists, they might also take off their heads; which was a case intolerable and not to be endured, though they were reduced to the condition and lived under the notion of Slaves.

To such a pitch of mutinous humour the whole City of Los Reyes was incensed, that they had almost taken a resolution not to receive the Vice-king; which they had certainly pursued, had not the Receiver General, named Suarez de Carvajal, and Diego de Aguero, who were principal men of that Corporation, and greatly esteemed for their prudence and moderation, prevailed upon the people, and dis∣suaded them from that rash design: so that at length it was resolved to receive him in state, and with much solemnity; in hopes that by their services and humi∣lity, they might incline his mind to some sort of flexibility and good nature; at least that he might lend a gentle ear to the Pleas which they made for themselves, and in favour of those Laws which the Catholick Kings, and the Emperour him∣self had made in favour of the Conquerours and of those who had gained and sub∣dued this new World, with particular respect to the people of Peru, who having acquired this rich Empire, ought more especially to be cherished and favoured, as persons of highest merit and desert.

It being thus determined to receive the Vice-king, all the people decked them∣selves with their best ornaments and array, preparing themselves against the day of his entry into this City; when in the mean time Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, and Captain Diego de Aguero were scandalously treated by the people, who always mu∣tinied against them, whensoever as any thing went cross, or contrary to their hu∣mour; saying, that for their own interest they had solicited and persuaded them to receive the Vice-king; namely one of them being Receiver General of the King's Treasury, and the other having been in the late Wars; and both of them being Justices little esteemed the loss of their Indians, more in regard to their own interest than to the service of the Emperour.

In the mean time the Vice-king pursuing his Journey, put the new Laws in execution in all places wheresoever he arrived, with his usual severity and rigour without admitting any plea to the contrary; giving them to understand, that he stood in fear of none, but as a good Minister and Servant to his Master, he was to obey his commands without respect or regard unto any.

At length he came to the Valley called Huaura, where at the Inn he neither found Indian nor Provisions, nor any accommodation whatsoever; the which though in reality was caused by the default and omission of the Inhabitants of Los Reyes, whose duty it was to take care of the Provisions in the way for the Vice-king; yet he otherwise took it, and attributed the want thereof to Antonio de Solar, who was a Native of Medina del Campo, and a Citizen, because he was the chief Proprietor of that Valley; for which reason he was highly incensed against him, and more vehemently, when upon a white Wall of that Inn, which, as the saying goes, is the paper of bold and angry men, he saw this Motto writ∣ten, He that will drive me from my House and Lands, I will drive him out of this world if I can. The which Sentence being supposed to be written by Antonio Solar, or some other by his order, he conceived a mortal hatred against him, which though he concealed for a while, yet at length it burst out, as hereafter will be declared.

CHAP. V.

In what manner they received the Vice-king, the imprison∣ment of Vaca de Castro, and of the great trouble which it caused both to the Vice-king and the People.

THUS were the people discontented, sad and enraged (though they endea∣voured as much as was possible to conceal and dissemble it) when the Vice-king arrived about three Leagues distant from Rimac, where he was met by several Gentlemen of Quality, and particularly by Vaca de Castro, and Don Geroni∣mo de Loaysa, (Bishop of that place, afterwards made Archbishop) who came thither to conduct him to the City. The Vice-king received them all with much kindness and humanity, especially the Bishop and Vaca de Castro, entertaining no other discourse with them in the way as they travelled than what was of indiffe∣rent things, and of the pleasantness and fruitfulness of that Valley.

When they came to the passage of the River, he was met by the Garcidiaz de Arias, who was elected Bishop of Quitoo, who, with the Dean and Chapter of that Church and the rest of the Clergy, remained there in expectation of his co∣ming, and at their meeting there was much joy and chearfulness. And proceeding farther untill he came near to the City, he was met by the Jurats and Corporation of the City, accompanied with the Citizens and principal Gentry thereof; and, as all the three Authours do agree in their report, the Commissary of the King's Revenue, named Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, went forth in the head of them all; and being the chief of the Corporation, did in the name thereof offer an Oath to the Vice-king, whereby he was to swear that he would maintain the Privileges, Franchises and Immunities which the Conquerours and Inhabitants of Peru had received and did hold of his Majesty; and that in the Courts of Justice he would receive their Petitions and give ear to the Reasons they should offer against the new Regulations.

The Vice-king would swear no otherwise than that he would perform all that which was conducing to the King's service and to the benefit of the Countrey; at which many took exceptions, and said that he swore with equivocations and what would admit of a double meaning. Thus far are the words of Diego Fer∣nandez.

This Oath which the Vice-king took being onely in general terms, and which might admit of such a sense as he himself would be pleased to put upon it, was occasion of much discontent both to the Clergy and Laity; so that all their mirth was dashed, and every one turned sad and melancholy; saying, that nothing could be expected of good from such an Oath, which rather administred just cause to fear and suspect that in a short time they should be dispossessed of their Indians and Estates, which was a hard case for men of their age, who were grown old and infirm by the labours and hardships they had sustained in their youth to gain and conquer that Empire. Notwithstanding all which they conducted the Vice-king with great triumph into the City, under a Canopy of Cloth of Gold, sup∣ported by the chief Magistrates of the Town, in their Gowns of crimson Sattin lined with white Damask; the Bells of the Cathedral Church and of the Con∣vents rang out, and all sorts of musical Instruments resounded through the Streets, which were adorned with green Boughs, and triumphal Arches erected in various works and forms made of Rushes, in which, as we have said, the Indians were very curious. But yet so much sadness appeared in their countenances, that all the solemnity seemed rather a performance of some Funeral Rites than triumph for receiving a Vice-king; all their joy being forced and strained to cover an in∣ward grief which lay heavy upon their spirits.

In this manner they went in Procession to the great Church, where having ado∣red the most holy Sacrament, they conducted the Vice-king to the House of Don Francisco Piçarro, where he and all his Family was lodged.

Some few days after which, the Vice-king having notice of the great noise and stirs which were making in the Streets, by those who were upon their return to Cozco with Vaca de Castro, he presently suspected, as Carate in the fifteenth Chap∣ter of his third Book reports, and with whom other Authours agree; that Vaca de Castro had been the cause of all that noise and disturbance; for which reason he ordered him to be seised and committed to prison, and all his Estate to be seque∣stred.

The people of the City, though they had no very great kindness for Vaca de Castro, yet they petitioned the Vice-king in his behalf, desiring him, that since Vaca de Castro was one of his Majesty's Council, and had been their Governour, that he would not be so severe upon him as to commit him to the common Pri∣son, since that a person of his Quality, though condemned the next day to loose his head, might be secured in some decent and convenient Prison; whereupon he was sent to the Town-house, under bail of an hundred thousand Pieces of Eight, in which Sum the Citizens of Lima had engaged for him. With such ri∣gorous courses as these the people being much disgusted, many of them forsook the City, privately departing by few in a company taking their way towards Cozco, where the Vice-king had not as yet been received. Thus far are the words of Carate; the which is confirmed by Diego Fernandez almost in the same words, to which he adds, that Vaca de Castro remained a Prisoner in the common Gaol; his words are these which follow,

Such as remained behind in the City often met in several Caballs and Coun∣sels, lamenting together the misery that was come upon the Land and the Inhabi∣tants of it, bidding adieu to all the Riches, Liberty and Jurisdiction which they as Conquerours and Lords of Indians had gained and acquired, which would be a means to unpeople the Countrey, and to cause an abatement of the King's Cu∣stoms and other parts of his Revenue; and therefore they positively averred, that it was impossible that the King's Commands could be executed herein, or that ever there should be any new discoveries made, or Trade and Commerce maintai∣ned for the future; besides a thousand other inconveniences and damages which they alledged. And with this fear and distraction of mind was every man pos∣sessed, when some of the most principal persons, pretending to make a visit to the Vice-king, in hopes that he, having proved and had some experience of the Constitution of the Countrey, might be induced to alter his humour, or at least render it more flexible and easie; but so soon as any person touched on that string, though with the greatest gentleness and submission imaginable, he imme∣diately put himself into a passion, and by his authority forbade all farther discourse upon that point, obviating all objections with the name of the King's pleasure and command; which abrupt manner of treaty gave great discontent, and excited in the minds of men rancour and malice against his person.

Some few days after the Vice-kings reception, three of the Justices which re∣mained behind with Doctour Carate, who lay sick at Truxillo, came then to Town; upon whose arrival he immediately caused a Court to be called, and ap∣pointed a place of Judicature to be erected in the House where he himself was lodged, being the most convenient for his own accommodation, as also because it was the most sumptuous Chamber in all the City. He also ordered a stately reception to be made purposely for his Commission under the Great and Royal Seal, which was put into a Case covered with Cloth of Gold, and carried on a Horse decked with a Foot-cloth and Trappings of Tissue, the which was at each end held up by Judges of the City, clothed in Gowns of crimson Sat∣tin, and one of them led the Horse by the Bridle; the which was performed with the same solemnity as they used in Castile to receive the person of the King.

So soon as the Court was sate, they began to treat and enter upon business as well relating to Justice as Government, and herein he thought to render himself the more popular by favouring the cause of the poor, who generally are more pleased with revolutions and changes; than the rich. And now the Devil, who designed the downfall and ruine of this pernicious and evil Vice-king, began to disturb and disquiet all the Countrey, which was so lately settled after the troubles of an intestine War; the first commotion took its rise from an ill under∣standing between the Vice-king and the Judges, and indeed of all the Kingdom; for that the Vice-king resolving to carry on his work, in putting the new Laws in

execution, he little regarded the Petitions and Addresses which were presented to him from the City of Los Reyes, of Lima and other smaller Corporations.

Thus far are the words of Fernandez Palentino, in the 10th Chapter of his Book. And this Authour, farther discoursing of the humour of this Vice-king, and the shame the Devil owed him for being the cause of all those Commotions which were raised in the Countrey, and also that he was the occasion of that discord which ruines Kingdoms and destroyes Empires, and which particularly proceeded not onely to a quarrel between the Vice-king and the Conquerours of that King∣dom, but also to such a mortal feud between him and the Judges, as was not to be reconciled: And indeed herein the Judges had much advantage, for that they were men of great temper, discreet and unbiassed; who foreseeing the many incon∣veniencies which the rumour onely, much more the execution of the new regulati∣ons would occasion, dissuaded those rash proceedings, wherein they were the more positive, in consideration that this Kingdom, which was scarcely appeased and settled since the late Wars, and was still in agitation and commotion, would never be able to support such extravagant oppressions which would certainly be the cause of the total ruine and destruction of that Empire.

These plain representations made to the Vice-king, with intention and design onely (if it had been possible) to attemper his angry and froward disposition, served to little purpose and effect; for that his humour being wholly bent on his own obstinate resolutions, he termed all those who concurred not with him in the same opinion, rebellious to the King and enemies to himself. And farther, to widden these breaches, he ordered the Judges to remove from his neighbourhood in the palace, and to take other lodgings in other quarters for themselves. All which, and much more, so inflamed the minds of both parties, that sharp words and reparties frequently intervened between them: Howsoever, in regard the Jud∣ges for better administration of affairs, were obliged to keep fair with the Vice-king, they so concealed and dissembled their resentments, that their passions were not publickly made known. But because the resolution of the Vice-king to put in execution the new Laws, became daily more and more apparent and manifest; the Discontents and Quarrels arose daily to a higher degree, and those who were injured and prejudiced thereby became uneasie and impatient: And as Diego Fer∣nandez, in his 10th Chapter, saith, that the Judges considering the obstinate and inflexible humour of the Vice-king on one side to execute the new Regulations of the Emperour, to whom by reason of the distance of the place, no opportune or seasonable applications could be made for a moderation or redress; and that on the other side, in case they should condescend to be deprived of their Indians, it would be very difficult to recover that vassalage again: they were by these difficulties reduced to such a kind of Dilemma, that they were all distracted, and knew not which way to turn or resolve. Nor was the people onely confused and unquie∣ted by these thoughts; but even the Vice-king found himself reduced to an inqui∣etude and distraction of mind when he found the people mutinous, and turmoi∣led with a thousand fancies, and resolved to sacrifice their lives and fortunes ra∣ther than to submit tamely to their own destruction. As hereafter we shall find by the success. And thus far are the words of Palentino, which we have extracted ••verbatim from his own Writings.

CHAP. VI.

The secret quarrel concealed between the Vice-king and the Judges breaks out in publick. Prince Manco Inca and the Spaniards who were with him write to the Vice-king.

NOR did the quarrel between the Vice-king and the Judges contain it self within the limits of private resentments, but burst forth into the publick Streets and places of common Meetings: the which calling into the mind of the Vice-king that Motto or Sentence which he had read in the Inn of Huaura, be∣longing to Antonio Solar; and which he believed was either wrote by himself, or by his order; for which cause, as both Carate and Diego Fernandez report, sending for him and discoursing with him in private, and having given him some very severe terms and reprehensions, he gave order to have the gates of the palace shut, and calling his Chaplain to confess him, with intent to have him hanged on one of the Pilasters of the Court-yard, which leads towards the High-street. But Antonio Solar refusing to confess, his execution was suspended till such time as that his danger and case was divulged through the whole City, upon the rumour of which the Arch-bishop and all the persons of quality came to intercede for a pardon or suspension of Justice; and after great intercessions, all that they could prevail was for one day's reprieve, upon which he was committed to close imprisonment. But the fury and impetuosity of this choler passing over, he considered, that it was not convenient to put him to death, but rather to detein him in prison, and according∣ly he kept him under restraint without process of Law, Endictment or any Accu∣sation whatsoever, for the space of two months, untill such time as the Judges going on a Saturday to visit the prisons, were desired by some of the friends of Antonio Solar to make their enquiry concerning the state of his affair, with which though they were well enough acquainted before, yet, for form sake, they asked him the cause and crime for which he stood committed; to which he replied, that he knew not any; and then calling for the books of the prison to see what acti∣ons or process had been made against him; and finding none, and that the Keeper of the prison could assign no cause against him; the Judges, on the Monday follow∣ing made a Report to the Vice-king, that having visited the prison, they found that Antonio Solar had been there committed; and upon examination of the books, no crime or cause was entered against him; onely that he was there imprisoned by his order: Wherefore, in case no crime were laid to his charge, his imprisonment was not justifyable; and therefore according to the rules of Justice they could not doe less, than to set him at Liberty.

Hereunto the Vice-king replyed, that he was committed by his order, and that he intended to have hanged him as well for that Motto or Sentence which was wrote on the wall of his Inn, as also for several other scandalous reports he had vented against his person. And though he had no witness to produce in this mat∣ter, yet by the authority and privilege of a Vice-king he had power not onely to imprison him, but also to put him to death, if he so pleased, without rendering an account to any person whatsoever: to which the Judges replyed, that there was no Government but what was agreeable to Justice, and founded on the Laws of the Kingdom; and on these terms they parted, so that the Judges on the Satur∣day following freed Antonio Solar from the prison, and confined him onely to his own house, and speedily afterwards they set him at liberty. This manner of proceeding angred the Vice-king to the very soul, and provoked him to contrive some way of revenge, which he supposed he had effected in this manner, which was this; It seems that these Judges with their Servants were lodged and dieted in the house of one of the richest Citizens in the whole town; and had been there lodged and boarded by order of the Vice-king for a short time, untill they could otherwise provide for themselves. And now the Vice-king, thinking to doe them a discourtesie, recalled the aforesaid Order, forbidding the Citizens to entertain them longer upon pretence that it was not suitable to the King's honour nor to their own quality to lodge upon free-quarter, or to keep company with Citizens and Merchants.

To which the Judges gave for answer; That, as to their lodging, they could find no other convenient place, untill such time as they could hire a house by lease for some term of years; that for the future they would pay for their diet. And for matter of their conversation with Merchants, it was not unlawfull or prohibited; but, on the contrary, it was practised in Castile by all those who were of the King's Council, as being beneficial to them to understand by information from trading men all the transactions and businesses of the World. In this manner both parties remained at variance each with other, which was apparent at all times whenso∣ever occasion offered. In pursuance whereof one day Dr. Alvarez made Affidavit before a Master of Chancery, that he had paid a certain sum in Gold to Diego Al∣varez, who was brother-in-law to the Vice-king to have him nominated and pre∣ferred to an Office by the Vice-king; the which deposition he highly resented. Thus far are the words of Carate, and the same is again confirmed by Diego Fer∣nandez, almost to the same purpose.

For in this manner, saith he, the Vice-king and the Judges seemed like two dif∣ferent factions and parties; to increase which, so soon as Antonio Solar was set at liberty, he went privately about raising mutinies and discontents in the minds of the people against the Vice-king; to increase and inflame which they reported abroad many bad things which the Vice-king had said and done. And though all was so far from being true, that nothing of that nature did so much as enter into the thoughts or imagination of the Vice-king: yet by reason that Blasco Nunnez was hated and detested by the people, all the evil that was said of him found easie admittance, and he appeared as black as common same could make him; for such indignation the people conceived against him, that the name of Vice-king became as odious (though the first that ever governed Peru) as the name of King was to the Romans after they had expelled Tarquinius Superbus and his Family. Thus far are the words of Diego Fernandez Palentino.

Also Dr. Gonçalo de Yllescas, in his Pontifical History of the Popes, having oc∣casion to treat of the affairs of Peru, gives this Character of the froward and un∣easie disposition of Blasco Nunnez Vela.

After these things, says he, Vaca de Castro, for the space of a year and a half, quietly and peaceably governed all matters, untill such time as he was superseded by Blasco Nunnez Vela, a Gentleman of good quality, of Avola, who was sent thi∣ther with Character of Vice-king; bringing with him many severe Rules and Laws which he put in execution; over and above which he put in practice others for which he had no Commission; the which this Doctor Yllescas declares in a few words, and says more than all our Historians durst to say or write upon this particular subject.

Whilst these disturbances happened in the City Los Reyes the like mutinies or greater arose in other Towns and Corporations of less consideration. Howsoever, the like spirits of Ambition, Envy, Tyranny and Desire of Government did not so far prevail as they did in that City of Los Reyes.

And now dissention and quarrels over-ran all, and amidst these Turmoils, the poor Prince Manco Inca had the misfortune to be killed, though he remained content and quiet in his retirement, and became a voluntary exile, whilst other men striving for his Empire committed many murthers and slaughters, as appeared in the late Wars, and we might apprehend others more bloudy yet to come, in case it were possible for any to be more bloudy and cruel than those which were past.

And here it is to be noted; That Diego Mandez and Gomez Perez, with six other Spaniards whom we formerly nominated, and mentioned to have made their escape out of prison, where they had been confined by the faction of the Piçarros, and by the Justice of Vaca de Castro; and having taken refuge with this Inca, they by his means came to know and receive all the Informations and Advices con∣cerning the new Troubles and Dissentions arising upon the execution of the new Laws: for whereas it was reported that the Vice-king came to turn all things upside down, and to change and alter all the Constitutions of the Countrey; the Inca, who was encompassed within the craggy and lofty mountains, was informed by his Subjects of all these revolutions which he thought might be of benefit and concernment to him.

With this news Diego Mendez and his Companions were highly pleased, and persuaded the Inca to write a Letter to the Vice-king, desiring his Licence to be

enlarged from his retirement, and appear in his presence, and serve his Majesty in any thing, as occasion should offer: the Inca was induced at the persuasion of the Spaniards to make this Petition, who told him, that it might be a means to open a way to his recovery of the whole Empire, or at least of the best part of it. The Spaniards also wrote as from themselves desiring a pardon for what was past, and a protection or safe conduct in the attendance of his Lordship, to per∣form their duty to him.

Gomez Perez was the person appointed and elected to be Ambassadour from the Inca, attended with 10 or 12 Indians, who by command of the Inca were or∣dered to doe him service; and being come to the Vice-king, he presented his Letters of Credence to him, giving him a large relation of the State and Condi∣tion of the Inca, and of his true and real designs to doe him service. The Vice-king joyfully received the news, and granted a full and ample pardon of all crimes, as desired. And as to the Inca he made many kind expressions of love and respect, truly considering that the Interest of the Inca might be advantageous to him both in War and Peace. And with this satisfactory Answer Gomez Pe∣rez returned both to the Inca and to his own Companions, they provided to be gone, and with all convenient speed to attend the service of the Vice-king; but Blasco Nunnez Vela was not so fortunate as to obtain and enjoy so great a good, for now ill success attended him in every thing, as will appear in the following Chapter.

CHAP. VII.

Of the unfortunate Death of Prince Manco Inca, and of the Mutinies which arose amongst the Spaniards by reason of the new Laws.

THE Inca, to humour the Spaniards and entertain himself with them, had gi∣ven directions for making a bowling-green; where playing one daywith Go∣mez Perez; he came to have some quarrel and difference with this Perez about the measure of a Cast, the which often happened out between them: for this Perez, be∣ing a person of a hot and fiery brain, without any judgment or understanding, would take the least occasion in the world to contend with and provoke the Inca; who notwithstanding being a very discreet person and of good temper, did moderate and disguise his passion, and would not refuse to play with him, as he did with other Spaniards, who were more obliging, and less offensive in their gaming; but Gomez Perez, being puffed up with the late favours he had received from the Vice-king, and with the hopes he had in a short time to disengage himself from that place, became more rude and insolent towards the Inca than he had formerly been; treating him with the same terms that he did those poor Indians who were his ser∣vants and slaves. At length Gomez Perez became so intolerably insolent, that, play∣ing one day with the Inca, he so affronted him, that, being no longer able to en∣dure his rudeness, he punched him on the breast, and bid him to consider with whom he talked. Perez, not considering in his heat and passion either his own or the safety of his Companions, lifted up his hand, and with the Bowl struck the Inca so violently on the head, that he knocked him down: The Indians hereupon, being enraged by the death of their Prince, joined together against Gomez and the Spaniards, who fled into a house, and with their Swords in their hands defended the door, the Indians set fire to the house, which being too hot for them, they sallied out into the Market-place, where the Indians assaulted them and shot them with their Arrows untill they had killed every man of them: and then after∣wards, out of mere rage and fury they designed either to eat them raw, as their custome was, or to burn them and cast their ashes into the river, that no sign or appearance might remain of them; but at length, after some consultation, they agreed to cast their bodies into the open fields, to be devoured by Vulters and

birds of the air, which they supposed to be the highest indignity and dishonour that they could show to their Corps.

This was the fate and unhappy destiny of the poor Prince Manco Inca, to perish by the hands of one whom he had protected, and nourished, and entertained with all the hospitality he could show: thus we see, when a man's time is come, that neither his voluntary exile, nor the inaccessible rocks to which he was fled for refuge, were able to defend him from the stroke of a rash fool and mad-man, who was destitute of all sense and reason. Francisco, Lopez, in the 156th Chapter of his Book touches upon this particular point, though he differs some∣thing in the relation of the manner and circumstances of his death: but I have in∣formed my self very perfectly from those Incas, who were present and eye-witnes∣ses of the unparalled piece of madness of that rash and hair-brained fool; and heard them tell this Story to my Mother and Parents with tears in their eyes, re∣lating in what manner they came out of those mountains in company with Inca Sayri Tucac, son of that unfortunate Prince, by order of the Vice-king Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoça Marquis of Cannete; all which we shall (God willing) re∣late when we arrive at the due and proper place.

The Devil, who is the mortal enemy of mankind, being always vigilant and in∣tent to take his advantages, did now make use of this opportunity to give a stop to the propagation of the Gospel in that great and opulent Empire of Peru; and to promote and further his design herein, he dispeeded his Emissaries into all parts, who insinuated jealousies, and fears, and discontents into the minds of the people; which so prevailed, that a stop was given to the preaching and spreading of the Gospel: and all that peace, concord and good correspondence which flourished du∣ring all the Government of Vaca de Castro, was now totally subverted and brought to confusion. But this Sedition, by the endeavours of evil spirits, was blown in∣to a flame, and highly increased in the City of Cozco, where being above eighty families of principal Citizens, more concerned than any others in the vassalage of Indians; the new Ordinances became more grievous to them than to others, whose interest was not so great: howsoever the discontent was general over all Peru, for the Conquerours were sensible of their loss, seeing themselves deprived in one day of all their Indians, fortunes and estates.

These Mutinies and Discontents of the People incensed the hot and violent spirit of the Vice-king to a higher degree; so that he rejected all Petitions and Addresses from particular Cities, Boroughs and Corporations: for which reasons, the four Cities, namely, Huamanca, Arequepa, Chaquisaca and Cozco resolved to join together in the Address, wherein they thought they might be the more plain, in regard the Vice-king had not as yet been received in any of those places: and to promote their desires declared in that Address, they made choice of a General So∣licitour, who was not onely to represent the Case of the four Cities, but also thereby included the common concernment of the whole Empire, inasmuch as Cozco was the head and capital City of Peru. The whole matter was negotiated by an intercourse of Letters, and by common consent Gonçalo Piçarro was the per∣son fixed upon as the most proper person to act in this affair; both because he was brother to Marquis Francisco Piçarro, and a man of great interest, having been a chief Actour in the Conquest, and sustained therein all the hazards and hardships we have before, though in brief and imperfectly, expressed: he was moreover as to his extraction noble, in his condition vertuous and generally beloved: besides all which, had he not been elected and appointed thereunto, yet he had a right to this Office, in respect to the Title he had of being the Protectour and Defen∣der of all the Indians and Spaniards in that Kingdom. Upon these Considerations general Letters were wrote from the Corporations of the four Cities to Gonçalo Pi∣çarro, who was then at his Plantation in the Charcas, desiring him to come up to Cozco, to consider with them what course was to be taken in this Conjuncture for the good and safety of the common welfare; and to move him hereunto, they acquainted him that he was most concerned of any in this affair; for, besides the loss of his Indians, he was in danger of his Life; for that the Vice-king had often said and declared, that he could produce a Command from his Majesty to take off his head. Piçarro having received these advices, gathered what money he could make of his own Estate, and of what belonged to his Brother Hernando Piçarro, and with ten or twelve Friends in company travelled to Cozco, where, as Carate saith in the fourth Chapter of his fifth Book, the whole City went forth to meet

and welcome him, being overjoyed at his coming; and every day people fled from Los Reyes to the City of Cozco, reporting sad stories of the practices of the Vice-king, which served to enflame and stir up the minds of the People and Ci∣tizens to Sedition. Many Meetings and Consultations were now held by the Magistrates of the Town, where the Judges were assembled with the generality of the chief Citizens. And coming to treat upon the matter, how they were to treat and receive the Vice-king when he should come thither, some were of opi∣nion that they should not refuse to receive and entertain him; but as to the new Statutes and Laws, they should not be admitted untill they had by their Messen∣gers represented their Case unto his Majesty, and received his farther pleasure thereupon. Others were of a contrary sense, and said, that having once admitted of those Laws, and suffered themselves to be deprived of their Indians, they should with much difficulty retrieve them again. In fine, It was agreed and resolved, that Gonçalo Piçarro should be the person elected for the City of Cozco, and that Diego Centeno, who was constituted Plenipotentiary for the City of Plate, should delegate his power to Piçarro, whereby being authorized and endued with a ge∣neral and common power from several Cities; he might with greater confidence and assurance appear at the City of Los Reyes in presence of the Vice-king. But before the matter was concluded there arose many debates upon the point, whether Piçarro were to be attended with Souldiers and Guards for his person; and after some dispute it was agreed, that he ought to be guarded and defended with Souldiers; for which many reasons were produced; as first, that the Vice-king had already beat up his Drums in Los Reyes, and had declared, that he would march against those who had seized the great Guns and carried them out of the Fort, and punish them as Rebels to the King: and moreover, considering the mo∣rose and angry temper of the Vice-king, who was inflexible in his humour and resol∣ved never to admit the Addresses of those, who petitioned for a suspension of the new Laws; which he put in execution without the concurrence and assent of the Officers of the King's Court, which was contrary to his Instructions from his Ma∣jesty. And likewise considering what he had often declared, that he had his Ma∣jesty's Command to cut off the head of Gonçalo Piçarro, as an Actour and evil In∣strument in the late unhappy Wars, and a Conspiratour in the Murther of Don Di∣ego, and therefore they ought to appear open faced, and defend themselves with Armes; but others, who were more moderate men, would not allow that a Guard should be granted on the reasons aforesaid, but rather on pretence that there was need and occasion thereof to defend the person of Piçarro on the way in his tra∣vails to Los Reyes, being to pass a dangerous Countrey infested with Wars and Soul∣diers belonging to the Inca. But others who would speak more plainly, and not mince the matter, declared openly that the Souldiers were designed to defend their Agent or Messenger from the implacable spirit of the Vice-king, who observing no Laws of justice or reason, there could be no security for any man to treat with him: And as to other proceedings by way of Witnesses and Informations, little could be effected, having to deal with Proctours and Clerks of his own; who would confound all businesses, and make them to turn according to his own will and pleasure; so that being deprived of all ways of Law and Justice, there was no other means left, than to have recourse unto Arms, and to repell force with force; and that a Judge who availed himself on violence and on law, was to be set at defiance and openly resisted. The matter being thus resolved; Gonçalo Piçar∣ro set up his Standard, to which the Citizens flocked in great numbers, offering both their persons and estates and vowing to dye in maintenance of that quarrel.

Thus far are the words of Augustine Carate in the fourth Chapter of the fifth Book of his History of Peru. That which now follows, are the words of Francis Lopez de Gomara in the 157th Chapter.

CHAP. VIII.

The Dissentions and Troubles are increased. The four Cities write to Gonçalo Piçarro, and elect him to be Procura∣tour or Agent General of all Peru. He raises men to march with him to the City of Los Reyes.

GOnçalo Piçarro living quietly and in retirement in the Charcas, was so solicited by the constant Letters which came to him from particular persons, who had attained to considerable estates, that he was at length persuaded after Vaca de Ca∣stro was gone to Los Reyes, to leave his dwelling, and repair to Cozco. Many of those who feared a deprivation both of their estates and vassalage of their Indi∣ans flocked to him; which numbers were increased by many who affected no∣velty; howsoever liberty was pretended and protection from the violent designs of Blasco Nunnez, who refused to incline to reason, to admit appeals, or to hearken unto any addresses; so that they were forced to have recourse to Arms, and to make choice of Piçarro for their Chief, whom they would follow and defend: but Piçarro, who was desirous to prove them and justifie himself, told them, that they would doe well to consider first, what they did, for to oppose the Commands and Ordinances of Regal Power, though by way of Petition, was to contradict the Authority of the Emperour himself. That War was a matter of great mo∣ment, and not lightly to be undertaken; that the management was laborious and painfull, and the success doubtfull; that he could not gratifie their desires in things which were contrary and in opposition to the King's service, or accept the charge of Procuratour or Captain for them: but they on the other side insisted on the justice of their cause, and the lawfulness of the enterprize; arguing that, if the design of conquering the Indians were justifiable, then likewise it was lawfull to bring them into vassalage; that it was not in the power of the Emperour to deprive them of the people and slaves which he once had given them, or recall his donation, having bestowed them on several persons in consideration of marriage. That it was as lawfull for them to defend the vassals which they had gained, and privileges; as for the Gentlemen of Castile their liberties, which were granted to them by the Kings, for having been aiding to them in the Wars against the Moors, and on the same terms might they insist who had wrested those dominions out of the hands of Idolaters. In fine, they concluded, that they were not resolved to trouble themselves about these Laws, or supplicate or intreat against them, for that they found no obligation in the least to acknowledge or receive them; notwithstanding all which, there were some who maintained the honour and the Loyalty which was owing to the King, and declared the folly of these men, who, upon pretence of maintaining their own rights and immu∣nities, contradicted and opposed that Loyalty to which they were all engaged, and made themselves States-men in matters of which they were all ignorant: but all this was to no purpose, to inculcate matters unto men who were deaf, and resolved not to hear or understand: but this rash language stopped not here, but proceeded to farther extravagances, and Souldiers began to speak ill of the Go∣vernment, and reflect upon the Emperour himself, imagining that such threats would mollifie his displeasure, and incline him to favour towards such brutes as themselves. To aggravate all which, they reported, that Blasco Nunnez was an unexperienced person in affairs, obstinate, an enemie to the rich men, an Almagrian, who had hanged a Priest in Tumbez, and hanged and quartered a servant of Gonça∣lo Piçarro, because he was an enemie to Diego de Almagro, for having brought the command for putting Piçarro to death, and for the punishment of those who had joyned with him in the battel of Salines. And to accomplish all the evil sayings which could be alledged against him, they reported, that he prohibited wine, and to eat spices and sugar, and to wear silk cloaths, and to travail with Hamocks or Bedding.

And thus, with these reports, some true and some false, Piçarro made his ends and advantages, being willing, and ready to take hold of any pretence to ground

his Title of Captain General or Procuratour General, supposing that he might, according to our Proverb, be enabled hereby, To enter in at the sleeve, and come out at the collar.

Thus was Piçarro chosen and elected Procuratour General of Cozco, which was the Metropolis of Peru; in like manner the Corporations of Guamanga, the Town of Plate, and other places concurred in the same choice, and the Souldiery gave him the Title of their Captain General, with full and ample Authority to be their Agent and Plenipotentiary, promising to stand to whatsoever he should a∣gree and consent unto in their names: And on the other side he took the usual Oath which is commonly administred on such occasions.

After this Piçarro set up his Standard, beat up his Drums, and seized all the Gold in the Exchequer belonging to the King: and there being a good Magazine of Arms at Chupas, he made use of them, and armed 400 men therewith both of Horse and Foot. Those persons who were concerned in the Government, name∣ly, Altamirano, Maldonado, Garçilasso de la Vega and others, considering farther of this matter, did upon second thoughts begin to repent of the power they had passed over unto Gonçalo Piçarro; knowing how fast he had them by the hand, when they onely had hold of him by the finger; howsoever they thought not fit to revoke their power, though privately, and in their hearts, they wished that they could handsomely have retracted it.

Thus far are the words of Francisco Lopez extracted verbatim from his own Wri∣tings. But, to explain the meaning of these Authours, who write something con∣fusedly upon this point, and seem to describe the minds of these people, as if they were overmuch prompted to rebellion, which afterwards too manifestly ap∣peared by the success. Howsoever we are to understand that when Gonçala Piçar∣ro was by consent of the people elected and chosen Procuratour or Adjutant Gene∣ral, they entertained no imagination or thought of vindicating their rights and privileges with the Sword; but their meaning onely was in an humble and plain manner to make their Address and lay their case before the Chief Governour, re∣presenting, as Loyal Subjects, their great merit in the conquest of that Empire, and annexing of it to the Crown of Spain: supposing that in case the Vice-king would onely vouchsafe to hear them; their cause was so just as could not be rejec∣ted even at the Bar or Judicature of the most barbarous Nations of the World.

This was certainly the true meaning and original intentions of the four Cities at the beginning, when they dispatched their Agents with full and ample power to signifie their concurrence in the election and choice of Gonçalo Piçarro to be their Representative: but such was the rude and turbulent spirit of the Vice-king, and the rumours and reports which every day filled the City of Cozco, concerning the extravagances which he acted; that Gonçala Piçarro thought it not fit to trust the safety of his person to bare Papers or the dead letter of Laws, though ne∣ver so much in his favour; but rather to provide in prudence to secure his person with Arms and a forcible defence, as we shall understand by the sequel of this Story.

And indeed herein Gonçalo Piçarro wisely considered, that he had to doe with a wild brute Beast, rigorous and positive to execute the new Laws; against whom there was no defence but power, for the Vice-king had often declared, that he brought with him a Command from the Emperour to take off his head; to secure which, he resolved to goe attended with a company of about two hundred Souldiers ap∣pointed for a guard to his person; but that he would neither carry Ensigns or Co∣lours, or name Captains, lest it should look too much like a martial force, or sa∣vour of a rebellion. And this doctrine was notified and interpreted by the Jud∣ges of every City, declaring that their intention was nothing, but to act by way of Petition for conservation of their own rights, which being so reasonable, they could not doubt but to obtain favour from their King and Prince therein; and upon this ground they advised Piçarro to dispose himself to act in form and man∣ner of one who was by way of Address to represent the state and condition of the peoples aggrievances; in regard they entertained no other thoughts and intenti∣ons than such as became loyal and obedient Subjects. To which Piçarro made an∣swer, that since they were well acquainted with the implacable spirit of the Vice-king, who had often boasted that he brought a Commission with him to take off his head; he could not but wonder, that they should send him bound to the hands of the Executioner; and with the glorious title of their Representative to

stand with his hands in his pockets untill the other should cut his throat. And therefore rather than go in such manner on this errant, he would chuse to return unto his own house and retirement, and there expect his fate, than to anticipate his death by going to the place of execution.

The Citizens seeing the resolution of Piçarro, and considering the reasons which he alledged, could not but concurr with him in his opinion as reasonable, and therefore permitted him to raise Men, under notion onely of his Guard and to defend him, as several Authours averr, in his passage through those Mountains, wherein the Prince Manco Inca had fortified himself. And with this license, and under this colour for raising Men, he increased his numbers to four hundred men, as Gomara saith, both Horse and Foot; and as some say to many more: which when the City observed, they began to repent them of their Election and De∣sign, which put on the face of a Rebellion rather than the humble guise of Peti∣tioners; against which way of proceedings many made their protests, and particu∣larly the three before named, as Gomara reports. Howsoever Gonçalo Piçarro pur∣suing his design, wrote very instant and urging Letters unto all parts, where Spa∣niards inhabited, and not onely to the three Cities before mentioned, but to the Plantations of Indians; addressing himself to them all particularly with such en∣dearing terms as might best affect them, offering to them his Life and Fortune to spend in their Service, either upon the present emergencies or upon any other oc∣casion which should occurr for the future: by which his design was no longer un∣der a dubious sense or disguise, but became clear and evident, as the three Histo∣rians write, for that he set up a claim and title to the sole Government of Peru, by virtue of an ancient Patent from the Emperour to his Brother Francisco Piçarro, constituting and appointing him chief Governour, and after him whom he should nominate to succeed him during life; so that the Government was given for two Lives, as was also the distribution of Indians, and those held by vassalage for two Lives, according to the original Grants given to the first Conquerours.

CHAP. IX.

Gonçalo Piçarro, having named and appointed his several Captains and Officers, departs from Cozco. The Vice-king in like manner assembles his People, and appoints Captains, and imprisons Vaca de Castro, and other prin∣cipal men of note and quality.

WITH this specious pretence Gonçalo Piçarro proceeded in raising Men, so that now it seemed rather an open War than an Address by way of Pe∣tition for relief against Oppressions; and to make his designs yet more manifest, he sent Francisco de Almendras (who was my Godfather) into the great Road lea∣ding to the City of Los Reyes, with a party of twenty Men besides Indians, care∣fully to intercept all persons that passed, not permitting any to travel thither, ei∣ther from Cozco or Rimac. All the Gold and Silver which was in the King's Trea∣sury he feised, as also the Estates of persons deceased, and Monies deposited; which he took up by way of loan, and to re-pay the same again with interest; all which he made use of for payment of his Souldiers, and carrying on his design. The Cannon which Gaspar Rodriguez and his Companions transported from Hua∣manca to Cozco, and which were many and very good, he seised upon, and took with him for his Train of Artillery; for the supply of which he gave order to make great quantities of Gun-powder, for compounding which they wanted not Salt-peter in abundance; for in the parts near Cozco the best Salt-peter is digged in all that Kingdom. The Captains named for his Army were Alonso de Toro Cap∣tain of Horse, who had formerly been Major General to Don Pedro Porto Carrero, Pedro Cermenno was appointed Captain of the Harquebusiers, John Velez de Guevara,

and Diego Gumiel were made Captains of the Lances, and Hernando Bachicao was made Master of the Ordnance, of which there were twenty excellent Pieces. Moreover Carate, in the Fifth Chapter of his Eighth Book, tells us, that he pro∣vided both Ball and Powder, and all sort of Ammunition necessary and required to his Cannon: And having thus prepared every thing in order to his evil intent, he then professed openly, that he and his Brothers having discovered that great and vast Continent, and by their Adventures, Hazards and Atchievements redu∣ced the same with the help and authority of his Majesty's Commission under his Royal Power, in return whereof he had remitted vast quantities both of Gold and Silver to his Majesty's Exchequer, as might evidently appear upon the List and Register. And that whereas after the death of the Marquiss, his Majesty was so far from settling the Government upon his Son or himself, as was confirmed by the Letters Patents, that in lieu thereof he sent to make seisure of their Estates, from which no person is exempted, who by one matter or the other is not con∣cerned and brought within the compass of these Rules and new Regulations; and to mend the matter, an obstinate person, one Blasco Nunnez Vela, was em∣ployed to put them into execution, who would neither receive Petitions, nor hearken to Reason, treating the people with injurious and severe terms, as might be easily proved by good and sufficient Witnesses; and likewise that he had sent a Commission to take off his Head, who had never disserved his Majesty, but on the contrary, as was manifestly known, had been loyal, faithfull and a good Sub∣ject, as was apparent to all the world. For which reasons as aforesaid he was re∣solved, with the consent and approbation of the City, to make a Journey to Los Reyes, there to complain in the publick place of Judicature of the aggrievances of his Majesty's good Subjects; after which they would dispatch Messengers to the King in the name of the whole Kingdom, to inform his Majesty of the truth of all that had passed, with their humble offers for a redress, not doubting but his Majesty would yield a gentle and a gratious ear thereunto; and when they had performed this their duty, and could receive no relief, they would then conten∣tedly acquiesce, and with humble resignation submit unto his Majesty's pleasure. And whereas they could not esteem themselves safe and secure from the designs and menaces of the Vice-king, who was marching against them with a Body of Men, they agreed, that this their Plenipotentiary should likewise be attended with a Body of Men, merely for the security of his Person, and to remain onely on the defensive part. And with this design onely and no other, he exhorted the Souldiers that they would keep Order and Military Discipline to avoid surprise, and that he and the other Gentlemen who were his Associates would maintain and pay them as was reasonable, in regard they were employed for conservation of their Lives and Estates. And with such fair pretensions as these, he persuaded the people to joyn with him in the justification he had made of his cause, which being generally approved, they freely offered their Services to defend him to the last drop of their bloud: and in this manner he departed from Cozco, attended with the Citizens and Inhabitants as before mentioned. Thus far are the words of Carate.

With these preparations before-mentioned, which amounted unto five hundred Souldiers, and twenty thousand Indians to attend the Camp; for twelve thousand onely were requisite to draw and manage the Cannon and Artillery, Gonçalo Pi∣çarro departed from Cozco to march unto the City of Los Reyes, giving out that his design was no other than onely to petition and to treat; and being marched as far as Sacsahuana, being four leagues distant from the City, we shall leave him there a while and return to the Vice-king, to declare how matters passed between him and his Subjects in Los Reyes and other parts.

Though Blasco Nunnez Vela was settled in the seat of his Authority, and received for Governour of that Empire, yet he was uneasie and unable to relish the sweet∣ness of Power, by reason of those discontents and jealousies which the people con∣ceived in execution of the new Rules of Regulation; wherefore to secure his Per∣son from any treasonable attempt, and as a mark of his Authority and State, he gave order to Captain Diego de Urbina to raise and arm fifty Archebusiers to be his Life-guard, and attend his Person on all occasions, (as Gomara reports in the 158th Chapter of his Book.) And now none durst open his mouth to him, for suspen∣ding the practice of the new Laws; as Carate saith in the Fifth Chapter of the Fifth Book: And though a Petition had been preferred to him in open Court

from the Corporation of that City, where it had been publickly debated, yet he refused to hearken thereunto; and though he plainly confessed himself, that those Laws were prejudicial to the interest of the people, and could not be put in exe∣cution without dis-service to his Majesty, and that if those persons who formed and ordained them were here present, and had observed the difficulties and incon∣veniences that attended them, they would never have persuaded his Majesty to have constituted or enacted the same: and that though for these reasons he was resolved to send his Commissioners together with theirs to supplicate his Majesty that he would be pleased to recall those Ordinances, as inconsistent with the good of his People, howsoever in the mean time he could not suspend the execution, having Instructions and Commands from his Majesty to the contrary. Thus, far are the words of Carate, who, with other Writers, proceeds in this manner.

During this time the Road from Cozco was so stopped that all intelligence was intercepted, so that none was brought either by the Spaniards or Indian Messengers, more than that Gonçalo Piçarro was come to Cozco, where the people, who were fled from Los Reyes and other parts, flocked to him upon the news that there was like to be a Civil War. Whereupon the Vice-king and the Judges dispatched their Orders to the Citizens of Cozco, giving them to understand that their duty was to receive Blasco Nunnez for their Vice-king, and therefore those present Let∣ters were to summon them to appear forthwith at Los Reyes with their Horse and Arms. And though these Orders were intercepted on the Road, yet some Co∣pies of them were brought to Cozco by some persons who came by by-ways, the which so wrought upon several of the Citizens, that they accordingly came and made their appearance at Los Reyes to serve the Vice-king; as shall hereafter be declared.

Affairs standing upon these terms; certain intelligence came to the Vice-king of all that had passed at Cozco, which so alarm'd him that he gave immediate Or∣ders to increase his Army; to raise and maintain which having occasion for a good sum of Money, he caused the Money, being an hundred thousand Pieces of Eight, laden by Castro de Vaca on board a Ship for account of his Majesty, to be brought a-shore, and employed for the use and service to his Army.

The persons to whom he gave Commissions of Captains to command the Horse, were Alonso de Monte Major and Diego Alvarez de Cuero his Brother-in-law; of the Infantry were Martin de Robles, Paul de Meneses; and Captain of the Arquebusiers was Gonçala Dias de Pinnera: his Brother Vela Nunnez was made Captain General, Diego de Urbina Lieutenant General, and John de Aguire Sargeant Major. His whole Army besides Natives consisted of six hundred Souldiers, of which there were an hundred Horse, two hundred Fire-arms, and the rest were Pikes and Lances.

He caused great store of Fire-arms to be made, some of Iron, and some of Bell∣mettle; for he gave Orders to take down the Bells of the great Church, and to cast them into Muskets: he also made great quantities of Halberts. And because he suspected the affection and reality of the peoples good will towards him, he caused several false Alarms to be given, that so he might try in what manner the Souldiers and People would behave themselves if occasion were. And because he was jealous of the practices of Vaca de Castro with his Servants, and others of his Party to whom he had given the liberty of the City, under a confinement not to exceed the bounds thereof; he one day about Dinner-time caused an Alarm to be given, that Gonçalo Piçarro was near at hand, and had entred the Market-place with his Army: upon which occasion he gave Orders to Diego Alvarez de Cuero to seise on the Person of Vaca de Castro, who with other Officers took also Don Pedro de Cabrera, Hernan Mexia de Guzman his Brother-in-law, as also Captain Lo∣renço de Aldana, Melchior Ramirez, and Baltasar Ramirez his Brother, and carried them all together to the Sea-side, and embarked them upon a Ship belonging to the Fleet, commanded by Captain Jeronimo de Curbano, a Native of Bilboa: in a few days after which, he set Lorenço de Aldana at liberty, and banished Hernan Mexia to Panama, and Melchior and Baltasar de Ramirez to Nicaragua; but he con∣tinued Vaca de Castro in the Ship, without making any Process by Law, or legally laying any Fault or Crimes to their charges, or receiving any information against them. Thus far are the words of Augustine de Carate in the sixth Chapter of his Book.

CHAP. X.

Two of the Inhabitants of Arequepa revolt to the Vice-king, with two of the Ships belonging to Gonçalo Piçarro, and the Citizens of Cozco desert his Army.

WHilst the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez was troubled with these thoughts and fears, a lucky accident happened much to his advantage and satisfaction; for two persons which belonged to the City of Arequepa, one of which was cal∣led Jeronimo de Serna and the other Alonso de Carceres, seised upon the two Ships in that Port belonging to Gonçalo Piçarro, which he had bought with his own money, with intent to ship his Ammunition and Provisions thereupon, and with them to be Master of those Seas, which was of great and high concernment to him: these two persons, as we have said, corrupted the Mariners, and persuaded them to sail the Ships to Los Reyes, where the Vice-king resided, who received them with great joy and contentment; for thereby perceiving that the Forces of his Enemy were wavering, and enclining to his side, he took it as a good Omen of his fol∣lowing success.

In the mean time it happened out in the Army of Gonçalo Piçarro, which we left in Sacsahuana, that the Citizens which belonged to Cozco, reflecting within themselves upon the design in which they were engaged, and considering how unbeseeming and improper a matter it was to petition for Justice with Arms in their hands, which ought to be performed in a more humble and submissive man∣ner; it was agreed amongst the principal men amongst them, (as was before pri∣vately discoursed) to desert the cause of Gonçalo Piçarro and return again to their own habitations.

The chief and leading men in this design were Graviel de Rojas, Garçilasso de la Vega, John de Saavedra, Gomez de Rojas, Jeronimo Costilla, Pedro del Barco, Martin de Florencia, Jeronimo de Soria, Gomez de Leon, Doctour Carvajal, Alonso Perez de Es∣quivel, Pedro Piçarro, and John Ramirez.

These are all particularly mentioned by the two Authours, Carate and Diego Fernandez; but besides these, there were several others not named by them, as John Julio de Hojeda, Diego de Silva, Thomas Bazquez, Pedro Alonso Carrasco, John de Pancorvo, Alonso de Hinojosa, Antonio de Quinnones, Alonso de Loyasa, Martin de Mene∣ses, Mancio Serra de Leguicamo, Francisco de Villa Fuerta, John de Figueroa, Pedro de los Rios, with his Brother Diego, Alonso de Soto, and Diego de Truxillo, Gaspar Jara, and others whose names I have forgotten, who were in all about forty in number, with many of which I had a personal acquaintance.

All these having deserted the cause of Gonçalo Piçarro, returned to their own homes at Cozco; where having provided themselves with such conveniences as were necessary for their Journey, they with all diligence took their Journey to Arequepa, with design to seise the two Ships belonging to Gonçalo Piçarro, which they knew lay at that place, and embark themselves thereon, and sail to Los Reyes, esteeming it for a great piece of service to the King, and a means to ingratiate themselves with the Vice-king; but herein they were disappointed, for that the Captains Alonso de Carceres and Jeronimo de la Serna had forestalled them in their design, having carried the Ships away to Los Reyes before their arrival.

And being thus disappointed of their hopes, they considered of the securest way they were now to take to get to the Vice-king; for they knew that Gonçalo Pi∣çarro had stopped all the Roads and Passages over the Plains and Mountains; wherefore they agreed to build a great Boat or Vessel, and thereon to take their passage by Sea to Los Reyes: the building of this Vessel took up forty days time to little purpose; for the Carpenters being both unskilfull in building, and the Tim∣ber green and unseasoned, no sooner was the Vessel lanched, and her Provisions laden upon her but the sunk down to the bottom in the very Harbour. Where∣fore finding that there was no other way now left them, they resolved to hazard themselves on the Land, which succeeded according to their desires, for the Road

being clear'd of their Enemies, they arrived safe at Los Reyes; but when they came thither, they sound that the Vice-king was made a Prisoner, and embarked and sent away into Spain. As we shall understand more particularly in the sequel of this History.

This delay of forty days in building the Vessel, was the cause of all the mis∣chief which ensued; for during that time the Vice-king was made a Prisoner, which had otherwise been prevented had those Gentlemen opportunely arrived: for had it been known that persons of that Quality had revolted from Piçarro, and were come from Cozco to joyn with the Vice-king, it would have brought so great a••reputation to his affairs, that none would have dared to have touched the Vice-king, or declared for the Party of Piçarro. And as some Authours report, the people seised on the Vice-king and put him on Ship-board, onely out of fear to secure him from Gançalo Piçarro, who they heard was on his march with intention to kill him. But these Gentlemen of Cozco, finding, contrary to all expectation, that the Vice-king was sent away, every man shi••ted for himself as well as he could; some of which remaining in the City, we shall have occasion to discourse of them hereafter.

On the other side, Gonçalo Piçarro, perceiving that those who were men of the greatest interest and power in the Army had relinquished his interest, he gave himself over for lost, and, as the Historians report, resolved to return to the Charcas, or to retire into Chile with about fifty of the most faithfull of his Friends and Comrades, who, he was assured, would stand by him to the last: but whilst he was meditating of these matters, Pedro de Puelles came to him, and brought the news of the departure of the Vice-king, which was so much to the advantage of Piçarro, that he with new courage and triumph returned to Cozco. The Indians which belonged to those who revolted he appropriated to his own service, onely those who were in vassalage to Garçilasso de la Vega he bestowed on Pedro de Puelles, and gave up his Houses to be plundred by the Souldiers, one of which afterwards intended to have set fire to them, having a fire-brand in his hand to that purpose, and had certainly effected it, had he not been prevented by another of a better and a more mild temper and disposition, who said to him, What hurt have these Houses done you? if the Master were here we might revenge our selves upon him, but what evil have these Walls deserved? This word gave a stop to his in∣tention and saved the House; howsoever they plundred it from the top to the bottom, not leaving any thing in it which was worth one farthing; and turned out the Indian Servants both Men and Women, charging them not to come within the Walls upon pain of death: howsoever they permitted eight persons to remain therein, nemely my Mother, and Sister, and a Maid-servant, as also my self, (for my Mother would rather have died than have been without me) and John de Alcobaça my Tutour, with his Son Diego, and his Brother, and an Indian Maid, which they would not deny me the service of.

John Alcobaça, being a person of a good life and exemplary piety, void of pas∣sion and worldly interest, gained that respect and favour amongst them, that they would not take away his life; the friendship we had amongst several of them, saved us also; for many of those who adhered to Piçarro were yet Friends to my Father, and would say, turning to us, what have these Children and old People done, or what punishment have they deserved for the faults of another? Howso∣ever after this we had certainly perished with hunger, had not the Incas, and some Ladies of their Family, who were related to us, sent us secretly and by private ways, some Food wherewith to support our selves; but such was the fear and dread they had of these Tyrants, that the Provision was so little as was scarce able to sustain us.

A certain Cazique, who was under the command of my Father, called Don Gar∣cia Pauqui, who was Commander over two Plantations, which are situated on the Banks of the River Apurimac seven leagues distant from the City, one of which is called Huayllari, was more kind and faithfull than all others relating to us; for he, not fearing the threats they had given, adventured with danger of his life to re∣lieve us, and came one night to our House, to give us notice that we should sit up and watch the night following, for that about such an hour he would send us in twenty five Bushels of Mayz, which he accordingly did; and about seven or eight nights after he sent us in the like quantity, which was a sufficient provision to relieve us during the eight months of our famine and restraint, untill the time

that Diego Centeno entred into Cozco, as we shall relate hereafter. I have thought fit to mention this particular passage to shew the faithfulness and loyalty of this good Curaca, and record the same to the honour of him and those who descend from him.

But besides the Charities we received from this good man Pauqui, I received some other relief from a noble Person, called John Escobar, who at that time had no command over Indians, though some years afterwards Doctour Castro bequea∣thed some to him, upon an intermarriage between him and the Daughter of Vasco de Guevara, begotten on the body of Maria Enriquez, both Persons of Honour and Quality.

This worthy Gentleman John de Escobar, who lodged in the House of Alsonso de Mesa, in a certain Street built in the midst of my Father's Rents, very much com∣passionating our wants and penury, desired my Tutour to give me leave to come every day to dinner; and at night to supper with him; we accepted very kindly the dinner, but as to the supper, we thought it not convenient to keep our doors open at that time of the night; for we were hourly in sear of being massacred, for which we had good grounds, being always threatned by them; and none put us into more fear than Harnando Bachicao, who was Master of the Ordnance; for though he went not out with them, yet he mounted some Cannon at his own House and made a Battery upon ours, which, in the Map or description we made of the Town, just fronted with his, nothing being between us but onely the two Market-places of the City, which he had certainly levelled to the ground, had not some Friends and Relations interceded for us: Nor did the Relations of those others who revolted fare better than we; though they evidenced a more particu∣lar malice and anger against my Father, as one who had more signally been con∣cerned in this revolt than any other. Graviel de Rojas was as deeply engaged as he, but having his Houses and Possessions in Chuquisaca the City of Plate, they had not the same opportunity to be revenged on him.

Having thus vented their anger upon the Houses of those Citizens of Cozco who had revolted from their cause, they returned again into the Road of Los Reyes to meet Pedro de Puelles and the people who followed him; but they were very te∣dious in their march to Huamanca, by reason of the great Incumbrance of their Cannon which followed the Camp. Jeronimo de la Serna, and Alonso de Carceres, who had revolted with the two Ships to Los Reyes, reported amongst other things to the Vice-king, how that Gonçalo Piçarro was elected General Representative of the whole Empire, and that he was raising Men, and providing Ammunition and Artillery to march unto Los Reyes.

This report being brought to the Vice-king and the Justices, which as yet was news to them; for (as we have said before) the Roads being all stopt, they had received no other intelligence of Gonçalo Piçarro than that he was come from Cozco to the Charcas: but so soon as they understood that he was raising Men, they immediately dispatched away Orders to the four Cities, requiring and comman∣ding them to receive Blasco Nunnez Vela for Vice-king by Commission from his Majesty. And that in case they had any aggrievances they should send their Com∣missioners to the City of Los Reyes, there to represent their Complaints and de∣mand Justice in those matters wherein they judged themselves aggrieved. And in order hereunto, as Gomara says, the Vice-king sent Friar Thomas de San Martin to assure Gonçalo Piçarro, that he had no Commission to his hurt or prejudice, but rather Instructions from the Emperour to reward and gratifie him for his many labours and services performed towards his Majesty: And therefore desired him, that laying all fears and jealousies aside, he should dismiss his people, and come freely and frankly to him to converse and treat upon affairs. Thus far Gomara. Now we will proceed to the Rebellion of Pedro de Puelles.

CHAP. XI.

Wherein is related, how Pedro de Puelles rebelled against Blasco Nunnez Vela, and revolted to Gonçalo Piçar∣ro; and how others whom the Vice-king sent after them to fetch them back, did the like, and joined with the con∣trary Party.

BEsides the Orders which the Vice-king sent to the four Cities, and the Mes∣sage which he had dispatched to Gonçalo Piçarro; he likewise sent his Sum∣mons to Pedro de Puelles to come and serve his Majesty, the success of which we may find written by Diego Fernandez, in the sixteenth Chapter of his Book, and by Augustine de Carate, in the tenth Chapter of his fifth Book, who give a re∣lation thereof, almost in the same words.

When the Vice-king was first received in the City of Los Reyes, Pedro de Puel∣les, a Native of Seville, came to kiss his hands, being at that time Deputy Gover∣nour for Vaca de Castro in the Town of Guanuco: And having lived long in the In∣dies, he was highly esteemed by the Vice-king for his great experience; so that he gave him a new Commission to be Deputy Governour of Guanuco, enjoyning him to get the People of that City in a readiness, that in case necessity should re∣quire, they might at an hour's warning appear with their Horse and Arms. Pedro de Puelles obeyed the Commands of the Vice-king; and not onely put his own Ci∣tizens into a posture to march, at the first Summons; but also retained several other Souldiers, who came from the Province of Chapapoyas in company with Gomes de Solis and Bonifaz, to attend the Commands of the Vice-king, for their march: and accordingly upon his Orders dispatched by Jeronimo de Villegas, a Na∣tive of Burgos. Pedro de Puelles immediately marched away with intention to join with him.

But being come as far as Guanuco, they began to lay their heads together and consider of the issue and event of affairs, in case they should subdue and over∣throw Gonçalo Piçarro and his party; and having concluded most certainly, that in that case, the Vice-king would make use of his Victory, to put in execution the new Laws without controll, to the great damage and ruine of the People; and that no man, as well Souldiers as others should be able to enjoy the service and vassalage of their Indians, which would disennable many from paying the taxes for maintenance of the Army: they all unanimously resolved to revolt unto Gon∣çalo Piçarro's party; and so marched another way to join with him in such place where it should be their fortune to meet him.

The Vice-king, having speedy intelligence thereof by an Indian Captain called Yllatopa, greatly resented the ill-success; but howsoever, taking courage, he imme∣diately dispeeded his brother Vela Nunnez with a Detachment of fourty light Horse and thirty Arquebusiers, under the command of Captain Gonçalo Dias, which for better expedition were mounted upon so many Mules, which cost twelve thou∣sand Ducats taken out of the King's treasury; and to them were added ten other Souldiers, who were the kindred, friends and relations of Vela Nunnez, so that the number of the Foot were made equal to the Horse, and had Orders to intercept Pedro de Puelles in his march, and to get before him, and dispute the first pass with him. Being thus provided with all things necessary, and being on their march as far as Guadachile (which is about twenty Leagues from the City;) it is said, that they agreed to kill Vela Nunnez and revolt to Gonçalo Piçarro; and that some of the Scouts being advanced about four Leagues from Guadachile happened to meet with Frier Thomas, the Provincial of St. Domingo, whom the Vice-king had sent to Cozco, with Commission to treat and accommodate matters with Gonçalo Piçarro: and being met, one of the Souldiers who was born at Avila, taking him aside, dis∣covered to him the designs the Souldiers had to kill Vela Nunnez; that so he might fore-warn him thereof, and advise him to take some course for his securi∣ty, for otherwise he would be killed that night by the Souldiers.

The Provincial made great haste in his journey, and with him the Scouts also returned upon the advice he had given them, that Pedro de Puelles was two days march before him, and had passed the Xauxa, so that it was impossible for them to overtake him: And being come to Guadachile, he told the People the same Story, and that it would be to no purpose to goe in pursuit of him: and taking Vela Nunnez on one side, he privately whispered to him the Danger in which he was, advising him to make use of this Information for his own safety. Vela Nun∣nez revealing the treachery against him to four or five of his kinsmen who were with him, they privately towards the glimps of the Evening, stole on horse-back, as if they intended to give their horses water, and having the Provincial for their guide, they made their escape under the protection of the night. So soon as their flight was known, John de la Torre, Piedra Hita, George a Grecian, and other Soul∣diers who were concerned in the Conspiracy seized upon the Guard in the night, and clapping their fire-locks to the breasts of the other Souldiers, swearing to kill them, if they resolved not to goe and join with them. Whereupon every one al∣most freely declared, that they would be of their side, and particularly Captain Gonçalo Dias; and though they affrighted him with the same terrour as did the others, and bound his hands behind him, and in appearance offered many other affrighting things to him, yet it is believed that he was in the Conspiracy, and the principal in the Plot; and so it was believed and went for currant amongst all the People of the City; for it could not be imagined, that he who was a kins∣man and son-in-law to Pedro de Puelles, could be of a contrary party to him, there having been no quarrel or cause of difference between them. And thus all of them getting up and mounting their Mules which had cost so dear, they travailed towards Gonçalo Piçarro, whom they met near Guamanga, where Pedro de Puelles and his men being arrived two days before them; found such discouragement in the Camp of Piçarro, by reason of the slow motion and coldness of Gaspar Rodriguez and his Associates; that had Pedro de Puelles and his men stayed onely three days longer before they had come up, the whole Camp of Piçarro had most cer∣tainly broken up and been dispersed: but the arrival of Pedro de Puelles put such life and spirit again into them, both by his recruits and by his words; that they resolved to proceed in their enterprise; for he told them, that in case Gonçalo Piçar∣ro would retract, and not think fit to proceed, he notwithstanding was resolved to undertake the design, not doubting but to be able with his own men to take the Vice-king and rid the Countrey of him, considering that he was generally hated, and that all the people were disaffected to him. Pedro de Puelles had little less than fourty Horse with him, and about twenty Musquetiers; but when Gonça∣lo Dias and his men were come up and joyned with them, then all parts were en∣couraged, and resolved without any fear or doubt to proceed: by this time Vela Nunnez was arrived at Los Reyes, and had acquainted the Vice-king with all that had passed; who, as we may believe with reason, resented this ill beginning as ominous, finding his affairs every day to fall into a worse estate. The next day Rodrigo Ninno, who was son of Hernando Ninno, Mayor of Teledo, returned to Tole∣do with three or four more who refused to follow Gonçalo Dias, nowithstanding all the affronts and abuses they could put upon them; for they took from them their Arms and Horses, and stript them of their Cloaths; so that Rodrigo Ninno came onely in querpo, with a pair of old Trunks, without Hose, or Shoes, or any thing on his Feet, unless a pair of pack-thread Sandals, walking all the way on foot with a Cane in his hand. The Vice-king received him with all the kindness imaginable, and praising his Loyalty and Constancy, told him that, considering the Cause for which he suffered, the Habit in which he was, seemed more be∣coming than if he were vested in Cloth of Gold. Thus far the two Authours a∣gree in the same sense, and almost in the same words: To which Diego Fernan∣dez Palentino adds, as follows:

When news was brought to the Vice-king of these ill Successes, he greatly re∣sented them, clearly now perceiving that his Affairs went cross, and that the affec∣tions of the people were tainted with rebellion: Howsoever, that he might in some manner revenge the disloyalty of Captain Gançalo Diaz, who had so ignominious∣ly broken his faith and word with him, and since he could not inflict a punish∣ment on his person, he caused the Colours or Ensign of his Company to be trai∣led along through the Market-place in the sight and view of the Captains, Soul∣diers, and of all the City; and commanded the Serjeants and Ensign of the Com∣pany

of Gonçalo Diaz, and of all the other Companies, to run the points of their Lances into his Colours, and tear them in pieces in dishonour, and to the ignominy of the absent Captain; but Gomez Estacio, who was Ensign to that Company, and other the Associates, who were to support the Colours, were not a little net∣led at this Affront, as if it had in some manner reflected upon themselves: and more particularly Gomez Estacio found himself aggrieved, because the Vice-king had commanded him to trail the Colours with his own hand; and from that time he became disaffected to the Vice-king, and a friend to the Cause and Party of Gonçalo Piçarro. And though it be granted that many did approve the action of Gonçalo Diaz, and did agree that the dishonour shewed to his Colours was but just, and no more than what his infidelity deserved: Howsoever they were well e∣nough pleased to see the power of the Vice-king weakened, whose ruine and down-fall they desired by the better fortune and success of Gonçalo Piçarro. Thus did nothing thrive which the Vice-king acted, but all turned to his prejudice; of which he was sensible, though he strove to conceal his inward trouble, and put the best face upon it that he could. Thus far are the words of Diego Fernandez.

And now men who were disaffected began to blame the Council which was gi∣ven to the Vice-king, to send Gonçalo Diaz against his Father-in-law; and, as other Authours say, it was much wondered that the Vice-king should be so much overseen as not to consider the inconvenience of engaging the Son-in-law against the Father, between whom there had been no quarrel or ground of dis∣pleasure. And in like manner reflecting on the concernment of Gomez Estacio, En∣sign of Gonçalo, divers were of opinion, that it was an Affront given him with∣out any Cause; and that it was improperly done to command him who had in no manner been engaged in the Treason of his Captain, to be an Executioner of a dis∣grace which could not be acted without great reflexion on himself. Thus did the hatred which men had conceived against the Vice-king turn all the actions he did to a bad interpretation.

CHAP. XII.

A Pardon and safe Conduct is given to Gaspar Rodriguez and his Friends. His death, and of divers others.

NOW to set forth what these Authours report of Gaspar Rodriguez, whom Ca∣rate sometimes mentions by the name of Gaspar de Rojas; we are to observe that he was a brother of the good Capain Perançures de Campo rotondo, who was slain in the battel of Chupas, and after his death he came to the inheritance and pos∣session of his Indians, which Vaca de Castro bestowed upon him by special Grant. This was the Gentleman who rashly and without consideration seized upon the Can∣non which were at Huamanca, and carried them to Cozco, and was greatly engaged in the designs of Gonçalo Piçarro: but observing that many of the principal Citizens who had taken part with Piçarro, had relinquished his Cause, and fled from him; he also resolved to follow their example, and revolt to the Vice-king: but being conscious of his Crime in carrying away the Cannon; he thought it best and most secure to obtain a Pardon for the same, both as to life and estate, before he trusted himself in the hands of the Vice-king, whom he knew to be a man of a morose and severe disposition, and one who would not spare him, in case he fell into his hands, without such a Precaution: and to make his access and pardon the more easie by an appearance of some signal service, he treated with some friends of his, persuading them to pass over to the other party, following the example of those other noble Citizens who had lately done the like: and with them he so prevailed, that they resolved on the point, and as a preparation thereunto, to demand their Pardon first, and to receive a Protection or Letter of safe conduct freely to come and offer their service.

But whilst these Matters were in agitation Pedro de Puelles (as the Authours re∣port) arrived very opportunely; for, had his coming been delayed but three days longer, it is the general opinion, that all the Army of Gonçalo Piçarro had of themselves been dispersed and disbanded. Howsoever, these new recruit did not alter and remove the intentions of Gaspar Rodriguez and his Companions from their former purpose; in pursuance of which they communicated their design to a certain Priest, a Native of Madrid, called Baltasar de Loaysa, with whom after I was acquainted in Madrid, in the year 1563. I cannot say that I knew him before, being very young; though he knew me very well when I was a child, being a friend of my father's, and one who had a general acquaintance with all the noble families of that Empire.

Gaspar de Rodriguez and his friends treated with this Priest (who was more fit for a Souldier than a Priest) and persuaded him to take a journey in their behalf to Los Reyes, and to obtain a Pardon for them, with a Letter of Licence for their Security; and with that occasion, that he should give an account of the number of those who were come lately to join with Piçarro and of those who were gone off; and to assure him, that the Affairs of Piçarro stood on that uncertain founda∣tion, that so soon as he and his accomplices were gone off, that all the other For∣ces of Gonçalo Piçarro would speedily disband.

With this Message Baltasar de Loaysa privately departed from the Camp; of which so soon as Piçarro had notice, he immediately sent after him to fetch him back; but having taken a by-way out of the common road, they missed of him, and he got safe to Rimac where the good news he brought, made him welcome to the Vice-king; for the intention of Gaspar Rodriguez and his Companions was of great importance to him: the joy whereof the Vice-king not being able to sup∣press, and esteeming it necessary to be divulged for the encouragement of his people; the secret took air and was made publick; which being with all expedi∣tion wrote back to Gonçalo Piçarro, Gaspar Rodriguez was seized with his Compa∣nions, and were all afterwards put to death. Howsoever, before that was known Baltasar de Loaysa was dispatched with the Pardon and Letters of safe-conduct, which he desired; which was no sooner done, but it was divulged over all the City (as Carate reports, whose authority we rather follow in these passages, than any other, because he was present at these transactions) and thereupon the Ci∣tizens, and other persons who were inclined and secretly well-affected to the Cause of Gonçalo Piçarro and his Party, did really imagine that in case he were de∣serted by Gaspar Rodriguez and his Accomplices, it would strike so great a damp to Gonçalo Piçarro and his Souldiers as would cause them to disperse and break up their Camp, as despairing of their design; and then the Vice-king would remain triumphant, to execute his new Laws without any contradiction or restraint upon him: to prevent which some of the Citizens and Souldiers resolved amongst them∣selves to send a party of light Horse after him; hoping speedily to overtake him.

It was in the month of September 1544, when Loaysa with one person onely in his company called Hernando de Cavallos left the Town; and the next night af∣terwards was pursued by twenty five light Horsemen, the principal of which were Don Baltasar de Castilla, the Son of Count Gomera, Lorenço Mexia, Rodrigo de Sa∣lazar, well known for his crouch-back, and was the person famous for taking Don Diego de Almagro Junior in Cozco; there were also with them Diego de Carvajal, surnamed the Gallant, and Francisco de Escobedo, Francisco de Carvacal, Pedro Mar∣tin de Cicilia alias Pedro Martin de Don Benito, with others to the number of twen∣ty five, all which company together travailed with so much expedition and dili∣gence, that in less than fourty Leagues distance from Los Reyes they overtook Lo∣aysa, and took all his papers and dispatches from him; and sent them away by a Souldier, who crossing the Countrey came by a shorter cut than the common road to the Camp of Piçarro, and acquainted him with the whole matter, who at first secretly communicated it to Francisco de Carvajal, who was lately made his Major General in the place of Alonso de Poro, who was fallen sick: then he im∣parted it to other Captains and Persons of quality, who were not privy nor concerned in the Confederacy: and having considered of the matter amongst themselves, they all generally agreed, some from a principle of particular enmi∣ty, others from envy, others from covetousness, fearing to lose their Indians and their Possessions; that it was necessary for example unto others, and to deter them from the like perfidiousness, to punish this act of Treachery with the grea∣test

severity: and accordingly it was concluded amongst those who were unconcer∣ned in this safe Conduct and Pardon; to kill Gaspar de Rojas, Philip de Gutierez, the son of Alonso de Gutierez, who was Treasurer to his Majesty and born at Ma∣drid, and also Arias Maldonado a Gentleman of Galicia, who, with Philip Gutierez, had loitered two or three days Journey behind in Guamanga, upon pretence of cer∣tain businesses to be done there in order to their Journey; but during their stay at that place Gonçalo Piçarro dispeeded Pedro de Puelles with a party of Horse to take off their Heads: but the execution of Gaspar Rodriguez was more difficult, for he was then a Captain in the Field, and actually at the head of almost two hundred Lances, and being a person very rich, of great interest, and very popular, they could not act their design publickly upon him, and therefore they had recourse to this Strategeme. Gonçalo Piçarro commanded an hundred and fifty Harquebusiers of Captain Cermenno's Company to be in a readiness, and having given out to each of them private Arms, and placed the Artillery in good order, he called the Cap∣tains to come to him, telling them that he had certain advices, which he had late∣ly received from Los Reyes, to communicate to them. And being all come, and amongst the rest Gaspar Rodriguez, Gonçalo Piçarro stept out of his Tent, which was well guarded with Cannon, and pretending as it were some other business, in the mean time the Major-General Carvajal comes to Gaspar Rodriguez, and laying his hand on the hilt of his Sword, drew it out of the Scabbard, advising him to call for a Priest and confess, for that he was to die immediately: Gaspar Rodriguez re∣sisted a while, pretending to be innocent, and to clear himself of those accusations which were against him; but that would not serve his turn, for immediately they cut off his head.

The execution of these men terrified the whole Camp, and more particularly those who were conscious to themselves of being Complices in the same Action for which those were put to death; and these acts of severity were the more af∣frighting because they were the first which Gonçalo Piçarro had committed since the usurpation of his tyrannical Power. Some few days afterwards, Don Baltasar and his Comrades came to the Camp bringing Baltasar de Loaysa and Hernando Cavallos, (as we have said) Prisoners; but the day before he knew that they were to enter into the Camp, he sent his Major General Carvajal before him, with orders that wheresoever he met them he should put them to death: but such was the good fortune of Loaysa and Cavallos, that they mistaking their way, the Major General was disappointed of his prize, and the Prisoners were brought to the Camp, where so many intercessours appeared in favour of the two Delinquents, that Loaysa was released and sent away without any provision made for him, but Hernando de Ca∣vallos was continued, and carried away with the rest of the Army. Thus far is the account given by Carate in the fifth Book and the eleventh Chapter.

In fine, they killed Gaspar Rodriguez and his Accomplices, whose death was ha∣stened and occasioned by their applications to the Vice-king for a Pardon and a safe Conduct, which he and his adherents demanded for safety of their lives, as Gomara confirms in the 164th Chapter of his Book; The Vice-king's Pardon and a safe Conduct was general for all, Piçarro, Francisco de Carvajal, Benito de Car∣vajal and some few others onely excepted; at which Piçarro and his Major-General were so much offended, that they immediately hanged up Gaspar Rodriguez, Philip Gutierez with the rest; which are the words of Gomara. In this manner this poor Gentleman Gaspar Rodriguez de Campo Rotondo ended his days; for being of an un∣quiet spirit, he was neither well with those who were called Tyrants and Rebels, nor with those who were esteemed for Loyalists.

CHAP. XIII.

Of the Death of Agent Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, and of the great mutiny and disturbance he caused in Peru.

DUring all these troubles and slaughters in the Camp of Gonçalo Piçarro, there happened an accident sad and tragical in the City of Los Reyes, which Go∣mara in the 159th Chapter of his Book relates to have been in this manner. Lewis Garcia San Manes, who was Postmaster in Xauxa, brought certain Letters which were wrote in Cyphers by Benito de Carvajal to the Agent Yllen Suarez his Brother: the Vice-king presently took a jealousie upon the Cypher, and a suspi∣cion of the Agent's faithfulness, and shewing them to the Judges, demanded their opinion, whether they were not ground sufficient to put him to death: to which the Judges replied, that it were convenient first to know the contents of them. Hereupon the Agent was called for, who coming, did not seem, as they say, to be startled or change his countenance, though he was severely treated with sharp words; but took the paper and read it without hesitation, Doctour John Alvarez noting the words which he read: the sum or substance of all the Cypher was, the number of Souldiers that were with Piçarro, and what his intentions were; who were in his favour and who not; and in fine declared, that he would watch his opportunity to slip away, and come to the service of the Vice-king so soon as he could disengage himself, according to the Counsel which the Agent had given him. After which the Key of the Cypher was called for, and the matter being thereby disclosed, it was found to agree with the interpretation given by the Agent, and to verifie the truth thereof Benito Carvajal came to Lima two or three days after Blasco Nunnez was seised, not knowing any thing of the death of the Agent. Thus far are the words of Gomara.

Howsoever there still remained upon the mind of the Vice-king such a jealousie of the Agent, that like an evil Spirit it still haunted and followed him, never suffering him to be at rest untill at last the direfull effects thereof broke out in the very Chamber of the Vice-king, where the Agent was assassinated without any cause or reason for it, which struck a greater terrour into the minds of the people on this side than was the late consternation in the Camp of Gonçalo Piçarro, so that neither Party was free from Tragedies of their own. And particularly here happened out one the night following, occasioned by the flight of Baltasar de Ca∣stilla and others afore-mentioned. The three Authours report this History al∣most in the same manner: and first we shall repeat what the Accountant Augustine Carate says upon this Subject, and then we shall add that from the others which he hath omitted. That which he relates in the eleventh Chapter of his fifth Book is as follows, and herewith we will return to the Subject of our History.

Some few hours after Don Baltasar de Castilla and his Companions were depar∣ted from the City of Los Reyes in pursuit of Loaysa as is before-mentioned, the matter was not so secretly carried but that it came to the knowledge of Captain Diego de Urbina, who was Major-General to the Vice-king; for he going his Rounds in the night through the City, and calling at the Houses of some of these who were fled, neither found them at home, nor their Arms, nor Horses, nor the menial Indian Servants which belonged to them; upon which suspecting what was faln out, he directly went to the Vice-king's Lodgings, who was then in Bed, and told him that he had reason to believe that the greatest part of the people had deserted the City.

The Vice-king was greatly troubled (as was reason) at this report, and arising from his Bed gave immediate order to sound an alarm, and that every man should stand to his arms; and calling his Captains, gave them order to go from House to House and make enquiry who were absent, that so he might be informed of the number of those who were departed. And having accordingly made search, and found that Diego de Carvajal, Jeronimo de Carvajal and Francisco de Escobedo were missing, who were Kinsmen of Agent Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, it was instantly be∣lieved that he was engaged in the Plot, and in favour of Gonçalo Piçarro; for it

could not be imagined that his Kinsmen could have acted herein without his con∣sent, or at least without his knowledge, in regard they all lodged under the same Roof, and onely had two different Door to each Apartment: but for better as∣surance of what was suspected, the Vice-king sent his Brother Vela Nunnez with a guard of Musquetiers to bring the Agent before him, and he being in Bed they caused him to rise and dress himself, and so carried him to the Lodgings of the Vice-king, who having not slept all night, was laid upon his Bed with his Arms on, to take some little repose. And the Agent being introduced by way of the Court-yard-gate; those who were then present report that the Vice-king present∣ly arose and said, Is it so, Traitour, that thou hast sent away thy Kinsmen to serve Gonçalo Piçarro? To which the Agent made answer, I beseech your Lord∣ship not to call me Traitour, for in reality I am not so: then replied the Vice-king, I swear by God, that thou art a Traitour to the King. I swear by God, said the Agent, I am as good a Servant to the King as your Lordship. At which words the Vice-king became so enraged, that coming in his fury to him, he stab∣bed him in the breast with his Dagger; though the Vice-king denied to have done it himself, but that his Servants and Halbardiers of his Guard, hearing how insolently he answered, gave him so many wounds with their Halberts and Par∣tisans, that he dyed upon the place without so much time as to confess or speak one word: And lest, being a person generally well-beloved, the manner of his death should cause some mutiny and disturbance amongst the Souldiers, of which an hundred every night kept watch within the yard of the House; the Vice-king gave order to have his Corpse conveyed away by a certain private Gallery leading to the Market-place, where some few Indians and Negroes received it, and buried it in a Church near thereunto, without other Shroud or Winding-sheet than one∣ly his own Scarlet Cloak which he usually wore.

Three days after which, when the Judges seised on the person of the Vice-king (as we shall relate hereafter) one of the first things they laid to his charge was the death of the Agent; and the Preamble to their Process was, that being carried about midnight into the House of the Vice-king, he never since that time appea∣red; and it was proved, that they had wounded and buried him. So soon as this murther was made publick, it occasioned much talk and murmuring in the Town; for every one was assured that the Agent was a true Friend to the Vice-king and his Cause, having been the chief Instrument to persuade the Town of Los Reyes to receive him, against the sense and opinion of the major part of the Judges. These matters happened out upon Sunday at night, being the thirteenth day of September, 1544. Thus far are the words of Carate, which are confirmed also by Diego Fernandez, who in the seventeenth Chapter of his Book, adds this farther;

They conveyed, says he, his Corpse by a certain Gallery, and buried them in a corner or nook of the great Church near adjoining thereunto; but some few hours after that his anger grew cool, and that the Vice-king began to reflect with reason upon what he had done in his passion: it is most certain that he repented of this rash act, and bewailed it with tears from his eyes. Howsoever so soon as the death of the Agent was made publick in the Town, the Vice-king sent to call the principal Citizens to him, telling them, in excuse for what he had done, that the insolent words of the Agent had drawn his death upon himself; adding, that none ought to take offence thereat, for whether he had done well or ill, he was accountable to none but God and the King; which words more angred and displeased the people that before: so that after the revolt of the several men be∣fore-mentioned, which was followed by this bloudy Tragedy, which cannot be excused from the imputation of arbitrary Tyranny without any ground or founda∣tion for it, a resolution was taken to imprison the Vice-king: though it is most certain that he much lamented this unhappy fate, saying, that the remembrance of the death of Yllen Suarez made him often distracted; and therefore cursed his Bro∣ther Vela Nunnez, calling him fool and beast, for that knowing his choler and pas∣sion, he had yet brought him to his presence at a time when he knew that he was raving and inflamed therewith: for had he been, said he, a man of discretion, he would have deferred the execution of those commands, and not have suffered Suarez to appear untill he had seen his anger pacified. Thus far Diego Fernandez, to which Gomara adds, and says,

That the Agent going to justifie himself, the Vice-king stabb'd him twice, crying out with a loud voice, kill him, kill him; upon which his Servants came in and dispatched him, though some of them threw Clothes upon him to keep off the blows: which are the words of Gomara in Chap. 159. with which he con∣cludes, and says, that the death of the Agent, who was a principal person and of great esteem, caused great commotions and heart-burnings in those parts, and such fear and apprehensions that the Citizens of Lima were afraid to lie in their Houses at night: and Blasco Nunnez himself confessed to the Judges, that he had commit∣ted a great errour in that Fact, and that he believed it would be an occasion of his ruine, &c. And so indeed it proved to be the down-fall of the Vice-king; for his very Friends, and such as were really of his Party, did hereby conceive such fear and dread of his passionate and violent humour, that they fled and hid them∣selves, not daring to appear in his presence; at which his Enemies took great ad∣vantage and courage to maintain their cause against him.

CHAP. XIV.

The various resolutions which the Vice-king took upon the news he received of the march of Gonçalo Piçarro to∣wards Los Reyes; and how the Judges openly opposed the Vice-king.

GOnçalo Piçarro being thus reinforced by the coming in of Pedro de Puelles and others who were revolted to him from the Vice-king, procceded forward with greater assurances than formerly, though very slowly and with short marches, by reason of the great incumbrance of the Cannon, which being carried on the shoulders of the Indians and over rocky and sharp ways, it was not possible to make greater haste. The Vice-King in the mean time being alarm'd by the nearer ap∣proach daily of his Enemy, and considering how much his own people were dis∣satisfied, and that those who outwardly seemed most affected to him, proceeded faintly and coldly in his service, and that the general dissarisfaction of the people was now plain and evident, and that his condition every day became worse than other; he resolved, though too late, to change his Counsels, and to publish at length a suspension of the new Laws untill his Majesty's pleasure should be farther known thereupon, hoping that upon such a Declaration the minds of the people would be quieted, and that Gonçalo Piçarro, having no farther subject of complaint, his Army would consequently disband, and every one return peaceably to his own home.

Now let us hear what Gomara says, Chap. 158.

Blasco Nunnez, says he, was much troubled to understand that Piçarro was so well provided with Arms, Cannon and Souldiers so well affected to his cause and interest: wherefore, seeing no other remedy, he declared that he would su∣spend the execution of the new Laws for two years, untill they should receive other Orders from the Emperour; though at the same time he made his Protest against it, and noted it in his Table-book that he was compelled to that suspension by force, and that so soon as the Countrey was again in quietness, he would re∣assume the old pretensions, and put them in practice as before; all which served to inflame that hatred which the people conceived against him. He also proclai∣med Piçarro a Traitour and those also who were with him and of his Party; promising to those that should kill him or them, to bestow their Houses, Lands, Riches and Estates on them for a reward; at which Declaration those of Cozco took great offence, as did also those of Lima: and in the mean time he actually confiscated the Estates of those who had revolted to Piçarro. Thus far Gomara.

Though this suspension of the Laws came late, howsoever it would have had some good effect towards pacifying and quieting the minds of the people, and have opened such overtures towards an accommodation, but that unluckily at

same time that the Suspension was published; the News was, that the Vice-king had made his Protest against it, as an Act to which he was compelled, and that he would again return to the execution of the new Laws so soon as the Countrey was appeased, and the disturbances allayed; which more incensed the minds of the people than ever; and confirmed them in a belief, that the Vice-king was obstinate and a person inexorable, and not to be treated with, whence so much mischief ensued, as by the sequel will appear; and which served to confirm the people in their pretensions and resolutions either to dye or obtain their desires.

The Vice-king seeing that the means he used to pacifie the people inflamed them the more, and that his own people became greatly discouraged; and many of them inclined to favour Gonçalo Piçarro for the Gallantry they observed in him, who had so freely sacrificed himself for the publick good; he thereby measuring the weakness of his force, thought it not safe to meet Piçarro in the field, but to defend himself within the Walls of the City.

In pursuance of this design he fortified the City, set up Posts and Chains in every Street, made loop-holes on the Walls for small shot, and laid in provisions for a siege: but News coming daily of the great force with which Piçarro mar∣ched against them, and the resolved mind of his Souldiers; the Vice-king thought it not safe to confine himself within the Walls of Los Reyes; but to retreat to Truxillo, which is about eighty Leagues distant from thence. And contriving how to dispose of the Inhabitants, he designed to transport the Citizens Wives by Sea, in such Ships as were then in Port, and the Souldiers were to march by Land along the Sea coast: And for the City it self, he resolved to dismantle it and demolish the Walls, break down the Mills, and carry all things away which might be for subsistence of the Enemy, and drive the Indians from the Sea-coast into the in-land Countries; supposing that Piçarro coming thither with his Army, and finding no subsistence, must either disband, or his men perish. The Vice-king having communicated these his Intentions to the Judges, they boldly and openly opposed him, telling him plainly, that the Royal Courts of Judicature could not remove out of the City, for that their Commissions from his Majesty obliged them to act in that place; and therefore they desired to be excused, if they refused to accompany his Lordship or to suffer their houses to be demolished. Herewith an open quarrel arose between the Judges and the Vice-king, declaring a different interest to each other, the Inhabitants inclined to the side of the Jud∣ges in opposition to the Vice-king, positively refusing to commit their Wives and Daughters into the hands of Seamen and Souldiers. Hereupon the Vice-king arose from the conference he held with the Judges, without any determination. Howsoever, as to his own person, he resolved to embark himself, and to go by Sea, and that his Brother Vela Nunnez should march away by Land; and in order thereunto he commanded Diego Alvarez Cuero, as Carate reports in the eleventh Chapter of his fifth Book, to guard the Children of Marquis Don Francisco Pi••ar∣ro with a Party of Horse to the Sea-side, and there to put them on board a ship; together with Vaca de Castro, after which he was to remain Admiral of the Fleet, and to take charge of them as his Prisoners; for he was jealous that Antonio de Ri∣bera and his Wife, who had the Guardian-ship of Don Gonçalo and his Brothers, would convey them away. But this matter created a new disturbance amongst the people, and the Judges much disliked it, especially Doctour Carate, who made it his particular request to the Vice-king in behalf of the Lady Francisca, that he would be pleased to cause her to be again returned ashoar; for that being a young Maid marriageable, beautifull and rich; it was not decent and agreeable to her modesty to commit her into the hands of Seamen and Souldiers: but nothing could avail with the Vice-king to dissuade him from his purpose; for being ever obstinate in all his Resolutions, he declared his Intentions were to re∣tire and begon, contrary to the opinion of all others. Thus far Carate.

And now to abbreviate and sum up all that hath been said by the aforesaid Au∣thours; it is most certain, that the Judges gave command to Martin de Robles, though one of the Vice-king's Captains, to make the Vice-king a Prisoner: but he, desiring to be excused by reason of the ill consequences which might ensue; they assured him, that it was for the Service of his Majesty and quiet of that whole Empire; and a means to suppress all those Mutinies and Troubles which the ill Government of the Vice-king had caused. Hereupon Martin de Robles prof∣fered to doe it, howsoever he required a Warrant under the hands and seals of

the Judges for his security and discharge, the which they readily granted, and gave order to have it drawn up and kept as a Secret, untill the design was ready to be put in execution. And farther, they forbad the Citizens and Inhabitants to obey the Vice-king in any of his Commands, or to deliver up their Wives and Children to be transported, or to leave and abandon their Houses, requiring all persons of what quality or condition soever, to be aiding and assisting to Martin de Robles in seizing the person of the Vice-king, and deteining him prisoner; for so his Majesty's service required it, and the common good and welfare of the publick. But whilst these Matters were contriving, the people were distracted and in confusion, not knowing which side or what course to take; the duty and obedience which they owed to their Sovereign Lord the King inclined to take part with the Vice-king; but when they considered their Interests and Estates of which they should be deprived in case the Vice-king should prevail, they then resolved to adhere unto the Judges who opposed Blasco Nunnez in execution of the new Laws. Thus did the people remain a whole day in suspence: and the Vice-king, to secure himself against the attempts which the Judges might make against him, ordered his Captains and Souldiers to put themselves in a posture of defence, in which they remained untill mid-night. The Judges, on the other side understanding that the Vice-king had ordered his Souldiers to stand to their Arms, and that he had above four hundred men with him; and fearing that it was with intention to seize and secure them, they called many of their particular friends to their assistence, but so few appeared, that they esteemed their force unable to avail against the Vice-king, and therefore they fortified themselves as well as they could in the House of Judge Cepeda, with intention to defend themselves if they were assaulted.

Amidst this fear and consternation, a certain person whom Gomara calls Franci∣sco de Escobar, a Native of Sahagun, made a Speech to them, and said; What make we here? Let us goe out in a body into the open Streets, where we may dye fighting like men, and not cooped up like hens, &c.

To this bold Proposal they all agreed, and the Judges in a desperate manner sallyed forth into the Market-place, rather with design to deliver up themselves, than with hopes to prevail: howsoever matters succeeded much contrary to their expectation. For the Vice-king who had for a long time, untill the night came on, remained in the Market-place, was persuaded by his Friends and Captains to retire to his Lodgings: which he had no sooner done, but the Souldiers and Captains finding themselves freed from that awe and respect which his presence obliged them unto; revolted with their Companies to take part with the Judges, the first of which, who led the way were Martin de Robles and Pedro de Vergara who were followed by others, and so by others, untill there was not one person remaining to keep guard at the gate of the Vice-king; unless about a hundred Souldiers who remained within the house and of whom he had made choice for the Guard of his person.

CHAP. XV.

The Imprisonment of the Vice-king, and the various Successes which happened thereupon both by Sea and Land.

THough the Judges had the good fortune to have the people revolt to their side, and that every hour more came in to join with them: yet howso∣ever they were somewhat wary how they made seizure of the person of the Vice-king; for it was told them, that he was actually in the Market-place, with a good force, and that he resolved to assail them. Notwithstanding which they sallied out into the Market-place, there to defend their cause, and the better to summon people to their assistence; they caused the Commission given to Martin de Robles to be proclaimed, though by reason of the noise and tumult of the people little was understood. Carate in the eleventh Chapter of his fifth Book reports, that

he was present when the Vice-king was made a prisoner; and that the Judges being in the Market-place, upon break of day some Musket-shot were made upon them from a Gallery of the Vice-king's house, at which the Souldiers who were with the Vice-king were so incensed, that they resolved to enter his house by force, and kill all those who opposed them: but the Judges pacified them with good words, and sent Father Gaspar de Carvajal, superiour of the Order of St. Do∣minick, and Antonio de Robles, Brother of Martin de Robles, to let the Vice-king know that they had no other intention than onely to conserve themselves from being transported and shipped away by force, against the express Command of his Majesty. And that if he pleased without farther contest to come into the great Church, they would there attend him; otherwise he would put himself into ma∣nifest danger, with all those who adhered to him. Whilst these Messengers were gon to the Vice-king, the hundred Souldiers who were of his Guard forsook him, and revolted also to the Judges; and then the Souldiers, finding the en∣trance open and easie, began to plunder the Servants Chambers which were in the Court-yard. About this time Dr. Carate, coming out of his Chamber to joyn with the Vice-king, met the Judges in the way, and seeing that he could not have entrance, he went into the Church with them. The Vice-king, having received his Message, and finding him abandoned by all those in whom he had placed the greatest confidence, he went voluntarily into the Church, and there delivered himself up into the hands of the Judges, who brought him to Licenciado Cepeda's House armed as he was with his Coat of Mail and Gantlet; and seeing Carate in company with the rest; What, said he, Carate, are you also of this Party? are you come also to take me, in whom I reposed so much confidence? To which he reply∣ed, Whosoever hath told you, that I am of that number lies; for it is notoriously known who are the persons who took you, and who keep you Prisoner. Then Orders were given, that the Vice-king should speedily be embarked upon one of the Ships, and sent into Spain; lest Gonçalo Piçarro, coming thither, and finding him in custody, should kill him, or that the Relations of Agent Suarez should design the like in revenge for the Murther of their Kinsman; and that what mischief befell him of that kind, the fault of all would be objected unto them: and farther they considered, that in case they should send him away without some force or re∣straint upon him, he might return ashore, and fall upon them again: what to doe herein they knew not, or what to resolve, so that they seemed to repent of what they had already done. Howsoever there was no other remedy now but they must proceed; and so they made Licenciado Cepeda their Captain General, who, with a strong Guard, conducted the King to the Sea-side, with intent to put him aboard a Ship; but herein they found some difficulty: for Diego Alvarez Cu∣ero, who was at that time Admiral of the Fleet, seeing great numbers of peo∣ple on the shoar, and that they were bringing the Vice-king prisoner, sent Cap∣tain Geronimo Curbano in his Long-boat armed with Small-shot, and some Petre∣ro's in the head, to command all the Boats belonging to the Fleet to come a∣board the Admiral; and with them he went to require the Judges to set the Vice-king at liberty: but this action produced little effect, onely some Shot were interchanged between the Sea and the Town, and so the Admiral returned again to his Ship. After which the Judges sent off a Boat to Cuero, to require him to surrender the Fleet to them, with the Children of the Marquis, and that then they would deliver the Vice-king into his hands to be carried away with one of the Ships; and if not, that he must expect the sequel thereof. This Message was carried with consent of the Vice-king by Friar Gaspar de Carvajal, who at the Ship side openly declared it, in the presence of Vaca de Castro, who was then a Prisoner on board; which when Diego Alvarez Cuero heard; and considered the danger the Vice-king was in, he presently landed the Children of the Marquis in the Boats belonging to the Fleet together with Don Antonio and his Wife; which being done, the Judges farther required a surrender of the whole Fleet, or other∣wise they threatned to cut off the Head of the Vice-king. During this Treaty, Vela Nunnez, Brother of the Vice-king went to and fro with Messages between the Admiral and the Judges; and seeing that the Captains of the Ships resolved not to abandon their Charge, they returned with the Vice-king to the City under a very strong Guard. Two days after which, the Captains of the Fleet received intelligence, that the Judges and Souldiers were contriving means how to sur∣prize the Fleet by sending a strong Party of Musquetiers in Boats to attack them:

for in regard they found that they could not prevail on Geronimo Curbano, nor cor∣rupt him by the great Offers they made to him; and that the Seamen and Soul∣diers being Biscayners were faithfull to Cuero their Commander; the Judges then resolved to reduce them by force: which when the Captains understood, they re∣solved to make sail out of the Port, and pass their time upon the Coast, untill his Majesty's Orders came to direct such course as might tend to a Settlement, of those disturbances. Farther they considered, that aswell in the City as over all the King∣dom there was a Party well affected to the Vice-king, who had not been concerned in his imprisonment: and that many of the true and loyal Subjects to his Majesty came daily in to their side, and flocked aboard the Ships. That the Fleet was indifferently well provided, having ten or twelve rounds of Iron Shot and four of Copper, and above fourty quintals of Gun-powder: moreover they had four hundred quintals of Bisket, five hundred bushels of Mayz, and a good stock of salt Victuals, which Provision would serve for a long time; and then of Water they could not be hindred, that being to be had along the Coast in all parts and places: but then in regard their force was weak, not having above twenty five Souldiers on board, and that the number of their Mariners was not sufficient to manage ten sail of Ships, they set fire to four of the lesser Vessels, and also to two Fisher-boats which lay on the shoar, and so with the six remaining Ships they made sail into the Sea. The four Ships burned down to the Water, be∣cause there was no possibility of going out to quench them; but the two Boats were in a manner saved, for being taken in time, the Fire was put out, and they received no damage but what was easie to be repaired. The six Ships sailed away, and made for Port Guaura, about eighteen leagues to the lee-ward of Los Reyes, where they provided themselves with Wood and Water, as their necessi∣ties required; and with them they carried Licenciado Vaca de Castro; and being at Guaura they attended to hear the News of what had been the Issue of the Vice-king's imprisonment. The Judges having advice hereof; and considering that it was not probable the Ships should sail at a far distance whilst the Vice-king was in such danger of his Life; they resolved to send Forces both by Sea and by Land to surprize the Fleet by some way or other; in pursuance of which design they gave it in charge to Diego Garcia de Alfaro, an inhabitant of that City, and who was well experienced in maritime Affairs, to repair the Boats which were saved on the shoar: which being accordingly fitted and lanched into the Water, they armed them with thirty Musquetiers, and sailed with them along the Coast to lee ward: and in the mean time John de Mendoça and Ventura Veliran were sent away by Land with another Detachment, and both these Parties having an eye to each other, they observed that the Fleet was at an Anchor in Guaura, which when Diego Garcia saw, he privately in the night conveyed himself behind a rock in the Port, not far distant from the Ships, where they could not be seen; in the mean time those who were ashoar began to fire some Guns; which they on board taking to be some Signal ashoar which those of the Vice-king's Party had made who were fled, and were desirous to embark with them; Vela Nunnez was ordered in the Boat to go ashoar, to discover what the matter was; and being just at the shoar side, but not landed, he was pursued in the rere by Diego Garcia and his men; so that being cut off from the rest of the Fleet, Vela Nunnez was forced to yield himself and Boat into the hands of the enemy; after which they sent to summon Cuero, telling him, that unless he yielded, the Fleet into their hands, they were resolved to kill both the Vice-king and Vela Nunnez: which Cu∣ero fearing, surrendred up his Ships against the consent and opinion of Geronimo Curbano, who, with the single Ship he had commanded, set sail and made to∣wards the firm Land: for that two days before Diego Garcia came thither, Cuero had commanded him to sail down the Coast, and seize all the Ships they met, to pre∣vent them from falling into the hands of the Judges: who, from the very time that the Fleet departed from Los Reyes, resolved to transport the Vice-king to a certain Island about two Leagues distant from that Port, there to secure him from the violence of the Agent's kindred who had attempted to kill him; and therefore they sent him away with a Guard of twenty men upon a sort of Boats made of dry Rushes, which the Indians call Henca. And, having advices of taking the Fleet, they determined to send the Vice-king to his Majesty, in the condition of a Pri∣soner, with all the Informations and Depositions made against him which Licen∣ciado Alvarez, one of the Judges, was to carry; and for his reward, and to bear his

charges eight thousand Pieces of Eight were paid him; the which Depositions and Process against the Vice-king were signed by all the Judges, Carate onely ex∣cepted. The Ships being then at Guaura the Vice-king was carried thither by Boat, but Alvarez went by Land, where the Vice-king being committed to his charge, he sailed away with three of the Ships, and was so much in haste that he would not stay for the dispatches from the Judicature, but made Sail without them; and as to Vaca de Castro he was carried back to Los Reyes upon one of the Ships which were lately seised. Thus far are the words of Carate specified in the eleventh Chapter of the fifth Book, whose authority in this relation we shall more particularly follow, in regard he was present and a party concerned in all these transactions; so we shall omit the sayings of other Authours in this matter, unless something singular occurs on which Carate doth not touch.

CHAP. XVI.

The sad misfortunes of the Vice-king. A Conspiracy in Ri∣mac against the Judges, and what was done thereupon. The Vice-king is set at liberty.

ALL that is before declared is confirmed by Gomara, though in a confused manner; who farther proceeds in this manner in the 160th Chapter of his Book, wherein he sets forth the sad misfortunes of the unhappy Vice-king.

When the Admiral, says he, refused to surrender up the Ships to save the life of the Vice-king, they then treated him with opprobrious words, telling him, that a man who brought such Laws as those deserved the reward he now received; whereas if he had come without them he had been honoured and adored; but now the Tyrant is taken and our liberty restored: with such reproaches as these they returned him again into the hands of Cepeda, where they kept him disarmed in custody of Licenciado Ninno: howsoever he did always eat with Cepeda, and lodged in the same Bed with him: but Blasco Nunnez fearing at this time to be poisoned, asked Cepeda upon the word of a Gentleman, when they first did eat together, whether he might freely and without danger eat with him? the which question was put to him in presence of Christopher de Barrientos, Martin de Robles, Ninno and other principal persons; to which Cepeda returned answer, am I, said he, so mean a spirited Rascal, that if I had a mind to kill you, I could not doe it without some secret treachery? Your Lordship, said he, may eat as freely as if you were at the Table of my Lady Donna Brianda de Acumna, meaning his Wife; and to free you from all jealousie I will be your Taster, the which he observed all the time that he remained in his House.

One day Friar Gaspar de Carvajal came to him and told him, that by order of the Judges he was come to confess him: the Vice-king asked whether Cepeda was there, and it being answered that he was not, and that there was no others than the three afore-mentioned, he caused him to be called, and complained to him of his hard fate; but Cepeda comforted him, and assured him that there was none had power to take away his life but himself onely, the which he spake on assurance of what had been agreed amongst them; and then Blasco Nunnez embraced and kissed him on the Cheek in presence of the Friar. Thus far are the words of Go∣mara, which we have extracted verbatim: and indeed if we consider it, 'tis a sad passage, That one elected to be a Prince and Governour of an Empire so great as Peru, should be reduced to such miseries as he was by his own Creatures and Confidents.

This Father Gaspar de Carvajal was the Friar of whom we made mention for∣merly in the story of Francisco Orellana, in what manner he opposed him in his treacherous design against Gonçalo Piçarro, when they were upon the discovery of the Cinamon Countrey; and how he was left upon the Trinity Island, and retur∣ned

afterwards to Peru, where he declared the many hardships they had sustained in that discovery.

And upon this occasion I take leave to report a strange accident, which befell a certain Gentleman named Don John de Mendoça, of whom me made mention in a former Chapter, and whom I knew an Inhabitant in Cozco; which story, be∣cause it is curious, and perhaps not rarely happening in the world before, 'tis fit it should be known, and the memory thereof conserved. This Gentleman, I say, upon a solemn Festival,* 1.5 throwing the Dart on Horseback in the Market-place of Mexico, before he passed to Peru; for he was one of those Gallants who accom∣panied the famous Don Pedro de Alvarado, and running with his Horse full speed, just as he was rising on his stirrups to throw his Dart with all his force, his Horse on a sudden made a full stop, and he being a tall and a slimm man, and weak in the knees, was cast over the Horses head, with his feet hanging in the stirrups, and his hands on the ground to save his face; in which condition he had ran great hazard of his life, had not some Friends who were near him, (amongst which my Lord and Master Garçilasso de la Vega was one) come timely to his assistance. Pardon this short digression for the strangeness of the accident; and so we shall return again to our History.

During the time that the Vice-king remained a Prisoner at the Island, which is distant about two leagues from the Port, Don Alonso de Monte-mayor (as Augustine de Carate reports in the twelfth Chapter of his fifth Book) together with those who were sent in pursuit of Father Loaysa returned, some of which the Judges seised upon and imprisoned, and others of them they disarmed, and imprisoned them with several others who came from Cozco in the Houses of Captain Martin de Robles and of other Citizens; and being thus ill-treated, they laid a Plot to kill the Judges and set the Vice-king at liberty, restoring him to his power and au∣thority, which they contrived in this manner: It was ordered that in the night some Musquets should be fired in the House of Martin de Robles, which should be a signal to Serjeant Francis de Aguirre, who then kept Guard in Licenciado Ce∣peda's House to kill him, and immediately to possess and keep the avenues and corners of every Street with Souldiers, and send a Party into the Market-place, which giving an alarm a Doctour Texada and Licenciado Alvarez, 'tis probable they would come forth to relieve Cepeda, when they would be ready to kill them, and then they would immediately raise the City and declare for the King; the which had certainly succeeded accordingly, had not one who was a Native of Madrid, and appointed to act in the Plot, discovered all to Cepeda, about an hour before the design was to be put in execution. Immediately hereupon Cepeda issu∣ed out Warrants to seise the chief of those who were concerned in the Plot, name∣ly Don Alonso de Monte-mayor, Paul de Meneses a Citizen of Talavera, Captain Car∣ceres, Alonso de Barrionuevo, with others, who were Servants to the Vice-king; and having examined the matter Barrionuevo was condemned to die, but upon farther consideration, his Sentence was to have his right Hand cut off, having been the first contriver in this Conspiracy; and thus this insurrection was suppres∣sed. Thus far Carate.

To which we may farther add, That though the Judges found divers others guilty of that mutiny, whom they might justly have punished with death, yet not to appear bloudy and tyrannical, which might be occasion of new Plots and Con∣spiracies, and also upon the intercession of divers principal Persons of the City of Los Reyes, they altered the Sentence against Barrionuevo, as we have before declared, and banished Alonso de Monte-mayor and others his Complices from the City into divers parts Northwards from thence. All which afterward joyned with the Vice-king, and accompanied him in all his misfortunes, which proved the ruine of ma∣ny of them. After which Carate proceeds on with the History in this manner,

The news of these passages as they every day succeeded were carried to Gonçalo Piçarro, supposing that upon intelligence of these matters he would presently dis∣band his Army: but he was far from that intention, because he imagined that the rumour of the Vice-king's imprisonment was divulged with design to disperse his People, that being abandoned and deserted by all, they might dispose of his own Person at their pleasure; which caused him to keep his Forces together, and to march more orderly and cautiously than before. But Licenciado Alvarez, who was embarked with the Vice-king, being conscious to himself that he had been a chief promoter and actour in the designs against him, and in the punishment

of those who had plotted to set him at liberty, and being desirous to reconcile himself to him, went the same day that he made Sail, and was at Sea, unto the Cabbin of the Vice-king, and there, to excuse himself, told him, that the Office he had undertaken was with intent to doe him service, and to free him out of the hands of Cepeda, and from the danger of falling into the power of Gonçalo Piçarro, whose arrival in those parts was shortly expected; and that he might be assured of his reality in this matter, he entirely resigned to him the command of the Ship, together with his liberty, and that he himself was at his disposal, and de∣voted to his service, beseeching him to pardon his past errours and faults which he confessed to have been great in his confederacy with others against him, and that the merit of restoring him to life and liberty might attone and satisfie for his former crimes; and accordingly he gave Orders to the ten men, whom he brought with him for Guards to the Vice-king, that they should henceforward observe and follow the commands of his Lordship. The Vice-king returned him thanks, and told him that he accepted the proffer, and accordingly took the command of the Ship and Arms, and carried himself fair towards him for a while; but this good humour lasted not long before he began to treat him with more rude terms, calling him Villain, Mutinier, and other opprobrious names, swearing that he would hang him, and though he reprieved him for the present, it was onely because he had occasion for his service. And this kind of deportment he used towards him, during the time they were in company together, sailing along the Coast to the City of Truxillo, where many things happened which we shall hereafter relate. Thus far Carate, whose words we have repeated verbatim, and who proceeds far∣ther in this relation in the thirteenth Chapter of his Book.

CHAP. XVII.

The Summons which the Judges sent to Gonçalo Piçarro, and the misfortunes which befell those who deserted his Cause.

ALvarez having set Sail and at Sea, it was reported at Los Reyes that he and the Vice-king were agreed, to which they gave the greater credit, by some circumstances in his behaviour before he departed; and more especially because he did not expect the dispatches which the Judges were preparing, and which Ca∣rate had purposely delayed with pretence that they should be forwarded the day following. This matter much troubled the Judges, for that this Alvarez had been the chief promoter and instrument of the Vice-king's imprisonment, and had been more concerned therein than any of the others: but whilst they were doubtfull of the meaning and intention of Alvarez, it was thought fit to send a message to Gonçalo Piçarro, giving him information of what had succeeded, and to require him, by virtue of their Commission from the King, whereby they were authori∣sed and impowered to administer Justice, and to order and command such things as tended to the peace and welfare of that Countrey, that he should immediately disband his Army and repair to the City, in regard they had already suspended the execution of the new Laws, which was the sum of the Petition for which they came, and had sent the Vice-king into Spain, which was a point of higher satisfaction than they had demanded or pretended unto before: wherefore in re∣gard all matters were appeased, they required him to come in a peaceable manner without an Army; and in case he should desire to have a Guard for the security of his Person, he might, if he pleased, come attended with fifteen or twenty Horse. This command being dispatched away, the Judges would have seconded it by some Citizens for the better countenance of the matter, but there was none that would accept the Office, apprehending some danger might be in it; saying, that they might be blamed by Gonçalo Piçarro and his Party for taking upon them such a message to them, who pretended to come for the security of their Estates against

such as in general were enemies to them. Hereupon the Judges sent Instructions to Augustine Carate, Accountant General of the Kingdom, that he together in company with Don Antonio de Ribera, an inhabitant of that City, should go and signifie these matters, for which he was authorised by the Credentials which were given him: and accordingly they departed, and travelled as far as the Valley of Xauxa, where Gonçalo Piçarro was encamped; who being already informed of the message which they brought, which he knew would be unwelcome to his People, for they apprehending that this message was brought with intention to disband them, and thereby defeat them of the hopes they had to sack and plunder the Ci∣ty of Lima, might probably thereupon fall into a mutiny; to prevent which Je∣ronimo Villegas, Captain of Piçarro's own Company, was dispeeded away with thirty Musquetiers mounted on Horseback to intercept the messengers in their way; and having met them coming, they suffered Antonio de Ribera to pro∣ceed to the Camp; but they stopped Augustine de Carate, and took his dis∣patches from him, and returned him back by the same way that he came, as far as the Province of Pariacaca, where they detained him Prisoner for the space of ten days, with terrours and threats, unless he desisted from farther prosecution of his Message; and in this condition he remained untill such time as Gonçalo Piçarro arrived there with his Camp. Thus far are the words of Carate, which are again confirmed by other Authours, who proceed and say, That those of the Corpora∣tion of the City of Los Reyes, made choice of Don Antonio de Ribera and Augustine de Carate Accountant General, because they were both men acceptable to Gonçalo Piçarro, and the least suspected by him; for that Don Antonio was as it were his Brother-in-law, having married the Widow of Francisco Martin de Alcantara, Bro∣ther to the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro, and Carate was a Person, who being a stranger in the Countrey, had no engagements or obligations in any part of the Countrey; for which cause, as we said, they suffered Don Antonio to pass, by rea∣son of his alliance, but the Accountant Carate was stopped by them. Thus much is confirmed by Diego Fernandez, who adds farther in the twenty fourth Chapter of his Book. That at the Council held by Gonçalo Piçarro and his Captains, to consider of the Answer which was to be returned to the Message sent by the Judges, they onely touched upon one point thereof, to which Francisco de Carvajal like a great Officer and Souldier made this reply, That whereas the Judges did re∣quire that Gonçalo Piçarro should come to them with a Guard onely of fifteen or twenty Horse, they understood it to be so many in a Rank, to which interpretation all the Captains in the Council agreed, and concluded that it was necessary for the welfare of the Publick to create Gonçalo Piçarro chief Governour, and in all other things they would comply with the Judges, and that in case they should refuse to accept these Proposals, they were resolved to put the City to Fire and Sword, &c. Thus far Diego Fernandez Palentino.

But now to return to Graviel de Rojas, and Garcilasso de la Vega, and other Inha∣bitants and Gentlemen of Cozco, who deserted Gonçalo Piçarro and were fled to Arequepa, whence not finding passage by Sea they travelled along by the Sea coast, and being at length arrived at Los Reyes, they found themselves much at a loss, for that the Vice-king, whose fortune they intended to follow, was already taken, and embarked by force for Spain; and whereas the Judges had a chief hand in this Conspiracy against the Vice-king, and thereby seemed rather to incline to the Faction of Gonçalo Piçarro than to Blasco Nunnez Vela, they were resolved not to engage with them. Though if we impartially consider of these matters, we shall find that the intention of the Judges was not as ill Tongues scandalously reported, but was to prevent worse and more dangerous consequences, proceeding from the Vice-king, who was abhorred and hated by all men of Estates and Interest in that Countrey, against whom he came chiefly to put the new Laws in execution. Howsoever these Gentlemen, looking with a prejudicial eye upon those things which the Judges had acted, refused to joyn with them whom they esteemed to be favourers of the cause of Piçarro. And whereas no Party appeared to set up the Royal interest, they knew not unto whom they might adhere; for they found themselves in the power of their enemies, not being able to escape from them either by Sea or Land: for after the Vice-king's imprisonment all the Countrey declared for Piçarro; but the greatest number of the contrary party remained in the City of Los Reyes, not having any other place whereunto to repair; others absconded themselves amongst their Friends and Relations; for having been all

engaged in the conquest of that Kingdom, their mutual concernment for each other was such as to favour one the other to their utmost power; but others who would not trust themselves in the Town removed far from it, and lived amongst the Indians, the which proved the more secure course, for thereby they saved their lives, whilst many others were put to death by the cruelty of the advers Party. And indeed this was the misfortune of Lewis de Ribera, and of Antonio Alvarez, and of twenty four or twenty five Gentlemen more, who were all Inhabitants of the City of Plate, which is about thirty Leagues distant from Los Reyes, who came with design to serve the King: and having passed and endured great hardships in their travails and difficulties to avoid falling into the hands of Piçarro and his peo∣ple, they came at length near to Los Reyes, where they received the unwelcome News of the misfortunes of the Vice-king; how, and in what manner, he was im∣prisoned, embarked and sent to Sea; with this sad intelligence they gave them∣selves for lost; for neither durst they adventure into the City, because all the Countrey had declared for Piçarro, nor did they think it Prudence, voluntarily to trust themselves in the power of the enemy: Wherefore every one took his proper course and shifted for himself. The like many other Gentlemen did, who came to serve his Majesty under the Vice-king, so that they were scattered and dispersed over all the Countrey. And some not esteeming themselves safe in the Parts of Peru, fled to the Mountains of Antis, where they were famished or de∣voured by Tigers; others were taken by the salvage Indians, not as yet conquered and sacrificed to their Idols. Thus men out of fear of falling into the hands of their Enemies precipitated themselves into desperate Courses, esteeming Barbari∣ans and wild Beasts to have more Bowels of compassion than Tyrants. This dire∣full effect had the immoderate and ungoverned Passion of the Vice-king, for had he been a man of any temper, he had surmounted all his difficulties, and had been defended by the powerfull succours of the Rich, Noble, and Persons of the greatest Interest, who were the Flower of Cozco, and the Charcas; when on the contrary, both he and his party were lost, being exposed to the Cruelties of War and to the mercy of their Enemies, who put many of them to death.

CHAP. XVIII.

Gonçalo Piçarro comes to the City of Los Reyes. Several Citizens of note are put to death, because the Judges delayed to proclaim Piçarro Governour.

AND now Piçarro, taking short marches towards the City of Los Reyes, by reason of the great Incumbrance of Cannon which he had with him, came at length to the Province called Pariacaca, where Augustin Carate was lately stop∣ped and deteined; and there called him before him to relate the Message which he brought to him; which Carate, in the thirteenth Chapter of his fifth Book, declares in these words, I, said he, knowing the danger I was in of my life, did in the first place communicate the business I had in charge to Piçarro in private; who afterwards cause•• me to be introduced into the Tent, where all his Captains were assembled, and there commanded me to declare that which I had before im∣parted unto him. And Carate saith farther, that being informed of the mind of Piçarro, he made use of his Letters of Credence from the Judges, to declare in their behalf and in their names many things tending to his Majesty's Service and for the good and benefit of the Countrey: particularly, that since the Vice-king was embarked, and sent away, whereby their desires were allowed and granted; That they should make good unto his Majesty the Treasure which Blasco Nunnez Vela had consumed and spent, as they had already made known by their Letters: that a Pardon should be granted to the Citizens of Cozco, who had revolted from his Camp to serve the Vice-king•• which might easily be granted, considering the Justice of their Cause: And that Messengers should be sent to his Majesty, to in∣form

him of the state of Affairs, and of all the passages which had occurred, and to excuse whatsoever had passed, with many other things of this nature. To which Particulars no other Answer was given, than that he should tell the Judges, that for the good of the Countrey, it was requisite to make Piçarro Governour thereof; and when that was done, they would then take such other Measures for the publick good, as should be proposed by them; and on the contrary, in case of refusal, they would give up the City of Los Reyes, to be plundred and sacked by the Souldiery. With this Answer Carate returned to the Judges, who were trou∣bled to receive a Message so contrary to their expectations, and so plain and pu∣blick a Declaration of the mind of Piçarro, whom they once believed to be bet∣ter inclined, and to have no other designs and pretensions, than onely the expulsion of the Vice-king, and the suspension of the new Laws; wherefore in answer to this demand they returned a message to the Captains, giving them to understand, that having considered of their Proposals, they knew not how to grant or treat on them, unless they were delivered in writing according to the usual methods and way of proceedings in those matters. When this matter was known, all the Re∣presentatives of the several Cities which were going to the Camp returned back again, and joining with those of other Corporations, who were then assembled at Los Reyes, gave in a Petition to the Judges sitting on the Bench, desiring a con∣cession of what was verbally required. The Judges considered hereof, as a mat∣ter of great concernment and dangerous, for they had no Commission to warrant them in this Declaration, nor had they liberty or power at that time to refuse it: for Piçarro had made by this time a very near approach to the City, and had pos∣sessed himself of all the ways and avenues thereunto: so that in this strait and difficulty they resolved to consult with the persons of greatest power and authori∣ty in the City, and to desire their opinion and concurrence with them, a memorial whereof they sent to Friar Geronimo de Loaysa Archbishop of Los Reyes, to Friar John Salano Archbishop of Cozco, to Garcia Diaz Bishop of Quita, to Friar Tho∣mas de San Martin Provincial of the Dominicans, and to Augustine Carate Accoun∣tant, Treasurer and Comptroller of his Majesty's revenue, desiring their opinion and sense in this matter of high concernment; not that they were to seek or doubtfull in what could legally be done or required, or that they were at liberty to grant or refuse what Gonçalo Piçarro and his Captains required, but onely that these persons might bear their part in the burthen, and become Witnesses that what they granted to Piçarro was extorted by force, and not yielded by a voluntary consent.

Whilst these matters were debating Gonçalo Piçarro advanced within a quarter of a League of the City, where he pitched his Camp and planted his Batteries of Cannon: and perceiving that they delayed to answer his Demands, he sent the night following thirty Musquetiers under the command of one of his chief Offi∣cers unto the City; who there seized upon twenty eight persons who came from Cozco, and others, against whom he had a quarrel for taking part with the Vice-king: amongst which were Graviel de Rojas, Garcilasso de la Vega, Melchior Verdugo, Dr. Carvajal and Peter del Barco, Martin de Florencia, Alonso de Carceres, Peter de Manjaires, Lewis de Leon, Anthony Ruys de Guevara, with several other persons of quality in that Countrey, whom he committed to the common Prison; of which taking the keys and possession, they turned out the Alcade, and took the whole power out of the hands of the Judges, who were not able to contradict or with∣stand the Power which was against them; for in the whole City there were not fifty men of the Sword; for those Parties which once declared for the Vice-king and the Judges were now revolted to the Camp of Piçarro, with which, and with the men he brought with him, he made up twelve hundred men, all well equip∣ped and armed; in confidence of which force, some of the Captains came to the City, and plainly told the Judges, that unless they speedily dispatched their busi∣ness and proclaimed Piçarro Governour, they would put all the City to Fire and Sword, and that they should be the first with whom they would begin.

The Judges excused themselves asmuch as they were able, saying, That they had no power to doe any such thing; whereupon Carvajal, the Officer that was sent, immediately took four persons of those who were committed to Prison; three of which, namely, Peter de Barco, Martin de Florencia, and John de Saavedra, and hanged them together on a Tree near to the City, reproaching them with opprobrious and bitter language at the time of their death, not giving to these three so much as half an hour's time to make their confession and prepare their fouls for

death; telling Peter del Barco particularly, who was the last of the three which he hanged; That in regard he had been a Captain, and one of the Conquerours of that Countrey, and was a person of quality, and one of the richest in those parts, he would grant him this privilege at his death, to chuse which of the boughs he pleased for his gallows. But to Lewis de Leon his Life was granted at the Inter∣cession of a brother of his, who was a Souldier in Gonçalo Piçarro's Army, and who begged it as a special grace and favour unto him.

The Judges being terrified with this piece of Cruelty, and fearing lest the like sentence should be executed on all the others who were then in prison, and that the City should be given up for a prey to the Souldiery, in case they deferred longer to perform their demands. They with all earnestness sent to the persons to whose Counsels they had referred themselves in this matter, that they should im∣mediately give in their opinions: whereupon every one, nemine contradicente, gave their Votes, that the Government should be conferred on Gonçalo Piçarro; which the Judges instantly made known to him, surrendring up to him all the Power of that Province untill such time as his Majesty's pleasure should be known therein: And hereupon they renounced their Commissions of hearing and determining Cau∣ses, and resigned all into the Governours hands, giving security to reside in the City, and sit on the Bench, and hear all Causes and Actions of complaint which should be brought before them. Thus far Augustine de Carate.

And here we will cut short the Thread of this Discourse, lest we should seem over tedious in this Chapter.

CHAP. XIX.

Gonçalo Piçarro is proclaimed Governour of Peru, His En∣try into the City of Los Reyes. The death of Captain Gumiel. The Citizens of Cozco are set at Liberty.

THE execution of Pedro del Barco, Martin de Florencia, and John de Saavedra made a great noise, and was occasion of much discontent and murmurings both in the City and in the Camp: for (as Diego Fernandez de Carvajal reports in the twenty fifth Chapter of his Book) the people apprehended, that as Francisco de Carvajal had been so bloudy as to kill those three, he would farther proceed in his Tragedy to the death of all the others who were imprisoned for the like cause: for which reason many of the Citizens of Rimac and Captains and Souldiers of the Army made their Addresses to Gonçalo Piçarro, beseeching him not to suffer the effusion of so much Noble Bloud, and of persons who had been Instruments and engaged in the Conquest of the Empire; for such an Act of Cruelty would render him odious to the whole World. Whereupon Gonçalo Piçarro, who was a per∣son of a tender and flexible nature, gave immediately a very rich Medal and a Ring to be carried to Francisco Carvajal (who well knew that both of them belon∣ged to Piçarro ) to serve for a token and sign to him to desist from farther spil∣ling of Bloud.

But as to the particulars of what is related farther concerning the death of those men whom Carvajal put to death; I have learned from those who were then pre∣sent, that those Citizens were put to death solely by the will and authority of Car∣vajal, without the order, privity or knowledge of Gonçalo Piçarro. For all the Commission which he had was this, that he should goe, and quiet the people; for understanding that all the City being in great consternation, were ready to a∣bandon the place; he sent him with Orders to pacifie them, that they might re∣joice at his Arrival. Carvajal, who well enough understood his meaning replied to him, saying, I promise your Lordship, that I will so order Matters, that they shall be obliged to goe forth and meet you: to perform and make good his word, (according to the Martial way of expression) he hanged the three men in the way where Piçarro was to pass, which he called the meeting of him, and said, that this

was the onely means to affright the Judges and the whole City, and to hasten them in their Votes to proclaim Piçarro Governour, as all the Representatives of the Kingdom desired. But the truth is Gonçalo Piçarro was much troubled to under∣stand of the death of these three persons, whom he caused to be taken from the Trees, before he passed that way; declaring that he had no hand in that execution, and that he neither commanded the same, nor knew thereof. And it is farther said by Diego Fernandez in the twenty fifth Chapter of his Book, that the Decree proclaiming Gonçalo Piçarro Governour was generally pleasing both to the City and to the Army; because it was the common opinion of all, that in that con∣juncture, nothing could tend more to the settlement and quiet of the Kingdom than that: And moreover, it was believed that his Majesty would confirm him therein, in consideration of the great services which his brother, the Marquis had performed to the Crown; as also for other Causes which they alledged in fa∣vour and honour of Gonçalo Piçarro himself: For now fortune being of his side, the people began to speak favourably of him; and he, carrying himself with pre∣tences of restoring to them their Liberty, was generally cryed up and beloved of all; and especially succeeding the Vice-king, who was hated and detested by all mankind. Thus far are the words of Diego Fernandez: After which Carate, in the thirteenth Chapter of his Book, proceeds, and says:

The Instrument for constituting Piçarro Governour being passed; he made his Entry into the City in State and triumph. In the first place, Captain Bachicao led the Van-guard with two and twenty Pieces of Cannon made for the field, which were carried on the Shoulders of six thousand Indians (as we have mentioned be∣fore) with all the other train of Artillery and Ammunition thereunto belonging, and as they marched they fired the Cannon in the Streets; and for Guard to the Artillery thirty Musquetiers and fifty Gunners were appointed.

After which followed the Company under command of Captain Diego Gumiel, which consisted of two hundred Pique-men, after which followed Captain Gue∣vara with a hundred and fifty Musquetiers; and then came the Company of Pe∣dro Cermenno consisting of two hundred Harquebusiers; immediately after which followed Gonçalo Picarro himself with three Companies of Foot, attending like Foot-men by his side, and he mounted on a very fine Horse, and cloathed with a Coat of Mail, over which he wore a thin Coat of cloth of gold; after him mar∣ched three Captains with their Troops of Horse, in midst of which Don Pedro Porto Carrero supported the Royal Standard; on his right hand Antonio Altamirano carried the Ensign of Cozco, and on the left Pedro de Puelles carried the Colours in which the Arms of Piçarro were painted; after which all the Cavalry followed armed in form and point of War. And in this order they marched to the house of Licenciado Carate, where the other Judges were assembled, (which was a de∣fault on Carate's side, for he ought rather to have received him in the place of publick Judicature) but here Piçarro leaving his Forces drawn up in the open Market-place, went up into the Chamber where the Judges attended, and received him with due order and respect, and having taken the Oath, and given the Secu∣rity which is usual; he went to the Town-house, where the Mayor, Sheriffs and other Officers received him with the accustomary Solemnities; and thence he went to his own Lodgings; and in the mean time the Officers quartered the Soul∣diers both Horse and Foot in the private houses of the Citizens, giving order that they should entertain them upon Free-quarter.

This entry of Piçarro into the City, and his reception there, happened to∣wards the end of the month of October 1544, being forty days after the imprison∣ment of the Vice-king; and from that time forward Piçarro attended wholly to the management of his martial Affairs, and to matters relating thereunto, leaving all civil Causes and proceedings in Law to the Judges, who held their Courts in the House of the Treasurer Alonso Riquelme. And then he sent to Cozco for his De∣puty Alonso de Toro, to Arequepa for Pedro de Tuentes, to the Villa de Plata for Fran∣cisco de Almendras, and to other Cities for the principal Governours thereof. Thus far are the words of Augustine Carate. To which Fernandez Palentino in the sixteenth Chapter of his Book adds and says, That Diego Centeno having accompanied Gonçalo Piçarro in quality of Procuratour for the Town of Plate, as far as Los Reyes, he there found that Piçarro had preferred his great Friend Francisco de Almendras to be Cap∣tain and chief Justiciary of that Town; and therefore he desired him to move Piçarro that he might be dismissed and go along with him to the Villa de la Plata,

because his House and Estate was in those parts; which license being obtained, they travelled together to the Charcas, where some time afterwards, when Diego Centeno declared for the King, he surprised and killed him: and though in excuse hereof it may be alledged that it was done for the King's service, yet he can never wipe off that blot of Ingratitude; for during the time of the Conquest, when Diego Centeno came very young into the Countrey, he was supported and provided for in all his necessities, and in the time of his sickness, by Francisco de Almendras, who was a rich, and a principal person of quality in those days, and took the same care of him as if he had been his Son; the which benefits and kindnesses Diego Centeno publickly owned, and when they were in private he called him Father, as Almendras called him Son: and therefore he ought for ever to be branded with Ingratitude, unless the publick concernment for his Prince be able to untie and abolish all other private obligations and endearments what∣soever.

Gonçalo Piçarro, finding himself now invested in his Power and Government, which he held both by virtue of the Royal Grant given to his Brother the Mar∣quis, in whose right he pretended thereunto, and now by the consent and electi∣on of the Judges, began to give out his own Commission to Officers both Mili∣tary and Civil, and to sit and hear Causes, which he dispatched with great readi∣ness, administring Justice with Reputation and Authority, to the contentment and satisfaction of the whole City; but these smooth and chearfull proceedings were mixed with their troubles and misfortunes. For Captain Diego Gumiel, who untill this time had always shewed himself zealous and passionate in the cause of Piçarro, began to alter his humour, and speak against him, because he had refused to grant him a piece of Land with a Command over Indians, which he asked of him in behalf of a certain Friend of his: and with that occasion he railed against the Judges, saying, that they had unjustly taken away the Government from the Son of Marquis Francisco Piçarro to whom it appertained by lawfull in∣heritance descended from his Father, in virtue of a Grant from his Majesty, to confer it upon one who had no right nor title thereunto; and for that reason he declared, that he would use his utmost endeavours that the Son of the Marquis might recover his own Inheritance. Gumiel frankly discoursing at this rate, with∣out regard to the place where, or the person to whom he vented his passion, at length the reports thereof coming to the ears of Piçarro, he gave his immediate Orders to his Major-General that he should examine this matter, and take such course as might restrain the licentious Tongue of that Captain for the future. It is certain, that the meaning of Piçarro was not to put Gumiel to death, though Carvajal put that interpretation upon it, and having asked some questions about the matter, and hearing them confirmed, went directly to Gumiel's Lodgings, where without more to doe he strangled him, and drew his Body into the Mar∣ket-place, saying, give way, Gentlemen, for Captain Diego Gumiel, who hath pro∣tested and sworn that he will never say the like things again. And thus poor Gu∣miel ended his days, having lost his life by the intemperance of his Tongue, which hath been the ruine of many a man, but good to none.

CHAP. XX.

The Festivals and Rejoycings which were made for Gonçalo Piçarro. A general Pardon given to all those who were fled away. The place where Garçilasso de la Vega was retired, and how he obtained his Pardon from Gonçalo Piçarro.

PIçarro and his Captains, being swelled with the vanity and ostentation of be∣ing Governours and supreme Lords of Peru, appointed days of Festival to celebrate their Triumphs, after the manner of Spain; as namely the sport of bai∣ting

Bulls, throwing the Dart, and Lotteries; in which latter many drew inge∣nious Mottoes, or Sayings, and others scurrilous Sentences, like Libels, of which though I remember several, yet I think it not convenient to repeat any of them in this place.

Upon the day of this solemn rejoycing, orders were given to set those Gentle∣men at liberty who were the Citizens of Cozco, committed to Prison by Carvajal, as we mentioned before. Moreover he granted a general Pardon to those who were not as yet come in, onely Licenciado Garvajal was excepted, because he ha∣ving been his intimate Friend, had deserted him, and also Garçilasso de la Vega, as Diego Fernandez Palentino reports in Chap. 27th of his first Book, as also Augustine de Carate, but we must take leave to contradict these Authours, who have failed in this particular passage, of which we are able to give a more certain relation. Gonçalo Piçarro gave especial order that no man should go out of the City without his license; which Rodrigo Nunnez and Pedro de Prado demanding they were both put to death, because they gave evil example, and seemed to put jealousies and fears into the minds of the people: and in this manner, we see, that there was no joy without a mixture of sorrow, nor slaughters, nor effusion of bloud without rejoycings; which in Civil Wars take their turns and changes.

But to come to the particulars of what happened at that time in the City of Los Reyes; we are to take notice, how that at that time Francisco de Carvajal seised all the Citizens of Cozco who had deserted his cause, excepting onely Garçilasso de la Vega, who escaped by a mere accident, as the Historians relate: For that very night when Carvajal knocked at the door to come in and take him, a certain Soul∣dier went forth to open the door, whose name was Hernando Perez Tablero, a Na∣tive of the Town of Almendras in the Dukedom of Feria, Foster-brother with Don Alonso de Vargas my Uncle by the Father's side. This Hernando Perez, who as well for being of the same Countrey, being all of Estremennos, as also on score of Re∣lation, for both he and his Father and Grandfather had been Servants unto mine, and he at that time actually in service of Garçilasso de la Vega, my Lord and Father; knowing Francisco Carvajal by his voice, without making any answer returned im∣mediately to my Father, and told him that Carvajal was at the Gate knocking to come in: whereupon my Father made his escape out of the House as well as he could, and fled to the Convent of St. Domingo, where the Friars received and concealed him in a little private place, where he remained for the space of f•••••• months.

Carvajal having some intelligence that he was absconded in the Monastery, and the rather suspecting it, because it was near to his House, took some Souldiers with him, and searched every private place and corner that no place seemed to be undiscovered, unless the whole House had been thrown down; and herein they used all the diligence imaginable, for Gonçalo Piçarro conceived all the malice and despight against him that was possible, and therefore endeavoured to take him and put him to death: for he often complained of him, and said, that they had been Comrades together in the conquest of Goll••o and the Charcas, had eaten at the same Table, and slept in the same Chamber together, and by reason of such obligations he should never have deserted and denied his cause, much less have been the Head of a Faction against him, and a means to persuade others to forsake his Party.

Moreover Carvajal made four other searches after Garçilasso, and at one time he lifted up the hanging on the side of the High Altar, where was a nick or corner where they lodged the most Holy Sacrament, and there was a poor Souldier hid, and crouched up in a dark hole; but Carvajal perceiving that it was not the per∣son for whom he sought, let down the Hanging again, crying aloud, the person is not here for whom we seek. A while after came another of his Souldiers, cal∣led Porras, who being desirous to shew himself more diligent and officious than ordinary, lifted up the Hanging of the High Altar, and there discovered the poor Souldier whom Carvajal had purposely over-seen: but Porras, so soon as he espied him, cried out, here is the Traitour, here is the Traitour. Carvajal was troubled that he was found out, but in regard he was a principal Leader of the Faction against Piçarro, he could not do less than take notice of him; and so drawing him forth from his retirement, caused him to be confessed by the Friars of the Con∣vent and then hanged him up: but Porras did not escape the vengeance of Hea∣ven for this Fact, as we shall understand by the sequel.

As another time it happened out, That Carvajal so unexpectedly came into the Monastery to make another search, That Garçilasso de la Vega was altogether surprized, not knowing where to retire; but hastily ran into an empty Cell, where was no Bed nor other furniture under which he might cover himself; one∣ly some Shelves of Books covered with a Curtain just fronting to the Door, and a little distant from the Wall, so that a man might creep between the Shelves and that; and there my Father thrust and crouded himself. Two or three of those who came to search this House came into this Cell; and observing it be void and empty, and believing that the Shelves were fastned to the Wall, so that nothing could enter between, they went out again, saying, he is not here: Many of these hazardous Adventures my Father ran, whilst Gonçalo Piçarro was at Los Reyes, during which time his Friends, (of which he had many) interceded for him with Gonçalo Piçarro to obtain his pardon, and at length prevailed to have him pardoned as to his Life, upon condition that he should not see him nor come into his presence; say∣ing, that he ought not to be admitted thereunto, who had violated all the Laws of Friendship, Society and relation of Countrey-men: but having thus far obtained his Pardon, he came out of the Monastery, and retired privately into a Chamber, where he remained several days, untill the importunity of Friends so far prevailed with Piçarro in his behalf to grant him a complete Pardon, and admittance to his presence; after which he kept him always in his company, under the notion of a Prisoner, not suffering him to go out of his House or eat from his Table, and when in the Field, not to lie out of his Tent; and in this condition he continued untill the day when the Battel of Sacsahuana was fought. And for this cause, in regard he was always as a Prisoner with Gonçalo Piçarro, none of the three Authours make any mention of him in their Histories; but I who was so nearly concerned, knew all these particulars with the sufferings of my Father, who being disposses∣sed of his Estate for the space of three years, both he, and I, and the rest of my Brethren, being eight in number, were forced to live upon the Charity and Alms of well-disposed persons. This nearness which caused Gonçalo Piçarro to keep my Father to him, was to secure him that he should not escape from him; and the reason why he entertained him at his Table, because he knew that he had not wherewith to eat at any other place, and he was so generous as not to suffer him to have the obligation to any but himself. And such was the necessity and want which my Father laboured under at that time, that, after the death of the Vice-king, being in the City of Peru, he bought a Horse of a Souldier, who was called Salinas, and therefore they called the Horse Salinillas, which proved to be one of the finest Horses in all Peru, and cost eight hundred pieces of Eight, which makes nine hundred and sixty Ducats; and though he had not one farthing of his own to pay for him, yet, trusting to the kindness of his Friends, that they would ei∣ther lend or give him so much money, he adventured to buy him; to which end a Friend of his, who had not more in the whole world, lent him three hundred pieces of Eight, but when Gonçalo Piçarro understood that he had bought this Horse, he immediately gave order to pay the same out of his own Estate, knowing that Garçilasso had not wherewith to make satisfaction.

CHAP. XXI.

How and in what manner an irreverent impiety against the most Holy Sacrament, and other blasphemous words were punished. Piçarro and his Party nominate Messengers to be sent into Spain.

IT remains now for us, to relate the Judgment which befell Porras, which was this; Three months after the profanation he had made of the Holy Altar, he was sent by Carvajal to Huamanca upon some certain occasions, and passing a little Brook of Water not above two foot deep, he guided his Horse, being tired and

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thirsty, to a place where he might drink, and having drank he laid himself down in the Water, having one Leg of his Master under him, and lay on that side where the Water was deepest; Porras endeavoured to clear himself of his Horse but could not, and so lay still a while, untill the Horse struggling to rise, and the stream running swift upon him, he was at length drowned; but the Horse keep∣ing his head above Water, made a shift to keep himself from drowning, untill some Travellers passing that way helpt him out; but for Porras they found him dead, and buried him on the Bank of the stream. The which was esteemed by all the Kingdom to have been a Judgment of Heaven for his irreverence towards the Holy Altar, as we have before mentioned.

We may here take notice of the Divine Judgments against such, who were common Swearers and Blasphemers of the Name of God in their usual Conversa∣tion; who not contented with little petty Oaths, as Godsbodikins, or the like, but would say, God Damn me, or, God renounce me: such men as these, I say, have been observed to die by wounds in their Mouths; and not onely hath this happe∣ned in Battels in Peru, but in single Duels between Man and Man, in which such Blasphemers as these have been killed by shot of a carbine in their Mouths, or the stroke of a Lance, or a stabb of a Dagger in that part. There is one Instance of this very remarkable in my time, which happened a year before I came from Cozco, and it was this; A certain Souldier called Aguirre, an ill-con∣ditioned fellow, had a quarrel with John de Lira, a person of a far different temper, being naturally of a peaceable and quiet disposition; this Aguirre, to fight with de Lira, armed himself with a Coat of Mail, Gantlet and Head-peace, and expec∣ted him near the Convent of St. Dominick, as he passed to his Lodging from the great Church, where, on a Friday in Lent, he went to hear a Sermon; de Lira coming was met and assaulted by Aguirre, and they both struggled together for the space of an hour by the Clock, none coming in to part them, at length John de Li∣ra, closing in with Aguirre, stabb'd him in the Mouth with his Dagger, which came out at the nape of his Neck, and Aguirre, with a slash of his Sword stroke de Lira upon the Cloak which was folded on his left Arm, and cut eleven folds of it, and glancing along cut off his middle Finger; the same night Aguirre died of his wound in the Prison, but John de Lira recovered and was cured, in the Mona∣stery of St. Dominick where he was lodged; and there I visited him, and saw how his Finger was cut off, and eleven folds his Cloak cut thorough.

The like Judgment befell other notorious Blasphemers at the Battel of Salinas, where two or three were wounded in the Mouth, and dyed, as many in like manner at Chupas, as also four at Huarina, one of which was called Mezquita, and all of them incurred the same fate; which was so apparent a Judgment upon com∣mon Swearers and Blasphemers, that many repented of that sin, and were converted, and so particularly did this Judgment operate on the minds of the Spaniards in Pe∣ru, that they generally acknowledge it to have been a mercy of God towards them, and so abstain from that sin, that it is a disparagement to any man to be guilty thereof. And so far hath this custome against Blasphemy prevailed, as to pass from Peru into the Jurisdiction of Mexico, where it is accounted an infamous crime for any man to swear, especially Souldiers; so that when any one unadvi∣sedly swears, the Captains or Officers then present, cause him immediately to re∣call his Oath, and ask pardon for it, which indeed is a very laudable custome and much to be commended in those Officers who were the occasion that the same was practised amongst the Souldiery.

I cannot tax any of my own Relations by the Mother side with the sin of this nature; for to the contrary I have heard from one of my own Kindred, who (as I believe) spake impartially of them, That in the state of their very Gentilisme they knew not what an Oath meant, nor to take the Name of God in vain, but as a thing (as natural to them as their milk) they learned to pronounce the Name of God on no other occasion than of Prayers and Praises to him.

But whilst Gonçalo Piçarro was solemnizing the Festival appointed in honour to his new Title of Governour, he did not forget his dependence on Spain; and therefore proposed first to his Captains and Friends in private, and afterwards publickly to the Citizens of Los Reyes, that it was necessary to send Messengers to his Majesty to render an account of all that happened unto that time, beseeching his Majesty in behalf of that whole Empire to confer the Government thereof upon Gonçalo Piçarro, representing it as a matter much conducing to the service of

his Majesty, and to the common peace and tranquillity both of Indians and Spa∣niards: And moreover, that Piçarro should dispatch a private Agent, as from himself, who should lay before his Majesty the many services and labours which he had sustained for the enlargement of the dominions of Spain in those parts: this Proposal was approved by the common consent of all, and generally the World was of opinion, that a Proposition of this nature, tending so much to the welfare of the people, to the increase of his Majesty's revenue and enrichment of his Subjects, would not be refused: onely Francisco de Carvajal (as Diego Fer∣nandez Palentino relates in the twenty eighth Chapter of his Book) was of ano∣ther opinion; and declared, that the best Agents to persuade in Affairs of this kind were a good body of Musquetiers, Horse and Arms: And though it was true that Subjects ought never to take up Arms against their King; yet when they had once drawn the Sword, they ought never to put it up again: and that for the present, if they would send Messengers, they should be the Judges themselves; who having been the persons that had imprisoned the Vice-king, they were the most able to render an account to his Majesty of the reasons and causes which moved them thereunto.

This opinion was seconded by Hernando Bachicao; but the votes of two men could not over-rule the sense of the whole Court, who decreed to send Doctour Texada and Francisco Maldonado (Usher of the Hall to Gonçalo Piçarro) into Spain, with instructions to represent unto his Majesty the present state and condition of their Affairs. It was also ordered, that these persons should embark on a Ship then in Port, besides which there was no other at that time, and whereon Licen∣ciado Vaca de Castro was a prisoner, and stood committed by order from the Vice-king; and now remained in expectation, how the present Governours would dis∣pose of him; not judging it fit to fail for Spain without the Orders of some o∣ver-ruling power.

'Twas farther agreed, that Hernando Bachicao should have the Charge to provide the Ship with Men and Guns, and thereon to transport their Agents to Panama, of which Vaca de Castro being informed by a Friend and Kinsman of his called Garcia de Mont-alvo, he presently apprehended, that in case they brought him a∣shoar from the Ship, some mischief might ensue to him, or at least some treat∣ment not beseeming his quality and condition, he resolved, with the assistence of his Kinsman Mont-alvo, and of the Servants then with him, to weigh Anchor, and set sail for Panama. The matter succeeded as was expected and desired; for there was not one person of Piçarro's faction then aboard; and the Mariners were all for Vaca de Castro, who was very well beloved and esteemed by the people of the Countrey: Piçarro was greatly troubled at this disappointment; for the sending of his Agents into Spain he esteemed to be the onely means to set matters right, and well understood at that Court.

CHAP. XXII.

How much Gonçalo Piçarro was troubled for the Escape of Vaca de Castro, and what disturbance it caused. Her∣nando Bachicao goes to Panama. The Vice-king sends abroad his Warrants to raise Men.

HEreupon (as all the three Writers agree) it was conceived, that this Escape of Vaca de Castro could not be contrived without a Conspiracy of several persons concerned therein: so that immediately an Allarum was given over all the Town; the Souldiers were put in Arms, and all those Gentlemen whom they su∣spected, as well such as were Natives or Citizens of Los Reyes, as those who had fled from Cozco, and those who were of the Vice-king's party, were all seized and committed to the publick prison: and amongst them Licenciado Carvajal was

one; to whom Major General Carvajal sent order, that he should at that instant confess and make his last Will and Testament; for that it was decreed he should presently be put to death. Carvajal with all readiness submitted to the sentence; and began to prepare himself for the same; the Executioner stood by him with his Halter and Gibbet, and urged him to finish his Affairs, howsoever he conti∣nued something long in his confession: no question but he expected to dye with∣out any reprieve: howsoever such as considered the quality of his person and con∣dition were of opinion, that he ought not to have been brought under those cir∣cumstances; but since it had so fallen out; it would be dangerous to suffer him to live: but then it was considered, that in case Carvajal were put to death, ma∣ny of those who were now in custody would follow the same fate, which would be a great loss to the Kingdom to be deprived of the most principal persons thereof who had always been faithfull to the Interest of his Majesty.

Whilst Licenciado Carvajal remained under these sad apprehensions, certain so∣ber persons went to Gonçalo Piçarro, and told him that it were well to consider in this case how great an Interest the Licenciado Carvajal had in his Coutrey; and that the Agent Carvajal, who was his brother, was put to death by the Vice-king, for no other cause or reason, than because his man followed the party and side of Piçarro, and therefore, for the very merit of his brother, and for the services of this person, he should spare his life who was and might be of great use and be∣nefit to him for the future. And as to the escape of Vaca de Castro all the World was well satisfied, That neither Licenciado Carvajal nor the others who were impri∣soned upon suspicion were concerned therein; and that all this jealousie did arise from the vain censures of some people, for which there was no just cause or ground.

To all which Declaration Gonçalo Piçarro answered little, but seemed angry and disturbed, commanding that none should move him farther in that matter. Here∣upon Carvajal and his Friends resolved to proceed another way; which was by means of the Major General, to whom they secretly presented a Wedge of gold to the value of two thousand pieces of Eight, and promised him much more; the which having accepted, he began to be a little backward and cold in the exe∣cution of the sentence; and went and came so often, untill at length, both Carva∣jal and all the others who were imprisoned were set at liberty: So this matter be∣ing over, they began to contrive the manner, how Hernando Bachicao might be dispatched away, as was agreed: for which there now happened an opportunity by the arrival of a Bregantine from Arequepa, which being freighted for this pur∣pose and armed with some of the Cannon which Gonçalo Piçarro brought from Cozco; Bachicao embarked thereupon, and with him Doctour Texada and Francisco Maldonado, with about sixty Musquetiers who offered themselves voluntarily on that voiage. And thus coasting along the shoar, upon information that the Vice-king was at Tumbez; he arrived early one morning in that Port; where being espyed by some people belonging to the Vice-king an Allarum was presently given, that Gonçalo Piçarro with a strong force was coming by Sea; which put them all into that affrightment and consternation, that the Vice-king with all his force, consi∣sting of about a hundred and fifty men fled away to Quitu; but some of them remained behind to receive Bachicao, who took two Ships which he sound in the Port, and with them sailed to Puerto Viejo, where, and in other parts he raised about a hundred and fifty men whom he embarked aboard his Ships; but the Vice-king without other stop or stay hastened to Quitu. Thus far Augustine Ca∣rate, who hath made clear several Passages which were confused and obscure in other Writers.

But now to return to the Ingot of Gold which Francisco Carvajal received; It is certain that he made a Trade of such Bribes as these, where the Accusation was false, and then he would suspend the Execution of the Sentence, untill means were made with Gonçalo Piçarro for a Pardon, and in this manner he got great sums of money: but in case the crime objected were true, than nothing could prevail with him, neither Presents nor Intreaties, to delay the speedy execution of Justice: for he was zealous and faithfull to his Party, both in punishment of Enemies, and in the good treatment and reward of Friends and Abettours of his Cause: but Historians give him the Character of a most covetous and cruel per∣son: 'tis true, he had both one and the other in his nature, but not in so high degree as is reported; for though he was guilty of great effusions of bloud, yet it was for the advancement and security of his own party, which he acted in pur∣suance

of his Office, being a Captain and a chief field Officer: of which here∣after in prosecution of this History we shall give some instances of my own know∣ledge, and shall make some remarks upon the behaviour of several Captains of Piçarro's party which I received from the report of those who were familiarly ac∣quainted with their actions and persons.

We have mentioned before, how Licenciado Alvarez procured the Liberty of the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, and how another Ship joined with them, whereon his brother Vela Nunnez was embarked, and that they sailed together to the Port of Tumpiz, where they landed, and erected a Court of Justice, for that as the Historians say, he had a clause in his Commission that he might hold a Court with assistance of one Judge or Co-assessour with him: by virtue whereof they dispatched several Warrants, Orders and Manifests into divers parts; setting forth in the Preamble thereunto a relation of his imprisonment and of his escape, as likewise of the coming of Gançalo Piçarro to Los Reyes, with all other particulars which had happened untill that time; and in fine concluded, that all his Maje∣sty's loving and loyal Subjects should come in and partake in this cause. In pur∣suance hereof he sent divers Captains to Puerto Viejo to raise men, as also to Saint Michael and Truxillo; and upon the same errand Captain Jeronimo de Prereyra was sent as far as Pacamuru, which the Spaniards call Bracamoros: And moreover he directed his Warrants over all the Countrey, to bring in Provisions, and all the Gold and Silver which was found in the Exchequer, for that his Majesty's service re∣quired to have it employed against so many Enemies who were in rebellion against him: but in regard that in all the Cities and places to which those Commands were sent, there were different parties, and men stood variously affected; some whereof went to Piçarro; others, to fly from him, and not to join with his facti∣on, betook themselves to the mountains, and by secret and by-ways came at-length to the Vice-king equipped with Arms, Horses and Provisions, according to every man's ability; which much rejoiced and comforted the Vice-king to see the affection of the people to him in the time of his distress: but this satisfacti∣on continued not long, for, as ill fortune would have it, he was forced by Her∣nando Bachicao to retire into the In-land parts of the Countrey, by which means his Friends left him, and he himself sustained great inconveniences and hardships untill the time of his death; as we shall see in its due place.

Gonçalo Piçarro having intelligence that the Vice-king was in Tumpiz, he thought it not convenient or safe to suffer him to rest there; and therefore sent some Captains with their forces to disturb him and cause him to remove his quarters from thence. The Orders and Warrants which the Vice-king issued forth were for the most part betrayed into the hands of Piçarro, being brought to him by those with whom they were intrusted; by means of which Piçarro received in∣telligence of all the designs of the Vice-king; which to prevent he dispatched his Captains Jeronimo de Villegas, Gonçalo Diaz and Hernando de Alvarado, to scoure all the Coast along to the Northward, and intercept the people who were going to join themselves with the Vice-king: and thereby he suppressed the forces of the Vice-king before they could get head, and overcame them without a Battel.

CHAP. XXIII.

Of the Actions performed by Bachicao in Panama. Licen∣ciado Vaca de Castro comes to Spain, where an end is put to all his negotiations. The Vice-king retires to Quitu.

HErnando Bachicao, as we have said, having surprized two Ships belonging to the Vice-king, and forced him to retire into the In-land parts of the Coun∣trey, he pursued his Voiage to the Port of Panama; and in his way he met with two or three other Ships, but whose they were, and with what they were laden,

for brevity sake we shall omit to mention; and because Fernandez Palentino, in the twenty ninth Chapter of his Book, makes a long Discourse thereupon, we shall refer our selves to him, and onely say, that he took those Ships with him and sailed from Port to Port, of which there are many in those Seas, taking refresh∣ments at his pleasure without fear or apprehension of any Enemies: when he ar∣rived at the Islands of Pearles, which are about twenty Leagues distant from Pana∣ma, whereof so soon as the Inhabitants had notice (as Augustine Carate saith, in the sixteenth Chapter of his Book) they sent two of their Citizens to know of him with what intension and design he came thither, requiring him not to en∣ter with his Souldiers within the precincts of their Jurisdiction. To which Bachi∣cao made answer, That in case he came attended with his Souldiers, it was onely with intent to guard himself from the attempts of the Vice-king, without other design, to the damage or prejudice of their Countrey; for that his Commission was onely to transport Doctour Texada, one of his Majesty's Justices, into Spain, who by Instructions received from the Courts of Judicature was sent to render an account to his Majesty of all Matters which had passed of late in Peru; and that he would onely set him on shoar, there to refresh himself for a while, and make such Provisions as were necessary for his Voyage.

Upon this assurance admission was given him into the City: but so soon as he arrived, two Ships which were then in the Port, made sail into the Sea; but one of them was chased by the Brigantine, and being taken, was brought back, and both the Master and his Mate hanged at the Yard-arm; which much offended the Town, and put them into a great consternation, but it was now too late to defend themselves, or repent of their folly, in trusting their estates and lives to the mercy of Bachicao, who was now entered the City, and there being no hopes of timely relief from Captain John Guzman, who was raising men for assistance of the Vice-king; which men afterwards revolted to Bachicao, who also seized on the Cannon which Vaca de Castro had brought thither, with the Ship on which he made his escape. Thus did Bachicao tyrannize over the people, seizing their estates with an arbitrary power, for none durst to assert a right and title to what he pos∣sessed, in contradiction to his will and pleasure: and during the time of his aboad here, he publickly put two of his Captains to death, who conspired against him: and moreover he acted other pieces of like severity by virtue of his own abso∣lute authority, causing the Cryers to proclaim openly before those whom he put to death: So is the will and command of Captain Hernando Bachicao.

At this time Vaca de Castro was at Panama, where having intelligence that Ba∣chicao was coming, he fled to Nombre de Dios, and embarked for Spain in the North-sea, as did also Diego Alvarez Cueto, and Jeronimo Curbano, who were Am∣bassadours from the Vice-king: likewise at the same Port Doctour Texada, and Francisco Maldonado took shipping for Spain and sailed friendly together, though of three several Factions. Doctour Texada dyed in the Voyage, in the Chanel of Bahama: but Francisco Maldonado, and Diego Alvarez arrived safe in Spain, and im∣mediately took post for Germany, to render an account to his Majesty respective∣ly of the Affairs committed to their charge. Vaca de Castro touched at the Isles of Terçeras, and thence sailed to Lisbon, from whence he travailed to the Court; for he thought it not safe to goe by the way of Seville, where the Brothers and Relations of John Tello de Guzman lived, whom, as we said before, he had caused to be put to death after the overthrow of Diego Almagro the younger, being arri∣ved at the Court, he was by Order of the Council of the Indies confined to his House, and an Accusation brought against him: after which he was imprisoned in the Fort of Arevalo for the space of five years, during which time his cause was depending. After which they appointed him a House in Simancas, and thence, as the Court removed, they assigned him the Village of Pinto and the bounds there∣of for his confinement, untill his business was fully determined. Thus far are the words of the Accountant General Augustine de Carate.

And here he breaks off, without telling us farther, what sentence was given in his case, because he had ended his History before that time: And indeed by rea∣son of the malicious informations and calumnies of his Enemies, which were all false, the determination of his cause was protracted for a long time; at which he was not much troubled because he knew, that at length he should come off with the honour and reputation of a good Minister and Governour of that Empire which accordingly succeeded; for he was restored to his former place in the

Royal Council of Castile, from which he was so long kept out, that when he came to be restored, he was then the most ancient Member of all that Council, and in this condition I found him when I was at the Court of Madrid in the year 1561. And besides this favour of his restauration, he had other rewards given him in recompence for his hard usages and services performed in Peru in conserva∣tion of the Imperial Authority; and to his Son Don Antonio Vaca de Castro, who al∣so was a Knight of the Habit of St. Jago (as his Father was) there was a Rent given him of twenty thousand pieces of Eight, out of such Lots or Divisions as he should chuse and esteem of that value. I remember to have seen this Gentleman at Nombre de Dios, as he passed in the Retinue of the Count de Nieva (who was sent for Vice-king of that Kingdom in the year 1560.) and went then to take pos∣session of that Estate, which was the reward of his Father, who, to speak without flattery or partiality, was generally reputed to have been the best Governour that ever had passed into those parts; as is agreed by all the three Historians in the characters which they give of him, there being not one ill action for which they blame him. And now let us return again to Peru, and relate what the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez was contriving all this time.

The Vice-king being retired (as Carate reports in the sixteenth Chapter of his Book) with about an hundred and fifty men, at the time that Bachicao surprised the Ships in Tumbez, he marched with them as far as the City of Quitu, where he was chearfully received, and his Souldiers re-inforced to the number of about two hundred men, resolving to remain in that Countrey which yielded plenty of provisions for the subsistence of his men, untill such time as he received farther Orders and Instructions from his Majesty: And taking good information of all things that passed from Diego Alvarez de Cuero, he kept strong Guards, and Spies on all the high Roads to inform himself of all the actions that Gonçalo Piçarro was doing, though it is three hundred leagues distant from Los Reyes to Quitu; during which time four Souldiers, who were dissatisfied upon some occasion with Piçarro, stoal a Boat, and coasted all along the shore from Los Reyes, by the help of their Oars, untill they came to a shore which was the nearest Sea to Quitu; where being arrived, they informed the Vice-king of all passages; how the People of Los Reyes and other places were discontented with the Government of Piçarro, and with the tyranny which he used towards them, ejecting some out of their Houses and Estates, imposing Souldiers on free-quarter upon them, and other burthens which they were not able to support; of which they were so weary that upon the least appearance of any person who carried an authority from his Majesty they would be ready to joyn with him, to cast off the yoke of that tyranny with which they were oppressed. By which intelligence, and many other things which the Soul∣diers said to him, the Vice-king being encouraged, resolved with the Forces he had with him, to march from Quitu by the way of St. Michael's, and made Diego de Ocampo chief Commander thereof, who had from the very time that the Vice-king came to Tumbez adhered to his Party, and assisted him with his Person and Estate, supplying him with all things convenient and necessary for his service, wherein he spent above forty thousand pieces of Eight. In all these Adventures Licenciado Alvarez accompanied the Vice-king, and held Courts with him by vir∣tue of his Majesty's Commission, by which it was provided, that the Vice-king might hold Courts with the assistence of one Co-assessour untill such time as the other Judges should assemble and joyn with them; and it was thus provided by that clause in cases of mortality or other accidents: and in pursuance hereof he caused a new Seal to be delivered to John Leon, one of the Justices of Lot Reyes, whom the Marquis of Camarasa, Lord High Chancellour of Caçorla, or of the Indies, had nominated and elected to be Chancellour of that Court wherein the Vice-king presided, he being revolted to him from Piçarro; so that all Commissions, War∣rants and Orders issued out from thence under the Name and Title of Don Carlos the Emperour, with the Royal Seal affixed to them, and countersigned by Alva∣rez; so that now there being two Courts in Peru, one at Los Reyes and the other with the Vice-king, it frequently happened that two different Orders for the same business came to be served at the same time. Thus far is related by Carate.

CHAP. XXIV.

Two Captains of Piçarro's Army kill three of those belonging to the Vice-king; which is again revenged upon them. Gonçalo Piçarro embarks for the City of Truxillo.

AUgustine Carate, proceeding forward in the course of his History, saith, That when the Vice-king was ready to depart from Quitu he dispatched away his Son-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cuero into Spain to inform his Majesty of all Affairs that had passed, desiring him to send him some Succours whereby he might be enabled to make War upon Gonçalo Piçarro; and accordingly Cuero embarked on the same Fleet with Vaca de Castro and Doctour Texada, as we have before declared. In the mean time the Vice-king came to the City of St. Michael, which is about an hundred and fifty leagues from Quitu, where he resolved to remain, untill such time as he received his Majesty's farther directions in these matters; making use of his Majesty's Name and Authority in the style of all Letters and Orders which he issued: and this place he judged most proper for his residence, being advantageously situated in the common Road, through which all people must go, who come from Spain or other parts into Peru, and is a Pass which cannot be avoi∣ded by such who travel with Horses or other Beasts of burthen; so that by this constant concurrence or confluence of people his numbers every day increased. The Inhabitants of this Town were all very loyal and well-affected to the Vice-king, by which means, and by their kind reception and entertainment, his Soul∣diers increased to the number of five hundred Horse and Foot, most of them in∣differently well armed, and such as wanted defensive Arms made Corslets of Iron, and Coats of Bulls Skins well dried and pressed.

At the same time that Gonçalo Piçarro sent Captain Bachicao with his Brigantine to seise the Fleet of the Vice-king, he also dispatched two of his Captains by Land called Gonçalo Diaz de Pinera and Jeronimo de Villegas to raise Souldiers in the Cities of Truxillo and St. Michael, where they remained with a Body of eight hundred men, untill such time as being alarm'd with the approach of the Vice-king, they quitted their Posts and retreated within the Countrey, and quartered in a Province called Collique, which is about forty leagues distant from St. Michael, from whence they gave intelligence to Piçarro of the Vice-king's march, and the daily increase of his Army, to which a stop ought speedily to be given before it pro∣ved too late. And whilst these Captains resided at that place, they had advice that the Vice-king had sent a Captain called John de Prereyra to the Province of Chachapoyas, to raise what men that Countrey afforded; and by reason that few Spaniards inhabited in those parts, Piçarro's Captains did imagine that Prereyra and his men would remain secure, and not dream of any danger; in confidence of which they marched the very same way after them, and one night seised on their Sentinels, and falling on them as they were sleeping killed Prereyra and two other principal Captains, whose Heads they cut off; and then all those who were with them, to the number of about sixty Horsemen, revolted for fear, and decla∣ring for Gonçalo Piçarro returned with his Captains to their Quarters.

The Vice-king, greatly troubled for this disgrace and misfortune, resolved spee∣dily to revenge it with the like return, and accordingly sallied privately out from St. Michael's with about an hundred and fifty Horsemen, and fell in upon the Quarters of the Captains Gonçalo Diaz and Villegas at Collique; who having some few days before performed that late exploit, rested secure from the apprehensions of any such return from their enemies. The assault which was made upon them was so sudden that they had no time to provide for their defence, or to put them∣selves in order to fight, but every one shifted for himself as well as he could; and so much were they scattered abroad, that Gonçalo Diaz fled with very few into a Province of the Indians, which was not conquered, where they arose up against him and killed him; Hernando de Alvarado incurred the like fate: but Jeronimo de Villegas, rallying his people, marched into the Countrey as far as Truxillo, whilst the Vice-king resided at St. Michael.

Gonçalo Piçarro, having received advice of the defeat of his Captains, and that the Vice-king daily increased in numbers of his men, and strengthened in Arms and Ammunition for War, concluded it necessary with all possible speed to de∣stroy his Forces, before greater aid came to him from Spain and other parts of the Indies, which would be landed at Tumpiz or at the Ports thereabouts, towards which places the Vice-king was drawing his Forces; and in the mean time he endeavou∣red to intercept all Packets of Advice from Spain; and from his Majesty, the want of which would greatly discourage the minds of the enemy: with this resolution, he prepared all things for a Battel, on the success of which he intended to hazard his fortune in case the enemy would stand to it; and accordingly Orders were issued out to the Captains, the Souldiers received their pay, the Horse were com∣manded to march before to Truxillo, and Piçarro himself with the chief of his Commanders remained behind to bring up the Rere.

About this time a Brigantine from Arequepa arrived in the Port of Lima; which brought an hundred thousand pieces of Eight for account of Piçarro: at the same time also came in another Ship from the Continent, belonging to Gonçalo Martel, and which brought his Wife, Children and Family to be thence conveyed to Cozco where his habitation was. This happy accident so encouraged Piçarro and his Party, that they grew very high and insolent thereupon, and, as if fortune had been on their side, they believed the whole world was their own. Thus far Au∣gustine de Carate, to which Diego Fernandez adds, that they became so proud, and made such vain boastings, that some talked as if Gonçalo Piçarro was to take upon him the Title and Crown of a King; arguing in his favour, that all Kings and Governours took their original and beginning by force; that the Nobility of the world descended from the haughty and unjust Cain, and the poor and meek from Abel: that it plainly appeared in Heraldry which blazes the Escutcheons of great men that their Arms contain nothing but Weapons of War and Tyranny. Fran∣cisco de Carvajal was much of this opinion, and in confirmation hereof, he desired that the Old Testament should be reviewed, and the last Will of Adam there consul∣ted, whether therein he bequeathed the Kingdom of Peru to Charles the Emperour or to the Kings of Castile. All which Gonçalo Piçarro hearkned unto with much satisfaction, being pleased to hear the flatteries of his Abettors. These are the words of Diego Fernandez, which I have extracted verbatim out of the thirty fourth Chapter of his first Book.

On the Vessels which lately came into Lima Gonçalo Piçarro laded great quantities of Arms and Ammunition, and thereon shipped an hundred and fifty select Soul∣diers. And to give the better countenance and authority to his Affairs, he car∣ried Doctour Cepeda, one of the Judges, with him, as also John de Caceres the Ac∣countant General, so that by the departure of Cepeda the Court of Justice was dis∣solved, there remaining no other Judge at Los Reyes besides Cepeda; and farther to prevent the coming forth of other Orders or Warrants, Piçarro carried the Roy∣al Seal with him. And because the City of Los Reyes was a place of great impor∣tance to him, he thought fit to confide it in the hands of some faithfull person, whom he could trust, and accordingly made choice of one Lorenço de Aldana, to whom he delegated the Government of the City, being a prudent, wise and dis∣creet Gentleman, and one who was very rich, having a great Estate and interest in Arequepa, with whom he left eight hundred men for guard and safety of the Ci∣ty; and Piçarro went attended with all the Inhabitants of the City, and Gentle∣men who had any command over the Indians, and took shipping in the month of March 1545, and sailed to Port Santa, which is about fifteen leagues from Tru∣xillo, where he landed and remained some days untill his other Forces could come up, because it was a time of the year when the pasturage was green and well grown; but lest he should oppress and burthen the Spaniards by his long abode there, he removed his Camp to the Province of Collique, where he remained for some time, untill his Forces could come up to him; and then making a general Muster of his Men, it appeared on the Muster-rolls that his numbers amounted unto more than six hundred men, Horse and Foot: and though the Vice-king was equal in number, yet Piçarro had much the advantage both in his Arms and preparations for War, and in his Men, who were for the most part veterane Soul∣diers, trained up to War, had been in many Battels, and seen much of Action; and besides, they knew the Countrey and the difficult passages of it, and were accustomed to the dangers and labours of War, and had been practised therein

ever since the Spaniards entred first upon the conquest of that Empire; and on the contrary, the Souldiers of the Vice-king were all new-raised men, lately come out of Spain, not trained to the War, poor, ill-habited and armed, and their pow∣der bad, besides other wants which were amongst them.

CHAP. XXV.

The great preparations and provisions made by Gonçalo Pi∣çarro to pass a Desart. He faces the Vice-king's Forces, who retreated to Quitu. The good and prudent Conduct of Lorenço de Aldana.

GOnçalo Piçarro, being in the Province of Collique and in the parts thereabouts, made all the provisions he could for the subsistence of his Army; for he was to travel over a hot, dry, sandy Desart of twenty leagues over, where was neither Water nor any other refreshment. And because Water was the most necessary of any thing in that hot and dry passage, he summoned in all the Indians of those parts round, to bring all their Pails, Buckets and Jarrs for Water, and commanded that the Indians who were appointed for the Carriages of the Army, should leave all the Souldiers Clothes and other Baggage behind, to carry Water and Provisi∣ons which were necessary for the support of Man and Beast. In this manner the Indians were laden without any other incumbrance than that of Water; and twen∣ty five Horsemen were sent before by the common Road, who were to give out, in case they met with the Scouts of the Vice-king's Army, that Gonçalo Piçarro was coming in person through the Desart that way, but that the rest of his Army had taken the other Road. In this manner they travelled, every Horseman carry∣ing the provision of his own Horse behind him. The Vice-king, who had his Spies upon both the Roads, received advice of the approach of the Enemy some time before they came; upon which an alarm was given, and it was said that they would go out and give them Battel: but so soon as his Forces were brought toge∣ther, they marched out of the City to the side of a Hill called Cassa, from whence they hastned away with all the speed they were able; of which Gonçalo Piçarro re∣ceiving intelligence about four hours after, he made no stay at St. Michael's, not so much as to enter the Town or recruit his Provisions, but without stop or delay pursued after the Enemy, and that night travelled eight leagues, where overtaking them he took many Prisoners, seised all the Baggage of the Camp, hanged several whom they thought fit; and passing over rocky and almost unaccessible ways without refreshments, they took Prisoners every day, who for want of strength lagged behind.

Then Letters were wrote and sent by Indians to several persons of Quality in the Vice-king's Camp, promising Pardon and great Rewards to any person who should kill him; the which served to create jealousies and suspicions amongst those who were joyned with the Vice-king, every one being afraid of each other; which suspicions proved of fatal consequence, and (as we have mentioned before) were the cause of many a man's death; for the Libels which were cast abroad, which none would own or justifie, served howsoever to create jealousies in the mind of the Vice-king, and made him afraid of his own People, not knowing whom to trust of those who were about him. And though it is certain, that neither Gonçalo Piçarro, as all Authours agree, did ever give order to kill the Vice-king, or that the Vice-king did plot in the like nature against Piçarro; yet in all Civil Wars, jealousies and fears are natural to the minds of men. And thus Gon∣çalo Piçarro having pursued the Vice-king through Mountains, Desarts and unin∣habited places without provisions or refreshments (for we may believe, that the Vice-king carried all away with him) he came at length to a Province called Ayahuaca, where he stay'd to refresh his men, who were much tired and harassed with their hard marches in want of all things necessary, so that here they gave

over the pursuit of the Enemy, who were so far advanced before them, that it was impossible to overtake them. And having refreshed his men in Ayahuaca as well as he could, he marched away in good order by the same way that the Vice-king, had passed; where in the way they picked up some of the Vice-king's people, who were tired, and not able, by weakness to follow his Camp, and others, who out of some discontent had deserted his Party: but as to the Vice-king, with such as were with him, he pursued his march towards the City of Quitu, which is situated in a Countrey plentifull of all provisions for refreshment of his men, who were much tired and weakned for want of necessary Food. Af∣ter some little repose and refreshment taken, Piçarro continued his pursuit, though by his long stay he was far cast behind: howsoever as he passed he took several of the Vice-king's men, who lagged in the rere, which he refused to entertain in his service, either because he was suspicious of them, or because he had more men than provisions, and needed no additional forces against the weakness of his Ene∣my: but such as he took of them he sent away either to Truxillo, Los Reyes or any other part, according to every man's choice; but men of note and quality he hanged up. The people who were thus permitted to return unto their homes, reported all things where they passed in favour of the Vice-king, and in disparage∣ment of Piçarro, whom they represented as cruel and tyrannical; which most per∣sons believed, because they esteemed the cause of the Vice-king to be just and loyal: And whereas the people who reside in that Province are more desirous of news and changes than in other places, because they are Souldiers, which are idle, and give themselves to no business or employment, and therefore entertain dis∣courses of State Affairs with much variety and pleasure in their talk: And on the contrary, Citizens and men of business are averse from the War, because they are harassed therewith, and subjected to the insolence of Souldiers, and though they intermeddle not in Affairs, yet they are liable upon every little occasion to be questioned by him who Governs, and be put to death, that their Estates being confiscated he may gratifie his Followers and Faction with them; and therefore having these fears, every one talked and discoursed of news. These rumours were so common and loud that they came to the ears of Piçarro and his Rulers in their respective Jurisdictions; to suppress which reports in all places, and more especi∣ally at Los Reyes, where the greatest confluence of people was, many were hanged by Warrant from an ordinary Justice, called Pedro Martin de Cicilia, who was ve∣ry zealous in the cause of Gonçalo Piçarro and for the success of his Affairs. For as to Lorenço de Aldana, who was his chief Deputy there, he was cautious and wary how he intermeddled in matters, for which he might be called into question in case the tide of Affairs should turn; but behaved himself with that moderation as pre∣vented the effusion of bloud, and confiscation of Estates; and for the whole time of his Government he kept things in such order, that, though he acted by Com∣mission under Piçarro, yet, he never did any thing partial or against Law in his favour, but rather protected those who were inclined to the Vice-king's Party; who being sensible of his favour, flocked from other Provinces to take refuge un∣der him; of which the Zealots for Piçarro taking particular notice, especially the High Constable of the City called Christopher de Burgos testified great displeasure thereupon; for which Lorenço de Aldana severely reproved him, and gave him ve∣ry hard words publickly before the people, and on farther provocation clapt him into Prison. Of all which, though Gonçalo Piçarro received certain intelligence, yet, he dissembled the matter, judging that, being far distant, it would not be convenient to revoke his Commission, because he was strong in Souldiers, which were with him, and had gained the affections and good will of the people in that City. Thus far are the words of Augustine Carate.

CHAP. XXVI.

Gonçalo Piçarro still continuing to pursue the Vice-king, both Armies sustain great famine and hardship in their march. The violent death of the Vice-king's Major Ge∣neral and Captains.

GOnçalo Piçarro still continuing to pursue the Vice-king, resolved totally to defeat his whole Force; and accordingly, for better expedition, detached about fifty select Horsemen under the command of Francisco de Carvajal, to fall in upon the rere of the Enemy, whilst himself followed the main body of the Army. On the other side, he sent Orders to Hernando Bachicao, who was then on the Coast, to leave his Ships at Tumpiz under a good Guard, and to march with what Forces he had, to join with his at Quitu. And having given these Orders he continued the pursuit, giving courage and spirit to Carvajal; who knew that he should be well seconded in a very short time. In the mean time the Vice-king encouraged his people, and having marched eight Leagues in one day, they dispo∣sed themselves to rest, supposing that they were got far out of the reach of their Enemies; but Francisco de Carvajal who slept not, fell into their quarters about four hours in the night; and gave them the first allarum with his own Trumpet.

The Vice-king immediately arose, and rallying his people together as well as he could, drew them into a posture of defence, and so marched away: Carvajal following close upon their heels, took some of the Foot, who lagged in the rere; but so soon as it was day, that they could take a view of each other, the Vice-king perceiving the small number, drew out his men to give them battel, and di∣vided his Body, consisting of a hundred and fifty men, into two divisions or squa∣drons: but Carvajal, not being willing to engage on such disadvantages, sounded a Retreat: upon which the Vice-king drew off his men, and proceeded on his march; but, alas! with little comfort, for his men were perishing with travail and famine, and their Horses so saint for want of grass and provender, that they were not fit for a march: wherefore the Vice king, commiserating the condition of his men, told them, that if any one of them were desirous to remain behind, he freely gave them their discharge, but not a man of them accepted thereof, but said, that they would rather die with him, than desert him: so they marched day and night without sleep, or repose, or sustenance, or any refreshment. In the mean time intelligence was given to Gonçalo Piçarro of what had passed between the Vice-king and Carvajal; of which some who were Enemies to Carvajal made use, to disparage his Conduct, saying, that it was in his power to have defeated the whole force of the Enemy at that time, having surprized them as they were sleeping and at rest: and I find that some Historians object this matter against him as a point of neglect: but I, who knew the person of the man, am of an∣other opinion, and have heard from many well experienced in the War, that since the time of Julius Caesar, there hath not been a greater Souldier than he, the truth is, and so all Historians report, that the Vice-king being a hundred and fif∣ty to fifty, that is, three to one, it was prudence in him not to adventure on such a disadvantageous undertaking, but rather to make a Bridge of Silver for despe∣rate men to escape over. Moreover some say he had no Commission to engage, or to hazard his men; but in military matters it is hard to censure great Captains, who better understand the secret of their affairs than Strangers can do. Howso∣ever the matter was, Gonçalo Piçarro reinforced him with two hundred men more, which he sent under the command of Licenciado Carvajal, by which auxiliary force they allarum'd and pursued the Vice-king untill he came to the Province, and people called Ayahuaca, seizing every day some of their Men, Horses and Baggage, so that by the time he came to Ayahuaca, he had scarce eighty Men remaining of all his number; howsoever he proceeded forward to Quitu, where he hoped to find Provision for his Men. In the like straits also was the Army of Piçarro,

who being almost famished with hunger, were forced to kill and eat their Horses for want of sustenance, and indeed were in greater necessities than the Vice-king's Souldiers, because Blasco Nunnez, wheresoever he came, destroyed every thing which he thought might be of benefit to the Enemy which followed him. In this pursuit, the principal that were taken, were put to death by Carvajal; namely, Montoya an Inhabitant of Piura, Brizenno of Puerto, Veiejo, Raphael Vela, and one Baltaçar. And farther to re-inforce Carvajal, sixty Horse were sent under the com∣mand of Captain John Acosta, consisting of the most select and choice Souldiers that were in his Army, by which the Vice-king was straitned to the last extremi∣ty; which Diego Fernandez, in the fourty first Chapter of his Book, expresses in these words.

Thus did the Vice-king, says he, march day and night with the small remainder of his Forces; and finding no other provisions in many places, than onely a few Herbs and Roots, did often, in despair and fury, curse the Countrey and the day in which he entred into it; and the people who were sent to him from Spain, that had so basely deserted and betrayed him: but John de Acosta, who was lately come, and his Men fresh pressed him so hard, that he came close to him a little before his arrival at his quarters of Calva; where coming something late, and having marched hard, he thought he had time enough to take some little repose. But John de Acosta beating up his quarters about break of day, fell upon the Front with such a surprize, that he took many of their Men and Baggage, onely the Vice-king had time to make his escape with about seventy of his best Horse. After which John de Acosta made a retreat, and returned to the main Body, supposing that there was little more to be done upon the Enemy. By which means the poor Vice-king tyred and famished came to the Province and his quarters in Cal∣va. And in regard two of his Captains, namely, Jeronimo de la Serna and Gaspar Gil advanced with their Companies and Colours before him, he fansied that they went with intention to possess a certain pass on the way; which when he was at Piura, he had sent before, and caused to be made of Timber with great labour, upon a thick rock hanging over a river near Jambo Blanco in the Province of Am∣boca; which being broken down would require some time to repair; and having a suspicion that these Men went before to possess this Pass, and by such a piece of service to reconcile themselves with Piçarro; he resolved to prevent them by taking away their lives, and accordingly he put it in execution, causing their throats to be cut during the little space of leisure which the Enemy had given him: so that now marching with a little more ease and security than before, he came at length to Tomebamba; where having taken up his quarters, he executed another piece of cruelty on his Major General Rodrigo de Ocampo; for though untill that time he had esteemed him to be his intimate and fast friend; yet the like melancholy fancy of suspicion and jealousie entering into his head, as did of the other two Captains, he incurred the same destiny as they did, though they had followed and attended him in all his misfortunes.

The death of these persons caused various Discourses and Judgements in Peru, some condemning, and others excusing the Vice-king therein. From Tomebamba Blasco Nunnez proceeded till he came to Quitu, without interruption, and with∣out that want and scarcity under which he formerly laboured. And having in his way to Quitu received informations against Francisco de Olmos, that he and others who came from Puerto Viejo had been the Authours of false reports, to the disser∣vice of his Majesty; he no sooner came to the City, but he examined the truth of those informations which were brought against those who came from Puerto Vi∣ejo; the which being proved, he consulted the matter with Licenciado Alvarez, and then immediately executed Justice upon them, cutting off the heads of some, and hanging others, under the Notion of Traytors to the King; amongst those who suffered were Alvaro de Carvajal, Captain Hojeda and Gomez Estacio: but upon far∣ther proof of the innocence of Francisco de Olmos, he spared his life. Thus far is related by Diego Fernandez Palentino: but Lopez de Gomarra, in chap. 168. writing of the death of those Captains, gives us this account, which is extracted verbatim out of his Book in these words.

Piçarro sent John de Acosta with sixty light Horsemen in pursuit of Blasco Nunnez, to engage him, or force him to a hasty retreat, accordingly he marched to Tome∣bamba with fear and trouble, and in want of all things: and having a suspicion, that Jeronimo de la Serna and Gaspar Gil, who were two Captains of his, kept a

private correspondence with Piçarro, he caused them to be run through with a Lance: though it is said for certain, that they were not guilty, at least Piçarro ne∣ver received Letters from them: and about the same time also, and upon the like suspicion he caused Rodrigo de Ocampo to be stabbed with a Dagger; though he was innocent of that Treason of which he was suspected; and in reality deserved highly from him, having adhered faithfully to him in all his Troubles: And be∣ing come to Quitu, he gave Orders to Licenciado Alvarez to hang up Gomez Esta∣cio and Alvaro de Carvajal, who were Citizens of Guayaquil, pretending that they had a Conspiracy to take away his life, &c. Thus far Gomara.

This great effusion of Bloud and Slaughter gave much cause of offence to the people of Peru, who every where spoke against the Vice-king and his Cause; saying, that he was not a man to be dealt with, who thus upon every light occa∣sion, or the least suspicion could put men to death; and therefore many fell off from his party, and denyed him the assistence they otherwise designed him, for fear of incurring the like fate with others.

But now, leaving the Vice-king in Quitu, and Gonçalo Piçarro in pursuit of him, we shall relate the successes of those Affairs which passed in the Kingdom of Qui∣tu, with what happened in the Province of the Charcas, which are Countreys above seven hundred Leagues distant each from the other, and are the utmost confines of Peru: which is wonderfull to consider that these quarrels should extend so far, as to influence Affairs at so far a distance.

CHAP. XXVII.

The death of Francisco de Almendras. The Insurrection of Diego Centeno. The Opposition which Alonso de Toro made against it: and the defeat he gave him.

WE have already mentioned, how that many of the Inhabitants of the City of Plate, whom the Vice-king had summoned to come in to his assistence, were actually on their way to him, but hearing of his Imprisonment, they retur∣ned to their own homes. We have also said, That Gonçalo Piçarro had sent Fran∣cisco de Almendras with Commission to be his Deputy; knowing him to be a person truely zealous and affectionate to his Cause; and indeed he shewed him∣self really so to be; for having information, that a principal Gentleman of that place called Don Gomez de Luna, should say in his house, that it was impossible, but that one day the Emperour would reign in Peru, he presently took him, and clapt him up in the common prison, with a strong Guard upon him: but the Cor∣poration of the City made several Addresses in his behalf which were rejected by Francisco de Almendras; with some kind of ill language, which a certain person ta∣king notice of, boldly replyed, that if he would not release him, they would: at which Almendras though highly offended, concealed his displeasure for a while; and at midnight, went in person to the prison, and there strangled Don Gomez, and draw∣ing his body to the Market-place, cut off his Head, and there left the Corpse: The Inhabitants were so greatly offended hereat, as Carate in the 5th Chap. of his 20th Book relates, that the sense thereof was general, and esteemed to be a common con∣cernment; and particularly one called Diego Centeno; who was a Native of the Ci∣ty. Rodrigo took it much to heart, having had a particular friendship for Gomez. And though this Centeno followed the party of Piçarro when he made his first Insurrec∣tion, and followed him from Cozco to Los Reyes, having great interest in the Army, and a Plenipotentiary for the Province of the Charcas: yet afterwards, discovering the evil designs and intentions of Piçarro, he obtained leave from him to return to his own estate, and his Command over Indians, where he quietly resided un∣till such time as this unhappy death of Gomez fell out, which first moved him to use the best means he was able to free the Lives and Estates of that people from the oppression and tyranny of Francisco de Almendras: in order whereunto he com∣municated his design to the principal Inhabitants of that Countrey, namely, Lope

de Mendoça, Alonso Perez de Esquivel, Alonso de Camargo, Hernan Nunnez de Sagura, Lope de Mendiera, John Ortiz de Carate his Brother, with other persons in whom he reposed a confidence; who being assembled together, they agreed that the one∣ly way was to kill Francisco de Almendras; which accordingly they put in execu∣tion one Sunday morning at his own house, stabbing him in divers places just as he was going forth to hear Mass; and being not quite dead, they drew him out into the Market-place, and there cut off his Head. Not was there much fear that any great tumult would follow hereupon amongst the people, because Almendras was generally hated and ill spoken of in all parts. In his place Diego Centeno was named Captain General, who also gave Commissions to several other Captains both of Horse and Foot, and with great diligence raised Men, and provided Arms and other things necessary for War; and to hinder all intelligence from coming to the Enemy, he set Watches and Guards upon the ways. And moreover he sent Lope de Mendoça to Arequepa, to seize, if possible, upon Pedro de Fuentes, who re∣mained there with Character of Lieutenant Governour to Gonçalo Piçarro: but this matter was not carried so covertly, but de Fuentes received timely Advices thereof, by means of the Indians who were in the Charcas, upon which he aban∣doned the City, and Lope de Mendoça entred therein and possessed himself of the People, Arms, Horses, with what Money he could find; and so he returned to joyn with Diego Centeno, who was then at the Villa de Plata, and there they made up a Body of two hundred and fifty Men well armed and appointed in all respects. And being now assembled together, Diego Centeno made them a long Discourse of all matters which had passed from the beginning of the Troubles untill that time; he condemned the proceedings of Gonçalo Piçarro, putting them in mind of the many Slaughters he was guilty, and of the Bloud he spilt of those who preten∣ded to doe service to the King: and now by menaces and force of Arms he had caused himself to be styled Governour of that Empire, and that he had posses∣sed himself not onely of his Majesty's revenue, but of the Estates of particular Men, from whom he had taken away their Indian plantations, and appropriated them to himself; and that he had encouraged men to speak things in derogation of his Majesty's Authority; to which he added many other things, which he ob∣jected against Piçarro: and in the conclusion he put them in mind of the duty which good Subjects ought to bear towards their Prince, and the danger of deny∣ing their allegiance: the which reasons Diego Centeno urged so home that the peo∣ple unanimously agreed thereunto, and frankly offered to follow his Commands in what enterprize soever he should employ them.

And to keep this matter the more secret, care was taken to intercept all corre∣spondences and intelligence which might pass by the way to Cozco, untill such time as he had made his full recruit of Men, Horse, Powder, and other ammu∣nition for War; and yet notwithstanding all this care and caution, it was impos∣sible to hinder or obstruct the intelligence which by means of the Indian Messen∣gers was dispatched to Cozco; and a hundred Leagues farther to the Northward toward Los Reyes; though Alonso de Toro who was an Officer belonging to Gonçalo Piçarro did all that he was able to intercept Advices; and to that end had sent a hundred Men to possess the pass and obstruct all intelligence, and the passage of the Vice-king towards Cozco. And here it was that Alonso de Toro received the first news of the Insurrection of Diego Centeno and the death of Francisco de Almen∣dras; together with the number of Men, and Horse, and Ammunition; and all other matters which untill that time had passed; which the Indians in a particu∣lar manner related to him. So soon as Alonso de Toro received these informations he immediately repaired to Cozco, where having levied Men, he persuaded the Citizens and Governours of the City to engage themselves in the Cause of Piçar∣ro against Diego Centeno; telling them, that with the help and assistence of those Souldiers, Horse and Arms, which were then in the City, he intended to go forth and fight him: And moreover to justifie the righteousness of his Cause, he told them that this Diego Centeno was a mere Impostor, who had no right, nor title, nor authority on his side; and that being moved onely by his own interest and pri∣vate advantage with colour and pretence of his Majesty's service, had inveigled many people to follow his Colours; whenas in reality Gonçalo Piçarro was the onely true and lawfull Governour of those Kingdoms; intending to keep them in quietness, and peace, and safety, untill such time onely as that his Majesty should declare his sense and pleasure in these matters: and therefore that the Insurrection

made by Diego Centeno was not to be justified, but rather opposed by all good men who wished well to the publick peace and security of the people. And moreover•• to justifie the Cause of Piçarro, he admonished them to call to mind the Merits of Gonçalo Piçarro, and the good Services he had done for all the peo∣ple and Souldiers of the Empire, by rescuing them from the execution of those new Laws and Regulations which would have proved their ruine; to perform which he had adventured and exposed his person to the greatest dangers, for no other reason, than for the publick benefit and welfare of the people. For it was manifest to all the World, that if the late new Statutes and Regulations had ta∣ken place, no Inhabitant could have enjoyed any Estate, and so have been dis∣abled from quartering Souldiers, and consequently they could never have subsi∣sted, so that both one and the other had obligations on them to favour the Cause and Interest of Piçarro: for as to what concerned himself, he had never opposed his Majesty's Laws and Commands; but in way of a Supplicant went with his Petition to the Vice-king; but before he could come to him, finding him to be imprisoned and banished by processes from the Court of Judicature, he conceived he might justly set up his own title to be Governour during that va∣cancy. And in case he did at any time act against the Vice-king, it was by or∣der and warrant from the Royal Court of Justice; an evidence whereof they might see before their eyes, if they were pleased to cast them on Licenciado Ce∣peda then present with Piçarro, and was the most ancient Judge of that Court. Nor ought there to be any question, whether the Judges, as the case then stood, were able to confer this Power upon him or not; and if the matter be doubtfull, men ought to expect his Majesty's determination therein; and in the mean time acquiesce in the Government of Piçarro, who hath given sufficient proofs of his great abilities to support the burthen of so important a Charge, which he may justly challenge upon the score and merit of his brothers and himself, who have gained the Empire with great labours and hazards of their lives; and indeed none seems more fit and proper for that emploiment than himself who is acquainted with the Merits of all the Adventurers, with him in the Conquest; and accor∣dingly knows in what manner to reward and gratifie every man according to his deserts; which is impossible for others to doe, who are Strangers, and newly come from Spain.

With this and such kind of reasoning, delivered in his fierce and angry manner of expression, he caused himself to be obeyed; for none daring to oppose or con∣tradict him, they all inclined to join with him against Diego Centeno. Thus did Alonso de Toro raise Forces and appoint Captains over them, and to mount his Men he took all the Horses in the City which belonged to persons that were aged and infirm; so that in a short time he had gathered almost three hundred Men indiffe∣rently well armed; and with them marched about six Leagues from Cozco towards the Southward: where he remained for the space of twenty days for want of In∣telligence of the Enemy's motion; at length, being impatient, and fearing that he lost his time, he marched forwards, and came within twelve leagues of the place, where Diego Centeno was quartered, who having divided his Forces into two parts, made a retreat; howsoever Messengers with Propositions and Articles of peace passed between both Parties with intention if possible to bring matters to an ac∣commodation, but it soon appeared how great the difference was, and what little hopes of composition by the peaceable way to Treaty.

Wherefore Alonso de Toro proceeded with intent to give battel to the Enemy: but Diego Centeno and his Officers thought it not prudence to adventure so conside∣rable a stake, and a matter of that high moment, wherein his Majesty's service was concerned to be decided by such a doubtfull event; for if they were worsted, they should be irrecoverably lost; wherefore making a retreat, and marching a∣way, they laded whole droves of Sheep with provisions of the Countrey, and taking with them the Curacas, or Lords, of the Countrey, they left all parts be∣hind them desolate, and without provisions or inhabitants, for the distance of a∣bove fourty leagues round. Howsoever Alonso de Toro pursued after them, as far as to the City of Plate, which is distant at least a hundred and eight leagues from Cozco: but finding the Countries entirely dispeopled, without sustenance or food, by reason that the Curacas had caused all their Subjects to attend them on the part of Centeno, and not being able to sustain themselves longer; they resolved to return back again to Cozco; in which march Alonso de Toro was to lead the Van

with fifty Horse, and Alonso de Mendoça was to bring up the Rere, and to cover the main Body in case they should be attacked by Diego Centeno, and in this order they marched to Cozco, where they all met.

CHAP. XXVIII.

Diego Centeno pursues after Alonso de Toro: great Jea∣lousies and Fears arise in the City of Los Reyes. Lo∣renço de Aldana pacifies and suppresses them. Gonça∣lo Piçarro sends his Major General Francisco de Carva∣jal into the Charcas; with what happened in his way thither.

THE return of Alonso de Toro towards Cozco was speedily made known to Die∣go Centeno by the intelligence which the Indians brought him; at which he much admired; and conceived that this sudden turn from his late pursuit and di∣vision of his Forces into three parts must necessarily be caused by some extreme want, defect or inability amongst his people, in confidence whereof he detached fifty of his best and lightest Horse under the command of Captain Lope de Men∣doça, to pursue the Enemy, and take up the straglers, and such as remained in the Rere. And accordingly Mendoça had the fortune to overtake about fifty Horse∣men of them who were in the second detachment, all which he dismounted, and took their Horses and Arms from them; though afterwards he restored them a∣gain, upon promise to take their side and join with them; which good success was obtained during the time that Alonso de Mendoça continued in the City of Plate. Some Historians who favoured the Cause of Alonso de Toro, say that he han∣ged several of them, though the number is not specified. After which Lope de Mendoça returned again, to set upon Alonso de Mendoça, for as yet he had not quit∣ted the City of Plate; but he having received advice of the late success, took ano∣ther way, and so avoided him: in the mean time Diego Centeno coming to the Ci∣ty of Plate; it was agreed to continue there for some time, that the people might have an opportunity to come in to them, and make provision of Arms and ne∣cessaries of which they stood in need. The unexpected return of Alonso de Toro to Cozco surprized all the City with great amazement; and the rather, because no just cause or reason appeared for such a disorderly retreat; which had given courage to the Enemy, that was low, and a little before weak and affrighted, to become bold and daring, and to make an attack upon them. All these successes were particularly known and discoursed at Los Reyes; and in regard there were people of both parties in that place, and such as favoured the side of the Vice-king talked publickly, that they would goe forth and join with Diego Centeno: to all which Lorenço de Aldana seeming to give little regard, or to punish or suppress such who gave out these Discourses; Gonçalo Piçarro concluded that he was one of that Plot, and a Ringleader of that Faction.

With these apprehensions several persons went to Gonçalo Piçarro, and gave him an account how freely people discoursed of his Affairs: but when News came of the defeat of the Vice-king, and his straitned and unhappy condition, the hearts of that Party who declared for him began to sink, and the Faction of Piçarro to rise and take courage; so that the principal Inhabitants of that City thought they might not safely make their Complaints to Loreço de Aldana against certain ill-af∣fected persons who daily uttered seditious words and reports, to the disturbance of the City; whom they offered particularly to name, and bring their informati∣ons against them; to the end that they might be punished by death or banish∣ment, as their Crimes deserved; to which Lorenço de Aldana gave for answer, that he was not informed of those matters before, but that now he would severely pu∣nish them, as the Law did direct.

The Informers, encouraged with this Answer, seised upon fifteen persons, and brought them before the Chief Justice Peter Martin de Cecilia, otherwise called Don Benito, for he was called by both those names, who would have put them on the wrack, and passed sentence of condemnation on the least word of confession, so passionately zealous he was for the Cause of Piçarro, but Lorenço de Aldana, who was a Man of much more moderation, freed them from his hands, and sent them to his own Lodgings, on pretence of safer custody, where having allowed them all things necessary, he afterwards, under pretence of banishment, conveighed them away upon a Ship which he had provided for them; and under the Seal of secrecy gave them assurances of his good intentions, to which they formerly had not been strangers. But the Party of Piçarro was not contented with this easie way of punishment, but rather highly offended thereat; and therefore represen∣ted Lorenço de Aldana unto Piçarro, as a person inclined to the contrary Party; but Piçarro seemed not willing to give ear thereunto, either because he would not believe him to be other than his friend; or that being so far distant from him as Quitu, thought it imprudent to manifest his displeasure and resentments against a person so well beloved and generally esteemed by the people. By this time the News of the Insurrection of Diego Centeno, with what had succeeded in the Charcas was come to the knowledge of Gonçalo Piçarro, who conceived it a matter of high importance, and of a more dangerous consequence than the troubles at Los Reyes, and therefore after consultation held with his Officers, he gave an immediate Com∣mission to Francisco Carvajal to go and suppress those commotions; in which reso∣lution the generality of all the Officers concurred, as being the most brave and most experienced Captain of the Army; though in reality, being weary of his un∣easie temper they were desirous to be rid of him, that they might have the grea∣ter hand in the rule of affairs. Thus Carvajal with a select number onely of twen∣ty Horse in whom he reposed the greatest confidence departed from the Con∣fines of Quitu, and came to St. Michael's, where outwardly he was received with high demonstrations of honour and respect from the People. Howsoever he took six of the Chief Governours, and having severely reproved them for their perfi∣dy and falseness to Gonçalo Piçarro, and for their affection and zeal to the Vice-king; he told them that he resolved once to put all their City to fire, and sword, and not to leave one Man, Woman or Child alive therein: but considering that this was not an act of the generality or of the common people, but onely of those who were their Heads and Rulers; he therefore resolved to punish the fault and crime in them, whom he esteemed to be the principal Instruments; and having ordered them to make their Confession to the Priest, he caused one of them, who was a Clerk, and had sealed the Warrants and Orders which the Vice-king had sent abroad to be executed, but the others, by the earnest Addresses and Solici∣tations of their Wives and other Relations escaped, and by the Prayers of Friars and Priests who earnestly interceded in their favour, obtained their pardon: how∣soever he banished them from the Province, confiscated their Indians, and fined them in four thousand pieces of Eight a piece; thence he marched to Truxillo ga∣thering in his way all the Men and Money he was able: he laid Taxes on the peo∣ple, and gathered them in haste, and then he passed to Los Reyes, where he formed a Body of above two hundred Men, and took the road to Cozco by way of the desart, and being come to Huamanca, as some Authours say, he brought that place under Tribute, and made them pay the Impositions which he laid upon them.

Whilst these Matters were in agitation, there were designs plotting in Los Reyes to take away the Life of Lorenço de Aldana: for at that time people were so unea∣sie and unquiet, that upon every small occasion they were ready to fly into a mu∣tiny, and conspire against their Governours, for which the principal Authours were put to death. And this was the third Plot which was contrived in Los Reyes, which ended with the death of three or four of the chief Conspiratours, and of five or six more than in Huamanca, with Francisco de Carvajal, who being accused by those in Los Reyes, were upon their confession put to death. It was in Huaman∣ca also where Carvajal received the News of the retreat of Diego Centeno, and the Attacques which Alonso de Toro had made upon him, and that he was returned vic∣torious to Cozco: upon which intelligence Carvajal thought it not necessary to pro∣ceed farther; considering that Diego Centeno was retired: for which cause, and be∣cause he was not willing to meet with Alonso de Toro, he resolved to return to Los

Reyes, and the rather, because these two great men were at odds, on occasion that Gonçalo Piçarro had taken from Alonso de Toro his Office of Major-General, and con∣ferred it on Francisco de Carvajal, on pretence that the other was sickly and infirm which rendred him uncapable of that Charge; but Carvajal was scarce come•• to Los Reyes before the news overtook him that Diego Centeno had passed the Mountains in pursuit of Alonso de Toro, and that he had taken fifty of his men Prisoners, and that they had revolted and taken up Arms on the Enemy's side, and that Alonso de Mendoça was retreated another way: upon this intelligence he resolved to turn against Diego Centeno, as he accordingly did, and took his way by Arequepa to avoid meeting with Alonso de Toro: notwithstanding which both Alonso de Toro and the Government of Cozco receiving advices thereof, wrote a joint Letter to Car∣vajal, desiring him to take Cozco in his way, for that it would seem a disparage∣ment to that City, (which was the Head of that Empire) to be neglected, and that his Forces designed against Diego Centeno should seem to issue out of Arequepa than from Cozco. Carvajal consented to their desire, rather from hopes of increa∣sing and augmenting his Forces in that City than a desire of compliance with their request; and so hastning to Cozco, he, and Alonso de Toro had a meeting with un∣kind looks and jealousies each of other, though outwardly and in publick their enmities were not manifested: howsoever the day following Carvajal took four of the Citizens of Cozco, and without any intimation thereof to Alonso de Toro, hanged them up, which served to foment the quarrel and differences which were between them. And now Carvajal having increased his numbers to three hundred men, all well armed and appointed, one hundred of which were Horse, and the rest Foot, he marched with them to Collao, where Diego Centeno was quartered, and being come within ten leagues thereof, Centeno grounding an opinion on a report, that the Souldiers of Carvajal were discontented and would not fight but revolt to his side; took an assurance one night with a Party of eighty men to beat up the quarters of Carvajal, and accordingly came so near that they could hear one another speak: but he soon found himself deceived, for Carvajal put himself in so good a posture to receive him, that every person was in order of Battel, nor were the discontents amongst the Souldiery so great as were reported; for other∣wise it had been impossible for one single Man to have contained three hundred in due obedience to him.

Howsoever it is most certain, as all Authours agree, that Carvajal was ill belo∣ved by the generality, for he was very ill-natured and severe towards his Souldiers, paid them ill, and perhaps with nothing but bad words, and worse performances: but howsoever the story goes, it is strange that he should perform such great ac∣tions with men so much discontented, and who had evil wills and inclinations towards him. It is certain that he was very cruel in his own nature, but not to those of his own Party; but to such as were Traitours, and revolted from his to the contrary Party, like the Weaver's Shuttle from one side to the other; for which reason they were called Weavers: but we shall speak more at large hereafter of Carvajal, who most certainly was a very brave Souldier, having been bred up un∣der that great Captain Gonçalo Fernandez de Cordoua, Duke of Sesa, and other re∣nowned Commanders of those times: but as to Diego Centeno, he perceiving that matters did not succeed according to his expectation, made his retreat in good order, and still defended himself with some loss, untill by degrees his Forces be∣ing diminished, he was totally defeated.

CHAP. XXIX.

Carvajal continues his pursuit after Diego Centeno. A strange piece of Cruelty committed by him upon a Souldier, and a trick which another plaid upon him.

SO soon as it was day Carvajal pursued the Enemy with his Foot drawn up in form of Battel, the Horse advancing before to fall on them in the Rere: but Diego Centeno made his retreat good, and the night following, and for three or four nights following he continually alarm'd Carvajal, in expectation that some parties would fall off from the Enemy and revolt unto him; but finding his hopes decei∣ved in that point, he got his Forces into fast places, and acted on the defensive part; and at length began to march away with all speed, twelve, thirteen and sometimes fifteen leagues a-day: and as some Authours report, he sent away his Baggage before, and what else was cumbersome, whilst he with a select number of men well armed marched in the Rere. Howsoever the Enemy pursued so close after them, that notwithstanding the long marches which Diego Centeno took, they scarce lost sight of them; for about two dozen of Pikes which marched always in the Front, did continually gall them, untill at length they were utterly destroyed: whensoever Diego Centeno came to any narrow Pass, he then made a stop and faced the Enemy, and maintained it for three or four days, untill the Baggage and what∣soever was cumbersome had advanced twenty leagues before, and then he would follow with all haste to overtake them, and when he was come up to his Compa∣nions, they would all say, We wish to God that he would give a stop to the pro∣ceedings of this Tyrant, that we might take a little repose for two or three days; that in the mean time we might advance twenty leagues before him: but so hot a pursuit did they make after them (as I have heard from several of Diego Centeno's own people,) that they had scarce taken five or six hours of repose and rest, be∣fore they espied a stand of Pikes still following with such diligence as if not men but the Devil had driven them; upon appearance of which they instantly put themselves upon the march, whilst Diego Centeno himself faced the Enemy and co∣vered the Rere. It happened one day that Diego Centeno and his Companions maintained a narrow Pass, which was something rocky, for the space of above half a day together, untill such time as night caused both parties to retire: during which time one of that Company, who was mounted on a Mare, whose name I have forgotten, alighted from his Beast, and with his Gun went to a Rock, on the side of which taking a stay for the better assurance of his shot, he fired at the Enemy, and did the execution to kill a Horse by the side of Carvajal; which be∣ing done, the poor man returned to take his Mare, trusting to her Leggs, that with her swiftness he should both escape the Enemy and overtake his own Party; but when he came to seek his Mare where he had tyed her, she had broke her Bridle and was gone, having been affrighted with the report of the Gun and the noise of the Horses which passed by her, so that the poor man falling into the hands of Carvajal's Souldiers, they took him and presented him to their Commander, who being wearied with the pursuit, and angry at the resistence which was made, and more incensed at the particular action of this Souldier, he resolved to put him to a lingring death, and in order thereunto he stripped him naked, and tied his Arms and Feet and threw him into a hollow Pit to die with cold; for the colds in that Countrey are so extreme, that the Indians take care to carry their Pots and Jarrs under covert and within the Walls of their Houses by night, for otherwise they would crack and burst with the intenseness of the Frosts. To this miserable tor∣ture was this poor Wretch exposed, crying out all night, lamenting and saying, is there no good Christian who hath so much mercy and compassion for me as to kill me, and rid me out of this miserable world, which will be such a piece of charity as will be recompensed by blessings from God.

Having passed the whole night with these sad lamentations, so soon as it was day, he was told, that Carvajal intended him that nights lodging for his punish∣ment,

and then, extending his mercy to him, he caused him to be hanged; which I believe was the greatest piece of cruelty that he ever committed: after which he proceeded forward in his march. The Party of Diego Centeno, not being able to sustain such perpetual labours and tedious travels, began to faint and fail, as well Horse as Foot, so that several of them fell into the hands of Carvajal; such as were principal men of note he put to death, without pardon or mercy to any one of them, but as to the meaner sort, he spared them at the intercession of his own Souldiers. But here we must not omit the relation of a trick or jest, which, at this time, and in the midst of this pursuit, a certain Souldier put upon Carvajal, as many had already done during this War. It happened that many poor Soul∣diers went to Carvajal and complained, that during all the time that they had ser∣ved under him, and had marched so many leagues on foot without shoes or stock∣ings in service of their Lord the Governour, he had never taken care to provide them with things necessary and convenient for them; upon which Carvajal sup∣plied many of them with Horses, Arms, Clothes, and Money so far as he was able. The which gave encouragement to many of the Souldiers to be faithfull, and serve him to the end of the Wars; but others of looser principles made use of the Horses and Arms which he had given them to revolt to the other Party. Amongst the rest there was a certain Souldier whom Carvajal had mounted on a Mare, and having an intention to revolt, he always came up in the Rere with his Mare, still making his boasts and bravadoes, what he would doe, and how for∣ward he would be, if he were well mounted. Carvajal being troubled to hear these constant vapours and sayings of the Souldier, changed his Mare, and in place thereof gave him an excellent Mule, and told him, look to it now, Gentleman Souldier, for I have mounted you the best of any man in this Troop; here, Sir, said he, take her and complain no more of me, for I swear by the Life of our Go∣vernour, that unless you advance to morrow by break of day twelve leagues be∣fore us, I will pay you off according to your deserts. The Souldier received the Mule, and heard the threats, but to avoid the effects of them, he took another way, and travelled that night before Sun-rising eleven leagues. About which time meeting with a Souldier of his acquaintance, who went to seek for Cavajal, he said to him, pray recommend me to my Colonel, and tell him, that though I have not been able this night to travel twelve leagues, yet I have travelled ele∣ven of them, and hope before noon to reach the full twelve, and four more. The Souldier not knowing that the other was fled, but supposing he was sent by him upon some Message with haste and diligence, told Carvajal what the Soul∣dier had said to him; but Carvajal was more ashamed of this second cheat that was put upon him than angry at the unfaithfulness and treachery of the fellow; and in a passion said, These Weavers (for so he called all those who revolted from his to the King's Party) had need to live in a state of Confession, and always prepared to die, and to pardon me in case I make bold to hang as many of them as I can meet with; for I have no need of such Customers, who come and cheat me of my Horses and Arms, and when they are well provided and equipped, then to run from me and revolt to the Enemy. And as to the Priests and Friars, they are but so many Spies, and such as come with a like design. It is fit for Friars and religious men to remain in their Churches and Cells, and like good men to pray for the peace of Christians, rather than under the sanctity of their Habits to cloak treacherous designs: Let them look to it, for if they understand not the duty of their Profession, let them not think it much, if I strip them of their Habits, and make bold to hang them: of which I have observed several examples in the Wars where I have been a Souldier.

This did Carvajal utter with much passion and vehemence, and was as good as his word, as well to Friars as others, according to the report of all Historians: for such as he took who had revolted from him, he punished with the utmost cru∣elty and torment; but those who were onely Prisoners of War, and had kept their side, he used well and with some kindness, endeavouring to bring them over to his own Party. And now we shall leave Carvajal in his pursuit of Diego Cen∣teno, and return to Gonçalo Piçarro who was also in the pursuit of the Vice-king at the same time, and almost in the same days.

CHAP. XXX.

Gonçalo Piçarro pursues the Vice-king so close that at length he drove him out of Peru. Pedro de Hinojosa sails to Panama, with a Fleet of Ships belonging to Pi∣çarro.

WE have before mentioned how that the Vice-king marched into Quitu, and that Piçarro pursued him at the heels, though his Souldiers were not less weary, nor wanting of provisions than the others, but rather more, because the Vice-king marching before, carried away all the provisions of the Countrey wheresoever they came; howsoever so eager was Piçarro, and so much concerned to put an end to these labours, that he continued his pursuit day and night, as Ca∣rate reports in the twenty ninth Chapter of his fifth Book in these words;

Gonçalo Piçarro pursued the Vice-king from the City of St. Michael's (which was the place from whence he made his retreat,) as far as the City of Quitu, which are an hundred and fifty leagues distant from each other; and so hotly did he carry on this work, that there was scarce a day but they saw each other, and the Scouts often discoursed together; and to be in greater readiness, their Horses remained al∣ways sadled: but if either Party was more vigilant than the other, it was the Vice-king's, for his men slept always in their Clothes, holding their Horses by the Halter, without Tents or Horse-clothes to cover them; but necessity made them ingenious, and taught them a remedy, in that sandy Countrey where were no Trees to shelter them, which was this; So soon as they came to the place where they intended to quarter that night, they filled certain Baggs or Sacks, which they carried with them, with Sand, and having made a great hole they threw them in, and covered them with Sand, which they troad and trampled on and made it very firm, so that the Horses could lie thereupon with much ease. But besides all this, both Armies suffered much for want of provisions, and especially Piçarro's men who came in the pursuit, for the Vice-king wheresoever he passed raised all the Indians of the Countrey, and the Caciques or Governours, and took them with him, that so the Enemy coming after, might find all places dispeopled and unprovided: and such was the great haste which the Vice-king made that he took with him eight or ten of the best Horse which could be procured in that Countrey, which were led by Indians, and in case any of his Horses happened to be tired on the way he maimed or disabled him in such manner that the Enemy could make no use of him. And now in the way Captain Bachicao returned from the Voyage which we former∣ly mentioned, and joyned with Gonçalo Piçarro, bringing a recruit of three hundred and fifty Men, twenty Ships and good store of Cannon, and sailing along the coast which is nearest to Quitu, he landed his Men in a place not far from the Forces of Piçarro; with which additional auxiliaries Piçarro's Army amounted to eight hundred men, of which many were principal persons of quality and note, as well Inhabitants as Souldiers, who came in with such frankness as no story can paral∣lel under the Government of a Tyrant and an Usurper. In that Province all Provisions were very plentifull, and therein not long before they had discovered several rich Veins of Gold, out of which the Spaniards whose lots fell there, rai∣sed vast sums, which they refused to yield to Piçarro, and also denied the fifths to his Majesty, or to be accountable for the Treasures of dead persons. And here it was that Piçarro received intelligence that the Vice-king was advanced forty leagues from Quitu, and was entred into a certain Town called Pasto, within the Govern∣ment of Benalcaçar: And here he resolved to pursue him to that place, which he accordingly did without delay or interruption; for Gonçalo Piçarro staid but very little in Quitu, and having overtaken the Enemy, several skirmishes happened between parties on each side in that place, which is called the Hot River. And the Vice-king having advice that Piçarro was near at hand, he quitted Pasto in great haste, and marched up into the Countrey untill he came to the City of Po∣payan, and Piçarro having still pursued him for twenty eight leagues farther, where

finding a desart and desolate Countrey, and want of all provisions, he resolved to return again to Quitu; which he accordingly did, after he had pursued the Vice-king for so long a time, and through such a vast tract of Land, as is before men∣tioned: and we may confidently averr that from the City of Plate (from which he first began his March) to the City of Pasto are seven hundred leagues, so long as may be computed to make a thousand of our ordinary leagues of Castile, &c. Thus far are the words of Carate, to which other Historians add, That the Vice-king having passed the River of Hot Waters, did imagine that his Enemies would have remained satisfied therewith, and desisted from all farther pursuit, considering that they had driven him out of Peru, and from the confines of their Jurisdiction, and that now he should remain in peace and quiet, untill some good opportunity should offer for his better advantage; but he had not long pleased himself with these thoughts, and scarce ended his discourse with his Captains concerning them, before some Parties of Piçarro's Army appeared to them, descending a Hill to∣wards the River, with the same haste and fury that they had formerly practised: at which surprise, the Vice-king lifted up his hands to Heaven and cried aloud, and said, Is it possible, or will it ever be believed in Ages to come, That men pretending to be Spaniards should pursue the Royal Standard of their King (as they have done) for the space of four hundred leagues, as it is from the City of Los Reyes to this place? and then raising his Camp with speed, he proceeded forward that his Enemies might have no time to repose: but Piçarro proceeded no farther, but, as we have said, retur∣ned to Quitu, where, as Carate reports, he became so elated with pride by reason of his many prosperous successes, that his insolence became insupportable, and then out of the fulness of his heart, he would vent many bold sayings derogatory to the honour and Majesty of his King: The King, said he, will be obliged whether he will or not to grant me the Government of Peru, for he is sensible of the obligations he hath to me for this Conquest: and though oftentimes he would pretend to great obedience and resignation to his Majesty's pleasure, yet at other times, he would let fall words seditious and rebellious; and at the instigation of his Captains, he publi∣shed his reasons, setting forth his right and title to that Government. And being now settled in the City of Quitu, he passed his time in Festivals, Sports and Ban∣quets, without minding the actions or proceedings of the Vice-king; onely the discourses amongst themselves were that he would go to Spain by way of Carta∣gena, others that he would pass up farther towards the Continent to raise Men and Arms, and there expect his Majesty's further Instructions; others were of opinion, that he would remain in the Countrey of Popaya untill he received new Orders; but it was generally believed that he would not stay long there, or at∣tempt any thing in those parts; but be his design what it would, it was conclu∣ded necessary to obstruct his passage to the Continent; to which end Hernando Ba∣chicao was remanded back again with his Fleet, of which Pedro de Hinojosa, Gentle∣man of his Bed-chamber, was made Admiral, with two hundred and fifty men under his command, who departed with all expedition. Moreover Rodrigo de Car∣vajal was dispatched with his Ship to Panama, with a Pacquet of Letters from Gonçalo Piçarro, desiring the Inhabitants of that City to favour his cause and de∣signs, assuring them, that whatever Spoils and Insolencies Bachicao had committed on them were contrary to his will and pleasure, and against his express command. Rodrigo de Carvajal arrived accordingly within three leagues of Panama, where he received intelligence that two Captains sent from the Vice-king were there, the one called John de Guzman, and the other John de Yllanez, who were raising Forces to carry to the Province of Belalcaçar to recruit the Vice-king's Army therewith, and that they had already listed about an hundred men, and had prepared good quantities of Arms, with five or six pieces of Cannon. And though these men had been for some time in a readiness, they were not sent away; by reason that apprehending some attempts from Gonçalo Piçarro, they thought fit to keep their people in reserve till they saw the danger over. Howsoever Rodrigo de Carvajal adventured to send a Souldier privately into the City with Letters to certain Ci∣tizens; who upon receipt thereof communicated them to the Officers of the Town, who seised on the Souldier, and by him understanding the design of Hi∣nojosa, put the City into Arms, and sent two Brigantines to seise the Ship of Car∣vajal; but he suspecting some ill intention against him by reason of the long ab∣sence of his Messenger, set sail from thence, and so the two Brigantines missing him returned back without success.

CHAP. XXXI.

Pedro de Hinojosa takes Vela Nunnez in his voyage. The great Preparations which were made in Panama. And how those Troubles were appeased.

THE Governour of Panama, called Pedro de Casaos, born at Seville, went in haste to Nombre de Dios, where he raised all the Men he was able; with what Arms he could find both offensive and defensive, which he carried with him to Panama to oppose Pedro de Hinojosa: the like diligence was used by the two Cap∣tains of Piçarro, between whom and Pedro de Casaos, though there had formerly risen some Disputes and Contests about place or preference, yet all agreed to chuse Casaos for Commander in chief. Pedro de Hinojosa having dispatched Rodri∣go de Carvajal, proceeded on his Voyage to Panama, enquiring along the Coast concerning the Vice-king: and in the River and Port of St. John he put some Men ashoar, to receive what Intelligence and News was there stirring, who took ten Spaniards, and brought them on board; by one of whom they were given to un∣derstand, that the Vice-king by reason of the long stay of two of his Captains, John de Guzman and John de Yllanez in Panama, had sent also his Brother Vela Nun∣nez thither to hasten the Recruits, and to increase the numbers, he sent great sums of Money out of the King's Treasury, and delivered to him also the bastard Son of Gonçalo Piçarro; and that Vela Nunnez had sent a Souldier before to dis∣cover what danger there was on the Coast, whilst he remained a day's journey be∣hind, upon which Intelligence, Hinojosa sent two Captains with different Parties by several ways; both which had good success; the first had the fortune to take Vela Nunnez; and the other Rodrigo Mexia, who was born in the City of Castin, and with whom was Gonçalo Piçarro's Son; and both of them got great booty and riches; all which came very acceptable to Hinojosa, who was much pleased with the taking of Vela Nunnez, who might oppose and prevent his design in Panama: and with the rescue of the Son of Gonçalo Piçarro, whose freedom would be joyfull to his Father. And encouraged with this happy success they sai∣led toward Panama, and being near the Place, Rodrigo de Carvajal came forth to meet them, and gave them Intelligence of all Matters at Panama, and how the City was prepared to oppose them. Hinojosa was rather pleased than discouraged with this News; and putting himself into a posture of War, sailed forward un∣till on a day in the month of October, which was in the year 1545. he came within sight of the City of Panama with a Fleet of eleven sail of Ships and a hundred and fifty Men aboard: upon this appearance the City was in great conster∣nation; all Souldiers repaired to their Colours, and Pedro de Casaos who was chief Officer, had above five hundred Men under his command; but the most of them were Merchants, and the Officers such unexperienced Men in the War, that few of them knew how to fire a Musquet, and all of them unwilling to engage in fight, especially against Men coming from Peru, with whom having formerly been acco∣stomed to deal in Traffick and Merchandize, it seemed strange to contend with them at any other Weapon. And moreover they considered, that a great part of their Estates, and effects were in Peru, which would all be confiscated by Gonçalo Piçarro, in case they should appear in Arms, against his Forces. Howsoever they formed and joined in several Bodies commanded by their respective Officers, the chief of which were first Pedro de Casaos, General; then Arias de Azebedo, who came afterwards over, and lived at Cordoua, where at this time some of his Grand-children inhabit: Other Captains and Officers were John Fernandez de Reboledo, Andren de Arayza, with the Vice King's two Captains, John de Guzman and John de Yllanez, with several other Noble Persons then present, who resolved to de∣fend the City for the service of his Majesty; and others being affrighted with the late Outrages and Insults of Bachicao were inclined to preserve themselves from the like Tyrannies, which they feared from Hinojosa: but he, considering what sort of people he had to deal with, landed two hundred Men, all old and vete∣rane

Souldiers well appointed and armed, and fifty were left aboard, for defence of their Ships. And so he marched along the Coast, being flanked with his Can∣non, carrying aboard the Boats belonging to the Ships, much to the annoyance of the Enemy, in case they should make an assault upon them. He gave farther order aboard Ship, that so soon as they should come to an Engagement, that they should presently hang up Vela Nunnez and the other Prisoners which they had ta∣ken. Pedro de Casaos seeing the resolution of Pedro de Hinojosa, came out to meet him, with intention either to overcome or dye: and both Parties being come within Musquet shot each of other; all the Clergy-men and Friars came out of the City carrying a Wood of Crosses before them, which served for Banners and Colours, and being all clad in mourning with sadness in their countenances, cryed out with loud voices to Heaven and to the People for Peace and Concord a∣mongst them; saying, Is it not a great shame and pity, that you who are Chri∣stians, and are come to preach the Gospel to Infidels, should imbrue your hands in the bloud of each other, to the common ruine and calamity of all. These words being uttered with great out-cries and exclamations, put both sides to a stand, and to look each on the other; untill the religious Troops interposed be∣tween both Parties, and began to treat of a Truce, and to create a right under∣standing. Accordingly Hinojosa sent in his behalf Don Balthasar de Castilia, Son of Count de Gomera, and the People of Panama employed Don Pedro de Cabrera for their Agent, both Natives of Seville. It was pleaded in behalf of Hinojosa, that no reason could be given, why they should oppose his landing, or free admittance into the City: for that his message and business thither was to give satisfaction to the Inhabitants for the Tyrannies and Outrages which Bachicao had committed on them, and to buy Cloths and Provisions of them for their Money, and supply themselves with other necessaries for their Voyage. That they had received strict Commands and Orders from Gonçalo Piçarro, not to give them the least cause of offence, nor to fight, unless they were compelled thereunto: And that so soon as they had made their provisions, and re-fitted their Ships, they would speedily depart in quest of the Vice-king, and cause him to embark for Spain, according to the Sentence which the Judges had given concerning him: and thereby free the Countries from those fears and molestations which he had caused by rowling up and down in all quarters. And in regard he was not in Panama, they had no business which could detein them long there, and therefore they entreated them not to force them to an engagement with them; which according to the Com∣mand of Piçarro they would avoid by all means possible; but in case they were forced to fight, they would then doe their best not to be overcome.

On the other side it was alledged in behalf of the Governour Pedro de Casaos; that his entry into their Countrey in that hostile manner could not be justified, though it were given for granted that Gonçalo Piçarro had a right to the Govern∣ment. That Bachicao had given the same promises, and made as fair pretences as he did, and yet so soon as he had gotten possession, he then committed all those spoils and murthers for which they pretend not to give satisfaction. The Com∣missioners on both sides hearing these Allegations, and being desirous to make an accommodation, did agree that Hinojosa should be received ashoar, and have free admittance and entertainment in the City for the space of thirty days, with a guard of fifty Men for security of his person; that his Fleet, with the rest of his Souldiers should in the mean time sail to the Isles of Pearls, and take with them Ship-carpenters, and cut such Timber as should be usefull for repair of their Ves∣sels; and that at the end of thirty days they should return to Peru. These Arti∣cles being agreed unto by both Parties, they were confirmed by Oath, and Hosta∣ges given.

Pedro de Hinojosa accordingly came to the City with his fifty Men; where he took a house, and gave publick entertainment to all comers and goers; and his People sported and treated friendly and familiarly with all the Inhabitants. Augu∣stine de Carate, in the thirty second Chapter of his fifth Book, saith; for what we have farther to add in this matter is upon his Authority; That three days had scarce passed before all those Souldiers who had been raised by the Captains, John Guzman and John de Yllanez, revolted for the most part to Hinojosa; according to whose example the idle and vagrant persons of the City, who were not Mer∣chants, and such as had no employment, listed themselves Souldiers with Hinojosa, intending for Peru: so that the Captains of the Vice-king finding themselves for∣saken

by their men, privately embarked with fourteen or fifteen men, and sai∣led away. In the mean time Hinojosa passed very peaceably, without intermedling in the Government or matters of Justice, or suffering his People to commit the least offence, or give occasion of complaint to the People: with these men he sent Don Pedro de Cabrera, and Hernando Mexia de Guzman his Son-in-law to Nombre de Dios, with Orders to keep that Port, and intercept all Advices which should come as well from Spain as from other parts.

CHAP. XXXII.

Of the Actions of Melchior Verdugo in Truxillo, Nica∣ragua and in Nombre de Dios, and how he was forced to leave that City.

ABout the same time there happened an odd Accident in the City of Truxillo, which gave great offence, and raised the enmity and hatred of the People a∣gainst the person who occasioned the same, whose name was Melchior Verdugo, to whom the Province of Cassamarca was appointed by lot, a place famous for the imprisonment of the King Atahualpa and other remarkable Successes which have been mentioned before.

This person having been born in the City of Avila, and Countrey-man to the Vice-king, was desirous to signalize himself in doing something remarkable for his service; the Vice-king, before his imprisonment knowing of his Intensions, gave him a large Commission to doe many things of high importance, and parti∣cularly to destroy or dispeople the City of Los Reyes, for which reason Melchior Verdugo, and his adherents fell under the hatred and displeasure of Gonçalo Piçarro, and of such as were of his Party. Verdugo, being informed hereof, resolved to escape out of the Kingdom, fearing to fall into the hands of Piçarro. Howsoever, being desirous to perform some Act extraordinary, he engaged some Souldiers to him, bought Arms secretly, and made Musquet-shot, Mannacles and Chains in his own house, and so bold he was in his matters, that his Neighbours and Com∣panions were greatly offended thereat: but fortune favoured his design, for at that time, a Ship arriving in the Port of Truxillo from Los Reyes, he sent for the Master and the Mate of the Vessel, pretending that he had a parcel of Mayz and other Goods to ship upon him for Panama, which he desired them to come and see; so soon as the Master and the Mate were within his house, he put them in∣to a low cellar or dungeon, which he had made: then he pretended to be lame of the Gout; and sitting in that manner at his Window, he espyed one of the Governours with his Clerk passing by; and calling to them, he desired them to come, to draw some authentick Writings, which he had occasion for; and desi∣red their excuse for not coming to them by reason of the Indisposition which was upon him: when they were come in, he fairly led them to the place where the Master and Pilot were lodged, and there he took away their white Staves, and clapt them in Chains, setting a guard of six Musquetiers upon them. And re∣turning again to his Window, he espied another Citizen passing by, to whom he called in the same manner as before, pretending some business with him; and him also he put into his prison, and in this manner he decoyed in at least twenty persons of the principal Citizens, which were all that remained at home, the others being gone in Service of Piçarro. Then he sallied out into the Market-place with twenty Souldiers whom he judged to be faithfull to him; he summo∣ned all people in the King's-name to come in, and seized on those who did not readily obey, and then in hearing of all his prisoners, he told them plainly, that his business was to carry men and arms to the Vice-king; for which service he had an occasion for money, which they must speedily pay him, in case they expected their liberty; and that every one should pay his proportion according to his abili∣ty; and if not, he was resolved to carry them away with him to the Vice-king.

The prisoners paid down their ready money, as was agreed; and taking what was in the King's Treasury with his own Estate; for he was a very rich-man, he amas∣sed great quantities of Gold and Silver, all which he carried with him, and so embarked for Panama; and that his passage might not be interrupted, he brought all his prisoners in their chains to the Sea-side, and freed them as he was going off. In his voyage he met with a Ship laden with goods, and spoils, which Bachicao had robbed at Panama, the which he took, and divided to himself and amongst his Souldiers, and hearing that Gonçalo Piçarro had a Fleet of Ships at that place, he feared to go thither, and so sailed to Nicaragua. Pedro de Hinojosa having intel∣ligence of his going, sent two Ships in chase of him, under the command of Cap∣tain John Alonso Palomino with a hundred and twenty Musquetiers: at his arrival there he found that Verdugo was landed; howsoever he took his Ship, but durst not adventure ashoar; because the Inhabitants of Granada and Leon denyed him admittance; whereupon Palomino returned to Panama with the Ships which he had taken on the coast of Nicaragua, of which he reserved such as were serviceable, and burnt the rest, and being arrived at Panama, he gave to Hinojosa an account of all that had passed. Thus was Melchior Verdugo put out of all possibility of do∣ing any farther fears against Piçarro in the Sea of Zur, for he had lost his Ship, and could not buy another, for Bachicao, and his men, had taken them all. Where∣fore considering with himself what to doe, he imagined, that in case he went by way of the North Sea to Nombre de Dios, he might be able to compass some ex∣ploit in that City; for he conceived that Pedro de Hinojosa had few people in that City, and those all secure, and in no apprehension of surprize by an enemy: with this fancy he built four Frigates, and shipped a hundred stout Souldiers upon them in the Lake of Nicaragua, and passed through that chanel which runnes into the North Sea. In the River which is called Chagre, it was his fortune to take a Boat with certain Negroes who spake good Spanish, and by them he was informed of all matters that had passed in Nombre de Dios, both as to the Souldiers and Of∣ficers which were quartered there. And taking those Negroes for their Guides, they came about midnight to the City, where being landed, they immediately set upon the House where Don Pedro de Cabre and Hernan Mexia, with some Soul∣diers were lodged, who being allarum'd with the noise of the people, put them∣selves into a posture to defend themselves. Whereupon Verdugo's men set fire to the House, so that the Defendants perceiving the flame about their Ears, were forced to goe forth and combat with their Enemies by the light thereof: but they being Robbers, and more desirous of plunder and booty than of bloud, took their heels and fled, and by help of a dark night secured themselves within the high Mountains which are near to the City: of all which particulars Advices being carried to Pedro de Hinojosa then residing at Panama, he shewed high resentments, and complained thereof to Doctour Ribera, who was Governour of Nombre de Dios, at that time residing at Panama, before whom he accused Verdugo for ha∣ving entred into his Government and Jurisdiction without Title or Commission from his Superiour; but had by authority onely from himself presumed to impri∣son several Justices of the Peace, and forced them and others to pay for their ransomes; that he had committed many Piracies in the South and North Seas, and at length in a hostile manner had entred into Nombre de Dios: all which being highly aggravated before Doctour Ribera, Pedro de Hinojosa offered him assistence both in person and with his forces; the which Doctour Ribera accepting, admini∣stred an Oath of fidelity to Pedro Hinojosa and his Captains to obey him as their Captain General during the time of this action, and not to doe any thing contrary to his Command; which being agreed, they forthwith marched from Panama to Nombre de Dios. Melchior Verdugo having notice hereof, drew out his men into the field, with such others of the City as had joined with him. Hinojosa imme∣diately attacked them, and at the first charge several fell both on one side and the other. But when the Inhabitants of Nombre de Dios saw their own Governour at the head of the contrary party, they all retired to the Mountain near the City. Verdugo's men would have given a stop to the flight of the Inhabitants; but their disorder being such that they could not withstand the shock of their Enemies, they betook themselves to their Frigates, with which they surprized a Ship in Port; and arming her with their Cannon, they made many shot to the Town, but with little or no damage, by reason that the Vessel road at a distance for want of Water near the shoar. Verdugo finding himself thus disappointed, and in no con∣dition

to deal with the Enemy, several of his men being killed and left ashoar, he sailed to Cartagena with his Ship and Frigats, attending an opportunity to incom∣mode the Enemy: but Doctour Ribera and Pedro de Hinojosa appeased the people the best they could; and leaving some force and Captains for security and defence of the City, they returned to Panama.

CHAP. XXXIII.

Blasco Nunnez Vela recruits himself in Popayan. Gon∣çalo Piçarro pretends to goe for Quitu, hoping by that means to cause his removal from thence. The Vice-king goes in quest of Pedro Puelles.

WE before mentioned that the Vice-king was in Popayan, where, to keep him∣self in action, he engrossed all the Iron of that Province; to work which he compelled the Smiths to come in and set up Forges, and in a short time made above two hundred Fire-arms, with Croslets and Armour proportionable to them, and then he wrote a Letter to Sebastian, Governour of Belalcaçar, and to a certain Captain of his called John Cabreras, who was then by order of the said Gover∣nour emploied in a new Conquest of the Indians, wherein he gave them a particu∣lar intelligence of all matters which had happened to him since the time of his first entrance into Peru, in which was comprised the History of the Insurrection of Gonçalo Piçarro, who had forced him to abandon the Countrey; and that now he resolved to return again upon him; to which end, that he might have a compe∣tent Army, he desired them to come and join with him, in which they would doe most signal service to his Majesty: and that having overcome and killed that Tyrant, they might largely share in the possessions of Peru, which would be much better than all the Conquests they were now emploied in. Besides which pro∣mises, the better to encourage them, he told them that Diego Centeno was actually on the Confines of Peru in his Majesty's service; that every day his forces encrea∣sed; so that now, in case the Tyrant were but attacked on the other side, it would be impossible for him to hold out. He also sent them Warrants to take out of his Majesty's Exchequer in several Towns and Villages near them the sum of thirty thousand Pesos of Gold, for payment of the Souldiers. The Captains ha∣ving received these Orders, obeyed them with all readiness; and with a hundred Souldiers well armed, came, and kissed the Vice-king's hand; the which encou∣raged him to send the like Orders to the new Kingdom of Granada, Cartagena and other parts, demanding succour and assistence from them; so that in a short time he had got a Body of four hundred men, all reasonable well armed; but this suc∣cess was again tempered with the ill News of the loss of his Brother and of his two Captains, John de Guzman and John de Yllanez; at which he was much troubled, because he had great expectations from them. On the other side, Gonçalo Pi∣çarro had nothing to trouble him, but onely the thoughts of the Vice-king, for he could not think himself secure, whilst he lived, and was at the head of an Army: And because he could not come at the Vice-king, or march into the Countrey where he was for want of Provisions, which were very scarce in those parts; he gave out, that he would march into the Charcas to suppress the Insur∣rection of Diego Centeno; and to leave Captain Pedro de Puelles with three hundred men to guard that frontier against the Vice-King, in case he should make an at∣tempt thereupon. And to put a better colour on this feigned design, and make it more publick, he named his Captains and Souldiers who were to goe with him, and those who were to remain behind; and made provisions for maintenance of one and the other. Accordingly he marched out of Quitu, and took care that information hereof should be dispatched to the Vice-king; to perform which, an ill-man, whom the Vice-king had sent for his Spy into those parts, was very instru∣mental: for this Rogue had, in hopes of some great reward from Piçarro, disco∣vered

the design he was upon, and betrayed to him the Cypher which the Vice-king had given him, by the help of which Gonçalo Piçarro caused him to write all that had passed, and caused the Letter to be delivered to an Indian wholly igno∣rant of this treachery. On the other side, he caused Pedro de Puelles to write to several of his Friends then in Popayan, that he was quartered in Quitu with three hundred men; so that if they thought fit to come thither and divertise them∣selves with him for some time, they should find safety and a hearty welcome, in regard that the Countrey was quiet by the absence and retirement of Gonçalo Pi∣çarro from thence: and he delivered these Letters to certain Indians who were then present at the departure of Gonçalo Piçarro, that they might thereby confirm the contents of the intelligence which was sent; and farther, he ordered Pedro de Pu∣elles to seem as if he sent these Indians in a secret manner, but yet so as a discovery might be made, and that the Out-guards of the Vice-king might intercept the Letters and carry them to him: the Plot being thus laid, Gonçalo Piçarro (as hath been said) departed from Quitu, and having marched three or four days, he seig∣ned himself sick in excuse of his delay. The Vice-king having received the Let∣ters from his treacherous Spy, and likewise seen the counterseited intelligence from Pedro de Puelles, to both which he gave undoubted belief; he imagined that with four hundred men, he might easily deal with Pedro de Puelles, and after such a Victory he might pursue Gonçalo Piçarro and overthrow him: And on this con∣fidence and belief building his design (for he could receive no other intelligence, the Roads being obstructed) he resolved to march to Quitu: but on the contra∣ry, Gonçalo Piçarro was better informed, by way of the Indians of Cannaris, of all the proceedings of the Vice-king, and of every days march which he made; and when he understood that he was come within twelve days march of Quitu, he then returned with all speed to the City to joyn with Pedro de Puelles, from whence both the Camps proceeded with great joy, thinking that now they had entrapped the Vice-king and should be able to engage him in a Battel; and though they heard that he was eight hundred men strong, yet Piçarro confided in the valour and experience of his Veterane Souldiers, and contemned the rawness and unskil∣fulness of the adverse party: For when he came to muster and survey his men, he found that he had two hundred Fire-locks, three hundred and fifty Pike-men, and an hundred and fifty Horsemen, all dexterous and able Souldiers, well provi∣ded and armed with quantity of powder of the best and finest sort. The Cap∣tains of the Fire-locks were John de Acosta and John Velez de Guevara, the Captain of the Pike-men was Hernando de Bachicao, and the Captains of Horse were Pedro de Puelles and Gomez de Alvarado, and the Standard was carried by Francis de Ampu∣ero, and supported by seventy Horse. Benito Suarez de Carvajal, Brother of the Agitant Yllen Suarez, took the side of Piçarro, and was there present with thirty men under his command, all of his own Kindred and Relations; In this posture was the Army of Piçarro when news came that the Enemy was come within two leagues of the Camp; whereupon they marched and took possession of a Pass on the River where the Vice-king was to go over, for there was no other way; and being there Piçarro posted and fortified himself very advantageously; which happened, as Augustine Carate reports, on Saturday the fifteenth day of January, 1546.

The Vice-king charged Pedro de Puelles with great courage, in hopes speedily to rout him, and afterwards to deal in like manner with Piçarro; for he always en∣tertained an opinion of the loyalty of the people, that they onely expected an op∣portunity to revolt and return to obedience and service of his Majesty. In confi∣dence whereof he approached so near to the Forces of Pedro de Puelles, that the Van-guards could speak and call each other Traitours and Rebels, for both Par∣ties pretended loyalty and duty to his Majesty, and yet all this time, the Vice-king was not informed that Gonçalo Piçarro was so near, but believed all the time that he had to deal with none but Pedro de Puelles.

The night following, about the glimpse of the Evening, Carate reports in the thirty fifth Chapter of his fifth Book, That the Vice-king holding a Council of War with his Commanders, it was there agreed, as most advantageous and of less danger to get possession of the Town than to adventure a Battel in the open Field; and accordingly before mid-night quietly and without noise they marched away, leaving their Camp and Tents with the Indians who carried them; and taking the way on the left hand, they marched over a great Desart: and Fernando

Palentino says, that it rained all night, that they passed many rocky places and great Rivers, so that many times their Horses were forced to take a rounding way by the side of steep Mountains, and coming to the bottom they plunged into Ri∣vers, in which manner having marched all the night, they lost several Men and Horses, who were so disabled and left behind that they could not come time enough to the Battel, and so soon as it was day they found themselves within a league of Quitu. Thus far are the words of Palentino.

The reason which moved the Vice-king to take this troublesome march, was in design to charge the Enemy in the Rere; but, as Carate saith, he did not be∣lieve that either the way was so bad nor so long; for when he moved his Camp, he was not then above three leagues from Quitu, and yet with the compass they took it proved at least eight leagues: this errour was fatal to the Vice-king; for whereas he should rather have kept his Men and Horse fresh and fit for engage∣ment, they were instead thereof so harassed and tried with their long march of eight leagues over Desarts and unpassable places, that they had need of long rest and repose to recover them; but where a misfortune and destiny is intended, the Counsels which are designed for good are converted to ruine and destruction.

CHAP. XXXIV.

The Battel of Quitu, wherein the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez was defeated and slain.

THE Vice-king entring into the City of Quitu found no resistance, and there it was told him by a certain Woman that Piçarro was marching against him, at which he wondred much, but was soon made to understand the fraud and strate∣geme by which he was decoyed into that snare. On the other side Gonçalo Piçarro knew nothing of the march of the Vice-king to Quitu, but believed all the time that he had remained in his Camp; but when in the morning the Scouts came near the Tents, and hearing little or no noise, they adventured in, and under∣stood from the Indians of all matters which had passed, and accordingly gave in∣formation thereof to Gonçalo Piçarro, who was not wanting to send the news to his Captains, who immediately raised their Camp, and marched in an orderly posture to Quitu, with intention to give Battel to the Vice-king, in what place soever they should meet him. The Vice-king was not ignorant of all these mat∣ters, and considering the great advantage which his Enemies had over him, and that there was no security but in his Arms, he resolved to hazard all upon the for∣tune of a Battel, hoping that such as were true Servants and faithfull Subjects to his Majesty would revolt over to his side; and so animating his people with these expectations, he marched with his Forces out of the City, and both sides were so full of courage as if they had been secure of Victory; and though Gonçalo Piçarro had the greater advantage in his numbers, yet the Vice-king was equal to him in the Valour and Conduct of his Captains, all men of great spirit and renown: those who commanded the Infantry were Sancho Sanchez d' Avila, his Cousin John Cabrera, and Francis Sanchez; his Captains of Horse were Admiral Sebastian de Belalcaçar Cepeda, and Pedro de Bassan, and so both Armies marched to meet each other: At the first a skirmish was begun by two parties of Musketiers detached from each Army; in which the people of Piçarro had the advantage by the strength and goodness of their Powder, and by the use of their Fire-arms, being the better Marks-men: by this time both Armies were come so near to each other, that the detached Parties were forced to retreat to their respective Colours; to make which good on Piçarro's side, John de Acosta with another able Souldier called Paez de Sottomayor came in to bring their Party off. Then Gonçalo Piçarro commanded Licenciado Carvajal to charge the right Wing of the Enemy, and he himself de∣signed to lead and bring up the Horse in the Front; but his Captains dissuaded him from it, and rather desired him to place himself within a Squadron of Foot,

where, with seven or eight other Commanders, he might better oversee and go∣vern the battel. The Vice-king's Troops of Horse consisting of about a hundred and fourty men, observing that the Troops of Carvajal were coming up to charge them, they put themselves on a Trot to meet them, but so without rank or order, that they seemed (as Carate says of them) to be half routed before they came to engage; and a file of Musquetiers so galled them in the flank, that though Carvajal's party was less in number, yet the Vice-king's Horse were so ha∣rassed and tyred, and the Enemy on the contrary fresh and in courage, that Car∣vajal had great advantage over them. Howsoever engaging first with their Lan∣ces, many fell on both sides, and at length, fighting nearer with their Swords and Daggers, Pole-axes and Hooks, the battel grew hot and bloudy: but then Picar∣ro's Standard supported with about a hundred men coming in quite turned the scale of the battel, and the Enemy routed and totally defeated. On the other side, the fight between the Foot, was very sore and bloudy, with such noise, and out-cryes, that the numbers seemed much greater than they were: In the first charge Captain John Cabrera was slain, and soon after Captain Sancho Sanchez d' Avila; but before he fell, he did great execution with his Sword, having cut down whole files and ranks of the Enemy; but being overwhelmed with numbers and advan∣tages of Arms, they were forced to yield to the greater power of the Enemy, which ranging victoriously on all sides, the chief Commanders were killed, with most of the Souldiery. The Vice-king fought very stoutly with his Horse, and in the first Charge had the fortune to dismount Alonso de Montalto, besides other exploits which he performed with great resolution and courage: he was disguised in his habit, for over his Arms he wore an Indian Coat, which was the cause of his death: for when he saw his Forces totally defeated, he would then have fled, but his escape was prevented by an Inhabitant of Arequepa called Hernando de Tor∣res, who engaged with him; and not knowing who he was, gave him such a blow with a Battle-ax on the head, with both his hands, that he knocked him to the ground. And here Carate, in the thirty fifth Chapter of his fifth Book, gives relation of this passage in these words; The Vice-king and his Horse was so tired with the last night's march, having neither rested, nor slept, nor eaten, that to overthrow him and his horse was not very difficult: howsoever the bat∣tel was obstinately disputed between the Foot; but seeing the Vice-king fall, their courages failed, and submitted to the Conquerour, most of them being slain upon the place. Thus far Carate.

If Hernando de Torres had known the person of the Vice-king, which he might have done, had he discovered who he was by the mark of his Order of St. Ja∣go, he would certainly have spared his life, and taken him prisoner: but suppo∣sing him to be a common man, clothed in an Indian habit, he killed him with∣out distinction. The Vice-king might rather have been blamed for wearing a disguise, but his intention was not to be spared, but to fall amongst the rest, in case he were overcome, and not to outlive his honour and power. So soon as Carvajal saw that the field was their own, and that they were secure of victory, he with great diligence sought out for the Vice-king, that he might wreak his revenge upon him for the death of his Brother; and found that Pedro de Puelles was giving him another mortal wound, though with his fall, and a shot through his body, he was then expiring his last breath: a common Souldier was the first who discovered the body of the Vice-king to Pedro de Puelles, otherwise it had remai∣ned unknown under the disguise. Licenciado Carvajal had a mind to have aligh∣ted from his Horse, to have given him the last fatal stroak; but Pedro de Pu∣elles told him, that it was too mean an action for him to lay his hands on a dying man: howsoever he commanded his Negro to cut off his head, as he did, and carried it with him to Quitu, where it was fixed on the head of a Lance, untill it was made known to Gonçalo Piçarro, who in anger caused it to be taken away and buried together with the body. A certain Authour gives a relation hereof in this manner; The head of the Vice-king was carried to Quitu, and there for some time exposed on the common gallows; but this giving offence to some people, it was taken down and joined with the body, and enterred together with it.

And here it is remarkable with what niceness this Authour touches this point; for not to say that Piçarro gave order to have the Head removed from the gal∣lows, he says, that some taking offence thereat, caused the Head to be remo∣ved, so that he seems tacitly to accuse Gonçalo Piçarro, as if by his order the

Head was exposed, or at least that he consented thereunto: but the truth is, he was troubled at the action, and that so soon as he was informed there∣of he gave immediate order to have it removed; the which is confirmed by the testimony of Gomara: but flattery and partiality to a side is always preva∣lent with Writers, who by adding or diminishing can make a story turn which way soever they please. Gomara, speaking of the death of the Vice-king, saith; That when Hernando de Torres had with a blow stunned Blasco Nunnez and knocked him from his Horse, and (as many believe) unknown to him, by reason that he was under the disguise of an Indian habit, Herrera the Confessour to Pi∣çarro, came to confess him; and first asked, who he was, to which Blasco Nunnez replied, that that question was not material; for he was to doe his Office, which he desired him without farther queries to perform; for he was afraid of some torments and cruelties would be committed on his person. Thus far Gomara. Then came the Executioners and cuff off his head and exposed it on the gallows; and some rude and insolent Souldiers drew out some hairs from his beard; and in disdain and triumph said, Your cruel and passionate temper hath brought you to this: a certain Captain of my acquaintance carried some hairs of his beard about him for several days, untill they were taken from him by order. Thus did this unfortunate Gentleman end his days, for insisting too earnestly on those methods, which were neither agreeable to the constitution of the Kingdom, nor yet to the service of the King, whence that effusion of bloud ensued and those many com∣motions as have been related in the preceding History: and which proved fatal as well to Indians as to Spaniards, as will also farther appear in the sequel of that Re∣lation which still remains. And though his obstinacy in this point is much bla∣med by many, yet certainly he is in part to be excused on account of those pre∣cise and severe commands he brought from Court, and which he was by the su∣preme power enjoined to execute; as will be proved by the testimony of those Authours whom we shall hereafter have occasion to name; and as he himself die often say, as before mentioned.

CHAP. XXXV.

The Funeral of the Vice-king. The Actions of Gonçalo Pi∣çarro after the Battel. The Pardon he gave to Vela Nunnez, and of the good Laws he enacted for the bette•• Government of that Kingdom.

GOnçalo Piçarro seeing that he had gained a clear Victory, caused the Trumpet•• to found a retreat: for he perceived that his people were greatly dispersed in the pursuit, whereby much bloud was unnecessarily spilt: on the side of the Vice-king two hundred men were slain, and not above seven of the Souldiers of Piçarro, as Carate reports: because the people of the Vice-king were so tired and weary with their long march the night before, that they seemed rather to suffer themselves to be killed than to fight; and herein they shewed their great zeal to his Majesty, and their readiness to die in his service. The bodies of the slain were buried promiscuously together in the field where they died, six or seven Corpse being laid together in the Grave: but the bodies of the Vice-king, of Sancho Sanchez d' Avila, of Licenciado Gallego, and of Captain Cepeda, a Native of Plasencia, were brought to the City, and there solemnly interred; and Gonçalo Piçarro, and the other chief Commanders attended the Corpse, cloathed in mour∣ning, and carrying sadness in their countenances. The persons wounded were Don Alonso de Monte Mayor, Sebastian Governour of Belalcaçar, Hernandez Giron: but of Cacetes, Carate makes no mention, though Diego Fernandez speaks of him in these words;

Gonçalo Piçarro had an intention to have put Captain Hernandez Giron to death, and accordingly gave order for his execution (which would have spared him much trouble, and prevented the many Commotions which he caused afterwards in Peru) but by the intercession of friends, and because he fought with much bra∣very, and was the Kinsman of Lorenço Aldana, Piçarro was persuaded to grant him his life, &c. Thus far Fernandez, &c. Alvarez the Judge, whom the Vice-king did always carry along with him, received many wounds, of which he died in a few days afterwards. Some malitiously report, that by default of the Chirur∣geons, whom Piçarro had directed so to doe, he was suffered to perish: but this report hath gained no credit, being, as believed, malitiously charged by the contra∣ry faction, who in such occasions do always cast aspersions on their Adversaries. Piçarro did not onely pardon Sebastian de Belalcaçar, but sent him away to his Government with the Souldiers he brought to fight against him, first taking Oath of fidelity to concern himself for ever afterwards in his service. But as to Don Alonso de Monte-mayor, Rodrigo Nunnez de Bonilla Treasurer of Quitu, with other Persons of quality, he banished them into Chili; though meeting with a Ship in their way, they took her, and sailed into new Spain. All the prisoners that were taken he assembled together, and having considered their several circumstances, he hanged Pedro Belis and Pedro Anton, by reason that they had in a Boat made their escape from the City of Los Reyes. Then, as to the others, he laid their Crimes before them, that without any reason or cause they had taken up Arms against him, or rather against their own interest; for that he was no otherwise con∣cerned than for their good, and for the maintenance of their liberties and privile∣ges; howsoever he frankly pardoned them all, in consideration that many of them were deceived by false allurements, and others forced to take Arms; howsoever he promised such as would return to their duty, not onely pardon, but to receive them into his Camp, and into such places and offices as they exercised under the contrary party, and that he would esteem and treat them with the same terms and conditions as he did his own Souldiers; giving express orders, that no man should revile them, or provoke them either by words or actions. He also dispatched Messengers with News of the Victory into all parts and places of the Kingdom, whereby his Friends might be encouraged and his Enemies dismayed, Pedro de A∣larcon was dispatched with his Ship to Panama, to carry the News of this Victory to Pedro de Hinojosa; and ordered at his return to bring Vela Nunnez and the other prisoners. As to other matters great consideration was had touching the methods, how things were to be carried on for the future: and it was agreed, that the Fleet should be sent along the Coast of New Spain and Nicaragua, to take and burn all the Ships they should meet in those Seas, whereby all designs might be preven∣ted, which might probably produce farther mischiefs: after which the Fleet was to repair to Los Reyes; that in case his Majesty should send any Dispatches by that way; there being no conveyance for them nor means to dispeed them to Peru; it might occasion great delays and disappointments, which gave great advantage to∣wards the settlement of affairs, as will hereafter appear. Gonçalo Piçarro confiding much in the faithfulness of Pedro de Hinojosa, and in those who were with him; for that being persons truly noble both by birth and virtue, and raised by him from poverty and a mean degree to riches and honour, he conceived an opini∣on that by all the obligations of gratitude they would adhere with all sincerity to his interest; and therefore rejected the Council given him by his Friends; esteeming such cautions too mean for his great soul and spirit, who was used to surmount all difficulties with open force and a high hand. Captain Alarcon made his voyage according to his Instructions, and returned with Piçarro's Son, and Ve∣la Nunnez, and three other prisoners; two of which he hanged for having uttered some opprobrious words against him, he designed also to have hanged the third, but that his Son interceded for him, alledging that he had many obligations to him on the score of the civilities and good offices he had done him during the time of his imprisonment. Vela Nunnez was sent to Quitu, where Piçarro granted him his pardon, on condition that he should live quietly, and without causing any Com∣motions or Plots against him, for that in case any contrivances of that nature were discovered, he was to expect no pardon, of which he fairly admonished him: and, for better security, he took him with him to the City of Los Reyes, and treated him with much frankness all the way, and perhaps with more freedom than in prudence he ought to have shown to a declared Enemy: but Piçarro belie∣ved

of him, as he did of others, that he was a person noble and sincere. Licencia∣do Cepeda the Judge, of whom we have been too silent, accompanied Piçarro in all this expedition, and was present at the Battel, and fought more like a Souldier than a Lawyer. Whilst these matters were in agitation, Piçarro held his Court at Quitu, from whence he dispatched all Orders and Decrees which he had made for the quiet and peaceable Government of the Empire; for having desolved the Court of Judicature, he acted singly, and by his own authority: Judge Cepada was with him, Licenciado Alvarez was dead, Doctour Texada was gone into Spain, in quality of Ambassadour, Carate was the onely Judge remaining at Los Reyes, but he was infirm, and sickly, and unable to act any thing in the matters of Justice: wherefore Gonçalo Piçarro, being the sole Administratour of the Laws, took upon him to acquit himself in the dispensation of Justice, for the quiet and peace of the Land, to the benefit of Indians and Spaniards, and propagation of the Christi∣an Faith. As Francisco Lopez de Gomara affirms in the 133th Chapter of his Histo∣ry, the Title of which is this:

Of the good Government of Gonçalo Piçarro during the absence of Francisco de Car∣vajal; and how afterwards, at the Instigation of several persons, he would take up∣on him the Title of King.

All the time that Carvajal was absent from him Piçarro put no Spaniard to death without the consent and concurrence of his Council, nor then neither without due Process of Law and Confession of the Party. He enacted, that no man should oppress an Indian; which was one of the new Ordinances, nor take his goods from him without money, upon pein of death. He ordered and appointed that Priests and Scholars should be entertained in all inhabited places for to preach and in∣struct the Indians, at the charge of men who had Estates in the respective Di∣stricts, and ordered the payment thereof upon penalty of forfeiture of their E∣states. He was very carefull and industrious to gather in the King's fifths, accor∣ding (as he said) to the example of his Brother Francisco Piçarro. He ordained, that Tithes should be or one out of Ten: and that now, since Blasco Nunnez was subdued and slain in the War, he commanded, that every one should industri∣ously apply himself to the service of the King, that so his Majesty might gratious∣ly be pleased to repeal the late Statutes, confirm to them their Estates, and grant them pardon for what was past. Thus all people praised his prudence, and remained contented and satisfied under his Government; so that Gasca himself, after he had made experience, and seen the good and wholsome Laws which he established, gave this character of him, that, for a Tyrant, he governed very well. The which happy Government, (as we have said before) continued untill such time as that the Fleet was resigned to the command of Gasca. Thus far Gomara.

And as to what he farther adds in that Chapter, we shall leave untill a more proper place; and in the mean time treat of several remarkable passages and fa∣mous exploits which passed; and leaving Gonçalo Piçarro in Quitu, we shall make a transition of about seven hundred Leagues, to find out Francisco de Carvajal and Diego Genteno, whom we left disputing their Matters, and doing all the hurt and damage they could to each other, as will farther appear in the following Chap∣ter.

CHAP. XXXVI.

Of a brave Strategeme of War which Diego Centeno per∣formed against Francisco Carvajal. Several other Suc∣cesses and Passages are related, untill the end of that pur∣sute.

WE have formerly mentioned in what manner Francisco de Carvajal pursued Diego Centeno, without losing one moment of time; and keeping him in continual Allarums, he ever marched with a Squadron of Foot, in a posture to fight; and following them just at the heels, he daily fell in with their Baggage, or some other part of Centeno's Forces. In this hot pursute, it happened one day, that they were to pass a deep hole or valley between two hills (as is usual in that Countrey) the descent whereunto was about a League to the bottom, where was a small stream of Water, and the rising again about the same distance; and yet from the top of one Hill to the other, it was not farther than a Musquet-shot; Francisco de Carvajal being well acquainted with this place, was confident that he should here take his Enemy in a Trap; believing that whilst Centeno was descen∣ding to the bottom, he should be able to gain the Top of the Hill, and possess himself of that advantageous place; from whence he might much annoy him and his men; for they ascending the Hill, and he remaining on the top with steddy footing and rests for their Arms, they could scare miss doing some execution with every shot. And as Carvajal and his Souldiers contrived this design, and were confident of the success of it; so Centeno was no less carefull to prevent the mis∣chief and secure his men in the passage, being well advertised of the danger they were to pass: in order whereunto, about a League before he came to the bot∣tom, where the stream of Water ran, he assembled his chief Commanders, and told them that they were now to pass a most dangerous place; for whilst we are mounting the Hill on the other side, the Enemy will possess themselves of the eminency on this part, from whence they may with much advantage fire upon us, so as scarce a shot can miss of doing execution. To prevent which, I would propose, as the onely means of security to us, that six of you, who are the best mounted, should secretly retire behind this Mountain, on the right-hand; and that when Carvajal and his Van-guard are past, that then you sally forth and fall upon the Rere; killing all the Negroes, Indians, Spaniards, Horses, Mules, and what else is in your way, making what noise and out-cry that is possible, so that Carvajal, being allarum'd therewith, a Diversion may be made, and Carva∣jal may be forced to return back to succour his own People, and in the mean time we may make our escape over this dangerous passage. To perform this ex∣ploit he nominated six persons, to avoid all contention amongst them, for every one out of gallantry, was forward and ready to offer himself; there being fifteen or sixteen whom he had called to this conference. Accordingly Diego Centeno mar∣ched forward, charging his people to make all the haste they were able, whilst he brought up the Rere. The six Cavaliers also turned off to the side of the Mountain, where they remained concealed, untill Carvajal with the Van, (which consisted of his best and select Souldiers) was past, and then they salli∣ed forth, and with great fury fell in upon the Rere; killing with their Lances all the Indians, Negro's, Spaniards, Horses, Mules, and whatsoever stood in their way; so that an out-cry was made for help and succour. Carvajal though he heard the noise, yet he still kept on his march, judging that the allarum was false; and that if it should prove so, upon his return he should lose the opportunity of a Victory, which he believed to be now secure and in his own power; in the mean time the six Cavaliers carried all before them; and amongst the rest over∣threw a Mule which carried some quintals of powder, to which they gave fire, and blew it up, which made such a terrible noise that the Woods and Moun∣tains resounded with the Echo; and that was sufficient to convince Carvajal, that the allarum was not false; and thereupon he gave order to his Souldiers to face

about and succour the Rere: and then the six Cavaliers gave over the Charge, and fled, taking their way by guidance of some Indians over cross and by-paths, and taking a large compass came at last after six or seven days travel to join with their other Companions. Francisco de Carvajal having in this manner relieved his Rere, was forced to continue all that day and the night following in the same place, and give over the pursuit of the Enemy; for the six Horsemen upon their first Charge having found no opposition, killed and lanced all that stood in their way; by which means a stop being put to the proceedings of Carvajal; Centeno found an opportunity to escape that dangerous Pass, which he greatly feared would be destructive to him. Carvajal was so angry and disturbed at this affront, and so ashamed to see himself disappointed of his expectation by the Strategeme of Officers much inferiour to him in the Art of War, that he uttered not one word all that day, unless it were to repair the losses and damage he had sustained; nor would he eat any thing at supper that night, saying, that the affront he had received would serve him for many meals to come: but after some hours in the night that his choler began to abate, he opened his mind to his Officers in this manner, Sirs, said he, In all the course of my military emploiment in Italy, which continu∣ed for the space of fourty years, I have seen many Retreats made by the King of France and another great Captain, by Antonio de Leyna, by Count Pedro Navarro, by Mark An∣tonio Colona, by Fabricio Colona, and by many other famous Captains of my time, as well Spaniards as Italians; but in all my life I never saw such a Retreat made by this young Cap∣tain. Which were the very words of Carvajal, without adding thereunto or di∣minishing therefrom; and were repeated to me by one who heard them. The day following he pursued the Enemy with more vigour and courage than before, so that in a short time overtaking him, he every day fell in with him, and seized some part of his Men, Horse or Baggage, so that after a pursuit of two hundred Leagues, sometimes out of the common road, and sometimes in, he reduced Cen∣teno to that low condition, that he had not above eighty men remaining of all his numbers, and those also harassed and tyred with long Marches, and discouraged by reason that they knew not when, nor where to find a place of refuge or re∣pose: wherefore it was agreed to march along the Coast to Arequepa, and there if possible to embark and find a security on the Seas for those who had no shelter on the Land: in order hereunto a Captain was sent before, called Ribadeneyra, to hire a Vessel for money or by surprize, and bring her to Arequepa, that thereon they might embark their Men and Baggage, and so escape the danger which pur∣sued them: by good fortune Ribadeneyra met a Vessel bound for Chili, which he and his companions with help of a Float silently surprized in the night without much difficulty; and being well provided with Sea-men and all other necessaries, brought her about to Arequepa, there to take in Diego Centeno and his Souldiers, as it was before agreed: but it happened that Carvajal pressed so hard upon Centeno, that he came to the Port sooner than the Vessel arrived there; and now finding an Ene∣my just at his heels, and no farther place of Retreat; he resolved to disband all his people, telling them that in regard Ribadeneyra did not appear, nor that any Vessel did present in that Port, whereon to make their escape, he advised eve∣ry man to shift for himself, and to escape away by three or four or five or six in a company; and being so dispersed, it would be impossible so to pursue them, but that most would escape their hands. As to Centeno himself, he abandoned all his companions, and with one single person, called Lewis de Ribera, and one servant, he betook himself to the Rocks and high Mountains, and remained in a Cave for the space of almost eight months, untill the President Gasca arrived in Peru; during all which time he was maintained by a Curaca who lived in the Plantation of Michael Cornejo, into whose Countrey it was his fortune to come; where we shall leave him untill that time comes to pass. Onely we must not omit to declare, That from the time that Centeno did first set up a Standard for his Majesty, Gonçalo Silvestre, a Native of Ferrera de Alcantara, of whom we have made mention in our History of Florida, was always present with him, and was an Actor in his exploits, and a Sufferer in his perils. Carvajal, coming to Arequepa in pursuit of Centeno, had there lost the track of his Enemies, and so gave over the chase, up∣on intelligence given, that they were all dispersed, and that every man shifted for himself; the next morning, by break of day Ribadeneyra appeared with his Vessel in the Port, of which Carvajal being informed by one of those persons whom he had taken, endeavoured to seize both him and his Ship: but Ribadeneyra was so cautious

that desiring to speak with some one or other whom he knew, and seeing none come out or answer him, he set Sail and left the Port. Carvajal was further ad∣vised, that Lope de Mendoça with seven or eight others were fled up into the Coun∣trey, after whom he sent a Captain with twenty Musketiers, who pursued them almost an hundred leagues, untill they drove them within the Government and Countrey which was conquered by Captain Rojas; from whence they returned again to render an account to Carvajal of all that had happened. And after this defeat of Diego Centeno, and that none of his men appeared, he then marched to the City of Plate, to collect such Moneys as belonged to Gonçalo Piçarro, and to those who had denied a contribution. But to return to Lope de Mendoça, he esca∣ped into the Government of Diego de Rojas, who was one of those Captains to whom Vaca de Castro, late Governour of Peru, had given a Commission to make new Conquests, after he had composed and pacified the many disturbances and commotions in Peru by the death of Don Diego de Almagro, Junior. And now in the following Chapter we shall shew what ensued hereupon.

CHAP. XXXVII.

The successes of Lope de Mendoça. Of the manner how the Indians infuse poison into their Arrows; and how Lope de Mendoça returned to Peru.

THE design of Lope de Mendoça and his Companions was onely to conceal themselves within those high and rugged Mountains (which are situated to∣wards the Eastern part of Peru) untill such time as the loud voice of the King should call them from thence; and little imagining to meet Spaniards in that Coun∣trey, they unexpectedly fell into the company of Graviel Bermudez, who was one of those who followed Diego de Rojas, who with his fellow Souldiers had perfor∣med great exploits against the Indians in that Conquest, and having sustained hun∣ger, tedious marches and many other hardships, had proceeded in their discovery as far as to the River of Plate, and to the Fortress which Sebastian Gaboto had built in that Countrey: but Diego de Rojas, who was their chief Commander, being dead, dissensions arising amongst them who should be the person to govern that little but victorious Army, the discord was so highly carried on by the ambition of Pretenders, that they killed each other, and divided themselves into divers Par∣ties, as if they had no Enemy, and could not better employ their Arms than against themselves.

The death of Diego de Rojas was caused by a poisoned Arrow, which the Indi∣ans empoison with a sort of Herb which begins to operate within three days after the wound is given, and performs its effect in seven days afterwards; in which time the Patient raves, eats and gnaws his own flesh, and beats his brains against the Wall and so dies. The Spaniards were desirous to know a Remedy or Antidote against this Poison, and persuaded the Indians both by promises and threats to give them the Receipt of it, but could not prevail, untill such time as they woun∣ded one of those whom they had taken in the Thigh with this sort of poisoned Arrow, and then giving him liberty to go abroad and seek his remedy, they ob∣served that he gathered two sorts of Herbs, the which he stamped and pounded severally, and then drank the juice of one of them, and the other he injected in∣to his Wound; but first he opened the Wound with a Knife, and drew out the Barbs of the Arrow, which are very fine and thin, and are left within the flesh after the Shaft is taken out; for unless the wound be first cleared thereof, the Herb can have no effect; and in this manner the Indian cured himself. The Spa∣niards having made this discovery cured themselves by application of the same Antidote, though some of them died, who had not the art to clear the Wound of the Barb which remained therein. In the Islands of Barlovento, and in all the Countrey of Brasil, in Santa Marta, and in the New Kingdom, and in other Coun∣tries,

where a cruel sort of Indians inhabited, they used another sort of poison, and of a different nature to what we have before mentioned; for they would take the Leg of an Indian, whom they had killed, and hang it up in the Air against the Sun, and fill it with many Barbs of poisoned Arrows, which were taken out of the flesh of an Indian, which after some days they took out, and without clean∣sing of them they dried them in the Air where the Sun did not come, and then they headed their Arrows with them; and that became the most malevolent poi∣son, and the most hard to be cured in the world; I have seen the experiment thereof, and as an eye-witness will relate the effect in its due place. After the Spaniards came into that Countrey, and waged War upon the Indians, they then changed the nature of their poison: for whereas before they compounded their poison with the flesh of Indians, they then made it with the flesh of Spaniards, whom they killed or took; but more particularly they desired the flesh of some red-headed Spaniard, whose hairs were of a deep Saffron colour; for they were of opinion that there was more heat in that flesh, and consequently more virulency in the poison which it produced: but perhaps they may have heard it often said amongst the Spaniards themselves, that red-headed men are fit to make a compo∣sition of poison.

But to return to those who had made their entrance into this Countrey, they observed such animosities and quarrels which they maintained one against another, that it was impossible to reconcile them; so that many of them resolved to leave that Countrey and go into Peru; for that whilst they were so divided there was no hopes to subdue those Indians, who were a rugged and a martial sort of people. But of the nature of this poison, and of what else happened in this adventure, and the great discords and differences amongst the Spaniards, Diego Fernandez Palen∣tino recounts a long story, with many strange and various accidents, which for brevity sake we omit, and refer the Reader to his relation. But besides these dif∣ferences amongst themselves, the Spaniards were inclined to travel into Peru upon the news which an Indian brought of commotions there; without any other par∣ticulars, than onely that the Spaniards waged Civil Wars amongst themselves.

Upon this news Graviel Bermudez was dispatched to the confines of Peru to in∣form himself of the state of matters, and to certifie to them the truth of things; after which they would resolve to take that side to which they were most inclined, Graviel travelling on the way with this design happily met with Lope de Mendoça, who gave him a relation at large of all that had passed in Peru, since the time that Diego de Rojas departed thence; and joyning his men with the party of Graviel Bermudez, they by mutual consent dispatched Messengers to Nicholas de Eredia, who was chief of another Band of Men; and he immediately came to them with his Associates. Lope de Mendoça reconciled them and made them Friends, and all by common consent made him their Captain-General, promising to obey and fol∣low him. They were in all about an hundred and fifty men in number, almost all Horse; men of great bravery and inured to Sufferings, having for the space of three years together undergone incredible hardships both by Famine and long Tra∣vels; during which time they made a discovery of six hundred leagues of Land, scarce enjoying one day of repose; the relation of which is not to be expressed by the Pen of Writers. With this stout and brave Cavalry Lope de Mendoça descen∣ded from the Mountains, either with intent to give a stop to the proceedings of Francisco de Carvajal, or to join with some other Party which owned and declared for obedience and loyalty to the King. Accordingly he marched as far as the Pro∣vince and People called Pucuna, where he rested one day for the refreshment of his Men and Horses, being much harassed with long marches and want of Provi∣sions. Francisco de Carvajal who omitted no point that concerned a good Com∣mander, received intelligence how that Lope de Mendoça, with his Souldiers of the Invasion, (for they gave the name of Invaders to that Party) were descended from the Mountains, and that they were not well at unity and in friendship one with the other, and therefore not to lose that advantage he resolved to engage them before they were better reconciled. Lope de Mendoça, having news of his coming, fortified himself within Trenches, but when he heard that Carvajal ap∣proached nearer he then changed his mind, fearing a Siege; for which having made no provision, he concluded that he could not long hold out before he should be forced to a surrender: besides he considered, that his force consisting for the most part of Horse, they would fight with more advantage in the open Field than

within Trenches; As to the opinion that Carvajal conceived of his People, that they were discontented and would leave their Colours with the first occasion that presented; it was believed that he would be as much mistaken in his imagination concerning Lope de Mendoça as he had oft-times been of Diego Centeno: for on the contrary Mendoça boldly sallied forth to meet Carvajal, who also marched against him with his Squadrons drawn forth in form of Battel; and so soon as he percei∣ved that Lope de Mendoça had abandoned the Fortification, he then made, as if he intended directly to give him Battel, but his design was onely to entice them out of the Fort, which when he had done, and saw them in open Field, he made light of all the rest; and seeing their confidence and boldness, he drew near to them, as they also did to him; but when they were within Musket shot, Carvajal drew off in good order and entred into the Village, which Mendoça was not able to hin∣der; for the Enemy was double their number, and their Musketiers expert, and well exercised: so that now their quarters were changed, for Carvajal was entred into the Fortification, and Lope de Mendoça remained in the open Field. Carvajal's Souldiers had now time to plunder the Village where the Enemy had left their Riches; and where, besides their Clothes and Garments, they took fifty thousand pieces of Eight in Bars of Silver, which Lope de Mendoça, when first he descended from the Mountains, had caused to be brought from several parts, where he and Diego Centeno had hid them, when they fled from Francisco de Carvajal: with this money he intended to have paid the Souldiers, but they were so generous that very few or none would accept thereof; that so for the future, when they should come to receive the reward of their services and sufferings for their loyalty to the King, they might then have to alledge, that they had received no pay not subsi∣stence from his Majesty, but had served him at their own charge, cost and ha∣zard; as they accordingly made known afterwards in their petitions. And this became a common custome among the Souldiers, not onely of those (who were called of the Invasion) but of other noble and brave Souldiers of Peru, who scor∣ned to receive any pay, and were angry when it was offered, standing much up∣on the honour of serving without present interest, but onely in hopes and expecta∣tion of a future reward: but if the necessities of any particular person were so great as to enforce him to receive subsistence money, he would not accept it by way of pay, but as money lent, giving his obligation to repay it again to his Ma∣jesty's Exchequer, when they were enabled so to doe; which engagement they performed with much punctuality, standing greatly on the honour of a Souldier's promise.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

The Adventures of Francisco de Carvajal, he overcomes and kills Lope de Mendoça, and enters into the Charcas.

WHilst the Souldiers of Carvajal were dispersed and plundering the Village, it seems as if Lope de Mendoça had lost an opportunity and the right time of falling upon his Enemies; but Mendoça apprehended that Carvajal was so vi∣gilant as to leave him no such advantage; which indeed so appeared accordingly, for no sooner did Carvajal observe his men to be dispersed, but he immediately sounded an alarm, with which his men immediately repaired to their Colours, and remained all night drawn up in posture of Battel. And now to deceive the Enemy, he feigned a Letter from one of his Souldiers, which he delivered to be carried by an Indian, who spake very good Spanish, instructing him what to say to gain a belief: in that Letter he was advised to fall in upon Carvajal that night, and to charge him in two several places, and that he would then find many that would revolt over to his side, for most were discontented; the which divers would have done the day before, but that they feared the shot in their passage over unto him.

Thus did Carvajal avail himself of the opinion which Mendoça falsly conceived of the discontent of his men, and of their usage which inclined them to revolt when an opportunity should offer. So soon as Mendoça had read the Letter, he gave full credence to it, though it had no hand or firm thereunto, because it agreed with the opinion he conceived of the inclinations of Carvajal's men; and with these expectations having drawn out his men, he attached the Enemy in two places according to the advices which were given him; but he was beaten off in both, because they were provided to receive him; and finding that no man joyned or came over to his side, with much discouragement he drew off, having lost seven or eight of his men killed, and as many wounded. And having under∣stood from the Indians that about six or seven leagues from that place Francisco de Carvajal had lodged all the Riches belonging to himself and to his Souldiers, he resolved to play him the same game, and to pay him in the same coin; according∣ly matters succeeded, for marching thither he seised on all the Spoils which Car∣vajal had made, with which he rewarded his men to their great satisfaction; for besides clothing of all sorts, they seised quantities of Gold, Arms and Powder.

The three Historians report that Carvajal was wounded that night by a Musket∣shot in his Thigh; howsoever he would not own it, for, being privately dressed, he went abroad and gave such Orders as were necessary; but if that were, it was but a slight wound, considering that he went the Rounds, and was on the Guard and Watch all that night, and the next day pursuing them to their Quarters, beat them up, and fell upon them in the night; and they being weary, and tired, and asleep, were totally routed and defeated; many of them were taken, but such of them as escaped by the darkness of the night, (amongst which Lope de Mendoça was one) were dispersed into divers parts. So soon as it was day, Carvajal per∣ceived that Mendoça was gone, but howsoever he followed him upon the track; and then it was that he first understood in what manner he and his Companions had been plundred of their Riches and Spoils by Mendoça. Upon which news, turning to his Souldiers, Lope de Mendoça, said he, hath been ill-advised to carry with him the instrument of his death; whereby he would give them to under∣stand that he would pursue them to the last extremity, and untill such time as they had retrieved their estates. And according to this saying, he hotly pursued Lope de Mendoça, who having travelled about eight or nine leagues, imagined that Carvajal had so much to doe that it was impossible for him to make pursuit after him either that day, or the day following; and in confidence hereof, he passed a River, and laid himself down to repose, and refresh himself after the watchings of several nights: but whilst some were sleeping, and others eating, Carvajal unex∣pectedly appeared descending from the top of a Mountain directly to the River; upon which an alarm being given, every one shifted for himself, and though Car∣vajal had no more than sixty Horse with him, of the choicest of his Troops, which he supposed sufficient to pursue a flying Enemy, yet they believed him to come with all his Force. In this place Carvajal took many Prisoners, and amongst them two or three Files of Souldiers who were playing for the pieces of Gold which they had robbed: upon which occasion Carvajal uttered some very remar∣kable Sayings, which Diego Hernandez mentions. And at this place taking one days rest for his necessary refreshment, Lope de Mendoça, with five or six of his Comrades, had the opportunity of flight, and to disperse themselves into divers places, not knowing where to go, or where to take refuge and onely to fly from the face of the Enemy.

Carvajal having recovered the greatest part of what he had lost, though not all, followed the pursuit of his game, and it was his fortune to take the track which was made by Mendoça, not that he had any certainty thereof, but onely seeing the way to be larger and wider than the others, he followed that track so closely that though the Enemy was gone five or six hours before them, yet after the second night, by break of day, he arrived at the very place where Mendoça was lodged, in a little Indian Village, having in less than thirty hours, from the time when he was last disturbed in his Quarters, marched twenty two leagues; and indeed had he not been forced thereunto for want of sleep and repose, he had yet proceeded far∣ther; but he and his people were so overcome with long journies, and faint for want of food and sustenance that they laid themselves to sleep like so many loggs of wood, and without sense like inanimate Creatures. In the mean time came Carvajal to the Village with eight men onely, leaving the rest behind, that he

might give an alarm that night to Lope Mendoça in what place soever he found him, being resolved so to hunt and pursue him, that having no time given him either for sleep or refreshment, he should perish in the chase. The Indians gave notice of the House where Mendoça and his Comrades were lodged, to which he went with greater assurance and seised on both the doors of the room, which was a great Hall belonging to the Cacique or Lord of that Village; and then to make them believe that all his Captains and Forces were with him, he would call out to them by their names, saying, You, such a one, go thither, and such a one keep this door, and you this; and then he called to another by his name to set fire to the Hall: with this noise Carvajal, calling out in this manner, had charmed all within the House to a kind of astonishment, so that he entred into it with three persons onely, and disarmed, and bound them all, excepting Lope de Mendo∣ça, to whom, in consideration of his Office and Title of Captain-General, they shewed a greater respect; and then they brought them out of the House, that they might see the small number to which they were become Prisoners. In this manner Lope de Mendoça was taken; the which Historians relate in general with∣out the circumstances of the several strategems used by Carvajal. Lope de Mendoça was immediately strangled and his Head cut off, as also Nicholas de Eredia and three others; but the rest were all pardoned, as were all others (of the Invasion as they called them) to whom he restored their Horses and Arms and whatsoever was taken from them; and gave Money and Horses to such as wanted them, en∣deavouring by all fair means to gain them to his Party. In like manner he par∣doned Lewis Pardomo and Alonço Camargo, who had joyned with Mendoça after they left Diego Centeno: the which Pardon was granted in consideration of a discovery they made of fifty thousand pieces of Eight in Silver, which were buried by him in a certain place. After this Victory, no other action remaining to be perfor∣med, he marched into the Charcas with intention to recide some days in the City of Plate, and to amass what Silver he could from the Mines of Potosi, which were discovered that year. And then he confiscated all the Indians, and Plantations of those who were dead, and of those who stood out and were fled, unto the use of Gonçalo Piçarro, in recompense for the great charge and expence he had been at for maintenance of the War. When he was come near to the City of Plate, all the Inhabitants thereof came forth to meet him, in hopes with that complement to appease and soften his angry and fierce humour: amongst the rest came Alonso Ra∣mirez with his white Rod in his hand, having been made chief Governour of that Town by Diego Centeno. Carvajal at sight hereof grew angry, and said to him, Mr. Ramirez, Take off the Cross from the top of that white Staff, and then shar∣pen it at the point, and dart it at a Dog, and I protest that if you do not hit him in the right eye I will hang you for it; meaning thereby to declare his folly and indiscretion in coming to meet him with that signal of Authority in his hand, which he had received from a Party which stood in defiance of him, and whose Power he would not own. Hereupon Ramirez threw away his Staff, not reflec∣ting in due time on the indiscretion and imprudence of this Act.

CHAP. XXXIX.

Carvajal sends the Head of Lope de Mendoça to Areque∣pa, and what was the saying of a Woman thereupon. Of a Mutiny which was made against Carvajal, and how the Authours thereof were punished.

THE next day after Carvajal entred into the City of Plate, he sent the Head of Lope de Mendoça to the City of Arequepa by Dionysio de Bobadilla, who was afterwards made Serjeant-Major to Gonçalo Piçarro, and with whom I was acquain∣ted; and his instructions were to set it up upon the common Gallows of that Ci∣ty, that the Inhabitants might take notice and example thereby; for in that Town

Diego Centeno had first set up his Standard. Bobadilla was the Messenger hereof, and upon this occasion it may be pertinent to our purpose not to omit a particular passage which happened hereupon, that a matter so remarkable may not be for∣gotten. There lived in Arequepa a vertuous and charitable Woman, called Joanna of Leyton, who had been a Servant to the Lady Catalina Leyton, a Woman of as noble a Family as any is of that name in the Kingdom of Portugal, and was the Wife of Francisco de Carvajal, though some, to render her odious, will have her to have been his Whore; but certainly she was his Wife, and greatly esteemed by her Husband, and all the Nobility of Peru, and indeed her Person, and Vertues and noble Birth did deserve no less.

This Lady bred up and maintained this Joanna Leyton for so long a time, that at length she took that name, and called her self Leyton; and then afterwards mar∣ried her to a person of honour called Francisco Voso, and she was a Person of so great honour that Francisco Carvajal loved her as his own Daughter. During these troubles and revolutions caused by Gonçalo Piçarro she always favoured the King's side, and often interceded for some of them with her Master Carvajal; others she assisted with her Money, and some she concealed in her House, and particu∣larly she hid three at that time when Gonçalo Piçarro first entred into Rimac with that slaughter and imprisonment of people which we have before related. Fran∣cisco de Carvajal, whose knowledge nothing escaped, took her aside, and asked her where those three men were which she had hidden; she denied to know of any, but he confidently charging her with it, and naming one of them, whom he su∣spected, she was so confounded, that she could not longer persist in the denial; and therefore, taking a manly courage, it is true, said she, they are in such a Chamber, and I will bring them to you with a Knife, that you may cut their Throats and drink their Bloud, and eat their Flesh, that so you may be glutted and satiated with humane Bloud after which you are so thirsty: and so being just going away, Carvajal called her, and said, let them alone, let them alone, and let me alone also, and the Devil take thee: and thus Joanna Leyton gained her point and victory over him. This relation I received from one of the greatest enemies that Carvajal had, but a person of great probity, called Gonçalo Silvestre, of whom we have formerly made mention.

Some short time after this Joanna de Leyton went to live at Arequepa, where Dionysio de Bobadilla brought the Heads of Lope de Mendoça, Nicholas de Eredia, and of three or four others; and before he went to pay his respects to Pedro de Fuentes, who was Governour of that City under Gonçalo Piçarro, he made a visit to this Joanna Leyton, believing that she would gladly hear of the health of her Master Francisco de Carvajal. The Lady received him with a good welcome, and having first passed the usual complements at meeting, and made enquiry after the welfare of her Lord, she earnestly entreated Bobadilla to deliver the Head of Lope de Mendoça into her hands, that she might have the satisfaction to bury it in such manner as be∣came a person of his merit and loyalty to his King; but Bobadilla excused himself, saying, that he durst not doe it, for that she well knew the severe humour of Carvajal his Lord, who would for such an offence hang him and quarter him; but she still continued her importunity, and desired him for God's sake to let her have it, and that she would give him two hundred pieces of Eight, wherewith he might oblige and help one of his indigent Souldiers, for what good, said she, can it doe you, since the Head is dismembred from the Body, to drag it through the Streets, and fix it on the Gallows? But Bobadilla still desired her excuse three or four times with the same words, and she continued to press him with the greatest earnestness in the world; but at length, seeing that she could not prevail with all her intrea∣ties and promises, she grew angry, and then said, Well, set it up then in the name of God, but know that you had better have let it alone; and that the two hundred pieces of Eight which I offered for it, I will employ in Masses to be said for his Soul; and I tell thee farther, that he, whosoever he is, that is not contented to have that Head honourably bu∣ried, will not live long, and I hope shortly to see thy Head in the place of it.

This discourse passing thus, Bobadilla (as the Historians say) was ready to die with laughter, admiring much at the Dialogue he had with Joanna Leyton, and from her went directly to present the Heads to Pedro de Fuentes. And commanding the Indians to unfold the Clothes wherein they were enwrapped, they did it so aw∣kerdly, and were so puzzled at it, that he was forced to come himself and lay them open: some of the Spaniards standing by, said that the Heads stank, but Bobadilla

made answer, No, Gentlemen, said he; the Heads of our Enemies cut off with our own hands do never stink, but rather smell sweet, by which he shewed himself a true Scholar and Servant to Carvajal, for all his Disciples were of the same stamp.

Francisco de Carvajal having thus defeated Captain Diego Centeno, and killed Lo∣pe de Mendoça, Nicholas de Eredia, and others; and having refreshed his Souldiers and gratified those who revolted to him at the River of Plate, with Horses, Arms and Money; the better to oblige them to him, he kept his head-quarters at the City of Plate, making what Money he was able to send to Piçarro.

About this time the Souldiers (of the Invasion) who were many of them noble by birth, being ashamed to have been so easily overcome, and angry at the death of Nicholas de Eredia their chief Commander, and other their Companions, entered into a Conspiracy to revenge the same with the bloud of Carvajal: and that truly in pure revenge, and not out of covetousness, as some report; but that is not probable, because not long before they were so generous as to refuse money which was offered them for their Pay. The principal Conspiratours were Lewis Pardomo, Alonso Camargo, and others who had formerly been pardoned by Carvajal, as we have mentioned before; and with these thirty others were engaged in the Plot whose names are not known, and agreed to kill him on such a day, and all of them took an Oath of Secrecy, laying their hands on a Crucifix. But Carvajal, who was a suspicious man, and carefull of his own person, and had many friends who were very true to him came to a discovery of the whole Conspiracy, to pre∣vent which, he seized upon the principal Actours therein, and with great fury and madness uttered in a raving manner these words, as Diego Fernandez reports; Senior Balmaseda, and other Cavaliers of the Invasion have conspired to kill me, not∣withstanding my kind treatment of them, and the respect I shewed them above the true and loyal Servants of my Governour and Lord Piçarro, &c.

And thus having put six or seven of the principal Plotters to death, he pardo∣ned all the rest; but to secure himself from them, knowing them to be despe∣rate men; he sent them in the nature of banishment to Gonçalo Piçarro by diffe∣rent ways, to whom he had lately wrote a relation of all passages, and how his Enemies were totally routed and defeated; and about the same time Francisco de Carvajal received in exchange of his relation an account of the Battel at Quitu, wherein the Vice-king was slain, with what else he had done after this success; and how he intended to goe to the City of Los Reyes, where he desired to meet Carvajal, that they might there consult, and agree upon such measures and methods as were to be taken for the future.

CHAP. XL.

The substance of Francisco de Carvajal's Letter to Gonça∣lo Piçarro, and of his Discourse by word of mouth, per∣suading him to proclaim himself King of Peru. And how others encouraged him thereunto.

THIS fortunate News put Carvajal into a thousand thoughts concerning the state of Piçarro's affairs, contriving how it might be possible for him to per∣petuate his power and rule; not meaning under the Emperour, but by virtue of his own absolute and independent authority, having with assistence of his own Brother and his own Arms, won and gained that Empire. Diego Fernandez in the fourty ninth Chapter of his Book recites the whole Letter, wherein he advises him to take on himself the Title of King: And when afterwards he and Piçarro met at Rimac, he then made this Discourse to him, which we think fit to anti∣cipate and repeat out of its due place.

Sir, said he, A Vice-king hath been killed in battel, and his Head cut off by us, and publickly placed on the common Gibbet. After we have waged War against the Royal Stan∣dard of his Majesty, and have been the cause of the effusion of so much bloud, and com∣mitted so many spoils, and robberies, and outrages upon the people; what place can we ex∣spect for mercy and pardon from the King? Nay, if we should come off upon Articles of agreement, and that you could justifie your self, and shew as clear an innocence as the child which sucks at the breast; yet, what security can there be to rely on the most solemn vows and promises that can be made you? Wherefore, I conclude, that you have no safety but by taking upon you the authority of a King, by which you will better secure your government than by expectations to receive it from another hand. Plant the Crown upon your own head, and divide the Lands amongst your own friends and creatures: that which the King hath granted for two lives onely, do you give them the fee-simple and inheritance of, with Titles of Dukes, Marquesses, and Earls, as is usual in all the Kingdoms of the World, who will be thereby engaged to defend you, whilst they fight in defence of their own Estates and Fortunes. You may also create new Orders of Knighthood, calling them with the same names as are used in Spain, or by the denomination of other Saints to whom you are more particularly devoted, and you may frame other Badges as are most agreeable to your fancy; and such as you shall make Knights of the Habit, you may assign them Rents and Pensions to live upon and enjoy for a term of life, as is common every where to the Military Orders. In this manner you will engage all the Gentry and Nobility of the Spaniards, who reside in this Empire, to your Party, and draw those in who are averse. And to bring the Indi∣ans in likewise to your service and devotion, and to dye for you, as they do for their own natural Prince. I would persuade you to marry that Princess which is nearest of bloud to the Royal Family: in order whereunto, I would have you send Ambassadours to the Moun∣tains, where the Inca, who is Heir to this Empire, doth now reside; desiring him to quit his solitary habitation, that so you may restore him to the Majesty and Grandure of his Empire; and that he would with his own hand give his Sister or Daughter in marriage to you. It is not to be doubted but that he will be infinitely proud and overjoyed with this Alliance: and such will be the universal satisfaction and contentment of his Subjects in restoring their Inca to his power and dominion, that they will chearfully obey what servil Offices soever their Inca shall command them for your service; as the carriage of your provisions, depo∣pulating Towns where your Enemies are to pass, making ways and roads where you shall di∣rect. And, in fine, you will hereby engage all the Indians to be of your side: for it would be a great inconvenience to an Enemy to want people to carry their baggage, without which they can scarce pass in the Countrey. And as to the Inca, he will content himself with the bare name and title of a King; and you many suffer his Subjects to obey him in the times of peace, as they did his Ancestours in former ages. And as to your self, You and your Mi∣nisters and Captains may rule and govern the Spaniards, and require the Inca, when occa∣sion serves, to command his Indians to perform such and such services as you shall appoint; and by these means you will secure them to be faithfull to you, and engage them to be true, and not false, and Spyes, as they have been to both sides.

Moreover, you will by this friendship of the Inca amass all the Gold and Silver that the Indians dig throughout the Empire, and seeing they esteem not of it as riches or treasure, they will, in reward of the restauration of their Prince and on the score of your alliance with them, be easily induced to discover to you all the treasure which hath been hidden by their An∣cestours: which will amount to that vast riches, that (as the saying is) you may there∣with purchase the whole World, in case you are ambitious to be the sole Monarch of it. And let not that be any scruple to you, that you hereby usurp on the dominion of the King of Spain; for when you are a King (as the saying is) you can doe no wrong. This Coun∣trey did once belong to the Inca's, who were the natural Princes thereof, so that it properly belongs to them; and if any right may be claimed on the score of Conquest, it belongs not to the King of Castile, but to you and your Brothers, who gained it at your own expence, and with hardships and hazards of your Lives.

And now therefore to restore again the Government to the Inca, the natural Lord there∣of, it is a piece of generosity founded on the Law of Nature; and thereby also you will doe right to your self, for it is not reason that you who are the Conquerour of an Empire should be a Slave and Subject in it; or that he, who by the valour of his Arme hath made him∣self a King, should out of a meanness and pusillanimity of spirit render himself a Vassal or a Subject in it. The success of all these Actions consists in making good the first steps and gradations to it; And therefore I beseech you seriously to consider of what I have proposed, which, if well pursued, will certainly tend to your establishment in this Empire, and

make all people in this and in the ages to come acknowledge you and yours for their lawfull Sovereign.

And, to conclude all, be the event what it will, let me advise you to take the Crown and Title of King; it is but what you have gained by your Arms and Valour; and no less Title than that can become you: and therefore I cannot but repeat it again and again to you, Dye a King, and not a Subject; He that is contented in an ill condition, deserves a worse.

I have in this Discourse of Carvajal's omitted several particulars which will sound ill in the ears of Loyal persons, and gratifie the honour of ill-affected per∣sons. These Discourses were not unpleasing to Gonçalo Piçarro, who heard them willingly, and took it so kindly from him, that he would so far concern him∣self for his establishment in grandure, that he afterwards called him Father; the same Advices were in like manner confirmed by Pedro de Puelles, Licenciado Cepeda, and Hernando Bachicao, with the concurrence of his intimate Friends, who as Go∣mara saith in Chap. 173. were very many; and gives an account of that passage in these words.

Francisco de Carvajal and Pedro de Puelles wrote a Letter to Piçarro to give him∣self the Title of King; and by that means to excuse the sending of Ambassadours to the Emperour; and in lieu thereof to provide good Horses, Armour, Shot, and Arms, which were the best Advocates for justification of his Cause; and that he should apply those fifths, and rents and duties which Cobos, without de∣serving any part thereof had carried away, unto his own use: some were of opi∣nion not to yield the Countrey unto the King, but upon terms that he should grant likewise unto them the inheritance of their Lands; others said that they would make a King, as they thought fit, as had been practised in Spain, when Pelayo and Garci Ximenez were set up. Others said, that unless the Government of Peru were given to Piçarro, and his Brother Hernando Piçarro set at liberty, they would call in the very Turks to their assistence: And all of them concurred in that general opinion, that the Countrey was their own, and that they might make a Division thereof amongst themselves, in regard they had won it by conquest and at the expence of their own bloud. Thus far Gomara, which Fernandez Palentino confirms in the thirteenth Chapter of his second Book, in these words which I have extracted from thence.

These Actions being ended, they marched to the City of Los Reyes, discoursing on the way of the methods which were now to be pursued. Some were of opinion that the King would overlook all things that were past, and confirm Gonçalo Piçar∣ro in the Government: others, more impudently said, that it was no matter whe∣ther the King did approve of things or not, for that his Commands would find little effect or compliance in those parts. Licenciado Cepeda, who was desirous to flatter and please Piçarro in all things, approved of the saying of Hernando Bachicao and others, that all the Kingdom and Dominion of Peru did by right and by just claim belong unto him: to prove which he produced many examples, whereby it appeared that many Kingdoms, Provinces and Countreys which at first were gained by force of Arms, were afterward conserved, and after a long tract of time were esteemed the hereditary Possessions, and devolved to posterity by an undeni∣able Title: witness the Kingdom of Navarre; and the reason, form and manner how these Kings were anointed, which he compared with the circumstances of Pi∣çarro; and then he concluded, that never was any King upon the face of the Earth, who at the beginning had ever a more fair and clear Title to a Kingdom, than Gonçalo Piçarro had unto his: all which Piçarro heard with great attention and de∣light; for besides that humane nature is naturally ambitious of power and govern∣ment; his affections were also for want of due consideration let loose to the im∣moderate desires thereof; for he was a man naturally of a dull capacity, and knew not how to write or read; and therefore made not those reflexions on the consequences of things as thinking-men usually do. And in regard that Cepeda was a learned and a well read man, and esteemed for his judgment and know∣ledge, every one approved his sayings, and none did contradict or question any thing that was said by him, for this matter was the whole subject of their dis∣course at all times when they were in conversation together. Thus far Palentino.

We have formerly mentioned what is reported by Gomara concerning the duties which Cobos took without deserving or doing any thing for them: the truth of

which matter stands thus: His Imperial Majesty was pleased to grant unto his Se∣cretary Francisco de Cobos one and a half per Centum upon all the Gold and Silver which was brought to the Mint and Treasury of his Majesty, where the Fifths were deducted for the use and benefit of the King: but then Cobos was to be at the whole charge to find Coals for melting, and to provide Say-masters to refine and assay the Gold and Silver, to pay the Minters; and in fine, to desray all charges and expences thereof whatsoever; which were so great, that the Secretary would rather have been a Loser than a Gainer thereby: but in regard that every one who went to pay his Fifths might the better make up his accounts, and know how much he was to pay and how much remained to him; the manner was to bring the Gold and Silver ready melted, refined and assayed by the King's Assay-master, at the proper cost and expence of the person to whom it belonged: by which means Cobos did not perform his obligation which he had given; and for that reason Gomara saith that he took duties which he had not deserved.

CHAP. XLI.

Gonçalo Piçarro declares his duty and allegiance to the King, he departs from Quitu, and goes to Truxillo and Los Reyes; and the great joy was made at his coming.

BUT notwithstanding all this discourse and persuasion, Gonçalo Piçarro from a principle of Loyalty to his Sovereign, could not resolve to take upon him∣self the Title of King; and more especially because he could not but believe that his Majesty would confirm him in the Government of Peru, in consideration that he and his Brothers had done great Services, having by the Conquest of that Kingdom annexed it to the Imperial Crown, and by virtue of the Commission given to his Brother the Marquis he was to hold that Government during his life; with liberty to name a Successour after his death; and that his Brother had accor∣dingly nominated him. Then as to his proceedings and successes against the Vice-king; he supposed that his vigorous and unreasonable proceedings in execu∣tion of the new Laws might easily justifie his Actions. For that the Vice-king refused to hear the Addresses and Petitions which were made to him by the whole Kingdom, and for that reason he was chosen and elected by the unanimous consent of all the People to represent their complaints and aggrievances, which he had rejected and absolutely refused to receive. Then, as to the imprisonment of the Vice-king, and designing to embark and send him away for Spain; it was not done by him, but by the Judges upon these considerations which he medita∣ted within himself; Piçarro flattered himself with high expectations that he should not onely obtain pardon from the King, but a new confirmation and settlement of the Kingdom of Peru upon him: thus men of Arms and great Souldiers take false measures of their merits and the rewards which they expect for them. But in regard Gonçalo Piçarro did not accept of the offer, which his friends made him; his refusal was interpreted as the effect of a weak understanding, and not procee∣ding from a principle of loyalty towards his Prince; and perhaps upon this ground it was, That all Historians in the character they give of him, represent him as a person of a weak understanding; though in reality those who have been famili∣arly acquainted with him have reported him to have been endued with a suffici∣ent Talent of knowledge, to have been of a good nature, sincere and open, firm to his promises, without fraud and tricks; but of a true, honest and noble spirit, reposing too much confidence in his friends, who afterwards betrayed and destroy∣ed him, as all Historians relate. Nor can we much blame the Writers for giving a character of Piçarro so different to truth; because they compiled their Histories out of those notes and particulars which were given them by persons who were directed to temporize and comply with the humour of those times; as Palentino

complains in his dedicatory Epistle in these words: Being resolved to proceed, says he, my pen started with fear, and a stop was given to the course of my Hi∣story, upon consideration of some inconveniences which might happen unto me thereby. And remaining in this suspense, I came to the Court of your Majesty where I presented before your Royal Council of the Indies the first part of the Hi∣story which I had finished. And in regard they conceived a good opinion of the truth of what I had delivered therein; they were pleased to judge it not one∣ly beneficial and usefull, but likewise necessary for me to compleat the Histo∣ry which I had begun: and being so commanded to doe with promises of a re∣ward for my labour; I took new spirit and courage again, and banished all that fear and apprehensions which formerly gave a stop to the course of my Pen, &c. And in this manner I little regarded the testimony of Enemies, or what men said, who reported matter with a prejudice, knowing it to be the custom of mankind to say things by halves where they have no kindness for the Party. And now Gon∣çalo Piçarro resolved to leave Quitu, and goe to the City of Los Reyes, and to make his residence there, because it was in the middle of the Empire, and the most ad∣vantageous situation to feat himself for suppression of disturbances and stirrs which might arise in any parts of Peru, as also to administer justice in the times of peace. In Quitu he constituted Pedro de Puelles to be his Captain General and Deputy with three hundred Souldiers; for he reposed great trust in him upon the experi∣ence he had of his faithfulness to him, and succour which he gave him at a time when he looked on himself as ruined and sinking: and being come to the City of St. Michael, he received intelligence that a great number of Indian Souldiers were gathered in a Body upon the frontiers of that Countrey; to disperse which, he sent Captain Mercadillo with about a hundred and thirty men who therewith afterwards peopled that City which is now called Laxa. Then he sent Captain Porcel with a Party of sixty men to the ancient Conquest which had been made in the Province of Pacamura; likewise Licenciado Carvajal was ordered to goe by Sea and embark with those Souldiers which John Alonso Palamino had brought from Nicaragua; and that he should order matters in every Port according to the Instruc∣tions which were given him. Licenciado Carvajal performed every thing as he was commanded, sailing along the Coast as far as Truxillo, whilst Gonçalo Piçarro mar∣ched all the way by Land; and at length they met all together at that Place, where orders were given to goe to Los Reyes; Piçarro was accompanied thither with two hundred choice Souldiers, amongst which were Licenciado Carvajal, John de Acosta, John de la Torro, Licenciado Cepeda, Fernando Bachicao; Diego Gaillen, with other Porsons of Quality.

Upon his entry into the City men were of different opinions concerning the manner of it. Those who would have him take the Title of King, and to be speedily crowned, proposed that he should enter under a Canopy of State. O∣thers, who were of a more moderate temper, would have the Gate and the new Street enlarged and made more wide by laying open one of the Barriers of the City, to make his Entrance the more signal, according to the example of the Ro∣man Emperours, when they entred Rome in triumph: both sides earnestly contended about this matter, but Piçarro would yield to neither of them, but onely refer∣red himself to what Licenciado Carvajal should judge convenient and fit to be done. And he accordingly directed, that he should make his Entry on Horse-back, and his Captains all on Foot before him, with their Horses led on the right-hand of them, after which the Foot were to march in rank and file. The Horsemen dis∣mounted and marched on foot, being intermixed with the Infantry; it not see∣ming decent that they should ride whilst their Captains were on foot. Gonçalo Piçarro was mounted on a very fine Horse, and came up in the Rere, supported on each side with four Bishops; on the right-hand by the Arch-bishop of Los Rey∣es and the Bishop of Quitu; and on the left by the Bishop of Cozco and the Bi∣shop of Bogota, the latter of which came to Peru to be consecrated by the hands of those other three Prelates. Then came another band of Souldiers for a Rere∣guard, all marching without Guns, or Pikes, or other Arms, than onely their Swords and Daggers in token of peace. After all came Lorenço de Aldana who was constituted chief Governour of that City by Piçarro, together with the Alder∣men of the Corporation and other Inhabitants, who came out to welcome Piçar∣ro; and all the people, as he passed, saluted him with loud acclamations and a thousand blessings, for having concerned himself for their welfare, and restored

their Estates to them with infinite labours and hardships, and the hazard of his life; in consideration of which they offered their lives and fortunes to remain at his devotion. And being now entred within the City, he went directly to the Ca∣thedral Church there to adore the most Holy Sacrament; the Streets all along as he passed resounded with vocal Musick, Singing, Minstrels and Trumpets, which were excellently good in that City; and the Bells of the Churches and Monaste∣ries spake his welcome, and added to the Solemnity of that day. Piçarro having performed his devotions to our Lord, went to his House, which formerly belon∣ged to his Brother the Marquis, where, as the Historians say, he lived in greater splendour and state than ever he had done before. Some say that he entertained eighty Halberdiers for his Guard, and that no man was permitted to sit down in his presence; some say he gave his hand to be kissed: but many stories of this nature are framed out of envy and malice of enemies, who, as we have said, raise these reports: though to my certain knowledge, and I speak the same on the truth of a Christian, that there was not one Halberdier in all his Guard, nor have I ever heard that he entertained any. And, as I have formerly mentioned, when his Brother the Marquis returned into this Countrey, with a Commission from his Majesty, and with the privilege to entertain twenty four Halberdiers for the guard of his Person, he could by no means persuade any to accept of the Office, it being esteemed too low and inferiour to the quality of a Spaniard; onely I knew two men who vouchsafed to humble themselves to that mean degree. And therefore I know not how afterwards it could come to pass in times of greater pride and height, that eighty Spaniards should be found to stoop or condescend so low as to bear Halberds on their shoulders, especially since it hath been observed, that they were too proud to own the taking money on the notion of pay; and therefore I am of opinion, that the Authours who wrote of this matter did mis∣take the name of Halberdiers for Harquebusiers. Besides, I note it for a mistake of the like nature in those who report, that Piçarro made use of poison to remove those out of the world who stood in his way, for never any such thing was acted, nor yet imagined to be done, for if it had been I should certainly have heard there∣of, sooner or later, as well as they; and indeed, had he been guilty of such vani∣ties and crimes as these, he would have been detested and abhorred by all the world, whereas on the contrary (as all Authours agree) he was well beloved and generally esteemed. And so much I declare upon my faith and truth, as an eye-witness of most of these passages; and I speak in sincerity without favour or af∣fection to any, having no engagements to either Party.

CHAP. XLII.

The Authour declares in what manner Gonçalo Piçarro be∣haved himself towards his own People. The death of Vela Nunnez. The arrival of Francisco de Carvajal at Los Reyes, and the manner how he was received.

WHEN Gonçalo Piçarro was at the City of Cozco, I had some knowledge of him by sight; for soon after the Battel of Huarina he came and resided there untill the Battel of Sacsahuana, which was about six months, during which time I was frequently in his House, and observed his behaviour both within doors and abroad. All people paid him the honour and respect which was due to their Superiour, attending and following him wheresoever he went, either on foot or on Horseback; and he demeaned himself with that courtesie and affability to∣wards all, and so like a fellow-souldier, that no man could find cause of com∣plaint: I never saw him give his hand to any man to be kissed, though desired in way of complement. He freely took off his Hat to every man, and to persons of Quality he gave them the Titles which were due to them: he constantly, as we have said, called Francisco de Carvajal by the name of Father, as I once over∣heard

him say; for when I was a Boy, or a young Lad, he would always have me with him, and upon a certain time Carvajal came to speak to him, and though there was none in the Room present with them besides my self, yet Carvajal not being willing that I should hear any thing which was between them whispered him in the ear; what it was I could not hear, but Piçarro answered in a few words, which were, Look you Father.

I have seen him sometimes at Dinner, for he always ate in publick; his Table was very long, and held at least an hundred people: at the upper end of which he sate himself, and on each hand there was a void space left which might contain two persons; at which distance all Souldiers sate down as they pleased; onely the Captains and Citizens did not dine with him, unless it were in their own Houses. I dined with him twice at his own Table, by his command and invitation; one of which was on Candlemas-day, and then his Son Don Fernando, and Don Francisco his Nephew, who was Son to his Brother the Marquis, and I ate standing at the void place of his Table, and he carved for us all, and gave from his own Plate; all which I saw, being then about the age of nine years, which I compleated on the twelfth day of April following, and do certifie the truth thereof, having been an eye-witness of what I have before mentioned; so that Historians may yield more credit to me herein than to those who speak out of prejudice, and with rancour and malice to his person. In like manner they ac∣cuse him, and say that he took away all the Fifths and Revenue belonging to the King, with the Tributes which were paid by the Indians, and the Estates of those who took up Arms against him, which together amounted to above two third parts of all the Income of Peru; and yet for all this they say that his Souldiers were unpaid, at which they remained much unsatisfied; but we may easily refute this errour and this mistake of Writers, when it is considered, that for certain he left no hidden Treasures at the time of his death. They also accuse him of Adul∣tery and Incontinence, with many aggravating circumstances, which are most no∣torious in the lives of Governours and men in eminent places.

But to return to our History: We must know, that during the time that Gon∣çalo Piçarro resided at Los Reyes; it happened that Vela Nunnez, Brother to the late Vice-king, came to an unfortunate end by means of Captain John de la Torre, who some years before had married an Indian Woman, who was Daughter to the Cu∣raca of the Province of Puerto Viejo: The Indians, pleasing themselves with the honourable alliance of a Spaniard, whom they esteeming and preferring before their Riches, discovered unto him a Treasure of an hundred and fifty thousand Ducats in Gold and Emeralds, which were hidden within the Tombs of their Ancestours. John de la Torre, having thus made his fortune, had a mind to leave Gon∣çalo Piçarro, and return into Spain, and there to enjoy his Riches: but then consi∣dering with himself that his Rebellion and Actions against the King were too well known (for he was one of those who tore out the Hairs of the Vice-king's Beard and put them into a Medall) he feared he should be called in question, and not live securely and in peace at home: wherefore to take off this blemish from him, and doe some remarkable service, he persuaded Vela Nunnez to make his escape with him, on one of the Ships then in Port, promising to assist him there∣in, in case he would engage his Relations to favour and protect him, for the good services he had done in delivering him out of the hands of that Tyrant. Vela Nunnez hearkned to the proposals he had made him, but then stories and rumours flying about that the King had confirmed Gonçalo Piçarro in the Government, Vela Nunnez presently changed his mind, and began to contrive in what manner he might fix himself in the good opinion of Gonçalo Piçarro. John de la Torre obser∣ving this alteration, and fearing lest he or some others of his Confidents should make a discovery to Piçarro of the Compact or Plot that was between them, thought it to be his best course to be before-hand with them in the discovery; and so went to Piçarro and informed him of the design of Vela Nunnez to make his escape, for which they cut off his Head, and hanged and quartered another con∣cerned in the same Plot: howsoever, it was the common talk that this piece of cruelty was acted at the persuasion onely of Licençiado Carvajal; for Piçarro had a kindness for Vela Nunnez, whom he loved for his good nature and sweet dispositi∣on, and never inclined to put him to death. And this was the fate of this poor Gentleman, by the false accusation of a treacherous fellow, who was a Villain of the highest nature. Francisco de Carvajal, having some days before received in∣telligence

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of Piçarro's march to Los Reyes, and his orders to meet him there, he came to the Charcas with intention to joyn his Forces with him at the City it self: Piçarro upon the news of his approach went a great way to meet him, and caused a triumphal reception to be made for him, as due to a Captain of his merit, who had defeated so many Enemies and gained so many Victories. Carvajal left Alonso de Mendoça for Governour of the City of Plate under Gonçalo Piçarro, and brought with him about a million of pieces of Eight, which he had digged from the Mines of Potocsi, and from the Indians who are free and not under subjection of any Lord, so that Piçarro was now furnished with plenty of money; and then Carvajal took his opportunity to press him farther upon the Subject of making himself King, repeating the same arguments, which he had used in his Letter. And here let us leave them, their Officers, and their Friends, and particularly the inhabitants of the several Cities of that Empire, employed in keeping all things peaceable, and in quiet condition to the security and protection as well of Indians as Spaniards, and to the increase and propagation of the Holy Catholick Faith by catechising and preaching to the Natives; and to the advantage of Trade and of every private man's concernment, which was so diminished and impoverished by the late Wars and Revolutions, that no man durst pretend to an Estate, for fear that it should be taken away, either by the violent force of Tyrants, who bare-faced plundred and pillaged all they could seise and lay their hands on; or else by those who preten∣ded to borrow it for the service of his Majesty. And now (as the Proverb is) That it is good fishing upon turn of the Tide, let us pass over into Spain, and let us see what his Imperial Majesty is there designing for reducing to obedience the Rebels in Peru, and to set at liberty the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez.

The End of the Fourth Book.

Royal Commentaries. BOOK V.

CHAP. I.

Licençiado Pedro de la Gasca is chosen by the Emperour Charles the Fifth to reduce Peru.

WHilst matters were transacted in Peru in the manner before related, Diego Albarez Cueto and Francisco Maldonado arrived in Spain in Quali∣ty of Ambassadours, the first of which was sent from the Vice-king, and the latter from Gonçalo Piçarro, and both went to Valladolid, where the Court then resided, under the Government of the Prince Don Philip, who ruled that Kingdom in the absence of the Emperour his Father; who, like a Catholick Prince, was at that time actually employed in the Wars in Germany against the Lutherans, labouring to reduce them to the obedience of the Holy Mother the Church of Rome. These Ambassadours did severally inform the Prince's High∣ness and the Royal Council of the Indies, in the best manner they were able, of all the transactions and successes which had happened in Peru, untill the time of their departure from thence; for then the Vice-king was still living. The ill news of these great revolutions and troubles of that Kingdom caused many thoughts in the mind of the Prince; for remedy of which his Highness summoned a Coun∣cil of the most wise and grave persons, and of most experience, then residing at the Court, which were the Cardinal Don John Tavera Archbishop of Toledo, Car∣dinal Don Fray Garcia de Loaysa Archbishop of Seville, Don Francisco de Baldes Presi∣dent of the Royal Council and Bishop of Ciguença, the Duke of Alva, the Count of Osorno, Francisco de Los Cobos Lord Lieutenant of Leon, Don John Cunniga Lord Lieutenant of Castile, Ramirez Bishop of Cuenca and President of the King's Bench in Valladolid; all the Judges of the Royal Council of the Indies, besides several other persons of great Quality; all which, as well as the Court in general, did admire that those Laws and Ordinances which were made and designed for the universal good, as well of the Indians as of the Spaniards of Peru, should have such a different effect, and prove the cause of the destruction both of one and of the other, and so to endanger the Kingdom as even to put it in hazard of being alienated from the Crown of the Emperour. To prevent which, many consul∣tations were held, and great debates did arise thereupon; some were of opinion, that it was to be done onely by force of Arms, and that immediately Souldiers were to be sent thither under the command of several experienced Captains; but this opinion was opposed by the difficulty of such an enterprise; for that the charge of shipping Souldiers, Arms, Ammunition, Horses and Provision would be very great, the Voyage was long, the Navigation difficult and subject to a thousand hazards, being to pass two Seas. Other Counsels there were of the more moderate and grave sort of men, who were of opinion, that, since all those di∣sturbances

were caused by the rigour of the new Laws, and the severe and indis∣creet manner of putting them in execution by the Vice-king, the remedy thereof ought to be by contrary applications; which was, that the new Laws should be absolutely abrogated and declared invalid, and that to declare and publish them for such a person should be sent of a mild gentle and affable temper•• and one of experience of the world, of prudence, and capable of Government in the times of Peace, and yet a Souldier knowing how to manage a War if occasion should re∣quire. The Person elected for this employment was Licençiado Pedro de la Gasca, a Presbyter of the Church, and a Member of the General Council of the Inquisiti∣on, and one in whom all the fore-mentioned qualities did concurr; and being thus elected, he was offered to his Majesty for his approbation: upon receipt of these Letters of recommendation, Orders were given in such manner as Gomara writes in the 175th Chapter of his Book, which I have thought fit to repeat word for word, because he seems to be more plain and clear herein than any other Authour whatsoever.

When the Emperour, saith he, had received the news of the great disturbances in Peru, and of the imprisonment of Blasco Nunnez, he highly resented the inso∣lence of the Judges, who durst attempt so daring a piece of injustice against their allegiance, and also condemned the proceedings of Gonçalo Piçarro, as not tending to his service. Howsoever, when it was considered that Appeal was made to him in reference to the new Laws, that the Letters of Instruction which were gi∣ven herein and sent by Francisco Maldonado were miscarried, and that Texada died at Sea; the fault was cast upon the Vice-king, who with too much rigour execu∣ted the new Laws, without admitting of any Petitions, or hearkening to the Rea∣sons which were offered to the contrary: but then he seemed again to be excused by the positive commands in his Instructions not to admit of any appeal or delay, for that those methods were looked upon as certainly conducing to the service of God, to the welfare and conservation of the Indians, to the discharge of a good Conscience, and to the increase of the King's Revenue: when these things, as we said, were considered, the anger of the Emperour much abated, but his trouble increased by this unreasonable news, which came to him at a time when he was engaged in a War in Germany, and in those disturbances which were caused by the L••ibera••s. Howsoever, considering how much it concerned him to relieve his Subjects in Peru, and provide remedies wherewith to pacifie the commotions rai∣sed in those Kingdoms, which yielded him a vast Income and Revenue; he con∣curred in the opinion of his Council, which was to send a person of a gentle and peaceable disposition, and of experience and practice in affairs, and different to the humour of Blasco Nunnez, who was violent, open in his Counsels, and neither understanding Men nor Business: and lastly, considering that since a Lion could not prevail; the gentle spirit of a Lamb might be much more mollifying and win∣ning of the people: such a person as this was Licenciado Pedro Gasca esteemed to be, a man of a much better understanding than the other, and one who had gai∣ned a reputation in management of the Commotions and Treaties with the Moors in Valentia: And accordingly a Commission was given him, with Letters and Or∣ders in Blank, to insert what Names he should think fit; and all the late Ordi∣nances and new Laws were cancelled and repealed; and Letters were wrote to Gonçalo Piçarro all dated at Vienna in Germany in the year 1546.

Thus Gasca was dispatched away, and though he departed with a small number of Persons, and a mean Retinue, and with the Title onely of President, yet he was high in esteem, and great hopes were conceived of the success of his negotia∣tions. The shipping which attended him was meanly provided with Mariners, and onely what was necessary, that he might put the Emperour to as little charge as was possible, and shew plainness to the people of Peru without affectation of state in all his proceedings; the Judges he carried with him were Andreo de Cianca and Renteria, being persons in whom he greatly confided. When he arrived at Nombre de Dios, he communicated his business to no man, but treated with every man in such manner as agreed with the Character which was given of him, say∣ing, that he was to go to Piçarro, and that in case he would not receive him he would return again to the Emperour; for that his profession was not to be a Soul∣dier, nor was he acquainted with the Art of War, his business being onely to recall the late Ordinances, and to preside in the Council. And whereas Melchior Vedugo sent to let him know, that he was coming to serve him with some other Compa∣nions,

he desired him to forbear a while, and to attend his farther Orders. And leaving his directions here he went to Panama, where he constituted Garçia de Paredes Governour, and appointed him a Garrison of those Souldiers which Her∣nando Mexia, and Don Pedro de Cabrera, who were Captains belonging to Piçarro had brought to him, to defend that Town from the French, who committed Pira∣cies along that Coast; and their coming thither was expected also, but their Voyage was shortned by the Governour of Santa Maura who killed them all at a Banquet to which he had given them an invitation. Thus far Gomara.

CHAP. II.

Of the substance of the Commission which Licenciado Gasca brought. His arrival at Santa Marta and Nombre de Dios, the manner of his reception there, and of the vari∣ous Successes, and Treaties which passed there.

NOW that we may add to what was omitted by this Authour relating to the Commission which Licenciado Gasca carried with him, and in which he comes short, for though in general he says, that the Emperour granted him a power as large as he could desire, yet not mentioning the particulars thereof, we are to add, that he gave him an unlimited and an absolute power in all things in such full and ample manner as his Majesty could grant; commanding all people upon his Summons to come in to his assistance with Men, and Horse, and Arms, and Mo∣ney; with Shipping, Provision, and whatever else he should require for his Ma∣jesty's Service. He also carried with him a general Act of Pardon for all Crimes whatsoever, and that no action should be brought against any person by reason thereof; and that every man's Estate and Free-hold should be conserved to him. And that he should cause the Vice-king to be embarked and transported into Spain, in case he believed it conducing to the service of his Majesty and the quiet∣ness of the Kingdom. He had also a Licence and Authority to make use of the Royal Revenue, so far as he judged it necessary for reducing the Rebels, for qui∣eting the minds of the People, and for due administration of Justice by the Go∣vernment. He had also Power and Authority to dispose of such Lands and Estates which belonged to Indians, which were not already granted or given away; and also of all Offices and Governments through the whole Empire, as well those which were already gained and conquered as those which should be acquired and discovered hereafter. And to himself there was no fixed or settled Sum appointed for his Salary or Entertainment; but a liberty and privilege to spend so much as he judged convenient for his Majesty's Service, of which the Au∣ditor-General was to take an account, and send the same to the Officers of his Majesty's Treasury. All which particulars were set down, and required by Licenciado Gasca, who, like a wise man, provided as well for the future as for the present, and also that malitious men might not say, that Interest and a great Salary was the motive to incite him to laborious and difficult undertakings, which at every step offered themselves, but a true zeal onely to his Majesty's Ser∣vice was his highest inducement; to which he sacrificed all his peace and quiet∣ness, and preferred it even before his own life. And Gomara farther describing this Licenciado Gasca, saith, that as he was of much more solid understanding and better temper than the Vice-king, so also he was of little stature, and of a strange shape, for from the girdle downwards he was as long as any tall man whatsoever, and then from the girdle upwards to his Shoulders he was not one third so high, and without any proportion to his other parts: when he was on Horse-back he seemed much less than he was, for he was all Thighs and Leggs; and his Coun∣tenance was very ill-favoured and unpleasant: but what nature had denied to him in his Body, was largely recompensed to him in the endowments of his Mind; for he had not onely all those which this Authour declares of him, but many

more, considering that he regained his Empire again to his Majesty, which was al∣most totally ruined, and revolted from its allegiance. I my self knew him, and particularly one evening I was with him when he stood in the Court-yard of my Father's house, leading to the open place from whence he saw the Feasts of Bulls and Sports on Horse-back with their Darts; but he lodged then in the houses of Thomas Vasquez, now in the possession of his Son Pedro Vasquez; where also Gonçalo Piçarro lodged when he was in that Town; and situate on the outside of the Street which is in the middle between our house and the Convent of our Lady of the Mercedes: and though those Houses have at one corner Windows which look out into the Market-place, from whence Licenciado Gasca might have seen all those Sports, howsoever he chose rather to see them from my Father's Court-yard, which more immediately fronts with the Market-place.

And now we shall proceed to declare his Actions which were not performed by the Sword or Lance, but by the force of his reason and council, which carried him on with such success as obtained all the points he desired both in Peace and War, and at length conducted him out of the Countrey without any Complaints or Accusations against him of violence or oppression. His weapons were, Pati∣ence to bear and undergo all the labours and difficulties which presented, and mild∣ly to suffer the insolences and affronts of the Souldiery; he also had a great stock of subtlety, and craft, and good management to penetrate into the Plots and Designs of his Enemies, and to circumvent and disappoint them; from all which we have arguments sufficient to prove the difficulty of his undertaking, especially if we consider the condition of this Empire, when this worthy person undertook to settle and reduce it to obedience. And here we shall omit to give an account of the particulars of the Voyage which the President made to Nombre de Dios (to whom hereafter we shall give that Title) referring the Reader to Diego Fernandez for that relation, and so shall proceed to what succeeded after his arrival there. The President received the first News of the death of the Vice-king in Santa Marta, from Licenciado Almandarez, who was then Governour of that Province and of that new Kingdom; from whence both Gasca and those with him appre∣hended great difficulties in their design; judging it almost impossible to reduce a People without Arms who had proceeded so far in their Rebellion, as to kill the Vice-king in a pitched Battel. But the President, not to discourage his People, concealed the opinion and apprehension he conceived thereof; and to prevent farther disturbances which might arise, he publickly declared, that he had suffici∣ent power and authority to pardon all the Crimes of what nature soever which were already committed, so that no man ought to doubt of pardon or of a gene∣ral Act of Oblivion. Moreover he considered, that by the death of the Vice-king, that general hatred was removed from the People, which they conceived against his perverse and untractable humour, and that thereby they might more easily be reduced to the service of his Majesty: Besides which another difficulty was obviated in case it should be thought necessary for quieting the People, to send the Vice-king out of that Countrey; who might object the injustice of such proceedings against a person, who for no other reason than the Service of his Ma∣jesty against Rebels and Tyrants, was banished the Countrey, and deprived of his Authority. The President Gasca comforting himself with such Considerations as these sailed to Nombre de Dios, where he was received by the Souldiers of Hernan Mexia and by the Inhabitants all well armed; but they shewed him very little respect and less affection, speaking contemptibly of his person with affronting words; of all which (as Diego Fernandez saith) he took no notice, but spake kindly and chearfully to all sorts of People. But the Clergy of the City, like true Servants of God, went in procession with the Cross to meet and receive the President, whom they conducted to the Church to sing the Te Deum Laudamus, with which kindness the President was much pleased, and thanked God, that some People were remaining, who were acquainted with their duty and good manners, and in some kind made amends for the disrespects of others: but that which added most to his satisfaction was, that the night following, Hernan Mexia who was one of the Captains of Gonçalo Piçarro, and much obliged to him for se∣veral favours, came privately to speak with him, offering himself to the service of his Majesty, and to use his utmost endeavours to engage other Captains and Soul∣diers to return unto their Loyalty and duty towards their Prince: Moreover he gave him a large Narrative of the State of the Countrey and of the Fleet which

was at Panama, and of the Condition of the Captains and Souldiers which were embarked thereupon, and how that Pedro de Hinojosa was Admiral thereof: for all which Advices and Promises the President returned him thanks, and promised him in the name of his Majesty a suitable reward, desiring his secrecy in the whole matter: And thus Peace and Friendship being agreed between them, they pri∣vately discoursed every night together, and Hernan Mexia gave him an account of all matters, which they wrote to him from Panama. Thus did the President gain every day upon the good wills and affections of the People and Souldiery, so that many of them went to dine and converse with him; and in all his discourses, he told them plainly that he came thither to no other end and intention, than onely to reduce them to their obedience and loyalty due to his Majesty by terms of peace and friendship, and with promises of reward: That the King had given him full power and authority to promise them a general Pardon for all crimes and faults which were already past; and that if People would not be contented herewith on fair terms, he for his part was ready, without farther force, to return speedily into Spain. This was his common discourse and declaration at all times, when he was in publick, with intention that the report hereof might be spread in all parts of the Empire: some few days after the arrival of the President at Nombre de Dios; Melchior de Verdugo, of whom we have formerly made mention appeared before the City of Panama with intention to enter with his two Ships into the Port: But the Citizens were in great combustion hereupon, by reason that they feared and hated the person of Verdugo, and believed that he was commanded thither by the order of the President: but to clear himself of this suspicion, he wrote a Letter himself to Verdugo, and sent it by the hand of an intimate friend of his, who was a Church-man, ordering Verdugo, upon no terms whatsoever to come to Nombre de Dios, but to go to any other place, which should be more convenient, and that he should restore the Ships and Goods which he had taken to the true Proprietors.

This was the Contents of what was wrote in the Letter; but then privately and by word of mouth; he gave him orders to return to Nicaragua, and there to expect such farther directions which should be sent him, the which would tend greatly to his Majesty's Service. But Melchior Verdugo, instead of returning to Ni∣caragua, sailed into Spain, much doubting his security in that Countrey, for that he had rendred himself so odious to the People, that he thought himself in no place secure or safe. And being in Spain, his Imperial Majesty honoured him with the habit of Santiago. I saw him once in the Anti-chamber of the most Catho∣lick King Philip the Second, in the year 1563. But soon after Informations came against him of all the Pyracies he had committed in Peru, and the other Vio∣lences and Mischiefs he had done in Nicaragua and Nombre de Dios; which were such great and crying sins, that he was in danger of being deprived of the honour of his habit, with which he became so sad and dejected, that his countenance changed and shewed the inward sorrow of his mind: but afterwards, at the In∣tercession of Friends he obtained his Majesty's Pardon, and returned into Peru.

CHAP. III.

The President sends Hernan Mexia to Panama to quiet the Disturbances which were made by Pedro Hinojosa, and dispatches an Ambassadour to Gonçalo Piçarro; who ha∣ving Intelligence of the coming of the President, sends Messengers to the Emperour.

THE President made preparations to return again to Panama, where he ho∣ped by means of his good conduct to reduce Pedro de Hinojosa, with the other Captains which were there quartered, to due allegiance unto their Empe∣rour: for according to the relation which Hernando Mexia de Guzman had given

him, their inclinations were very well disposed thereunto; and accordingly he conceived great hopes of success. In order to which he went with all speed pos∣sible to Panama, taking the Mareschall Alvarado into his company, and to his assi∣stance (as Diego Fernandez Palentino in the thirty eighth Chapter of his Book af∣firms) for whom he had obtained a Licence from the Council of the Indies, that he might be spared for some time from the Register's Office to attend unto the affairs of Peru, and be an Assistent and a Companion to him. This Gentleman having been in the Battel of Chupas against Don Diego de Almagro Junior, returned afterwards into Spain; and by reason that he was well versed in the transaction of affairs between the Piçarrists and Almagrians, he was entertained in the service of the Council of the Indies. But let us leave both him and the President in their journey; to relate what Pedro de Hinojosa acted in the mean time at Panama, upon the News, that Hernan Mexia had received the President with signs and demon∣strations of peace and friendship, rather than of enmity and opposition: and he was the more dissatisfied, because he was ignorant of the Commission and Con∣tents of the Instructions which the President brought; And because he had con∣cluded and agreed without any communication or correspondence with him: wherefore Hinojosa wrote so very angrily to him upon that matter, that several friends of Hernan de Mexia advised him not to go to Panama: Howsoever (as Augustine Carate saith) after some conference had with the President thereupon it was concluded, that Hernan Mexia should speedily depart for Panama, and lay∣ing aside all fears and jealousies should boldly communicate the whole matter to Hinojosa; which Mexia accordingly performed in confidence of the friendship which was between them, and the knowledge he had of his humour and disposi∣tion. After some conference together Mexia so well acquitted himself and gave such reasons for receiving the President; shewing that, let the business go how it would, his actions hitherto could bring no prejudice to their cause; that Hino∣josa appeared well satisfied: thereupon Hernan Mexia returned to Nombre de Dios, and the President went to Panama, where he personally treated with Hinojosa and with all his Captains, declaring to them the cause and reasons of his coming; And managed matters with such secrecy and prudence, that none knew what he had communicated to the other; which so secured their affections and good will towards him, that he adventured publickly to declare his design, and to assure them that his negotiations tended to the publick welfare: and at the same time took care to provide for the necessities and conveniences of the Souldiery; the which he acted with such sweetness of behaviour and respect towards all, as feeds the vanity of that Souldiery, and prevails most in that Countrey. Thus far Augustine de Carate in his seventh Chapter.

So soon as Pedro de Hinojosa had notice of the coming of the President to Nombre de Dios, he gave immediate intelligence thereof to Gonçalo Piçarro, as did all his Captains, giving him assurance, that they would never suffer him to pass into Pe∣ru. But notwithstanding all their resolutions, after some conferences which they held with the President at Panama, they changed their minds, and then wrote in a different manner: for the President had so dealt with every single person in pri∣vate, as had much engaged them and inclined their good-wills and affections to him. Whereupon they consented, and gave permission that he might send one of those persons whom he brought from Castile with Letters from Gonçalo Piçarro to advise him of his arrival in those parts; the Gentleman whom the President resolved to send was called Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, who was an Inhabitant and Governour of the City of Plasencia, a person well qualified for such a negotiati∣on; for, besides that he was a Gentleman of good extraction, he had left his Wife and Children a competent Estate in Spain, for which he not onely merited esteem and respect of Piçarro, but also for his Countreys sake, and for the sake of his kindred and relations, who were engaged in his faction. Thus did Pania∣gua set sail for Peru, upon a frigate appointed for him; all the Letters he carried with him were one from the King to Gonçalo Piçarro, and another to him from the President, besides some other private Letters to persons of quality, as namely, to the Bishop of Lugo, and another to Licenciado Benito de Carvajal, to whom the President wrote amicably, and as became a kinsman, directing him in what man∣ner to act for the service of his Majesty. And here we will leave Paniagua in his voyage, and relate what Gonçalo Piçarro was acting in the mean time.

Whilst Piçarro was arrived at the top of all his hopes and expected a confirma∣tion in his Government, and to be made perpetual Dictatour in that Empire, he received Letters from Pedro de Hinojosa his General, which gave him advice of the arrival of the President in those parts. Piçarro and all his Captains were greatly surprized and troubled at this unexpected News, and thereupon with some of the Citizens entred into consultation how and in what manner they were to behave themselves in this business; the Debates were many and long, and the opinions different to each other; but at length they were reduced to two: some were of opinion that either publickly or secretly the President was to be killed. Others were of opinion that they should invite him to Peru, where having discove∣red all his Papers, Instructions and Commission, that then they should endea∣vour to persuade or force him to concur with them, and grant whatsoever they desired: and in case they could not prevail, it was but to put him off then with delays, pretending that they had not power to conclude alone, without the consent and concurrence of all the other Cities of that Kingdom, with that of Los Reyes: and in regard the Places and Cities were far distant each from the other, there would be good cause of excuse and means to deferr the Assembly for two years: And in the mean time the President would be deteined a Prisoner in the Island of Puna, under a Guard of faithfull Souldiers, who were to be carefull to inter∣cept all Letters which he should write for information of his Majesty, by default of which they might still continue under the notion of obedient and loyal Subjects. Others were of opinion, that the best and most expedite way was, to cause him to return again into Spain, and to persuade him thereunto with money and provisions for his voyage; by which it would appear, that they had treated him like a good Servant and Officer of his Majesty. These Debates continued with great difference and heat for many days: but at length it was by common consent agreed, That Messengers should be sent from them to his Majesty to negotiate the Grant of such Particulars as were most conducing to the welfare of that Empire: That they should give an account of all things which had been lately transacted; and especially to insist in justification of their cause, that they were compelled to the engagement of Quitu, where the Vice-king was slain: and in all their Dis∣courses they were to charge the Vice-king as the Aggressour, who had persued them through all places, and at length forced them to kill him in their own de∣fence: And in fine, the Prayer of their Petition was, That his Majesty would be pleased to confer the Government of that Empire on Gonçalo Piçarro, who by his own bravery and merit of his Relations had gained that Empire to the Crown; and that farther, he pretended a Title thereunto on the Commission his Majesty had given to his Brother to nominate a Successour thereunto after his death: and in the mean time they desired, that the President might be ordered to reside in Pa∣nama, and not to proceed farther into Peru untill his Majesty should give new di∣rections. This matter being agreed upon, Ambassadours were chosen who were to negotiate those great Points in Spain; and to give the better countenance there∣unto, Don Tray Geronimo de Loaysa, Arch-bishop of Los Reyes, who was a great Pre∣late, Father and Pastour of that City, was entreated to accept of that Charge, who being a Person of great esteem and interest in Spain, it was presumed that he would be heard with the more favour; the like also was desired of the Bishop of Santa Marta, and Friar Thomas de St. Martin, who was Provincial of the Order of St. Dominick; and Lorenço de Aldana and Gomez de Solis were pitched upon to join with them in the Commission. Money was ordered for their Voyage sufficient to defray all their charges; and particularly it was ordered, that Gomez de Solis, who was chief Gentleman-usher to Gonçalo Piçarro, should have thirty thousand pieces of Eight paid to him apart, out of the which he was to give unto Pedro de Hinojosa so much as he judged necessary: but as to Lorenço de Aldana, he supposed that he had so many endearments towards him on account of his Countrey and mutual friendship which was between them, that he did not doubt but that he would prove a faithfull correspondent, and with all fidelity advise him of the ac∣cidents and successes of his Voyage, but more particularly to acquaint him from Panama of the import and contents of the Commission, and Instructions which the President had brought with him: Accordingly these persons embarked in the month of October, 1546. with Title of Ambassadours from the Empire of Peru, unto his Majesty; in whose Voyage nothing occurred worthy the Relation.

CHAP. IV.

The Ambassadours arrive at Panama, and both they and the People of that City revolt from Gonçalo Piçarro, and deliver up their Fleet into the power of the Presi∣dent. Paniagua comes to Los Reyes.

SO soon as the Ambassadours arrived at Panama, Lorenço de Aldana went to take up his Lodgings with Pedro de Hinojosa: and having first burnt the Com∣mission and Instructions which he brought from Gonçalo Piçarro, relating to mat∣ters which he had to act in Panama and Spain; he made his Addresses to the President, giving him in few words to understand his intentions: and in a short time becoming better acquainted, Aldana, Hernan Mexia and Pedro de Hinojosa en∣gaged to employ themselves in the Service of the President; onely they preten∣ded to make some difficulties for the first three days, untill they had well dige∣sted their matter: and then finding themselves all of an opinion, they began to publish their intentions, and on the fourth day they and all the Captains went to the President and professed their allegiance to his Majesty: and in token there∣of delivered up the whole Fleet into his possession and command, together with the Arms, Ammunition and Appurtenances thereunto belonging, engaging upon Oath to doe homage to him, and to serve and obey him in whatsoever he should command. And in the mean time these Resolutions were kept as a Secret untill it was known how Gonçalo Piçarro received Paniagua and the message which he brought him. The principal motives which incited these persons to revolt from Piçarro to the Service of his Majesty were, impartially speaking, the sense of true allegiance and duty which they owed to his Majesty. In the next place, it was secretly agreed, that so soon as these Commotions were suppressed and the Countrey in peace and quietness, that the Army should receive their full arrears of Pay: the which was afterwards complied with in a more ample manner than they themselves had proposed, of which we shall speak in its due place. But no∣thing more prevailed and facilitated this matter than the Repeal of the late Or∣dinances and new Laws, and the general Pardon for what was already past: for when they saw themselves secured in their possessions and commands over the Indians; and absolved of the murthers, spoils and robberies they had commit∣ted in the late Civil Wars; they resolved to close with this opportunity to save themselves, though thereby they sacrificed and surrendred him to destruction who had promoted them to the Titles of Captains and Ambassadours of that Empire, rather in expectation of future services from them, than in reward of former merit; for though they were Persons of Quality, yet none of them had been Conquerours, unless Alonso Palamino. This Secret was concealed for some few days, which the President esteemed, as no loss of time, considering his great suc∣cess in so short a time. In fine, at a general Rendezvous the several Colours were surrendred up into the hands of the President, and the Captains publickly decla∣red for the President; who accepted the surrender in the name of his Majesty and restored every man to his Office by Commission from the Emperour: as is confir∣med by Gomara, Chapter 179. in these words:

By the prudent and dexterous negotiations of Gasca, and by the promises of re∣ward which he made to Hinojosa, for there could be no force or compulsion in the case, a voluntary surrender was made of the whole Fleet unto the President: and here the first step was made to the ruine of Gonçalo Piçarro. Gasca accepted of the Fleet, and confirmed Hinojosa in his Office of Admiral, and all the Captains in the commands of their respective Ships, thereby converting Traitors to a condition of loyal and faithfull Subjects. The President having gained the Fleet, began to conceive great hopes of these his negotiations; and indeed he had reason so to believe, for without the Fleet he could never have succeeded in his enterprise; by Sea it had been impossible to have sound shipping to transport him to Peru: and to go by Land, (as it was once designed) the journey had been difficult and at∣tended

with the sufferings of hunger, cold and other dangers. Thus much Goma∣ra reports of this matter, and in the same place touches upon the industry and di∣ligence used by the President in all his actions, and the mutual Promises and En∣gagements which passed between both Parties. This accord being made, and the account of the Arrears of pay being made up and stated, Gasca thought it time publickly to own the command of all, and to chuse Pedro de Hinojosa Captain-General of all the Forces both by Sea and Land. Then he commanded and orde∣red four Ships to be prepared and fitted, under the command of Lorenço de Aldana, John Alonso Palomino, Hernan Mexia and John Yllanes. Lorenço de Aldana was appoin∣ted Admiral of the four Ships, which were to carry three hundred men of the best Seamen and Souldiers selected out of the Fleet and provided with all things neces∣sary for their Voyage.

They were moreover ordered to carry with them many Copies or Transcripts of his Majesty's most gratious revocation of the late Ordinances, and of the gene∣ral Pardon, which was extended and indulged to all persons without exception, the which were in the best manner they could contrive to be dispersed in all pla∣ces of the inland Countries. These four Captains being accordingly dispatched, the President wrote a Letter to Don Antonio de Mendoça, Vice-king at that time of Mexico, informing him of all particulars which had succeeded to that time, and desiring his assistence with Men and Arms to forward his Majesty's Service. In like manner Dispatches were sent to Don Baltasar de Castilla at Guatimala, and Ni∣caragua, and to other persons of St. Domingo and Popoyan, and the like unto other parts, for it was believed that all was little enough to reduce the Rebels to their duty and allegiance: but no force was so prevalent as the revocation of the late Ordinances, and the general Pardon, which operated on the minds of men, and contributed more to the ruine of Gonçalo Piçarro, and consignation of the Empire to Gasca than all the preparations did which were made for War.

But now, returning to speak of Paniagua, whom we left on his Voyage to Los Reyes, we shall pass by the Journal of what happened in his passage, to relate mat∣ters more essential to this History. Paniagua being arrived at Los Reyes, he deli∣vered the Letters which he brought from his Majesty and from the President to the hands of Piçarro, as also his general Letter of Credence, signifying that he was sent by order of the President, and that entire belief was to be yielded to whatso∣ever he should deliver in the name of his Majesty and of the President. Gonçalo Piçarro seemingly gave him a fair reception, and having heard his Message, he dis∣mist him for the present, charging and forewarning him not to meddle or treat with any about the affairs of the President at his peril. He then called for Licen∣ciado Cepeda and Francisco de Carvajal, and in presence of those three onely were the King's Letters read, as Augustine Carate writes.

The Substance of his Majesty's Letter. The KING.

BY your Letters (Gonçalo Piçarro) and by other relations, we have been informed of the many troubles and commotions which have happened in the Provinces of Peru, since the time that Blasco Nunnez Vela Our Vice-king arrived there, together with the Judges of our Courts of Justice; and which were raised by putting those new Laws and Ordinances into execution, though contrived and framed for the better Government of those parts, and for the ease and relief of the Natives thereof. And we are well assured, that neither you nor any of those who have followed your Party, did act intentionally to doe us a dis-service, but onely to put a stop to the severity which the said Vice-king used in the violent and indiscreet execution thereof, without receiving or admitting any reasons or peti∣tions to the contrary. Of all which being well informed, and having heard whatsoever Fran∣cisco Maldonado had to communicate to us on your behalf and from the Inhabitants of those Provinces; we have thought fit to send Licenciado de la Gasca, one of the Counsel∣lours of the Holy and General Inquisition, with Title and in Quality of our President, to whom

We have given a Commission and such Instructions as will undoubtedly put an end to all the troubles and commotions of that Countrey. And farther we have given him a general autho∣rity to act and doe whatsoever he shall judge may most redound to the service and honour of God, to the improvement of those Provinces, to the benefit and welfare of Our Subjects, who are Planters, and of the Natives thereof. Wherefore we do command and require you to be aiding and assisting to our said President in whatsoever he shall demand of you in Our Name towards the performance and accomplishment of those rules and directions which have been given him. And herein relying upon you with much confidence, We shall ever be mindfull of the Services which your Brother the Marquis hath done for Us, and which shall ever be re∣membred to the advantage of his Sons and Brothers. Given at Venloe the 16th day of the Month of February, 1546.

I the KING. By command of his Majesty, Francisco de Erato.

The Letter which the President wrote to Gonçalo Piçarro was to this effect.

Illustrious Sir,

SUpposing that my stay would not have been so long in this Countrey I deteined the Empe∣rour's Letter by me, intending to deliver it with my own hand; nor did I think fit in the mean time to acquaint you of my arrival, out of respect to his Majesty's Letter, which ought to have come first unto your hands before mine. But considering that the Affairs of his Majesty would require my presence here for some time, and hearing that you had convened an Assembly of the People to meet you at the City of Lima, to consider of Affairs which depend on things already past; I judged it necessary to employ an express Messenger with his Majesty's Letter, and with the same occasion also to send you mine, the bearer whereof, named Hernandez Paniagua, is a Person of Quality, and one considerable in your Countrey, and very much your Friend and humble Servant. What I have now to say to you farther, is to acquaint you, That in Spain there have been great Consultations concer∣ning the manner how the commotions and disturbances, which have been raised in Peru since the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez (whom God forgive) came into those parts, were to be taken and resented. And after his Majesty had well weighed and considered the several Debates and Opinions thereupon, there hath no cause appeared hitherto to believe, that the same did proceed from any motive of disobedience or dis-service to his Majesty, but merely from a prin∣ciple of self-preservation, which induced them to oppose that severity which the Vice-king used in the execution of the new Laws against the privileges and rights of that Countrey: And farther his Majesty hath considered the obstinacy of the Vice-king, who would admit of no Petition or Appeal, or suspension of the new Laws untill such time as his Majesty was ac∣quainted with the inconveniences thereof; all which appears at large in your Letter to his Majesty, and which gives a farther relation, that you had taken upon you the Government at the instance and desire of the Court of Justice, and which they had delivered unto you•• by Commission under his Majesty's Broad Seal; in virtue whereof you promise to serve his Ma∣jesty, and profess, that to have refused the Government at that time would have been a dis∣service to his Majesty, and that you accepted it on no other terms than such as became a good and a loyal Subject, and with intention to resign it at the command and will of his Majesty. All which being thus understood by his Majesty, he hath sent me to quiet the minds of the People by a revocation of those Laws, according to the prayer of your Petition; with power to publish a general Pardon for all Faults, Crimes and Misdemeanours already committed: and lastly, to take the opinion and direction of the People of this Countrey con∣cerning the methods which are to be used for the advancement and promotion of the service of God, and for the common go••d and welfare of the Inhabitants: And in regard there are many Spaniards in those parts, who are unemployed, and have no possessions, it is thought

fit, that they should be provided out of new discoveries, which is the onely way for them to gain honour and riches according to the example of the ancient Conquerours, wherefore I heartily desire you to consider these matters with the understanding of a good Christian, and the worthy mind and intention of a Gentleman, and of a wise and prudent Person, and with that affection and good will which you have alway shewed to the happiness and welfare of this Countrey, and charity towards the Inhabitants thereof; giving God and our Lady thanks, (to whom you are a zealous Votary) that this great and important Affair, in which you have so deeply concerned your self, hath been so favourably interpreted by his Majesty and by the Grandees of Spain; who were pleased to acquit your actions of rebellion and disloyalty, and to style them with the more soft terms of defending his Majesty's Justice, to which his Subjects were denied access, or to be heard by way of Petition. And now in regard your King, who is a Catholick and a just Prince, hath restored you and every person to the enjoyment of his own Estate and Possessions in as full and as ample a manner as they desired in their Petition; It is but reason that you deal as sincerely and justly with your King, by yielding due obedience to him, and compliance with all his commands: the which is a duty incumbent on us, not onely by the Laws of Nature, which oblige every Subject to be loyal to his King, but also by the Laws of Scripture and Grace, which injoyn us, on the penalty of eternal damnation, to render unto every man his due, and especially obedience unto Kings. And since you Ance∣stours have made themselves illustrious by their loyalty and by their services to the Crown, which have gained them the Title of Nobles; it will now be your part to Copy out this lesson in the largest characters, rather than to degenerate from their lineage and cast a blemish on all their atchievements by your demerits and defection from their vertues. The greatest con∣cernment we have in this world, next to the salvation of our Souls, is our honour, which is most resplendent in persons who move in your high sphere, in which you are capable to brighten the lustre of your Ancestour's glories, or otherwise by irregular actions to cast a blemish and an eternal obscurity upon them. For whosoever falls from God by infidelity, or from his King by treason and disloyalty, doth not onely dishonour himself but likewise casts a blemish and infamy on his whole Family: wherefore let me advise you to reflect hereupon with a wise and a prudent spirit, weighing well the power of your King, whose Forces you are very unable to withstand: but lest your want of knowledge and experience in his Court, not having view∣ed his Armies, or fathomed the depth of his Counsels, should betray you to an over-weening opinion of your own strength; be pleased to figure unto your self the mighty power and puis∣sance of the Great Turk, who marched in Person at the head of above three hundred thou∣sand fighting men, which he brought into the Field against him, besides Pioniers and other at∣tendants on the Camp, notwithstanding which, when he met his Majesty near Vienna he durst not adventure to joyn Battel with him, but rather endeavoured a retreat, facing the Enemy with his Horse whilst the Infantry marched away and made their escape, &c.

This Letter is writ more at large by divers Authours, which we have thought fit to abbreviate, because it relates the many Victories which the Emperour gai∣ned upon the Turk, from whence he frames divers Arguments to prove how unable Gonçalo Piçarro was to contend with so formidable a Force, but that ra∣ther he should incline his mind to submission and obedience: but what his con∣sultations and reflexions were on this Letter, we shall declare in the following Chapter.

CHAP. V.

Of the Consultations and Opinions concerning the Revocation of the New Laws: and of the General Pardon of all faults and crimes past. What private Instructions had been given to Paniagua; and Gonçalo Piçarro's An∣swer thereunto.

THESE Letters having at the first consultation been read three or four times in presence of Gonçalo Piçarro, and of Licenciado Cepeda and Francisco de Car∣vajal; Piçarro demanded their opinion thereof: Cepeda desired Carvajal, because he was the oldest man of the company, that he would first speak to the matter in question, and though there were some little Replies between them, each desi∣ring the other to begin first: yet at length Carvajal gave his opinion as followeth: These are, Sir, in reality great offers; Let us not neglect to accept these fair Con∣ditions. What fair Conditions, answered Cepeda. What good or benefit can they bring to us? Why, said Carvajal, they are, Sir, both good and cheap; for they propose a revocation of the late Ordinances which gave us so much cause of discontent, together with a General Pardon for all that is past. And that for other matters a general Assembly shall be held consisting of Members of the several Cities, by whose Votes and Directions, Rules shall be given to order all matters tending to the service of God, to the wellfare of the Countrey and bene∣fit of the Inhabitants and Planters thereof; which is as much as we ever desired or can possibly expect: for by annulling or revoking those new Ordinances, we secure our Indians; our properties in which was the chief cause which moved us to take up Arms, and to adventure our lives in the defence thereof. The Gene∣ral Pardon exempts us from all future Reckonings for what is past, and still we conserve the Government in our own hands; since that all the Laws and Rules which are to be made, are to proceed and to be enacted from and by the respec∣tive Corporations of Cities of which we are principal members. Wherefore up∣on the whole matter my opinion is, that we should accept of these gracious Of∣fers, and in answer thereunto return Ambassadours to the President, signifying our acceptance of the terms proposed: and to engratiate our selves with him, let him be invited to this place, and carried on mens shoulders into the City; let his way hither be paved with Plates of Silver and Ingots of Gold, and treated in the most magnificent manner imaginable, for having been the Messenger of so general a good to us: let us find some farther way to oblige him to deal with us as Friends, and treat in confidence with us: I do not doubt but since he hath begun thus generously to open himself, but that he hath yet a larger Com∣mission, and a power to confer on you the Government of this Empire: but let the matter go how it will, I am of opinion, that he should be brought to this place; and if afterwards his proceedings do not please us, it will remain still in our hands to dispose of him as we shall think fit.

Cepeda was absolutely of another opinion, and opposed all that Carvajal had de∣clared; saying, that these fair promises were words without security; which powerfull men could easily avoid, as they saw occasion. That if the President were once admitted in, he would so draw the hearts of all people to him, as to order and dispose every thing according to his own will and pleasure: that the person who was sent with these Letters, was not one of that plain and simple sort as was pretended; but a man of great subtlety and understanding, and full of In∣trigues and Policies to delude and affect the minds of the People: and in sum his conclusion was, that they ought not to receive the President amongst them; for that his admittance would prove the ruine and destruction of them all. This was in short the opinion of these two Councellours, though the reasons Pro and Con were more large; and though Piçarro did not declare himself at that time ei∣ther one way or other, yet in his own thoughts he inclined more to the opinion

of Cepeda, than to the sense of Carvajal; believing that so soon as he assented thereunto, he immediately devested him of all the power and authority which he had in that Countrey. Cepeda also, blinded with his own ambition and interest, stiffly adhered to his own opinion, well knowing, that in case the President were received, his authority would fail, and that he should lose his Seal, and perhaps his life, for his crimes were of a deep stain; he had once been an Officer and Mi∣nister of the King's; whose Laws and Ordinances he ought to have sustained; and instead thereof he had opposed the execution of them, and born Arms in that Battel where the Vice-king was slain. Howsoever Piçarro not being fully resolved what course to take, summoned a general Assembly of all the principal Inhabitants of the City, of the Captains, Nobility, and of the most knowing per∣sons in those parts, to deliberate upon the Answer which was to be given to the Letters from his Majesty and the President; which being of common concern∣ment would best suit with the general authority and consent of the whole Coun∣trey. The Assembly being met, consisted of eighty persons, amongst whom were many strange and different opinions. Some were delivered with great gravity and prudence, tending to the common good of the Indians and Spaniards, and to the advancement of God's glory and service: others were of a different strain, every one speaking according to his own fancy and talent, and as it is usual where many are there are different imaginations and fancies according to the Proverb, So many men, so many minds: men of the most solid judgments did concur in opinion with Francisco de Carvajal, but ambition and the desire of rule thwarted all to the other side. Howsoever Francisco de Carvajal boldly declared in publick, that the Offers were satisfactory, and ought not to be refused: to which Cepeda presently reply'd, that the Major General was afraid, the like was said by other rash and desperate men; which Carvajal hearing, cryed out aloud; Gentlemen, I am as affectionate a Servant to my Lord the Governour as any man living, and as much desire his prosperity, quiet and increase of honour; and as such I deliver my opinion sincerely and really as I believe to be best and most convenient for him, and from the abundance of my heart and affection I speak it. You may, if you please, follow other Counsels which lead you into misfortunes; for my part, it cannot much concern me, who have already lived many years in the World, and have as long a neck for a halter as any of your Worships. Fernandez Palentino re∣lates something of this opinion of Carvajal in his History, but touches it not in this place, but in another some time after; perhaps he that gave this information gave it to him late and defective, so that he delivered it more fully in another place. Neither Lopez de Gomara nor Augustine de Carate make any mention of this particular, which is very strange, because after the War was ended, all people ge∣nerally applauded the wise and politick counsel of Carvajal, which had undoubted∣ly preserved Gonçalo Piçarro, had he had Grace and wisedom enough to have re∣ceived it.

These Consultations and Debates were publick; but the Cabals of the other side were more private in the Chamber of Paniagua where many People volunta∣rily resorted the very night that he arrived there and every night afterwards du∣ring the time that he resided at Los Reyes; all of them protesting that they were Ser∣vants to the King, and obeyed Gonçalo Piçarro against their inclinations and will; which they would make appear so soon as the President arrived in those parts; for then they would revolt from Piçarro to his party; and in the mean time they intreated him to inroll their names in a List, and offer them to the President, assuring him of their faithfull service, as opportunity should offer. These were the assurances which were secretly given to Paniagua by the most principal Citi∣zens, and by those who were most deeply engaged with Piçarro, and of such who most desperately declared against the President, vowing that they would stab him or poison him, or cause the Ship which should carry him to Peru to founder in the Sea, as Historians write. And this secret intelligence was given in the night, partly to prevent the full declaration of his Commission in favour of Gon∣çalo Piçarro: for we must know that just as Paniagua was about to take his leave of the President, the last and most secret Instruction was given him to be sure to be very reserved, and with much art and industry to discover the inclinations of the People to Gonçalo Piçarro; and that in case he found them all of one piece and unanimously to adhere unto him; that then he should publickly declare, how that the President brought a Commission with him to confirm Gonçalo Piçarro in

the Government of Peru. And the truth is, it was concluded in Spain by his Ma∣jesty's Council just at the departure of the President, that, as the last and ultimate remedy of all, he should have power to confirm Piçarro in the Government: for it was said and concluded, that provided the Countrey were the Emperour's, 'twas no matter, though the Devil governed it.

This secret, (said the President to Paniagua) I entrust to you in as much confi∣dence as it was committed to me, and in all things act as becomes a Gentleman, and as one obliged in duty to serve the King.

After the Countrey was quieted and settled, and the President returned to Spain, Paniagua himself revealed this story, for he remained behind with a good Estate, and a large proportion of Lands and Indians which were given to him. And he confessed, that he was often resolved to have revealed the secret to Piçarro, whilst he remained in a doubtfull condition amidst the various humours and opinions of the Commonalty; and he said, that he often repented that he had not done it.

But to return to our History. Paniagua obtained an answer to his Message; the dispatch unto which was chiefly procured by the interest and favour of Licen∣ciado Carvajal: which was a matter of high importance to him, being in continual fear and danger of his life; for had Piçarro known that he had secretly admitted access to him, and Cabals in the night, he would certainly have been as good as his word in putting him to death, as he threatned him at his first coming to the City. Paniagua, having received his dispatch, departed from Los Reyes in the month of January, 1547. being furnished with money for his Journey, he carried onely a single Letter for the President, of which Augustine Carate takes no notice, but Fernandez Palentino rehearses it in this manner,

Most Honoured and most Reverend Sir,

YOUR Letter dated from Panama of the 26th of September of the year last past, I have received, and return you many thanks, and kiss your hands for the advices you have given me therein, knowing well that they proceed from an affectionate and a sincere heart, agreeable to the quality of your Person, endowed with much learning and conscience. As for my part, I desire you would consider me as a person naturally inclined to the Service of his Majesty, the which you seem to acknowledge without any testimony of my own: And indeed those onely can properly be said to serve his Majesty whose actions and not their words declare their works. Men who serve the King at his charge and cost, may be said to serve him; yet howsoever, they are not to be compared and set in the ballance with them, who, like my Brothers and Relations, and like my self, who have for the space of sixteen years ser∣ved his Majesty in my Person without any charge or expence to the Crown; to which I have gained and acquired greater and better Countries, and a vaster quantity of Gold and Silver than ever any man hath done which was born; and all this at my own charge, without putting his Majesty to the expence so much as of five Shillings towards all my acquisitions and la∣bours. And now at last there remains nothing either to me or to my Brothers but onely the bare and naked reputation of having served his Majesty, in which we have consumed all that we have gained. When Blasco Nunnez first arrived in this Countrey, there were then living of our stock, the Sons of the Marquis, Hernando Piçarro and my self, amongst which there was scarce the value of a crown remaining either in Gold or Silver, notwith∣standing all those immense Sums we had sent to his Majesty; nor had we one Acre of Land amongst us all, notwithstanding that vast tract of Empire we had annexed to the Imperial Crown: and yet notwithstanding all these neglects which have been put upon us, we remain firm and immovable in our Allegiance, to which duty we have no need to be incited from Ar∣guments of his Power, or to be informed of his prowess and puissance of his Arms, unless it be to give us occasion to praise God who hath bestowed such a Prince upon us, who is gratious to his Subjects and so formidable to his Enemies, that as well Christian Princes as Infidels fear and envy his greatness. And though I have not spent so much time in his Majesty's Court as I have done in the Wars for his Service, yet I would have you to know, that I have been as curious to hear and understand the Affairs of his Majesty, especially the successes of the late Wars, as any person whatsoever that is conversant in his Court, who perhaps are not well acquainted with all the occurrences so particularly and truly as I am; for those who come from thence give me informations of what hath past, and some Friends who live upon the place constantly write to me from the Camp, and give me as good intelligence as they are able; for they knowing me to be a man of truth, and delighted with a real and exact ac∣count

of all successes, do endeavour to gratifie my curiosity and affection to his Majesty's in∣terest by faithfull and true informations, which my zeal to the Crown settles and fixes in my memory, &c.

The remainder of this Letter, for brevity sake, we omit, as impertinent and little to our purpose, for it reflects chiefly on the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, and casts the blame of all the mischiefs past on his miscarriages; and to justifie himself he says, that all the Cities of that Empire chose him for their Agent-General; in which capacity he was empowered by Commission from the Judges under the great Seal, to drive out and expell Blasco Nunnez Vela from the limits of that Kingdom; and that he acted nothing all that time but by their Warrant, and by virtue of their commands.

With this Letter Paniagua was dispatched by Sea, where we shall leave him for a while to discourse of other matters which intervened; onely before we con∣clude this Chapter, we must reflect a little on that passage of his Letter wherein he says, that of that vast tract of Empire which he and his Kindred had acquired to the Crown, not one Acre thereof was appropriated to his Family; he means, by inheritance for ever, as the Lords in Spain hold their Lands, which were gran∣ted to them by former Kings in reward of the Services they had done in the Wars against the Moors, helping to subdue and drive them out of the Land: for though Gonçalo Piçarro and Hernando Piçarro were seised of much Land, with command over Indians, yet they held them onely for their lives, as did also the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro whose Estate was onely for Life, and never descended to his Children.

CHAP. VI.

The death of Alonso de Toro. Diego Centeno and the other Captains come out of their Caves and places of re∣tirement, and appear for the service of his Majesty. Gonçalo Piçarro sets all his Ships on fire, and what was the saying of Carvajal thereupon.

FErnandez Paniagua having received his dispatches and departed, Gonçalo Piçarro began to be troubled that he had received no advices or intelligences from Lorenço de Aldana either in relation to his Voyage, or to the Fleet then at Panama, nor of any other matter concerning Pedro de la Gasca; so that he suspected some∣thing amiss, in regard the time did well admit of a return. Wherefore he dispatch∣ed Letters to Captain Pedro de Puelles his Deputy at Quitu, and to Captain Merca∣dillo Governour of the City of St. Michael, to Captain Porcel in Paccamurus, and to Captain Diego de Mora at Truxillo, advising them to be in a readiness in case he should have occasion to call upon them for their assistance, which he believed would be very speedy; but when the Messengers came to those places, they found all the People already possessed with the news of a general Pardon, and of the revocation of the late Ordinances (for the President had taken care to disperse Copies in all parts) upon publication of which there was a general defection in all places from Gonçalo Piçarro: the like Message was also sent to Captain Antonio de Robles, then in the City of Cozco, to prepare and keep his People in a readiness to be employed in any future service which might offer: this Message was sent to Antonio de Robles, because Piçarro was informed, that Diego Gonçales de Vargas (with whom I had acquaintance) had killed Captain Alonso de Toro, who was Governour under him in that City: the truth is, the matter was sudden, and neither contri∣ved by him who killed him, nor suspected by the person who was slain; for Alonso de Toro was Son-in-law to Diego Gonçales, and lodged in the same House to∣gether:

Alonso de Toro was of a proud, cholerick disposition, and very loud in his speech; Diego Gonçales being in the Hall, which was next to his Daughter's Apart∣ment, he heard Alonso de Toro scold and quarrel with his Daughter, who was a ve∣ry good and vertuous Wife, and in his fury coming out into the Hall, he met with his Father-in-law, and fansying that he came to take part with his Daugh∣ter, he presently brusled up to the good old man, who was above sixty five years of age, and with a loud voice gave him base and foul language; but Gonçales de Vargas, rather with intention to defend himself than with design to hurt his Son-in-law, laid hold on an old Dagger which hung by a string at his side, and drew it in his own defence, with which Alonso de Toro being more provoked, came up so close to the old Man that he received a wound from the Dagger, which when De Vargas perceived, and considered that there was now no other way, he gave him three or four stabbs more in the Belly, and then fled, fearing lest de Toro should by his strength wrest the Dagger from him, and kill him with it; but he had strength onely to pursue him about fifty paces to the foot of the Stairs, where he fell down and died. This was the fate of poor Alonso de Toro, which his own fury and cho∣lerick disposition had brought upon him, his Father-in-law being forced there∣unto merely to save and defend himself.

Diego Gonçales was afterwards tried for the fact, and acquitted, and I knew him several years after; he had a Son named Diego de Vargas, who went to School with me whilst we learned to reade and write, and were afterwards in our Latin: we were also neighbours, and lived next door but one to them when this unfortu∣nate mischief happened. After the death of Alonso de Toro the Corporation of the City made choice of Alonso de Hinojosa to be Governour and Captain thereof un∣der Gonçalo Piçarro; but he was soon superseded by Antonio de Robles, who received a Commission for the place from Piçarro: by which though Hinojosa esteemed himself much disobliged, yet he dissembled his pleasure untill a fair opportunity offered to make known his resentments, as will appear more plainly hereafter.

The Letters and Advices also of the arrival of the President were carried to Arequepa, and to the City of Plate, and flew over all Collao, where many of those people were concealed who had been dispersed by Francisco de Carvajal when he pursued Diego Centeno. This news caused great fermentation in the minds of the People, and particularly an inhabitant of Arequepa called Diego Alvarez, being then near the Sea-coast with nine or ten Companions, made himself Captain of them, and taking Colours of a Linen Cloth, they went in search of Diego Centeno, who had by this time quitted his Cave, and gotten together about five men, who una∣nimously chose Centeno for General of the new Enterprise. At first they consulted whether it would be most advantageous for them to march to the City of Arequepa or to Cozco, where they knew that Antonio de Robles resided with three hundred men well fitted and appointed; but as yet they knew not what to resolve upon, for it seemed a hazardous matter to attack a body of men with so much disadvantage of numbers; but afterwards, considering that they carried with them the specious colour of the King's Authority, and the powerfull name of Loyalty, they resolved on the question, and to march directly to Cozco. But let us leave them here on their Journey to relate other actions and successes which were carried on and pas∣sed in divers parts, and at the same time in those Countries, which were so many and various, that I seem to be entred into a Labyrinth, from whence I shall en∣deavour to extricate my self in the best manner I am able, hoping for the Reader's pardon and acceptance, in case I fall short in the relation where such great variety of affairs hath happened.

We have mentioned before, how that Lorenço de Aldana, Hernan Mexia de Guz∣man, John Alonso Palomino, and John de Yllanes were, by order of the President, sent by Sea to Peru; these by the way came to Tumpiz, where Bartolmeo de Villalobos was Governour under Gonçalo Piçarro, who observing that their four Ships had re∣mained four days before the Port and had not entred, he suspected that they had changed their Copy, and were revolted to the other Party; upon which suppositi∣on; without other grounds, he dispatched a Messenger to Piçarro with this informa∣tion. The news was first carried to Captain Diego de Mora, who was then in Truxillo, above a hundred leagues distance from Tumpiz, who was from thence to forward it with all expedition to Gonçalo Piçarro. Diego de Mora, upon receipt of this Advice, dispeeded the Messenger to Los Reyes, but he himself remained doubt∣full which side to take, whether he should adhere to Piçarro, or revolt from him:

but whilst he was thus considering within himself, the news came that the new Ordinances were repealed, and a general Pardon granted by his Majesty for all Treasons and Crimes which were past: wherefore, remaining no longer in su∣spense, he packed up all his Houshold-stuff, took what Gold and Silver he had, and therewith embarked his Wife and Family on a Ship, and with ••orty of his Souldiers (of which some were Inhabitants of Truxillo) he sailed to Panama: the news of these four Ships being come to Los Reyes, though the particulars thereof were confused and obscure, it being not known who or what they were, yet it served to put the People into a great consternation, and caused every one to pre∣pare for a War. At the same time news coming of the revolt of Diego de Mora, his place was immediately supplied by a Commission given to Licenciado Leon, and he sent by Sea to Truxillo: but meeting a few days after with Lorenço de Aldana, and his Associates in his way, he turned to their side; the like also did Diego de Mora, and all of them returned together to the Port of Truxillo, where Diego de Mora landed with his forty men, to recover them of the sickness into which they were fallen at Sea; but he marched farther into the Countrey, as far as Cassamarca, publishing in all places, how that the late Ordinances were repealed, and a gene∣ral Pardon given for all Treasons and Crimes already committed: upon this news all people generally came in and offered themselves for his Majesty's Service, amongst which were John de Saavedra, a Native of Sevil, Gomez de Alvarado, John Porcel, to whom Piçarro had lately wrote, advising him to prepare matters in a readiness for War. In short, all the people of those places and Provinces coming in they formed a Body of about three hundred men, under the command of Diego de Mora, and declared for the Emperour: of which Bartolmco de Villalobos then quartering at Tumbiz receiving intelligence, he gathered what Forces he could and marched into the inland Countries, intending by way of the Desart to pass over to Gonçalo Piçarro: but his men gave a stop to his Journey, persuading him to change his way and his intention, and return to Piura, and keep that Town for the Emperour, as he had done before for Gonçalo Piçarro, to which he assented, though much against his will. The like happened in Puerto Viejo, which Francisco de Olmos held for Piçarro; who, upon news of the many revolts, and of people turning to the service of the Emperour, went with some persons, in whom he much confided, unto Huayllqui, which was a place governed by Manuel Estacio with Commission from Piçarro; and there, without farther ceremony, taking him by the hand, he stabbed him to the heart with his Dagger, and immediately set up his Majesty's Standard. And thus, with the news onely of a general Pardon, and revocation of the late Ordinances, without other persuasions or forces, the hearts and inclinations of all the Captains, chief Commanders and People were turned and reduced to the service of his Majesty.

Of all which Gonçalo Piçarro and his Party were not ignorant; for they recei∣ved intelligence daily how matters succeeded, at which they were much troubled, and with great reason; for seeing how people daily fell from their Party, they feared that many others would follow the same example: whereupon they entred into frequent consultations, but with such confusion and disorder that nothing was concluded; onely it was agreed to burn the five Ships then in Port, together with all the Boats and Vessels which were there. This Counsel was said to be given by Licenciado Cepeda, and Licençiado Benito de Carvajal, men who were bet∣ter Lawyers than Souldiers, and better skilled in Books than in the Politicks; for they believed that the Ships and Vessels then in Port would give people op∣portunity to escape and turn to the Enemy, and for want thereof they would be forced, though against their wills, to side with their Party.

The burning of the Ships was ordered during the absence of Carvajal, who was gone for a weeks time about twenty leagues from Los Reyes, to direct some important affairs then in hand; but when Carvajal returned, and heard of the bur∣ning of those Ships, he grievously lamented the issue of that fatal Counsel, and amongst other things he said to Gonçalo Piçarro, Sir, You have ordered five Guardian-Angels, appointed for the defence of the Coast of Peru and destruction of your Enemies, to be consumed with fire; had you reserved but one for me, I should therewith have given you such an account of my actions as should have surpassed all my former services, and have gi∣ven the world cause to envy my great successes: for with some Musketiers which I would have put aboard, I would have undertaken to engage all the Fleet of the Enemy; for ac∣cording to the intelligence we have from Panama, all the people they bring from thence, as

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also those who come into them from the Coast, are all weak, and sickly, and ill armed, and their powder is moist and wet, and of little strength; for which reason one of your Ships is worth four of theirs. But the two Lawyers, who were no Friends to Carvajal, whispered to Gonçalo Piçarro that they much suspected Carvajal, and feared, that the trouble and concernment he shewed for burning the Ships, was because he thereby lost his means to escape and fly to the Enemy. But hereafter we shall see the advice of Carvajal verified by experience, and how much the Lawyers were mistaken in their measures.

CHAP. VII.

The President departs from Panama, and goes to Tumpiz, as also Lorenço de Aldana to the Valley de Santa, from whence he sends Spyes against Gonçalo Piçarro; who names Captains, pays all his Souldiers, and frames a Pro∣cess against the President.

PEdro de la Gasca, President for his Majesty, having dispatched Lorenço de Alda∣na and his Companions upon the four Ships which were bound for Peru, he applied himself wholly to raise Men and Horse, and to get what Arms and Pro∣visions the adjacent Countries did afford him, that therewith he might follow and second the Forces which were gone before him. Amongst those which came to his assistence, was a very famous Souldier called, Pedro Bernardo de Quitos, born at Anduxar, who some years past came into the Indies, and had served his Majesty in the Isles of Barlovento, Cartagena and the Continent, in quality onely of an En∣sign; in which station he still contented himself, because no better preferment did offer at that time, in which capacity he acquitted himself well during all the Wars with Gonçalo Piçarro; and afterwards served with title of Captain in the Wars of Don Sebastian de Castilla, and of Francisco Hernandez Giron, so that he well deserved to have been rewarded with Lands, and an Indian Plantation, which in the City of Cozco was called Cacha, together with a provision to maintain Lan∣ces for defence of that Kingdom. Several Gentlemen and Noble Souldiers, and the best Nobility of that Maritime Coast, put themselves under the command of this worthy Officer for service of his Majesty to the number of five hundred per∣sons; which when the President had seen, and accounted his Forces in other parts, he believed that he should have no farther need of any relief or recruits from Mexico, as he formerly desired; of which he gave notice to the Vice-king Don Antonio de Mendoça, and the other Governours, with informations of whatsoever had hitherto past. Having sent these advices, and left necessary instructions for securing the Government of Panama and Nombre de Dios, he dispatched a full rela∣tion of all that passed untill that time unto his Majesty, and in what manner he had acted for his service, and then set Sail for Peru with all his Fleet; and though when he first set out he met some storms and bad weather within the Bays and Gulfs between Lands, yet they gave him no stop in prosecution of his Voyage, in which on his way he happily encountred with Fernandez Paniagua, who brought an answer from Gonçalo Piçarro. Their joy was very great at meeting, and increa∣sed, especially when he understood the good will and affection which the people then actually with Piçarro expressed towards his Majesty's service, which they promised to manifest so soon as occasion offered: and so much was the President transported with the news, that he refused to reade Piçarro's Letters lest he should make some Propositions which he would not gladly hear; and therefore without reading he burnt them, and continued his Voyage with a favourable gale untill he came to Tumpiz; where we will leave him for a while, to see what Lorenço de Aldana was doing, who was gone with his four Ships to the City of Los Reyes, and to relate the great trouble Piçarro conceived at the news of this revolt.

Lorenço de Aldana, proceeding on his Voyage, loosed from Truxillo and sailed along the Coast, and, having some sick people aboard, he came for refreshment to the River called de Santa, where they took in fresh water, from whence he sent a certain Friar of the Merceds, called Friar Pedro de Ulloa, to carry to Piçarro the news of his arrival in those parts, and with this occasion to advise all persons whom he knew to be well affected, to escape out of the City of Los Reyes upon any Boats or Vessels they could get, promising that, with the Pinnaces and Skiffs belonging to the Ships, he would gather and take them up, and bring them aboard their Ships. So soon as Piçarro heard that this Friar was come, he presently cau∣sed him to be brought to him without permission to discourse with any person either in publick or private: and upon the news of the revolt of his Fleet, he highly inveighed against Lorenço de Aldana, accusing him of falsity, and betraying his Countrey, and of ingratitude for the friendship he had ever shewed him; bla∣ming himself very much for not having followed the counsel and persuasions of his Officers, who long since would have had him hanged, and punished for his de∣merit as justice required.

But matters could not be carried so secretly, but that the revolt of the Fleet under command of Lorenço de Aldana unto the President was published and talked of over all the Town; so that Piçarro being forced to own it, he presently proclai∣med a War, and beat up Drums for listing Souldiers; Captains also were named and appointed, and pay advanced to every private Souldier; and some Souldiers of note received a thousand or two thousand pieces of Eight upon advance accor∣ding to their quality and deserts. A general Rendezvous was appointed, to which place Piçarro marched on foot as General of the Infantry, which (as Carate, in the eleventh Chapter of his sixth Book, says) consisted of a thousand men, all as well armed and clothed as any Companies in Italy in the times of peace; for, besides their armour, every man had good Shoes and Stockins, and a Silk Doublet; and some of Cloth of Gold or Silver, or embroideries upon their Cloaks, with Hats turned up with Gold Buckles; and the Stocks of their Guns plated and embossed with Gold. The Captains of Horse were Licenciado Cepeda, and Licenciado de Car∣vajal, being great confidents and highly in favour. The Captains which comman∣ded the Harquebusiers were John de Acosta, John Velez de Guevara and John de la Torre. The Captains of the Pikes were Hernando Bachicao, Martin de Almendras and Mar∣tin de Robles: but the Lieutenant-General of all was Francisco de Carvajal, who kept his former station, and commanded his own Company of Harquebusiers which had always followed him. The Standard was carried by Antonio Altamirano, and guarded by eighty Horse. Some Captains in their Colours made a Cypher with the name of Gonçalo Piçarro, that is with the G. and P. with a Crown over it; another Captain brought that Cypher into the form of a Heart; all their Ensigns and Colours were made new of divers colours, and a new fashion came up by di∣rection of Carvajal (which I have not observed in any other Army) for every Souldier to tye a knot of Ribbon of the colour of the Ensign of that Company to which he belonged within the plume of Feathers which he wore in his Hat, and such as had no Feathers wore them in a bunch on their Hats, by which every man was distinguished and known unto what Company he belonged; onely Carvajal thought not fit to make new Colours, but told his Souldiers that the old one was their honour, under which having had great successes, they might still hope to be fortunate and add new Victories to their ancient Glories. And now Piçarro shewed himself open-handed to his Souldiers, giving them large pay, and money upon advance; to some Captains he gave forty, to some fifty or sixty thousand pieces of Eight for their Souldiers, according to their numbers, or as they were Horse or Foot, which consequently required more expence. He also bought all the Horses, Mares and Mules he could find, to mount his people, for which he paid with ready money: but for some (as a certain Authour says) he did not pay, the reason for which was this: Several Merchants of the City of Los Reyes listed themselves for Souldiers, not to shew themselves Cowards or disaffected, but af∣ter some days march, growing weary, they procured a discharge by surrender of their Horse and Arms, and those who had neither, gave money by way of com∣pensation: for Gonçalo Piçarro and his Officers thought not fit to constrain any man against his will, knowing that prest men never made good Souldiers.

In this manner was the Army fitted and prepared with Weapons of War; and now to strengthen the good Cause with Reasons and Arguments to please Piçarro,

Licenciado Cepeda carried with him a whole Library of Law-books, out of which, with the help of certain Lawyers who lived in those parts, he drew up an En∣dictment of High Treason against the President Gasca, and against Pedro de Hinojosa and all the other Captains, for having betrayed the Fleet into the hands of the President. And to make the business more formal, Witnesses were examined, and the treachery and robbery made by the Captains proved upon Oath, and that Gasca had accepted of the Ships, and appropriated them to his own use, which cost Piçarro about a hundred thousand pieces of Eight: upon this Process Sentence of Death was passed upon them all to be hanged, drawn and quartered. Cepeda was the first who signed the Sentence, and desired Gonçalo Piçarro and all his Offi∣cers to subscribe it in like manner; but when Cepeda came to Francisco Carvajal for his hand, telling him that his firm was of great consequence, Carvajal smiled and made a jest of the Sentence. I warrant you, said he, so soon as this Writing is signed by this learned Council in the Law, execution will immediately follow thereupon, and the condemned persons dye upon the spot. No, Sir, said Cepeda, but it is good to have them sentenced by course of Law, that when we take them execution may presently follow without delay or loss of time. At which answer Carvajal laughed aloud; As I am a Souldier, said he, I thought that so soon as I had signed the Sentence, some certain blow of Thunder-bolt would have knocked them all dead on a sudden; but if it be not so, for my part I would not give a farthing for all your Sentence nor Subscriptions; for had I them but here, without such formalities, I would find a way to execute your Sentence with more expedi∣tion; to which he added many other pleasant Sayings to shew the impertinence of such a Sentence.

Licençiado Polo (of whom we have formerly made mention) was present at this Assembly, where he gave some reasons against the Sentence: the first was, Be∣cause Gasca was a Priest, and in Holy Orders, and therefore no Sentence of Death could be passed upon him in that nature, under pein of excommunication: ano∣ther reason was, that this Sentence ought not to be precipitated in such manner, because it might probably be hoped, that some of those Captains, who for fear of Hinojosa had betrayed their Ships to Gasca, might yet repent of this action, and return again to their duty; whereas on the contrary, they will become desperate if the door be shut, and they excluded from Pardon by a Sentence. Upon these reasons a stop was given to the Decree, and the Writing signed by none but Cepeda.

CHAP. VIII.

Gonçalo Piçarro sends John de Acosta against Lorenço de Aldana. Spyes are sent from both sides. The death of Pedro de Puelles.

WHilst matters were thus in consultation, and the Lawyers busied in draw∣ing up their ridiculous and impertinent Process, Gonçalo Piçarro received Advice, that the four Ships under the command of Lorenço de Aldana, and the other Captains were making their way towards the City of Los Reyes, that they had already been at Truxillo, and were sailing along the Coast: whereupon he de∣tached fifty Horsemen armed with Carbihes, under the command of Captain John de Acosta, to march to the Sea-shore, and hinder them from taking Wood, or Water, or landing in any of the Ports. John de Acosta proceeded as far as Truxillo, but durst not stay above one day there, for fear of Diego de Mora, who was then in Cassamarca; wherefore he returned again to the Sea-coast, and lay in wait ex∣pecting to take some of Aldana's men in case any of them should adventure to come ashore. Aldana on the other side had Spyes abroad who gave him notice of all the motions of John de Acosta; upon knowledge of which he laid an ambush of a hundred Musketiers in a certain Wood through which Acosta was to pass: but he receiving intelligence thereof turned another way, and fell upon a party of those

which Aldana had employed to fill water and cut wood, of which he killed three or four, and took as many Prisoners, besides fourteen or fifteen of them who of their own accord revolted to his party, and gave notice and caution of the Am∣bush. And though the Forces of Aldana were much more in number, yet they durst not adventure to rescue the Prisoners, for they were all Foot, and the Ene∣my Horse, and their Powder not half so good, nor their Guns so well fixed, and the Countrey a deep and dead Sand. Acosta sent the persons which were taken to Piçarro, who received them very kindly, and furnished them with Arms, Horses and Money: they acquainted him with the ill condition of the Fleet, how ill they were provided with men and victuals; and most of their people being sick and diseased were put ashoar, and some were dead and thrown into the Sea; those that remained aboard were sickly and ill provided, and wanted both Arms and Ammunition; that they had received no late News of the President; nor did they know where he was, nor when he would come, nor did they expect him for this whole year. And though this was great good News to him, yet when he considered the weakness of the four Ships, then he began to be sensible of the evil Counsel which some of his Confidents had given him, to burn his own five Ships, and how much Francisco Carvajal was in the right, when he con∣demned that counsel, and said, one of these five Ships was able to fight with all the other four which Aldana commanded. After this Acosta sailed to the Port of Huaura, where Palentino saith there is excellent good Salt, and in such abun∣dance as is sufficient to supply all Italy France and Spain.

Gonçalo Piçarro having received intelligence of what Acosta had performed at Los Reyes, and what Diego de Mora had done at Truxillo, he resolved to send Licen∣ciado Carvajal with three hundred men under his command to hinder Acosta from landing his men, or taking water or cutting wood, and likewise to keep Diego de Mora in some awe, and act other matters as occasion should serve. Licenciado Carvajal having accordingly provided all things necessary for his march, the Lieu∣tenant General Carvajal gave a stop to his proceedings, condemning the Counsell as not good, for he was persuaded within himself that he would revolt with all his men to the other party: that which hath fixed him, said he, so long with us was nothing but a desire to revenge the murther of his brother the Agent: and now since that is over, and the late Ordinances repealed, and a general Pardon given for all Crimes past, there is no doubt, but he will pass over to the King's party, with whom all his Kindred and Relations are engaged, and are men of quality, and emi∣nent in their Offices; nor can he forget, how without any fault, the halter was about his neck, and the sentence ready to be executed. John de Acosta was of the same mind, and earnestly persuaded Piçarro not to send him; upon which the design was altered, and Acosta was sent in his place with the three hundred men formerly ordered for Licenciado Carvajal: but when Acosta was on his march, he observed a kind of backwardness in some of his Souldiers, and an inclination to revolt unto the other party: the which was verified by the flight of twelve Soul∣diers, men of note and great reputation. And some of his friends assured him (whether true or false it is not certain) that several others had the same intention, and that the chief Leader of them was Lorenço Mexia de Figueroa, the Conde de Gomera's Son-in-law; on which information, without farther proof or testimony he put him to death: This Gentleman was married to Donna Leonor de Bobadilla, the Widow of Nunno Jovar, who was Lieutenant General to Governour Hernando de Soto, in that enterprize which was designed for the Conquest of Florida, as we have at large related in that History: he left one Son and a Daughter called Ma∣ria Sarmiento, who was married in Cozco to Alonso de Loaysa an Inhabitant of that City: the very night that they were married, happened the insurrection of Fran∣cisco Hernandez Giron, as we shall relate, God willing, in its due place. The Son was called Gonçalo Mexia de Figueroa, a very hopefull youth, he went with me to the Grammar School, but he died very young, to the grief of all those who were acquainted with him. But let us leave Acosta upon his march, and the others upon the coast, to relate the disaster which befell Pedro de Puelles in Quitu: for he, having received advice that the late Ordinances were repealed, and a ge∣neral Pardon given for all Crimes and Treasons already past, he resolved to accept the benefit of that gratious Proclamation, and return to his allegiance and duty towards his Majesty, and thereby renounce Piçarro and his Cause, for whom and for which he had zealously engaged himself in former times.

To compass the Plot intended, Pedro de Puelles made a solemn invitation to all his Souldiers and Captains; and then amidst the entertainment, he resolved to propose what was fit in order to his Majesty's service, and for a motive thereunto he designed to make known to them that a general Pardon was granted, and the late Ordinances repealed. Pedro de Puelles had in private communicated this his intention to a certain Souldier of note, called Diego de Urbina, who also entrusted the secret to one Rodrigo de Salaçar, a fellow as crooked in his conditions as in his body: this Rodrigo, esteeming the matter easie and already well prepared to take effect, resolved, that Pedro de Puelles should not have the honour to himself, but that his Majesty and the President should own the signal service of reducing three hundred men to their allegiance solely to his management and valour. This pur∣pose of his he made known to four of his friends, whose surnames were Bastida, Firado, Hermosilla and Morillo, which were the names by which they were known: giving them to understand what the intent of Pedro de Puelles was, and therefore to wrest so signal a service out of his hands, and appropriate it to their own merit, he proposed to kill Pedro de Puelles: to which they all assented and agreed, as they accordingly did, and went next morning, being Sonday, all five together to the house of Pedro de Puelles, and sent him up word, that Captain Salazar was come to make him a visit, and to attend him to Church to hear Mass. Pedro de Puelles took the visit kindly from them, and desired them to walk up into his chamber, for he was not as yet out of bed. It is reported that four of them entred in, and that Rodrigo de Salazar remained at the door, to see first how matters succeeded, though some say he did goe in; but I have heard the story related often in the manner before mentioned. These four Villains killed Pedro de Puelles with their Swords and Daggers, and then with Rodrigo de Salazar they ran out into the Mar∣ket-place and declared for the King, to which all the City inclined and concurred with the greatest cheerfulness in the World.

CHAP. IX.

A Challenge is sent to Salazar to fight a Duell, on occasion of the Murther of Pedro de Puelles. Diego de Cen∣teno fights with Pedro Maldonado, and enters into Cozco.

ROdrigo de Salazar and his Complices, having performed this Exploit, went with all expedition to join with the President Gasca, and happily met him in the Valley of Sausa: where he received them with all the kindness imagi∣nable, and praised them highly for their Loyalty and Demonstrations of Alle∣giance to his Majesty, which he took notice of, and should be rewarded in its due season: but Diego de Urbina, who was a friend to Pedro de Puelles, considered that the Discovery he had made of his Friend's secret was the cause of his unhap∣py fate, and that Rodrigo de Salazar enjoyed all that honour and applause which was justly due to his dead Friend: wherefore being sensibly touched in consci∣ence for the fact, he published in all places the truth of the whole matter, and of the loyal intentions of Pedro de Puelles, as before related. He also threw all the infamy he could heap up against this Salazar: he declared that he was a false, treacherous person, that he had betrayed the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, and revolted to Piçarro, and had followed and sided with him in all his actions: that he was acquainted and informed of the loyal intentions of Pedro de Puelles; and that to gain the glory thereof to himself, he had perpetrated that bloudy Mur∣ther: the like he had done by Almagro the younger, whose Servant he was, and yet he betrayed and delivered him up. And with such faithless practices as these, he had ever lived, and to the shame of the world was well esteemed, as the Proverb says, Who is prosperous and overcomes, is always commended. Wherefore upon the whole matter Diego de Urbina publickly declared, that he challenged him to a single

duell in the field; where he would make him confess with his own mouth, and acknowledge that all which he had said was true.

Rodrigo de Salazar, who trusted more to his own subtilties and craft, than to his Sword, chose rather to confess all which Diego de Urbina required of him to be true, than to enter the Lists with a person so much renowned for his valour and expe∣rience in Arms, as was Urbina. And therefore after such confession made, he added, that in regard Pedro de Puelles had elapsed the day appointed for such de∣claration, as before mentioned, he suspected that he had repented of the design, and therefore killed him, knowing that delays of that kind are commonly dange∣rous: upon which confession approved by the President to be satisfactory; Diego de Urbina, and his Companions, who were men of note, and engaged with him in the quarrel, accepted of the confession, and put an end to any farther dispute thereupon: though some were of opinion, that the reasons were of some small moment, and not valid enough to put up such a challenge: but as the Proverb says, Dead men and absent have but few friends.

But to return now to Captain Diego Centeno, whom we left on his march to Coz∣co, with resolution to engage Captain Antonio de Robles, who with a good force kept that City for Gonçalo Piçarro: and though it might seem a very rash action to attack three hundred men well disciplined and armed with fourty eight men onely, and those ill provided with Arms and Ammunition, and lately come out from their Caves and Mountains to which they were driven by Francisco de Car∣vajal. Howsoever he was encouraged to proceed upon the advice he received how that Alonso de Hinojosa being offended with Gonçalo Piçarro for having advan∣ced Antonio de Robles before him in the command of Cozco, had wrote to the principal Inhabitants of that City, to return to their duty and to his Majesty's ser∣vice: to which most of them assenting wrote Letters to Diego Centeno to prosecute his journey towards them with all diligence, promising to join with him, and afford him all the assistence they could at his arrival. So soon as Antonio de Robles received News that the Enemy was near at hand, he consulted with his Captains in what manner they should oppose him: and in the mean time he ordered Francisco de Aguitre, a person in whom he much confided, to scout abroad, and ride untill he met with Diego Centeno, as he did about six Leagues distant from the City, where he informed him of the intention of Antonio de Robles to oppose his entrance into the City, and in what manner he designed to order and draw up his own men: upon which intelligence Diego Centeno and the Commanders then with him, the chief of which were Pedro Ortiz de Carate, Francisco Negral, Luys de Ribera, Diego Alvarez, Alonso Perez de Esquivel, agreed at a Council of War to make their attempt in the night, which would be more terrible to the Town, and give a better advantage to those who were well affected to pass over to their side.

They also used this ingenious strategem of War; they took off the Bridles from their Mules and Beasts of burthen, and tied lighted matches upon the pomels of the Sadles, and ordered the Indians who attended them to lead them to such a place, and then whip them in such a manner, as that they might come running into the Town; the way by which they were to enter was by the Street of the Sun, which, as we have mentioned in the description of the City, leads direct∣ly to the Market-place: the Indians followed the Orders which were given them, and in the mean time Diego Centeno and his Souldiers entred by another Street to the West side, which comes out at a corner of the Market-place. Antonio de Robles being thus alarmed about the beginning of the night, drew up his three hundred men into a body in the Market-place, and faced towards the Street of the Sun, knowing that there was no other way for them to enter the Town but that, unless they took a great compass to come about. The Indian servants did their parts, and made a great noise and out-cry with their Horses and Mules, as if they had with them a multitude of People, and broke in upon the Squadron of Antonio de Ro∣bles, before he or his Souldiers knew against whom they were engaged; and when they found them to be Horses and Mules onely without Riders, they were more astonished and troubled than before. At the same instant Diego Centeno and his men appeared at the corner of the Market-place and charged the Enemy on the right-wing, with loud shouts and crys, firing those few Muskets which were a∣mongst them. At that time there was a certain person called Pedro, Maldonado, who was lodged in the House of Hernando Piçarro, which is now turned into the Jesu∣its

College, he was a person of a quiet and mild disposition, he was no Soul∣dier, nor pretended to the War, and was then repeating his Office of our Lady, to whom he was entirely devoted; but he being alarm'd with this noise, clapt up his Breviary into his bosom, and laying hold of a rusty Sword and a Halbert, which came next to hand, he ran into the Market-place, and the first person he met with happened to be Diego Centeno, and not knowing with whom he engaged, without farther ceremony, he took him over the left hand with a good blow, and with the next he thrust him into the thigh with the point of his Halbert, which did not pass through, because there was a cross bar to that weapon in form of a Flower-de-luce; and endeavouring to disengage his Halbert, and pull it out, that so he might give him another thrust, the barbes were fastned to his breeches of Vel∣vet, so that pulling at them, Centeno fell to the ground: at which time a Page of his, who is grown up to be a man (whose name I have forgot) came in to the assistence of his Master, and shot Maldonado with a Carbine, with which he fell soon; but rising again to fight with Centeno, more Company came in, and seised on Maldonado, and disarmed him, and then pursued their Victory, which was ea∣sily gained; for by this time most of the Enemy's party had declared for the King, and the rest had conveyed themselves away. In all which Engagement nothing happened so remarkable as the Combat between Pedro Maldonado and Diego Centeno, with both whom, I was acquainted, nor was there one drop of bloud shed, but onely that of Centeno.

CHAP. X.

A strange Accident which happened upon this Combat of Pedro Maldonado. The death of Antonio de Ro∣bles. Diego Centeno is chosen Commander in chief. Lucas Martin is reduced to his Majesty's service. An Agreement is made between Alonso de Mendoça and Diego Centeno.

PEdro Maldenado was one of the fattest and most corpulent men that ever I have seen: and though the shot which was given him knocked him to the ground, yet he received no wound; for the bullet happened to strike on the Breviary which was in his bosom; and so by the miraculous Providence of the B. Virgin (to whom he was zealously devoted) his life was preserved. I my self saw the Bre∣viary some years after; for happening to be on a Saturday at Mass with Pedro de Maldonado, for on that day in the Church of Merceds, they always sing Mass to the Mother of God; I desired him to let me see that Office or Breviary which is now called the Office of Miracle, for I told him, that I was very desirous and cu∣rious to say, I had seen it: he was pleased to comply with my request, and I opened the Book, and found that the Bullet had passed the cover, and entered the first thirty or fourty pages, and some twelve or fifteen leaves farther it had rumpled up together, and had impressed the bigness and form of the Bullet, as far as to that leaf where the Mass of our Lady begins; and which in those days they bound up with our Lady's Office and with other Offices of Devotion, as the Booksellers pleased; for then there was not that care taken of Books as hath been since that time ordered by the Council of Trent; for then the Breviaries were of that size as the Prayers are now for daily Devotions.

That night there was no other encounter than this which happened between Maldonado and Centeno, though some Authours make a long relation of men kil∣led and wounded; but certainly it was not true, of which I have as much cer∣tainty

as a man can have that was not an eye-witness; for six days after this mat∣ter happened, I came to the City with my Uncle John de Vargas and with Captain Rodrigo de Pantoja, and with about nine Spaniards more, who came from a Planta∣tion about thirty Leagues distant from Cozco, as did also all my family, who fled from Piçarro's party, and came for refuge to that City, with intent to be listed in his Majesty's service: but I and my brother followed them, and the next day af∣ter I came thither I was brought to kiss Diego Centeno's hands; and I remember his left-hand was bound up in a piece of black Taffety, and though he was wounded in the Thigh, yet he seemed not very lame with it; for, I observed, he was standing upon his Legs: he was lodged in the House of Fernando Bachicao, which now belongs to Don Lewis Palomino: All which happened some few days after the Feast of the most Holy Sacrament, in the year 1547. And we have fi∣nished the History hereof about the same month, in the year 1605. and do con∣firm the truth thereof, which I saw with my own eyes.

All the Fight was friendly, and rather in words than actions, for had they been in earnest, as Historians say, fourty eight men so ill armed as these were, whose chief Arms were onely Daggers fastned to the end of Staves, would have had a difficult task, to have engaged against three hundred men all well armed and disciplined, as those were under the command of Antonio de Robles.

Captain Antonio de Robles, being thus defeated and abandoned by his Souldiers, fled for Sanctuary into the Convent of Saint Francis, which in those days was on the East side of the City, and not where it now is: from whence Diego Centeno sent the next day to bring de Robles to him, not with design to kill him, for he was a person of a gentle temper, and not bloudy, but to persuade him to serve his Majesty. But Antonio de Robles (as Carate reports of him) was a Youth, and of no great understanding, and behaved himself as if he had been still Commander in Chief of the City, uttering many insolent Sayings in favour of Piçarro's Party, and reflecting with some disgracefull terms on the service of his Majesty: at which Diego Centeno being greatly offended, sent to take off his Head; and though he was sufficiently provoked to have hanged him, (as it was generally believed he would) yet being a Gentlemen, he was sentenced to a more honourable death.

Those who were well affected to Piçarro's Party, conveyed themselves away in the night, and with great expedition travelled to Rimac, where they brought the first news to Piçarro of the loss of Antonio de Robles and his men at Cozco: which though ill news, and deeply resented by Piçarro, yet he covered and dissembled his trouble for a time, and gave out his Orders and Commands in such manner as we shall declare hereafter: but so soon as the news of the Victory which Diego Centeno had gained had spread it self in the Countries, all those people who were absconded, and had hid themselves in parts about forty or fifty leagues round, re∣turned to Cozco in great numbers, amongst which were divers persons of quality, and Souldiers of honour and fame, who, joyning with those in Cozco, formed a Body of five hundred men, who with common consent freely chose Diego Centeno to be their Commander in Chief; who accordingly gave out Commissions both for Horse and Foot to several Captains, whose names we shall mention when we come to relate the Battel of Huarina.

So soon as General Centeno had reformed his Forces, he returned to Collao with design to fall upon Alonço de Mendoça (who was appointed Governour of the Ci∣ty of Plate by Gonçalo Piçarro) and to reduce him to obedience of his Majesty ei∣ther by fair or foul means.

The news of Centeno's success at Cozco reached to the City of Arequepa in a very short time, where a certain Captain resided, called Lucas Martin Vegasso an inhabi∣tant of that City, and sent thither by Gonçalo Piçarro after the Battel of Quitu for Governour of the place. This Captain having not as yet received intelligence of what had passed at Cozco, resolved to bring an hundred and thirty men with him to Piçarro to serve him in his Camp; but being on his march some few leagues from the City, his own men who went unwillingly upon that service, desired him to turn to the King's Party, but he shewing an aversion thereunto they seised upon him, and kept him prisoner, that he should not fly from them, nor leave them.

So soon as they were returned to Arequepa they received news of all that Diego Centeno had done, and being all Friends and intimately acquainted, they persuaded Lucas Martin to change his mind and Party, and to serve his Majesty, and to doe

that willingly to which he would be compelled by force; and that then they would restore him to his command as formerly, and esteem him for their Captain, and would write word to Diego Centeno that they had all devoted themselves to his Majesty's service. At length Lucas Martin complied, but by compulsion and not with a good will, as he afterwards acknowledged.

In Arequepa the Souldiers found thirty or forty thousand pieces of Eight, which Lucas Martin was sending to Piçarro, which they took and divided amongst them∣selves, and then marched to Diego Centeno, who gave them a very kind reception, and thanked them for the service and duty they had shewn to his Majesty; and afterwards they all marched in a Body to the Charcas in pursuit of Alonço de Mon∣doça, who was newly gone out of that Province with three hundred men to joyn with Gonçalo Piçarro.

When both Parties were come near to each other, General Centeno being desi∣rous not to put matters to the extremity of a Battel, wrote a Letter to him, per∣suading him to put up and forget all the ancient grudges and enmities which had happened in the time of Alonso de Toro and Francisco de Carvajal, and that he should now espouse his Majesty's cause, and abandon the interest of Piçarro, who had re∣nounced all allegiance to his Majesty, and that he could not longer continue in such a state of Rebellion without incurring the infamous name of a Traitour to his natural King. One of the Prebendaries of the Cathedral Church of Cozco was dispatched upon this Message; he was a School-master, but Pedro Gonçales de Ca∣rate had taken him from thence to be an instrument of this happy agreement; for indeed he was a man of authority and prudence, and one fit for any employ∣ment.

In the mean time, whilst this School-master was thus employed, and treating with Alonso de Mendoça, endeavouring to reduce him to his duty towards his Ma∣jesty, which he found to be a difficult task, because he thought it dishonourable to renounce Piçarro •• General Centeno received Letters from the President, where∣in he informed him, how his Majesty had given him the Government of that Em∣pire, that the late Ordinances were repealed and made null, and that a general Par∣don was granted for all crimes and faults already committed. The which Advice he dispatched away with all expedition to his Agent the School-master, ordering him to make use thereof for inducements herewith to persuade Alonso de Mendoça, believing that those arguments would be most prevalent with him, though he had been much more obstinate than he was. The matter operated and succeeded ac∣cording to desire; for so soon as Mendoça saw the Letters and the news he altered his mind, and resolved to declare for his Majesty; onely he made this condition, that in case he joyned with Diego Centeno, he would command his own Forces and remain chief Captain of them, as he had formerly been: his Souldiers were three hundred in number, all choice men, well armed and well mounted. Diego Cen∣teno assented to the condition, not being willing to break off for the inconvenience of two Generals commanding one Army of the same Nation; so that both Par∣ties met and joyned with all the rejoycing and triumph imaginable. And now (as Carate reports) they finding themselves a thousand men strong, resolved to attack Gonçalo Piçarro, and in their way to seise upon a certain advantageous Pass, and to proceed no farther for want of provision, but there to expect him. And at this Pass we will leave them, being near Huarina, where that bloudy Battel was afterwards fought, and return to the President Gasca, whom we left in his Voyage, failing on the south Sea.

CHAP. XI.

The President arrives at Tumpiz; the Orders he issued out there. Gonçalo Piçarro sends John de Acosta against Diego Centeno. Lorenço de Aldana comes near to Los Reyes; and Gonçalo Piçarro administers an Oath of Fidelity to his Souldiers.

THE President having overcome many difficulties in his Voyage, at length arrived safe in the Port of Tumpiz with all his Fleet, excepting one Ship, which being a dull sailor upon a wind, was left behind: the name of the Captain was Pedro Cabrera, who finding it impossible to turn to windward with his lee∣wardly Ship, he entred into Port Buena Ventura, and travelled over Land with his small Company, and came to the President at Tumpiz, whom he found there em∣ployed in giving out Orders, and making necessary provisions for the subsistence of his Army, which consisted now of about five hundred men. At this place he re∣ceived many Letters from considerable persons, as well Citizens as Captains and Souldiers, to all which he returned civil and obliging answers, promising them re∣compence and rewards in the name of his Majesty. He gave Orders to Pedro de Hinojosa, whom he had made Captain-General, to march before with the Forces to Cassamarca, and to joyn with the Party which was there. Paulo de Meneses was appointed with the Fleet to coast all along by the shore; and he himself with a convenient Guard for the security of his person travelled by way of the Plains, as far as Truxillo, where he received the news of those Captains and Souldiers, who had declared for his Majesty, and in what places and Countries they remained in expectation of his coming, he dispatched Messengers into all parts, with directi∣ons to pass by way of the Desart untill they came to the Valley of Cassamarca, where they were to attend farther Orders. After which he travelled by way of the Plains, and sent Scouts before to see that the way was clear before him.

Whilst things succeeded thus with the President and his Army, Piçarro received news from Cozco of the Victory obtained there by Diego Centeno, of the death of Antonio de Robles, and of the imprisonment of Lucas Martin Vegasso, at which he was very much troubled, and seeing that fabrick of Empire which he had erected for himself, to fall and become daily ruinous, for want of a good foundation, he began to doubt his condition, and fear that he should never attain to that height of Government which he had long fansied to himself. Hereupon in all haste he sent to recall Captain John de Acosta, whom, (as we have said before) he had sent with some Souldiers to Truxillo to suppress some disturbances which began to ap∣pear in those parts. At this time also Francisco de Carvajal cut off the Head of Antonio Altamirano, who carried the Standard in Piçarro's Army, for no other rea∣son than that he sansied, that Altamirano was pleased with the news of Centeno's success, and that he of late carried himself coldly and unconcerned in the service of Piçarro, which was cause enough for Carvajal to take away any man's life; the Standard was afterwards conferred on Antonio de Ribera. So soon as Acosta was re∣turned, he ordered him with three hundred men to fall upon Diego Centeno: Mar∣tin de Olmos was appointed to command the Horse, and Diego Gumiel the Foot, with both which persons I was acquainted: Martin de Almendras commanded the Pikes, Martin de Alarcon carried the Standard, Paez de Sotomayor was Lieutenant-General, and John de Acosta was Commander in Chief. These Forces were orde∣red to march to Cozco by way of the Mountains, and in a few days afterwards to descend into the Plains, and on all sides to make War upon Diego Centeno; for above all men living he resented his carriage towards him, and had most cause to complain of him, because he had been the first and the most importunate of any to advise and persuade him to accept and take upon him the Title and Office of Procurator-General of that Kingdom; and afterwards upon a report onely of a general Pardon, and repeal of the late Ordinances (whether true or false no man knows) he poorly and meanly deserted that cause which he himself had owned

and promoted so far untill he saw him nominated and chosen Governour of Peru; the same complaint he made against all those who had been instruments of his ad∣vancement, whom he hoped God would punish and avenge his cause against their falseness and treachery.

These and such like complaints Gonçalo Piçarro often uttered in the presence of his intimate Friends, though in publick he carried it with good courage, and a chearfull countenance, as he ever did in all his troubles and difficulties; which all Historians confess and report of him when they come to speak of his misfortunes.

To these ill successes Fortune yet added worse, for when she begins once to shew her disfavours she contents not her self with a single mischief. For now it happened in this unlucky conjuncture that Lorenço de Aldana came with his four Ships within fifteen leagues of Los Reyes; and though he was ill provided with Men and Ammunition, and was in want of all Provisions and things necessary, yet he remained securely enough and well satisfied upon the news he received that Piçarro had burnt all his Ships which were in that Port: upon which assurance he took courage, and with confidence came boldly to the Port of Los Reyes, not with intention to fight with any, but onely to take up such persons who should escape and revolt from Piçarro and his Party. The news of the arrival of these four Ships at Huaura, from whence there was no means now left to remove them, was re∣sented as a common disgrace and dishonour to the whole Town: but Gonçalo Pi∣carro, considering how his people fell daily from him, and that there was a general defection in all parts, thought it necessary to secure them to him by way of Religi∣on; which counsel was given him by the Lawyer Cepeda, who formed an Oath of Fidelity to be administred to all people; and thereupon the Citizens and Lords who had commands over the Indians, and the principal Inhabitants in all Cities near, and Captains and Souldiers were all summoned to take this Oath: upon ad∣ministration of which the Lawyer made a speech to the People, telling them how great obligations they had to Piçarro for having sustained those labours and diffi∣culties, and endured Famine and Wars, and passed through infinite dangers onely for their sakes, to secure their Lives, Liberties and Estates to them, in which they were invested, and now peaceably possessed by the favour of his Brother the Mar∣quis Francisco Piçarro. And to evidence unto the world the justice of his Cause, he had dispatched Messengers to his Majesty with an impartial Narrative of all the transactions in these Countries, but were intercepted by contrivance of the Presi∣dent, who corrupting the Commanders of his Fleet, deprived him of his own pro∣per Ships, which had cost him an immense Treasure; and lastly, had entred with∣in his Dominions, and dispersed seditious Papers in all parts of the Kingdom, to debauch the minds of the People, and seduce them from their affections towards him, with intent to raise Wars in the Empire: but that Piçarro for his part resol∣ved to oppose them, and he hoped that they would all joyn with him in defence of their Privileges and Estates, well knowing, that notwithstanding the fair pre∣tences of the President, he will, so soon as he hath gained possession of the Coun∣trey, follow the Example of Blasco Nunnez Vela in execution of the late Ordinan∣ces, and severely punish all such who shall oppose him: wherefore to know and discover the mind of every man, how he stood affected to him, he desired every person freely and clearly to declare himself; assuring them that he would force no man, but leave them all to their own liberty, either to return to their own Pos∣sessions, or to go to the President, as every one inclined: but as for those who re∣solved to stay with him, he expected an engagement from them never to desert or forsake his Cause or Interest, upon the word of Gentlemen, and under the sa∣cred assurance of an Oath, which should be administred to them according to the Christian Rites. So soon as these words were ended, they all cried out, that they were resolved to dye with Piçarro, and suffer a hundred deaths rather than aban∣don him; in confirmation whereof they took the Oath, and signed an Engage∣ment to which a long Roll of hands were underwritten; the Subscriptions were taken by Licenciado Cepeda, who was the first that signed the List: but Francisco de Carvajal, who was a wise and a knowing man in the affairs of the world, did often laugh and jest at these matters in private with his Friends, and would say, you shall see how these promises will be performed, and what Conscience will be made of this solemn Oath; and uttered likewise many other witty Sayings, of which had a Collection been made, perhaps they would have been esteemed the best Apo∣thegms, and the wisest Sentences in the world.

CHAP. XII.

Hostages are mutually sent from one side to the other, in which much caution and subtilty was practised by both Parties. Many principal men of Quality abandon and leave Gonçalo Piçarro.

TWO days after this Oath was administred, the four Ships under the com∣mand of Lorenço de Aldana appeared in the Port of Los Reyes, upon which the City was in a great Consternation; and Piçarro ordered the Souldiers to put themselves into Arms, and appear in the Market-place, being then about the number of six hundred men; but afterwards caused them all to draw up in the field; where, being in publick view, it would be more difficult for any person to revolt or forsake his Colours: the Camp was pitched about a League from the City, and about two from the Port; and, to prevent all escapes, he kept con∣stant Guards and Petrolls of Horse between the Camp and the Sea, to intercept those who inclined towards the Enemy: but to quiet the minds of the people, and to know and understand the pretensions of Lorenço de Aldana, an Inhabitant of Los Reyes, named John Fernandez, was sent to remain with Aldana, in nature of a Hostage, with intent that he should send another in the like quality to make known the design of his coming into that Port, and what his pretensions were. Accordingly Captain Penna was sent from the Ships, and carried to Gonçalo Piçar∣ro a Copy of the President's commission from his Majesty, and the general Pardon of all past Crimes, with a Revocation of the late Ordinances, which had cau∣sed all the disturbances: And in regard his Majesty was not pleased to commit the Government into the hands of Piçarro, Penna had Orders to persuade him by word of mouth to obey his King, and submit to his Commands. And here Pa∣lentino relates what we formerly touched, about sending Commissions; but he is mistaken in his Discourse, for matters were now much altered, and it was too late to treat of Commissions or Delegation of Powers as they were called; for there was nothing now but noise and confusion, and endeavours to escape, as will appear by the sequel of this History. Piçarro answered something warmly to the Message which Penna had brought him: and bid him tell Lorenço de Aldana and Pedro de Hinojosa and the rest who had been sworn friends to him, that they had faltly betrayed him, and been the occasion to have him branded with the in∣famous name of a Traytour, whereas he had never deserved to be so esteemed; having sent Ambassadours to his Majesty to render him an account of all the trans∣actions of those parts; that his intentions were never to offend the King, but to quiet and compose the disturbances of the Countrey, and order every thing for his Majesty's better service. He added many other things like a troubled and an angry man complaining of the falseness of friends and ingratitude of men whom he had raised and preferred to offices and places of Trust, in requital of which they had unjustly and basely sold him; He ordered that Captain Penna should be lodged in the Tent of Antonio de Ribera, without liberty to converse with any per∣son, that so the dispatches and orders he brought might not be divulged amongst the people; some Authours say, that the same night Piçarro tryed if he could cor∣rupt him with money to show him a way how Aldana's Ship might be betrayed to him, and for that service, he promised a reward of a hundred thousand pieces of Eight, believing, that if he could gain that Ship, the others would of course fall into his hands: but Penna made answer, that he was not the person they took him for; for that all the advantage and interest in the world could never prevail with him to be guilty of a Treachery so mean and manifest as that; and therefore it was an affront to propose it to him: the day following Piçarro ordered him to be returned safe to the Ships, which was performed according to the faith and pledges which were given: but on the other side, the Proposals made to John Fer∣nandez had better effect; for Lorenço de Aldana having understood from Captain Penna, that Piçarro concealed and smothered the Letters and Papers which were

sent him; in the publication whereof the success of his negotiation consisted; there being no other means whereby the Inhabitants and Souldiers could come to the knowledge of his Majesty's gratious Pardon for all crimes and faults already committed, and of the Repeal of the late Ordinances, than by these Papers and Letters; to disperse which he treated with Fernandez, and obtained his promise to be instrumental therein: to which purpose two Copies were drawn both of of the Pardon and of the Repeal of the Ordinances, as also of the Letters which were wrote to particular persons; all which were delivered into the hands of Fer∣nandez, and he safely returned ashoar. So soon as he was landed, he went directly to Piçarro, and taking him apart from the company, he told him secretly, that Aldana had made him great promises, in case he would disperse amongst the people those Papers and Letters which contained the pardon and revocation of the late Laws: and to amuse Aldana with vain hopes, I gave him (said he) my promise so to doe, and received the Papers, which I here faithfully deliver into your hand: for since you have been pleased to entrust me with your person, your safety, and your estate, having had so great a confidence in me as to adventure me for a Ho∣stage amongst your Enemies; I resolve to be faithfull and true to you, and with my other vertues to bequeath that of faithfulness and truth to my posterity: be∣sides these he uttered many other flattering expressions wherewith to delude Piçarro and settle him in an assured confidence of his integrity and reality towards him. Gonçalo Piçarro who was naturally in himself of a frank and noble disposition, be∣lieved every word that Fernandez had told him; and taking the Papers from him, reposed an entire confidence in all his actions and dealings: upon which Fernandez gained an opportunity with better security to publish and disperse his Papers; those which were for particular friends, in whom he could confide, he delivered with his own hand, and the others he threw in at Windows and put under Doors; so that the Contents thereof were soon known and divulged over all the Town, which had the effect and issue for which they were designed, as we shall hereafter see in the sequel of these matters.

For no sooner was the substance of these Papers published, with a particular clause, That whosoever was desirous to gain the benefit of his Majesty's gratious Declaration, and escape to the Ships, should find Boats ready in the River to re∣ceive them and carry them on board, but great Disturbance arose in the minds of the people; for no man knew whom he could trust, every one growing jealous and suspicious each of other: and indeed there was just cause for it, because those who had entred into the most solemn engagements were the first who broke them and fled to the Enemy. And though the Camp was pitched at some di∣stance in the fields, and Orders given out for the Army to march by way of the plains; yet several principal persons having obtained licence to goe to the Town, under colour of making provision of necessaries for their march, returned not a∣gain to the Camp, as they had promised to Piçarro, but renouncing his cause and interest, marched away to Truxillo. The most considerable of these persons were Vasco de Guevara, Martin de Meneses, Nicholas de Ribera, Hernan Bravo de Laguna, Diego de Escobar, Francisco de Barlovento, Diego Tinoco, Francisco de Ampuero, Alonso Ramires de Sosa, all which had Possessions of Lands and Estates in Los Reyes and Cozco; and besides them, several private Souldiers quitted the Service. Of which Piçarro having received intelligence by the Out-guards, he immediately ordered Captain de la Torre with twenty Musquetiers to goe in pursuit of them and kill them in case they refused to return. Accordingly Captain de la Torre followed them about eight leagues, and not overtaking them, he turned back, and in his way met with Hernan Bravo, who had for some time absconded himself in a Kins∣man's house in Los Reyes, where fearing to be discovered, and considering the trouble he should thereby bring upon his friends, he resolved to adventure abroad and follow the rest of his Companions, but being unhappily met by Captain de la Torre, he was brought back and delivered to Francisco de Carvajal, to be hanged for a Runagate.

But it happened that a certain Lady of Quality, named Ynes Bravo, Wife of Nicholas de Ribera, who was one of those lately revolted, was informed that Hernan Bravo, who was her Cosin german, was taken, and would certainly be executed; she with her own mother speedily went to Piçarro's Tent; and though she was conscious to her self of having persuaded both her Husband and Kinsman to make their escapes; yet being assured of the generous and mercifull nature of Piçarro,

she confidently cast herself upon her knees at his feet, and with many tears asked the life of her Kinsman: Piçarro, like a Gentleman, presently lifted her from the ground; and though at first he seemed averse and hardly persuaded to grant him mercy; yet at length suffering himself to be overcome with the Prayers and Tears of the Lady, and with the Intreaties of those who stood by and joined in the Peti∣tion, he granted her request; and as a signal of the Pardon (according as his custom was in the like cases) his took off his Cap with the Medal on it, and de∣livered it to her to be shown to Carvajal; the which was brought to him just at the moment of time when Hernando Bravo was at the foot of the Tree with the halter about his Neck and ready to be trussed up: the which signal from Gonçalo Piçarro served for a sufficient Warrant to Francisco de Carvajal, who was also mollified by the Intreaties of those then present, who esteemed themselves concerned to pro∣mote and favour the Lady's Petition. And thus Hernan Bravo de Laguna escaped death, whom I knew a long time, and left him living in Cozco, possess'd of a small Plantation.

Augustine de Carate in the seventh Book of his History Chapter the sixteenth ha∣ving related this Passage, farther adds a particular which happened upon this Par∣don very remarkable, which was this; A certain Captain called Alonso de Carceres, being then present when Gonçalo Piçarro pardoned Hernan Bravo, kissed him upon the Cheek, and cryed out with a loud voice, Oh Prince of the World, cursed be he who for fear of death shall deny thee: notwithstanding which, before three hours were ended, both he and Hernan Bravo, and several others revolted, which was the more strange, in regard that an honest and a considering person might be∣lieve that a man who had the halter about his Neck could not in so short a time have recovered from the agonies and ecstasies of death, &c.

CHAP. XIII.

Martin de Robles contrives a Plot for his Escape.

WHEN so many noble and principal Persons had deserted Gonçalo Piçarro who had been the chief Instruments to incite him to appear in defence of their Lives and Estates, a great murmuring and trouble was raised in the Camp: for as Carate relates, many persons were amongst them, who had from the begin∣ning followed Piçarro, and given him such assurance of their faith and fidelity, that no man could reasonably imagin that they could abandon or betray him: at which Piçarro was so enraged and put into that ill humour, that no man durst to appear in his presence; and in his passion gave Orders to the Out-guards to kill any man whom they found without the Precincts of the Camp: soon after which a poor Souldier happened to fall into their hands, upon no other evidence, or pre∣sumption rather, than because he carried two Shirts with him. But nothing could be more infamous and dishonourable than what happened the night following, when Martin de Robles, pretending to be sick, that he might have leave to return to the City, sent secret intelligence to Diego Maldonado, who was a rich man, and a Citizen, and the High-constable of Cozco, that Gonçalo Piçarro, by advice of his Captains intended to kill him; and therefore out of the sense of friendship which was between them, he could not give him better Counsel than exhort him to take care of his own safety. Diego Maldonado gave entire credence thereunto, because he remembred that he was once under an ill opinion with Piçarro, when he ser∣ved the Vice-king against him, as hath been formerly mentioned. After which they put him to the torture, upon certain Libells which were scattered in Picarro's Tent, at the time when the Battel at Quitu was ready to begin; of all which though he was afterwards found innocent, yet the actions of his friend Antonio Altamirano served afterwards to render him the more suspected.

These imaginations and the apprehensions of a tormenting death, which was practised in those days, so operated on the mind of Diego Maldonado, that believing every word that Martin de Robles had told him, he, without making a discovery to any of his Servants, or giving order to saddle his Horses, of which he had ma∣ny

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good ones in his Stables, went out of his Tent with Sword and Cloak onely; and though he was a man of sixty eight years of age, yet he walked all that night, until he came to certain Cains or Osiers about three leagues distant from the Sea, where the Ships were at Anchor, and there he secretly absconded him∣self for that time: but then fearing that the day following he should be pursued and taken by them, or at least perish there with thirst and famine; he came from thence, and happily met with an Indian, to whom he revealed the great necessity and danger he was in. The poor Indian compassionating his condition (that Nati∣on being generally of a mercifull nature) conducted him to the Sea, where on the shoar he presently woave a float of Rushes in the manner we have before descri∣bed, and with which the Indians pass over the Rivers; and thereupon both of them mounting, the Indian brought him safe to the Ships, though not without great danger of being drowned, especially Diego Maldonado, for when they came to the Ships, the Rushes began to be all untied, and for want of good tackle and work∣manship the Vessel had like to have miscarried. And thus the good man Diego Maldonado escaped, who was one of the first Conquerours, and whom I left living in Cozco, when I departed from thence; next day very early in the morning Mar∣tin de Robles went to the Tent of Diego Maldonado, to see what operation his advi∣ces had worked in him: and understanding that he was gone from thence the night before, he went immediately to Piçarro, and seigning much concernment for his services, he told him, Sir, Maldonado is fled; and since it is visible how your forces diminish daily, my opinion is, that you should raise your Camp from hence, and march towards Arequepa; and farther, to prevent Fugitives in their intentions, I would advise you upon no pretence whatsoever to permit any person to return to the City. And as to my own Company, I am secure enough of them, for there is not one of them who demands leave to goe to the City, but give good example unto others; onely with your permission, I would goe to the Ci∣ty with some few of my Souldiers in whom I repose the greatest confidence, and whom I know to stand in want of several necessaries, with which having provi∣ded themselves in my presence, I shall then return with them: and with the same occasion I will make search for Diego Maldonado, who, as I hear, is fled to the Monastery of St. Domingo, from whence I will endeavour to bring him to you, by whose exemplary punishment men may for the future be afraid to fly, and aban∣don your cause and interest. Piçarro reposing great confidence in the faithfulness of Martin de Robles, who was deeply engaged with him in all matters; for it was he who had taken the Vice-king and prosecuted him to death, and performed o∣ther pieces of notorious service; he gave him his permission with all readiness to goe to the City: hereupon Martin de Robles in the first place made bold with the Horses belonging to Maldonado, as the confiscated goods of a Traytor, and calling those to him of his Company, for whom he had most kindness and in whom he most confided, who were about thirty in all, he immediately went to the City of Los Reyes, and thence took the direct road to Truxillo, publickly declaring, that they were going to the President, and had renounced Piçarro, who was a Tyrant.

When this News came to the Camp no man would hardly believe it; thinking it impossible for Martin de Robles, who was a person so deeply concerned with Pi∣çarro in all matters, to forsake him at the last. But when the truth was confirmed, it was the common opinion, that that very day the Camp would break up, and every man shift for himself, or that they would kill Piçarro, and make an end of the dispute at one blow: but such was the gentleness and generosity of Piçarro's disposition, that it entred into no man's thoughts to perpetrate so execrable a vil∣lany upon his person, all their designs being onely to leave and revolt from him.

Howsoever Piçarro put a good countenance upon all his misfortunes, preten∣ding to esteem lightly of those who had denyed him, and saying, that if he had onely ten good friends, who would stick by him, he should not despair of ma∣king a new Conquest of all Peru, as Palentino says in the sixty fourth Chapter of his Book.

CHAP. XIV.

Licenciado Carvajal, Graviel de Rojas, and several other Citizens and Souldiers of note fly from Piçarro.

BUT these frequent revolts did not end with the flight of Martin de Robles, but rather a general defection was feared; for the night following Lope Mar∣tin Prereyra of the Portugal Nation made his escape: he was one of the first Con∣querours, and one with whom I was well acquainted: whereupon Gonçalo Piçarro, to prevent other escapes, at least on that side of the City, he ordered Licenciado Carvajal with a party of Horse to guard that part, and not to suffer any person to pass that way. One would have thought that this Carvajal had given sufficient assurances and pledges of his Fidelity, that his faithfulness to the Cause ought not to be suspected; and yet for all this he fled away and revolted, and by his example opened a door for every man to escape away and be gone; for he was followed by all his Troop of Horse, as also by Pedro Suarez de Escobedo, Francisco de Escobedo and Jeronimo Escobedo, who were his Kinsmen, and all took the great Road to Tru∣xillo; these also were accompanied with Licenciado Polo, Marcos de Retamoço an En∣sign of good esteem, Francisco de Miranda and Hernando de Vargas, with many Soul∣diers of chief renown. The flight of these persons could not be so concealed but that it was quickly made known to the next Quarter, from whence Graviel de Ro∣jas followed the same example, who was the person on whom Piçarro had not long before conferred the honour of carrying the Standard, which he had taken from Don Antonio de Ribera, whom he had left in Los Reyes to govern the City, be∣cause he was a person of great abilities, and related to him by kindred, and enga∣ged with him as deeply as any in all his designs. Graviel de Rojas was followed by many others, amongst whom were his two Kinsmen Graviel Vermudez and Gomez de Rojas, both Persons of Quality: the flight of these Officers was not presently known abroad, because the Quarters of Licenciado Carvajal were in the Out-guards, which Gonçalo Piçarro and his Souldiers esteemed to be well secured by them, and reposed all confidence imaginable in their fidelity: but so soon as it was divulged, it caused great noise and rumour in the Camp; and Piçarro himself was particu∣larly concerned for Licenciado Carvajal, and was grieved that he of all the men in the world should forsake him: and considering what could be the cause of his discontent or disgust, he was sorry that he had not married him to Donna Franci∣sca Piçarro his Cosin-german, supposing that if he had so done, he had obliged him by perpetual bonds of alliance; and again he fansied that he must have been dis∣obliged, because having nominated him to have commanded some Forces, he had afterwards put John de Acosta over his head: of all which he complained to Franci∣sco Carvajal, his Lieutenant General, blaming him for giving him the ill counsel which had disobliged his Kinsman: to which Carvajal made answer, that since the Licenciado had been so bold and daring as to forsake and abandon his cause even in his presence, and was so resolved upon it as to adventure his life in the Act; it was better to be rid of him than to entertain him in his service, since he might have carried three hundred men away with him, in case he had employed him in the place of Acosta. In the like manner (said he) such men as these tur∣ned to your side and party, at a time when their occasions required your assistence to help them to their Estates, and to conserve their Lives and Honours; and at that time they denyed and renounced the Emperour, they persecuted his Vice∣king to the death: and now the tide being turned, they deny, and sell you, and entirely abandon you: and, why? for no other cause certainly, than that they think they have no farther need of you; their Estates and Lives being now secu∣red to them: such men as these, both here and in all other parts of the World, adore no other God than the Idol of their own interest: and having paid you like men of that stamp, their deserts will be recompensed to them in their own coin.

This was the saying of the Lieutenant General, and he proved a true Prophet in it; for I saw many of these things verified in my time; for none of these peo∣ple,

at least very few of them, died in their beds, but were afterwards killed in those insurrections which succeeded these troubles. The whole party of Piçarro began now to despair and to faint in their courages by this defection of Carvajal and so many persons of note: for since such a Gentleman as he was so deeply en∣gaged in this cause, having cut off the head of the Vice-king, and who had gi∣ven other evidences of his zeal for it, had revolted and fled, what could be jud∣ged of the affections of others who had neither the guilt nor those engagements upon them? for the day following, when the Army was on their march, as many as could privately convey themselves away made their escape; and at length the defection became general, and Souldiers openly and in the sight of Piçarro and his Camp turned their Colours and marched away: amongst which, two Horse∣men of good reputation, named Pedro Villadan and John Lopez, declared openly for his Majesty, and that Gonçalo Piçarro might be confounded, who was a Traytor and a Tyrant: these were quickly followed by two others, called Francisco Guilla∣da and John Paez de Soriano: Piçarro intended to have sent after them, but he had none whom he could trust or be assured that they would not have born them company in their design of revolt: Wherefore he hastned his march as fast as he could to Arequepa by way of the Plains, and yet many of his Infantry forsook him, leaving their Musquets behind them; with which they supposed the Picar∣rists would be contented and not pursue them. In fine, as Augustine Carate saith in the sixth Book, Chapter the seventeenth, so many had left him that his whole number was reduced to two hundred men, as appeared at the Muster taken in the Province of Nanasca, which is not above sixty leagues from Los Reyes. Francisco de Carvajal, who was an experienced Captain, got all the Arms of the Fugitives together, intending to arm other Souldiers with them, in case any would come in to their Party.

CHAP. XV.

The City of Los Reyes declare for his Majesty, and set up his Standard: Lorenço de Aldana comes ashoar: A great Confusion and Disturbance in Los Reyes.

NOR did the ill fortune of Piçarro stop here with the general revolt of his Army, which was now reduced from a thousand unto two hundred men: but all things turning contrary; those forces which he left in the City of Los Rey∣es for the guard and defence of it, and in whom he confided as his best and most faithfull friends, who were obliged to him on the score of alliance and many other arguments, did now renounce him and declared for the King: for Piçarro had not gone above two days march on his way to Arequepa, and not above fifteen leagues distant from the City, when Don Antonio de Ribera, whom Piçarro had made Governour of the City, joining with the Justices Martin Piçarro and An∣tonio de Leon and other Inhabitants, who upon pretence of sickness or infirmities of old age, had obtained licence from Gonçalo Piçarro to remain behind, (to whom they resigned up their Arms and Horses) spread the Standard of the City, and let fly the Colours in the open Market-place, and gathering what people they could declared for his Majesty, publishing by out-cry the general Pardon, and the revocation of the late Ordinances as delivered by the President.

Palentino relating this passage, says, that it was done by order of Gonçalo Piçarro, and that he had left instructions with his Governour so to doe; that those who had forsaken his Party might not gain the honour they pretended unto and expec∣ted by their revolt: and yet Palentino contradicts himself again in it, and says, that it was not to be believed, and that it was onely a report of some disaffected per∣sons; though in truth Piçarro did leave such instructions with Don Antonio de Ribe∣ra; for his sake onely, that he might save himself, and gain favour with the Pre∣sident Gasca: for Piçarro was well assured, that so soon as he was out of sight he should be out of mind, and that after his departure the City would throw off all

respect and fidelity to him, and follow the example of his Captains and Gover∣nours in other places: and therefore that Antonio de Ribera, whom he entirely lo∣ved both on the score of alliance and of past services which he had done to the Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro his brother, he gave him secretly his consent to make a surrender of the City; that thereby he might conserve himself and his Niece Donna Francisca Piçarro, Daughter of the Marquis, who remained under his Guardianship.

The News of this Change in the City was soon carried to Lorenço de Aldana, who was surprized with extraordinary joy to hear it, for he did not expect so sud∣den an alteration; and was riding at anchor at a good distance from the shoar, looking out with his Boats to take up such as made their escapes from the City, to secure which he ordered Captain John Alonso Palomino with fifty Souldiers to row along the shoar; suspecting that Gonçalo Piçarro would return again to the City to prevent Plots which might be there contriving against him: and to have the bet∣ter and more speedy intelligence of the proceedings of Piçarro, he ordered twelve of those persons who had revolted to him, and who hereby had given undeny∣able proofs of their fidelity; to be mounted on Horse-back, to scout abroad and travers all the ways and roads near the City. He also gave Orders to Captain John Yllanes, who was Commander of a small Frigate, to coast along the shoar of the South-sea; and at some convenient place to land a Friar and a Souldier; who were to carry Letters and Dispatches from the President directed to Captain Die∣go Centeno, and several Letters to particular persons then in company with Di∣ego Centeno, and others to persons of great reputation and esteem then engaged with John de Acosta, the Contents of which were chiefly to inform them of the State and Successes of the Empire; the which were dispersed abroad over all the Countrey by the Indians, and by their means came to the hands of those to whom they were directed, which produced many ill effects, to the prejudice and de∣struction of Acosta, as will appear in the sequel.

We shall now touch upon some matters particularly relating to Lorenço Aldana, who was a person with whom I was acquainted. For both Sea and Land being disturbed and moved with intestine troubles, Aldana acted, and sent all his dis∣patches and orders from aboard his Ship, being unwilling to trust himself ashoar; for fear lest some treacherous person should design to kill him, and fly to Gonçalo Piçarro; for (as Historians report) there were people who revolted to Piçarro, as well as from him to the King; with which apprehensions and jealousies he re∣mained aboard untill he received certain intelligence that Gonçalo Piçarro was re∣moved eighty leagues from the City of Los Reyes, and indeed by that time this News came, he was removed at the distance of a hundred and ten leagues from thence. And then, adventuring ashoar with all his Captains and Souldiers, he was received into the City with great joy, being met by all the Inhabitants, which though few, yet the very Children came in to make up the number. The charge of the Ships was committed to the care of John Fernandez the Sheriff of the Town, with the usual formalities required in such cases: And now Aldana be∣ing with his men lodged within the City, he endeavored to get all the Arms and Ammunition into his hands; but whilst he was busie and intent on these matters, a flying report came, that Gonçalo Piçarro was returning again towards the City; and that he was not above four leagues off, and though there could be no ground to imagine such a rumour to be true or possible; yet such was the consternation, that no man had power to consider the probability of the report; but every one out of the abundance of his fear shifted for himself. Those who were unprovided of Horses fled to the Seaside to secure themselves within the Ships; those who had Horses travelled away, and took the common way to Truxillo; others who were not possessed with so violent a fear, concealed themselves within the Osier-gardens and other secret places; and in this manner they lay perdue or hidden for a whole night and a day, untill such time as certain intelligence came that the re∣port was false. And then they all returned again to the City unless such who had travelled away at a farther distance.

Augustine Carate writes, that Lorenço de Aldana came ashoar upon the ninth of Sep∣tember, 1547. where we will leave him for awhile, to speak of John de Acosta, who was now on his march towards Cozco by way of the mountains consisting of three hundred Souldiers under the command of a Major General, a Standard-bearer, and other Officers, as if it had been a great Army.

CHAP. XVI.

The Captains and Souldiers fly from John de Acosta. Gon∣çalo Piçarro comes to Huarina, from whence he sends a Message to Diego Centeno; with his Answer thereunto.

WHEN John de Acosta came near to Cozco, they received intelligence of the unfortunate success of Gonçalo Piçarro, and of the general revolt of his People from him; to conceal and smother which all endeavours were used but all in vain, for many of the Letters which were dispersed abroad fell into the hands of Officers and Souldiers, which made a full discovery of all matters; and though none durst to confide in each other so far as to discourse and communicate the news; yet by some accident or other the Advices became the publick talk: and then the Major-General Paez de Sotomayor and Captain Martin de Olmos (with whom I was acquainted) resolved to kill John de Acosta, which design was so se∣cretly carried, that one did not know the intention of the other, but onely by cer∣tain conjectures and circumstances; and in like manner at a distance treated with some Souldiers in whom they thought they could best confide: but the Plot was not contrived so secretly but that it came to the ears of Acosta, who became there∣by more watchfull, and doubled the Guards about his Person with those of whose faithfulness he was best assured.

The two General Officers growing jealous hereupon, and knowing that John de Acosta was one day retired within his Tent, and in secret conference with Captain Martin de Almendras, and another intimate Friend of his, called Diego Gumiel, and fearing that they were plotting to kill them, they resolved to revolt, since they were disappointed in their design of killing Acosta: and accordingly passing their word in secret one to the other, without farther delay they mounted on Horse∣back with thirty-men following them with their Arms, and in sight of the Camp marched boldly away towards Los Reyes. The principal persons hereof were Paez de Sotomayor, Martin de Olmos, Martin de Alarçon chief Standard-bearer, Garci Gu∣tierez de Escobar, Alonso Rengel, Hernando de Alvarado, Martin Monge, Antonio de Avila and Gaspar de Toledo. John de Acosta made pursuit after them, and overtook three or four of them and put them to death; but finding it in vain to prosecute them farther, he desisted and followed his way towards Cozco, where he took away the white Staves from the Sheriffs of the Town, who were appointed by Diego Centeno, and placed others in their stead.

And here he found Orders from Gonçalo Piçarro to come with all haste possible to Arequepa, and to joyn his Forces with him there. Accordingly John de Acosta marched out of Cozco, but before he was twelve leagues advanced on his way, Martin Almendras (who was the person in whom he most confided) fled from him carrying thirty of his best men with him, and returning again to Cozco he took the white Staves away from the Sheriffs, whom John de Acosta had constituted, as if the success of great matters had depended thereupon; and so he went to Los Reyes, to the great admiration of Acosta, who wondered much that a man so much esteemed and obliged by Gonçalo Piçarro, should desert him who had treated him like a Son, out of respect to the memory of his Uncle Francisco de Almendras, who was killed by Diego Centeno.

John de Acosta durst not adventure to pursue Martin de Almendras, lest all his Soul∣diers should follow the like example, and therefore he took the direct way to Arequepa by long marches, but still his numbers decreased by two and three in a company, so that by the time he came to Arequepa to joyn with Gonçalo Piçarro he brought not above a hundred men with him, as is confirmed by Palentino Chapter sixty eight of the second Book, and by Carate, the sixth Book, Chapter eighteen. And now having lost their Honours by being outlawed and proclaimed Traitours, and their Estates, which remained in the power of the Enemy, there was nothing more to save but their lives onely, and how that stake might be conserved was their onely consultation.

In fine, Piçarro and his Captains resolved to take their march by the way where Diego Centeno was quartered, because it was the passage to the high Mountains of Antis, which are to the eastern parts of Peru; in which quarters they designed to gain some Province to make their aboad, in case they might there be suffered to remain in quietness; and if not, they intended then to proceed to the Kingdom of Chili, to assist in the Conquest of that warlike people, supposing that, being then without the limits of Peru, they might more easily obtain the benefit of the gene∣ral Pardon by such new services. And in case that Diego Centeno should interrupt them in their passage, they then resolved to break through him, and either over∣come or dye, though they knew that he had much the advantage in his numbers. And departing from Arequepa with this design, they came at length by the usual marches near to Huarina, where the way leads to those Mountains.

Diego Centeno, having constant Advices of the motion of Piçarro, left his own quarters well fortified, and burnt the Bridge which is made over the Channel, whereby the Lake of Titicaca empties it self, that he might give a stop to the Ene∣my's passage; and, trusting much to the courage and resolution of his Souldiers, he resolved to engage him (if possible) in a Battel.

But Gonçalo Piçarro, endeavouring on the contrary to avoid fighting, sent a Mes∣senger to Centeno with a Letter, putting him in mind of the ancient friendship and confederacy between them, when they conquered Collao and the Charcas, and the many kindnesses and good offices he had done him, both at that time and since; and particularly that he had given him his life when he killed Jasper Rodriguez and Philip Gutierez for the very same Plot in which he was concerned; for though he was in the List with the other Conspiratours, and was well assured that he was one of the principal of them, yet he granted him his Pardon against the opinion and sense of all his Friends. He farther desired him to recall to mind that he, that is Centeno, had been one of the first and chief of those who promoted him to the Office of Procuratour-General of that Kingdom, that he had followed him un∣der that Character to the City of Los Reyes, and had continued with him untill he saw him advanced to the Government of Peru: wherefore, forgetting all that was past, he desired him to enter into a Treaty with him relating to matters which might tend to the common benefit of themselves and of all the Countrey, and that he would accord with him in any reasonable Propositions, as if he were his own Brother. This Letter was sent by a Souldier called Francisco Vosso, the Hus∣band of Joanna of Leyton, of whom we have formerly made mention; who for his relation to Francisco de Carvajal was employed, as a person of great trust and faith∣fulness. Augustine Carate, in the second Chapter of his seventh Book, saith, that this Souldier delivered the Letter to Diego Centeno, and offered to serve him, and at the same time advised him that Diego Alvarez, Ensign of his own Company, kept a correspondence with Piçarro; but Centeno thought not fit to examine the matter, or punish the Ensign, because he had discovered to him all the particulars, and assured him, that the correspondence was carried on with design of service un∣to him. Diego Centeno returned an Answer hereunto with great civility, giving him to understand that he did gratefully acknowledge the many good offices which he had received from him; in return whereof he did heartily advise and intreat him, to take into serious consideration the true circumstances of the present Af∣fairs, and the gratious Declaration of his Majesty to pardon all past offences: And in case therefore that he would come in and return to the Service of his Ma∣jesty, he would promise to be his Advocate to intercede with the President in his behalf, and that he might be confident to obtain all the advantageous and honou∣rable conditions he could desire, without hazard of his Life or Estate. And he did farther assure him, that he would be his Friend and his Associate in all mat∣ters whatsoever but those wherein his allegiance and duty towards his Prince were concerned. These and the like complements he returned in answer to his Letter. Thus far Augustine Carate.

CHAP. XVII.

Diego Centeno writes to the President, giving him an ac∣count of these matters by the same Messenger which Pi∣çarro had sent to him. The President comes to Sausa where he meets Francisco Vosso.

CEnteno being well assured of the good will and affection which Vosso bore to his Majesty's Service, by that free manner with which he offered it, and by the discovery he made of the correspondence which the Ensign held with Piçarro; he thought fit to send the very same Messenger to the President, with Letters giving him a relation at large of all which had passed untill that time, and how he had so environed Piçarro on all sides, that he could not escape from him. He acquain∣ted him how strong he was, and how weak Piçarro, and that he hoped to over∣come him without fighting. He farther acquainted him with the Message brought to him by Francisco Vosso, and for better confirmation he sent him the very Letter. Moreover Centeno acquainted Vosso with the answer he had given to Gonçalo Piçarro, and told him, that he trusted him with that dispatch to carry it unto the President; and to bear his charges in so long a Journey he gave him the value of a thousand pieces of Eight in Gold; and farther directed him, that after he had been a short time at Piçarro's Camp, and had delivered his Letters, and given a relation of all matters, he should then buy the best Mule he could find to carry him with all speed possible to the President; and in regard he was well acquainted with the state and condition of both Camps, his directions were to inform the President with the circumstances of affairs on both sides, in respect to the number of people, and the manner how they were armed. And because his business was now to act a double part, he gave him a Grant in the name of his Majesty of certain Lands or Plantations in Arequepa which were vacant, signed by his own hand, desiring the President to confirm the same in reward of the Loyalty and Services of Fran∣cisco Vosso.

Accordingly Vosso returning again to Piçarro was ordered by him to acquaint Francisco de Carvajal with all the particulars of what he had seen and heard from Centeno, because that Carvajal having been his intimate Friend and Patron, he would no doubt freely open himself, and declare whatsoever had passed between him and Centeno. Carvajal examined him as to all matters, and Vosso fully answe∣red and satisfied him in every thing; namely who were the Captains both of Horse and Foot, and what was the number of his Souldiers; and confessed that he had received the information from Centeno himself, who was so free with him as to acquaint him with the substance of the Letter which he had wrote to Gon∣çalo Piçarro in answer of his; confirming the same by word of mouth that he would be his Advocate with the President, and intercede with him to pardon them both as to Life and Estate, and would doe him all other good offices, pro∣vided he would return to his allegiance and the duty he owed unto the King.

Carvajal, having heard and examined all the matter, brought Vosso to Piçarro to tell the story himself, who having repeated all as is before related, and particular∣ly that Centeno offered to be his Advocate and Intercessour: Piçarro turned away in a rage, and said, that he scorned to receive favours from him who had been so much obliged to his Brothers and himself: and understanding that the Letter con∣tained little more than that, he refused to reade it; and, like a furious and despe∣rate man, he ordered the Letter to be publickly burned, to shew that he would enter into no Treaty with him: And not to discourage his Souldiers, he ordered Vosso to report, that Centeno had not above seven hundred men, though in reality he was above twelve hundred men strong.

Vosso having thus related all this matter, and delivered his Message; by means of a Friend of his, (to whom he did not communicate the Secret) he bought a good Mule, which cost eight hundred pieces of Eight, and the next night he mounted thereon, and by break of day had travelled twelve leagues from the

Camp on his way toward the President, passing by Arequepa where his Wife and Children were. When Piçarro received the news of the flight or Vosso, he won∣dred much at it, and whispered it to Carvajal, and told him, that he did not now think it strange that many of those who had great obligations should desert him, since Vosso, who was his Servant, and tied to him in duty and with all the bonds of humanity, had denied him. Carvajal answered, that it was no strange thing to him, for that he looked on Vosso to be in the number of those faint-hearted men, who, being afraid, resolved to secure themselves by a Pardon, which was the con∣dition of most of those who had followed his Party; and on the contrary, it plain∣ly appeared that such as were courageous and had been the least obliged were still fixed and constant to their Party: And that it was one of the miseries of this world, that no man respects or honours another but for his own interest, and that so soon as he finds he hath no farther need of his assistence and favour, he present∣ly forgets all former ties of benefits received.

And now the falsity and treachery of Vosso being clear and apparent, and the agreement between him and Centeno being discovered, Piçarro complained of his misfortune in conferring his favours on those who had proved most ungratefull; and, being full of anger and despair, he resolved (since there was no place left for Treaty) to venture all upon the success of a Battel, and either overcome or dye.

The President; whom we left on his way from Truxillo to Los Reyes, had by this time received news of all matters which Gonçalo Piçarro had acted in that City, and how his people had deserted and fled from him. And whereas he understood from those very persons who were come in to him that Piçarro was marched along the Coast towards Arequepa, he sent Orders to the Captains who were quartered in Cassamarca to march with their Troops in good order to the Valley of Sausa, because he understood that that was a good Countrey and a good quarter for plenty of Provisions, and a convenient situation for people to come in, and for receiving such who fled from Piçarro. Having given these Orders he marched forwards, and as he travelled intelligence was brought him of the ruinous condition of Gon∣çalo Piçarro, that of all his Army he had not two hundred men remaining, who also expected an opportunity to escape; that Acosta was in no better a condition, for that of the three hundred men with which he marched out of Los Reyes above two hundred had deserted him with their Captains and Officers; that the City of Los Reyes had declared for the King, and that Lorenço de Aldana was possessed of the Government, and lay in the Port with his Ships.

The President being much encouraged with this good news, dispatched fresh advices thereof to his Captain-General Pedro de Hinojosa, ordering him to march with all possible speed to Sausa; which he accordingly did, and not to lose time he passed by Los Reyes, and took the shortest cut by way of the Mountains and came to Sausa, where, meeting with his former Captains, they all rejoyced to see and meet each other. And here the President remained some days, during which time he set up Smiths Forges for making and repairing Arms, and appointed se∣veral Officers: and in short, did all that became an able and a diligent Captain; and to forward him in this work his Officers and Ministers were as diligent and as active as he, omitting nothing which might tend to the destruction of their Ene∣my, lest they should fall again into his power whom they had denied.

These good successes and prosperous proceedings were increased by the happy news which Vosso brought, declaring the low and mean condition of Piçarro's Ar∣my, and the welfare and numerous increase of that of Centeno's, of which Vosso as∣sured the President, having seen both Armies, and been an eye-witness of the state and condition of both. Vosso delivered his Letters together with the Grant which Centeno had given him of a certain Plantation, which the President readily confirmed; and indeed it was his misfortune that the Gift was of no greater value, for had it been one of the best Baronies in Peru, there would have been no scruple in the conveyance of it, in reward of the good news he brought; which was so considerable and so well regarded, that Orders were thereupon issued to seve∣ral Captains to give a stop to their farther Leavies of men, since that Diego Centeno had force sufficient without other assistances to subdue and destroy Piçarro. And here we will leave them in their consultations and rejoycings at Arequepa, to re∣count the cruel Battel of Huarina, which happened in those days.

CHAP. XVIII.

Piçarro resolves to give them Battel. Acosta is sent to al∣arm the Enemy in the night. Diego Centeno draws out his Men, and Piçarro doth the like.

GOnçalo Piçarro and his Captains being enraged with anger and disdain, to find, whilst they were treating of peace and accommodation, that the Enemy had corrupted their Messenger, and seduced him from the faith and duty he owed to his Lord and Master; whereupon, blinded with madness and rage they resolved to pursue their march, and forcibly make their way through the midst of their Enemies, and either to dye or conquer.

This resolution was taken at a consultation held by Piçarro and his Officers on occasion of the flight of Francisco Vosso; and accordingly now to put it in execution, they forbished and prepared their Arms to march towards Huarina; but first they gave out a report, that they intended by some other way to divert Centeno from giving them any interruption in the Pass they designed; and to make this report the more credible, they sent a message to Francisco de Espinosa to provide them with Indians and provisions on their way by those parts. Howsoever the true design of Piçarro was discovered to Centeno by means of the Indians, who by order of Don Christoval Paullu Inca (of whom we have formerly made mention) were very diligent and faithfull to acquaint Centeno with all the motions of his Ene∣mies.

By these means Centeno being truly informed of the way and course which Pi∣çarro intended to take marched forth to stop and interrupt him in his passage; and thereby came so near each to the other that the Scouts met and called to each other, and then returned to carry the advice. So soon as Centeno received this in∣telligence of their near approach, he put his people into a posture of defence, and drew them out all night into form of Battel, having been formerly well acquain∣ted with the alarms and surprises which Piçarro had often given him in the night. And yet for his care and vigilance Acosta made such an attempt upon him in the night with twenty Musquetiers as put all the Camp into confusion; and the affright∣ment was so great, that Carate saith, in the second Chapter of his seventh Book, that many of the Souldiers fled to their Tents, and the people of Valdivia left their Pikes and shamefully ran away; and that Acosta retreated again without the loss of one man. Thus far Carate. What he farther adds concerning the people of Valdivia is this; There was a certain Captain, says he, named Pedro de Valdivia, who, being in Chili, received intelligence of the great stirs and troubles which were in Peru, and to be the better informed thereof, and perhaps to interest him∣self on one side or the other, he came with many followers, and failing along the Coast of Peru, he received information of the ill condition of Piçarro, and that the President Gusca was then in Sausa preparing to march against him; whereupon Pedro de Valdivia resolved to go himself in Person to the President, and to list him∣self with him in his Majesty's Service, and to travel with the less Train he dismist his men and sent them to joyn with Centeno; and these are those Valdivians, who, as Carate saith, shamefully ran away.

The day following, as is reported, both Parties marched in sight of each other, with their men drawn up in Battalia. The Forces of Centeno (as Lopez de Gomara re∣ports) were twelve hundred and twelve men strong; Carate saith that they were something under a thousand; Palentino calls them above nine hundred; but for my part, I have received it from very good hands that they were twelve hundred; of which there were two hundred and sixty Horse, a hundred and fifty Fire-locks, and about eight hundred Pikes and Lances. All the Infantry he drew up into one Body, flanking the Lances with the Fire-locks, though indeed the Flanks were very thin.

The Captains of Foot were John de Vargas Brother to Garçilasso de la Vega, my Lord and Father, Francisco de Retamoso, Captain Negrul, Captain Pantoja and Diego

Lopez de Cuniga; these five Captains with their Ensigns marched on the left Wing and in the Van of all about twenty paces distant from the rest of the Squadron.

These were immediately followed by eleven Files of the choicest men in the Squadron, in nature of a Forlorne Hope: After these came the Ensign bearers carrying their Colours, and then followed the Lances and Pikemen interlined with the Musquetiers.

The right Wing of the Infantry was supported with three Troops of Horse, whose Captains names were Pedro de los Rios a Native of Cordoua, and of as noble descent as any in that City, also Antonio de Ulloa born at Carceres, a Gentleman of a very ancient Family, and with them was joined Diego Alvarez born at Almendral, who carried the Royal Standard. Diego Centeno being then sick was not amongst the Troops, nor present in the Battel, but was carried up and down in a Chair giving orders and directions. This Squadron, consisting of a hundred and sixty Horse, was commanded to charge the left Wing of the Enemy: likewise Centeno flanked the left Wing of his Foot with ninety seven Horse which belonged to Arequepa, and to the City of Plate, whose Captains were Alonso de Mendoça and Jeronimo de Villegas, and all commanded by the Major-General Luys de Ribera; and the Serjeant-Major of this Army was Luys Garcia de Sant Mames.

On the other side the Lieutenant-General Francisco de Carvajal formed his Squa∣dron with the flower and choicest men of the Militia of Peru; and it was pity that such stout and excellent Souldiers did not take the right side, and employ themselves in service of the King their Lord and Master: this was the cause which moved Historians to write with such defamation of a man so experienced in War that he knew to a point how many Lances were requisite to give check-mate to a Party, and had as much advantage over others in War as an expert Master at the Game of Chess hath over a young beginner or learner. Accordingly with great art he drew up in Battalia his little Army of four hundred men upon the Plains, of which eighty five were Horse, sixty Pikes and Lances and about two hundred and fifty Fire-locks: howsoever many Authours make Piçarro to have been of a greater force, and Centeno of a far less; perhaps to abate the glory of Francisco Car∣vajal in case he conquered Centeno; but these Writers understood not the Secret, nor found out the true cause of the Victory on one side, and the defeat of the other, which we shall speedily relate.

Carvajal drew up in admirable Order his small Squadron in an open Plain, where were no Bushes, nor any thing else to hinder the shot of his Harquebusiers: the Captains of which were Diego Guillen and John de la Torre; and Carvajal himself commanded his own Company composed of stout Souldiers, and excellent Marks∣men. And though John de Acosta commanded at that time a Troop of Horse, yet he changed that day with Captain Guevara for his Foot Company, because Guevara was lame and could not fight otherwise than on Horse-back: these four were Cap∣tains of Foot, and Hernando Bachicao commanded sixty Lances and Pikes; and both Wings were interlined with Harquebusiers on one side and the other.

Amongst the Captains of Horse Gonçalo Piçarro was bravely mounted and armed with a good Coat of Mail, and over it a Coat of green Velvet, which I have seen him wear, and over all he had a loose Garment of crimson Velvet slashed; on each hand of him were Licenciado Cepeda, who was Captain of Horse, and Bachiller Guevara.

Francisco de Carvajal was Commander in Chief of this whole Squadron of Horse, and posted himself on the right Wing of the Foot, not exactly joyning to them, but advanced about fifty paces before, that the Musquetiers might have the more room to play their shot; for in them he reposed his greatest assurance of Victory.

Carvajal was armed like a Commander of Horse, with Coat of Mail, and Gant∣let, and a Head-piece, which they call a Burgonnon, with a close Bever, furnished with such cross Bars as they put upon the Hilts of their Swords; over these Arms he wore a Coat of green Cloth, of a sad and deep colour, and he was mounted on a common Pad, like a poor Souldier, not to be known. And in this manner were his Troops ranged, whilst he, to put them into good order, rode to the Front and Rere, and was present in all parts and places to give his directions and word of command.

Thus were both Armies drawn up, and at a distance of about six hundred pa∣ces faced each other. Those of Centeno's side remained so confident of Victory, that when they went out of the Camp, they ordered their Indian Servants to pro∣vide

their Dinner with a double portion ready against their return, that they might entertain their Friends, when they had subdued them, and taken them pri∣soners.

But the Indians, who feared that this vanity and confident boastings portended some ill, answered their Masters, and asked them where they should drive those Herds of Cattel, to secure them against their Enemies; who though few in num∣ber, will yet, said they, be your Masters; and this they uttered with that earnestness and confidence, that many of the Spaniards grew so angry and outrageous to hear them, that they were ready to beat them, and with this passion they entred in∣to the places and posts appointed them in their respective Squadrons. One of these was Martin de Arbieto, who discoursing with a Friend of his upon what the Indians had so unluckily presaged; at the same time came one Gonçalo Silvestre, who repor∣ted the same as the Indians had prognosticated: And they had scarce advanced a few paces forward before one Julio de Hojeda, who was an Inhabitant of Cozco, and one of the first Conquerours of Peru, came roaring, and swearing said, that he could scarce forbear killing his Indians, for saying that we should be defeated this day. How these doggs should come to say these things, I know not, unless they being Witches, converse with the Devil. At the same instant came another Inha∣bitant of Cozco, called Carrera, who said the same things; and another also came to report the same News, so that it came by six or seven hands; who scorning to give credence to the vain presages of their Indians, posted themselves in that Squa∣dron of Horse which flanked the Infantry in the left Wing.

CHAP. XIX.

The Battel of Huarina. The Strategem which the Lieute∣nant General Carvajal used. The particular Exploits of Gonçalo Piçarro and of other Cavaliers of renown and good fame.

BOTH Squadrons being drawn up in the Field stood facing each other for a long time without moving, and being in this posture, Gonçalo Piçarro sent his Chaplain, called Father Herrera, to Diego Centeno, requiring him to permit him a free passage to depart, and not force him to make his way by Battel; and in case he would not grant his request, he did then protest against him for all the losses, damages and bloud which should ensue thereupon. The Chaplain came with his Crucifix before him, but the Guards stopped him, upon suspicion that he came as a Spy to discover their numbers and order. The Bishop of Cozco and Diego Cen∣teno who were together at the same time, sent for the Chaplain, and having heard what he had to say, he was ordered to be brought into the Bishop's Tent.

The Forces of Diego Centeno, having information of the Message which the Priest brought, and being confident and assured of Victory, were resolved to gain the honour of being the first to make the on-set: and accordingly moving to∣wards the Enemy they had scarce advanced a hundred paces before they made a stand. Francisco de Carvajal ordered his men to keep their ground, being desi∣rous to have the Enemy come up to them, and to encourage and provoke them thereunto, he sent John de Acosta with thirty Musquetiers to begin a skirmish, and to make a seeming retreat, to draw the enemy to follow them. The other side drew out an equal number to engage with them; but no hurt was done, for they fired at such a distance that the Bullets could not reach home.

Historians write, and particularly Augustine Carate, in the third Chapter of his second book, hath these words; Francisco de Carvajal, saith he, seeing the Camp of Diego Centeno to make a halt, ordered his own Souldiers to advance ten paces forwards; which when Centeno's Souldiers observed, they cryed out, that the Ene∣my gained honour over them; and thereupon began to march in a full body:

at which Picarro's men made a full stop, and stood still in expectation of the Ene∣my's coming up to them; and by the way as they approached, Carvajal ordered some few shots to be made at them, to incite them to return whole vollies; which succeeded accordingly, for they advanced fast, and charged with their Pikes, firing as they went at the distance of three hundred paces: all this while Canvajal fired not one Musquet, till the Enemy was come within shot, and then they poured whole showers of Bullets on them; which coming from expert Marks-men, above a hundred and fifty men were killed at this first charge, and amongst them two Captains; so that the whole Body began to be disordered; and at a second charge they were put into confusion, and plainly ran away.

Thus far Carate, who wrote all the particulars at the beginning, middle and end of this Battel: and the like Relation is given by Gomara and Palentino, with little or no difference. I shall repeat their Narratives, and add what I have heard re∣ported from both sides.

It is said, that the reason why Carvajal would not advance, but stood still to keep his ground untill the Enemy made the first on-set, was this, The whole body of his Musquetiers were not above two hundred and fifty men in all; yet they had six or seven hundred Fire-arms, being such as had been left them by the fugitive Souldiers; these Arms some few days before the Battel were fitted up, and new fixed and delivered to the hands of the Souldiers, so that some Souldi∣ers carried three, some four Musquets; and because it was difficult for a Souldi∣er to carry such a heap of Arms on his shoulders, it was thought most conveni∣ent to stand still and expect the coming of the Enemy.

This Francisco Carvajal was certainly as great a Captain as any was in his time; and whatsoever he said or acted was accompanied with much sharpness and dex∣terity: and therefore we will mention some few sayings of his, which he uttered during the time that these matters were transacting.

Two days before this Battel, a certain Souldier of his of good fame and esteem came, and desired him to give him a little Lead to make some Bullets against the day of Battel. How, said Carvajal, I cannot believe that a Souldier of your wor∣ship's quality, should be without Bullets when the Enemy is near: Really, Sir, answered the Souldier, I have none: Your Worship must pardon me, replyed Carvajal, and give me leave not to believe you; for it is impossible you should be without Bullets. The Souldier finding himself thus urged, in truth, Sir, said he, upon the word of a Souldier, I have but three•• Oh, Sir, answered Carvajal, did not I tell you, that your Worship being the man you were taken for, could not be without Bullets; and therefore I desire you to lend me one of your three, to bestow upon another; and then kill me to day a Bird with one of the two re∣maining, and a man with the other on the day of the Fight; and then I will re∣quire you to shoot no more. By this saying, Carvajal would give us to under∣stand, that if every Musquetier could but kill his man, the Victory would be se∣cure and certain. But howsoever, he largely supplied the Souldier with Ammu∣nition and Arms, as he did all the others who had occasion of Powder and Bul∣let: in this pleasant manner he treated with his Friends; but when he came to deal with his Enemies, he treated them at another rate, with all gravity, cau∣tion and reservedness required.

Another quaint saying of his was expressed to his Musquetiers in sight of the Enemy; when he advised them to level their Arms from the Girdle downwards, and not from the Breast to the Head upwards: For, look you, Gentlemen, said he, Bullets are apt to rise, and that which misses, though but two Fingers breadth, is lost, and cannot doe execution; but that which flies low, and gra∣zes ten paces off, may yet have some effect: And in case you wound your Enemy either in the Thighs or Legs, he must fall, and become disabled; when, on the contrary, a man may receive a shot either in his Arm or Body, unless the wound be mortal, he may yet continue fighting. Upon this ground, and for this rea∣son, he ordered his Musquetiers not to fire above a hundred paces distant from the Enemy; which, as Carate saith, did such cruel and terrible execution, that in the first ranks of Captains and Ensigns, and in the eleven files which were in the Van before them, these remained not ten men found, all being killed or wounded; which was a sad case, and much to be lamented. In like manner these Shot gauled the Horse very much, of which Alonso de Mendoça and Jeronimo de Vil∣legas were Captains; so that ten or twelve of the Cavaliers were dismounted,

and amongst them was one Carrera, whom we have formerly mentioned. One of the Colonels, named Luys de Ribera, considering that in case the Horsemen were detached by degrees and ordered to charge the Foot, they would all be killed one after the other, before they could be able to come up to the Enemy; and there∣fore Orders were given, that they should charge Piçarro's Horse; who seeing the Enemy coming upon them, kept their ground, and stirred not one step forward, as the Lieutenant General had directed; that the Musquetiers might not lose their Shot, nor advantage of their Vollies, as the Enemy came up to them: but when he saw that Centeno's Horse had passed the right wing of the Foot; he then ad∣vanced thirty paces forward, to receive the charge of the Enemy. Centeno's Horse riding upon a full trot, over-bore Piçarro's Horse, and trampled and trod them under foot, as if they had been so many Sheep, so that (as Historians agree, and I with them) Men and Horse were overthrown; and scarce ten Men of all their numbers remained who were not dismounted. One of these thus hardly beset was Gonçalo Piçarro himself, who being single and divided from his Company, hastened up to join with his Foot. But being known by three Cavaliers of chief note, they fell upon him with intent to kill him or take him prisoner: one of them was called Francisco de Vlloa, another, Michael de Vergara, and the other, Gonçalo Silvestre: This latter assailed Piçarro on the right side, Vergara on the left, and Vlloa joined with Vergara. These two came up so closely to Piçarro, that they gave him many Stabs under the Ribs, but good Arms defended him. Michael de Vergara made a loud Out•• cry, and said. This Traytor Piçarro is my prize and my prisoner. In this manner they all four pursued him, till he came up to the Foot; but the Horse on which Gonçalo Silvestre rode most troubled and endangered him, for, being a nimble Horse and in a full carriere, he came so close up to him that Silvestre took hold of the Horse's pectoral, and stopped him in his course, which when Piçarro perceived, he turned about his body to him, and with a short Cutlace, which was hanged with a Ribon on the wrist of his right hand, he gave three Cuts upon his Horse, one of which lighted upon his Nose, and cut off his Lips, so as the Teeth were laid bare upon one side; another Cut he gave him over the Nostrils; and the third took him over the hollow of his right eye, though without hurt to his sight. And this Piçarro performed with so little con∣cernment, as if he had been engaged in sports of the Ring or other Feats of Arms. And this very story I heard from Gonçalo Silvestre himself, who often amongst other particulars of this Battel recounted this passage, and the same I have heard confirmed by divers others. And that all four of them pursued him up to his body of the Foot.

CHAP. XX.

The Story of the cruel Battel of Huarina is farther conti∣nued, several Feats of Arms performed therein. The Vic∣tory is gained by Piçarro.

WHEN the Souldiers saw him coming they knew him to be Piçarro, and charged with their Pikes to receive and defend him. Silvestre percei∣ving that he had not wounded Piçarro with all the Stabs he had given him on his sides; he stopped his hand, and gave a Cut on the Blade-bone of his Horse's Shoulder, but the wound was so inconsiderable, that after these matters had pas∣sed, and the Wars were at an end; this particular was scarce judged worthy to be mentioned, lest it should accuse his Arm of faintness and want of strength: but this small wound was again returned by Piçarro's Souldiers, who sallying forth to kill those who pursued him, wounded Gonçalo Silvestre's Horse in the head with a Lance, which made him rise up on end; and then another with his Lance ran Silvestre himself through both his Arms: the Horse with the smart of his Wounds

floundred and tumbled on all four; with the force of which the head of the Lance broke off in his Arms; but howsoever the Horse bounsing up, carried off his Master with more danger than what is here expressed. But Michael de Vergara was more unfortunate, for he in the heat of his Fury fansying that the Traytor Piçarro was his prisoner, pursued him within three or four files of the Enemy, where they knocked him down, and cut both him and his horse into pieces.

Nor did Francisco de Vlloa succeed better, for as he was turning his horse to escape, a Musquetier clapt the nose of his Gun on the reins of his Back, which passed clear through him; and another Souldier at the same time, cut his horse over the hucksons of his hinder leggs, and though he was hamstringed thereby, yet he was a horse of that spirit, that he carried his Master off above fifty paces, and then both of them fell dead together; all which I have learned and heard so very particularly that the colours of their Horses were described: This was the issue of the Fight between the Horse of Piçarro and Centeno, which was so bloudy that a hundred and seven horses lay dead within the field where the Battel was fought, which contained not above two Acres of ground besides those which fell at some farther distance off, and yet all the number of horse on one side and the other did not amount to above a hundred and eighty two. The matter was very strange, and indeed no man believed the report, untill my Father Garçilasso de la Vega did assure them upon his word, that he had counted them one by one, and that out of curiosity, he had taken the account, by reason that the Battel was so exceeding bloudy that no man would hereafter believe, that out of so small a number so many should be killed.

When Diego Centeno's Horsemen saw that Piçarro was retreated into the Body of his Infantry, they then charged those few Horse of the Enemy which remained with such success, that they killed them almost all to the last man, so that the Victory was clear as to them: One of those who were killed was Captain Pedro de Fuentes, who had been Governour to Piçarro in Arequepa; he was knocked down with one of those Clubbs which the Indians use in the War; by the strong Arm of a Horseman, who rising high from his Saddle, gave him such a blow with both hands on his Helmet, as beat it into pieces, and dashed out his Brains, so that poor Pedro fell down dead upon the very place. Captain Licenciado Cepeda was grievously wounded with a Cut over his Face and bridge of his Nose, and was taken prisoner, I remember that I saw him at Cozco, after he was cured, with a patch of black Taffaty of a Finger's breadth over the Scar. At this time Hernan∣do Bachicao, who commanded the Lances under Piçarro, hearing the Enemy sound the Levets of Victory, ran over to Centeno's side, and called Witnesses that he was come over to the King's service, and claimed the privilege of the Proclama∣tion of general Pardon. But the other Squadron of Horse belonging to Centeno, which flanked on the right Wing of the Infantry, and commanded by Pedro de Los Rios, and Antonio de Vlloa, charged the left Wing of Piçarro's Foot, as was or∣dered at the beginning of the Battel; but they were so warmly received with such a volly from the Enemy, that Captain Pedro de Rios was killed, and many others, before they could come to close with them; whereupon they wheeled off, and would not adventure to engage farther with that Squadron, which was too hot for them, being well fortified with Pikes and Fire-arms: Howsoever passing along the left Wing and the rere-guard of Piçarro's Forces, they were much gaulled with Shot from them; for that Squadron was well guarded with Yllapas, which in the Indian tongue signifies thunder and lightning; and indeed it proved so to that no∣ble and flourishing Army of Diego Centeno, which consisted for the most part of Gentlemen, mounted on the best Horses which at that time were to be found in all Peru, and which were for the most part that day destroyed in that bloudy and unfortunate Battel. Piçarro had a desire to have charged the Enemies horse in person, and fought it out with them to the last, but Carvajal advised him not to doe it, but to keep his ground, and leave the management unto him; and do not doubt (said he) but very speedily you shall see your Enemies routed, taken and killed. Centeno's Horse having rallied into one body, after they had passed the two Wings of Piçarro's Squadron, were yet more warmly received by the Rere-guard which Carvajal commanded to fire briskly upon them; which they performed with such success, that they killed many of them, and put them into disorder, and forced them to quit the Field; the which action was performed in so short a time that scarce had Centeno's Trumpets finished their Levet which sounded Victory,

before it was begun on Piçarro's side: which when Hernando Bachicao percei∣ved, he returned back to his former Squadron, crying out Victory as loud as any. One of the Horsemen on Centeno's side, born at Herrera de Alcantara, (whose name I have forgotten, running away, in his Flight and full carriere, accidentally happened to pass by Francisco de Carvajal sitting on his small Nag, as we have be∣fore mentioned, and not knowing who he was, gave him a stroak with a broad Sword over the Vizard of his Head-piece, which being given with a strong Arme and a good Will, the Sword entred deep within the Iron, but yet went not so far as to wound him: at which those who saw it wondered very much; and af∣ter the Battel was ended, and all things quiet, Carvajal shewed the Head-piece to Gonçalo Piçarro, and said to him, what do you think, would have become of me, had I not been guarded with this defence? One third part of Diego Cente∣no's Foot were all slain, as is mentioned before; another third part of them, when Victory was sounded on their side, were licensed to plunder Piçarro's Camp, and accordingly they sacked a great part of it; but this proved their ruine, and was a great occasion of the loss of the day. The remainder of the Infantry, which were not above sixty in all, were left at push of Pike with Piçarro's Souldiers, secon∣ded with a Party of John de Acosta's. A certain Souldier of Centeno's side, called —Guadramiros (whom I knew) a Man tall of Stature, and well shaped, of a peaceable disposition and more a Courtier than a Souldier, gave Acosta a push with his Pike in the Throat; and the head of the Pike remaining within the flesh, he gave him with the Staff end such a blow over the Shoulders, that Acosta was therewith knocked down, with his Heels up in the Air: at the same time a Ne∣ger chanced to come in, whom I knew, called —Guadalupe, and gave him a cut over both the Calves of his Leggs; but the Neger being a weak little fellow, and the Sword as dull and as black with rust as the Master, he rather bruised the flesh than cut it.

At length Piçarro's men coming to handy-blows with those of Centeno's, they killed them almost all: but John de Acosta saved both Guadramiros and Guadalupe from being killed: for he interposed himself between them and those who would have killed them, and cryed out a-loud, that they deserved Quarter and also Ho∣nour and Reward: What I have said here I knew to be true; for afterwards I took acquaintance with Guadalupe, when he was a Musquetier in one of the Com∣panies belonging to Gonçalo Piçarro, quartered at Cozco, where he was gallant in his Habit, and dressed up in Feathers as gay as a Peacock, because every one re∣spected him for his courage and bravery. And here I must beg the Reader's par∣don for having descended thus far to trivial particulars, having onely an intention hereby to confirm the truth of my Narrative by the Testimony of having been an Eye-witness to the foregoing Transactions.

CHAP. XXI.

The number of those who were killed and wounded on both sides, with other particular Successes: as also what was acted by Carvajal after the Battel.

THE escape of Guadramiros was after the Battel ended, and after the Victo∣ry plainly appeared for Gonçalo Piçarro; for on his side were slain about a hundred men, of which seventy odd were Horsemen, and about fifteen Foot, besides those which were wounded, amongst which were Captain Cepeda, John de Acosta, and Captain Diego Guillen. On Diego Centeno's side above three hundred and fifty were killed, and amongst them their Major General, and all the Captains of Foot, with their Ensigns, being the Flower of their Army, and the choicest Men amongst them; besides which Pedro de Los Rios, Captain of Horse, and Diego Al∣varez, who carried the Standard, dyed on the place. There were, besides those that were slain, three hundred and fifty wounded, of which above an hundred

and fifty dyed for want of able and experienced Chirurgeons, and of Balsams, Pla∣sters and other Medicaments; and the extreme colds of the Countrey contributed much thereunto; for though that Countrey is within the Tropicks, yet the Colds are often very intense, by reason of the high Winds and lofty Mountains. Gonçalo Piçarro followed the pursuit with seven or eight lamed Horses; with which they entred the Tents of Centeno, rather to own and publish the Victory, than to offend the Enemy; for as Gomara saith, in Chapter 182. the Conquerours themselves were so ill treated, that they were not able to pursue or offend the Enemy. On one side, where this Battel was fought in that great Plain, was a long Bog or Marsh, and about thirty or fourty paces broad, but so shallow as would scarce serve to cover the Fetlocks of a Horse. Before they came to this Bog, one of Pi∣çarro's Souldiers called to one of Centeno's, whom he saw covered with bloud, both he and his Horse. Do you hear, Sir, said he, Your Horse will fall presently: at which saying Centeno's Souldier was much troubled, because he trusted to make his escape by the goodness and strength of his Horse.

This person was Gonçalo Silvestre, of whom we have formerly made mention; and it was he from whom I received the Information of many of these Passages: and he told me moreover, that turning his face to the left-hand, he saw Gonçalo Piçarro himself, with some few of his men, marching softly to Centeno's Tents, crossing himself as he went, and crying with a loud voice, Jesus, What a Victory is this! Jesus, What a Victory is this! which he repeated many and many times. A little before they came to the Bog, a certain Souldier of Piçarro's side called Gonçalo de los Nidos, overtook Gonçalo Silvestre; whom Silvestre had a little before taken Pri∣soner, and upon his asking Quarter and his Life, he gave him his liberty, with∣out the least hurt done to him: When Nidos knew that Silvestre was his Enemy, he cryed out, Kill that Traytor, Kill that Traytor: upon which Silvestre turned to him, and calmly said, Sir, I beseech you let me alone to dye in peace; for in the condition that I and my Horse are, we cannot live many minutes without giving you the trouble to kill us. No, said he, No; Damne me, Thou shalt dye by my hand. Silvestre looking well upon him, and finding him to be the man to whom he had newly given Quarter: Good Sir, said he, be patient, and use me with the like mercy that I shewed to you. But Nidos roared out then louder, and cryed, Thou art the Rogue: Damne me, I am resolved for that very rea∣son to kill thee, and tear out thy Heart, and throw it to the Dogs. Silvestre told me, that if this fellow had answered him in more moderate and civil terms, he should certainly have yielded to be his Prisoner; but finding him so ungratefull, rude and barbarous, he resolved to fight with him, if his Horse were able to stand against him: this discourse passed between them as they were wading over the Bog or Marsh, which was no place for a Combat; but so soon as they were over, Silve∣stre spurred up his Horse, to try his strength and mettle; and finding him there∣with to spring forward and answer the Spur, as if he had received no hurt; and throwing up his Head, snorted out some of the bloud which issued from the wounds on his Nostrils on his Master's Clothes; which when Silvestre perceived, he rode away a gallop, seeming to fly, that he might draw the fellow farther from his Par∣ty: accordingly Nidos pursued him, crying out aloud; The Traytor runs, and The Coward runs: but so soon as Silvestre had drawn him at a convenient distance from his Companions, he returned upon him, and gave him a stroke about the middle with a rusty Rapier, which he had taken from a Neger in the Battel; for he had broken the two Swords which he had brought with him that day into the Field; for, as the manner was for good Souldiers, he came doubly armed, that is, with one Sword in the Scabbard by the side, and another fastened to the Pom∣mel of the Saddle. Nidos was not wounded with the blow, but onely being well affrighted, ran away to his Party, crying out, They kill me, They kill me; for Cowards are always more valiant with their Tongues than with their hands, Gonçalo Piçarro being an Eye-witness himself of wh•••• had passed, and of the Bra∣very of Silvestre, sent Alonso de Herrera after him, to persuade him with good words and fair terms to come in and yield, that he might doe him honour, and reward him for his Gallantry and Valour. Alonso de Herrera hastened what he could af∣ter him, but his Horse was so wounded, that he could not put him out of his Trot, and soon afterwards he dyed of his Wounds; howsoever Herrera called after him to return, swearing, that if he would come back, his Master, the Go∣vernour, would doe him more honour in one day, than he should receive from

the King in all the days of his life; but Gonçalo Silvestre returned him no answer, but spurred up his Horse and went away. This Story I have heard from those of Piçarro's Party, and likewise from Silvestre himself, and on the report of both sides I relate it here.

Gonçalo Piçarro, in pursuance of his Victory, thought not fit to enter Centeno's Camp, having understood that his Souldiers were in it already, and were plun∣dering the Tents in great heat and sury: wherefore, returning to his own Camp, he found it had also been pillaged by Centeno's Souldiers, at the time when they thought the Victory was theirs, and that they had taken from thence all the Hor∣ses and Mules they could seise, which were now usefull in their flight. Francisco de Carvajal on the other side pursued the Victory, not to kill Spaniards, with Clubs which two Negroes carried, as Palentino reports Chapter the eightieth, and says, that he killed above a hundred; which certainly had been a very cruel action: but it is good neither to flatter men with praise who do not deserve it, nor yet to calumniate or accuse wherein men are not guilty: the truth is, Carvajal killed none after the Battel, but remained satisfied with his Victory, which he had obtained solely by his own good management and industry, (as was manifest) and might be attributed to his great skill and experience in martial affairs; and therefore he might well triumph and glory, that he himself had killed a hundred men in that Battel, since the whole success of that day was effected by his extraordinary con∣duct. Lopez de Gomara, Chap.183. reflects on the words of Francisco de Carvajal, and descants farther upon them, and says, that he boasted of the satisfaction and pleasure he had in killing a hundred men, amongst which one was a Friar, who said Mass: but if this report be not true, we may then lay the cruelty at the door of this Authour, and not of this great Souldier, who onely gloried in his Victo∣ry, &c. Thus far Gomara.

Francisco de Carvajal, having atchieved so much honour and glory, caressed and dealt kindly with his Enemies; for the next day after the Battel, being informed that several principal men of note, belonging to Centeno, and professed Servants to his Majesty, were wounded, and lay concealed in the Tents of some of his Soul∣diers, who out of friendship took care for their cure, he with all diligence made search after them, which all people imagined at first was with design to kill them; at length he found eight of them, one was Martin de Arbieto a Biscayner, a person of noble descent and valiant, of whom we have formerly made mention, and whom we shall have occasion to name hereafter; another was a Gentleman of Sa∣lamanca, called John de St. Miguel; another was a Gentleman born at Cafra, named Francisco Maraver. I knew them all three, and the other five also, but I have forgot their names; all which Carvajal finding very much wounded, he spoke par∣ticularly to every one of them, and told them that he was troubled to see them in that condition, and desired them to take care of their recovery, to which if he could contribute, he desired them freely to command it of him, assuring them, that the would be as carefull of them as of his own Brothers; and that when they were cured he would readily grant them their freedom and liberty to depart; but if they would resolve to stay with him, he would make it his business to serve them all the days of his life. Moreover he caused Proclamation to be made tho∣rough the whole Camp, That what Souldiers soever belonging to Centeno which lay wounded, should freely discover themselves and demand help for their cure, which should be administred to them, and money, if they wanted it, and he pro∣mised to take the same care of them as he did of his Lord the Governour. This policy Carvajal used to allure the hearts of the Souldiers to his Party: for he was not ignorant, that benefits and caresses are more prevalent than rigour and cruel∣ties; the which he exercised towards his declared enemies standing in defiance, but was more gentle and complemental with such as he perceived inclinable to his Party.

CHAP. XXII.

Gonçalo Piçarro issues out Orders to bury the Dead. He dispatches Officers into divers parts. The flight of Diego Centeno; and what happened to the conquered Party.

SO soon as Gonçalo Piçarro returned to his Tent, he found my Father there, and desired him to lend him his Horse, Salinillas, untill his own were cured of the slight wound which Gonçalo Silvestre had given him; which being granted, he mounted thereon, and taking a turn round the Field, he gave order to bury the dead, and to take care of such as were wounded; which he found for the most part stripped of their Clothes by the Indians, who, without regard to Friend or Foe, made all prize which came within their power: the common Souldiers were all buried together promiscuously in ten or twelve great Pits, which were made for that purpose; but the Bodies of Noblemen and Persons of Quality were carried to the Village of Huarina (which was near thereunto, and for which reason this Fight was called the Battel of Huarina) and there they interred them in a small Church built by the Indians themselves, in which they were taught the Articles of the Christian Faith, when things were in peace, and when the time was proper for it: and there those Bodies rested for the space of four years, un∣till the troubles being at an end, and the Empire flourishing in peace, those Bo∣dies were taken up and carried to the great Church of a City which the Spaniards had lately founded and called it the City of Peace, where they were re-buried with much Solemnity, Masses and Sacrifices, which continued for many days: The Gentlemen of Peru did generally contribute to the expence hereof, in regard they were all related to the dead, either by Kindred or by Friendship. Gonçalo Piçarro having buried the dead, and taken care of the wounded, dispatched away Officers into divers parts to provide necessaries which were wanting. Dionysio de Bovadilla was sent to the City of Plate, to bring what Silver he could get for payment of the Souldiers. Diego de Carvajal, surnamed the Gallant, was dispatched to the City of Arequepa on the same errand, and Captain John de la Torre was sent to Cozco; all three were attended with thirty Musquetiers apiece, who had commission to press what men they met, and bring them to the place where Piçarro lay en∣camped.

But now to return to Diego Centeno (of whom we have for some time been silent) He was sick, as Authours write of him, having been six times let bloud too in the distemper of a Pleurisie; and therefore was not actually present in the Fight, but was carried about in a Chair, from whence seeing the slaughter of his men, and the loss of the day, he left his seat and mounted on his Horse, which was led near to him: and being overcome with the fear of death and the desire of life which is natural to all men, he fled away, not staying for the Bishop or any other; but onely with the company of one Priest called Father Biscayner, he took his way over the Desarts and Mountains, leaving the high way, the better to elude the devices and strategems of Carvajal, and came at length to the City of Los Reyes; so that neither Carvajal nor any of his own side knew what was be∣come of him, that he seemed to be vanished like an Apparition, or carried away by some strange Enchantment. And though he was informed that the President Gasca was in the Valley of Sausa; which was in his way, yet he thought not fit to go thither, but wrote a Letter to him by the Father Biscayner, to excuse his non-attendance, being forced to go first to the City of Los Reyes to provide him∣self with such necessaries as were requisite for his own person, and agreeable to the quality of that Office and Dignity in which he had served. And here we will leave him at Los Reyes to speak of Francisco de Carvajal, who was wandring about the Countrey in search, as Authours say, of Don Fray John Solano, Bishop of Cozco, against whom he was highly incensed, saying, that whereas he ought to have been in the Church, praying unto God for the peace of Christians, he was turned Soul∣dier, and was become a chief Officer in the Army of Diego Centeno: but being not

found, nor known where he was, he hanged up a Brother of his called— Ximenez, and a certain Friar who was a companion to the Bishop, and so pro∣ceeded on his march to Arequepa: where we will leave him also, to tell what be∣came of those who fled from the Battel, that by the short relation we make there∣of, the Reader may imagine the sad and miserable condition of those who fled from the Battel, wounded and ill treated without Victuals or Chirurgeons, nor so much as a Cottage or Shed to cover themselves that night, against the excessive colds which are constant in those Desarts; which is most terrible and grievous to consider.

Gonçalo Silvestre having thus escaped out of the hands of Gonçalo Piçarro and his Souldiers, went directly to his Tent, where the first thing he demanded of his Indians, was the Budget in which they put the Instruments for shoing their Horses; for it was the custome then, and many years after, for every Spaniard to be prepared to shoe his own Horse, in case he should cast a shoe on the Road, and accordingly every one carried with him, when he travelled, a Pouch or Bud∣get containing about two hundred Nails, and four Shoes well fitted, with Ham∣mer, and Pinchers, and Shaver to pare the Hoofs: and indeed it was necessary to go so provided, in regard there were no Smiths Forges in the way, nor in any places but where Spaniards inhabited, which were commonly sixty leagues distant from each other; and the ways being rugged and rocky, it was necessary for every Horse-man to go so provided: though now I am informed that in these days that convenience is found every where, and that in every Inn maintained by Spaniards, there is a Smith's Forge for accommodation of Travellers. How∣soever I am sure that I learned something by that ancient custome, for I knew how to shoe my Father's Horses, and to let them bloud when occasion offered: for this reason Silvestre calling for these Instruments, and for a Scarlet Cloak dyed in Grain, which was the habit of Persons of Quality, he departed thence, leaving his Indians sad and melancholy, and complaining that he gave no belief to them when they fore-told this unhappy misfortune, which if he had done, they might have saved and secured all their goods. Thus left he his Indians without any care or provision made for them; and on the way he saw great numbers of people fly∣ing away, as well Spaniards as Indians, not knowing which way to go, but as for∣tune directed them. Amongst these, about a little more than a quarter of a league from the Camp, he overtook a Spaniard that was wounded, riding on a small Nagg; he had several wounds, but one especially on the Reins of his Back, so that he could not sit upright, but lay along with his Face on the Horses Neck: an Indian Woman walked by his Horses side; her left hand she laid on his wound, and in her right she had a stick to switch up the Horse; and said to her Master, pray doe what you can to get out of the hands of these Traitours and Rebels, and do not fear that I will ever leave you untill I see you again safe and sound: but Silvestre got before him, and overtook divers others shifting for themselves as well as they could. By that time that he had got a little more than three leagues from the Camp, he left the common way, and got into a by path, where was a Hole or Pit covered with Bushes and green Grass, which was all the Provender he could give that night to his Horse; but for himself he had neither Supper nor Bed: in this place he alighted and unbitted his Horse, who was so hungry that in a short time he left neither Grass nor Bush, but ate all up, which Silvestre was so pleased to see that the good fare his Horse found served him also in the place of a Supper. About two hours after above twenty Spaniards, some wounded and others sound, came to the same place, with as many Indians, who were very ser∣viceable to them at that time, for they lighted them up a Candle, and divided the Mayz amongst them which they carried for their own provision. The poor woun∣ded men knew not what to doe, sighing and groaning with the pain of their wounds; amongst them there was one man who between himself and his Horse had twenty three wounds great and small. But God provided for them in this great extremity; for as they were sitting, they espied an Indian carrying a Ham∣per made of Straw in form of a Chest, to him they went and opened the Hamper in hopes to have found provisions, but there proved to be nothing but tallow Candles, which this Indian, on supposition of better booty, had robbed from the Tents; for the Spaniards in such Hampers as those, which are very light and por∣table, usually carry provisions and accommodations for their Journies. The In∣dians seeing the Candles, told their Masters that they were able to cure the

wounded with the Tallow, mixed with the dung of Cattel (of which there is great store in that Countrey; which having dried and beaten to a powder, they heated it with the grease, and made it as hot as they could well endure it, and first having probed the depth of the wounds with some Bodkins which the Spa∣niards carried with them, they poured it into them, and this served for a Balsame which not onely stenched Bloud but healed the Sores, without other remedies; which was recounted afterwards as a mercy of God, and a miracle of Divine Pro∣vidence to that Party, which in their extremity had found so sovereign a cure: presently after mid-night they began again to travel, dividing into several parties, that the Enemy might not be induced to pursue them, on the report of many got∣ten into a Body.

About fifteen days afterwards Gonçalo Silvestre met with the Spaniard who was wounded, with his Indian Woman, and found him well and sound, in a Village of Indians, where were about fifteen or twenty Houses; for she had carried him thither amongst her own Friends and Relations, where they cured him, and en∣tertained him with what provisions their Countrey afforded. These passages I received particular information of from good hands, which happened in that de∣sart Countrey: there were many other accidents of greater importance than these, of which not having had particular information I forbear to write them; and leave them to the contemplation of the Reader, who in his thoughts may imagine the miseries which followed after a cruel Battel, in a Countrey disinhabited, and in a Desart without relief. I shall now return to a description of the place where this Battel was fought, and say something of what the three Authours write con∣cerning the exploits which were performed by Garçilasso de la Vega my Lord and Father.

CHAP. XXIII.

The Authour confirms the truth of what he hath said; and to satisfie those who do not believe him, he boasts of what Historians write concerning his Father.

FRancisco Lopez de Gomara, Chap. 182. relating the Battel of Huarina, and giving an account of the numbers of those who were killed and wounded, saith, that Piçarro had been in great danger had not Garçilasso de la Vega lent him his Horse, &c.

Augustine de Carate, Book the seventh, Chapter the third, discoursing of this Battel, saith that the Horse seeing the rout which was given to the Foot, engaged the Enemy's Horse, and in that charge Gonçalo Piçarro had his Horse killed under him, without other hurt to himself, &c. Diego Fernandez also, Book the second, Chapter the seventh and ninth, speaking of this Battel, saith, as follows;

Pedro de los Rios and Antonio de Ulloa charged the Horse on the other Wing, and engaged not with the Foot, as was ordered; which they performed with such success that they dismounted the whole party of Piçarro, scarce ten men remaining in the Saddle; and therewith being as it were assured of Victory, they began to rifle their Enemies, make them Prisoners, and take away their Arms. In this encounter Piçarro himself was dismounted, which when Garçilasso observed, he alighted from his Horse, (for he was one of those who continued in the Saddle) and lent it to him, and helped him to get up. Licençiado Cepeda was one of those who had yielded and taken quarter; but Hernando Bachicao, giving the day for lost passed over to Centeno's party.

Though all these Authours agree in these particulars concerning my Father, yet I am well assured of the truth of what I have wrote; and that the Horse which Piçarro received from my Father was not in the heat of the Fight, but afterwards: but I do not wonder that Historians should be so informed, for I remember that some School-fellows of mine, who were born of Indian Women, told me the

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same; and that they had heard what Diego Fernandez relates, how that he aligh∣ted, and lent Piçarro his Horse, and helped him to get up. And to undeceive the World in this particular; my Father (after the Battel of Sacsahuana) gave information before the Justice by an Officer of the Exchequer, and with the Te∣stimony of twenty two Witnesses, all of Centeno's Party, who declared, that at the time when Piçarro desired my Father's horse, there was not one man of Centeno's Army within half a league of him; and that the Wound which Piçarro's horse had received was so inconsiderable, that notwithstanding the same, he might have fought that whole day upon him if occasion had been. I have heard it also re∣ported, that Piçarro's horse was cut over the hucksons or hamstringed, as Franci∣sco de Ulloa's horse was; but it was a false report and information; as it was also, that the horse recovered, and yet dyed twenty two leagues distant from the place of Battel; but the truth is, the horse dyed for want of diet and good go∣vernment: for though the Farrier who took care of Piçarro stables, called Me∣scua, a Native of Guadalaxara (with whom I was acquainted) did use to give that horse water a little warmed, and therein flower of Mayz: yet the Groom forgot to give that in charge to the Indian who led the horse well covered and warmly clothed against the excessive colds of that Countrey: and the Indian, not knowing the rules which the Farrier had given, suffered the horse to drink, as he was passing a brook, as much water as he pleased, with which being presently taken with a chilness, he fell into a shivering, and dyed four leagues from that water.

Thus the Historians had some grounds to write what they did concerning my Father, and I had reason to give a truer information; not to excuse my Father in hopes of favour or reward, but out of affection to truth it self. As to the Of∣fence which is objected against my Lord Garçilasso, I have been punished and done penance for it, though I committed not the Crime. For when I came to petition his Majesty for some reward for the services of my Father; and that in consideration thereof the Estate which came by my Mother might be restored to us, which by the extinguishment of two Lives was escheated to the King: which when I had presented before the Royal Council of the Indies, and made it appear how great the services of my Father had been: and that those Lords were con∣vinced of the clearness of my pretensions; yet Licenciado Lope Garcia de Castro (who was afterwards made President of Peru) being then in the Chair, asked me, what reward I could expect the King should give me? considering that the services my Father had done for Piçarro at the Battel of Huarina were such as had given him the Victory. And when I replyed, that the information was absolutely false; How, said he, can you deny that which all Writers of these matters do affirm? And therewith they excluded me from all pretensions, not onely on account of my Father's services, but of my own. And though I had many merits on my own score to alledge, yet I could not procure to be heard: for I could have re∣lated, how I had served under Don Alonso Fernandez de Cordoua and Figueroa, under Marquis de Priego, Chief of the family of Aguilar, under Don Francisco de Cordoua (who is now in Heaven) and second Son to that Great Don Martin de Cordoua, Count of Alcaudere, Lord of Monte-mayor, and Captain General of Oran. I have also served his Majesty in quality of Captain of four several Companies; two of which were in the time of Philip the second of glorious memory; and the other two under his brother Don John of Austria, now also in Heaven, who were plea∣sed as signals of their favours to gratifie me therewith; not that I pretend to have merited them from that Prince; but onely his Highness observing in me a readiness of mind and affection to serve him, accepted my endeavours and was pleased to recommend me to his Brother. And yet notwithstanding so prevalent were the prejudices I lay under, that I durst neither revive my old pretensions nor alledge my later services: for which reasons, being cashiered the Army, I was so poor and naked in clothes, and so indebted, that I durst not return again to the Court, but retired my self into an obscure corner of solitude and poverty, where (as I declared in my Preamble to the History of Florida) I passed a quiet and a peace∣able life, as a man loose and disengaged from the World, and the mutability, without hopes or great expectations: and indeed I have no reason for it, because the best part of my life is passed already, and for the future God will provide, as he hath hitherto done Pardon me this impertinent digression, to which my troubles and oppressions have transported me; for it may well be allowed to me,

who have wrote the Lives of so many men, to relate some few passages of my own misfortunes.

But to return to what the aforesaid Authours have written concerning my Fa∣ther: I must confess that there is no reason for me to contradict the testimony of three such important Witnesses; nor is it reasonable for me to expect, that any one should yield entire credence to me who am a party in the case. For my own part, I am satisfied within my self, that I have declared nothing but the truth, and let other men judge as they please: I am sufficiently contented, that the character which they have given of my Father should pass for true: and I do much avail and value my self on the honour of being the Son of so courageous, resolute and valiant a Souldier, as he; who in the heat of a Battel so cruel and bloudy as is before repeated, durst adventure (as Historians write) to alight from his Horse, and spare him for his friend; and amidst of much danger could bear that presence of mind, as to help to set him on Horse-back. And if this action gave a turn to the fortune of the day, and obtained the Victory for Piçar∣ro, certainly there have been none, or at least few of these examples in the World.

These Trophies of Honour atchieved by my Father, I gladly assume unto my self: for the desire of honour is so natural to all men, that even those who have no vertue or worthiness to boast of, yet rather than want some little glitterings of imaginary honour, will glory in that which is their shame: but some may object, and say, that my Father acted against his Majesty's service: To which I make answer, that laying that matter aside; the Action in it self was brave and merits a due honour and renown. But to return to those who fled from the Battel, a∣mongst which the Bishop of Cozco was one; and he, having departed from Cen∣teno without any regard to either side, or concerning himself farther with them, returned to his Cathedial Church, but he was in too much haste to visit it, or to make any stay there. In company with him were Alonso de Hinojosa, John Julio de Hojeda, with about fourty other principal Citizens and Souldiers, whom I saw in that City, but yet cannot remember their Names, except those three former∣ly mentioned. The Bishop (as I have intimated in another place,) lodged in my Father's house with about fourteen or fifteen more, and next morning early they met in the lesser Square of the City near to the Convent of our Lady of the Merceds; and thence they travelled, and took the direct way to Los Reyes; be∣cause they understood that John de la Torre pursued hard after them; of whose suc∣cess we shall speak in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XXIV.

The Proceedings of John de la Torre in Cozco; and what was acted by other evil Ministers in other parts.

CAptain John de la Torre pursuing those who were fled from the Battel came to the City of Cozco; where he executed his Justice on John Vasquez de Tapia, who had been Mayor of the City for the King: he likewise hanged his Collegue or Coassessour named Licenciado Martel. These men lost their lives for want of due regard to themselves: for they resting confident of Centeno's success against Piçarro, acted with great zeal in the King's service-against such as were of the dis∣affected Party: and yet they took these matters into so little consideration, that though they saw the Bishop fly away, yet they resolved to stay by it, and not quit the City, untill John de la Torre came, who made them pay for their errour and in∣cogitancy with the loss of their lives: but as to the common Souldiers he issued a Proclamation of Pardon to all those who would list themselves in his Company. Then he gathered all the Arms he could, and erected triumphal Arches, and prepa∣red all things with magnificence and oftentation for the reception of Piçarro, who, as he pretended, was coming to that City, to enjoy the fruits and happy conse∣quences of his Victory: And here he leavied money for payment of the Army

and sent Officers to all parts round to bring in Provisions for their support. A∣mongst these Pedro de Bustincia (who was nobly descended and married to the La∣dy Beatriz Coya, the legitimate Daughter of Huayna Capac) was dispatched to the Province of Antahuylla, which is a Countrey abounding with all sorts of Pro∣visions: on this service this Gentleman was employed as the most proper person, because that out of respect to the Lady he had married, the Caciques and their Subjects would with all readiness apply themselves, and bring in what Provisions he should require: but he was very unfortunate in this undertaking, for it cost him his life, and very inconsiderate to engage himself in danger which he might have excused and avoided. As we shall find in the sequel.

Dionisio de Bovadilla was sent by Piçarro to the City of Plate with Instructions to bring what money he could raise out of Piçarro's own Estate, or out of his Bro∣ther's, together with what Tribute and Rent was due from the Indians to those whose Estates were confiscated for adhering to the King: and having hereby rai∣sed great sums both of Gold and Silver, he returned with all expedition to Gon∣çalo Piçarro, whom he found in Cozco, where he was well received for the service he had done, in bringing so considerable a supply for payment of the Souldiers. Diego de Carvajal, surnamed The Gallant, was employed to Arequepa with the like Commission; but (as Palentino, Chap. 82. reports) he treated many Women of that City very ill, because their Husbands were said to be in the service of his Majesty, and in confederacy with Diego Centeno, plundering them of all they had, even to their wearing Garments: and it is farther said, that he and one of his comrades, called Antonio de Viezna, ravished two Women, who in rage, and for shame of the affront, took Mercury and poisoned themselves; imitating the ex∣ample of the chast Luoretia, who on the like occasion destroyed herself.

But men, from such Outrages as these, deserve not the name of Gallant, being such abominable Villains as want words to express their Iniquity: for he that would be esteemed a Gallant, ought not to derive that Title from his Attire or Dress, but from his Words and Actions, which challenge an esteem and love from all men; but these men soon afterwards received the reward due to their de∣serts. Nor was the behaviour of Francisco de Espinosa less scandalous in his jour∣ney to the Charcas, but rather worse, if worse can be. For in his passage he rob∣bed and plundered all he could find, which (as a certain Authour says) amoun∣ted to the value of sixty thousand Ducats: and in Arequepa he killed two Spani∣ards, one of which had Lands and Command over Indians: in the City of Plate, he hanged a Judge and an Officer of the Court; and all four of them, for no other reason, than because they had served the King: and in his return to Cozco he burn'd seven Indians, upon pretence that they had given information of his departure to certain Spaniards who were fled from him. All which he acted without Com∣mission or Order from Gonçalo Piçarro or his Lieutenant General, but merely out of his own arbitrary Power and Lust, intending thereby to evidence his great zeal to the cause of him, who was not pleased with such service; for when he was informed of his Cruelties, he abhorred both his person and his actions; for Piçarro was of a mercifull nature, and did neither approve of these nor other Cru∣elties committed by Carvajal of the like nature.

But to divert the Reader awhile from the sad relations of such Barbarities; we will mention one generous action performed by a person infamous in those days: whereby it will appear that he was not altogether so wicked as Historians de∣scribe him.

CHAP. XXV.

Of the Gratitude which Francisco de Carvajal shewed in Arequepa to Miguel Cornejo, in return of those bene∣fits and kindnesses which some years before he had done for him.

WE have now an occasion presented to declare some good actions perfor∣med by Francisco de Carvajal in lieu of the many bad ones which Writers report of him. We formerly left him on his way to Arequepa, in pursuit of his flying Enemies: Upon News of his approach, not onely those who fled from the Battel of Huarina, but likewise the Inhabitants, who were about fourty in number, abandoned the City, and took the way to Los Reyes along the Sea-coast. So soon as Carvajal was entred into the City, and had received information of their flight, without stop, or stay, or repose so much as of one hour, he dis∣patched twenty five of his chief and choice Harquebusiers after them, commanded by an experienced Souldier; who had all been instructed in the School of an ex∣cellent Master, and were for their bravery termed his Sons: and these made such expedition in the pursuit of them, that they overtook them two days journey from Arequepa, and seizing upon every one of them, they brought them back a∣gain to the City, not suffering one man of them to escape. Amongst these was a noble Gentleman, one of the first Conquerours, and an Inhabitant of that Ci∣ty, called Miguel Cornejo; who had some years before much obliged Francisco de Carvajal when he came first into Peru, before he had Lands or Estate, or had ac∣quired any Fame, or Reputation, or Interest in that Countrey: the manner of it was this; Carvajal travelling with his Wife Donna Catalina Leyton, one maid-servant and two men-servants, came to Arequepa, where finding no Inn nor House of en∣tertainment to receive him, he remained in the Streets: for it is to be noted, that in those times, and many years afterwards, there were no Houses of publick en∣tertainment in all Peru; nor were there any when I came from thence, in the year 1560; but Travellers were used to take up their quarters with the Inhabitants of the Countrey or Province; for such was the generosity of those Gentlemen in those days who had Lands and Indians allotted to them, that they frankly received all Strangers into their Houses, affording them entertainment not onely for days and weeks, but also for months and years, and likewise furnished them with Clothes untill such time as they were able to provide for themselves; the which generous and obliging usage was the common custome and practice of that whole Coun∣trey. In this condition was Francisco de Carvajal in that City without friend or acquaintance, or house whereunto to resort, and so remained for the space of three hours on horse-back with his whole family in a corner of the Market-place; when Miguel Cornejo having taken notice of him, as he was going to Church, at his return went up to him, and asked him what his business was so long there, since for above three hours he had observed him in that place? Sir, answered Carvajal, I have no kindred, friends or acquaintance in this Countrey, and there being no Inns or places of publick entertainment whereunto I might goe to be re∣ceived, I am enforced to stay in this corner of the Street. To which Miguel Cor∣nejo replyed, Your Worship hath no need of another Inn than my House, whereunto if you please to goe, you shall find us all ready to serve you to the utmost of our power. After this he carried them to his House and entertained them untill such time as that Marquis Don Francisco Piçarro bestowed some Lands and Houses on Carvajal in that City; for he was one of those choice Souldiers which Don Antonio de Mendoça, Vice-king of Mexico, sent to the assistence of the Marquis Piçarro, when Prince Manco Inca had raised great Forces against him, as we have formerly related in its due place.

When Francisco de Carvajal understood that Miguel Cornejo was amongst the pri∣soners that were taken, he caused them all to be brought to his presence, and ha∣ving seen Cornejo, he took him aside, and began very kindly to complain and chide

him. Is it possible, said he, that you should fansie and imagine me to be so ungratefull as to forget the kind and charitable entertainment I received from you, some years past in this very City? or to believe, that in return thereof I should not embrace all occasions to make known my gratitude? is it possible for me to be so short of memory as not to remember how kindly you took me and my Family to your own home, (when there was no place to receive us) and entertained us there for days and months, untill such time as Marquis Piçarro, of glorious memory, had made other provisions for me. And having ever conserved the thoughts hereof in my mind, I carried great respect to every thing wherein you were concer∣ned; for though I had sufficient information, that Diego Centeno was concealed within your possession, and though I knew the very Cave it self where he was hid, and nourished by your Indians, yet I winked at it, and took no notice thereof, that I might not give you trouble, nor bring you under a prejudice or ill notion with my Lord the Governour. I might then ea∣sily (if I had pleased) sent some Files of Musquetiers and have brought Diego Centeno to me; but for your sake I forbore to persecute him, notwithstanding the mortal enmity be∣tween us. Nor indeed did I much value him; for he who could submit to take his refuge in a Cave was not much to be feared; not doubting but whensoever he should adventure again abroad, and dare to take up Arms against my Lord the Governour, I should drive him into another Cave, as I have done since his flight from Huarina, where by the blessing of God, and assistence of Friends, I gained a signal Victory. And now, since for your sake I took not vengeance on an enemy whom I had within my power, how much more should I respect your person, and those whom you own for your friends and acquaintance? and to as∣sure you of these my real intentions, I give you free leave to return unto your home, and there repose and rest with as much freedom and security as you can desire. And also you may assure all the Inhabitants of this City, and all such as were taken and brought back in your company, that for your sake they are pardoned and exempted from that punishment which their offences have deserved. And herewith he acquitted and dismissed Miguel Cor∣nejo, and freed the City of the fears and apprehensions they were in for having with zeal and affection shewed themselves active in his Majesty's Service, and for the assistance they had given to Diego Centeno. This Story I learned, not onely by common report, but from the particular relation of Gonçalo Silvestre, who was a professed enemy to Francisco de Carvajal, as he was a fast and faithfull friend to Diego Centeno, having adhered to him and accompanied him in all his adversi∣ties and misfortunes till the day of his death, as will appear hereafter. And on this occasion I produce this authentick Witness to confirm the truth of what I have spoke; for I pretend to flatter no man, but really and truly to lay down matters of fact according as they have passed.

Carvajal, having gathered what Arms and Horses he could find in Arequepa, re∣turned to Piçarro, who was still on his march to Cozco: for by reason of the many sick and wounded in the Camp, he was forced to continue longer at Huarina than was intended. And here it is very observable, that those of Piçarro's Party who were rich took care and compassion of the wounded men belonging to Centeno, and dividing them amongst themselves carried them to their own Tents, where they provided for their maintenance and cure. It was my Father's lot to have twelve assigned to him, of which six dyed on the march, and six happened to live and recover. I knew two of them, one was called Diego de Papia, a Gentleman of good Quality, and a person of vertue, who made many gratefull acknowledg∣ments for the care which was taken of him. When I came for Spain I left him in the House of Diego de Silvia, who was Godfather to me at my Confirmation. The other was called Francisco de Penna, whose name agreed well with his nature, which signifies a Rock, and indeed so hardy was he, that though he had received three great flashes on the Crown of his Head, from the first to the last of which there was about three fingers distance; and though his Skull was so broke that the Chirurgeon was forced to take out some Bones; and having no better Instruments to trepan his Head, he made use of a Smith's Pincers in this operation, yet had he the fortune and strength to recover. And this farther shewed the soundness and hardiness of his complexion, that, notwithstanding all these wounds, and the unfit∣ness of the Instruments that he recovered without Fever, or any other accident; and yet kept no rule or regimen in his Diet, but ate whatsoever was set before him. The which indeed was very strange, and never heard or seen before; and so might well be called Francisco Penna rather than de Penna, which is Francis Rock, and not Francis of the Rock. And having said thus much, it will be now time for us to re∣turn to the President.

CHAP. XXVI.

How the President and his Army received the ill news of the Victory of Piçarro; and what new Orders he made.

HOW vain and short are the prosperities and successes of this life may appear by what happened in the Valley of Sausa, where we left the President and his Army full of joy and contentment upon the good news which Francisco Vosso lately brought concerning the flourishing condition of Centeno's Army, which was much superiour to Piçarro's both in Men, Arms and Horse. In confidence of which the President, and those who were of his Council, resolved to raise no more men, but to disband the Army which they had already formed, and dismiss the Souldiers who were come from such distant Countries and Provinces; for that it seemed an unnecessary and fruitless expence to keep so many men in pay in ex∣pectation of an Enemy already presumed to be overcome and defeated. And this course was so far resolved, that (as Augustine Carate saith in the fourth Chapter of his seventh Book) the Army was just upon the point of being disbanded; the which he expresses in these words: At this time came intelligence to the Presi∣dent of the Defeat given to Diego Centeno, which he took much to heart, though he expressed not so much publickly, but seemed to carry it outwardly without much concernment: all which happened so contrary to the common expectation of the Army, that many of the Officers were of opinion, that the President had no need to raise an Army, for that Diego Centeno had a sufficient force to overthrow Piçarro, &c. Thus far Carate.

But as it was the good fortune of the President, so it was the misfortune of his Enemies that this determination was not put in execution; nor was it so much as known that this matter was ever deliberated or designed to be made publick; for if the Army had been disbanded, it had certainly been very difficult to have rai∣sed another of the like nature, or so well provided with Men and Ammunition as this was. As matters were in this agitation the Bishop of Cozco arrived at Sau∣sa, with the ill news of the Rout and Defeat of Diego Centeno, of all which he having been an eye-witness was best able to give a relation. The President, and other Inhabitants of that Countrey, who had Baronies and commands over the Indians, were greatly surprised and troubled at the news; finding that the heat of War, which they considered lately as extinguished, was now again inflamed, with such advantage to the Enemy, that their cause seemed almost desperate, and the Rebels in a state not to be reduced. Howsoever the Captains and Souldiers, who live by War, were not in the least disturbed at this news; for War is their livelihood and trade, from whence they derive their Honours and Estates, and especially in the Empire of Peru, where the reward of Souldiers and Adventurers is Command, and division of Lands, and a Barony over Indians. The President being desirous to hold up the hearts of his people, which he found drooping, put the best coun∣tenance he could upon the matter, and made them a short Speech in this manner: That Successes of this nature were usual and common over all the world, and were incident to War; and that these things were intended for the good of God's People, who were to give thanks to his Divine Majesty for having granted to Piçarro a Victory, with intent to bring greater mischiefs on his head, and that ha∣ving filled up the measure of his iniquity, his ruine and downfall would be the greater. And to obtain this great blessing, he advised every Officer to be vigilant and diligent in his station, and to order and dispose all things in such a method and readiness as might enable them to contend with such an Enemy. He added far∣ther, that there was no need for him to move and incite Cavaliers so well experi∣enced in War as they were to actions of bravery and to martial exploits; for that he was to follow their example, and take their counsel and advice in matters of greatest importance: In fine, he told them, that he was well assured that they would direct every thing in the best manner to the Service of his Majesty, who would gratifie their fidelity with rewards agreeable to their merits, and make them Lords of that whole Empire.

Having ended this Discourse, he ordered the Mareschal Alonso de Alvarado to go to Rimac, to bring thence the Forces which remained there, as also the Guns from the Ships, and other Ammunition, which came from Spain, together with what Money, Arms and Horses, and other provisions for War which he could find at that place. He farther ordered, that all Artificers and other Workmen should act and labour with all diligence in their several employments; namely in making Musquets and Fire-arms, Gun-powder, Bullets, Pikes, Helmets, Cros∣lets, &c. all which the Indians made of Copper with great ingenuity; and the Ar∣tificers applied themselves thereunto with great alacrity and Art, being chief Ma∣sters and excellent Workmen in their respective Trades. Likewise Captain Alon∣so Mercadillo was dispatched away to Huamanca, and after him Martin Lope Lus••a•••• with fifty men to seise the passage towards Cozco, and succour such of Centeno's men who were wandring and dispersed in those parts. And here we shall leave the President in his preparations to speak of Gonçalo Piçarro, whom we left in the field of Huarina, where that famous Battel happened.

CHAP. XXVII.

Licenciado Cepeda and others advise Piçarro to make an Agreement and Peace with the President. His Answer thereunto. The death of Hernando Bachicao. Piçarro makes his entry into Cozco.

GOncalo Piçarro, having performed the last office to the dead, he resolved to march towards Cozco, but he was forced to defer it for several days by reason of the wounded men, who were not in a condition to travel; and at length they marched very easie and short Journies: whilst they were thus on their way Licen∣ciado Cepeda put Piçarro in mind of a promise he had made him some days past, to enter into a Treaty with the President Gasca whensoever any seasonable and con∣venient opportunity should happen, which might induce the President to admit of some fair and moderate terms: of this opinion with Cepeda there being divers others, the matter was debated at a general Council of Officers, who for the greatest part were inclinable to peace and accommodation, and urged Piçarro so earnestly thereunto, that he became very angry and displeased with their impor∣tunities; as is confirmed by Gomara, Chap. 183. in these words: In Pucaran some hard words passed between Piçarro and Cepeda touching a Treaty with Gasca; for Cepeda urged that it was very seasonable to enter into Articles, and put him in mind of his promise given him at Arequepa: but Piçarro being carried away with the opinion of others and the air of his late fortune, denied that the time was con∣venient, for that propositions for peace would argue weakness and fear, which would cause many to leave their Colours and fly to the Enemy, and discourage those Friends who were then actually with Gasca: of those who were of the opi∣nion of Cepeda, Garçilasso de Vega was one. Thus far Gomara. But Piçarro rejected this Counsel which was good and wholsome, and took that which was given him by young and ra•••• men, such as John de Acosta, Hernando Bachicao, John de la Torre, and others, who being puffed up with their late success at the Battel of Huanina, thought themselves invincible, and would hearken to no Proposals or Articles less than an entire surrender to them of the whole Empire of Peru. Two days af∣ter this Consultation, the Lieutenant-General Francisco de Carvajal returned from his Journey to Arequepa; and two days afterwards he hanged up Hernando Bachi∣cao, for having at the Battel of Huarina passed over to the Enemy's side. And though Carvajal was not ignorant of this fact on the same day when it was done, yet he deferred this punishment untill a fitter season, not thinking it fit to inter∣rupt the joy of that signal Victory by the sadness which the death of so ancient a Captain, and so zealous for the cause, as was Hernando Bachicao would cause. At

length, after a long Journey, caused by short marches for the sake of these who were wounded, Piçarro and his Souldiers arrived at Cozco.

Captain John de la Torre had prepared to make for him a solemn entry under triumphal Arches which he had erected over the Streets, and adorned them with Flowers of various colours after the Indian manner in the times of their Incaes. The first that led the way were the Infantry with their Banners displayed, mar∣ching three by three in a Rank, every Captain at the head of his Company; then followed the Horse in the like order; after which, and that the Souldiers were lodged in their quarters, followed Piçarro himself attended onely by his own Servants and the Inhabitants who accompanied him; for he thought it not conve∣nient to be introduced by his Souldiers, lest it should seem as if he gloried in an entire Victory over his Enemies, and made a Triumph before Conquest. As he entred, all the Bells of the Cathedral and Convents were rang out, and the Indians of the City, being drawn up in the Streets and publick places of the City, gave loud acclamations as he passed, calling him Inca, and giving him those other titles of Majesty which they used to bestow on their own natural Kings in days of tri∣umph, the which was performed by order and direction of John de la Torre. The Trumpets also sounded, with Violins and other Instruments of Musick in which Piçarro much delighted, and had excellent good of that kind. The first place he entred was the Church of our Lady of the Merceds, where he adored the most Holy Sacrament, and the Image of the Virgin his Mother and our Lady. From thence he walked on foot to his Lodging, which was provided for him at the House of one of his chief Officers called Alonso de Toro, which is situate over against the Convent of the Merceds. I my self accompanied them into the City, having gone out the day before to meet my Father as far as Quespicancha being three leagues distant from Cozco; part of the way I walked on foot, and I was carried part of it by two Indians, who by turns took me on their Shoulders: but at my re∣turn a person leading a Horse gave me leave to ride, so that I saw every thing which I have here related, and such particular observations did I take thereof, that I could assign the very Houses and Chambers, where every Captain was quar∣tered, for I knew them all; and though it be sixty years ago since that time yet I remember the very places and Houses where they lodged; for we conserve things better in our memory which we saw in our youth than what we have observed in our riper years. Gonçalo Piçarro and his Souldiers being thus entred into Cozco, Francisco de Carvajal attended to give out necessary Orders, and make such provisi∣ons as were requisite to carry the War forwards: he repaired the Arms which were broken, or become defective in the late Battel of Huarina, he caused Powder and Bullets to be made, and new fixed such Arms as were not used, and omitted nothing in order to carry on the War. Of Arms he had great stores; for he had gathered all those which Centeno's Souldiers had lest in the Field, and those which belonged to the men slain on both sides, and of those who had been deserters; all which he repaired and re-fixed with great care and curiosity: and of all sorts of offensive Arms he most esteemed of Fire-arms, saying that the Gentiles had wisely armed their God Jupiter with Thunder and Lightning, which was an Engin that killed at a distance as well as near. He caused also Pikes to be made, and though they had no Ash in that Countrey out of which to frame them, yet they had ano∣ther sort of Wood, as strong and proper as that; He also provided great quantities of Cotten for making Matches; and, in fine, he omitted not the least matter which might be requisite or usefull in its time and season: in all which matters he applied himself with that diligence, that he was never idle, and seemed not to al∣low himself time either to eat or drink.

His custome was always to ride upon a Mule of a pyed colour, I never saw him on any other Beast during the time he continued at Cozco, and before the Bat∣tel of Sacsahuana; so earnest was he at his work, that day and night, whensoever he was met by his Souldiers, they always found him employed; And because he knew that they would murmur to see him so busie, he would always, when he passed by them, with his Hat in his hand, salute them, and instead of saying, I kiss your hands, he would say, What you can perform to day defer not till to morrow, and this saying he constantly had in his mouth. And when they asked him what time he took to eat? and what time to sleep? he would make answer, That those who had a mind to work had time for every thing. Amongst all these exercises and contrivances, Carvajal could not conceal his own fierce nature, which shewed it

self it self in a piece of cruelty acted at Cozco, upon a noble Lady belonging to Arequepa, whom he strangled in Cozco: for she, like a Woman, after the Battel of Huarina, vented many opprobrious speeches against Piçarro; saying, that the time would come when his tyrannies would have their end, like those of more power∣full Governments, such as the Greeks and Romans, which were all brought to de∣struction: and so violently would she express her self without any discretion, fear or wit, that Carvajal caused her to be strangled, and afterwards hanged out at a Window looking to the Street.

CHAP. XXVIII.

The Imprisonment and Death of Pedro de Bustincia. Cap∣tains are chosen and made by the President. Of his de∣parture from Sausa and arrival at Antahuaylla.

IN revenge of this murther it seems as if God had suffered another of the like nature to be committed about that time in the Royal Army, that so Francisco de Carvajal might not have cause without some cross accident to please himself in so detestable an action as the murther of a simple Woman: Gonçalo Piçarro was greatly troubled at it, and expressed his resentments of it in secret to certain Friends, though he did not make known so much of his mind to Carvajal, who was well acquainted with the tender heart of Piçarro, and knew that he would have pre∣vented him in the execution of his ill design, in case he had been acquainted with his intended cruelty; and for that reason he privately strangled her in his Cham∣ber, and afterwards hanged her out at the Window. Now in return of this mur∣ther another followed by the death of Pedro Bustincia, who being sent to make provisions for the Army in Antahuaylla and the parts thereabouts, as hath been mentioned before; Alonso Mercadillo and Lope Martin, who were two Captains of the contrary party, and sent upon the same design, having notice thereof, resolved to beat up Bustincia's Quarters in the night, and take him, if it were possible, by whom they might be certainly informed of the condition and state of the Enemy. Lope Martin so well managed his business, that though he was inferiour in number to Pedro Bustincia, yet he so surprised him in the night, that he took him prisoner: to which action twelve of Centeno's Souldiers contributed very much; for though they promised to joyn with Piçarro yet their hearts failed them when they came to fight in his cause, for they being pleased with any ill success which could befall him, made no resistance; so that Lope Martin took Bustincia and all his men, of which they killed three; one of which being of Piçarro's Souldiers to shew him∣self more brave than the rest, dyed in the conflict, though there was very little or no opposition; the other two, who were Levantines, (or people of the Eastern Countries, called the Levant) availing themselves much on their bravery, boasted that they had killed ten men at the Battel of Huarina, by which vain words they brought death upon themselves; for it was believed that they were not men of such gallantry, but some of those who had been taken lately or wounded. Lope Martin set the twelve Souldiers of Centeno at liberty, but Piçarro's men with Bustin∣cia he carried away prisoners, being greatly pleased and proud of so good a prize. The President received Martin very kindly, and by means of Centeno's men he be∣came informed of the true state and condition of Piçarro's Army, as far as he could desire to know. Pedro de Bustincia was not contented quietly to remain a prisoner in the hands of the President, but he must needs be talking, thinking it a piece of gallantry amidst his Enemies, to praise the great actions and exploits of Piçarro, and extoll them to the skies; which he so boldly affected that he incur∣red the same fate with Donna Maria Calderon, as before mentioned; for as there was the same similitude in their indiscreet and passionate words, so it was thought fit that they should be equalled in the punishment, and accordingly he was stran∣gled, and his Body publickly exposed.

Pedro de la Gasca, President of his Imperial Majesty, having summoned all the Captains and Souldiers who were in Quitu, Cassamarca, Rimac and other parts; and who accordingly appeared at the Rendezvous, and having ordered the Mare∣schal Alonso de Alvarado (as we have hinted before) to goe to the City of Los Reyes to raise Men and to provide Horse and Arms and Money and Spanish Cloth for the use of the Army, and to bring the Guns from the Ships; all which being accomplished, and sufficient Ammunition and Victuals provided; it was deter∣mined that the Camp should remove from Sausa to meet Gonçalo Piçarro; and Of∣ficers were appointed for better Government of the Army; as the three Histori∣ans agree, and particularly Carate in the fourth Chapter of his seventh Book hath these words.

The Camp was ordered, saith he, in this manner: Pedro Alonso de Hinojosa con∣tinued in the Office of General, as was agreed when he first surrendred up the Fleet at Panama. The Mareschal Alonso Alvarado was made Lieutenant General, Licenciado Benito de Carvajal, Standard Bearer General, and Pedro de Villa-vicencio was made Serjeant Major. The Captains of Horse were Don Pedro Cabrera, Go∣mez de Alvarado, John de Saavedra, Diego de Mora, Francisco Hernandez, Rodrigo de Salazar and Alonso de Mendoça. Captains of Foot were Don Baltasar de Castilla, Paulo de Meneses, Hernando Mexia de Guzman, John Alonso Palomino, Gomez de Solis, Francisco Mosquera, Don Hernando de Cardenas, Admiral Andagoya, Fran∣cisco de Olmos, Gomez Darias, Captain Porcel, Captain Pardavel and Captain Serna. Captain Graviel de Rojas was made Master of the Ordnance. In com∣pany with the President were the Arch-bishop of Los Reyes, the Bishops of Cozco and Quitu, and Father Thomas de San Martin, Provincial of St. Dominick's Order, with many other Friars and Priests. At the last Muster there were listed seven hundred Musquetiers, five hundred Pike-men and four hundred Horsemen: the which number increased to a thousand nine hundred by that time that they arrived at Xaquixaguava: and so the Camp removed from Xauxa on the twenty ninth of December, in the year 1547. and marched in good order towards the City of Cozco, and endeavoured to find some shallow place, where they might with the least danger foard over the River of Avancay. Thus far Augustine Carate: so that be∣sides the four principal Officers, viz. the General, Lieutenant General, Standard∣bearer and Serjeant Major; there were seven Captains of Horse, and thirteen of Foot, besides the Master of the Ordnance, who were all Noble, and persons of Quality (most of which I knew) and with these Officers and Forces the Presi∣dent removed his Camp from Sausa, to find the Enemy, and came to Huamanca, where being great want of Provisions, they were forced to proceed forward in all haste to the Province of Antahuaylla with intention to winter there; being a Countrey (as we have said before) abounding with all sorts of Provisions. At this place the President with his whole Army made some stay in expectation of the coming of the Mareschal Alonso de Alvarado, who brought new Recruits com∣manded by their own Captains, and were (as Augustine Carate reports) about three hundred men, of whom we shall speak more in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XXIX.

Of the Captains and principal Men of Quality, and Soul∣diers who came to Antahuaylla to serve his Majesty. And the great joy there was at their Arrival.

THE President quartered his Army in Antahuaylla for above the space of three months; during which time the People flocked in to him from all parts: amongst them was Alonso de Mendoça, who escaped from the Battel of Hu∣arina (whom we forgot to mention in the due place) and was preferred to the Command of Captain of Horse. About a month and a half after, the President entered into Antahuaylla, the Mareschal Alonso de Alvarado came thither with a hun∣dred

Souldiers, bringing the Cannon with him, with part of the Money, Arms and Spanish Cloths: the remainder he left behind, and was afterwards brought by the Accountant John de Carceres, by which the necessities of the Souldiers were abundantly supplied. In like manner the Licenciado Pedro Ramirez, Judge of the Court at Nicaragua, came thither with about twelve Horsemen in his company, having left about a hundred and twenty Foot-souldiers on their march thither, who came in about eight days after. The Admiral Belalçacar came in thither al∣so with about twenty Horse in his Company, having travelled four hundred leagues, Captain Diego Centeno brought in thirty Horse of those who had escaped from the Battel of Huarina and met together on the road, one of which was his dear Companion Gonçalo Silvestre, and Partner in all his misfortunes: Besides those here named were many other Souldiers of less note and same, who in all made up a Body of three hundred men. The President rejoiced much to see his Army so much increased, and courageous, and to consist of men who came from far Countries to serve his Majesty; and particularly he was pleased to see Diego Centeno who was a person of loyal Principles, and endued with excellent parts both of body and mind, for he was much a Gentleman, and a most comely Per∣son.

The last who came to the Army was Pedro de Valdivia, Governour of Chile, with about eight men on Horse-back: In praise of whom Palentino hath spoken very fine things. And Carate, in the fifth Chapter of his seventh Book useth these words:

The President having removed his Camp from the Valley of Sausa; Pedro de Val∣divia, who was Governour in the Province of Chile came in to his assistence. This Valdivia came by Sea to Los Reyes, with intention to furnish himself there with men and ammunition, cloathing and other necessaries for the total subjection of that Countrey: but being landed there, and understanding the state of the troubles then in transaction; both he and his men resolved to employ themselves in this War; and accordingly, with great quantities of Money which they brought with them, they took the direct way towards the President, to whom the person of Valdivia was of great use and reputation: for though many rich Men and other principal Captains had followed the President before Valdivia appeared, yet no person was esteemed so experienced in War as he; and whose Art and Skilfulness in Military discipline might be opposed to the Strategems and Contrivances of Fran∣cisco de Carvajal, to whose Government and Industry Gonçalo Piçarro had been be∣holding for many of his Successes, and more particularly in the late Battel of Huarina against Diego Centeno: so that the President's whole Army was affrighted and remained in apprehension of this person, untill they recovered their spirits and courage by the coming of Valdivia. Thus far Augustine de Carate: who after he had praised Pedro de Valdivia very much, he extols Francisco de Carvajal much more, and with very good reason, for certainly he was far the best Souldier of any that was come into the new World. Diego Fernandez the Historian having con∣firmed what is before related of Pedro de Valdivia, adds farther in his second Book, Chap. 85. as follows verbatim. And in regard some curious Reader may desire to know the cause and reasons which might move Pedro de Valdivia to undertake this voyage, I shall, for better understanding of this History, deliver the causes and reasons which might excite him thereunto.

The Governour Pedro de Valdivia being in his Provinces of Chile, received intel∣ligence, that Gonçalo Piçarro was in Arms against his Majesty. And some say that Letters and Correspondences passed between them, which if so, 'tis certain Valdivia concealed them, as if no such thing had ever been. His chief business was to borrow Gold of those men, whom he knew to be monied men; upon pretence that he might therewith send Francisco de Villagra to Peru to raise men, to make an entire Conquest of that Countrey; but notwithstanding all his importunities, he could not find a man who would lend him a farthing. Whereupon Pedro de Valdivia summoned them all together, and told them, that since they resolved not to lend him the Gold he would borrow of them; he gave free licence to as many as pleased to go to Peru; where shewing the quantities of Gold they brought with them, it would bring their Countrey into reputation, and be a means to invite people to come and plant there. Hereupon many prepared for the voyage, and intended to embark in the Port of Valparayso (which is about ten leagues distant from the City of Santiago) and with them Francisco de Villagra was to goe also, be∣ing

the person designed to bring people from Peru: Valdivia remained in the City of Santiago: And when all people were in a readiness and prepared for their Voy∣age, he came privately out in the night, just at the time when all people were em∣barked, and were at the mouth of the harbour. Pedro de Valdivia over-taking them there, caused great store of Meat to be dressed, and invited them all ashoar to dinner to the number of about twenty persons; all which came willingly to re∣ceive the favour of his invitation: so soon as the dinner was done, and the table taken away, he earnestly recommended Francisco de Villagra to them (whom he esteemed as his own Son) and desired them, that since he went with them on the same design, to bring people to inhabit and increase their Countrey; they would lend Villagra some Gold in case his occasions should require it, the which every one promised to doe with great readiness. After which Valdivia walked out of the Arbour where they sate, and as if he intended to look towards the Sea; he on a sudden leaped into a Boat, and rowed aboard a Ship, where he seized on all the Gold which imported above eighty thousand pieces of eight; howsoever he noted the quantity and passed to every man's credit the sums which concerned him. The persons he took with him for his companions were Jeronimo de Alderete, Ga∣spar de Villaroel, John de Cepeda, Captain Jofre, Lewis de Toledo, Don Antonio Beltran, Diego Garcio de Corceres, Vincentio de Monte, and Diego Oro his Secretary: Before whom he declared that he went to serve his Majesty against the Rebels under the command of Piçarro. And leaving those ashoar to whom the Gold belonged, he appointed Francisco de Villagra to be his deputy Governour, and therewith imme∣diately set fail. Being arrived in Peru, they received intelligence that the Presi∣dent was on his march towards Cozco; whereupon they made the best of their way to Lima; where having supplied themselves with all things necessary, they went to Andiguaylas, where they understood that all the Army was quartered and remained untill the rains were pass'd, and the Summer season entred, which was fit for action. Thus far Diego Fernandez Palentino, who wrote this particular Act agreeable to the many Tricks which are now practised in the World; and to which the Devil gives colour and reputation under the guise and appearance of Reason of State.

The coming of Pedro de Valdivia with the Captains and Souldiers with him, who were persons of Noble Families, did much encourage and give life to the Souldiers of Centeno, whose spirits were become low and drooping by reason of the late Defeat; so that there was great joy and triumph over the whole Camp, which they testified by their sports of Running at the Ring and other Pastimes of that kind. But Sports and Mirth have the same operation as Musick hath on the spirits of men, for those who are merry, it rejoices; and those that are sad, it makes more melancholy. The President with all his Army made his Winter quarters in Antahuaylla; the Winter was very severe by reason of the continual Rains which rotted the Tents; and the common Souldiers by reason of their bad lodging, and unaccustomed to the climate, fell sick and infirm; but such was the care of the President, that he provided an Hospital for them; the chief Chirurge∣on and Physician of which being Father Francisco de la Rocha, born at Badajoz, a Fri∣ar of the Order of the Holy Trinity, very few died or miscarried.

CHAP. XX.

The Army leaves Antahuaylla, and passes the River Aman∣cay. The difficulties they found in passing the River of Apurimac•• over which they design to make four Bridges. Carvajal's Counsel is rejected by Gonçalo Piçarro.

THE extremity of the Winter season being past, the President resolved to leave Antahuaylla and goe in quest of Gonçalo Piçarro, who was in Cozco•• and accordingly he marched with his Army to the River of Amancay, which the Spaniards call Avanoay, and is about twenty leagues distant from that City. When they came thither, they found that the Bridge had been burnt, for (as we have said before) all the Bridges of that Countrey were made of Twists of Osiers; whereupon they determined to repair it again, which was easily effected•• the Ri∣ver being narrow, and some of the old work remaining: having passed this Ri∣ver the most difficult task was how to pass the River of Apurimac•• it seemed im∣possible for them to go over by the Banks of the high Road because the chanel is there very broad•••• it was yet more narrow at the place where the* 5.1 Posts were fixed on each side, and yet from the one to the other 'tis above two hundred pa∣ces wide besides which there was a greater difficulty to overcome; and that was in case they took that way, they went to travel over a desolate and an unpeopled Countrey where few Indians inhabited, and those so very poor, that they had scarce Bread or Provisions to sustain themselves. Atlength they resolved to pass the Army over one of the three Bridges, which they intended to make over the River above, where the chanel is contracted by the mountains on each side. One of these places was called Cotapampa, the other, which is higher, Huacu••hac••, and the uppermost Accha. And though the access to any of these places by reason of the high and cragged Mountains seems impossible for an Army, and for any to conceive who hath not seen them; yet they resolved to overcome the difficulties by ••••ason that there was no other way besides tha••. And to amuse the Enemy, they seemed as if they intended to make four, Bridges, at four several places; and to make them believe so, they caused about fifteen or twenty loads of Osiers to be carried to eve∣ry of the four places; whereas to make one of those Bridges, at least four thousand loads of Osiers and Rushes are required, besides great quantities of Ropes and Ca∣bles, all which were provided at the charge and pains of the poor Indians. The places where these Bridges were to be formed were to be surveyed by some par∣ticular persons, whose care it was to provide materials for the same•• as Palentino confirms, Chap. 86. Pedro Alonso Carasco was appointed to goe to the place near the common road, Lorenço Martin to Cotapampa, Don Pedro Puerto Carrero and Tho∣mas Vasquez to Accha, Antonio de Qinnonez and John Julio de Hojeda to Guacachaca. I was acquainted with all these Gentlemen, when they lived at Cozco, and four of them were of the first Conquerours: And having surveyed all these four places, they concluded that the most easie passage might be made at Cotapampa; which they put in execution with great secrecy, that the report thereof might not come to the knowledge of the Enemy. The persons applied themselves to their respective stations, as was ordered; and in the mean time the President marched his Ar∣my with invincible difficulty over craggy Rocks and Mountains covered with Snow; which, as divers Authours report, is so white and glittering, that with looking thereupon many people lose their sight; though it is probable, as we have said in another place, that the whiteness thereof dazles the eyes, and the force of the object weakens the optick nerve, which may so continue for three or four days, and not longer. And here we shall leave them for some time, labouring under the great difficulties of their march, to relate the Contrivances of Francisco de Carvajal, who was solicitous to sustain and augment the greatness of Piçarro. Soon after the President had removed his Camp from Antahuaylla, and was on his march towards Cozco, Gonçalo Piçarro received intelligence thereof; for from time

to time he had advices of whatsoever was acted in the Enemies Camp: In the time of War, Indians were not persons to keep a Secret, for they served for Spies on both sides; because being doubtfull to which the Victory would incline, they endeavoured to gratifie both parties; that so the Conquerour might not return them ill for the good Offices they had done him. And though we have in ano∣ther place touched on the Treachery of the Indians in this particular, yet here more especially we are concerned again to repeat it, because the Secret which the Presi∣dent on this occasion committed as well to the Indians as to the Spaniards was (according to the opinion of Historians) of high concernment. And though Gonçalo Piçarro received certain intelligence that the President was marching to∣wards him, and was ignorant of none of his proceedings, yet he thought not fit to obstruct him in his march or defend the difficult passes (of which there were very many) but onely to keep his own ground, and expect the coming of Gasca; for having been flushed with many Victories, he did not doubt of the constant success of fortune. On the other side Francisco de Carvajal, who day and night ap∣plied his thoughts to military Affairs, that he might promote Piçarro to the Go∣vernment of that Empire, observing in him a strange negligence of his Affairs, and without other Counsels than onely to give the Enemy battel; he went to him, and desired his consideration of some matters which he had to impart to him. Sir, said he, considering the late Successes, and the present state of your Affairs, and the dubious fortune of War, I would not advise you to hazard your whole stake on the uncertainties of a Battel, but rather endeavour to avoid figh∣ting, and prolong the War untill such time as some happy conjuncture happens to secure your Affairs. To which end I will lay before you what may be said concer∣ning the state of both Armies, that so I may acquit my self in all points relating unto your self, and to that cause in which we are so deeply engaged.

Now, Sir, in order to obtain Victory over your Enemies, it is in the first place necessary for you to abandon this City and leave it wholly dispeopled; the Mills must be broken down, all Provisions taken away, the Inhabitants forced to take refuge in other places, and all their Goods, and what else is not portable or to be carried with them, consumed and burnt; so that there may remain nothing which may be of use and relief for the Enemy. There are two thousand men marching against us, half of which are Seamen and a sort of raw Souldiers who are almost naked, without Hose or Shoes to their Feet, and half starved; and live onely in hope of coming to this City, where they may fatisfie their hunger, and be clothed: in which when they shall find themselves disappointed, and nothing but misery and desolation, they will be totally discouraged, and the President will be forced to disband them, having no possibility to support and sustain them.

In the next place I would have all Centeno's Souldiers dismist; for knowing themselves to be a conquered people, they can never be good friends: You have at least five hundred men, who since the Battel of Huarina are come in to you, to partake of the benefits of your Victory, all which are choice men, who will ne∣ver leave you, or forsake their Colours in the greatest extremities. I would have two parties of Musquetiers, of fifty men each, detached from the main Body, and sent to the right-hand of the way, and to the left; with orders to march twenty or thirty leagues distant from the Army, and to seize all Cattle and other Provisions they can meet; and bring them to us, and what cannot be carried with them, to burn and destroy, that nothing thereof may remain for subsistence of the Enemy. In this manner your Camp will be supplied and fed with Kids and Sheep and other Provisions of the Countrey, and with whatsoever the fresh Pro∣vinces, through which we are to pass, do afford: whilst the Enemy pursuing us with two thousand men, half of which are useless, will find themselves in great wants and necessities; and then the other half, which are Souldiers and men ex∣perienced in War, will be starved for want of Provisions, which they must be forced to fetch from parts above a hundred leagues distant from them; for all the Victuals which the Countreys afforded through which they passed are already con∣sumed, and they must daily leave those parts at a farther distance in case they pursue after us.

But indeed such a pursuit with a thousand men will be almost impossible, so that they must be constrained to divide their Forces into two bodies, against any one of which singly your men will have the advantage. And in case you shall be willing to decline fighting, you may march from one Province to another, and

protract the War; and so tyre the Enemy, as to force them to yield to you, or else to grant you such advantageous termes as you shall require.

But Gonçalo Piçarro rejected this Counsel, as in no manner agreeable to his ho∣nour; for that it argued cowardise to fly from the Enemy, and that a retreat of this nature would cast a blemish and shadow upon the lustre and glory of all the brave actions he had performed. To which Carvajal replyed, that this was not to lose Honour but to improve that which was already acquired; for it was the part of great Captains and men experienced in War, to know how to protract it, and with military Strategems to weaken and destroy an Enemy, without adven∣turing on the hazards of a Battel, which is so doubtfull, that neither Party can up∣on the greatest advantages remain assured of Victory: hereof many instances might be produced in the World; but we shall need no other than that of the Battel of Huarina; of Victory in which, the Enemy remained so confident, that we are informed, they gave order to their Servants to provide a double allow∣ance of meat at their tables, for entertainment of such prisoners as they should take in the Fight. And, Sir, consider farther, that this Victory was a particu∣lar mercy and favour of God Almighty towards you, and was not obtained by force of Arms or humane Policy; nor is it reason to tempt God again or expect the like miracles from him. To which Piçarro replied, that he knew not how to turn his back upon his Enemy, and therefore resolved to live in hope, and make trial once more of his fortune: having great confidence, that he who had given him so many Victories, would not leave him at last, or suffer him to be over∣come. Thus ended the Discourse, without approbation by Piçarro. Palentino in Chap. 88. relates part thereof, and that Carvajal concluded, saying, Sir, be pleased to doe, as I advise you; and as for Centeno's men, dismiss them all, for be∣ing conquered men, they will never be true friends; for if you resolve upon a Retreat, you will be better without them.

All these particulars are wrote by Diego Fernandez, and agree very well with the Genius of Francisco de Carvajal, who was a man of great parts and abilities, though never sufficiently known or fathomed by his own people, nor yet by strangers. Now if we would know the true ground and cause why Piçarro did not approve of this nor other Counsels which were given him by Carvajal; no other reason can be assigned than that from the very day that a Consultation was held at Los Reyes, whether the President Gasca was to be received or not, and that Carvajal was of opinion that the terms were good which were offered, and that they should enter into a Treaty, and examine the Power and Instructions which Gasca brought: from that very time he lost his Credit with Piçarro, who ever afterwards suspec∣ted the reality of all the Counsels he proposed, which did not exactly square with his own advice and reason; and indeed Piçarro was of an humour not to ad∣mit of any advice but what proceeded from himself, affecting always to have the reputation of a Governour and Manager of all affairs. And as it is natural for mankind to hate and detest a Partner in Government and Rule; so did Piçarro more easily admit of a prejudice against Carvajal; which though grounded on a false imagination, yet so deeply did it take place with him, and possess his fancy; that all the future Services which Carvajal performed and the Miracles he acted at the Battel of Huarina could not avail to root out that suspicion he had concei∣ved of him. And indeed this proved fatal to Piçarro, for those who are acquain∣ted with these Secrets attribute his more speedy destruction and downfall to this Jealousie and Suspicion which he had conceived against Carvajal.

CHAP. XXXI.

Lope Martin layes three Strannes of the Bridge over the River. The Spies of Gonçalo Piçarro cut two of them off. The great disturbance which this occasioned in the Royal Camp. Carvajal gives order to John de Acosta to defend the pass of the River.

THE Gentlemen before mentioned, to whose care it was committed to make the Bridges, had provided all the materials required thereunto. Lope Martin the Portugues, to whom it belonged to erect that at Cotopampa, expecting the Army in a day's time; laid the first three Strannes on the Waters, which are the foun∣dation of the Bridge; though he had received orders not to lay any untill the coming of the President.

Howsoever Martin, to shew his diligence and to anticipate a day, adventured to lay them, which proved a matter of great trouble and inconvenience to the President, Officers, and to the whole Army: for the Spies of Piçarro, being three Spaniards and eight Indians, tracing along the banks of the River, perceived the three Strannes which were cast over to their side, and the little care there was to defend them, adventured the night following to cut them with hatchets and to set them on fire; and proceeded so far in their design, that they cut two of them before the guards could come from the other side: but what they most ap∣prehended, was, that the Enemy would hereby receive intelligence of their design; and before they could pass the Army over, they would have time to hinder and disturb them in their passage; so that they should be constrained either to force their way with great danger and hazard; or otherwise to make their passage at Accha, which would be both incommodious to the Army, and a discou∣ragement and a loss of reputation; and on the other side it would raise much the spirits of the Enemy, who might also give them the like interruption at Ac∣cha. Having considered these matters, it was concluded, that the onely secure re∣medy and prevention was expedition; and accordingly it was ordered, that im∣mediately after Valdivia and Captain Palomino, the General should march with the Companies of Pablo de Meneses and Hernan Mexia, (which were Musquetiers) and endeavour, if it were possible, to reach the Bridge that night; and to pass over upon Floats to the other side, both to defend the Bridge, and to give assi∣stence to the workmen employed in stretching the Strannes and fastning the Ropes. Graviel de Rojas was also appointed with his Cannon to hasten to the River, that his Indians which belonged to the Artillery might also lend a helping hand to the Work. Orders were also given to the other Companies to follow the General, with whom the President seeming to entertain discourse, he accompanied him so far, untill he came to the Banks of the River, the Bishops soon followed after, whilst the Mareschal remained to command the Camp, &c. Thus far Palentino.

And here we will leave the President and his Captains on their way, and em∣ployed in repairing and making their Bridge; to relate what Gonçalo Piçarro and his Officers were contriving at the same time, and what Francisco de Carva∣jal was projecting to countermine his Enemies, with the Strategems of War in which he was chiefly practised. So soon as the Spies brought advice of what was doing at the River of Apurimac, Gonçalo Piçarro called a Council of War, and com∣municated to them the News which was brought to him, desiring their opinion of what was to be done for defence of the Pass, and what advantage might be ta∣ken on the Enemy in this present Conjuncture. Carvajal, who was the most an∣cient and principal Captain, first answered and said, Sir, This day it is my turn to act, nor doth it belong to any person to go upon this exploit but my self. No, Father, replied Piçarro, for I have need of your person and counsel to be always near me on all emergencies which may happen, we have young and stout Cap∣tains with us, any of which will be ready and fit for this Work. Carvajal replied again; This Enterprise, Sir, belongs to me, and I beseech your Lordship not to

deny me the benefit of this good fortune which now offers it self in these latter days of my life, whereby I may consummate the last of my atchievements with a glorious and final Victory over all your Enemies; which petition if you are pleased to grant me, I dare promise and assure you on the saith of a good Soul∣dier, within the space of four days to plant the Imperial Crown of this Empire upon your head. And since your Lordship hath by good experience proved the extraordinary zeal and passion I have conceived to see you exalted to a degree of Majesty (of which I have given sufficient testimonies) I beseech your Lordship again and again not to deny me the favour of this request, which I onely beg for the greater exaltation of your Lordship, my own honour, and welfare of your party and well-wishers.

Piçarro repeated the same words again, and told him that he was well enough assured of his good will and affection towards him, and would never forget the signal actions he had performed, which had maintained and supported him in that station wherein he at present moved: And for that reason he could not easily spare him, or see him removed at a distance from him, who was his Father and his Parent. Upon this denial, it being put to the question who should command the Party sent upon this exploit, John de Acosta was the person who by general consent was chosen; for he was not onely a favourite to Piçarro, but one, as Hi∣storians say, employed on such like actions as this, and perhaps on greater, as of∣ten as occasion offered; for he was esteemed to be stout and brave, and indeed he was so: But Courage is not the onely endowment required in a Captain, but there must also be Prudence and Conduct, which were greatly wanting in this Person: and though Carvajal was endued with both, yet these Counsellours, ob∣serving the inclinations of Piçarro towards him, complied rather with the affecti∣ons of their Prince than with such measures as agreed best with the necessity of the times.

Francisco Carvajal seeing that John de Acosta was the person appointed for that ex∣ploit, he turned towards him and said; Captain, Since you are so happy as to be employed on this glorious action, and to take from me the honour and fame which I should win, be pleased to receive these instructions from me, which if well observed and executed, you will certainly be victorious, and return with the Crown of this Empire, which I have so often promised to our Lord the Gover∣nour. The Rules which I would give you are these; I would have you depart from hence about nine a Clock in the morning; the Bridge I reckon to be about nine leagues from this City; and so on a moderate march, neither too fast nor too slow, you may by two a Clock in the afternoon travel four leagues, where you may stay an hour, and eat, and refresh your selves and your Horses; and from thence setting out about three a Clock, upon a slow and easie march, you may get to the top of the Hill, which borders upon the River, by nine a Clock at night; for I would not have you be there sooner than about that time; a little below the top, at a league and half distance from the Bridge, there is a pleasant Fountain of clear Water; at this place eat your Supper, and take your repose, causing your Bed to be made with four good Quilts, and a clean pair of Holland Sheets, lay your self thereupon, and put a dozen Musquets under your Pillow charged with Powder, and without Bullets, for you will have no need of shot. The President and his Souldiers, let them make what haste they can, will not be able to reach the Bridge untill such an hour the next day; and though all the Devils in Hell assist them they will not be able to lay the first Stranne un∣till the evening, and the second they will endeavour to lay in the night. After which they will begin to pass about nine a Clock at night, and such as are got over will begin to climb the Hill without Rank or Order, having no jealousie or suspicion of an enemy, believing it impossible for us to have made so speedy a march thither as we have done. Such as have been the first to pass will imme∣diately make to this Fountain, with desire to quench their thirst with this plea∣sant Water, and may be come near your Bed about twelve a Clock at night, at which time cause the Musquets to be fired which you laid under your Pillow, which having done, without other delay, or so much as seeing the enemy, I would have you return to the City, and then we will immediately plant the Crown on the Head of our Lord the Governour. These Instructions and Rules Car∣vajal, who was wise and experienced in the War, gave to Captain John de Aco∣sta, who acted so contrary thereunto that he not onely missed of the Crown

but lost the lives of all those who belonged to their Party, as we shall see here∣after.

To perform this action two hundred choice Souldiers were detached and moun∣ted on Horse-back, and with them thirty Lances; and to march with the less in∣cumbrance, they were to carry no Baggage but such as was necessary for the Men, and Horses, and Mules. And as to the saying of Carvajal, that he should make his Bed with four Quilts and a pair of Holland Sheets, and that the Musquets should be charged with Powder onely and without Shot, his meaning was, that he should make all haste possible, and that onely by giving the Enemy a true al∣arm, without farther action they should overcome and defeat them. And as to his saying, that though all the Devils in Hell should help them, &c. it was to ex∣press the diligence and expedition the Enemy would use in framing the Bridge; the which was the usual form and manner which this great Captain used in ex∣pressing his mind.

CHAP. XXXII.

The President comes to the River of Apurimac. The diffi∣culties and dangers they find in the passage. John de Acosta defends the Pass. The little caxe and ill Con∣duct he shewed in all this action.

NOtwithstanding all the haste and diligence the President and his Captains could make they could not reach the Bridge that night, but were forced to stop two leagues short, by reason that it was dark, but so soon as the Moon arose they began their Journey again, being forced to walk a great part thereof on foot, by reason of the ruggedness of the way. About eight a Clock in the morning they arrived at the Bridge, and with all the diligence they could use they could not lay the first Stranne before noon. The second was fitted and laid about se∣ven a Clock in the evening, over which they cast boughs and thin boards. fastned together with split Canes. About ten a Clock at night the first Ranks began to pass; and some few Souldiers were ferried over in a float hewed out of a piece of Wood which they call Maguey, which is very light, and something like those Goards or Calabaças which grow in those Countries, and may be as thick as a man's Leg: these Boats are drawn with Cords from one side of the River to the other. The Horses swam over with great danger of being drowned; for on the sides of the River there being no place made for them to enter in gently, they forced and plunged them in from the side of the Bank, 'where the stream was so rapid that it carried them down and cast them against the Rocks, where, meeting with whirle∣pools, they were turned quite round, and therein (as Carate reports, Book the second Chapter the fifth) above sixty Horse were drowned, and many others were lamed. And though that Countrey was not a place for Horses to fight in by reason of the Rocks and mountainous ways, yet they hastned over with all di∣ligence possible, lest the Enemy should surprise them before they had finished their passage. And indeed there was good ground to apprehead the coming of the Enemy, for the passage was very dangerous in the time of War, which Carvajal so well knew that he desired no other advantage over the Enemy than that. And indeed the difficulties of that River are such, and the Mountains on each side are so rocky and high, that they are at least two leagues perpendicular in height, the which I can attest, having seen them my self. And therefore it was not without reason that Carvajal demanded this employment for himself, and when he was denied, that he complained of his hard fortune; being well assured, in case they would have intrusted the management of this action unto him, to have returned with Victory; for he knew and was acquainted with the difficulty of the passage at Cotapampa.

By means of the great diligence which was used half the Army was passed over by midnight: The first that were over, putting themselves into the best order they could, began to climb the Mountain, being desirous to possess themselves of the top before the Enemies were come (which was the greatest danger they fea∣red) for having seised that Pass, they might secure the way, and facilitate the ascent of the whole Army. Those in the Van having gotten half way up the Mountain, a false alarm was given, no man knows how nor from whence, which caused such a general consternation and confusion, that many of those who were not as yet passed over, both Horse and Foot ran away as if they had been pursued; and so general was the affrightment and terrour, that the Captains Porcel and Par∣dane, and Gabriel Rojas Captain of the Ordnance, and divers other Souldiers of note, who were in the Rere Guards and in the main Body, seeing with what con∣fusion and disorder the Souldiers were put into flight, said one to another, if this alarm be true we shall all be lost and defeated this night. But as good fortune would have it, the alarm proving false, the disturbance and noise was quieted, and those that fled rallied again, and every one made the best of his way that he could. Those who were in the Van, and were the first to climb the Mountain, were likewise struck with the same terrour, and ran away with their Arms: but the alarm appearing to be false, they proceeded on their way, and came to the Foun∣tain before break of day; which was the place where John de Acosta was to have lain in wait for them, had he observed the Orders of Francisco de Carvajal, in per∣formance of which the whole fortune and success of that day depended. Those who came to the Fountain, having quenched their thirst with those pleasant Wa∣ters, proceeded on their way, and having got to the top of the Mountain, they put themselves into a Body; but they were so few, and those without any Com∣mander, that fifty men might easily have defeated them: howsoever in a short time after their numbers increased, for the General Pedro de Hinojosa, and the Go∣vernour Pedro de Valdivia, who had passed the Bridge, and remained at the foot of the Mountain, animated the Men, and encouraged them to make good their ascent: The other half of the Army, being affrighted with the late alarm, did not pass the Bridge with their Ordnance untill nine a Clock in the morning; which having done, they marched after their companions with all diligence imaginable; and here we will leave them to see what was become of John de Acosta, who was departed from Cozco to hinder the Enemy from passing the River.

This Captain having received his Instructions and Dispatches from the Lieute∣nant-General, departed from the City with two hundred Musquetiers mounted on Horse-back, and thirty Lances, all choice men; and having marched the first four leagues, he there staid and lodged all night, contrary to the orders and directions which had been given him; and so negligent and careless he seemed to be, that two of his Souldiers took an opportunity to leave him, and give advice unto the Enemy of his coming: The next morning about seven a Clock he began his march again, and that day another of his Souldiers ran away, called John Nunnez de Prado a Native of Badajoz, who gave intelligence of the distance, the Enemy was from them, and of the Orders given by Carvajal, which were so exact and re∣gular that every thing was measured by hours and leagues; which gave the Presi∣dent and his Captains some thoughts and apprehension of matters which were to succeed: for when they understood, that an alarm was to be given at such an hour in the night, they were extremely fearfull lest it should cause some great dis∣order; for if the late false alarm had put them into the confusion before mentio∣ned, what could they imagine would be the effects of a true alarm, caused by a surprise in the night? but by the negligence and unactive spirit of John de Acosta none of these matters were put in action, but all the methods and rules failed; which was objected to Gonçalo Piçarro as a failure in his conduct, as Augustine Ca∣rate, Book the seventh Chapter the fourth, intimates, where speaking of the Squa∣dron which the President formed of Indians and Negroes, he adds farther,

That when John de Acosta sent his Spyes to survey the number of the Enemy's Camp, and receiving a report that they were very numerous, he durst not engage with them, but returned again for a greater force; by which over-sight and de∣fault the President gained time to finish his Bridge, and transport his Souldiers. And here it is that Piçarro was much blamed for his conduct, for had he placed onely a hundred men at each of these Passes, it had been impossible for the Enemy to have made good their way over the Water: with which saying Carate ends that

Chapter. And indeed he had much reason for this Assertion; for certainly that passage is so difficult and horrid as cannot be expressed or described. When John de Acosta understood by his Scouts that he was not far from the descent of that ill way, he advanced with six Horsemen to take a view of the Enemy, and finding that they had already possessed themselves of the top of the Mountain, and were so very numerous, he durst not engage with them: the truth is, they deceived him much in their numbers, and made him believe they were many more than in reality they were; for, as Historians say, they mounted their Indians and Negroes on Horses and Mules, and put Lances and Partisans into their hands, and drew them up into a martial posture; and that the Enemy might not discover the qua∣lity of this Rabble, they placed three or four Files of Spaniards in the Front well appointed and armed, to cover the Negroes and Indians in their disguise; and then of the Infantry they formed another Squadron of the like condition. The Hi∣storians add farther, that Acosta, to amuse, Piçarro and make him believe that he would doe something, sent for a recruit of three hundred Musquetiers; but he having not acted according to any of those Rules which Carvajal had given him, the design was lost; and when the Recruits came to him, finding himself unable to engage with the President, he retreated to Cozco without any action, to give an account to Piçarro of what had passed, and that the President approached near unto the City.

CHAP. XXXIII.

Gonçalo Piçarro publishes his, Orders for the Army to march out of Cozco. Carvajal dissuades him from it, and puts him in mind of a Prophecy relating to his life. The Pre∣sident marches towards Cozco. The Enemy goes forth to meet him.

THE design of John de Acosta failing, Piçarro resolved to march forth and meet the Enemy, and give him Battel; for having formerly had success against Indians and Spaniards, he took the greater confidence to adventure all his fortunes on the hazard of War. In order hereunto he made Proclamation that in four days time every man should put himself in a readiness to march to Sacsahuana, being four leagues from the City; but Piçarro having made this publication without the knowledge or privity of his Lieutenant-General, Carvajal was much troubled at it, and told him, that it was by no means proper, or agree∣able to the welfare of his affairs to go forth to meet the Enemy; for that was to ease the Enemy of a trouble and take it upon himself; I beseech you, Sir, said he, to believe me in this matter, and leave the conduct of in to me. To which Piçarro answered, that at Sacsahuana he had made choice of a spot of Land very advantageous for him, and where the Enemy could onely at∣tack him in the Front, and that he doubted not to gain a Victory with his Can∣non onely. Sir, replied Carvajal, in this Countrey we cannot miss every where of strong and fast places, and I know particularly, (if you will be pleased to leave it unto me) to chuse you such a place where you may be assured of Victory. My meaning is that whereas you design to march four leagues to meet the Enemy, that you rather change your course to the contrary way, and expect their coming at Orcos, about five leagues from hence on the other side; which if you are plea∣sed to doel you shall then see the trouble and confusion this farther march of five leagues will cause amongst the Enemy, and the difficulties they will have to pursue you: And then having leisure to survey the ground, you may make choice of the most advantageous situation to give Battel. And I do again and again beseech you to retreat back, rather that proceed forward to meet the Enemy, the which I would persuade you unto though there were nothing more in it than merely what some judicial Astrologers have prognosticated concerning your life; namely,

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that such a year you shall run a great hazard to lose it, but in case you then escape you shall live long in great happiness and prosperity. The year which threatens your life according to their presages is almost expired; for not many months, or weeks remain before that time detemines, which I would therefore advise you to protract by a handsome retreat from the Enemy: this I say, that you may neither have cause to complain of your own rashness, nor your Friends and well-wishers to lament your want of consideration in making too slight an account of such pre∣dictions: for though there be no certainty in judicial Astrology, yet at least it will be good to spend out the time, if possible, to see whether such presages prove true or false. I am well assured that the Enemy cannot force you to fight; and per∣haps there may be many reasons which may persuade you to avoid it, untill some greater advantage offers than at present appears. Why should we adventure that which we may easily avoid, in case we intend to travel from one Countrey to another with pleasure and ease, whist the Enemy in pursuit of us endure all the inconveniences of a long march and hardships which famine and want must bring upon them; and in this manner we may spin out the time untill the bad influen∣ces are past which threaten you, and till the days return which the Astrologers as∣sure you will be more propitious. Piçarro answered in few words, that he was resolved not to make a retreat either far or near, it not being consistent with his honour and reputation; but to follow his fortune, and expect the Enemy at Sac∣sahuana, and be his destiny what it would, he determined to give the Enemy Bat∣tel at that place, without regard either to the Moon or Stars. Herewith the dis∣course ended, at which Carvajal was greatly troubled and complained amongst his friends and familiar acquaintance, that his Lord the Governour resolved upon a most pernicious course, especially in this critical time of his life, which was more dangerous than any other: in this opinion all others did concur, and were much afflicted to see him thus resolute and without regard to his safety or condition to deliver up himself (as it were) into the hands of his Enemies: there was no doubt but he was a man of great understanding; and therefore we may attribute this violent transport to the influence of the Stars, which carried him beyond his rea∣son, and caused him (as it were) to offer the Knife to his own Throat, and re∣ject the reasonable counsel of his Major-General.

But we must return again to the President, and often change our hands from one party to the other. The passage being now made free and open by the re∣treat of John de Acosta, the Royal Army had liberty to march without fear or dan∣ger of an Enemy; but by reason of the great incumbrances of Cannon, Ammuni∣tion and Provisions, four days were spent before they could clear themselves out of that uneasie passage, of which three days were required to march from the River to the top of the Mountain, where the Army was drawn up: from which place the President gave command to march the Army with great order; howso∣ever the ways were so narrow and rugged, and the Baggage so great that the Officers could not observe that rule they desired; and notwithstanding all their endeavours, the longest march they could make in a day was not above two leagues, and some∣times but one, and then perhaps they were forced to stay a day or two untill the Rere could come up.

In the mean time Gonçalo Piçarro hastned his Men out of Cozco, and to march unto Sacsahuana, where he designed to expect the Enemy and give them Battel. His Captains were all young and stout, and such as depended most upon their own bravery and courage, in confidence of which they chearfully hastned out of Cozco, to anticipate the day which should make them Lords and Masters of all Peru. But Carvajal and those of his opinion, who were the most sober and considerate were very unwilling to meet the Enemy, not having men in whom they could put any confidence; for amongst their own Party were three hundred of those Soul∣diers which belonged to Diego Cemeno, who had been lately overcome, and many of them as yet not cured of their wounds: and therefore in reason ought to be esteemed for such who desired their overthrow and destruction; or at least would run away in the day of Battel, and discourage those who were faithfull Friends to Piçarro.

These considerations administred just cause of fear and danger; to divert which Carvajal often turned to dissuade Piçarro from that fatal Counsel, which would inevitably betray him to a loss of his life, estate, honour and every thing that was dear unto him. But so God ordained it (as those of the contrary party said)

that Piçarro having completed the measure of his iniquity was blindly carried to receive the punishment he deserved. The which obstinacy so displeased several of his people, that they purposed to have lest him if possibly they could: and I can confidently aver, that after the Battel of Sacsahuana, and when all things were qui∣eted; I have heard some principal Officers who belonged to Piçarro say, that if he had followed the advice and counsel of his Major General, they would never have left him, but have died with him: for they esteemed Carvajal as an Oracle, and entertained such an esteem of his knowledge and experience in War, that they doubted not of the success in all matters where his counsel was followed. But Pi∣çarro persisting in his fatal resolution, marched out of Cozco towards the latter end of March in the year 1548, and in two days came to Sacsahuana, being greatly hin∣dred by his Carriages, Artillery and Baggage, for he was well furnished with all provisions for War, so as not to want any thing in case the Enemy should stay or linger in their coming. And though (as we have said) this action was con∣trary to the sense and opinion of most men; yet, finding Piçarro fixed and reso∣lute in his determination, none durst to dissuade or endeavour to alter his mind: and in regard these men evidently saw that he went positively to sacrifice himself and them to manifest destruction, every man began to provide for his own inte∣terest and safety; and to abandon Piçarro whom they saw plainly offering up him∣self to death in the most flourishing station of his life, being in the two and fourti∣eth year of his age; during which time he had been victorious in all the Battels he fought either against Indians or Spaniards, and had not above six months be∣fore obtained that famous Victory at Huarina, which gave him a character above any in this new World: all which fortunes and successes were changed, and buri∣ed in the Valley of Sacsahuana.

CHAP. XXXIV.

The two Armies meet in Sacsahuana. Gonçalo Piçarro shews a diffidence of those Souldiers which belonged to Di∣ego Centeno; and the expectation the President had, that those men should revolt to his side. The Offers and Protestations which were made by Piçarro. The Answer given by Gasca. It is resolved to decide the Difference by Battel. The Order of the Royal Army.

GOnçalo Piçarro drew up his Army in a certain place of that Valley, having a River behind not very broad, and a craggy Mountain, and both so met to∣gether, that the situation was naturally strong, and covered the Army on all quar∣ters in such manner that it could not be attacked in the rere nor on either side, but on the front onely. This River, towards the Mountain, is fortified with great Water-galls, caused by the streams which fall from above: between which and the River Piçarro pitched his Tents, leaving the Plain between the Water-galls and Mountain free and open for drawing up the Army. The President (as we have said) making short marches, arrived in this Valley three days after Piçarro; and three days passed with small skirmishes and piqueering between small parties; which were of no great moment; by which time all the Imperial Army was come up. The Armies faced one the other for two days afterwards, without engaging; all which time Piçarro and his Captains kept a strict eye and watch on their Soul∣diers, that none of them should run over to the President. And now one would think, that a Commander, who voluntarily marched to meet his Enemy, should have great confidence in the fidelity of his Souldiers; and not doe as Piçarro, who too late began to distrust Centeno's men, of which there were no less than three hundred in the Army; and began to approve the Counsel of Carvajal, who

persuaded him long since to dismiss those men, of whom there being no assurance, they were unfit to be entrusted with so great a concernment, wherein Estate, Life and Honour did consist. This particular is also noted by Lopez do Gomara, Chap. 186. in these words:

Piçarro, says he, marched out with above a thousand Spaniards, of which two hundred were Horse, and five hundred and fifty Musquetiers; but he was very doubtfull of four hundred who had served under the command of Centeno, which caused him to keep a strict guard over them; and to kill some of them with Lan∣ces who attempted to make an escape, &c. Thus far this Authour.

But on the contrary, The President remained with assurance of the faithfulness of those who revolted over to his Party: particularly (as that Authour reports in the same Chapter, which is very long) he was well satisfied in the Promise which Licenciado Cepeda sent him by Friar Antonio de Castro of the Order of Preachers, who was Prior at that time of Arequepa, that in case Piçarro came not to terms of agreement with him, he was resolved upon breaking off the Treaty, to pass over to the Emperour's Service.

With this assurance the President held a Consultation with his Captains, whe∣ther it were best immediately to engage or decline Fighting for some time: And though they were all of opinion, that to avoid the effusion of bloud it were bet∣ter to forbear; yet, considering the necessities they should be speedily forced into for want of Provisions and of Wood, and more especially of Water, which they brought from far, whilst the Enemy was abundantly supplied therewith; it was resolved to engage the next day; lest these inconveniences happening by such de∣lays, the Souldiers being enforced by hunger should run to the Enemy: but on the same Piçarro sent some Articles and Protests to the President, as the same Au∣thour expresses in these words.

Piçarro sent two Priests one after another, to require Gasca to shew to him in writing, his Commission and Command of the Emperour: and that in case it did appear in the original writing that his Majesty did enjoin him to leave the Go∣vernment, he was ready to yield all obedience thereunto, to resign up his Power and to abandon the Countrey. But in case he refused so to doe, he then decla∣red, that he was resolved to give him battel, protesting against him for all the bloud and miseries which should thence ensue. Gasca being informed that these Priests had been dealing with Hinojosa and others, to subvert them from their duty, he caused them to be deteined, and sent word to Piçarro, that he was ready to grant free Pardon to him and all his Followers; adding how great honour he had gai∣ned in being the principal instrument to procure a revocation of the late Ordinan∣ces which would now be completed in case he would accept of the grace and favour of his Majesty, and enter into the number of his faithfull Servants: that all those who were engaged on his side would have eternal obligations to him for obtai∣ning a Pardon for them, and putting them into a condition of safety and riches, without the hazard of Battel, wherein they may be slain or be taken Prisoners, to receive the punishment of their Rebellion. But all these words were wind, and they might as well be preached in the Desart to the Woods and Rocks as to minds so obstinately inclined, or to desperate men, and such as believed them∣selves invincible; and truth is, their Camp was well fortified by the situation of the place, and was well furnished with all Provisions, and attended by the services of Indians. Thus far are the very words of Gomara. And whereas he says, that the Indians were very serviceable to them is most true; for generally the Indi∣ans served Gonçalo Piçarro with more affection than others; by reason that he was one of the first Conquerours whom they called Children of the Sun, and Brothers to their Kings the Inca's; and therefore gave them the title of Inca's; and particu∣larly they bore a singular love and respect to Gonçalo Piçarro for being the Brother of the Marquis Francisco Piçarro; they bewailed his death with much tenderness and compassion.

The night before it was resolved to give the Enemy Battel, John de Acosta was appointed to attack them with a body of four hundred men, in which he was the more forward, in hopes to recover the Credit he had lost in the late Design; by his miscarriage in which, he was taxed of negligence and want of knowledge in War: and it was well known how much Carvajal lamented his misfortune, by be∣ing denyed the conduct of that Affair whereby he hoped to have crowned all his former Actions, and consummated the glorious exploits of his old age. But whilst

John de Acosta was just ready to make an Attempt of Surprise upon the Enemy, news was brought, that one of Centeno's Souldiers was fled to the other Party; whereby fearing that the design was discovered, that resolution was laid aside, much to the satisfaction of Piçarro, who was of opinion that his advantage was greater in a full engagement with the whole Body, than to skirmish and fight in small parties: and thus much Gomara confirms, and says, that Piçarro told Acosta, that there was no need to adventure his person where the Victory was secure and already certain. And indeed the confidence of Piçarro and his Officers was grounded on a belief, that every individual Souldier would fight as valiantly as themselves, which certainly, if they had, it would have gained them the Victory: but their errour soon appeared; for neither did those who were reputed valiant, fight like such, nor men of less esteem shew themselves cowards.

The Advice which the Souldier brought who fled from Piçarro, that John de A∣costa was designing to surprize them and beat up their quarters; caused the Presi∣dent to draw out his men and put them into array, in which posture they conti∣nued the whole night, and endured so much cold, (as the Historians Gomara and Carate write) that they were not able to hold their weapons in their hands. But so soon as it was day, being the ninth of April 1548. the King's Army drew farther out into the open field, and into a larger quarter than the night before. The Infantry were all joined in a Body conducted by their respective Captains, and supported on each hand with wings of Musquetiers; and flanked on the left with two hundred Horse, whose Captains were Diego de Mora, John de Saavedra, Rodri∣go de Salazar and Francisco Hernandez Giron, whom Carate calls Aldana: on the right were the Captains Gomez de Alvarado, Don Pedro Cabrera, and Alonso Mercadillo, with other two hundred Horse appointed to defend the Royal Standard, which was carried by the Licenciado Carvajal, in the same rank with these Captains.

On the right hand of these (at some distance from them) Captain Alonso de Mendoça and Diego de Centeno were ranked with sixty Horse under their command, all which, or the greatest part of them, consisted of those who escaped from the Battel of Huarina; who would have no other Captain than Mendoça, because he had been their Companion and fellow Souldier in all their travels and sufferings: and these drew up near the River to succour and receive such as should revolt over to their Party; for they expected many to fly over to them from all quar∣ters of the Army; and on this quarter especially there appeared most difficulty and danger. Captain Graviel de Rojas was industriously employed in planting his Cannon in the field, which he with much labour performed by reason of the Rocks and ruggedness of the way. The General Pedro de Hinojosa, the Lieute∣nant General Alonso de Alvarado, and the Serjeant Major Pedro de Villa-vicencio, and the Governour Pedro de Valdivia, disposed the other Troops and Companies in their due Places. In the Rere of all was the President with three Bishops, viz. of Cozco, of Quitu and Los Reyes, with the principal persons of the Order of Preachers, and Friars of the Order of our Lady of Merced, with a very great number of Church-men and Friars, who followed the Camp; for guard of whom a Party of fifty Horse were appointed, and to defend them in case any misfor∣tune should happen.

CHAP. XXXV.

The Success of the Battel of Sacksahuana, to the time of the total defeat of Gonçalo Piçarro.

SO soon as it was day Gonçalo Piçarro commanded them to beat a march, and drew out his men into the Plain which lyes between the River and the Mountain: he also commanded a Plat-form to be raised and the Cannon moun∣ted. It is said also, by Gomara, that he committed the charge of drawing up the Army to Licenciado Cepeda, because that Carvajal was so angry and displeased that

his Counsel was not followed; that giving all for lost he refused to take any charge of the Army, but entered himself into the ranks of the Infantry, to fight like a private Captain: for which reason Historians make no mention of Carvajal in all this action.

Whilst the Officers were thus busily employed in disposing the Army in their several Stations, Garçilasso, my Lord, came out from amongst them, and upon pre∣tence that his Indian had neglected to bring him his Lance, he descended down to∣wards the River, calling out with a loud voice to his Indian; and so soon as he was got below the Clifts of the Water-galls, he hastned with all speed possible towards the Royal Camp, and having passed the wet ground which was between the two Armies, and which drains it self in the River, he then ascended into the upper grounds, and in the view of both Armies, he presented himself before the President, who received and embraced him with open Arms; and said to him, Seigniour Garçilasso, I have long expected that you should render this service to his Majesty: To which Garçilasso replied, That he had long been a prisoner with∣out liberty, and restrained from making this open demonstration, but still had a heart and good will thereunto, Piçarro was much troubled at the departure and loss of Garçilasso; yet, not to discourage his own men, he seemed to make light of it; and meeting with a Cosin German of my Father's called Gomez Suarez de Figu∣eroa, he said, Garçilasso hath left us, and do not you think now, that he will be in a fine condition, in case we should get the Victory? and thus did he still flatter himself with hopes of success, which in a short time after failed, and he unde∣ceived. My Father's escape was, as now related, though the Historians tell us first of the flight of Licenciado Cepeda, and then of my Father and others, as if they had all gon away together, but their information was not so particular as mine: but there is another Writer, who relates the matter as I have done, and names my Father in the first place, and then a Cosin of mine, and others, and that Gonçalo Piçarro was greatly afflicted and troubled for it: And then proceeding on with his Story, he says that Licenciado Cepeda soon followed after them. The truth is, Garçilasso de la Vega fled singly without other company, and that he contrived his escape in those three days that Piçarro was in the field before the Enemy was come up, during which time he surveyed the ground and places over which he might pass with most safety; and then it was that he plotted, that his Indians should not bring his Lance, that he might have an excuse to depart from his company; and that he passed under covert of the Clifts, by the River side; the which Par∣ticulars I heard from himself, together with the several passages and successes of that great action, when he had leisure freely to discourse thereof in the times of peace and settlement. I have also heard Garçilasso, my Lord, say, that after Gon∣çalo Piçarro had taken away his horse Salinillas at the Battel of Huarina, as is before mentioned, that he purposely omitted to buy himself another, that so Piçarro ob∣serving him on foot, might be moved either to return his horse to him again, or supply him with some other: and accordingly it happened, for that four days be∣fore Piçarro marched out of Cozco, to fight the Battel at Sacsahuana, he returned him his horse Salinillas, which was so welcome to him, that when he saw him in his Stable, he thought that some Angel from Heaven had brought him thither. I have not repeated these Particulars to excuse my Father, for all those matters are already past, but to relate the truth of things, with the circumstances of days, hours and moments; for I intend neither to accuse nor reflect on any man, but like a plain Historian to lay down matter of Fact. And so accordingly let us re∣turn to the success of that Battel.

Piçarro Forces were drawn up according to the direction of Licenciado Cepeda: and by the side of the Mountain a Party of Musquetiers were detached to skir∣mish with the Enemy: to oppose which the Captains Hernan Mexia de Guzman and John Alonso Palomino were commanded out with their Companies, and caused them to retreat without loss or hurt on either side. In the mean time the Cannon plaid on both sides: but that of Piçarro's did no execution, because the President's Forces being drawn up in a low ground, they shot over: but the President's Can∣non being planted to more advantage, commanded the Enemy's Camp on all sides, so that two men were killed with the great shot, one of which was Page to Piçar∣ro. Whilst Licenciado Cepeda was drawing up the Forces his eyes were still towards the way where he might best escape to the Enemy; and feigning, as if he looked for a more advantageous ground, so soon as he found himself at some convenient

distance off he set spurs to his Horse, which was a very comely Beast of a dark Chesnut colour, having his neck, breast and hinder parts covered with a thick Bull's Hide dyed black, that it looked very handsomely, and was a new sort of ornament and covering which I never remember to have seen before, nor since to the day that I left that Countrey: but this new sort of hoosing was at that time very dangerous to the Master, being particularly noted and known thereby; for he no sooner began to run towards the Enemy but he was known and pursued by Pedro Martin de Don Benito, mounted upon a large Horse thin and lean, but in good breath, and as I remember he was of a bayish colour, and so swift that he ran three foot for the other's one, and so fetched upon him that he came up with Cepeda just as he entred upon the wet ground, which was near the President's Camp, and there he gave his Horse such a stroke with his Lance on the hinder parts that he bote him down into the mire, and gave another wound to Cepeda in the right Thigh, and had certainly killed him, had not four Cavaliers under the command of Alonso de Mendoça, placed there on such occasions, come in to his rescue. Had not the Horse been overcharged with the weight of his Bull's Leather, he had cer∣tainly out-run and escaped the Lance of Pedro Martin de Don Benito, who was moun∣ted on an old lean Jade; and having performed this piece of bravery he returned again to the main Body of his Forces; but Licenciado Cepeda being relieved by the timely succours which came to his assistence, he was taken out of the mire into which he was fallen, and conducted to kiss the President's Hand, who received him with great joy, and, as Gomara saith, kissed him on the Cheek; looking up∣on him for so considerable a person, as that by his desertion Piçarro was overcome. Thus far Gomara.

After his example many other Souldiers both Horse and Foot came flocking in from all sides; amongst them was Martin de Arvieto, of whom we formerly made mention in the Battel of Huarina, and promised to relate several things of him, of which this particular shall serve for one. He was well mounted on an excellent Horse, carrying his Lance in his Wrest, which sort of Weapon began to be out of use in those days; this Martin Arvieto was accompanied by a Souldier called Pedro de Arenas, born at Colmenar de Arenas, he was little of stature, but a neat nimble fellow, and esteemed honest, and a good Souldier; he was mounted on a pretty dapper Mare of a brown Bay, with white streaks, but small and fit for the Master, and was more proper to ride about the streets than for an engagement in Battel; and because Arvieto had taken him under his protection, he held his Horse in with a stiff hand, that he might not leave his Companion; which Pedro Mar∣tin observing, who had already run four or five Footmen thorough with his Lance, immediately pursued after them: Martin de Arvieto who led the way, passed easi∣ly over the moorish ground, but Pedro de Arenas's Mare floundred in it, and after two or three plunges she threw her Rider into the mire and dirt, and the girts of the Saddle broke. Arvieto ••••ing about and seeing his Comrade in the dirt, in∣terposed between him and Martin de Don Benito, which when Benito saw, and that Arvieto intended to fight him, he stopped his Horse and stood still: whereupon Martin de Arvieto called upon him, and said, Ad••e Rascal, and let us try which of us hath sucked the better milk•• but Benito accepted not the challenge, but re∣turned again to his companions. Pedro Martin made many of these fallies, and at last a shot took him on the right hand, with which his Lance falling, he came to Piçarro without it, and told him, Sir, I am now disabled, and unfit farther for your service, and thereupon he retired into the Rere of the Horse. During which time all the Souldiers that could, as ••ell Horse as Foot, fled over to the Royal Camp; which when Francisco de Carvajal saw, and that, by reason of Piçarro's obstinacy, who persisted still in his own humour, all was brought to destruction and ruine, he be∣gan to sing with a loud voice, Thus, Mother, doth the wind carry away my h••rs two by two and in this manner continued singing, and jesting upon those who rejected his counsel, untill there was not one man remaining. At length the right Wing of Musquetiers, pretending unto great Faith and Loyalty, de••••ed leave to be de∣tached from the rest of the Body to skirmish with the Enemy, which being ad∣mitted, and they drawn out, so soon as they found themselves at some distance off, they all set to running, and came over to the President; which when he and his Officers observed, they resolved to decline fighting, in expectation that in a very short time all the Forces of Piçarro would come over to them; the which ac∣cordingly succeeded; for a party of thirty Horse being drawn out to pursue the

Foot, followed the same example, and surrendred themselves likewise to the Presi∣dent: in like manner forty Musquetiers of the left Wing took the same way without any pursuit made after them; for marching off in a Body they often faced about, in∣tending to defend themselves in case they should meet any opposition: And more∣over by this time Alonso de Mendoça and Diego Centeno, with a party of sixty Horse, had placed themselves between the Enemy and the Bog, to succour such as should make their escape. Carvajal all this time continued his Song, roaring it out aloud as he saw the parties run away. The Pike-men, finding themselves naked and forsaken on both sides by their Musquetiers, and no possibility for them to make their flight, upon pretence of skirmish with the Enemy, all on a sudden threw down their Arms and fled by several ways, which put an end to all Piçarro's Forces. This was the success of the Battel of Sacsahuana, if so it may be called a Battel; in which there was neither blow with a Sword, nor push with a Lance, nor Mus∣quet shot of Enemy against Enemy, nor nothing more than what is before related: and so sudden was the destruction of Piçarro, that if we should enlarge thereupon it would take up more time in the reading than there was in the transaction there∣of. On Piçarro's side, as Gomara reports, ten or twelve were killed; all which dyed by the hand of Pedro Martin de Don Benito, and other Officers in pursuit of the Fugitives, but by the Forces of the President not a man was slain: though Historians say both Parties were within shot of each other, and whole Vollies were interchanged; yet it is certain they were above five hundred paces distant each from the other: On the other side but one was unluckily killed by the mis∣chance of a shot from his Companion.

CHAP. XXXVI.

Gonçalo Piçarro surrenders himself, judging it less disho∣nourable so to doe than to turn his back and fly. The dis∣course which passed between the President and him. The imprisonment of Francisco de Carvajal.

THE Pikemen having thrown down their Arms, Gonçalo Piçarro and his Cap∣tains were surprised with a strange astonishment, being an Act contrary to all expectation: And then Piçarro, turning his face to John de Acosta, said, Brother John what shall we doe? Acosta, presuming on his valour more than on his own discretion, answered, Sir, let us fight and dye like old Romans. No, said Piçarro, it is better to dye like Christians. Gomara, upon this occasion, Chap. 186, saith, than his words were like a good Christian and a valiant Man for he judged it more honourable to surrender than to dye, for that he had never turned his back to his Enemy, &c. And he adds farther, that Piçarro still kept himself in a very excellent garb, mounted on a brave Horse of a Chesnut colour; he was armed with a Coat of Mail, and over it a Wastcoat of Sattin well beaten with many doubles, and on his Head he wore a Helmet and Bever of Gold, &c. Augustine Carate says, that the Coat which he wore over his Arms was of an incarnation Vel∣vet, covered almost all over with bosses of Gold; and that he said to John de Aco∣sta, since all people are going over to the King, I also am going likewise, &c. Ha∣ving said this, he proceeded to the Royal Camp, with those Captains who were contented to follow him; namely John de Acosta, Maldonado, John Velez de Guevara; and as he was going in this manner, he met with Pedro de Villavicencio; whom he observing to be well attended, asked who he was, and understanding that he was the Serjeant Major; he said to him, I am Gonçalo Piçarro and am going to render my self to the Emperour: having said this, he yielded up to him his Dagger which he carried in his hand, for that (as Carate saith) he had broken and spent his Lance upon his own people which fled from him. Villavicencio was very proud of this his good fortune, and with many fair words returned him thanks for the great favour

he had done him; and therefore in complement would neither require his Sword nor his Dagger which was girt about him, which was of considerable value, the Hilt being all of beaten Gold: proceeding a little farther, he met with Diego Cen∣teno, who said, my Lord, I am heartily sorrow to see your Lordship in this condition. Gonçalo Piçarro smiled hereat a little, and replied, Captain Centeno, there is nothing to be said more upon this matter, my business is finished to day, to morrow you your selves will lament my fall; and without interchanging more words, he was carried directly to the President's Quarters, who received him in such manner as the three Authours agree; whose words we will faithfully repeat. Carate, Book the seventh Chapter the seventh, saith; And so he was carried before the Presi∣dent, between whom some speeches passing which were judged to be bold and se∣ditious, he was committed to the custody of Diego Centeno, &c. Gomara, Chapter 186. saith, Villavicencio, being proud of such a Prisoner, conducted him forthwith to the presence of Gasca; who, amongst many other questions, asked of him, whe∣ther he thought he had done well in raising War against the Emperour? to which Piçarro replied, Sir, I and my Brothers gained this Countrey at our own cost and expence, and therefore I thought it no crime to aspire unto the Government, ha∣ving his Majesty's word and Commission for it. Gasca in anger twice comman∣ded that he should be taken from his presence, and the custody of him was com∣mitted to the charge of Diego Centeno, who petitioned for the same. Palentino, Chap. 90th. relates the discourse which passed on this occasion, as follows; Gon∣çalo Piçarro, saith he, was carried before the President, and being alighted from his Horse, he made his humble obeisance to him: the President laid his faults be∣fore him, and would have comforted him, but Piçarro continuing still inflexible and obstinate; answered, That it was he who had gained that Countrey, and put∣ting a smooth gloss on his actions, endeavoured to justifie whatsoever he had done; which so provoked the President that he retorted very severely upon him in pre∣sence of many standers-by, and told him plainly that whatsoever he could pretend had not sufficient force to cause him to swerve from the duty he owed to his Prince, much less to become ungratefull and obdurate; for granting that his Majesty had conferred the favour and honour on his Brother the Marquis to govern this Coun∣trey, yet considering that thereby he had raised both him and his Brothers from a mean and poor to a rich and high condition, and advanced him from the dung∣hill to a considerable degree, it ought to be so owned and acknowledged; espe∣cially since in the discovery of that Countrey there was nothing due to him: it is true his Brother might pretend to some merit therein, but he understood so well the favours his Majesty had conferred upon him as to esteem himself obliged for ever to continue loyal and within the terms of duty and respect: Piçarro would have made some reply, but the President commanded the Marshal to take him away, and deliver him into the custody of Diego Centeno. Thus far Palentino, and with him the other two Authours agree; but all of them are so short in the rela∣tion they give of this matter, that we think it necessary to recount the story more particularly as it passed, which was this;

When Gonçalo Piçarro came to the place where the President was, he found him alone with the Marshall; for the other Commanders, ashamed to see him whom they had denied and sold, retired at some distance from them: the cere∣monies of respect which were made passed on Horseback, for Piçarro did not alight seeing that every man kept himself on his Saddle, as did also the President; and the first thing he asked him was, Whether he thought he had done well in raising the Countrey against the Emperour, and making himself Governour there∣of contrary to his Majesty's will and pleasure, and in killing his Vice-king in a pitch'd Battel: To which he made answer, that he had never made himself Go∣vernour, but was raised thereunto by the Judges, who, at the request and desire of all the Cities of the Kingdom, had given him a Commission in pursuance and confirmation of that Act of Grace which his Majesty had conferred on his Bro∣ther the Marquis, impowering him to nominate a person to succeed him after his life; and that it was manifest and notoriously known to all the world that he was the person nominated by his Brother: and that having gained the Kingdom, it was but just that he should be made Governour of it. And as to the Vice∣king, he was advised by the Judges, as a thing lawfull and tending to the quiet∣ness and peace of the Empire, and to his Majesty's service, to drive out a person from amongst them who was so little fit and qualified for Government: and as to

his death he was not concerned in it; but he having oppressed the people, and put many to death without either Reason or Law, was in revenge thereof killed by those whose Kindred, Friends and Relations were murthered by him. If those Messengers and Ministers he sent to his Majesty to render him an account of the state of his Affairs here (who were the Men who sold and betrayed him) had been admitted and impartially heard, no doubt but his Majesty would have ac∣cepted his services, and taken other counsels and measures than what now appear: for whatsoever he acted then was at the persuasion and with the concurrence of the Inhabitants and Representatives of the several Cities; and was made to be∣lieve by Judges and learned Counsellours, that what he acted was agreeable to Law and Equity.

To which the President made answer, That he had shewed himself very un∣gratefull and undeserving the gratious favour of his Majesty towards his Brother the Marquis, whom he had enriched, and, with all his Relations, had raised from the dust to eminent degrees of Wealth and Honour; and that as to the discovery of the Countrey, he himself had contributed nothing thereunto. Well, replied Piçarro, then let my Brother have the sole honour of this Discovery, yet it can∣not be denied but that he had need of the help and assistance of all the four Bro∣thers, together with the aid of all our Family, and of such as were allied to it. The favour which his Majesty shewed to my Brother consisted onely in a bare Title without Estate or Revenue thereunto belonging: and if any one shall say the contrary, I desire them to assign the place where such Estate or Revenue re∣mains. And to say that we were raised from the dust, seems something harsh and strange, for it is well known that we entred Spain with the Goths, and have been Gentlemen for many Ages of an eminent and ancient Family. His Majesty according to his will and pleasure may bestow Offices and places of Trust on men of obscure originals, and raise them from the dust who were born in it: And if we were poor we sought our fortune through the world, and by our industry we acquired this Empire, which we have presented to his Majesty, though we might have appropriated the same unto our selves, as others have done who have been the Discoverers of new and unknown Countries.

The President, angred at these sayings, cried out twice with a loud voice, Take him away, take him away, This Tyrant is the same to day as he was yesterday: then Diego Centeno came and took him into his custody, having (as we have said) desired that Office of the President. The other Captains were sent to different places, to be kept under safe Guards; but Francisco de Carvajal, though an aged man of eighty four years, out of a natural desire to prolong life, made his escape and fled: he was mounted on a Horse of a light Chesnut colour, and something old; I knew him, and that he was called Boscanillo; he was a well-shaped Horse, and had been excellently good in his time: and being now to pass over a narrow Stream or Brook (as there are many in that Countrey) he hastily plunged down a Bank of eight Foot deep to the Water, and on the other side it was as high to get up, and very rocky, so that having passed over he laboured much to ascend the Bank: Carvajal, being old and corpulent, could give no help to his Horse; for if he had onely held by his Main he had got over, but swaying too much up∣on one side, he pulled the Horse upon him, and both of them fell together into the Brook, and he under his Horse; in which condition his own Souldiers seised and took him and carried him away prisoner to the President, in hopes by such a present and piece of service to obtain their own Pardons.

CHAP. XXXVII.

What passed between Francisco de Carvajal, Diego Cen∣teno and the President. The imprisonment of the other Captains.

UPON the rumour that Carvajal was taken prisoner, the Souldiers came floc∣king to see a person so famous as was this Francisco de Carvajal, and instead of comforting him in this affliction, they put lighted Matches to his Neck, and endeavoured to thrust them down between his Shirt and his Skin; and going in this manner he espied Captain Diego Centeno, who had newly placed Gonçalo Piçarro in his Tent under a safe Guard, and committed him to the charge of six faithfull and trusty Friends; and being come out into the Field, Carvajal seeing him, cried out aloud, Captain Diego Centeno, you ought to esteem it as a particular service that I come to render my self into your hands: the meaning of which was, that he having been the Lieutenant-General of an Army, and one who had often over∣thrown him in fight, and particularly at Huarina, did now in respect to him yield himself his Prisoner rather than to any other; which, according to the ceremonies of War amongst Captains and Souldiers, is esteemed a high complement; and that now he might satisfie his revenge upon him, and triumph over his Enemy. Diego Centeno turning his face about, and seeing that it was Carvajal who called upon him; Sir, said he, I am sorry to see you in this distress: I believe you, said Carvajal, to be a Christian and a Gentleman, and that you will deal with me ac∣cordingly, and that you will command these Gentlemen here not to treat me as they have done, meaning the lighted Matches; which when Centeno understood, and that the Rabble was not ashamed to persist and own the fact in his presence, thinking to please him by this usage of his Enemy, he bastanadoed them with his Cane, being a sort of Seamen and Clowns who followed the Camp, and acted according to their breeding. Centeno, having freed him from that vile sort of people, delivered him into the custody of two Souldiers, who were to guard him, and not suffer any injury or affront to be done him; and as they were carrying him away they met with the Governour Pedro de Valdivia, who desired of Centeno to grant him the honour of conducting the Prisoner before the President; which was assented unto, conditionally that he should afterwards send him to his Tent, being desirous to be his keeper, because he believed that in what place soever else he should be committed, he would be ill treated and subjected to many inso∣lences and affronts, in revenge of the former cruelties he had done to others. And being brought by Valdivia before the President, he reproached him with the ty∣rannies and cruelties he had committed upon his Majesty's Subjects against the publick peace, and the allegeance he owed unto his Sovereign. To all which Car∣vajal answered not one word, nor submitted himself, nor seemed to give any at∣tention to what was said to him; but turned his eyes on each side of him, with a grave and majestick look, as if he had been Lord Paramount of all those people who were about him; which when the President perceived, he commanded him to be taken and carried to Diego Centeno, who placed him in a Tent apart from Piçarro, where they might have no society or converse together, nor see each other any more.

All the other Captains and Officers were likewise taken, some the same day, and others afterwards, so that not one of them escaped, excepting Captain John de la Torre, who lay concealed four months at Cozco in a poor straw Cottage of an Indian Servant of his, without any knowledge or tidings of him, as if he had been sunk under ground, untill such time as a Spaniard unluckily made a discovery of him, not knowing that it was he, and then he was taken and hanged, though a long time after the others.

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CHAP. XXXVIII.

Of the many Visits which were made to Carvajal in Prison, and the Discourse which passed between him, and those who went to make their Triumphs over him.

ALL the Particulars which we have related concerning the Battel of Sacsa∣huana were acted and performed by ten a clock in the morning upon the ninth of April 1548. for matters beginning very early, all was ended and quieted by that hour: immediately hereupon the President dispatched away two Captains to Cozco, both to apprehend and seise those who were fled, and to prevent the Disorders of such who intended to plunder and sack the City. In the Evening many principal Persons and Captains went to make their Visits to the Prisoners, some out of friendship to them, others because of their relation and alliance, and others for the sake of their Countrey: some went to comfort them, and others out of interest and design to discover their Estates and Riches which they might inherit: onely those who made their Visits to Carvajal, could have none of these Considerations, for he had neither Friend, nor Kinsman, nor Countrey-man; and indeed it was no time then for any man to make known his friendship towards him. Howsoever many Gentlemen of quality made their Visits to him, especial∣ly young men who were free, and aiery, and curious, and went rather to triumph over him than to condole with him. But Carvajal was too wise and knowing of the World to regard them, but scorned and contemned them; as we shall shortly relate, when we come to repeat his several apt sayings, which I heard from those who were present that day, of which the Historians make mention of some; but in a different manner; and I shall add some others which they have omitted.

Carvajal being in prison, a certain Merchant came to him, and with much con∣cernment told him, that some Souldiers under his command, had at such a place robbed and taken from him the value of many thousands of Ducats in merchan∣dise; and I exspect, said he, to receive satisfaction from you who was their Cap∣tain and Commander, and since you are shortly to dye, I charge this debt upon your Conscience. Carvajal looking about him, and seeing the Scabbard remai∣ning in the Belt after they had taken away his Sword, he took it, and gave it to the Merchant; Here, Brother, said he, take this in earnest and in part of what I owe you, for there is nothing more left me: the which he said to convince the man of his simplicity and solly in demanding the restitution of thousands of Ducats from him, who had nothing remaining besides the Scabbard of a Sword: so soon as this fellow was gon out, in comes another with the like demand: and having not wherewith to satisfie him; he answered, that he did not remember he ow∣ed any man a farthing, unless it were three pence to a Tripe-woman, who lived near the Gate of Arenall at Sevile: And thus he answered one folly with another, to convince Fools who came to demand restitution of vast Sums from him, whom they saw without Hat or Cloak, and almost quite stripped by those who had ta∣ken him Prisoner: And indeed Carvajal himself was the richest Prize of any that was taken that day; for he always carried his wealth with him, which was in Gold, and not in Silver, for the better convenience of its carriage: we might add di∣vers other sayings which passed that day between him and men of mean conditi∣on, but we shall leave them, to recount other Stories between him and persons of of greater quality: Amongst which there came in one who was a man of fashi∣on and a Captain, very chearfull and brisk, and a great Courtier, and very quick in his Repartees; and amongst the rest of his vertues, he was much addicted to whoring and drinking, and made upen profession of them. And having dis∣coursed some time with Carvajal, at the conclusion of all he told him, that he had managed many weighty things wherewith he had defiled his conscience; and that since he was speedily to dye, he exhorted him to examine himself, to repent of his Sins, to confess them, and ask pardon of God. Sir, answered Carvajal, you have spoken like a Christian and a Gentleman as you are: and pray also ap∣ply

the same Counsel to your self, which will be as wholsome for you as for me: And now pray do me the favour to reach me a cup of that liquor which the Indians are drinking: the Gentleman presently arose from his Seat, and with∣out other reply, went and fetched a Dish of that liquor, and brought it to Carva∣jal; who received it; and to show his compliance with the Gentleman's kindness, drank it, and threw the dish from him: And thus this Spark was repaid for his good Counsel; by which he was put so out of countenace, that when he after∣wards jested with any of his friends, and that any of them found him too nimble in his Repartees; they would say, Away, away, Let us goe to Carvajal, and he will set us all at rights. Another Gentleman of good quality, younger than the other, but loose and extravagant in the vices of his youth, and who took pleasure to publish and boast of them; began to preach to Carvajal in the same manner as the other had done, seeming very zealous for his Repentance, being shortly to dye. To which Carvajal made this answer, You have spoken, Sir, like a Saint, but we have this Proverb, A young Saint, and an old Devil: with which this young Gentleman was put to silence. But another Gentleman received severer language from him, being known to come with intention to scorn and triumph over him, rather than to admonish or comfort him: for his Salutation was this; I kiss your Worship's hands, Good Seignior Lieutenant General: For though your Worship would have hanged me at such a place; yet, (having now forgotten it) I come to know wherein I may serve you, which I shall readily perform without remem∣brance of my late ill usage. Sir, replied Carvajal, What is it you can doe for me, which you offer with such mighty ostentation and gravity? Can you save my life? If you cannot doe that, you can doe nothing; When, as you say, I would have hanged you, I could have done it if I had pleased: but perhaps you were so much a Rascal, that I did not think you worth the hanging; and now, forsooth, you would sell me what you have not. Go your ways, in the Name of God, be∣fore I say worse to you. In this manner did he scorn and triumph over his Ene∣mies, and never did he carry himself with that constancy of mind, authority, gra∣vity and steadiness as he did that day when he was taken. I was acquainted with all those three Gentlemen whom I have here mentioned, but it is not reason to name any man, but on occasion of some great action: but they all afterwards be∣came Citizens of Cozco, and had the best quarters of that City assigned to them.

CHAP. XXXIX.

Of the Captains who were executed, and how their Heads were sent into divers parts of that Kingdom.

TO the preceding Discourses we shall add this one of a different nature to all the rest. There was a certain Souldier called Diego de Tapia whom I knew, and of whom I have made mention in our History of Florida, lib. 6. chap. 18. and who had been one of Carvajal's Souldiers, and much esteemed by him, because he was a good Souldier, active and fit for business. He was of lit∣tle stature, but well shaped and had revolted over to Carvajal before the Battel of Huarina; this poor fellow, coming to Carvajal, wept, and shed many tears with great tenderness: alas, Sir, said he, Father, how much am I troubled to see you in this distress; I wish to God, that my life might satisfie for yours, for it could never be better offered than for you. Alas, Sir, how much am I grie∣ved for you! had you fled, and made your escape with me, it had fared otherwise with you. To which Carvajal replied, I do not doubt of the sorrow and sense you have of my condition; and I am much obliged to you for the expressions you have made of your good will to me, offering to exchange your life, to purchase mine. But tell me, Brother Diego, since we were such great and inti∣mate Friends, why thou didst not tell me of thy intention to be gone, that we might have fled away together? With which Answer the Standers-by were much

pleased, and laughed, wondering to see such presence of mind and readiness of spirit in a man of his condition to reply so aptly on every thing that was said to him: All this and much more passed between Carvajal and others, on the very day of this Battel, or rather a Defeat without a Battel: But as to Gonçalo Piçar∣ro, he remained alone, and no company admitted to see him, because he so de∣sired it: unless Diego Centeno and six or seven principal Souldiers more, who were set over him for his guard.

The day following Gonçalo Piçarro and his Lieutenant General, with all the Captains taken, were brought to Execution, as Gomara relates, chap. 187. and particularly nominates John de Acosta, Francisco Maldonado, John Velez de Guevara, Dionisio de Bovadilla, Gonçalo de Los Nidos; and says, that of the last of them, they drew his Tongue out at the Nape of his Neck; but he alledges no reason for it; onely we may believe, it was for treasonable words spoken against his Imperial Majesty: all these and many others were hanged; and though they were Gen∣tlemen, yet they lost their privilege by becoming Traytors and Rebels to their King: After they were executed, their Heads were cut off, and sent into divers parts and Cities of the Countrey: The Heads of John de Acosta and Francisco Maldonado were pitched upon Iron Spikes in the Market-place of Cozco, which I saw there, though Palentino, chap. 92. saith, that Acosta's Head was set up at Los Reyes: the Head of Dionisio de Bovadilla, and another with his, was carried to Arequepa; and thereby that which the good Lady Joan de Leyton presaged of this Bovadilla, was accomplished; saying, when he carried the Head of Lope de Mendo∣ça to be set up in that City, that they should in a short time take that Head down, and set up his in the place thereof. The several Authours write, that they hast∣ned the execution of Goncalo Piçarro and of his Officers concerned with him, with all expedition possible; for they conceived that the Countrey could not be safe and in peace whilst they were living. Piçarro received sentence to have his Head cut off for a Traytor, his houses in Cozco demolished, and the ground sowed with Salt, and thereon a Pillar raised with this Inscription, These are the Dwellings of that Traytor Gonçalo Piçarro, &c.

All which I my self have seen performed and acted, and those very houses ra∣zed to the ground, which were once the lot of Gonçalo Piçarro and his Brothers, when the Countrey was divided: that place in the Indian Tongue was called Co∣racora, which is as much as to say, The Herb-garden. Piçarro, as we have said, was deteined a Prisoner in the Tent of Captain Diego Centeno, where they used him with the same respect as had been given him in the time of his greatest Prosperi∣ty: all that day he would eat nothing, though invited to it, but walked up and down the whole day very pensive and full of thoughts. After some hours in the night he called to Centeno, and asked him whether he was secure for that night? his meaning was, whether they would kill him that night, or let him live untill the next day; for he was not ignorant that his Enemies thirsted after his bloud in such a manner that every hour seemed a year to them untill he was dispatched out of this World. Centeno answered, that he might rest secure as to that, howsoever his mind was unquiet; he lay down after Mid-night and slept for about the space of an hour, and then arising again, he walked untill break of day; and so soon as it was light, he desired to have a Confessour, with whom he remained untill Noon: where we will leave him for awhile to entertain our selves with a Narrative of the manner how Carvajal behaved himself that day, which in reality was not so wild and extravagant as one of our Authours reports it to have been; but in a far different manner, as I shall relate with great truth and impartiality: Nor am I moved to speak favourably of him in respect to former benefits and engage∣ments which I have received from him; but rather the contrary, for he designed to have killed my Father after the Battel of Huarina, and sought for some pre∣tences for it, arising from jealousie and his own vain suspicions. Howsoever an Historian ought to lay aside all prejudice and malice against any person, nor speak out of favour or affection, but clearly to relate matter of fact for information of posterity in after-Ages: And accordingly I protest as a Christian, that I have a∣breviated many particulars, and omitted divers circumstances of things that I might not seem biassed towards any person, or plainly to contradict the allegati∣ons of the aforesaid Authours, and particularly Palentino, who came late into this Countrey; and took up many Fables which the common People reported for Truths, according to the several Factions and Parties which they followed.

The things which I have said already, and what I shall hereafter add more di∣stinctly, I took up at first in the time of my youth, as I heard them accidentally discoursed amongst men: for indeed about that time, and for some years after∣wards, there was scarce any meeting of Persons of Quality but where these passa∣ges were the common entertainment: Afterwards, in my more ripe years, I re∣ceived a farther information thereof from those who had been Guards to the per∣sons of Carvajal and Gonçalo Piçarro: for the Tents wherein these two persons were lodged were near to each other; so that the Souldiers who were appointed to be their Guards, being Persons of Note, did often change their stations, and pass from one Tent to another: and upon their Testimonies who have seen and heard these Matters I ground my Relation.

And now to shew the difference between the particulars related by this Au∣thour touching the behaviours of Carvajal and Piçarro after their imprisonment: and that which we have written and shall write hereafter, we shall extract some few sayings of them, which indeed are nothing but vulgar talk and street-news, and not received by Persons of Quality and understanding. That which Palentino saith, Chap. the 90th, is this: Then they carried Francisco de Carvajal before the Pre∣sident; who was taken in the pursuit as he was fallen in a Bog; and as he was conducted by Pedro de Valdivia, the Commonalty was so incensed against him, that they would have killed him; which Carvajal perceiving, desired the President not to hinder them, but suffer them to kill him in that very place. It happened at that time, that the Bishop of Cozco came to him, and said, wherefore was it, Car∣vajal, that thou killedst my Brother? for he had hanged his Brother Ximenez after the Battel of Guarina: To which he answered, that he had not killed him: Who was it then, said the Bishop? His own destiny, said Carvajal: with which the Bi∣shop growing angry, and laying before him the crime he committed in the mur∣ther of his Brother, he bore up to him, and gave him three or four blows over the Face with his Fist.

In like manner much People flocked in upon him, giving him opprobrious lan∣guage, reviling him for the many ill and cruel actions that he had done; to all which Carvajal was silent, and made no reply; At that time Diego Centeno coming in, reproved the people for their rude treatment of him; which caused Carvajal to look earnestly upon him; and ask him, who he was, that dealt so civily with him: Centeno replyed, Sir, do not you know Diego Centeno? In truth, Sir, said Car∣vajal, I have seen your back parts so often, that coming now to see your face; I scarce knew you: meaning the pursuits he had made after him: Howsoever Cen∣teno was so little offended at this reply, that he followed him into the Tent, where he was detained prisoner, and still continued to offer him all the services which were in his power to doe for him, though he was well assured, that if he were in his condition, he would not shew the like to him; which when Carvajal heard, he made a little pause and stop, and said, Seignior Diego Centeno, I am no such Child or Fool, as with the fear and apprehension of death, to be moved unto so much folly and vain hopes, as to request of you any kindness or good Office; nor do I remember at any time, in the best days of my life, that ever such a ridicu∣lous proposal was made to me as this formal offer of service which you make me; which having said, they carried him into the Tent.

In all the Royal Army there was but one man killed, of Piçarro's there were fif∣teen; which happened according to the disposition of Divine Providence; that his Majesty might have occasion thereby to exercise his mercy and clemency to∣wards Piçarro and his Souldiers. And thus did God out of his infinite compassion put an end to these troubles, with so little effusion of bloud as this which happen∣ed: which indeed was very strange, in case we consider, that on both sides there were fourteen hundred Musquetiers, seventeen pieces of Cannon, above six hun∣dred Horse, with a great number of Piques and Lances: for when the King's party perceived in what manner their Enemies were lost and defeated, they had nothing to doe, but to receive them, and give them quarter when they surren∣dred, &c.

In the following Chapter, which is the ninety first, having related the sentence which was passed upon Gonçalo Piçarro; he there adds, that when several gave their Votes to have his quarters set up in the publick places of the City, the Presi∣dent, out of respect to the Marquis, his Brother, refused to give his consent there∣unto: and that at his death he shewed himself very penitent for the sins he had

committed against God, the King and his neighbours. The same day Francisco de Carvajal was executed: he was drawn and quartered; and his quarters disposed of in divers places about the City of Cozco: but his Head with that of Piçarro's was carried to Lima: and Piçarro's house likewise in that City was demolished, and the ground strewed with Salt, with a Motto or Inscription set thereupon. This Carvajal, from the time that he was taken, to the time that he was executed, shew∣ed as little fear and apprehension, and was as little concerned at the approach of death, as he had been at any time of his greatest prosperity: for when the sen∣tence was declared to him, he received it without any alteration or change in his countenance; and said, 'Tis no matter, I can but dye. That day in the morning Carvajal asked how many had been executed; and when it was told him, that none had been as yet; he said, your Lord President is a very mercifull Prince, for if the fortune of the day had been ours, I should at one sitting have disposed of the quarters of nine hundred men. He was hardly persuaded to come to confes∣sion, for he told them, that he had confessed lately; and when they talked to him of restitution, he laughed aloud; saying, that he had nothing to say as to that point; and swore that he owed nothing to any person, unless half a Royal to a Tripe-woman who lives at the Gate of Arenal in Sevile, which debt he made at the time when he remained there in expectation of a passage into the Indies; be∣ing on the hurdle to be drawn and crouded into a Hamper instead of a large Flas∣ket; he said, Children and Old men are put into Cradles: and being come to the place of execution, the people crouded so to see him, that the Hang-man had not room to doe his duty; and thereupon he called to them, and said, Gentle∣men, pray give the Officer place to doe Justice. In fine, he died more like a brave Roman than a good Christian. Thus far Palentino, whose relation seems to be grounded on the report of some persons who hated Carvajal for the evil he had done them, and not being able to wreak their anger on his person, would satisfie their revenge upon his fame and reputation.

CHAP. XL.

What Francisco de Carvajal said and did on the day of his death, and what account Authours give of his condition and skilfulness in War.

BUT now to return to what this Authour said. It is not to be believed, that a Bishop so religious as he of Cozco was, should either in publick or in secret strike an old man of eighty four years of age; nor is it probable that Diego Cente∣no who was a discreet and judicious person should offer his service with so much complement as is reported, to a man whom he knew would be executed in a few hours. Nor can we think that Francisco de Carvajal, of whom all Writers give the character of a sober, discreet person; and in testimony thereof publish many of his wise and sententious sayings, should utter such vile and unseemly expressions as are before related: Nor yet are these stories to be fathered on the Authour, who no doubt heard and received them in the City, where they were framed and ven∣ted, and may properly pass for Shams, which are lyes formed and coloured to pass for truths. For Francisco de Carvajal did not dissemble his knowledge of Centeno, but discoursed with him, as is mentioned; and I am well assured thereof from the testimony of those who that very day were present at the meeting of these persons. And though Gomara, in Chap.187. confirms almost the same, yet it is with so little difference, that 'tis probable Palentino took it from his Narrative. For so it was, that a Souldier of principal rank amongst those of Peru, coming into Spain, soon after Gomara's History was published, accidentally met with this Authour in the Streets, and having some discourse with him upon several passages, he asked him, how he durst adventure to print so manifest a lye, when no such thing passed; and

thereunto added several other affrontive words, not convenient to be reported here. For which Gomara could make no other excuse, than that he did not frame the Story himself, but received it from others whose passion might cause them to speak malitiously: to which the Souldier replied, that it was the part of a discreet Historian not to take up reports upon common hearsay, but to weigh every thing with mature deliberation, so as neither to praise men who are worthy of com∣mendation, nor yet defame such who deserve honour and high esteem; and here∣upon Gomara departed from the Souldier greatly troubled, that he should say in his History, that Carvajal did not know to Centeno. And as false it is, that Carvajal should say, that he would have dispersed the quarters of nine hundred men through those fields, for certainly he never was so vain and inconsiderate to utter such matters. And now I shall tell what I heard from those who were in company with him all that day; and I much depend upon their Relation, having been educated with them from nine years of age untill I came to be twenty, when I left my own Countrey, and went into Spain: The truth of which Story is this; So soon as it was day, Francisco de Carvajal sent to call to him Pedro de Lopez de Caçalla, Secretary to the President Gasca; and after he had discoursed with him for some time in private, he drew out three very fine Emeralds, with a hole drilled through them to hang on a string; two of them were of an oval form, and the other round, which he tied upon his left Arme: and taking the biggest of them apart from the rest, he said, Mr. Secretary, this belongs to the Heirs of Antonio Al∣tamarino, and is valued at five thousand pieces of Eight, which make six thousand Ducats: I desire the favour of you, to see it restored to the true Proprietor: the other belongs to such an one (whose name I have forgot) which is valued at four thousand pieces of Eight; and in like manner I desire you to see it given to the right Owner. This, which is the least, is my own; which I desire you to fell for me, and whatever it produces, to employ it in Masses, to be said for my Soul, that God may accept thereof, and pardon my Offences. The Secre∣tary, not pleased with this offer, told him, that he expected from him some larger offers of restitution, and that if he were disposed so to doe; he would add ten thousand pieces of Eight of his own, to make up his a greater sum, and that he would bestow it, as he should direct. Sir, said Carvajal, I never raised this War, nor was I the cause of it; and that I might avoid all Engagements therein, I was upon my Voyage into Spain, and advanced several leagues on the way: but being disappointed of means to escape; I took the side which fell to my Lot, as Souldiers of fortune use to doe; and as I did when I served the Empe∣rour in quality of Serjeant Major, under Vaca de Castro, who was Governour of this Kingdom. If there have been Robberies and Plunderings on either side com∣mitted, we must attribute them to the natural effects of War: for my own part, I took nothing from any man, but contented my self with what was given me out of free-will: and at the conclusion of all, they have taken every thing from me, I mean, what was given me, and what I possessed before the beginning of this War. All which I refer to the infinite mercy of God our Lord, whose pardon I beg for all my Offences, and that he would prosper and preserve you, and re∣pay you the charity you have offered me; for the Good-will ought to be estee∣med for the Deed. And thus ended this Discourse with the Secretary. In the afternoon the Secretary sent him a Confessour, as he desired, whom he entertai∣ned with his Confession untill towards the Evening; and in the mean time the Officers of Justice sent two or three times to hasten his dispatch, that the sentence might be executed: but Carvajal was desirous to protract the time till night, that he might suffer in the dark. But it was not granted him, for the Judge Ciança and the Major General Alonso de Alvarado, who had passed sentence upon him were very importunate to have him dispatched, untill which time every moment see∣med weeks and years. Atlength being brought out of the door of the Tent, he was crouded into a sort of Basket in nature of a hurdle, drawn by two great Mules which had not gone above three or four paces before he was overturned, with his face on the ground; and lifting up his head, as well as he was able, he called out to those who followed him, Gentlemen, consider, that I am a Christian, which was no sooner said, than he was raised up again by at least thirty of the Prime Souldiers belonging to Diego Centeno: and one of them particularly told me, that when he came to the Basket, he thought it had been one of the largest size, but when he came to put his hand under it, he found that he was so thrust and crou∣ded

into it, that he could not get out one of his Armes, he was so penned within; so that they were forced to carry him to the foot of the Gallows, which was erected on this occasion. All the way he went he said his prayers in Latin, which the Souldier, who gave me this relation, did not understand; the two Priests who went along with him did ever and anon put him in mind to recommend his Soul unto God; to which Carvajal made answer, So I do, Sir, and said no more: in this manner being come to the place of execution, he submitted with all humili∣ty to his death, without speaking a word, or shewing any misdemeanour. Thus dyed the brave Francisco de Carvajal, of whom at his death Gomara, Chap. 187. gives this Character:

He was eighty four years of age when he died, he had been an Ensign at the Battel of Ravenna, and Souldier under a very great Captain; he was the most fa∣mous Warriour of all the Spaniards, who had passed into the Indies, though he had no great parts, nor great experience. But I know not what Gomara means in so saying; for what greater testimonies can a chief Officer give of his abilities and experience than to overcome in Battel, and know how to gain Victories over his enemies. Some Historians say of him, that he was born in a certain Village of Arevalo, called Ragama; it is not known of what Family he was, onely that he had been a Souldier all his life, and was an Ensign at the Battel of Ravenna; and, as hath been said, he was present when the King of France was taken prisoner at Pavia: he was also at the sacking of Rome, but got nothing there, it happening to him, as to other good Souldiers, that whilst they are fighting the Cowards run away with the booty. Three or four days after the Town was taken and sacked, Carvajal finding that no share of the prey fell to him, he entred into a Notary's or Scrivener's Shop, where he found great numbers of Writings, Bills, and Bonds, and Conveyances of Estates, all which Carvajal seised upon, and carried away four or five Mules lading thereof, and lodged them at his own Quarters: so soon as the fury of the plunder was over, and that things began to be quiet, the Scrivener returning to his House perceived that all his Writings were carried away, and con∣sidering that no man could make any benefit thereby, he hunted up and down all the Town for them, and at length finding them in Carvajal's hands, he agreed for a thousand Ducats to have them restored; which enabled him to make a Voyage to Mexico, with his Wife Donna Catalina Leyton; though some, as we have said, will not allow her to be his Wife: howsoever it is certain he was married to her, and she was generally esteemed for his Wife over all Peru, and for a vertuous Wo∣man of noble extraction; for the Family of the Leytons is very ancient in the King∣dom of Portugal. From Mexico (as we have said) Carvajal passed to Peru; and in all the course of his life the War was his delight, and the thing which he loved and adored, availing himself more on the reputation of a Souldier than of a good Christian: and this is the character which all Authours give of him; though ge∣nerally speaking, he was not so bad as is reported, for he esteemed it the principle of a good Souldier to be a man of his word, and he was very gratefull for any be∣nefit, gratuity, or kindness given or shewn to him. Augustine Carate, speaking of Carvajal, Book 5. Chap. 14. hath these words;

He was a man of a middle stature, very corpulent, and of a ruddy and sanguine complexion; he was very skilfull in military affairs, having always been practised in War: he was very patient of labour and hardship, much more than was agree∣able to his age: for it is strange to consider, that neither day nor night he put off his Arms, nor did he lie on a Bed when it was necessary for him to take his na∣tural rest, but onely reposed himself on a Chair with his Arm under his Head. He was so great a lover of Wine, that when he found no Spanish Wine he would drink of that Liquor which the Indians use, which never any Spaniard, that I have seen, did ever delight in. He was very cruel in his nature; for he put many people to death upon very slight causes, and some without any fault or cause at all; onely for reasons of State, or conservation of the military Discipline: and when he put them to death he did it without any remorse or compassion, passing upon them jeers and sarcasms, and shewing himself pleasant and facetious at that unseasonable time. In short, he was a very bad Christian, as he shewed both by his words and actions. Thus far Augustine Carate.

CHAP. XLI.

Of the Cloaths which Francisco de Carvajal wore, and of some of his quaint Sentences and Sayings.

FRancisco de Carvajal did much value himself on the trade and formalities of a Souldier; he commonly wore, instead of a Cloak, a Moorish Bornoz or Plad of a brown Colour, with a Fringe and a Cape to it; in which habit I have of∣ten seen him. On his Head he wore a Hat, having the brims lined with black Taffaty, and a plain Silk Hatband, with a plume of white and black Feathers ta∣ken from the Wings and Tails of common Cocks or Hens, twined one within the other in form of an X, the which piece of gallantry he affected, that his Souldiers might follow his example, and wear any Feathers whatsoever; for he would often say, that Feathers were the proper badge of a Souldier and not of a Citizen, for that which was the dress of one was a sign of fantastical lightness in the other: and that he that wore this Device did thereby promise great valour and bravery; that is, That he would fight with one singly and kill him, stay for two, and not fly from three: and though this was not Carvajal's saying, but an old Proverb amongst the Souldiery relating to their Feathers, yet he was a man who, on all occasions, ut∣tered many quaint Sayings and Sentences full of wit and pleasantness: I wish I could remember them all for divertisement of the Reader, but such as I can call to mind, and are modest and civil, I shall repeat; for he used much liberty in his speech, and some undecencies which are not fit to be mentioned.

Carvajal meeting upon a certain time with a Souldier who was crooked in his Body, and very ill shaped, asked him, Sir, What is your name? to which he made answer, that it was—Hurtado, which is as much as a thing stoln. I for my part, said Carvajal, should be troubled to find you, much more to steal. Carvajal march∣ing one day with his Troops, chanced to meet with a Friar, who was a Lay-bro∣ther, and as there were no Lay-Friars at that time in the Countrey, and I know not whether any of them are come thither since, he suspected that he was a Spie, and would have hanged him; but to be the better assured thereof, he invited him to dinner; and then to make an experiment whether he was a Friar or not, he or∣dered his Servants to give him drink in a Cup something bigger than ordinary, to try if he took it with both hands, or with one; and seeing that he took it with both hands, he became assured that he was a Friar, and so called to him, Drink it up, Father, drink it up, for it will give you life: meaning that if he had not drank it in that manner he should have been confirmed in his supposition, and would most certainly have hanged him.

Carvajal having one of his greatest enemies in his power, and intending to hang him; the Prisoner asked him in a kind of menacing way what reason he had to put him to death, and said, Sir, Pray tell me plainly what reason you have to kill me? Oh, said Carvajal, I understand you well, you are desirous to be esteemed a Martyr, and lay your death at my door: Know then that I hang you for being a loyal Ser∣vant to his Majesty; go your ways then, and take your reward for your faithfulness and al∣legiance, and with that he sent him to the Gallows.

Carvajal travelling in Collao met with a Merchant who had employed about four∣teen or fifteen thousand pieces of Eight in Merchandise, which he had brought from Spain to Panama, and said to him, Brother, according to the custome of War, all these goods belong properly to me. The Merchant, who was a cunning fellow, fitted and ready for such replies as suited best with Souldiers and his humour, answered him chearfully, Sir, Whether War or Peace this Merchandise is yours, for we are Partners, and in the name of both of us I traded at Panama, and intended to have divided the gains between us; and in token thereof I have brought with me from Panama two Barrels of red Wine, and two dozen of Iron Shoes, and Nails for your Mules; for in those times (as we have before mentioned) every Shoe for Horse or Mule was worth a Mark in Silver; which having said, he sent for the Wine and Horse-shoes, and in the mean time produced the Writing of Partnership between them. Carvajal received the Wine and the Horse-shoes very kindly, and

to shew how well he accepted them, he gave him Commission to be a Captain, with a Warrant requiring the Indians to serve him upon the way, and to furnish him with necessaries for his Journey; and farther commanded, that no Merchant in Potocsi should open his Shop or sell any thing untill his Partner had cleared his hands of all his Merchandise. The Merchant, proud of these favours, went his way and sold his Goods at the rates he pleased; and having gained above thirty thousand pieces of Eight, he returned to Carvajal, and to secure himself of his sa∣vour, he told him, that he had gained eight thousand pieces of Eight in Partner∣ship with him, and that four thousand, which was the moiety thereof belonged to him: Carvajal, to make his Souldiers merry, began to speak in the Merchant's phrase and style; and told him that he could not be satisfied with a general ac∣count untill he saw his Book. The Merchant readily drew it out, and read the several parcels; as, Imprimis, for so many pieces of Cloth of Gold; Item, so many pieces of Sattin, so many of Velvet, so many of Damask, so many fine Cloaths of Sigovia Wool, so many pieces of fine Holland and Cambrick, and so several of them with their prices, which he brought from Spain; the last parcel of all was three dozen of Combs, which amounted to so much. Carvajal was silent untill he came to this parcel; and then he cried out, hold, hold, reade that parcel once again; which when he had done, he turned about to his Souldiers, and said, Do not you think, Gentlemen, that he charges me over much in this parcel of Combs? The Souldiers laughed heartily to hear him stop at this matter of the Combs, and to pass by all the grosser sums preceding. Thus was the Partnership dissolved, and Carvajal, having taken his share of the gains, dispatched away his Partner well treated and favoured by him; as he did all those who brought him any benefit.

This passage, or some other very like it, a certain Authour relates in a diffe∣rent manner, which was this: Carvajal, pursuing after Diego Centeno, happened one day to take three of his Souldiers, two of which being the most considerable, he hanged up presently; and coming to the third, he found him to be a stranger and a native of Greece, called Master Francisco; and pretended to be a Chirurgeon, though in reality he knew nothing of that Profession; and this fellow, as the greatest Miscreant of the three, he ordered should be hanged on the highest Gib∣bet: Francisco, hearing this Sentence, said to him, Sir, Why will you trouble your self to hang such a pitifull Rascal as I am, who am not worth the hanging, and who have never given you any cause of offence; and, Sir, I may be usefull to you in curing your wounds, being a Chirurgeon by my profession: Well, said he, go thy ways, and I pardon thee for whatsoever thou hast already done or shalt doe for the fu∣ture, on condition that thou cure my Mules, for I am sure thou art more a Farrier than a Doctour. Master Francisco, having got free by these means, in a few months time afterwards he made his escape, and served Diego Centeno, and after the Battel of Huarina being again taken, Carvajal ordered that he should be hanged; but Ma∣ster Francisco desired his Worship's excuse, for that at such a time he had pardoned him both for what was past and what should be hereafter: and hereof I challenge your paroll, as becomes the honour of a Souldier, which I know you: highly esteem. The Devil take thee, said Carvajal, and dost thou remember this now? I'll keep my Promise, go, look after my Mules, and run away as often as thou wilt; if all the ene∣mies of my Lord the Governour were like thee we should soon be Friends. The story of Master Francisco is told of a certain Priest in the same manner onely with change of Persons.

In his pursuit after Diego Centeno he took three persons of those which he called Weavers or Trimmers; who, as their necessities urged them, ran from one side to another; and of this sort of people he pardoned none, but hanged as many of them as he could catch: and having hanged two of them, the third thinking to plead something for his pardon, told him, that he had been his Servant, and had eaten often of his Bread; his meaning was, that often times, as a Souldier, he had eaten with him at his Table. Cursed, said Carvajal, be that Bread which hath been so ill employed: and turning to the Executioner, take me this Gentleman, and hang him up on the highest branch of yonder Tree, having had the honour to eat of my Bread. And lest this Chapter should be over long we have thought fit to divide it into two parts.

CHAP. XLII.

Of other passages like the others; and what happened by a Boy who touched one of the Quarters of Carvajal.

WHEN he marched out of Cozco to go to Collao with three hundred Soul∣diers after him, all drawn up in form of Battel; for he was much pleased to see his men well exercised and marching in good order. A little more than a league from the City, he observed one of his Souldiers to separate from the rest of the Company, and to retire behind a Rock in the way for his natural easement: Carvajal, who remained always in the Rere, the better to observe the march of his Troops, seemed very angry and much displeased with the Souldier for leaving his Rank; the Souldier excused himself, being urged by his natural necessities. How, said Carvajal, a good Souldier of Peru, who is the best Souldier in the world, ought to eat his Loaf of Bread at Cozco, and cast it out again at Chuquisaca, which are two hundred leagues distant each from the other.

At another time Carvajal travelling with five or six Companions, they brought him a roasted Leg of Mutton of that large kind of Sheep which are in that Coun∣trey, and which are half as big more as those are in Spain: One of those in the company called Hernan Perez Tablero, who was a familiar Friend of Carvajal, offe∣red to be Carver, and as a bad Husband in his Office cut out large slices: What dost thou mean, said he, to cut out such great pieces? I give every man, answered he, his proportion; it is well done, said Carvajal, for the Devil is in his Gut who comes for more.

When Carvajal was returned victorious from the pursuit he had made after Diego Centeno, he made a Banquet at Cozco, and invited all his Captains and chief Officers thereunto: and though Wine was dear at that time, and worth three hun∣dred pieces of Eight the Arrobe, or twenty five pounds weight, being about six Gallons English measure, yet the Guests drank freely of it, and not being accu∣stomed to drink Wine, they were all so disordered that some fell a sleep in their Chairs, others on the Floor, some tumbled down, and every one was ill accom∣modated and in disguise; which Donna Catalina Leyton, coming forth from her Chamber, saw, she, in a scorning manner, said, alas for poor Peru, that thou shouldst have the misfortune to be governed by such people as these; which when Carvajal heard, Peace, said he, you old Jade, and let them sleep but two hours, for there is not one of these fellows but is able to govern half a world.

At another time, having imprisoned a rich man for some words which he was accused to have said against him, and having detained him in prison for want of due evidence and proof of matters against him, though he seldom stood upon those niceties to dispatch his Enemies: The poor man finding that his Execution was delayed, he imagined, that the onely way to save his life was to ransome him∣self with money; for it was well known that Carvajal had on the like occasion taken the present and been reconciled: upon this supposition, he sent for a Friend of his and desired to bring him two Ingots of Gold, which he had laid in such a place, which being brought to him, he sent them to Carvajal, desiring him to hear his Cause, and his Answers to the Accusations of his enemies: Carvajal having re∣ceived the Gold, went to visit the Prisoner, whose lodging was in his House: And the Prisoner pleading that he was falsly accused, desired him to be satisfied with the misery he had already suffered, and that he would pardon him for God's sake, promising for the future to become a true, faithfull and a loyal Servant to him, as he would find in time. Carvajal, taking his Ingots of Gold, said with a loud voice (that the Souldiers in the yard below might hear him) Why, Sir, having so authentick Writings and Papers to shew as you have, did not you produce them be∣fore: Go your ways in God's name in peace, and live securely, for though we are against the King, it is not reason that we should likewise be enemies to the Church of God.

We have formerly in another place related how Carvajal strangled Donna Maria Calderon, and hanged her out at a Window of her Lodgings; we were then very brief in this narrative, and did not plainly specifie the particular words and reasons,

not to interrupt, by a long digression, the proper current of the History, we shall now supply that defect in this place. Donna Maria Calderon, though resi∣ding in her enemies quarters, and in their power, yet made it her common dis∣course in all companies, to speak openly against Gonçalo Piçarro; and notwithstan∣ding Carvajal, to whom the informations were brought, did twice or thrice ad∣monish her to be less liberal in her language, and to be more prudent and cautious in her speeches, as did other Friends who wished her well; howsoever she made no use of this good counsel, but vented her passion with more liberty and indis∣cretion than before: whereupon Carvajal went one day to her Lodging, and told her (Lady Gossip) I am come to cure you of your too much prating, and I know no other remedy for it than to choak you: but she, following her pleasant humour, and think∣ing that Carvajal was in jest; away, said she, you drunken Fool in the Devil's name, for though you jest, I will stop my ears to you, and not hear: in earnest, said he, I do not jest; for I come to cure you of too much loquacity: for that you may not prate as you have done, I come to streighten the wideness of your Throat; and to shew you that I am in earnest, behold here are my Ethiopian Soul∣diers at hand who are to doe you this service; for he always carried three or four Negroes with him for such Offices as this: hereupon he went his way, and his Myr∣midons immediately strangled her, and hanged her Body out at a Window looking to the Street; and as he was under, he cast up his eyes and said, Upon my life, Lady Gossip, if this be not a remedy to affright you from too much talking, I know not what other means to use.

Carvajal being at a certain City where his Souldiers were quartered upon the In∣habitants, and having occasion to march from thence, two months afterwards he returned again to the same City; where an Officer of the Town, fearing that they would quarter the same Souldier upon him which formerly had been with him, went to Carvajal and desired him that that Souldier might not be put upon him: Carvajal understanding him, gave him a nod instead of other answer: And co∣ming to the place where quarters were to be assigned to the Souldiers, he said to every one of them particularly; Go you to such a place, and you to such a place, and so disposed of every one of them as if he had carried a list of the Inhabitants names in writing; at length coming to the Souldier before-mentioned; and you, Sir, said he, go to such a House, which was far from the Chamber where he for∣merly quartered: Sir, replied the Souldier, I desire to go to my old Landlord, where I am well known; No, said Carvajal, I would have you go to the place which I assign you: but the Souldier would not be so answered, saying, that he had no need to change his quarters, where he was so well entertained before; and then Carvajal, moving his head with great gravity, I would have your Worship go, said he, to the place I have appointed for you, where you will be very well treated; and if you want any thing more, my Lady Catalina Leyton will be near at hand to serve you: and then the Souldier, understanding that he should be well provided for, accepted his offer, and said no more.

The Head of Francisco de Carvajal being cut off, was carried to the City of Los Reyes, and there fixed upon the Gallows in the Market-place, in company with the Head of Gonçalo Piçarro; his Quarters, with those of other Captains concer∣ned in the same condemnation were set up in the four great Roads which lead to the City of Cozco. And in regard that in Chap. 33. of the fourth Book, we have promised to give an account of the poison with which the Indians of the Island of Barlovento did usually infect their Arrows, by sticking them in the flesh of dead men: I shall, in confirmation thereof, relate what I saw experienced on one of the Quarters of Carvajal, which was hanged up in the High-way which leads to Collasuya, which is to the South-ward of Cozco. The thing was this:

One day, being Sunday, ten or twelve Boys of the same School with me, whose Fathers were Spaniards and Mothers Indians, all of us under the age of twelve years, walking abroad to play, we espied the Quarters of Carvajal in the Field, at which we all cried, let us go and see Carvajal; and being come to the place, we perceived that the Quarter hanging there was his Thigh, very fat, stinking and green with corruption. Hereupon one of the Boys said, that none of them durst go and touch him: Some said yes, some said no; with which they divided into two parties, but none durst come near it, untill one Boy, called Bartholomew Monedero, more bold and unlucky than the rest, How, said he, dare not I? and with that ran and thrust his middle Finger clear through the Quarter; upon which we all ran from

him, and cried, Oh the stinking Rascal, Oh the stinking Rogue, Carvajal is co∣ming to kill you for being so bold with him; but the Boy ran down to the wa∣ter, washed his finger very well, and rubbed it with dirt, and so returned home; the next day, being Monday, he came to the School with his Finger very much swelled, and looked as if he wore the Thumb of a Glove upon it; towards the evening his whole hand was swelled up to his very Wrist; and next day, being Tuesday, the swelling was come up to his very Elbow, so that he was then for∣ced to tell his Father of it, and confess how it came: for remedy of which, Phy∣sicians being called, they bound a string very strait above the swelling, and scar∣rified his Hand and Arm, applying other Antidotes and Remedies thereunto; not∣withstanding which, and all the care they could use, the Boy was very near death: and though at length he recovered, yet it was four months afterwards before he could take a Pen in his hand to write. And thus as the temper of Carvajal was virulent and malitious in his life-time, so was his flesh noxious after his death, and gives us an experiment in what manner the Indians empoisoned their Arrows.

CHAP. XLIII.

In what manner Piçarro was executed. Of the Alms he de∣sired might be given for his Soul after his death, with some account of his disposition and natural parts.

AND now in the last place we are to give a relation of the dolefull end of Gonçalo Piçarro, whom we left in confession all that day, and untill noon of the next day, untill the Officers were called to dinner, but he refused to eat, and remained alone untill the Confessour returned, and so continued in confession un∣till it was very late: in the mean time the Officers of Justice being impatient of delay, were still going and coming to hasten the dispatch; and one of the most grave and severe amongst them, being troubled to see the time thus pass away, cried out with a loud voice; what will they never have done, and bring forth this man? at which saying all the Souldiers were much offended, and uttered ma∣ny scandalous and reviling words against him, most of which, though I well re∣member, yet I am too modest to repeat them here, or name the person: for he retired without replying one word, lest he should provoke the Souldiers to farther anger, whose displeasure he much feared for what he had already expressed: but presently afterwards Gonçalo Piçarro came forth and was set upon a Mule purposely provided for him; he had his Cloak on, and his hands loose, though some Au∣thours write, that his hands were bound; yet about the Mule's neck, a halter was tied to comply with the formality of the Sentence: in his hands he carried the Image of our Lady (to whom he was greatly devoted) praying her to inter∣cede for his Soul. Being come half way to the place of Execution, he desired a Crucifix (which one of the Priests who attended him, of which there being about ten or twelve) gave into his hands; which he exchanged for the Image of our La∣dy, kissing first with great humility the hem of her Garment: upon the Crucifix he fixed his eyes so steadily that he did not remove them from that object untill he came to the Scaffold, which was purposely erected for his execution; and being mounted thereupon, he went to one side of it, and from thence made his Speech to the Souldiers and Inhabitants of Peru, who flocked from all parts thither, few being absent, unless those who had been of his party, and were revolted from him; and of them also some were present in disguises, and not to be known, and then he spake with a loud voice in this manner;

Ye know, Gentlemen, that my Brothers and I have gained this Empire, and that many of you are possessed of Lands and Baronies, which my Brother the Marquis conferred upon you; and many of you here present have received them from me. Moreover many of you owe me money, which I have freely lent to you, and others have received them as a gift and not

as a debt. I for my part dye poor and without any thing, that not so much as the cloaths upon my back are my own, but the sees belonging to the Executioner, for the service he doth in cutting off my Head; so that I have nothing to give for the good and benefit of my Soul. Wherefore, I beseech you, Gentlemen, as many of you as owe me money, to bestow the same in Masses to be said for my Soul; having full assurance in God, through the meritorious bloud and passion of our Lord Jesus Christ his Son, and with the assistence of your charity, that he will pardon my Offences and receive me to Mercy. And so Farewell.

Scarce had he ended his request for Charity, before the Sighs and Groans of the People were loudly heard; and many Tears were shed by all those who heard those dolefull and sad expressions. Then Piçarro kneeled down before the Cru∣cifix which was placed on a Table set upon the Scaffold. Then came the Execu∣tioner, John Enriquez, to bind a Handkirchief about his Eyes: but Piçarro desi∣red him to forbear, saying, that there was no need of it: and when he saw him draw his Hanger to cut off his Head; he said, Honest Jack, doe thy Office hand∣somely; meaning that he should doe his business at one blow, and not in a man∣gling manner, as some have done: then said the Executioner, I promise your Lordship that it shall be so done as you desire: and having so said, he lifted up his Beard with his left-hand, being above a Span long, and cut round, as they used to wear them in those days; and with a back-stroak cut off his Head at one blow, as if he had sliced a leaf of Lettice; and holding his Head in his hand, the body remained some time before it fell. And this was the end of this great Man. The Executioner would afterwards have stripped him, but that Diego Centeno, who was come to lay him in his Coffin, redeemed his Cloaths by promising a recom∣pense for them to the Executioner: so his Corpse were carried to be interred at Cozco in his own Cloaths; for want of a winding Sheet, which none would bestow, and were buried in a Convent of our Lady of the Merceds, and in the same Cha∣pel where lay the bodies of the two Diegoes de Almagro, Father and Son, whose Fates had been the same; for they had been equally concerned in gaining the Countrey; and all three were put to death and buried upon Charity; and after all this, as if there had wanted Earth or Land in the Countrey, they were all three buried in the same Grave: And that none of them might have cause to boast of his fortune above the other; all their conditions were made equal; and all three may be compared with that of Francisco Piçarro, who was Brother of one and Companion of the other who was put to death (as before related) and buried afterwards upon Charity: and thus may these four Brothers and Compani∣ons be compared and made equal in every thing. So that now, If a man soberly and impartially considers the course of this World, he will see how well and in what manner it rewards those who serve in their generation; since this was the re∣compence of those who gained and conquered the Empire called Peru. None of the three Authours make mention of the Charity which Piçarro begged at his death; perhaps because they would not grieve the Readers with so melancholy a Story; but, for my part, I write all things plainly and without any disguise.

The fury of the War being over, the Inhabitants of the Empire caused Mas∣ses to be said in their respective Cities for the Soul of Gonçalo Piçarro, both in compliance with what he requested of them at his death, as also from a Princi∣ple of gratitude to him who had saved their liberties, and laid down his life for the publick welfare. His Head with that also of Francisco de Carvajal was carried to the City of Los Reyes, (which was built and founded by his Brother the Mar∣quis.) And here, being pitched upon Iron Spikes, they were set upon a Gallows in the publick Market-place.

Gonçalo Piçarro and his four Brothers (who have supplied us with matter for a long Discourse in this History) were born in the City of Truxillo, which is in the Province of Estremadura, which we mention in honour thereunto, for having produced such Heroick Sons, who conquered the two Empires of the new World, namely, Mexico and Peru; for Don Hernando Cortes, Marquis Del Valle, who subdu∣ed Mexico, was also born at Medell, which is a Town in Estremadura. Also Vasco Nunnez de Valvoa, who was the first Spaniard that discovered the South-Sea, was a Native of Xerez de Badajoz; and Don Pedro de Alvarado, who, after the Con∣quest of Mexico, passed into Peru with eight hundred men, of which Garçilasso de la Vega was one of the Captains, and Gomez de Tordoya, were Natives of Bada∣joz; to which we may add Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Hernando de Soto, and Pedro del

Barco his Companion, with many other Gentlemen of the Families of Alvarado, and Chaves, and other persons of Quality engaged in the Conquest of those King∣doms, who were all, or the most of them, Natives of Estremadura; and for that reason many Souldiers born in that Province, following their Countrey-men of note, were employed in that Enterprize: wherefore, in honour thereunto, we ought not to cover the names of such Sons in obscurity, who have signalized them∣selves to the World by such Heroick Actions. Gonçalo Piçarro was of the name of the Piçarro's, which is a Family of ancient bloud, illustrious and well known over all Spain; Don Hernando Cortes, who was Marquis Del Valle, was by the Mo∣ther-side of that Family, called Donna Catalina Piçarro; so that this Lineage is worthy of honour, being entitled to the Conquest of two Empires.

Besides the Antiquity of this Family, Gonçalo Piçarro and his Brothers were the Sons of Gonçalo Piçarro, a Captain of the Guards in the Kingdom of Navarre; which is an Office of great reputation in that Countrey, for that all the Souldiers thereof are to be Gentlemen of ancient Families, or such as have obtained this Honour by some great and heroick Action: the which Office is of so great esteem; that, to my knowledge, a Grandee of Spain, called Don Alonso Fernandez de Cordoua, and Figueroa, Marquis De Priego, Chief of the House of Aguilar, avai∣led himself much on the Honour of being Captain of Horse in the Kingdom of Navarre, which Office he continued untill the day of his death, and was much honoured by all the Souldiers of those parts.

Gonçalo Piçarro was a very comely person in the shape of his Body, of a pleasing countenance, of a confirmed health, and one who could endure all hardships, as hath been proved by this History: He was an excellent Horseman in both Saddles, either riding short, or with long Stirrups; he was an excellent Markes∣man, either with Gun or Cross-bow: with a black-lead Pencil he could draw any thing in the Wall which he desired; and was the most dexterous with his Lance of any man that ever passed into the new World, of which many famous men of those times give testimony. He was a great lover of good Horses, and kept many of them in his Stables. At the beginning of the Conquest he had two of a Chest-nut colour, one of which he called the Clown, because he was not well shaped, but very good for service, the other he called Zaynillo. Some Gentle∣men of that time being in conversation together, one of them who had been a Companion with Gonçalo Piçarro gave this Character of him, which I heard from his own mouth. When Gonçalo Piçarro, said he, was mounted on his Zaynillo, he no more valued a Squadron of Indians, than if they had been a swarm of Flies: he was of a noble nature, clear and sincere, without malice, fraud or designs: he was a man of truth, confident of his friend and of those whom he thought to be so, which proved his ruine. And because he was a man without cheats or fraud, he was judged by Writers to be weak in his understanding: but they doe him wrong, for certainly he was of a clear head, and naturally inclined to vertue and honour, he was of an affable disposition, and generally beloved both by friends and ene∣mies; and, in short, was endued with all the noble Qualities, which become a great Person. As to riches gained by his own industry; we may properly say, that he was Master of all the wealth of Peru, which he possessed and governed for a long time, and with so much justice and equity, that the President did him the right to praise and commend his Government, as we have before declared. He conferred upon others great and large proportions of Land, and jurisdiction over Indians, that many of them amounted unto ten, others to twenty and thirty thousand pieces of Eight of yearly revenue: he was a very good Christian, and zea∣lously devoted to our Lady the Virgin Mary, Mother of God, as the President gave testimony in the Letter which he wrote. He never denyed any thing which was asked for the sake of our Lady, though of never so great an importance: which being known to Francisco de Carvajal and his Officers; when they had a mind to put any man to death, they would never suffer his Petition to come to the ears of Piçarro, lest they should ask a thing in the name of our Lady, for whose sake he was resolved to deny nothing. He was much beloved for his moral Vertues and military Exploits: And though it was convenient for the Service of his Ma∣jesty to take away his life, yet generally his death was lamented for the many Ex∣cellencies with which he was endued; so that I never heard any that spake ill of him, but all well and with great respect, as became a Superiour. And whereas Palentino saith, that many gave their opinion, and did earnestly insist, that he

should be quartered, and his Limbs hanged up in the common high-ways leading to Cozco, is a most false relation: for never was any such thing either imagined or contrived: for if ever any such thing had been intended, it would certainly have been discoursed of in the times of peace and settlement, as many other things were, which were at first great Secrets, and afterwards made known and divulged to all the World: Nor indeed can it be believed that such a thing could be, for all those of the Council (excepting the President himself) had many and great obligations to Gonçalo Piçarro, having received signal honours and benefits from his hands: and therefore it was not likely they would pass an infamous sentence against him, though it was necessary for the service of his Majesty and the peace and quietness of the Empire, that they should give their assent unto his death.

The End of the Fifth Book.

Royal Commentaries. BOOK VI.

CHAP. I.

New Orders published by the President for suppressing Rebels. The Offences which the Indians took to see Spaniards whipped. The great Trouble the President had to an∣swer the Demands of Pretenders; and how he went from the City to make a Division of Lands.

NOR did the Troubles end here in this Empire called Peru, nor were all the Insurrections suppressed by the Defeat of Gonçalo Piçarro and his Captains, but rather were the Spirits of men more furiously inflamed than before, as will appear by the sequel of this History: for we must know that after the Victory obtained at Sacsahuana, the President dispatched that very day to Cozco two of his Captains, Hernando Mexia de Guzman and Martin de Robles, with some Souldiers in whom they most confided, to seise those of the Enemies Party who were fled thither after the Defeat, and to prevent their own Souldiers from plundering or doing spoil in the City, and from taking private re∣venge by bloud or otherwise, under the pretence of Liberty of War, as it was said some designed to doe. The day following, after the execution of Gonçalo Pi∣çarro, and his Associates, the President raised his Camp from that famed field, and marched towards the City, which though but four leagues from thence, yet he was two days on the way; and in that time he detached a Party of trusty Souldi∣ers under the command of Captain Alonso de Mendoça, with Instructions to march into the Charcas and Potocsi, and to seise and take the Captains which Gonçalo Piçarro had sent into those parts, namely, Francisco de Espinosa, and Diego Carvajal, the Gallant, of whom we have formerly made mention; and Licenciado Polo Hondegar∣do received a Commission to be Captain General of those Provinces; with Or∣ders to punish those who had favoured the Cause of Piçarro, and likewise those who did not engage themselves in the service of his Majesty, but stood neuters, neither acting as Traytors, nor professing themselves loyal; and therefore were se∣verely fined for their cowardise and want of duty. With Licenciado Polo Captain Graviel de Rojas was also dispatched in quality of Treasurer for his Majesty, to col∣lect the Fifths and Tribute of the Royal revenue, with the Fines which the Go∣vernour should inflict on Traytors and Neuters. Out of which, as Augustine Ca∣rate saith, Book the seventh, Chapter the eighth. Licenciado Polo in a short time raised a million and two thousand pieces of Eight, for that Graviel de Rojas dy∣ing on his journey to the Charcas, Polo was forced to execute the Office of Trea∣surer in his stead: And in the mean time, whilst these things were acting in the

Charcas, the President remained in Cozco, entertained with sumptuous Banquets and Sports, to testifie the Joy they conceived for the late Successes; and to see the Feast of Bulls and other Divertisements of like nature, he had a Seat erected in the Court-yard of my Father's house; on which occasion I had an opportunity to see his person, as I have before mentioned. And, moreover, he gave a Com∣mission to Judge Andres de Cianca and to Major General Alonso de Alvarado to pu∣nish Rebels according to Law. Many Souldiers of note, who had been of Piçar∣ro's Party were hanged, many quartered, and above a hundred Spanish Souldiers whipped by four and six in company; of which I was an eye-witness my self, when being a Boy I went amongst the rest to see this punishment. At which the Indians were greatly offended, and wondred to see Spaniards inflict a chastise∣ment so infamous as that on their own Nation, for though they had seen many of them hanged, yet they had seen none whipped untill that time. And for the greater disgrace they caused them to ride upon Sheep, which are Beasts of bur∣then in that Countrey, and not on Horses or Mules; and in that manner take their whipping; after which they were condemned to the Gallies. At that time the President caused a general Pardon to be proclaimed, clearing and acquitting all such from fault and punishment who had come in and revolted to the Royal Standard at the Battel of Sacsahuana; and absolved of all Crimes during the Re∣bellion of Gonçalo Piçarro, though they had been guilty of the death of the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, and other Ministers of his Majesty: which Pardon did extend onely as to Life and criminal Matters; reserving still a right unto the King to fine them as to Goods, and to proceed against them in civil Cases: for that Carate saith, Book 7. Chap. 8. that Gonçalo Piçarro had made satisfaction for them by his own death. And now, since the Victory was gained, and things reduced to peace and quietness, the President found himself in much more trouble, and with a greater weight of business on his Shoulders than in the time of War, for that then the Officers concurred with him to support part of the Burthen; but now in Peace, he was singly engaged to sustain the Importunities and solicita∣tions of above two thousand men, who challenged Pay and Rewards for their past Services; in which every one of the meanest sort pretended to so much merit that he thought he deserved the best Plantation in all Peru. And as to those per∣sons who had really been serviceable and usefull to the President in the Wars, they became infinitely troublesome and importunate in their Petitions, so that the Pre∣sident, to ease himself a little of these urgent addresses, resolved to take a journey of about twelve leagues to the Valley of Apurimac, to have more leisure at that distance to make the Divisions which were required of him; and with him he took the Arch-bishop of Los Reyes for his Companion, and also Pedro Lopez de Caçalla his Secretary; and that he might not be interrupted in this business, he comman∣ded, that neither Citizen nor Souldier, nor any other person whatsoever should attend or follow him to that place. Moreover he commanded, That no Inhabi∣tant of all Peru should return to his own home untill he had set out and allotted un∣to every man his Division; by which continuance of the people in Cozco, he ima∣gined that he should secure the Commonalty from making any Mutinies or In∣surrections: but his chief design and care was to disperse the Souldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom, and to employ them in new Conquests, as had been the Maxim and Policy of those who first conquered this Empire: but the President being obliged in haste to leave those Kingdoms, had not time to disperse his Soul∣diers, as was designed; by which means new Troubles arose from Male-contents, who thought they had reason to complain.

CHAP. II.

The President, having made the several Assignments of Land, went privately to the City of Los Reyes: And writes a Letter to those for whom no Provisions were made, which caused great Disturbances amongst them.

THE President being retired into the Valley of Apurimac was employed there for the space of three months and more, about dividing to every man his proportion of Lands, during which time he received Addresses and Petitions from many persons, setting forth their services and sufferings; of which little or no notice was taken, because that the scheme of all matters was already drawn, and a repartition of the Lands was resolved upon and made amongst the principal Officers under the command of Pedro de Hinojosa, as was capitulated and agreed when the Fleet belonging to Gonçalo Piçarro was surrendred to the President, as is confirmed by the Historians of that time. The President having made the Di∣vision on no better grounds, nor with other measures than those which he and the Archbishop Don Jeronimo de Loaysa, (who were both Strangers to the Countrey) had contrived, he went to the City of Los Reyes, and ordered the Arch-bishop within ten or twelve days afterwards to repair to Cozco, and then to publish the Distributions which he had gratiously made: and in regard some were so unfor∣tunate as to have no provisions made for them, he wrote them a consolatory Let∣ter, signifying his hearty desires and his real intentions to gratify them as occasion should offer. The Letter which he wrote to them was this; extracted verbatim from the History of Palentino; the Superscription whereof was this;

To the Right-noble and Right-worshipfull Lords and Gentlemen and Sons of Gentlemen who are Servants to his Majesty in Cozco.

Right-noble and Right-worshipfull SIR••S,

WHEREAS it often happens that men are so blinded with affection and love to their own Affairs, that they oversee all others, and cannot make free use of their reason to render thanks to those who have highly merited their gratefull acknowledgments; I have resolved to write these lines to you, whereby to justifie my self; beseeching you to con∣serve them as a memorial in my behalf; and to let them remain with you as a testimony of that esteem which I have already gained with you, and which I promise to improve by the services I design for every one of you, so long as I shall live in Peru, or in any other parts whatsoever. But not to insist on any private or particular service which I have rendred to any single person amongst you; I shall onely say in general, that I have not omitted any thing wherein I might have been instrumental to promote that service. For I dare boldly say, that in all the Wars made in Peru, or out of it, 'twas never heard or seen that ever such vast charges were made in so short a time, and expended on so few people: and what Lands were vacant or without Proprietors, I have divided amongst you with as much ju∣stice and equality as I have been able; with consideration both day and night of every man's merit, which hath been the measure and standard upon which I have proceeded; and which shall ever be my rule so long as I stay in Peru; and I shall be carefull to divide and dis∣pense amongst you onely his Majesty's loyal Subjects, according to your services and loyalty to the Crown, whatsoever remains undisposed with exclusion of all others, untill you are fully satisfied. And that you may enjoy the sole benefit of this rich Countrey to your selves, I will not onely endeavour to banish those out of it who have been actually in rebellion, but such also who have stood Neuters, and have not acted as you have done: and that untill you are fully repaired and made easie in your fortunes, I will not suffer any new Guests either out of Spain, or the Continent, or from Nicaragua, Guatimala or New-spain, to enter in∣to this Countrey, or to possess any part or share thereof to your prejudice or disadvantage. And since I protest that all which I say is true, and that I have not been able to doe more

for your service and advantage, than what I have already done, I earnestly entreat you to follow the example of God himself herein, that is, to accept of the real endeavours and good-will of the person: and on this consideration let every one satisfie himself with his lot, which though not so large perhaps as he expected, yet it is as great as the division and thing would bear, and less than the Distributor desired, and which he will increase when enabled by any fortunate opportunity. And now after all my travels and labours both by Sea and Land which I have sustained in this last period of my life, I pretend to no other reward than the satisfaction of having acted according to that Talent which God hath given me, by which I have discharged my conscience towards God as a Christian, towards the King as a faithfull Subject, and towards your selves as became a good neighbour and a true servant. And in∣deed, if you take not things, and understand them in the same manner, you ill requite the love and affection I bear you, and the care and labours I have sustained for your interest, considering that on my part there hath been no failure or omission to advance the same. And since, for the better settlement of the Courts of Judicature and the Affairs of Lima, it is ne∣cessary for me to be there present, I have desired the most Reverend Father in God, the Arch-bishop to supply my presence with you in the City, and in my name to offer to you what I can doe at present, and what I shall be able to doe for the future. And having not farther to add; I beseech God, that I may live to see you all in great prosperity and plenty, and em∣ployed in his holy service as fully and as happily as you your selves desire,

Given at Guaynarima, on the 18th day of August, 1548. Subscribed,

Your Servant, the Licenciado Gasca.

Besides this Letter and Instructions given to the Archbishop, he gave it in charge to the Father Provincial, Frier Thomas de San Martin, that he should make a Sermon on the day of the Publication, and therein exhort the Pretenders to be contented every man with his portion allotted; and to deal with them in private, and persuade them thereunto. All which Hernandez Palentino writes more at large, which we have abbreviated, to avoid prolixity and tediousness to the Reader; and is as followeth:

When it was known in Cozco that the President was retired privately to avoid the troublesome importunities of the People; one Captain Pardaue, being in dis∣course with other Captains; on my Conscience said he, this Madalena de la Cruz is retired some where privately to put an Harana upon us, for in Peru they call that Harana, when a man who hath lost his money at gaming plays some Trick or Sham to avoid payment. And amongst other Nick-names given the President, they called him Madalena de la Cruz, which was as much as Cheater or Sorcerer, and was the name of that Woman who was punished by the Officers of the In∣quisition in Cordoua: And the truth is, the President, not to hear such insolent Speeches as these, retired from Cozco that he might have liberty to make the Distributions, and removed farther from it when they were published, as Palen∣tino saith in the second Part, and Chapter the first of his History, in these words:

It was well known that the President absented himself from Cozco, that he might not be present at the time when the Distribution of Lands was published; for he was prudent and subtile, and understood by good experience the nature of the Countrey; and feared much the Insolences of the Souldiers, and to hear their Complaints, Oaths and Curses: And indeed herein he was not deceived; for when the Arch-bishop was arrived at Cozco, where almost all the Inhabitants and Souldiers were assembled, expecting to receive great proportions of Lands and Government: they appeared quiet and orderly: but so soon as the publication was made, on the 24th of August, being the Festival of Saint Bartholomew, where∣by finding themselves much disappointed of their hopes, they began to curse and swear, and to utter many seditious expressions against the President and his Go∣vernment, to that high degree, that all things seemed to tend to mutiny and a new rebellion. Hereupon they began to enter into Cabals and secret Consultati∣ons, how in the first place they might kill the Judge Andres de Cianca, and the Arch-bishop, whom they esteemed the Authours of the Distributions. The cause and ground of their fury and rage they alledged to be the allotment made of principal Places and Lands to those who had been the Followers and Abettors

of Gonçalo Piçarro, and who had favoured that party which had been in Arms against the King: but the relation of these matters is more fully made by Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Chap. 188. in these words:

The President, said he, went to Apurima twelve leagues distant from Cozco, where he consulted with the Archbishop of Los Reyes, and his Secretary Pero Lopez about the division of Lands, which were to be made and distributed amongst se∣veral persons, to the value of a million and a half of yearly rent, with a hundred and fifty thousand Ducats in Gold, which he had raised from divers who were in present possession•• he married many rich Widows to such as had well served the King; he increased the Revenue and Estate of others who were already possessed of Lands, so than some had a yearly Revenue made up to them of a hundred thou∣sand Ducats; which was an Estate for a Prince, if the Inheritance had been theirs; but the Emperour would allow no other Estate but for life: but he who had the greatest Estate assigned to him was Hinojosa.

Gasca himself went to Los Reyes to avoid the complaints, curses and damning of the Souldiers, and perhaps for fear of worse: And to make publication of the Lands allotted and divided, the Archbishop was sent to Cozco; and to take those off to whom nothing was given, a smooth Letter was wrote to nourish them with future hopes and expectations; but the furious Souldiers were neither appea∣sed with the air of smooth words, nor the gentle exhortation of the Archbishop. Some complained of Gasca for giving them nothing; some because they had less alotted than what was expected; and others, because those who had dis-served the King had the greatest proportion; swearing that they would accuse him before the Council of the Indies: of which number were the Mareschal Alonso de Alvarado and Melchior de Verdugo, who afterwards drew up a formal accusation against him, and presented it to the chief Baron of the Exchequer. In short, their whole discourse tended to Mutiny and Sedition: the Archbishop and Judge Cianca, Hinojosa, Cen∣teno and Alvarado were to be apprehended and imprisoned: and a Petition was to be made to the President Gasca, that he would be pleased once again to revise the allotments that were made, and to divide them into lesser parcels, or to grant Pensions to such as wanted them; and in case their expectations were not answe∣red, they then resolved to take them by force. But the Plot being discovered be∣fore it came to maturity, Cianca the Judge apprehended the chief Leaders, and punished them; wherewith the troubles were appeased. Thus far Gomara.

CHAP. III.

Some Marriages were made up between rich Widows and the Pretenders. The allotments assigned to Pedro de Hino∣josa and his Companions. The novelty which these things caused amongst themselves.

THIS Authour makes a large discourse concerning the Widows of those times; for we must know, that in the late Wars many Husbands being killed who had great Estates in Land, and commands over Indians, their Estates fell to their Widows: and lest these Women should marry with those who had been Rebels to the King, the Governour thought fit to make matches for them, and to ap∣point them Husbands with whom they should marry; many of which lived hap∣pily with them; but others, who had the ill fortune to be joyned with old men, were not so well contented as they had been with those they had lost. The Wife of Alonso de Toro, who was Major-General to Gonçalo Piçarro, and had great Pos∣sessions, was married to Pedro Lopez Caçalla, Secretary to the President Gasca. The Wife of Martin de Bustincia, who was the Daughter of Huayna Capac, who held the Estate in her own right, and not of her Husband, was married to a good Souldier and a very honest man, called Diego Hernandez, of whom it was reported, but falsly, that in his younger days he had been a Taylor; which being known

to the Infanta or Princess, she refused the marriage, saying, that it was not reaso∣nable to marry the Daughter of Huayna Capac Inca with a Ciracamayo, that is, in the Indian Tongue, a Taylor; and though the Bishop of Cozco, and Captain Diego Centeno, and other persons of Quality pressed the marriage, they could not prevail: wherefore they engaged her Brother Don Christoval Paullu to use his interest, and persuade her to it, who accordingly, taking her aside into a corner of the Room, told her, that it was not convenient for her to refuse that marriage; for that she would so disoblige the Spaniards that for ever after they would become mortal enemies to their Royal Family and Lineage and never more be reconciled to them. At length she, assenting to the advice of her Brother, though with a very ill will, was brought before the Bishop, who was pleased to honour the marriage by cele∣brating the Office himself: and, asking the Bride by an Indian Interpreter, whe∣ther she would marry that man; the Interpreter asked her whether she would be the Woman of that Man, for in the Indian Tongue they have no word for Mar∣riage or Wife; to which the Bride made answer in her own Language, Ychach Manani, Ychach Manamunani; which is, Perhaps I will have him, and perhaps I will not have him: howsoever the marriage went forward, and was celebrated in the House of Diego de los Rios a Citizen of Cozco, and both the Husband and Wife were alive, and cohabited together when I left Cozco. Many other Marriages like this, were contracted all over the Empire, being designed to give Estates to Pre∣tenders, and to satisfie them with the goods of other men: and yet this way could not give full contentment, for some esteemed the Estates that came by their Wives to be too small and inconsiderable; and others whose luck it was to have ugly Women loathed them, and complained of their fortune; and thus it fared with these men as with others in this world, wherein is no entire satisfaction. The unequal division of the Land, as Authours say, was the cause and ground of all the ensuing troubles and mutinies; for unto Pedro de Hinojosa they gave all the In∣dians which belonged to Gonçalo Piçarro in the Charcas, which yielded an hundred thousand pieces of Eight every year, besides a rich Mine of Silver, which made the Revenue of this Gentleman to amount unto two hundred thousand pieces of Eight a year: for it is incredible to think the vast quantities of Silver that are every year digged out of the Mines of Potocsi, which were so great, that Iron was become more valuable than Silver. Tapacri fell to the lot of Gomez de Solis, which was worth forty thousand Crowns yearly; and Martin de Robles had an Estate of the like value give him. But Diego Centeno, though he had sustained all the labours, and performed the services before related, yet having not been concerned in the surrender of the Fleet at Panama, he was excluded from all other Estate than that onely with which he had formerly been invested, called Pucuna; nor were others of his Companions in the least considered: but Lorenço de Aldana had an addition granted to his former Estate in the City of Arequepa, which both together were valued at fifty thousand pieces of Eight yearly rent. To Don Pedro de Cabrera a division was made of some Lands in the City of Cozco called Cotapampa, the Re∣venue of which was reckoned at fifty thousand pieces of Eight yearly rent. Ano∣ther to the value of forty thousand in Gold was conferred on Don Baltasar de Castilla in the Province of Parihuanacocha, which yields most Gold. John Alonso Palomino received an additional increase to his former Estate, which both together might make up a rent of forty thousand Crowns. Licenciado Carvajal had a like Estate given him, though he enjoyed it but for a short time; for being Recorder of Cozco, he was unfortunately killed by a fall from a Window, from whence he threw himself headlong out of despair and love to a certain Lady. I remember I saw him buried on St. John Baptist's day: but Hernan Bravo de Laguna was to content himself with a meaner lot of eight thousand pieces of Eight Revenue, not having the merit of those to pretend who surrendred up the Fleet to the President at Pa∣nama, who were all, some more and some less, very considerably rewarded; and indeed those Gentlemen did justly deserve a recompense, being the first who gave a turn to the scale, and the principal Instruments to reduce the Empire of Peru to the obedience of his Majesty, which was entirely lost when the President at first entred into it, as is apparent to those who have read this History. The Lots gi∣ven to the rest in other Cities of Peru were not so advantageous as those before mentioned: for some which were poor were improved with the adjunction of those more rich; and some were divided and given to others; but how poor soever they were esteemed, the meanest of them was valued at eight, nine, and ten thou∣sand

pieces of Eight of yearly Revenue: so that the ten lots and divisions which we have mentioned to have been assigned in the Charcas, in Arequepa and in Cozco, did in the total amount unto five hundred and forty thousand pieces of Eight coined, which make Ducats of Castile near six hundred and fifty thousand. So soon as the Archbishop Loaysa, and the Secretary Pero Lopez de Caçalla came to Cozco they published the lots and distributions which were made; and read the President's Letter to those unhappy men for whom no provision was found: and the Father Provincial made a Sermon persuading them to patience, which operated little up∣on them; for they flew out in oaths, curses and opprobrious speeches against the Government, as all Authours confirm: admiring at the wonderfull profuseness and prodigality which was used towards those men who in reality deserved no∣thing: for it is most certain, that amongst those to whom distributions were made of forty or fifty thousand pieces of Eight of yearly rent, there were some, who, being conscious of their engagement on Piçarro's side, and their evil actions in de∣nying the Vice-king Blasco Vela Nunnez, against whom they raised Arms, persecu∣ted him to the death, and afterwards fixed his head upon the Gallows; these men, I say, and others, as Histories record, who having impiously rebelled against his Imperial Majesty, expected death, or at least banishment; would have been suf∣ficiently contented and thought it a mercy to enjoy onely the benefit of the gene∣ral Pardon, without other rewards or provisions made for them: an example whereof may be given of Martin de Robles, who, when he understood what allot∣ment was made him, was suprised with the excess of such abundant favour: and in sense thereof, said to those who stood by; 'Tis well, 'tis' well, but so much good is no good; meaning that it was not good for those who deserved so little to be rewar∣ded so much. Some few months afterwards this Martin de Robles was fined by Sentence of the chief Justices in the sum of twelve hundred Ducats, for having been accessory to the imprisonment of the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, and en∣gaged in the cause of Gonçalo Piçarro; the which Fine was adjudged to be given to Diego Alvarez Cueto, who was Brother-in-law to the Vice-king, and who pro∣secuted de Robles and others of Piçarro's Party. And when this Sentence was noti∣fied to him: What, said he, no more, I that was the man who took the Vice-king? No, said the Clerk, your Fine is no more. Well, answered he, I could have been conten∣ted with ten times as much. And thus presumptuous and boasting they were of the exploits they had done that they valued themselves much upon them, and adven∣tured to utter these and many other bold Sayings on this matter, in presence of the President himself, of which we shall specifie some few particulars hereafter, and omit others, which are not fit to be here mentioned.

CHAP. IV.

Francisco Hernandez Giron, without any reason, shews himself greatly displeased for the division which was allot∣ted to him: a Commission is given him to make a new Conquest. The punishment of Francisco de Espinosa, and Diego de Carvajal.

NOtwithstanding these rich and large distributions of above two millions and a half of yearly Revenue; which one Authour says was but a million, and another a million and forty odd thousand pieces of Eight; yet the Pretenders were not satisfied, and generally complained, some because they had no share allotted, and others were scandalized to see those rewarded with such excess of prodigality who never had been concerned in the Conquest of the Countrey; nor rendred other service to his Majesty than onely to rise in Rebellion against him, to kill his Vice-king, and afterwards to fell and betray the Tyrant unto the President, whom before they had fostred and maintained: but he who appeared publickly

the most discontented of any was Francisco Hernandez Giron, who having not served formerly in Peru, but in Pasto onely, where (as Palentino saith) he never had more than an Estate of six hundred pieces of Eight a year; And now there being a proportion set out to him of about ten thousand pieces of Eight a year, called Sacsahuana, which was in Cozco, and formerly belonged to Gonçalo Piçarro; this Gentleman so disdained the meanness of it, that he could not forbear publickly to express his dislike; and, conceiving a high esteem of his own merit, he grew angry that any man should be preferred or rewarded above himself: and to that excess and disorder did his passion lead him, and transport to those indecent ex∣pressions, that his words were esteemed seditious, and not less than savouring of Treason: in this humour he asked leave of the Arch-bishop to goe unto the Pre∣sident and complain of his hard-usage; for that he, who had served the best of any, and therefore deserved the best share, was turned off with the meanest allot∣ment. The Arch-bishop reproved him for his insolent language, and denyed him leave. But Francisco Hernandez made bold to take that which was refused him, giving out abroad, that he was going to the City of Los Reyes, to make his com∣plaints unto him, who ought to consider them: which being made known to Li∣cenciado Cianca, who was by joint Commission with the Arch-bishop made Gover∣nour and chief Justiciary of Cozco; he wrote him a Latter, advising him to return, and not augment the Troubles and Mutinies which were in the Kingdom, and which were apt to be inflamed by the Discontents of many persons, who had much more reason to complain than himself; that he would doe well to consider and take care how he forfeited all other his former Services by such mutinous practices as this, which would render him odious to all his Majesty's Officers and Ministers. The Messenger who carried this Letter, overtook him in Sacsahu∣ana, being about four leagues distant from the City, which when Hernandez had read, he made this Answer, That he thought fit to be absent in that conjuncture, not to be concerned in the Mutinies and Troubles which he saw were coming; for he knew that the Souldiers would press him to be their Leader and Commander in chief; and moreover, that he was going to communicate many other matters unto the President for his Majesty's Services; to which he added divers other im∣pertinences, displeasing to Cianca: at which the Judge being greatly moved, he presently dispatched Letters to Captain Lope Martin, (whom Palentino calls Alonso de Mendoça) and who, as we said before, was sent to the Charcas, to suppress In∣surrections, that with half a dozen of his most faithfull Souldiers he should inter∣cept Hernandez in his journey or cause him to return back again to Cozco. The day following Lope Martin with his six Souldiers accordingly set out, and taking the ordinary journeys of four or five leagues a day, he overtook Hernandez in Cu∣rampa, about twenty leagues from the City, who intended now to play a double game; for on one side, he was willing to shew his readiness to serve his Majesty; and on the other side, he designed to give contentment to the Souldiers, by whom he was desirous to be esteemed a Favourer of their pretensions and reasons of complaint; as will appear by the Answer he gave at his return to the Judge Cian∣ca when he was brought before him. For in excuse he alledged, that he absen∣ted himself from the City, that the Souldiers might not engage him in the Mu∣tinies they intended, and force him to be their General; Upon which Allegati∣on the Judge committed him to prison in the House of John de Saavedra, who was one of the principal Citizens of Cozco; and having made Process against him, he remitted him to the farther censure of the President, and suffered him to go upon his paroll, and upon Oath taken, that he would proceed directly and pre∣sent himself before his Superiours. Accordingly Hernandez went to the City of Los Reyes, but was detained three months on the way, because the President at first would not see him, nor give him admittance into the City, untill at length he received licence and the favour to kiss the President's hand: some days after which, the President, being desirous to comply with his Martial Spirit, and to clear the Kingdom of a sort of insolent and mutinous Souldiers, conferred the ho∣nour of a Commission on him, impouring him to make a Conquest of the Chun∣••hus, with the Title of Governour and Captain General of all that Countrey, which he should conquer at his own cost and hazard, excepting out of his Com∣mission those Frontiers which bordered on his Conquest, namely, Cuzco, the City of La Paz, and the City of Plate: Francisco Hernandez was much pleased with his Commission, intending thereby to gain an opportunity to rebell against his Ma∣jesty;

which had been long in his mind, and which he at length put in execu∣tion, as we shall find by the sequel: and in order thereunto he remained in Ri∣mac untill such time as the President embarked for Spain, as shall be declared here∣after. During the time that the President was employed in the Valley of Apuri∣mac, in sharing unto every man his proportion and lot; the Judge Cianca received intelligence, that the Licençiado Polo, who was sent to be Judge in the Charcas, had taken Francisco de Espinosa and Diego de Carvajal the Gallant, and sent them pri∣soners; who were the two persons employed by Gonçalo Piçarro in Arequepa and the Charcas, after the Battel of Huarina, and there committed those disorders which we formerly mentioned: but these men, before they came to Cozco, wrote a Letter to Diego Centeno, intreating him to intercede for them, and at least obtai∣ned so far a remission of their Crimes, as might not extend unto life, but unto banishment out of the Kingdom. In answer hereunto Centeno replyed; That he should gladly comply with their request, in case the enormity of their Crimes were capable of so much mercy, and could admit of excuse and alleviation before the Lords the Justices; but since they had been so cruel as to burn seven Indians alive without any cause or provocation, he feared that the Gate was shut to all mercy, nor durst any Man appear with arguments of intercession in a cause so vile and dark as theirs. Some few days after this Answer was given, these Offen∣ders were brought to Cozco, where they were hanged and quartered, and their Quarters disposed in several ways, to the great satisfaction both of Indians and Spa∣niards, who rejoiced to see a Cruelty so justly revenged.

CHAP. V.

The Government of Chile is given to Pedro de Valdivia. The Articles which his own People prefer against him; and by what means he is freed by the President.

AMongst the many great Divisions and Distributions made by the President Gasca in the Valley of Apurimac, the Government of the Kingdom of Chile was conferred on Pedro de Valdivia, with Title of Governour and Captain Gene∣ral of that great Kingdom containing five hundred leagues in length; and more∣over, he received a full Commission to divide the Countrey amongst the Adven∣turers and such as had deserved well of the Crown. The benefit of which Com∣mission Pedro de Valdivia enjoyed a long time with great prosperity and affluence of fortune, untill his Riches became his snare, and were the cause of his ruine, together with a hundred and fifty Spanish Gentlemen more who were all slain with him, as we have already related in the first part of this History, in the Life of In∣ca Yupanqui; and have there anticipated this Story, which was memorable and worthy observation, and inserted it out of its due place, in regard the Successes of that Kingdom were impertinent to our purpose: but the present passages belon∣ging to the Dominion of Peru fall within the verge of our History, and are the proper subject of our Discourse, of which Diego Hernandez, a Citizen of Palen∣cia, gives this account in one of his Chapters, the Title of which is this:

That by the same humane Laws some men may be condemned and put to death, and others guilty of the same Crime may be freed and acquitted.

The same Authour hath another Chapter, number 94. the Title of which is this:

In what manner the President sent to take Pedro de Valdivia. The Articles which the People of Chile preferred against him, and in what manner the President brought him off.

It hath been already mentioned in this History how Pedro de Valdivia came out of Chile, and how afterwards the President made him Commander of the Provin∣ces he should conquer. And to prepare himself for that undertaking, Valdivia went from C••zco to the City of Los Reyes, with intent to furnish himself there with all necessaries, and what might be required for that Conquest. And ha∣ving raised his men, of which some were of those who had been banished out of Peru, and others condemned to the Gallies for having been concerned in the late Rebellion; and having provided all other matters, he caused them to embarque on some Ships which set sail from the Collao of Lima, but Pedro de Valdivia went himself by Land to Arequepa. And whereas at this time several Complaints were brought against him to the President, accusing him to have carried with him se∣veral condemned persons, and that many outrages were committed on the way by People who had his command and authority so to doe; Orders were sent to Pedro de Hinojosa to intercept him in his way, and by some dexterous management to bring him back to the President. Pedro de Hinojosa accordingly met him, and asked him civilly, whether he would not return again, to give satisfaction to the President, for what was alledged against him; which Valdivia refusing to doe, Hi∣nojosa accompanied him in a friendly manner for a whole day's journey; when watching his opportunity he seised upon him with six Musquetiers, and brought him back to the President; by which time several of the Plaintiffs from whom Valdivia had taken the Gold, as before mentioned, were come from Chile, and had preferred Articles in writing against him, wherein they accused him for ha∣ving taken the Gold from them, for having killed many persons unjustly, and that he lead a dissolute life with a certain woman; that he was in confederacy with Gonçalo Piçarro, and went from Chile, with design and intention to join with him, besides many other treasonable things of which they impeached him; and in con∣clusion, they desired, that he might be condemned to pay and return the Gold he had taken from them.

The President found himself much perplexed and straitned in this matter, for in case he condemned Valdivia, he absolutely destroyed his voyage, which ten∣ded to the quiet and benefit of Peru, by clearing the Countrey of so many leud and insolent Souldiers as were to accompany him. And in case the taking away the Gold were proved upon him, and he not compelled to make restitution, it would be such a piece of injustice, as would tend much to the disreputation of the President, and make a great noise and out-cry in the Countrey: And being in this strait, a contrivance was made to avoid the restitution, which was in this manner. Before it was ordered, that Copies should be given to Valdivia of the Accusation and Articles preferred against him, or any summary information; a rule was given, that first a solemn Inquisition should be made in the Office of the names of all those persons who were concerned in the Bill against the Defen∣dant; the which was to be done in that slight manner, that the reason for which it was required might not be discovered. And when it appeared by the Bill, that all the People of Chile were concerned as Plaintiffs, and were all Parties and inte∣rested in the Demand; none of them could lawfully be made a Witness or give legal testimony in their own Cause; he then ordered, that Valdivia should have a Copy of the Bill, and give in a speedy Answer; the which he accordingly did; denying every thing that was alledged against him: it then lay upon the Plain∣tiffs to prove all by their Witnesses. The Cause coming to a tryal, and no testi∣mony produced, besides that of the Parties interested; the President proceeded, ex officio, to sentence in favour of Valdivia. And though something was proved of his intention towards Gonçalo Piçarro, yet the President declared, that neither for that, nor other matters, he found sufficient reason to divert Valdivia from his intended Conquest; howsoever he took security from him, not to entertain any of those who were banished for their Rebellion: And also that he would send a Judge upon the place, to make a strict inquisition concerning the Gold, and gave Valdivia particularly in charge to give satisfaction for the same: which he promising to perform, the suit was dismist, and he permitted to proceed to Chile. Thus far Palentino, who therewith concludes this Chapter.

CHAP. VI.

The unfortunate death of Diego Centeno in the Charcas, and of Licenciado Carvajal in Cozco. The foundati∣on of the City of Peace, the Courts of Judicature are set∣led in Los Reyes.

AFter that the President Gasca had finished the Distribution of Lands as he designed in Apurimac, and was gone to Los Reyes; the Inhabitants and chief Lords of Peru took their leaves of him, in order to return to their own homes, Cities and Places of aboad; some to take possession of their new Estates, and others to repair their old, which were gone to ruine and decay by the miseries of the War. Amongst the rest, Diego Centeno went to his Estate, in the Vil∣lage of Plate, now called the City of Plate, by reason of the vast quanti∣ties of Silver which they daily dig out of that Hill adjoining to it, called Po∣tocsi; where his intention was to get what Silver and Gold he could, and therewith transport himself into Spain, to render an account unto his Majesty of all the Services he had done for his Imperial Crown; which his Majesty ta∣king into his gratious consideration might gratifie him with some reward, which the President had omitted to doe, for which neglect he esteemed himself highly affronted. This resolution being discovered to some friends with whom he con∣sulted; his intention presently took air and was divulged through the whole King∣dom, being wrote in all Letters and Papers of advice, which greatly offended the Government, to hear that a person so considerable as Centeno was preparing to carry his Complaints into Spain: some of the great Officers then in power being jealous of his Design, would have persuaded him not to goe, on pretence of friend∣ship to him; but finding that they could not prevail, they resolved on another course more certain and secure than the former, which was this; Some of the Neighbours thereabouts out of malice, and some out of ignorance, wrote a Let∣ter to Diego Centeno, desiring him to come to the City of Plate, where they might consult amongst themselves concerning his Voyage into Spain, and other matters of their own, which they would recommend to be communicated by him to his Im∣perial Majesty. Centeno accordingly prepared for his journey to the City; which being known to his Indians, they earnestly persuaded him not to goe, having recei∣ved some private intimation, as they said, from their familiar spirits, of an intent to kill him: but Centeno was the more resolved, because he would shew how lit∣tle he valued the superstitious witchcrafts and presages of the Indians. Great was the joy which those who invited him shewed at his arrival, but some Souldiers, who had been his friends and companions at the time when he was pursued by Francisco de Carvajal, and in the Battels of Huarina and Sacsahuana privately sugge∣sted their fears for his appearance there; telling him, that the prediction which his own Indian servants had made known to him, the same was also confirmed by those of that City, and signifie•• to their Masters: the which his friends interpre∣ted for a sinister omen, though in reality there appeared no outward cause or rea∣son to suspect it. But Centeno carried the matter high, and slighted the vain su∣perstition of the Indians; saying that their conversation was with the Devil, who was the Father of Lyes, and therefore no credence was to be given to their presages: but a short time shewed the vanity of his confidence, for having been four days in the City, he was solemnly invited to an entertainment in the house of a certain Gentleman, whose name it is not necessary to specifie here, but one∣ly to recount the matter of fact like an Historian, without other reflexion; seeing that the persons themselves are now in place, where they have given an account of this action. In short, at this Banquet such a dose of poison was prepared, and gi∣ven to Centeno so privately and undiscovered, without any present symptoms or torments in the Bowels, as did his business, and dispatched him in three days. His death was greatly lamented by all sorts of People in the Kingdom, for he was a Gentleman of much goodness and affable deportment, which had gained him a general affection and esteem. He had been concerned in all the exploits

and atchievements of that Countrey, having been one of those who had entred with Don Pedro de Alvarado, and engaged with him in the Conquest of the Em∣pire: the news of his death being come into Spain, his Brother gave a relation of the manner of it to the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and that he had left two natural Children, a Son and a Daughter, who were poor and destitute; because the Estate which their Father had from the services of Indians, ended with his death: in consideration of which his Majesty gratiously conferred for a portion to the Daughter the sum of twelve thousand ducats of Castile, and settled upon the Son Gaspar Centeno, who was a School-fellow of mine, an Estate of four thousand pieces of Eight of yearly rent, to be paid out of his Majesty's Royal Treasure in the City of Plate. I have heard that this Estate was made an inheritance for ever, but I know not how to believe it, because I did never hear that any Estate of inheritance was ever charged on the King's Treasury but for one Life or two at most. Some few months after the death of Centeno, Licenciado Carvajal came also to an unfortunate end in Cozco, as we have hinted before, by a fall from a high Window; for without any respect to his Office, as Judge, they cut the Cords of the Ladder by which he came up, and went down. Many other men died, and came to unfortunate ends in divers Cities of Peru, by which Lands and E∣states over Indians became void, and places made for other Pretenders, by which the President had opportunity to gratifie many who were aggrieved to have been left out of the last Division: but men were not satisfied herewith, but as discon∣tented and complaining as before, as will appear by what follows; for every man fansied that his Services merited the whole Empire of Peru.

Now in the mean time, whilst these violent Deaths and Misfortunes happened in the City of Plate and in Cozco, the President Gasca was intent to the repairs of the City of Los Reyes, and to erect a new Court of Chancery there, which con∣tinues to this day. He also contrived ways to people the City of Peace. As Diego Hernandez Palentino declares in the second Book of the first Part of his Hi∣story, in these words:

Don Jeronimo de Loaysa (says he) was dispatched away with this Letter, which he was to carry to the City of Cozco; and was that which the President wrote to the Souldiers who were left out of the distribution and had no Estate allotted to them, as before mentioned, which caused great disturbances, as that of Fran∣cisco Hernandez, whose rebellion proceeded from that cause alone. The President Gasca departed from Guanarima, and went to the City of Los Reyes; and in his journey he gave a Commission to Alonso Mendoça to be Governour of the New Colony which was founded in Chuquiabo, and called our Lady of Peace; which name was given to it by the President, because it was founded in the time of Peace, after so much War which had harassed that Countrey; and because it is the middle way between Arequepa and the Charcas, which are a hundred and seven∣ty leagues distant from each other; and is also the mid-way between Cuzço and the Charcas, being in like manner a hundred and seventy leagues, and being the road between such considerable Cities, it was conceived necessary to have a City founded there, for the convenience of Travellers, and to prevent Robbe∣ries and Violences which were committed in those parts. And having ordered all things in this manner, he proceeded in his journey to Los Reyes, and made his En∣try into that City on the seventeenth day of September, being there received with all the signal demonstrations of joy that could be expressed with Sports and Dan∣ces, Feasts and Revels. The President entered with the Royal Seal before him, to signifie his intention to erect a Court of Chancery in that City. The Seal and the President had a rich Canopy over them; the Seal was on the right hand inclosed in a rich Case, and carried on a white Horse covered with a Foot-cloth of Tissue to the very ground, and which was lead by the Reins by Lorenço de Aldana, the Chief Justice, and the Mule of the President was lead by Jeronimo de Silva, the Mayor of the City. Lorenço de Aldana and the other Officers who bore up the Sticks of the Canopy were clothed with Garments of Incarnation Sattin, and went bare-headed. The Guards who were appointed to attend the Seal and the President had Liveries bestowed on them at the cost of the City; as had all the Dancers and Actors cloaths and properties given them of Silk with divers co∣lours. And the Dancers came forth in their several Orders, representing the Ci∣ties and principal People of Peru; every one repeating a Distich or two signifying the fidelity of their People towards the Emperour.

LIMA.

I am the City of Lime, Who came the first in time, All happiness to bring Unto our Lord the King.

TRUXILLO.

I'm called the City of Truxillo, Who with true Loyalty Came with my men to serve his Majesty.

In like manner,

Pyura, Quito, Guanuco and the Chachapoyas; also Guamanca, Arequipa, Cozco and the Charcas, presented themselves before the President with Verses to the same substance as before; which being all in Dogerel rithm, were scarce worthy of a Translation into English; and indeed the Authour is of the same opinion, for he saith, that they were so dull and insipid, that they savoured more of Indian than Spanish composure.

But to return now to the Reasons which Palentino gives for the foundation of the City of Peace, which we have already mentioned; we cannot allow that the prevention of Robberies could be any motive or reason for the building of that City: for such hath been the generosity of that Empire called Peru, of which may be said what cannot be said of any other Kingdom of the World, namely, that from the Conquest thereof, which was in the year 1531 to this very time, which is towards the end of 1610, it was never known or heard that either publick∣ly or privately any Robberies had been committed; nor have any Merchants and Dealers ever been assaulted on the highway, though they have been known to carry with them vast quantities of Gold and Silver over Desarts and Mountains for the space of three or four hundred leagues; and have travelled with such secu∣rity, that they adventured to lye in the fields day and night without other defence or guard than their mere Tents, which is a thing so commendable, as is spoken of both in the Indies and in Spain greatly to the honour and praise of this Empire. We mean, that such security as this, is in time of Peace, and not in the time of War; for then, as we have said before, there is nothing but spoil and robbery where Violence and arbitrary Power, and not Law, prevail.

CHAP. VII.

The Cares and Troubles which the President Gasca sustained. How he punished some People that were in a Mutiny. With what Patience he endured several insolent Speeches of the Souldiers: and how he pacified and satisfied the Pretenders.

THE Courts of Judicature being now established in the City of Los Reyes; the President applied himself to order such matters as tended to the quiet and security of the Empire, and appointed that the Gospel and Christian Doc∣trine should be taught and preached to the Natives. He commanded also, that a ge∣neral survey should be made of all the Divisions which had been made, and of the Tributes which the Indians were to pay to their Lords, which were moderately imposed and registred, so that it should not be in the power of the Lords at any time to raise that Rent or Tribute. In which affair Licençiado Cianca, one of his Majesty's Judges was employed, and to that purpose he was sent to the City of Los Reyes, having first suppressed a small mutiny caused at Cozco by the Divisions

lately made, and punished the Authours of them. For he hanged a Souldier and banished three others; but not to make any greater combustion, he proceeded no farther in the Examination, nor in the punishment. But the President, whose Maxim it was to govern with gentleness and moderation, was pleased to take off the Sentence of Banishment and interdiction, before it was demanded; for consi∣dering the nature of the People, and the just reason which most of them had to complain, he thought it not convenient to be over severe and rigorous in his ju∣stice. The Judge Cianca, by order of the President, appointed and substituted John de Saavedra to be Deputy in his Office, who was a Gentleman of Noble birth, born at Seville, and had a considerable Estate in Indians alloted him in that City of Cozco. Also the Mareschal Alonso de Alvarado was by Commission from the President made Governour of the new Plantation, and was especially to take care to People the City of Peace: for at the beginning that City had both those Names, and Alvarado had a particular interest to take care thereof, because his Estate was ad∣joining thereunto. At this time the People flocked from all parts of the Empire to the City of Los Reyes to kiss the President's hands and return him thanks for the distributions he had allotted to them. In like manner many principal Souldiers who had long served his Majesty came with their Address to demand a reward for their services, and satisfaction for the late injury and injustice which was done them; in that their Friends and Companions to whom pay was due, were put to death for demanding the same; and that Act of asking their Pay was interpreted as a piece of disobedience and treason against his Majesty. At the same time came the News of the death of Diego Centeno, Graviel de Rojas and of Licenciado Carvajal, and of other Inhabitants deceased. And though the President was suffi∣ciently informed of their just demands and reasons of complaint; yet the Souldiers with much importunity would lay their cases before him; beseeching his Lord∣ship with much passion, that he would be pleased to cause a new review and in∣spection to be made into the late Divisions that some parts thereof might be clipt and lopt off from the excessive and exuberant allotments of some men, and con∣ferred upon them; whereby they might be enabled to eat and not starve with hunger, whilst those who served the late Rebel, were plentifull and easie in their fortunes, and died with extreme gluttony and luxury. The same is confirmed by Gomara, chap. 188. in these words. Lastly, saith he, they resolved to desire the President to review the late Divisions made, and to give them their share thereof or grant them Pensions; and if not, then they were resolved to take them by force, &c. Thus far Gomara.

The President was troubled and wearied out of his life with the importunities of so great a number of Pretenders; every one of which was so opinionated of his own Merits; that if in one day all the wealth of Peru had been vacated, and to be distributed, it would have been too little to answer the expectation of so much arrogancy and pride which appeared in these blustring Souldiers who exalted their merits above all expression. Notwithstanding which the President, by his pru∣dence and dextrous management, entertained them for a year and a half in that City, without trouble or mutiny: howsoever this sort of insolent Souldiers could not be so well contained within their bounds of moderation and duty, but that sometimes they broke out into mutinies and rebellious Speeches; all which, as Historians say, the good President sustained with great patience and moderation, and thereby gained a greater Victory, by subjecting his own passions, than he had done by the Conquest of that whole Empire; some particulars of which I have heard in that Countrey, and others since I came into Spain, the less provoking and insolent of which I will repeat here, and omit the most insolent and abominable, as not fit to be expressed.

The President being in perpetual trouble and unquietness, caused by the daily importunities of the Pretenders; thought fit to make use of a certain Captain, whom I knew, to ease him of the many solicitations and addresses which were made to him; and therefore said, Captain, pray help me to undeceive this Peo∣ple, and let them know, that the King hath not wherewith to relieve them, nor I to order or distribute to them. To which the Captain made answer, pray, Sir, undeceive them your self, who have been the person that deceived them; for, for my part, I know not what to say to them; to which the President made no reply, seeming not to have heard him. Another Souldier of meaner degree de∣sired him to reward his services: Honest Souldier, said the President, have

patience, for I have not wherewith to doe it, all being already divided and dis∣tribution made. Sir, replied the Souldier, give me then that Cap of yours with which you have deceived so many, and I shall esteem my self well rewar∣ded therewith. The President, looking upon him, said no more than, Go your ways in God's name.

Another person, who took upon himself the name and Title of a Captain, though in reality he was not, for I knew him well: but he had an Estate given him with Service of Indians to the Value of seven or eight thousand pieces of Eight a year: and he boldly required the President to better his Estate by some additions thereunto, as he had done to many others, who had not deserved half so much as he; for I, said he, have been one of the first Discoverers and Con∣querours of Chile. And there hath no action of moment passed in all this Em∣pire wherein I have not been concerned for service of his Majesty, for which I de∣serve great rewards; to which he added many arrogant Speeches and Bravadoes full of Vanity and Pride; atlength the President being over-tyred and wearied therewith, said to him, Good Sir, be gone, you have enough for a person of your quality, for I have heard that you are the Son of—in your own Coun∣trey, naming his Father's Trade. The Captain, for so I call him, presently re∣plyed, He lyes who told your Lordship so, and so doth he who believes him: and therewith he presently went out of the room, fearing lest some body should lay hands upon him for his saucy Speeches: but the President patiently endured all these affronts, saying, he was to suffer and sustain much more for the service of the King his Master; besides which gentleness, he used the Souldiers with much ci∣vility, and entertained them with hopes and assurance to provide for them hereaf∣ter. As Diego Hernandez confirms in the first Book of the second Part of his Hi∣story, Chap. 3. in these words: We are to observe, says he, that during all the time that the President remained in Lima, being about seventeen months, great numbers of People flocked thither to demand relief for supply of their necessities and reward of their services: for, as hath been said, many of the King's servants, who were left out in the first division, greatly complained of their hard usage. About this time several Estates fell to the King by the death of Diego Centeno, Ga∣briel de Rojas, Licenciado Carvajal, and others; and consequently there was some more matter and substance wherewith to answer the expectation of some Preten∣ders; but this not being a full supply, served onely to increase the troubles of the President, who by his gentle and civil Answers gave a general satisfaction to all people. Some of the Pretenders kept a secret correspondence with the Under∣clerks to give them information how Estates were distributed; and those com∣municated all to the Captains and Souldiers with whom they had friendship; and some had a sight of the Books themselves, wherein they saw to whom such Lands were given, and to whom such a Command and Lordship: and it is now com∣monly believed that those Books were falsified, and that the President himself; who was a subtile, understanding person, did connive thereat, and give permission to have the particulars secretly exposed; so that every one might be the better sa∣tisfied with his Lot, especially when they saw themselves nominated and designed to such an Estate: and it is certain that there are some men, who to this day are of opinion, that they are deprived of the Lot and Portion which the President appointed for them; and one person so entertained the thought thereof in his head, that he became mad when he found himself disappointed. But the Pre∣sident Gasca's great care and incumbence was to carry with him a good sum of Gold and Silver to the Emperour, of which he had already amassed a million and a half of Castellano's, which being reduced to Spanish Crowns, of three hundred and fifty Maravedis to the Crown, made two millions and a hundred thousand Crowns, besides the Treasure which had been expended in the late War. And now the time for the President's departure growing near (which was a hap∣piness greatly desired by him) he hastned with all expedition possible to be gone, lest some dispatch should arrive to detein him longer in the Kingdom. And ha∣ving finished and completed the remaining part of the Divisions, he folded and sealed them up, with order, that they should not be opened and published untill eight days after he had set sail from the coast, and that the Arch-bishop should confirm the Divisions he had made, by Act and Deed from himself. After this, upon the twenty fifth day of January the President went from Lima to Collao, a Port about two leagues distant from the City; and upon Sunday following, be∣fore

he had set sail he received a Pacquet from his Majesty which seasonably came to his hands, and therein his Majesty's Royal Signature, to take off the personal Services.

And now, whereas he was very sensible that the Countrey was much unquiet and discontented, and full of ill affected men, by reason of the Divisions made of Guaynarima; and because many of the King's true and faithfull Servants were left destitute and unrewarded, whilst those who had taken part with Gonçalo Pi∣çarro had shared amongst themselves the richest and best of all the Countrey: And being now resolved upon his departure, he published a Proclamation where∣by he suspended the execution of his Majesty's Royal Signet for taking off perso∣nal services untill he had rendered a relation to his Majesty of the true state of that Countrey, and of what else he conceived appertaining to his Majesty's service, al∣ledging his power so to doe, in regard his Commission and Authority did not cease untill he had personally appeared in the presence of his Majesty, and given him a verbal account of his Affairs, and received his pleasure therein. And so on Monday following he made sail, carrying all the Gold and Silver with him which he had been able to gather. Thus far Palentino, who therewith concludes the Chapter.

CHAP. VIII.

The cause of the Stirrs and Insurrections in Peru. Some Persons condemned to the Gallies are entrusted to Rodri∣go Ninno to conduct them into Spain: His great dis∣cretion and wit, whereby he freed himself from a Pyrate.

NOW as to what this Authour mentions touching the suspension which the President made of that Act, whereby his Majesty takes off the per∣sonal services, that is, the services which Indians perform to the Spaniards: It is clear and apparent that those late Ordinances executed, with the rigour and ill nature of the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela, were the cause of all those Commotions which harassed the Empire, and took away the life of the Vice-king, and had been the destruction of so many Spaniards and Indians as have been related in this History. And whereas the President himself brought the revocation of these Ordinances, and by means thereof and by his wise and dis∣creet management, the Empire was again recovered and restored to the obedi∣ence of his Majesty. It neither seemed just nor decent for his Imperial Majesty, nor agreeable to the particular honour of the President to introduce those new Laws and Statutes again which were formerly rejected and made void, especially that of freeing the Indians from personal services towards their Lords, which was the chief cause of all the complaints and troubles amongst them: for which rea∣son the President often said to several of his friends, that he was resolved not to put that Law in execution untill he had first by word of mouth discoursed with his Majesty of the inconvenience thereof; well knowing by experience, that that Law would never be digested by the people, but always prove a Scandal and Of∣fence, and perhaps put all things again into confusion and embroile, whensoever the same were but moved, or intreaty onely to be put in execution. But the De∣vil (as we have before mentioned) designing to interrupt the peace of that Coun∣trey, that thereby he might hinder the propagation of the Gospel and the increase of Christianity, contrived all means to unsettle and disjoint that Kingdom, and in order thereunto he so blinded the understanding of the Lords of the Privy-coun∣cil, that they persuaded his Majesty to take such measures as tended to the great prejudice and confusion of that Kingdom; and hence those Wars had their ori∣ginal, which succeeded to those lately suppressed, being carried on by Don Seba∣stian de Castilla and Francisco Hernandez Giron, whose pretence and quarrel was the same good old Cause, onely to free themselves from the uneasie burthen of those

Statutes, which caused all that noise and effusion of so much bloud. As we shall meka appear in its due place, and confirm the same by the testimony of Diego Hernandez, whom we shall have occasion to quote in divers places.

But to turn the course of this History from so melancholy a subject to some∣thing more divertising and pleasant; we are to know, that whilst these matters were in agitation, a Letter was directed to the City of Los Reyes from Hernando Ninno, Mayor of the City of Toledo, to his Son Rodrigo Ninno, of whom we have formerly made mention in the fourth Book of the second Part, wherein his Fa∣ther required him (the Wars with Gonçalo Piçarro being ended) to hasten into Spain, to take possession of an Estate which a Kinsman of his had left him to in∣herit.

The departure of this Gentleman, who had always approved himself loyal to his Majesty's service in the late Wars against the Rebels, was judged by the Presi∣dent and the other Officers a fit and convenient opportunity for sending those eigh∣ty six Souldiers into Spain, who for taking part with Piçarro had been condemned to the Gallies: and accordingly this matter being intimated to Rodrigo Ninno and represented as a service acceptable to his Majesty, he accepted the same, though much against his Will, knowing that the charge of eighty six persons condem∣ned to the Gallies could not but occasion much trouble and inconvenience to him: howsoever the hopes of a reward prevailed above the thoughts of the trouble; so that he provided his Arms and other necessaries for conducting those People, with whom he departed to Los Reyes, being in all eighty six Spaniards; amongst those, there were six Musicians, who had formerly served Gonçalo Piçarro, whom I knew, and as I remember, one of them was called Augustine Ramirez born at Me∣••ic••, his Father was a Spaniard, and his Mother an Indian: they were all excellent Masters of Musick, and carried their Instruments with them, and therewith en∣tertained company wheresoever they came; and by the liberality of some Gen∣tlemen, who came to hear them, they received that which served them to bear the charge of their voyage.

With fair weather and wind Rodrigo Ninno happily arrived at Panama, having along the coast of Peru received assistence for security of his Prisoners, who were during that time submissive and humble, being conscious to themselves how much they had offended his Majesty within that jurisdiction: But being departed from Panama and Nombre de Dios, some of them took the opportunity to make their escape, to avoid rowing in the Gallies; for the truth is, Rodrigo Ninno had not a sufficient Guard with him to secure so many; nor did the President and his Mi∣nisters supply him therewith, imagining that the sole authority of Ninno was suffi∣cient to keep them in subjection; though in reality they could not find men in that Countrey who would be perswaded to take upon them the charge to con∣duct so many Gally slaves into Spain. With this care and trouble Ninno, sailing near the Isles of Cuba and Saint Domingo, espyed a French Pyrate, who gave him chase, for at that time no other Nation used those Seas but that onely. The Spa∣nish Captain who was unprovided of Men and Arms for his defence, and knowing also that he carried an Enemy within his Vessel, bethought himself of this Strate∣gem which was as discreet as pleasant. He armed himself from head to foot, and with his Corslet and Plume of Feathers in this Head-piece: and with his Partisan in his hand went and stood by the Main-mast; all his Seamen and others he com∣manded to be concealed under the Decks, and his Musicians with their instru∣ments to ascend upon the Poop, and to strike up and play when the Enemy came near them: all things being thus ordered as Ninno had directed, the Ship sailed on her course, without fear as it were or apprehension of the Enemy, who still gave them chase, not doubting of a good prize: but so soon as they came up with them, and so near as to hear the Musick, and seeing few or none appear above deck, they began to imagin, that that Vessel belonged to some person of Quality who was banished for Treason against the King, or that was dispossessed of his E∣state by some Law-suit or other device; and that being thereby become desperate, they believed he had set himself to Sea, and turned Pyrate, like themselves, to repair his fortunes with what booty and prize offered on the Seas. The French-man with this imagination left off his chase, not daring to engage with Rodrigo Ninno, permit∣ting him to pursue his Voyage. This Story was told to the President, as he passed those Islands into Spain; which the Inhabitants received from the relation of that Pyrate, whom under assurance of a white Flag and Articles of Truce they adven∣tured

to supply with Provisions for his money, which much pleased the Presi∣dent when he thought how good a choice he had made of a knowing and faithfull person, for so weighty a trust as this of the Gally-slaves.

CHAP. IX.

All the Gally-slaves make their escape from Rodrigo Ninno, excepting one who remained with him, and him he drove away with Cuffs and Boxes with his Fist upon his Face. The Sentence which was passed on him in this case. The Favour which the Prince Maximilian shewed to him.

ROdrigo Ninno having got out of the hands of the Pyrate by his Strategem of Musick, proceeded on his Voyage, and came to Havana where most of his Gally-slaves, having not had a sufficient Guard to secure them, made their escapes: others of them fled away at Cartagena, and others at the Islands of Ter∣ceras, so that when they came to pass the Bar of Saint Lucar, there were not above eighteen remaining of the whole number of eighty six; and between that and the Port of Seville seventeen found means to run away; so that when Rodrigo Ninno came to disembark, he had onely a poor simple fellow of all his company re∣maining; whereas, according to contract made with the President at Los Reyes, he was to have delivered the whole number of eighty six at this place: wherefore Ninno entered into Seville with his single Gally-slave at a Back•• gate of the City called Carbon; which is little frequented either by those who go in or come out.

Rodrigo Ninno finding himself in the middle of a Street when no person appea∣red, catched hold of his Gally-slave by the Collar, and, with his Dagger in his hand, swore by the life of the Emperour, that he would give him twenty Stabbs: but, said he, I will not doe it, because I will not foul my hands with the bloud of so dirty a Villain as thou art, who having been a Souldier in Peru, hast yet the base and poor spirit to become a Slave in the Gallies. Why didst not thou run away as the other eighty five have done? Get thee gone in the Devil's name, for I had rather goe alone, than thus ill-attended; and having said thus much, he gave him three or four good Cuffs on the Ear, and so let him goe: And therewith Ro∣drigo went directly to the Farmers of the Customs, to give them an account of the great care he had taken of the Gally-slaves; but that wanting men to guard and secure them, they were all escaped; and indeed he was in great apprehensions and fear of his own Life, lying at the mercy of so many men who had a power over him greater than his. The Commissioners of the Custom-house were much amazed to hear this Story, and knew not what to say to it, untill farther Exami∣nation.

In the mean time, this last Gally-slave, according to his own base spirit, talked at large of this matter in the first Victualling-house he came unto; and told all the particulars which Rodrigo Ninno had either said or done: this Story filled all the Town with discourse, and came at length to the hearing of the Commissioners, who thereupon seized upon Ninno; and the King's Attorney accused him with high aggravations of his fault, alledging that he had given liberty to eighty six of the King's Slaves, for every one of which he ought to pay the value and price of ransome. The Suit against him was prosecuted, and Rodrigo Ninno, not being able to justify himself, he was condemned to serve the King with his Horse for the space of six years in Oran, and with two other Companions at his own charge, and that in the mean time he was not to return to the Indies. But Ninno appealed from this sentence to the Prince Maximilian of Austria who then governed Spain in the absence of his Imperial Majesty who was his Uncle: His Highness inclined a favourable Ear to the Advocates of Rodrigo Ninno, who gave him a large account of all the Services which Ninno had performed against the Rebels, and how ill he

had been treated by those who had joyned with Gonçalo Piçarro, and how he had been employed by the Vice-king Vela Nunnez to seize on certain persons, and how ill he was treated by them, because he would not take their party, as we have at large mentioned in the eleventh Chapter of the fourth Book, and second Part. They also related the Trick he plaid the Pyrate at Sea, how the Gally-slaves esca∣ped from him, and how he released the last of them, and what words he said to him. All which the Prince heard with his usual favour and clemency, and was sensible that the escape of the condemned men was caused by default and omissi∣on of those whose business it was to provide sufficient Guards, and that Ninno lay at the mercy of the Slaves, to whom he was beholding for not killing him. When the Agents observed how gratiously the Prince understood the cause of Ninno; they begged the favour that the Offenders might be admitted to the presence of his Highness, which being granted, and that Ninno made his appearance accor∣dingly, the Prince put such pertinent questions to him as any Learned Lawyer or Counsellour could have done: Art thou, said he, the man to whom eighty six Gally-slaves were entrusted? and that they all fled from you, and made their es∣cape excepting one? and did not you beat that single fellow from you, and caused him also to run away. Most Serene Prince, answered Rodrigo Ninno, I could not doe more than what I did, for they did not furnish me with Men and Guards suffici∣ent to secure so many men; God knows my heart, and the World hath received sufficient testimonies of my duty and service towards his Majesty. And as to the Gally-slave, whom I drove from me, I had compassion of him, for, methoughts, it was pity to commit that poor Rascal alone to the Gallies, and force him to la∣bour for all the others who were fled from me: nor was I willing to have his Curses, or reward him so ill as to put him into the Gallies, because he had been more true and faithfull to me than all his other companions. And now I refer my self to the justice of your Highness, to be punished in case my crimes or faults deserve your royal displeasure. No, answered the Prince, it is they who are to be blamed, and are accordingly to be punished, and not you: for as to your part, you have done like a Gentleman, and therefore I acquit you from the sentence, so that you have free liberty to return to Peru, when you please. Ro∣drigo Ninno kissed his hands, and gave humble thanks to his Highness, and some years afterwards, he returned to Peru, where he more at large related these mat∣ters which we onely touch upon in brief: and openly professed, that in all Spain he found no friend to speak in his behalf and favour, but onely the good Prince Maximilian de Austria, whom God preserve and maintain with increase of Ho∣nour and Dominion.

Amen.

CHAP. X.

The second Division of Lands is published. The President departs for Spain. The death of Licenciado Cepeda. The coming of the President to Panama.

THE President Gasca with such impatience desired to acquit himself of the Government that every hour seemed a year, whilst he remained in that Of∣fice, and therefore used all possible endeavours to quicken his dispatch. And that he might not be longer detained, he left order (as Palentino before saith) with the Arch-bishop of Los Reyes to publish after his departure the second division he had made, signed with his own hand: and having (as he supposed) made a sufficient provision for all things and disposed matters in their due form and man∣ner; he embarked with all speed, and sailed from the Port called Cullao, making his Cross upon Peru, vowing with passion never more to see it again; And after eight days were past, publication was made of the new distribution; which Palen∣tino mentions in these words, in Chap. 4. Lib 1. Part. 2.

The time being come which the President Gasca had allotted for publication of the second Division, and which was impatiently expected by the Pretenders,

they all flocked to the publick Hall of Judicature: and the Judges being set up∣on the Bench, the Seals of the Instrument were broken up, and the writing read in publick; The issue of which was this: Those who had the least expectation were favoured with good allotments; and those who had most were entirely left out, and remained without any distribution. It was pleasant to see and hear the diversity of mens behaviour and sayings; some came out with pleasant countenan∣ces, and others frowned, and swore and cursed the President, being now become desperate and without any hope, &q.••. Thus far Palentino.

The President with all speed left the Countrey, not to hear and understand the Reproaches and Curses which would be given him; and hastned as fast as was pos∣sible to Panama; nor would he enter•• into Port by the way to take refreshment, having a perfect hatred and abhorrence to the Countrey: with him he carried Li∣cenciado G•• da prisoner, who formerly had been one of his Majesty's Justices in those Kingdoms and Provinces; and though the President had a sufficient power to hear and judge his cause; yet, in regard he had promulgedian-Act of Pardon to all people, he was unwilling to call those faults into question•• which he had for∣merly forgiven; and therefore remitted his case to the supreme Royal Council of the Indies. And being come to Valladolid, where the Cour•• then resided, his cause was re-assumed and his faults opened, with many aggravating circumstances of the Attorney General: And though Gepeda, in defence to himself alledged that the other Judges and he had acted all things with intention to serve his Majesty and with design to qualifie and abate the fury of seditious and in••tinous•• men, whose spirits were heated and put into fermentation by that indiscreet rigour which the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez used in execution of those new Laws which were the cause of all those Troubles which ensued: but these Allegations availed little in his favour, nor was it possible to prevent the sentence which was passed upon him, to dye as a Traytor. And though his friends and relations used all the interest they were able to gain his pardon; yet, seeing they could not avail for his life, they then endeavoured to moderate the sentence, that he might not dye as a Traytor, and so his bloud be attainted: to avoid which a contrivance was made with a dose of poison, whereby he passed more easily and quietly into the next world before sentence was pronounced formally against him at the Tribunal of Justice. All which was the common and publick discourse in Peru, and which I heard afterwards confirmed in Spain by some Indians who happened to enter before me into discourse about the death of Licenciado Cepeda. And it is farther said of Ce∣peda, that he discoursing after the death of Gonçalo Piçarro of the successes of the late Affairs, and of the sentence of death which passed upon himself; and that he was condemned as a Traytor, to have his Houses demolished, and the ground thereof to be sowed with Salt, and his Head to be fixed on a Spike of Iron; that he should say, he would maintain the cause of Gonçalo Piçarro to have been just and legal, and that he was no Traytor to his Majesty; and that he acted entirely for conser∣vation of the Empire; and that if he did not make this good, he would pawn his Life, and offer his Throat to the Knife; provided he might have the Parliament of Paris or the University of Bolonia for his Judges, or any other Court of Justice, not subjected to the Imperial Dominion. Dr. Gonçalo Yllescas, in his Pontifical History speaks almost the same thing of Cepeda, as before mentioned, whose words are as followeth:

Amongst the many famous and renowned persons who were concerned in the Troubles of Peru, there was one Licenciado Cepeda, who acted a considerable part; he was a Native of Tordesillas, and one of the Judges who came over with the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela: It were not just to conceal his Name, having been very active in his Majesty's service, whilst he employed himself in that duty: and afterwards, being engaged with Gonçalo Piçarro, he shared a great part in his illegal practices. This Cepeda, at the conclusion of all, when both Armies were drawn up in the Field to give Battel, revolted over to the Imperial Camp, with some danger of his life, for Piçarro sent to pursue him, and he was left for dead upon a wet moorish piece of ground. Though Gasca received him then with great signs of affection and good-will; yet afterwards he brought him into Spain, and caused him to be clapt up in the King's prison, and was afterwards arraigned of High∣treason. Cepeda made so good a defence for himself, and with so much reason; (for he knew very well the manner to defend his Cause) that it was generally be∣lieved he would have been acquitted with much honour: but dying of a sickness

in the Prison at Valladolid, his Cause was never determined. I had once in my possession the reasons he produced in his own defence, which indeed are so strong that whosoever reads them must necessarily acquit him, and allow him to have been a true and faithfull servant to his Majesty: He was more happy in the goods of mind than in those of fortune; for though he had amassed vast Riches and ac∣quired great Honours, yet I have seen him much afflicted, and necessitous in pri∣son.

Thus far this Doctour, who giving also a relation of the death of Count Pedro Navarro, one of the most famous Captains of his time, says almost the same that we have done of the death of Cepeda, viz. That the Officer in whose custody he was, being his great Friend, did strangle him in prison to prevent an Attainder, having gained all the Kingdom of Naples, &c. Thus fortune produces cases of the like nature over all the World, that men comparing the miseries of others with their own, may learn to compassionate each others sorrows.

The President Gasca arrived in fafety at the City of Panama, with more than a million and a half of Gold and Silver, which he carried into Spain for account of his Majesty; besides as much more for private men, who were passengers with him. At that place a strange accident happened which Historians mention: but in regard Augustine de Carate is more particular therein than any other Authour; we shall make use of his relation, touching the Execution of one of those new Or∣dinances or Laws which have made such a noise in the World, and raised Muti∣nies and Rebellions in all quarters: and therefore we shall in the first place repeat what he says of the beginning of this rebellion, and then as to the Proceedings thereof, we shall refer our selves to the other Authours, as also for the quanti∣ties of Gold and Silver which were robbed by the Contreras; who, if they had contented themselves with the prey they had taken, and had known how to secure it, they had revenged the injuries they sustained with great advantage: but the heat of youth transported them beyond the terms of moderation; and being un∣experienced in the art of War, they lost all again together with their lives: all which is specified by Augustine Carate in the seventh Book of his History of Peru; Chap. 12. the Title of which is as followeth, and which we make the eleventh of these our Commentaries.

CHAP. XI.

Of what happened to Hernando and Pedro de Contreras; who were at Nicaragua, and went in quest and pursuit of the President.

AT that time, when Pedro Arias Davila governed and discovered the Pro∣vince of Nicaragua, he married one of his Daughters called Donna Maria Pennalosa to Rodrigo de Contreras a Native of the City of Segovia, a principal per∣son, and one of a great Estate there: By the death of Pedro Arias the Govern∣ment of that Province fell to Rodrigo de Contreras; who having been nominated thereunto by his Father-in-law Pedro Arias, and having deserved well for his Loy∣alty to the Crown, his Majesty was pleased to confirm him therein by special Com∣mission; and accordingly he governed for some years, untill a new Court of Judi∣cature was erected in the City of Gracias de Dios, which borders on the confines of Guatimala; and then the new Justices did not onely deprive Rodrigo de Contreras of his Government; but likewise putting in execution one of the new Laws be∣fore mentioned, they acquitted all his Indians, as well those which belonged to himself as those which came to him by his Wife from their duty and services; as also those Indians which he had setled upon his Children during the time of his Office: of which hard usage Rodrigo complaining petitioned for a redress in consi∣deration of the many services which both his Father-in-law and all his family had

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performed to his Majesty: but neither the King nor his Council thought fit to yield to his request, but to maintain the new Law, and approve what the Court had acted in that matter. The Sons of Rodrigo de Contreras called Hernando and Pe∣dro resented this agrievance with high indignation, and being young men, rassi and in the heat of their bloud, resolved to rise in Arms: and herein they found encouragement from one John Bermejo, and other Souldiers his Companions, who were come from Peru; most of which were highly displeased and incensed against the President, because for all the services they had done in the Wars against Gon∣çalo Piçarro, he suffered them to starve; and instead of making provision for them, he highly rewarded those who had taken part with Piçarro and banished such as had served the King out of the Confines of Peru: with these and the like Complaints they animated the two brothers to undertake some great enterprise, persuading them that in case they could once get two or three hundred Souldiers, they might adventure to invade Peru; and moreover, being already furnished with Shipping and all things requisite for Navigation, they might with much ease transport their men thither; where being landed they would soon be increa∣sed with all that party of men which the President Gasca had disobliged. Having resolved on the matter, they privately listed men, and provided Arms, and when they found themselves strong enough to resist the Officers of Justice, they began to put their designs into execution: and in the first place they fell upon the Bishop of the Province, who having opposed their Father in all his negotiations, they in revenge thereof caused certain Souldiers to enter his house, and kill him as he was playing at Chess. And then presently they set up their Standard, and declared for Liberty, calling their Army the Keepers of the Liberty. Then they fitted such Ships out to Sea as were requisite, and sailed into the South-sea, with intention to expect the coming of the President, and to take and rob him in his passage; for they had received intelligence, that he was on his voyage towards the main Land with all the treasure belonging to his Majesty. Howsoever it see∣med most adviseable to go first to Panama, there to receive information of the state of Affairs; and besides, they were in a better post and station there, to sail from thence to any part of Peru, than from Nicaragua. And having shipped about three hundred men, they arrived at the Port of Panama, where before they made a descent into the Town, they informed themselves by some of the Inhabitants whom they had taken of all which had lately past; and how the President was already landed with all the King's Treasure. And now, as if their good fortune ••••d offered this great booty to their hand, they expected untill night; and then secretly entered the Port without any noise, on confidence that the President was lodged in the City, and lay secure, apprehending no harm; and therefore they doubted not but to surprize him without loss or hurt to themselves. Thus far Au∣gustine Carate. And Gomara having almost said the same thing, adds, Chap.193. That the Contreras got up all the Piçarrists, who were fled from Gasca, and other Fugitives and men of desperate fortunes, and resolved to attempt some exploits to enrich themselves, declaring that the Treasure and Dominion of Peru did by a lawfull Title belong to them, as Grand-children descended from the Pedrarias de Avila, who were in Partnership with Piçarro Almagro and Laques. Though this was but a weak pretence, yet it served the turn, and brought in a great number of Villains and Miscreants to side with them; and under this colour they committed much spoil and robbery, and sufficiently enriched themselves, had they known a mean and wherewith to be contented. Thus far Gomara.

Now the whole Story is this; The Contreras entered Panama by night and made there first attempt on the house of Doctour Robles. In four Ships then in Port they took eight hundred thousand pieces of Eight, some of which were for the King's and some for account of private men: in the Treasurer's house they seized upon six hundred thousand more which were ready to have been carried to Nombre de Dios, as Gomara reports, Chap.193. And besides this quantity of Gold and Silver, they robbed the Shops of many rich Merchants, whence they plundred such vast quantities of commodities which came from Spain, that they were trou∣bled how to dispose of them or carry them away. Moreover, they sent one of their Companions called Salguero with a Party of Musquetiers by way of Las Cru∣zes to the River of Chayre, upon intelligence that they had sent great quantities of Gold and Silver by that road to Nombre de Dios: and Salguero overtook and seized seventy load of Silver, which was not as yet shipped aboard, being to the value

of five hundred and seventy thousand Ducats; all which they sent to Panama; so that besides Merchandize, Pearls, Jewels and other Curiosities, that they plun∣dered, they had seized almost two millions in Gold and Silver onely, which be∣longed to the President, and other Passengers; who having not the least suspici∣on of Thieves or Robbers in that way, carried part of their Gold and Silver with them, and the rest they left at Panama, to be brought after them to Nom∣bre de Dios at seven or eight turns. For as Gomara saith, there belonged above three millions to the President and his Company. But all this immense Ri∣ches and Wealth was quickly consumed by the follies and debaucheries of these young men; according to the Proverb, What was got upon the Devil's back, was spent upon his belly. And what helped forward to this Work, was the vanity of Bermejo and his Companions the Piçarrists, who could not be contented with a less Prey than the person of the President Gasca himself; for some desired to take a full revenge on him in lieu of the Pay and Reward he promised for the services they had done; and others, who were Piçarrists, were become his inveterate E∣nemies on the score of the old quarrel; and all cried out, that they would make Dice of his Bones and Powder of his Flesh: for, said they, he is so fine and sub∣tile in all his dealings, that certainly he cannot but make the best and the finest Gun-powder in the World: But these men were deceived in their vain imagina∣tions; for though they did not seize the person of the President, yet their revenge would have been more complete in sending him away without his Gold and Sil∣ver, than if they had taken him alive, and sacrificed him to their rage and fury.

CHAP. XII.

Of the leud Practices and Follies of the Contreras, whereby they lost all the Treasure they had gained, together with their Lives. The diligence and good management which their Enemies used to bring them to condign Punishment.

BUT the good fortune of Licençiado Gasca, which had accompanied him in all the successes before related, and in the recovery of an Empire as great as Peru, would not now leave him exposed to the Attempts of a leud and villanous sort of People; for Providence still continuing her protection and favour to him; suffe∣red these wicked Wretches to be ensnared with their own Pride and Ignorance; and those very men who had followed Francisco de Carvajal, and had known and learned his Discipline and Art in War, were so clouded in their understandings and reasons, that they rashly precipitated themselves into death and destruction. For in the first place, after they had taken Panama, and sacked and plundered the City, they seized upon many of the principal men thereof, amongst which were the Bishop and Treasurer to his Majesty, as also Martin Ruyz de Marchena, and the Sheriffs of the City, and carried them away with intent to hang them upon the common Gallows, which they had certainly done to the full satisfaction of John de Bermejo, had not Hernando Contreras given a stop to the execution, with which Bermejo, being greatly enraged, told him plainly, that since he was pleased to ap∣pear in favour of his Enemies, to the high discouragement of his friends; it would be no wonder if his Enemies another day took their turn and hanged up him and all his Associates.

These words were a clear prediction of what happened in a short time after∣wards. For Hernando de Contreras took no other security from the Citizens for their quiet behaviour towards him than their bare Oath, swearing that they would be as true and faithfull to him, as if all the actions he had committed had tended to the service of God and of the King, and to the benefit and advantage of the Citizens. After which vain piece of confidence and folly, they divided their Forces, which in all consisted of no more than two hundred and fifty men, into four Squadrons; forty of which were remaining with Pedro de Contreras, to

guard the four Vessels which they brought with them, and the other four they had taken in Port: Salguero, as we have said, was sent with thirty men to the River of Chagre to take possession of the Silver which was robbed there: Hernando de Conireras himself marched with forty Souldiers more by way of Capira to seise the President and sack Nombre de Dios; both which exploits he thought very easie to be done by a surprise; and John de Bermejo with an hundred and fifty men staid at Panama to keep and defend that City. And besides these pieces of foolish ma∣nagement and miscarriages, they were so inconsiderate as to entrust the merchan∣dise which they had robbed in the hands of the Proprietors themselves, and to other persons of reputation and note on security onely of Bonds under their hand∣writing to yield them up to Hernando de Contreras, when he should return from Nombre de Dios; and so far were they transported with vain confidence, that they looked upon themselves as Masters of all the new world. And accordingly they gave out their Warrants to take up all Horses and Mules that could be found, and to mount their Souldiers thereon, and to go to the relief and assistence of Hernando de Contreras if occasion should be. And with this Equipage Bermejo departed the City, leaving it to it self, and with as much assurance of faithfulness as if it had been his own House: whereas on the contrary, had they embarked all the Gold and Silver they had robbed upon their Ships, together with the Jewels, Merchan∣dise and other Booty, and had gone away themselves therewith, they had totally destroyed and ruined the President and all his Adherents. But they neither de∣serving so much good, nor the President so much evil, the wheel of fortune tur∣ned, as we shall see by the sequel.

For so soon as it was day, those who had escaped out by night, whilst they were plundring the City, one of which was Arias de Azevedo, (of whom the Hi∣story makes mention) dispatched away a Servant of his to Nombre de Dios, to give intelligence to the President Gasca of all that the Rebels had done at Panama: and though as yet the advice was imperfect, yet it served to alarm the President in such manner as that neither he nor his People were totally unprovided. On the other side, the Inhabitants of the City, whom John de Bermejo left with so much confidence, and reposed that Trust in as to commit a great part of his spoil to their care and custody; no sooner was his back turned than they assembled together, rang out the Bells of the Town, and fell to fortifying the City on the side towards the Sea, and to secure the passage on the way of Capira, in case the enemy should attack them on either side: At the sound of the Bells all the neighbouring Inha∣bitants came in with their Arms, being attended with their Negroes, that in a short time between White men and Tawny they made up a force of above five hundred men, all resolute to die in defence of the City. Two of the Souldiers belonging to John de Bermejo, who for want of Horses were left behind, hearing the noise and confusion amongst the people, fled away to give advice to their Commander how the City was in rebellion, and again returned to the obedience of his Majesty: Of which John de Bermejo sent immediate advice to Hernando de Contreras, giving him to understand that he was going to Panama, to cut those Traitours in pieces who had falsly violated their Oath and Faith to them: and so he returned thither with confidence of becoming Master of it with as much ease as formerly; but things happened out quite contrary to his expectation, for the Ci∣tizens, to prevent the burning of their City (which was all built of Timber) came forth to encounter him in the way, and met John de Bermejo fortified on the side of an Hill, where they attacked him with great courage; for being angry and ashamed of the late disgracefull usage, they fought with the more bravery: at the first assault it was not known which party had gained the advantage, but at the second, the Citizens fighting like desperate men, and full of revenge, over∣whelmed their enemies with their numbers of White and Black men; amongst which Bermejo and Salguero were both killed with about eighty more; as many more were taken, and carried away to the City; where being put all to∣gether in an open yard, the chief Bailiff of the Town (whose name we shall not mention) came in amongst them with two Negro Servants, and with Daggers stabbed them to death, whilst with loud out-cries they desired time for Confes∣sion. Palentino saith that, dying without Confession, they were buried on the Sea-shore. The news of this misfortune was soon brought to the hearing of Her∣nando de Contreras, who upon the advice formerly given by Bermejo, was upon his march back to Panama; and considering himself now as a lost man and ruined,

he dismist his Souldiers, advising every man to shift for himself, and told them that their best way would be to make towards the Sea; where his Brother Pedro de Contreras would receive them a-board a Ship, and that he himself intended to take that way, and so they dispersed, every man shifting for himself: some few days after which, the King's Party going in pursuit of them over Mountains, Boggs and wet places, they found the Body of Hernando de Contreras drowned in a Morass; the Head they cut off and carried it to Panama, and though it was very much disfigured, yet he was known by his Hat, being of a singular fashion, and by a Chain of Gold which he usually wore about his Neck. His Brother Pedro de Contreras, hearing this sad fate, with the destruction and ruine of John de Bermejo and all his Companions, attempted to make his escape by Sea; but the Winds and Waters, and all the Elements conspired against him to hinder his Ships from going out of Port; wherefore he endeavoured to make his escape in little Boats, not knowing where to go or fly, in regard all the World was become his Enemy. But the Inhabitants of the City armed out other Boats in chace of him, with which they recovered their own, and took also the Enemy's Ships: Another Par∣ty appointed to follow those over the Mountains, who had taken their way by Land, took some of those belonging to Hernando: but as to Pedro de Contreras, no man knew what became of him; though it was generally believed, that he was killed by the Indians, or devoured by Tygers or other wild Beasts, of which there are great numbers in that Countrey; for they never received news of him after∣wards.

This was the end and issue of that wicked design; of which no better success could be expected, having commenced with the Murther of a Bishop; and though some men would excuse this fact by laying a blame on the Bishop for his immode∣rate language, whereby they were provoked to the performance of this outrageous Act; yet certainly nothing can be alledged in excuse of this heinous and abomi∣nable Murther. But at length they paid for all, as before related.

CHAP. XIII.

The President recovers the Treasure he had lost. He puni∣shes the Offenders. He arrives in Spain, where he hap∣pily ends his days.

WHilst Licenciado Gasca was at Nombre de Dios he received news of the arrival of the Contreras, and of the Robberies and Piracies they had committed in Panama, he was much afflicted to consider, that such a strange turn of fortune should be reserved for him at the conclusion of all his affairs; and which a certain Authour says was the more surprising, in regard it was never imagined, nor possibly to be prevented by all the care and diligence that could have been contri∣ved. But now to hinder the farther progress of this evil, he secured in the best man∣ner he was able the Treasure which he had with him; and then with what Forces he had, and with the Auxiliaries of the Town, he prepared to return to Panama to recover his lost Treasure and punish the Robbers: and though he conceived little hopes of success, supposing that they had been so wise as to have carried away their prize, and provided for their own safety: howsoever, not to be wanting to his duty, or to loose an opportunity, as he had never done, when offered; he mar∣ched out of Nombre de Dios with such men and arms as could be provided on a sudden: and in the first days journey he received intelligence of the happy success at Panama, with the death of John de Bermejo, and Salguero, and of the flight of Hernando de Contreras over the Mountains, and of his Brother by Sea; with which the good President being comforted, proceeded on his journey with great alacrity, rendring thanks to Almighty God (as Gomara saith) for such a tide and current of happy fortune as would ever be recorded in future ages to his honour and fame, &c. The President entred into Panama with greater glory and triumph than

ever the Emperours and Grandees of the World had done into their Capital Ci∣ties: for that without arms or men, counsel or advice, and onely by the favour and air of his happy fortune he confounded his enemies, who had given him a cruel and fatal blow, had they not been fools, and not ruined themselves by their own miscarriages. In fine, he recovered the Treasure which was lost, requiring it from those to whose custody it was committed, and thereby received an increase both of the Gold and of the Silver: for in regard the Robbers had promiscuously seised on all the Treasure, as well that which appertained to the King as to private men; the President laid a Sequestration upon all in the name of his Majesty. After which license was given to particular persons to make their demands, and bring their proofs, by assigning the Marks and Numbers which were upon the Bars of Silver and Ingots of Gold: for it hath been an ancient custome amongst those who trade for Peru, to stamp Marks and Numbers upon the Gold and Silver ship∣ped for their respective accounts; whereby in case of shipwreck or any other misfor∣tune, every man may know his own, and demand it for himself: and so those who certified their Marks, and made proof that the several parcels demanded belonged to them, had their goods restored to them; but then such as could not, lost their interest, which was applied to the service of his Majesty: And by this accident the President rather gained than lost, for all things turn to the benefit of those who are favoured by fortune. The Treasure being recovered, the President entred upon examination of those who adventured to possess themselves of the Bars of Silver which Salguero brought to the City: and though this Party were not in combinati∣on with the Contreras, yet finding the City in a combustion, they made use of that opportunity to rob something for themselves: so some of them were whipped, others pilloried; and not onely Rebels but Pilferers were punished, who thought it good fishing in troubled waters.

The President ordered the Head of Hernando de Contreras to be set on the Gal∣lows, and pitched upon a Spike of Iron, with his name written upon it; but no other punishment was passed by the President upon the Offenders; for when he returned to Panama he found that work already done to his hand, for they were all killed before he came thither. After which, with great expedition, he embarked for Spain, as Palentino mentions in the tenth Chapter of his second Part in these words:

Thus did the President Gasca consummate all the good fortunes which had be∣faln him•• both in Spain and Peru, by the late prosperous success in recovery of the Treasure which was robbed from him, which was signalized by many remarkable circumstances: with this Treasure he embarked for Spain, where being happily ar∣rived, he travelled into Germany to attend on his Majesty, who had already bestow∣ed on him the Bishoprick of Placencia, which was become vacant by the death of Don Lewis Cabeça de Vaca of happy memory; in which charge he continued untill the year 61, when Don Phelipe our Catholick King and Lord advanced him to the Bishoprick of Ciguença, in which he remained untill the month of November 77, when God was pleased to take him out of this present world. Thus far Palentino, which is confirmed by Lopez de Gomara, Chap. 193.

Gasca, saith he, embarked at Nombre de Dios, and arrived in Spain in the month of July, in the year 1550, with great riches belonging to others, but as to himself his chief Wealth was his Reputation. In going and coming, and in his time there, he spent above four years: the Emperour made him Bishop of Placencia, and called him to Augsburg in Germany, to certifie unto him by word of mouth all matters which had passed in the Indies, with the true state of Peru. Thus far Gomara with which he concludes that Chapter. And though this Authour says, the President Gasca fought with the Rebels, and subdued them; he means, that his good fortune had delivered them into his hands by the resolution and care of others, for he never saw them either dead or alive. Thus did this worthy person most happily conclude his days, whose memory ought for ever to be celebrated; in regard that by his good fortune, excellent conduct, prudence and wisedom the new Empire containing a thousand three hundred leagues in length was recovered, and restored to the Emperour Charles the Fifth, with a vast Treasure which he brought with him.

CHAP. XIV.

Francisco Hernandez Giron proclaims his Commission and Design for making a new Conquest, upon which many Soul∣diers flock to him; which causes great Disturbance and Mutinies in Cozco, but is suppressed by the Prudence and Moderation of some Citizens.

LEaving now the President Gasca, Bishop of Ciguença entombed with Ensigns and Scutchions of honour and fame; we must in the next place make a long and speedy transition from Ciguença to Cozco, where we shall find many sudden alterations; for so soon as the President Gasca was departed for Spain, all the In∣habitants of divers Cities returned to their respective homes and places of aboad, every one to look after his particular concernments: amongst which General Pe∣dro de Hinojosa was one, and Captain Francisco Hernandez Giron went to Cozco, pu∣blishing on his way thither the Commission he had received to make a new Con∣quest; and in order thereunto he appointed several Captains to list men in Hua∣manca and Arequepa, and in the new Plantation: whilst he himself, with great solemnity, by sound of Trumpet and beat of Drum proclaimed his Design and Commission in Cozco; upon which publication above two hundred Souldiers flocked to him from all parts, for he was a popular man, and well beloved by the Souldiery. Such a number being got together, took a liberty to speak of the late Transactions according to their humours, and to vilifie and contemn the Pre∣sident and the Governours he had left in the Empire; and so publickly scanda∣lous and impudent was their discourse; that the Governours of the City thought it time to find ways to suppress it: and John de Saavedra, who was then Mayor of the Town, desired Hernandez de Giron to expedite his departure as soon as possible, that they might be freed from the insolence of the Souldiers. For though the Captain himself entertained several of them in his own Family; yet the rest were quartered on the Citizens in their private Houses: which though it were an aggrievance to them; yet, as Palentino saith, they were unwilling to part with them, because this expedition deprived them of their People; so that in case his Majesty should impose any thing on them to their farther prejudice, they should be disenabled from making opposition to encroachments on their Estates and Pri∣vileges, as they had formerly done with good success, &c.

For my part, I know not whence this relation should proceed; for it is well known that it had been much better for the Citizens to have the Souldiers employed in di∣stant and remote enterprises, than to lye at free quarter upon them; being obliged to maintain some four or five, some six or seven, in their houses; and to afford them meat, drink and lodging, with cloaths and other conveniences: and how then it can be as this Authour saith, I know not, since it is plain and evident, that the Inhabitants were consumed and undone by those chargeable Guests. But we must excuse this Historian in many passages related by him, for he was not personally present when they were acted, but received his informations from others which are often doubtfull and contradictory, and so full of mutinies, that every page is filled with them, whereby all the Inhabitants, as well as Souldiers are rendred Traytors and disloyal to the Government: All which we shall lay aside, as not pertinent to this History, and shall onely insist on the most material passages, of which I my self was a Witness, having been present in Cozco; when Francisco Hernandez and his Souldiers made their first disturbance: And I was also present at the second mutiny which passed about three years afterwards: all which I observed, without any notice taken of me; for I was a very boy, and had not attained the age of a young man; howsoever, I had so much understanding as to see and observe the discourses which my Father made of the several affairs which passed in that Empire. And therefore I can truly aver, that these Souldiers carri∣ed themselves so proud and insolent, that the Government was forced to take no∣tice of it, and consult a remedy: which when the Souldiers understood, they

applied themselves to their Captain, desiring him not to suffer them to be tram∣pled upon by those who had no authority over them: For that the President Gasca having given him a Commission to make a new Conquest, and that they were his Souldiers, they knew no other power nor authority but his; and that they esteemed themselves free and independent on the Jurisdiction of the Mayor or others.

And so far did this mutiny proceed, that the Souldiers assembled together with their Arms in the house of Francisco Hernandez: and on the other side, the Mayor and Citizens cryed out to arm; upon which the Inhabitants and their Relations, with divers Souldiers who were not of the Faction, and rich Merchants, and others of Quality, met in the Market-place with their Arms, and drew up in a formed body: In like manner the contrary Party drew up in their Captains Street, being not far from the Market-place, in which posture both sides continued two days and two nights, being every moment ready to attack each other: which had most certainly happened, had not some more moderate men, who were sensible of the late ruinous distractions, interposed between them, and addressed to the May∣or and Hernandez Giron, desiring them to enter into a Treaty, that things might be brought to a right understanding. The chief men employed herein were Di∣ego de Silva, Diego de Maldonado the rich, Garçilasso de la Vega, Vasco de Guevara, An∣tonio de Quinnones, John de Berrio, Jeronimo de Loaysa, Martin de Meneses, and Fran∣cisco Rodriguez de Villa fuerte, who was the first of the thirteen that passed over the Line which Francisco Piçarro drew with the point of his Sword. With these several other Citizens joyned, to persuade the Mayor to quiet this disturbance, which would prove the destruction of the City and the whole Kingdom. The like was alledged to Francisco Hernandez, desiring him to consider that thereby he would forfeit the merit of all his former Services, that he would destroy his design of Conquest, whereby he was to gain honour and make his fortune. At length it was agreed, that he and the Mayor should meet in the great Church; but the Souldiers of Hernandez Giron opposed it, unless Hostages were first given for his safe return, which was assented unto, and four Citizens were delivered for security; namely, Garçilasso my Master, Diego Maldonado, Antonio de Quinnones and Diego Silva. On these Conditions the two Chiefs met in the great Church, where Francisco Hernandez carried himself so insolent and proud, that the Mayor had laid hands on him had he not been restrained with the consideration of his friends who remained Hostages in the power of the Souldiers: so that suppressing his an∣ger what he could, he suffered Francisco Hernandez to return to his House, from whence he came again, and towards the Evening met on the former Cautions given. By which time Hernandez having better considered the unhappy conse∣quences of that mutiny, and having consulted with divers friends upon the case, he became much more gentle, and in a more flexible temper than before: and in this good humour they broke up and adjourned until the day following, by which time they should be enabled more deliberately to discuss their affairs. Being ac∣cordingly met; the usual forms of Protests and Acts were drawn up, and the Pre∣amble was agreed to the following Articles: Namely, That for the publick peace and quiet of the Land, Francisco Hernandez should remove his Souldiers from the Town, and should deliver up eight of those who had been the most insolent and mutinous amongst them into the hands of the Mayor; of which number were those who had fired upon his Majesty's Troop without any cause or provocation. And that he himself should goe in person to the Court of Justice, to render an account of this late scandalous Mutiny and Riot.

This Agreement was solemnly sworn unto by both Parties and drawn up in Writing; and the Mayor was to permit Hernandez to depart freely upon his own Paroll and Oath of Fealty to the King. After this Francisco Hernandez returned to his own House, where he acquainted his Souldiers with the Agreement he had made, but they were not pleased therewith, but began to mutiny; and if he had not appeased them with good words and promises, they had fallen in upon the King's party; the consequence of which would have been very destructive to the whole Kingdom; for they were two hundred effective men, desperate and of no fortunes, having nothing to lose: and on the other side, there were above Eigh∣ty persons of Quality who had Lands and Estates; and the rest were Merchants of great Riches. But God was pleased to divert this fatal Mischief at the Prayers and Vows of religious Friars, and secular Priests, and devout Women: for though

the disturbance was more enflamed than before, so that Watch and Centinels were set, and they were all the night up with Arms in their hands; yet in the morning, when the Mayor saw that Hernandez had not drawn off his men; he sent for him by a Warrant to appear before him: But he, supposing that his men would not suffer him to goe, in case they were acquainted therewith, slipt on his morning Gown; and, as if he intended to goe onely to the next neighbour, he went directly to the house of the Mayor, who presently took him and commit∣ted him to prison: the news hereof being brought to his Souldiers, they immedi∣ately dispersed, and every man shifted for himself: but the eight men who were impeached took Sanctuary in the Convent of St. Dominick, and fortified themselves in the Steeple of the Church; where they besieged them for several days, but could not take them, by reason that the passage was very narrow, being built for a Tower in the time of the Inca's; howsoever atlength they surrendred and were punished, but not with that severe Justice, which their rebellious practices did require; and the Tower was demolished, that it might not be made use of for the future on such like occasions.

CHAP. XV.

John Alonso Palomino and Jeronimo Costilla fly from Cozco. Francisco Hernandez Giron presents himself before the High Court of Justice; is dismissed, and returns to Cozco; and he is married in Los Reyes. The Rela∣tion of another Mutiny which happened in that City.

THE Souldiers being dispersed, and Francis Hernandez Giron imprisoned, the Mutiny was suppressed and all things quieted: and therefore it was much wondered, what should be the reason that moved Alonso Palomino and Jeronimo Costilla, who had married two Sisters to escape out of the City, the second night after all things were agreed: nor do I know what reason Palentino had to say, that this happened two years afterwards; than which nothing can be more false; which I can aver upon my own knowledge, having been an eye-witness of what passed at that time in Cozco: but true it is, that these Gentlemen departed the City at mid-night, without any cause or reason known for the fame. If they had gone away three or four nights before, when the City was in extreme danger, some Conjectures might have been made upon the reasons of their departure: but go∣ing thus away without any reason assigned, the whole City talked, and made a thousand Conjectures thereupon, especially when it was known, that they had burnt the Bridges of Apurimac and Amancay, which were to be repaired at the expence and labour of the poor Indians: upon which all the Countrey was in a confusion, and rumours were spread, that Francisco Hernandez Giron was up in Arms at Cozco, and was become a Rebel. But in the second Insurrection he made, Alonso Palomino gave him his reward, by killing him at a Supper, as we shall see hereafter; but Jeronimo Costilla escaped, being not present at the Invitati∣on. But to return again to the present Acts of Giron: we say, that his Souldiers being dispersed, and the chief Incendiaries punished, the Agreement was perfor∣med and executed; and Giron was released upon his Paroll and solemn Oath given to goe to the City of Los Reyes, and there to present himself before the Royal Court of Justice, and give them an account of the late Actions. Diego Maldo∣nado the Rich having a particular friendship with him by reason of their neigh∣bourhood, (for they lived the next street one to the other) accompanied him on his journey as far as Antahuylla, being fourty leagues from Cozco: and with the same occasion Maldonado visited his Indians, and Plantations he had in those parts: but Palentino saith, I know not upon what ground, that Giron was delivered into the hands of the High Sheriff Maldonado, and of Captain John Alonso Palomino, who were obliged at their own cost and charge to provide twenty Musquetiers to carry

him to Lima; and for better security, the Mayor made him take the Oath of Fi∣delity, &c.

I cannot imagin where this Authour received this relation, so contrary to all truth, and which sounds so like a Romance or a Poetical Fiction. But this is most certain, that Giron came to the City of Los Reyes, and there presented him∣self before the Royal Court of Justice, where the Judges committed him to pri∣son: but many days had not passed, before he was enlarged, and the whole City assigned him for hi•• confinement: and in a short time afterwards they took his own obligation and discharged him upon the terms he offered. And here it is reported, that he married with a very Noble Lady, young, vertuous and beauti∣full; and unworthy of those sorrows and afflictions which her husband brought upon her by his second Rebellion: as we shall see in the sequel of this History. With her he returned to Cozco, where for some days and months, I cannot say years, he remained quiet; howsoever, in the mean time, he conversed with none but Souldiers, avoiding, as much as he could, all society and communication with the Citizens: atlength he brought an Action against one of the principal Mem∣bers of the City, about an Horse, which he challenged to be his, though in rea∣lity he had no title thereunto; for the truth was, he had lost him in the late Wars of Quito, having been taken from him by a stout Souldier, and as law∣full prize sold by him to a Citizen for a round sum of money, which was witnes∣sed by another Souldier who knew how he came by him. Howsoever, in regard the Souldier who sold him had followed Piçarro's Party, the Horse was kept pri∣vately and unknown to any, besides the Master himself: but at length the Horse coming to be discovered, the Citizen was contented to sell him to Giron at an under rate, rather than to bring the Souldier into question, who might have been hanged or sent to the gallies for the same; so that this suit about the Horse served onely to shew his good-will and kindness towards his Companions and Equals, who were Lords over Indians, and enjoyed Estates; for, as I observed, he never kept company or entertained communication with them; but onely with Soul∣diers, and with them he spent his whole time and employed his chief concernment, as will appear some few days afterwards. For certain Souldiers, as stout and as mutinous as the others, observing the little rigour and severity which was used against the insolence and mutinous behaviour of Francisco Giron and his Associates were encouraged to attempt the like Outrages: but being few in number and without any Head that was considerable, they resolved to find out one, be he what he would; and so publickly was this matter discoursed and treated, that it became the common talk of all the City of Los Reyes: and atlength the rumour was so far spread that it came to the Ears of the Mayor of Cozco, who being there∣upon requested to take cognizance of the Matter, to examine the Plot, and to punish the Offenders; he excused himself, saying, that he was not to create more Enemies than those formerly, who were Hernandez Giron and his Adherents; and as for those Troubles then acting, the incumbence lay on the Court of Justice to suppress and prevent them; and in case they held themselves unconcerned, he for his part would not intermeddle with Affairs, which belonged to a superiour power. Whilst these things were in agitation in the Countrey, a certain Inhabitant of Coz∣co, called Don John de Mendoça, a Martial man, and one kind to the Souldiery, happened to come then to Town, with intention rather to aggravate matters, and incite others, than to concern himself either one way or the other. So soon as he came to the City, he treated with the principal Complotters, who were called Francisco de Miranda and Alonso de Barrionuevo, who was then High Sheriff of the City, and with Alonso Hernandez Melgarejo. This Miranda told him, that the Soul∣diers had with general consent chosen him for their Commander in Chief, and Barrionuevo for his Lieutenant: the which Mendoça discovered to certain Citizens who were his Friends, advising them to avoid such danger from the Souldiery, and to abandon the City: but when he perceived that they slighted his Counsel, he then travelled to the City of Los Reyes, publishing all the way he went, how that all Cozco was in an uproar: and that the City had taken no notice of him either going or coming. Palentino mentions the flight of Palomino and Jeronimo Co∣stilla, to have been at this time; which had been two years before, as we have noted it before.

CHAP. XVI.

The Justices send a new Mayor to Cozco, who doth Justice upon the Mutiniers. The Original of these Disturbances is here related.

UPON the rumour which Don John de Mendoça caused to be spread in the City of Los Reyes, the Judges appointed the Mareschal Alonso de Alvarado to be Mayor of Cozco, giving him Commission to punish the insolent and mutinous Souldiers there, and to hinder that growing Evil which for want of due correcti∣on was come to a degree unsupportable. So soon as this new Officer was come to Cozco, he apprehended some of the Souldiers, who to save themselves had im∣peached a certain Citizen called Don Pedro Portocarrero: And having well examined the cause of the principal Mutiniers, who were Francisco de Miranda and Alonso Hernandez Melgarejo, he hanged them up without any regard to their Nobility, though they claimed the privilege of Gentlemen. The which when Alonso Barri∣oneuevo knew, who was also condemned, he sent to the Mayor or Governour, desiring that he might enjoy the privilege of a Gentleman, that is, that he might have his Throat cut, and not be hanged; alledging that in case he were hanged, he should despair of his Salvation, and be condemned everlastingly to the Tor∣ments of Hell. At the instance of certain friends, the Governour granted the re∣quest, and with some unwillingness commanded his Throat to be cut; which I know to be true, because I saw them all three after they were dead; for, being a Boy at that time, I had the curiosity to see those things as they passed: six or seven others were banished out of the Kingdom, the rest made their escape away. But as to Don Pedro Portocarrero, he remitted his causes to the Lords Justices, who having examined him, set him at liberty. Palentino speaking of Francisco de Mi∣randa names him for a Citizen of Cozco; whereas in reality, he was not, unless we will give the title of Citizen to any Inhabitant, after the Castilian Style, diffe∣rent to the Custome used in Peru and Mexico, where none is called a Citizen, unless he hath a Plantation, and a Command over Indians in vassalage to him: and is ob∣liged (as we noted in the first Part of these Commentaries) to maintain his Hou∣ses in the place of his residence: but Miranda could claim nothing of this matter, for I knew him very well, for a Niece of his was bred up in the same house with me, she was born of an Indian mother, and proved a woman of great probity and vertue. Some few months after this punishment executed, a small disturbance happened, of which Palentino makes a long Story; though in reality it was rather a Pretence raised to take revenge upon a poor Gentleman, who, without any ma∣lice, had undertaken to give an account of Bastardies in several great and ancient Families, and not onely on the man's side, but on the woman's side also: but what these Families were, there is no reason we should mention in particular. Moreover, there were several other discontents in those days which turned into publick mutinies; the punishment of all which fell upon a poor young Gentleman onely, not of above twenty four years of age, called Don Diego Enriquez, a Na∣tive of Seville whom they put to death; his untimely end was much lamented by all the City; for though there had been above two hundred persons, as Palentino reports, concerned in the sedition, yet the fate of this poor Gentleman was with∣out any fault, to pay for all. The Justice also proceeded to execute farther Seve∣rities on Indians of principal note, and on the Vassals and Servants of Noble and rich Citizens; which ought rather to have been inflicted on the Masters them∣selves, who had been the causes thereof. These mutinies and disturbances, of which Palentino gives so long and large relations, proceeded originally from the Orders and Decrees which the Justices had made for taking off the personal Ser∣vices of Indians towards their Lords, requiring that such as found themselves aggrie∣ved in this matter, should not appear by their common Atturney in behalf of the Generality, but that every man should appear and plead in his own person. All which, as we have formerly said, were Artifices of the Devil, contrived purpose∣ly to raise discord among the Spaniards, whereby the progress of the doctrine of the

Gospel might be hindred, and the Conversion of the Indians to the Catholick Faith delayed: the which proceeding was contrary to the sense and opinion of that wise and prudent person, the President Gasca, who having had experience, that the new Laws which the Vice-king Blasco Nunnez Vela had brought and put in execution in Peru, had raised those commotions as would certainly have been the total destruction of that Empire, had they not been repealed; and having observed, that whensoever any thing of that kind was moved all the Countrey was put into a flame, he wisely therefore before his departure, suspended the exe∣cution of his Majesty's command, requiring him to free the Indians from services to their Lords. But the Justices followed not this rule, but sent their commands over all the Kingdom, as before mentioned, which gave occasion to the Souldiers to utter rebellious and seditious Speeches; and were encouraged therein by consi∣derable persons, and men of Estates; as Palentino writes at large in the second Part, and first Chapter of the second Book.

CHAP. XVII.

Don Antonio de Mendoça is sent in quality of Vice-king to Peru, he employs his Son Don Francisco to visit and survey the Countrey as far as the Charcas; and dispatches him into Spain, with a relation thereof. A severe action is executed by a Judge.

ABout this time a new Governour or Captain-General of the whole Empire arrived in Peru, with title of Vice-king, called Don Antonio de Mendoça, who was Second Son of the House of the Marquis de Mondexar Count of Tendilla, who (as we have mentioned in the History of Florida) was Vice-king in the Empire of Mexico, a person of great Sanctity and Religion, endued with Christian Vertues, and much a Gentleman. The City of Los Reyes received him with great joy and solemnity, and desired to introduce him under a Canopy of State; but nei∣ther the Archbishop nor the Magistrates of the City could prevail with that Prince to accept of that honour, as if it had been a piece of Treason towards his Majesty, much contrary to the custome in these days; in which great Men esteem more of one hour of such Pageantry than all the time of their life afterwards: with him he brought his Son Don Francisco de Mendoça, who was afterwards made General of the Galleys of Spain; I saw him both here and there: he always be∣haved himself like the Son of such a Father, whose goodness and vertues he imi∣tated, and followed both in his youth and in the years of his old age.

When this Vice-king arrived in Peru, he was much empaired in his health by long abstinence and acts of penance; by which his natural heat began so far to fail, that to recover it he used violent exercise; and though that climate was na∣turally very hot, yet he would chuse to go abroad at noon day with a certain little Hawk of that Countrey, which they had taught to kill upon the Sands a sort of small Owls, or other Birds; and with this sport he divertised himself as often as his vacation from business would permit. And by reason of his want of health, he sent his Son Don Francisco to all the Cities from Los Reyes as far as the Charcas and Potocsi, to bring him a true relation of the state thereof, for information of his Majesty: Don Francisco went accordingly upon this Visitation, and as he passed I saw him at Cozco, where he was received with great solemnity under triumphal Arches, with Dances, and appearance of the Gentlemen; who in several Troops road before him to the great Church, and thence conducted him to the Lodgings provided for him: eight days after he had been there, they provided for him* 6.1 a Feast of Bulls, and of darting Canes on Horseback; which was the most magni∣ficent of any that ever had been before or since in that City; for the Liveries were all of Velvet of divers colours, and most of them embroidered. I remember

that the Liveries of my Father and his Companions were made of black Velvet, and upon the upper Cassock were two borders of yellow Velvet, about a span di∣stance from each other, with this Motto between, Plus Ultra; and adjoining hereunto were three Pillars with Crowns upon them, made of yellow Velvet, as were the Borders, and all interwoven with a twist of Gold and blue Silk, which looked very handsomely. Other Liveries there were very rich and chargeable, which I cannot remember so well as to describe them, but these of my Fathers, having been made in the House, remain still in my memory. The attendants of John Julio de Hogeda, and Thomas Vasquez, and John de Pancorvo, and Francisco Rodri∣guez de Villa-fuerte, who were all four Conquerours in the first Adventure, were clothed in Liveries of black Velvet, striped with divers flowers and leaves made of crimson and white Velvet. On their Heads they wore Turbants embroidered with Pearls and Esmerods, and other pretious Stones, valued at three hundred thou∣sand pieces of Eight, which amount to above three hundred and seventy thousand Ducats of Castile, and all the other Liveries were rich like these. Don Francisco be∣held this Gallantry, and Sports from a Balcony belonging to my Father's House, where I had opportunity to take notice of his person: from hence he proceeded to the Cities of La Paz, and La Plata, and to Potocsi, where he received a full re∣lation of those Mines of Silver, and of all other matters which were worthy his Majesty's information. In his return he came by the City of Arequepa, and a∣long the Sea-coast as far as the City of Los Reyes, in all which progress, he travel∣led above six hundred and fifty leagues: and brought with him the Mountain of Potocsi delineated, and exactly drawn, and painted with the Mines of Silver, as al∣so other Mountains, Valleys and immense Cavities which are found in that Coun∣trey of a strange form and figure.

Being returned to the City of Los reyes, his Father dispatched him away for Spain with these Draughts of the Countrey, and a true relation of the state of af∣fairs there. He departed from Los Reyes, as Palentino saith, in May 1552. where we will leave him, to recount a particular accident which happened at that time in Cozco, when Alonso de Alvarado was Mayor, or chief Governour thereof, and known to be a bold man, and an impartial Justiciary; the matter was this: About four years before this time a party of Souldiers consisting of two hundred men marched out of the City of Potocsi towards the Kingdom of Tucman, which the Spaniards call Tucuman, most of which, contrary to the positive Orders of the Justi∣ces, were served by Indians to carry their burthens and baggage for them. The chief Governour of that place, called Licençiado Esquivel, with whom I was ac∣quainted, went out of the Town to view the several Companies of Souldiers as they marched; and having suffered all of them to pass with the Indians, who car∣ried their luggage, he seised on the last man, called Aguire, because he had two Indians laden with his goods; and for this fault some few days afterwards he sen∣tenced him to receive two hundred stripes, because he had neither Gold nor Sil∣ver to redeem the penalty laid on him by his Sentence. Hereupon Aguire made all the Friends he could to the Governour to have his punishment remitted, but being not able to prevail, he desired that he might rather be hanged than whip∣ped; saying, that though he were a Gentleman, and might stand upon that privi∣lege, yet he would wave that also: howsoever he thought fit to let him know, that he was the Brother of a Gentleman, who in his Countrey had an Estate with Vassalage of Indians. But all this availed little with the Judge; for though being out of Office he was a man of an easie temper, and a tractable disposition, yet of∣tentimes Honours and places of Power change the humour of some men; and so it did with this Judge, who became more severe by these applications, so that he immediately commanded the Executioner to bring the Ass, and execute the Sen∣tence, which accordingly was done, and Aguire mounted thereupon. The prin∣cipal men of the Town, considering the unreasonable severity of the Judge, went and intreated him to remit or suspend the Sentence, and prevailed on him rather by importunity than argument to deferr the execution for eight days. But when they came to the Prison with this Warrant, they found Aguire already stript and mounted on his Ass; who, when he understood that the Sentence was onely su∣spended for eight days, he rejected the favour, and said, All my endeavours have been to keep my self from mounting this Beast, and from the shame of being seen naked; but since things are come thus far, let the Sentence proceed, which will be less than the fears and apprehensions I shall have in these eight days ensuing, besides I shall not need to give far∣ther

trouble to Friends to intercede in my behalf, which is likely to be as ineffectual as what hath already passed. And having said this, the Ass was whipped forward, and he ran the gantlet according to the Sentence, to the great displeasure and regret both of Spaniards and Indians; who were troubled to see a Gentleman, on so slight a cause, dishonoured by a punishment not agreeing to his Quality: howsoever he avenged himself afterwards, according to the Law of Honour practised in this World.

CHAP. XVIII.

The revenge which Aguire took for this affront. The dili∣gence used by the Governour of Cozco to take Aguire; the manner how he made his escape.

AFter this Aguire could not be persuaded to pursue his design of the Conquest, though the Inhabitants of Potocsi offered to have assisted him with all things necessary thereunto; but he excused himself, saying, That after such a shame as this, death was his onely remedy and consolation, which he would endeavour to obtain as soon as possible; under this melancholy he remained in Peru untill the time in which the Office of Esquivel expired; and then he always, like a desperate man, pursued and followed him, watching an opportunity to kill him, and wipe off the shame of the late affront. Esquivel, being informed of this desperate resolution by his Friends, endeavoured to avoid his Enemy, and took a journey of three or four hundred leagues from him, supposing that Aguire would not pursue him at such a distance: but the farther Esquivel fled the more earnest was Aguire to follow him. The first journey which Esquivel took was to the City of Los Reyes, being three hundred and twenty leagues distant; but in less than fifteen days Aguire was there with him: whereupon Esquivel took another flight, as far as to the City of Quito, being four hundred leagues distant from Los Reyes, but in a little more than twenty days Aguire was again with him: which being intimated to Esquivel, he took another leap as far as Cozco, which is five hundred leagues from Quito; but in a few days after he arrived there came his old Friend Aguire, travelling all the way on foot, without Shoes or Stockins, saying, that it became not the conditi∣on of a whipped Rascal to travel on Horseback or appear amongst men. In this manner did Aguire haunt and pursue Esquivel for three years and four months: who being now tired and wearied with so many long and tedious journies, which profited him little; he resolved to fix his abode at Cozco, where he believed that Aguire would scarce adventure to attempt any thing against him, for fear of the Judge who governed that City, who was a severe man, impartial and inflexible in all his proceedings: and accordingly took a Lodging in the middle of the Street of the great Church, where he lived with great care and caution, wearing a Coat of Mail under his upper Coat, and went always armed with his Sword and Dag∣ger, which are Weapons not agreeable to his profession. At this time a certain Kinsman of my Fathers, the Son of Gomez de Tordoya, and of his name, spoke to Esquivel, and told him, that since he was his Countrey-man of Estremenno, and his Friend, he could not but advise him (as it was known over all Peru) how diligent Aguire had been to dog and follow him with purpose and intent to kill him; wherefore if you please I will come and lodge by night in the same House with you, which perhaps will divert Aguire from coming thither. Esquivel than∣ked him, and told him that he always went well provided; for he never put off his Coat of Mail, nor laid his offensive Arms aside; and to be more wary or cau∣tious than this would be scandalous to the City, and shew too much fear of a poor fellow who was of a little and a contemptible presence: Howsoever the fury of his mind, and the desire of revenge had exalted him above his natural stature and proportion, and rendred him as considerable as Diego Garcia de Paredes, and John de Urbina, who were famous men in their time: in virtue and force of this

desired revenge he adventured one Monday at noon to enter into the House of Esquivel, and having walked for some time in the yard below, and in the Gallery above, and having passed through a Hall and a Chamber, and entring into an in∣ward Chamber where he kept his Books, he found him there sleeping with one in his hand, and coming softly to him, he stabb'd him with his Dagger through the right Temple of his head, and gave him three or four stabbs more into the Body, not where the Coat of Mail covered him, but in the opening of his Clothes. After which Aguire returned by the same way that he came, and being come to the street Door, missing his Hat he had the courage to return again and fetch it, and therewith went out into the street, and walked like a mad-man without sense or judgment, never thinking to take Sanctuary in the Church, but walked open∣ly in the streets towards St. Francisco, where was a Convent East-ward from the great Church; neither did he take refuge there, but wandring through a street on the left hand, he made a stop at the place where a Foundation was laid for the Convent of St. Clare; and in a little Alley thereabouts he met two young Gentle∣men, Kinsmen to Rodrigo de Peneda, to whom he said, hide me, hide me, with∣out being able to say one word more, but looked like a man frantick and out of his wits. The Gentleman, who knew his discontent, and his desire of revenge; asked him, Whether he had killed Esquivel? To which Aguire answered, Yes, hide me, hide me. Then the Gentleman carried him into the House of a Kins∣man of theirs where were three back yards, in the farthermost of which there was a kind of a Stie, where they fatted their Hogs and Poultery at the time of year, and there they concealed him, ordering him by no means to go out of that place, or shew his head abroad. As to the back yards, they secured them in that manner that no Indians should go in, having no business, to doe there; and they told him, that he should not need to take care for Victuals, for they would make a provision for him: which they accordingly did, for dining and supping always in the House of their Kinsman, they would privately at every meal slip Bread and Meat into their Pockets; with which, upon pretence of going to the back-side on their necessary occasions, they relieved this poor Aguire in his Hog-stie, and in this manner they fed and maintained him for the space of forty days.

So soon as the Mayor or Governour heard of the death of Esquivel he comman∣ded the Bells to be rung out; and the Indians of Cannaris were set for Guards and Sentinels at the Gates of the City, and at the door of the Convents; and Proclama∣tion was made, that no man should go out of the City without a Pass or License obtained from the Governour, and search was made in all Convents, and the corners of them, that nothing could be more diligently performed, unless they would have pulled them down. This Watch and Ward continued in the City for thirty days, without the least news of Aguire, as if he had been sunk under ground. At length, wearied with a fruitless search, the Sentinels and Guards were taken off from the City; but howsoever a Watch was continued on the High-ways, and maintained with a strict examination of all that passed. At the end of forty days, these Gentlemen, called Santillan and Catanno, both of noble extraction, (with whom I was acquainted, and met one of them in Seville when I arrived first in Spain) thought fit to free themselves from the danger which they incurred by concealing Aguire; for they knew that the Judge was a severe man, and would have no mercy on them in case the matter were discovered; whereup∣on they agreed to carry him publickly out of the City, and not by any private conveyance; the manner was this, they shaved his head and his beard, and wa∣shed his face, head, neck, hands and Arms, and from top to toe, and cleansed him with water, and then smeared him over with a sort of wild Fruit, called by the Indians Vitoc, which is not good to eat, or for any other purpose onely dies with that black hue, that being left on for three or four days, and afterwards washed over three or four times more, it leaves a black deeper than that of an Ethiopian, and which will not be washed off again with any water, untill it be∣gins to wear away, which it will doe in ten days time, and then will wash off with the rine of that which gives the tincture: In this manner they coloured this wretch Aguire, and clothed him in poor habit, like a Countrey Negroe; and with this disguise they went out openly about noon day through the publick streets and Market-place, with the Negroe Aguire marching before them with a Gun on his Shoulders, and one of the Masters carried another before him on the Pomel of his Saddle, and the other had a Hawk on his fist, as if they had been going after

their game: and in this manner they went to the Hill called Carmenca, which is the road to Los Reyes, and is a great way thither through Streets and publick pla∣ces from the house of Rodrigo de Pineda: and at last they came to the out-guards of all; where being asked for the Governour's licence or pass-port: he that carried the Hawk, seeming to be troubled for this omission, said to his Brother, Pray stay for me here untill I goe and fetch a Licence; or if you please to go softly before, I shall quickly overtake you; but he took little care for his pass-port, since his Brother with his Neger was passed the Guards, which being done, they quickned their pace, untill they had got themselves clear out of the Jurisdiction of Cozco, which reaches fourty leagues in length; And being come so far, he bought a small Nag for Aguire, and gave him some money in his purse; and said to him; Brother, since I have accompanied you so far, and brought you into a Countrey where you are free and out of danger, you may goe now where you think fit; for my part, I can do no more for you; shift for your self; and with that he re∣turned to Cozco, and Aguire travelled to Huamanca, where a Kinsman of his lived, who was a Noble person and one of the richest Inhabitants of that City; and was received by him as kindly as if he had been his own Son, and was caressed and treated by him for many days, and afterwards was sent away with all things necessary and convenient for him. We shall conceal the name of this his Kinsman, because it is not justifiable to receive and protect a person condemned, or who stands outlawed by the Royal Justice. This escape of Aguire was one of the strangest things that happened in those days, considering the diligent search which was made for him by the Judge, and the follies of Aguire after he had committed the Murther, though they happened well, and by his good fortune were the cause of his preservation: for if he had taken refuge in a Convent, of which there were but three in Town; namely, that of our Lady, of the Seraphi∣cal St. Francis, and of the Divine St. Dominick, he had certainly been discovered and delivered to Justice: but having thus escaped, the Governour was not a little angry and ashamed to see his Justice eluded, and the Offender placed out of reach of the Law. Howsoever he was praised by the bold and daring Souldiers, who said that, if there were many Aguires in the World who durst boldly adventure to vindicate their dishonours by such a revenge, the Officers of Justice would not be so insolent and arbitrary as they now shew themselves.

CHAP. XIX.

Many Gentlemen of the Countrey goe to kiss the Hand of the Vice-king. A particular Story of an impertinent Person. A Mutiny in Los Reyes, and how it was punished. The death of the Vice-king, and what Troubles hap∣pened after it.

WE have already touched something of the Entry of the good Vice-king Don Antonio de Mendoça into the City of Los Reyes, where he lived but for a short time, and that too with much anguish and infirmity of body, which is rather to dye than to live; so that his Government affords us little subject for Di∣scourse. When he came first into the City, many Planters of the Countrey about, came from all parts of the Empire, from Quitu as far as the Charcas, to kiss his hands and welcome him at his first arrival. Amongst which there was one more kind than the rest, and full of love and affectionate expressions; and at the con∣clusion of all, Sir, said he, God take from your days, and add them unto mine. Those, said the Vice-king, will be but few, and ill ones. The poor man, recalling himself hereupon, No, Sir, I mean, that God would be pleased to take from my days, and add them unto your Excellencies. I understand your Complement, replied the Vice-king; Don't trouble your self for the mistake.

Howsoever the Story was quickly carried into the outward room, where it occa∣sioned much laughter. Some few days after this, a certain Captain whom we have formerly mentioned in this History came to the Vice-king, pretending to give him some Informations for better Government of the Empire; and amongst other things, he said, there was one Abuse necessary to be remedied; the thing is this, There are two Souldiers who lodge in such a place, and goe always a∣mongst the Indians with Guns in their hands, and eat what they kill, and destroy the whole Game of the Countrey; they also make Powder and Bullets, which is of ill example to the Kingdom; for many times Troubles and Insurrections have ensued from such beginnings; and therefore such men as these are to be puni∣shed, or at least banished from Peru. The Vice-king asked him whether these men did treat the Indians ill, or whether they sold them Powder and Bullets, or com∣mitted any other Outrages? No, said the Captain, Nothing more than what I tell your Lordship. Then, said the Vice-king, these are not faults, but actions rather to be encouraged; for it is no offence for Spaniards to live amongst the In∣dians, and to eat what they get themselves by hunting, and to make Powder for their own use, and not to sell; but 'tis rather commendable; and such actions as are fit for other men to imitate. Go your ways, Sir, in the name of God; for I desire, that neither you nor others should bring me such Tales as these; for these men you complain of must be Saints, seeing they live such innocent lives as you inform me. And in this manner, was the impertinency of this Captain re∣quited.

With this gentle and easie manner did this Prince govern the Empire; but my Countrey was not worthy so much goodness, and therefore Heaven called him thither. During the time of his Sickness, the Justices commanded that the per∣sonal services of the Indians should be taken off, and accordingly it was proclai∣med in the City of Los Reyes, in Cozco and other parts, under such penalties and rigorous clauses as gave great offence, and caused new seditions and mutinies a∣mongst the People: for which a chief Incendiary, one Luys de Vargas was condem∣ned and executed: but the Examinations and Tryals proceeded no farther, because it was found, that several principal men were concerned therein; and it was be∣lieved that the General Pedro de Hinojosa would have been impeached, because three Witnesses were ready to have sworn several words which he had said, though not sufficient to have condemned him; but the Justices (as Palentino saith) being desirous to make an honest man of a thief, made choice of him to go chief Governour and Lord High Justice to the Charcas; for that in those Countries there were many Souldiers who lived dissolutely, and without any rule or sub∣jection whatsoever: And though at first he refused to accept the Charge, yet he was persuaded thereunto by Doctor Saravia, who was one of the most ancient Justices: but as to his Crime, there was rather a suspicion of it, than any cer∣tain proof against him; and the Souldiers themselves said, that the hopes he gave them were rather doubtfull than certain; for all he said to them was, that when he was in the Charcas, he would doe for them according to their desire, that they should goe thither before him; and that when he came thither, he would doe for them to the utmost of his power. Though these words imported no more than general terms, yet Souldiers, who were desirous of Rebellion and Novelty, were apt to interpret them according to their own humour and inclinations: but whe∣ther the intention of the General was to rebell or not, he did not declare at that time; though his actions seemed rather to tend towards ill than good designs. On these hopes the Souldiers who were in the City of Los Reyes; that is, as many as could goe, went to the Charcas, and wrote to their friends in divers parts, that they also should goe thither.

The news hereof carried many Souldiers into the Charcas, and amongst them a Gentleman particularly called Don Sebastian de Castilla, Son of Count de la Gome∣ra, Brother of Don Baltasar de Castilla, of whom this History hath made mention at large. This Gentleman, with six other Souldiers of esteem and honour, went out of Cozco: for Vasco Godines, who was the chief Promoter of this Rebellion, had wrote him a Letter in Cyphers, giving him an account of all matters then in agi∣tation, and that Pedro de Hinojosa had promised to be their General: Upon this advice Don Sebastian and his Companions went out of Cozco by night, without dis∣covering the place to which they were designed: And left the Governour should pursue after them, they went through by-ways, out of the common road, and

through desarts and unpeopled places, untill they came to Potocsi, where they were courteously received. So that though the Governour sent immediately af∣ter them an Hue and Cry to the Spaniards, to stop and seize them; yet the Soul∣diers with them were so skilfull in the ways, and knew the turnings and windings of the Countrey so well, that the diligence used by the Governour availed no∣thing: but as to Don Sebastian himself, he was more fit for a Courtier, than to be made the General of a Rebellion, as they made him at last, and which brought a speedy destruction on him; for he, poor Gentleman, being of a tender nature, and not inured to those bloudy Cruelties which his Souldiers required him to com∣mit, and which were necessary in the state of Rebellion, became a Sacrifice to the fury of his own Souldiers; as this History will declare to us.

During these Revolutions, the Vice-king Don Antonio de Mendoça happened to dye, to the great unhappiness of that whole Empire. His Funeral rites were ce∣lebrated with all the sorrowfull Pomp that could be contrived; and his Corpse were interred in the Cathedral Church of Los Reyes, on the right hand of the high Altar, and inclosed in a hollow nick of the Wall; and on the right side of him lay the body of the Marquis Don Francisco de Piçarro, who was Conquerour of that Empire and Founder of that City; for which cause he had reason to claim a nea∣rer position to the high Altar than the Vice-king. After which the Justices made choice of a Gentleman to be made Governour of the City called Gil Ramirez de Avalos, who had been a Servant to the Vice-king: And the Mareschal himself was sent to the City of Peace, otherwise called the New-city, where his E∣state was, and the Indians he commanded.

CHAP. XX.

The Insurrection and Troubles which happened in the Province of the Charcas, with many single Duels, one of which is related at large.

IN those days all the brave Souldiers and martial Spirits in Peru employed them∣selves in the Charcas and in Potocsi and in the parts thereabouts: amongst which there daily arose quarrels and jarrings, not onely between the Souldiers and princi∣pal persons of note, but even the Merchants themselves were at enmity, and ped∣ling Dealers, commonly called by them Pulpones, or Pudding-makers, because one of them was found to sell Puddings in his Shop: And so common and continual were the squabbles and scuffles amongst them, that they were too many for the Justice to prevent and compose: at length it was judged fit, as a remedy of these matters, to put out an Order, that whensoever any two fell out, that no Standers-by should meddle or interpose to make peace between them, on penalty of incurring the same punishment with those who were principals in the quarrel: but this remedy availed nothing, nor whatsoever the Preachers could say from their Pulpits: for dissensions daily arose, as if this Countrey had been the place where Discord made its aboad, or presaged and fore-ran those Insurrections and Wars which some few months afterwards ensued: these quarrels often produced chal∣lenges and single duels: some of which were fought in shirt and drawers, others naked from the waste upwards, some in breeches and wastcoats of crimson Taffaty, that the bloud running from their wounds might not affright them: besides seve∣ral other forms of duel very ridiculous, which the Combatants directed according to their fancies, and would often quarrel with their own Seconds; and that they might not be hindred or parted, the place appointed was somewhere out of Town, in the open field. Palentino, in the fourth Chapter of his second Book, tells us the story of a remarkable duel; but in reguard his relation is something short and confused, we shall enlarge thereupon, because I knew one of the Duellists at Ma∣drid, in the year 1563. by a good token of those Marks and Scarrs which he

brought from that Combat, for he was so disabled in both his Arms, that he could scarce make use of his hands to seed himself. This duel was between two famous Souldiers, one was called Pero Nunnez, who was the person with whom I was acquainted, called by Palentino, Diego Nunnez; and the other was Baltasar Pe∣rez, both of them Gentlemen of good extraction, and of equal bravery and assu∣rance. Their dispute arose upon some points of honourable satisfaction given and received between two Duellists who had sought some few days before, to whom they had been Seconds. Baltasar Perez made choice of a certain Gentle∣man for his Second, called Egas de Guzman, a Native of Seville, who was one of the greatest Bullies and Hectors of that time; the other Second was Hernan Mexia, born also at Seville, who hearing of the duel which was to succeed between the aforesaid Principals, prevailed with Pero Nunnez with much importunity to take him for his Second, that so he might fight with Egas de Guzman; who presu∣ming on his own strength and skill at his weapon, had defamed and spoken slight∣ly of this Hernan de Mexia. When Egas de Guzman understood that Hernan de Mexia was the person with whom he was to engage, he sent a message to Pero Nunnez, letting him know, that since the Principals were Gentlemen of good Fa∣milies and Noble extraction, he should not debase himself and them so far as to bring a man for his Second who was of a mean and poor birth, and the Son of a Molata or Morisca woman, whose Trade it was to sell broyled Pilchers in the Market-place of St. Salvador in Seville; and that he might chuse what other Se∣cond he pleased, though not a Gentleman, provided he were not of that vile and base extraction, as was this Hernan. Pero Nunnez considering that Egas de Guzman had reason, endeavoured to acquit himself of the word and promise he had given to Hernan Mexia to make him his Second, but was not able to prevail upon him, nor would he upon any terms release him, when amongst other things he heard that Egas de Guzman should say, that he knew himself to have that advantage over him in the use of his Weapon, that it was a disparagement to him to con∣tend with such an Adversary. When Egas de Guzman understood that Mexia would not release Pero Nunnez of his word, he sent to warn him to come well provided into the field, for that he should find him armed with a Coat of Male, and a Head-piece, although the Principals were to fight naked from the waste upwards.

In this manner both Principals and Seconds went out to fight in a Field at a good distance from Potocsi: and at the first encounter Pero Nunnez, who was the strongest man known in those days, stroak his Adversary's Sword aside, and pre∣sently closing with him, threw him on the ground, and being upon him, cast handfuls of dust into his eyes, cuffed him with his fist on the face; but did not use his dagger to stabb him therewith. In another part of the field, at some di∣stance from the Principals, the Seconds were engaged; Hernan Mexia was afraid to close with Egas de Guzman, because he knew him to be of greater strength of body, and more corpulent than he, but entertained him with the nimbleness and agility of his Sword, in which he had the advantage, leaping and skipping from one side to the other, without coming so near as to wound him. Egas de Guzman observing the ill condition his Principal was in, and that he could not catch hold of his Enemy, he took his own Sword by the hilt, and darted it with the point for∣wards at the face of Mexia; who looking on the Sword to avoid it, Guzman in that moment leaped in, and closed with him, and with the dagger in his hand, wounded him in the fore-head two fingers deep, and there it broke in his skull. Mexia frantick with his wound, ran about the field like a Mad-man, and came to the place where the two Principals were struggling; and not minding where he struck or dealt his blows, he gave his own Principal a slash with his Sword, and ran wildly away, not knowing whither. Egas de Guzman going hastily to the relief of his Companion, heard Pero Nunnez say, that the wound he had received was from his own Second, and therewith he redoubled his blows on the face of his Adversary, and cast more dust into his eyes. Then Guzman, coming to them, said, A curse be upon such a Gentleman as Pero Nunnez: Did not I desire you, and warn you, not to bring such a Rascal into the field, for your Second, as this; and therewith lent him a cut with his Sword, which he sended off with his Arm, as he did several others, till he was so hacked and hewed, that he lay all raw, and full of wounds in the field: but Egas de Guzman helped up his Companion from the ground, and having gathered up all the four Swords, he clapt them under

his left arm, and took his Companion on his back, for he was not able to stand upon his leggs, and so he carried him to an Hospital, where they received sick and wounded people; where he left him, and told them that there was a man killed in a field hard by, whom they would do well to bury; and in the mean time Guzman fled to the Church. Pero Nunnez was carried also to the Hospital, where he was cured, though mortified, as before described: but Hernan de Mexia dyed of the wound he had received in his forehead, for the piece of the dagger could not be drawn out of his scull. Many other Challenges and Duels happened at that time in that Countrey, not onely between the Inhabitants, but also between Tra∣vellers, as they encountred on the High-way: I knew some of them, and could relate the Particulars thereof; but what we have said already shall serve for all others of this nature.

CHAP. XXI.

A Challenge which passed between Martin de Robles and Paulo de Meneses; how that quarrel was taken up. Pe∣dro de Hinojosa goes to the Charcas, where he finds ma∣ny Souldiers ready to rise up in Arms. Informations were given to the Governour Hinojosa concerning this Mutiny: with what vain hopes he entertained the Souldiery.

SEveral other private quarrels and challenges passed at that time, which are re∣lated by Palentino, and particularly between Martin de Robles and Paulo de Mene∣ses, and many other sober and grave persons, of whom I could tell many Stories, which I heard in those times, but that they seemed rather ridiculous, and to make sport, than any thing of moment. The Souldiers, to cause quarrels and disturbances to compass their own ends, raised false reports and lyes upon several rich and honourable Persons, by which the spirits of men being inflamed, some use might be made of their assistence: And so they raised a report, that Paulo de Meneses, who was then Governour of the Charcas, had been dishonest with the Wife of Martin de Robles: Of which Palentino writes a long Chapter, which be∣ing too tedious to insert here, we shall onely repeat the substance of it.

This Disgrace being published, and the Fault aggravated by the Souldiers who came to take part with one side and the other; and that things were proceeded so far that both Parties were ready to engage, an expedient was found to recon∣cile all: which was, that Paulo de Meneses should absolutely deny the fact; and to convince the World that the testimony was a false and a notorious Lye, he was to marry the Daughter of Martin de Robles, a Child of seven years of age, and he himself of above seventy: by which means both Parties were reconciled, and the Souldiers on both sides disappointed and jeared by Martin de Robles, who was a witty, pleasant man, and would neither spare his friend nor his foe, to lose his jest; and would laugh to think what fools he had made of his friends, and foes the Souldiers, who were gaping to be employed in these quarrels. Palentino, speaking of this reconciliation, in the Second Part of his Second Book, hath these words; In fine, saith he, after many Allegations, and Replies, and Answers made there∣unto; it was concluded as an expedient for all, that Paulo de Meneses should marry with Donna Maria, the Daughter of Martin de Robles, though at that time of seven years of age onely; and that her Father should oblige him, that when she came to accomplish the years of twelve, that then he should give to Paulo de Meneses thirty four thousand pieces of Eight for her Portion. And with this Agreement Paulo de Meneses and Martin de Robles were reconciled and made perfect good friends, which much troubled and disappointed the Souldiers, who desired to fish in these muddy waters, and to convert these private discords into publick Rebellion; whereby every one figured to himself some great advantage, and to

be made some great Lord or Prince, and to enjoy the sweetness of other mens Estates: with the substance of what we have said this Authour fills five Chapters; wherein is nothing but quarrel and dispute. But this marriage lasted not long by reason of the inequality of age, for Paulo de Meneses died some few years afterwards, before he had consummated the marriage; but the young Lady, though not as yet twelve years old, inherited the Estate and Indians of her Husband; and (as the Ladies of Don Pedro de Alvarado did use to say) she changed her old Kettle for a new one; for she married with a young Gentleman of about twenty years of age, who was a Kinsman of the same Paulo de Meneses, and thereby a kind of restaura∣tion or composition was made for that Estate. This passage we have inserted a little out of its due place, in regard it fell in with other stories of the same nature. For not long before this agreement was made, the General Pedro de Hinojosa arrived in the Charcas with the Office and charge of Governour, and chief Justice of the City of Plate, and the Provinces thereunto belonging, where he found many of those Souldiers which he expected there; who from the hopes they had received from the Promises he had made them in confused and general terms, had made their rendezvous there, and invited others to the same place, and proved very troublesome to him, because the Countrey afforded neither convenient quarters, nor provisions necessary for them: for which reason Hinojosa took occasion to re∣flect upon Martin de Robles and Paulo de Meneses, as if their quarrels had drawn those numbers of Souldiers thither; and so told them plainly, that since their pri∣vate disputes had invited such Guests they ought to provide necessaries for them, and not suffer them to die with famine: to which Martin de Robles made answer, that many others were concerned in the encouragement which was given them to come thither, and therefore that a general fault ought not to be attributed to them in particular; meaning by General, himself, and that he was the cause of their coming: for Martin de Robles was used to speak smartly, and often with reflexion, as we shall see hereafter.

Thus did every man make it his business to complain of others, and to lay the miscarriages of Government to other mens charge, nothing was quiet in the City of Plate, or free from malevolent Tongues, so that the most sober Inhabitants re∣tired from the precincts of the City, and betook themselves to the Countrey, or to parts where their Estates lay, to free themselves from the insolence and bold practices of the Souldiery; who were come at length to that pass, as to hold pu∣blick Meetings, and to own their Cabals, and to challenge the General with the word and promise he had given them to be their chief Leader and Commander, so soon as he was come to the Charcas, and that now they offered themselves be∣ing in a readiness to make an Insurrection, and would no longer be delayed. The General, to entertain them with new hopes, told them, that he shortly expected a Commission from the High Court of Justice to enlarge their Conquests by a War, which would afford them a good occasion to rise in Arms under colour of Authority.

With these and the like vain excuses and pretences he entertained the Souldiery, being far from any resolution of compliance with them. And though, is true that, being at Los Reyes, he sometimes let fall some dubious expressions in general terms, which the Souldiers interpreted for promises; yet being now come into his Government, and become Master of two hundred thousand pieces of Eight a year, he was willing to sit quiet in the enjoyment of that fortune which he had already acquired, and not to adventure again by a second Rebellion the loss of those riches, which, at the cost and ruine of another, he had gained by the first.

The Souldiers observing this indifferency and coldness of the General, consul∣ted in what manner to carry on their Rebellion by another hand; and according∣ly it was agreed to kill Hinojosa, and to set up Don Sebastian de Castilla for their Commander in Chief, being at that time the most popular man of any: the which design was treated so publickly that it was the common discourse of the whole Town, and every one talked of it as a Plot ready to be put in execution: wherefore several men of Estates, and persons who were concerned for the peace and quietness of the Countrey, informed the Governour Pedro de Hinojosa thereof, and advised him to secure his own person, and to drive these people out of the limits of his Jurisdiction before they took away his life and destroyed the King∣dom: and particularly one Polo Ondegardo a Lawyer was very urgent with him

upon this point, and amongst other things told him, that in case he would make him his Deputy but for one month, he would secure his life to him, which was in great danger, and free the City from the fears of an Insurrection, which these Gentlemen Souldiers were contriving to raise: but the Governour reposed that confidence in his Wealth and in the power of his Office, and in the Reputation which he had formerly gained, that he made no account of what they said, nor of what he saw with his own eyes.

CHAP. XXII.

The General receives informations of the Plot by divers other ways and means. His bravery and courage, and neglect to prevent it. The Souldiers conspire to kill him.

THE Souldiers, proceeding in their rebellious designs, dispersed many Libels abroad; some whereof were intimations to Don Sebastian de Castilla, and other Souldiers of note, to be carefull of their own persons, and to be wary of the Governour, who designed to kill them: other Libels on the other side were cast out against the Governour himself threatning his life: all which were spread abroad by the arts of malitious men, whose business it was to raise jealousies, and inflame the minds of men with anger against each other; as Palentino frequently expresses upon this occasion, in divers places of his History, Chapter eleven, Book the second, as followeth.

At this time Polo the Lawyer did often acquaint Pedro de Hinojosa with these mat∣ters, persuading him very much to take the examinations and punish the Offen∣ders: but all he could say availing little, one Saturday after Mass, being the fourth of March, he took occasion to declare his mind to the Guardian of the Convent of St. Francis, persuading him to signifie the matter to the Governour, and to tell him, that it was intimated to him in Confession: which the Guardian according∣ly did, though it made little impression on Pedro de Hinojosa. In like manner on the same day after dinner Martin de Robles spoke it publickly before much compa∣ny, and told him plainly that the Souldiers designed to kill him: but Pedro de Hi∣nojosa, who had rejected the reasons which were formerly given him for driving out the Souldiers from within the limits of his Jurisdiction, did not well relish this discourse, and therefore told de Robles, that he spake these words designedly to have witness of what he had alledged before him; to which Polo the Lawyer, who was there present, made answer with some heat and anger, that he should look well to himself, and that in case Martin de Robles did offer to give his Infor∣mation he could not refuse to take it; and if he made not good his Testimony, and proved what he alledged, he was liable to punishment and forfeitures for de∣fault thereof; but the Information is so plain, said he, that it needs no other evi∣dence, being not carried on in the dark, but so openly in the streets that the very stones were ready to cry out and bear testimony thereof; and therefore it is your duty immediately to take the Examinations, and use the diligence required in a case so important and difficult as this; and that he would be contented to lose his life if he made not good every syllable of the allegations. In short, Pedro de Hi∣nojosa, who was of an humour never to recede from his own fancy, replied, in a haughty, proud manner, that the Souldiers stood in such awe of him, that if once he but lifted up his hand they would all tremble, and have no power to hurt or offend him; and with that he broke off the discourse, charging every one not to urge it farther. The next day, being Sunday, after Dinner, Pedro de Hinojosa, being in company with Martin de Robles, and Pedro Hernandez de Paniagua, and other per∣sons, discoursing pleasantly of indifferent matters, John de Huarte and other Soul∣diers came towards the Evening to make him a Visit, supposing that by his coun∣tenance and manner of receiving them they might make a judgment of what thoughts he conceived in his mind; for he had the character of a plain man, and

without dissimulation: these Visitants observed every word he said, and all his motions and behaviour, which were courteous and obliging towards them, with∣out the least symptome of jealousie or suspicion of evil practices; and coming to speak of the Souldiers, he told them, that he was glad to see such brave fellows in the Town, and that he esteemed them to be the flower of Peru: with which saying they parted with great satisfaction from him, and carried the news to Don Sebastian and the other Conspiratours, who thereupon gave immediate order to put off the Sports which were appointed, and that they should assemble together that night, and in the morning begin the Rebellion, that the Plot which had been so long conceived, and of which they had been long in labour, might not prove abortive at the last. And here Palentino ends this Chapter.

The Souldiers, not being able to suffer any longer delay of a matter which they so earnestly desired, agreed by common consent to kill the General and make an Insurrection through the whole Countrey. The principal persons in this Conspi∣racy were Don Sebastian de Castilla, Egas de Gusman, Basco Godines, Baltasar Velaz∣quez, Gomez Hernandez the Lawyer, besides several other Souldiers of note, most of which were then present in the City of Plate; for, as hath been said, they in∣vited and encouraged one the other. Egas Guzman came thither purposely to en∣ter into the Consult, though he pretended to the General that his design was to obtain his pardon from the Crown for having killed Hernan de Mexia, which the good General believed to be true; and, suspecting no design in him against his own life and safety, he readily gave Letters in his favour both to the Secular and Ecclesiastical Judges of Potocsi, in both which Courts, as he said, he was to be ac∣quitted. These Letters of recommendation were sent by the Souldiers (now re∣solved to rebell) to Egas de Guzman then at his Lodging in Potocsi, with orders, that so soon as he should hear that the General was killed, that then he and his companions should presently be in Arms. And now every thing being prepared, the Assassinates met in the Chamber of one Hernando Guillado, where they resol∣ved to act their bloudy intent the next morning by break of day: for execution of which Don Sebastian appointed seven persons onely together with himself to kill the General; for if many were employed, it would give a jealousie, and oc∣casion the Gates to be shut, and cause an alarm over the whole City. Garci Tello de Guzman had got with him into his Chamber about fourteen or fifteen other stout Companions, who were to divide themselves in several parties about the Streets near the General's House to assist and relieve Don Sebastian, if occasion should be. Another party of about nine or ten persons, having one Gomez Mo∣gollon for their Chief, were placed in an empty House where none inhabited, be∣longing to Hernando Piçarro, and there attended for the same design. In this po∣sture they continued all night, and next morning by break of day they sent Spies to the corner of every Street, to hearken if any noise were in the City, or the House of the General; and finding the Gate open, they presently gave notice thereof to the Conspiratours, who resolved to kill the General in his Bed.

CHAP. XXIII.

Don Sebastian de Castilla and his Associates kill the Gover∣nour Pedro de Hinojosa, and his Lieutenant Alonso de Castro. Some of the Inhabitants escape out of the City, and others of them are imprisoned. What course the Re∣bels take in their affairs after this.

SO soon as the Spies brought word that the General's Gate was opened, Don Seba∣stian and his Associates sallied out from their Chamber where they had lodged that night: and though they were all select and choice men, yet they were so af∣frighted and distracted with the Villany they were going to act, as if they had been to charge a formidable enemy, whereas indeed they were going to kill a Gentleman, who fearing and apprehending no evil, gave easie access to all people. In short, they entring the House, the first person they met was Alonso de Castro, who was Deputy-Governour, who, seeing men come up in that tumultuous man∣ner, thought to qualifie them with good words, and said, Gentlemen, what is the occasion of this commotion? God save the King. Presently Don Sebastian, drawing his Sword, 'tis not now seasonable, said he, for such treaties. The De∣puty seeing his Sword drawn, turned his back and fled, but a certain Souldier, called Anselmo d'Ervias, pursued him, and ran him through with his Rapier, and tucked him to the Wall, with which the point of his Sword being bent, when he would have given him a thrust or two more, the Rapier would not enter, which made the Souldier say, what a tough hide this Dog Traitour hath, but others co∣ming in to his aid they soon dispatched him. Then rushing into the Chamber of Pedro de Hinojosa, they found him not there, nor in any of the other Rooms of the House, at which they were much troubled, fearing lest he had made his escape: whereupon two of them putting out their heads at the Window of the Street, cried out, the Tyrant is dead, the Tyrant is dead; which they said, intending to call their own complotters to their assistence, before the people of the City could come to the rescue of the General: those who remained below in the yard sear∣ched for him in all private passages and entries of the House; and at length a Souldier chanced to find him in a secret corner, near the necessary Office, and said, in a jeering manner, Sir, I beseech your Worship to come forth, for here is Don John de Castilla and other Cavaliers come to speak with you and kiss your hands. The General hereupon coming forth in his morning Gown, a Souldier called Gonçalo de Mata went boldly up to him, and said, Sir, these Gentlemen are desirous to have you for their Lord, their General, and their Father, as Palentino reports Chapter the twelfth, in these words. The General smiling as it were, spake out aloud, What me! alas, Gentlemen, command me as you please: to which Garci Tello de Vega made answer, A curse light on you, 'tis now too late, we have a good General already of Don Sebastian, and with that run him thorough the Body to the very Hilt of his Sword, with which he immediately fell to the ground; and endeavouring to arise, Antonio de Sepulveda and Anselmo de Hervias, came in upon him, and gave him two wounds more, with which he cried out for a Confessour, but he speedily expired: by this time Don Garci Tello was come down, and being told that the General was dead, he bid them make sure work, for the whole affair depended thereupon: so Anselmo de Hervias returned to him, who lay extended on the ground, and gave him a good slash over the face, with which he yielded up his last breath. Then all the Assassinates gathering in a body came to the Market-place, and cried out, God save the King, the Tyrant is dead, which is the common language of Rebels in Peru; and then they plundred the House, and in a moment all was carried away, &c. Thus far Diego Hernandez. But as to that great cut which they say Hervias gave him over the face, it was not with a Sword, but a dash with a slab of Silver which they had taken out of his Closet, where he had heaped up so many as if they had been Tiles to cover a House;

with which giving him a blow, here, said he, take thy fill of Riches, for the sake of which thou didst break thy word and faith to us, and wouldst not be our Commander according to thy promise.

The General being slain, the Conspiratours ran out crying aloud, Long live the King, long live the King, the covetous Tyrant is dead, the breaker of his Faith. At the same instant Garci Tello de Guzman appeared with his fifteen Associates, who, dividing themselves into two parties, ran to kill Paulo de Meneses and Martin de Robles with whom the Souldiery was highly displeased, because, having called them to their respective aids to joyn with them in their private quarrels one against the other, as is before related, was afterwards contented to make peace, and be reconciled to the disappointment of the Souldiery, who called it an Affront and a contrivance to fool them.

But Martin de Robles, having timely notice brought him by an Indian Servant of all that had passed, leaped out of his Bed in his Shirt, and escaped. Paulo de Meneses, considering the insolency of the Souldiers, and that it could not be long before it broke forth into open Outrages, departed from the City that very night, and went to a Countrey Seat not far from thence; where having received in∣formation of all that had passed, he immediately fled to more remote parts be∣yond the reach of their power.

The Souldiers, not finding them, plundered and robbed their houses of every thing that was in them, and then went to the Market-place, to join with Don Se∣bastian: and because they had a quarrel with every man that had any Estate, they seised upon Pedro Hernandez de Paniagua, who was the person employed by the President Gasca to carry the Letters to Gonçalo Piçarro, and for that Service had an Estate given him in the City of Plate: they also apprehended John Ortez de Carate and Antonio Alvarez, and all the Citizens that they could catch; for so senseless were they and inapprehensive of the licencious Souldiers, that they suspected no∣thing untill they were seised by them.

Polo the Lawyer, having timely notice by an Indian Servant called Yacuna, made his escape on horse-back. The other Souldiers who were dispersed over the City flocked to the Market-place in a Body. Then Tello de Vega, surnamed the Block∣head, took an Ensign or Colours from the Indians, and set it up in the Market∣place, as Palentino saith; and issued out Orders by beat of Drum, that all Inhabi∣tants and others, upon pain of death, should immediately repair thither, and list themselves under that Standard: and hereupon Rodrigo de Orellana, leaving the Staff of his Authority at home, though then Sheriff, came and surrendred himself: in like manner John Ramon, and Gomez Hernandez, the Lawyer, did the same; and as every one was listed they came in at one door of the Church, and went out at the other; so that the number taken amounted to a hundred and fifty two per∣sons. Then was Don Sebastian nominated for Captain General and Chief Justice and two days afterwards he caused the Citizens then in his custody to chuse him for their Mayor, and Gomez Hernandez, the Lawyer, to be Recorder, and John de Huarte was made Serjeant Major; Hernando de Guillado and Garci Tello de Vega were made Captains, and Pedro de Castillo, Captain of the Artilery; and Alvar Perez Payan, Proveditor General; Diego Perez was made High Sheriff, and Bartholomew de Santa Ana his under Sheriff. Thus far Palentino.

Rodrigo de Orellana took part with the Rebels rather out of fear than love, the like did other Citizens and Souldiers of good reputation, who were truly Loyal to his Majesty; being forced thereunto by the greater power of the Rebels, who had the Arms in their hands, and resolved to kill all those who complied not with them.

CHAP. XXIV.

The Orders and Methods which Don Sebastian took in his Affairs. Egas de Guzman is directed to make an In∣surrection in Potocsi; the several strange Revolutions which happened in that Town.

DON Sebastian himself made choice of one of his Souldiers, in whom he had the greatest confidence, called Diego Mendez, to be Captain of his Guard; and for better security of his person, thirteen Souldiers were chosen to be listed therein, being all esteemed stout Men, and true and faithfull to him; and yet when this poor Gentleman had occasion for them, not one man would appear in his defence.

Another Souldier, called Garçia de Baçan, was sent with a small party to the Estate and Lands of Pedro de Hinojosa, to seise his Slaves, Horses and all other his Goods and Faculties; with Orders to bring back with him those Souldiers who were dis∣persed abroad and lived amongst the Indians, for want of clothing, after the Spa∣nish Fashion, which was very dear; for with the Indians, any thing served: and also Orders were given by Don Sebastian, to bring Diego de Almendras a prisoner. Other Souldiers were dispeeded away in pursuit of Polo the Lawyer, but neither party had success; for Polo passing by the place where Diego de Almendras lived, gave him advice of the death of General Hinojosa whereupon Almendras getting as many of the Slaves belonging to Hinojosa together as he was able, with seven of his Horses, he fled away in company with Polo, which soon carried him far enough away out of the reach of the rebellious Souldiers, likewise Don Sebastian dispeeded away two Souldiers to the quarters of Potocsi, to inform Egas de Guzman of all that had passed, that he also might take up Arms, as others had done.

These and all the Actions mentioned in the preceding Chapter, with what else we shall touch upon hereafter were performed the very day that Pedro de Hinojosa was killed; of which he endeavoured to send the first intelligence to all parts: the Messengers whereof carried it with such speed to Potocsi, that though it was se∣venteen leagues thither, and a bad rocky way, and a River to pass, yet they arrived there the next morning by break of day: so soon as Egas de Guzman re∣ceived this news he assembled his Souldiers, which he had formerly listed upon this occasion, and with them and the two messengers which brought the news, and with∣out other Arms or Provisions than their Swords and Daggers and Cloaks to co∣ver them, they went immediately to the Houses of Gomez de Solis and Martin de Almendras, Brother of Diego de Almendras, and took them with great ease, and car∣ried them Prisoners to the Town-house, where they laid them in Chains, and lodged them in a Chamber, with a secure Guard upon them. Upon the report of this pleasing Action, many Souldiers came in and joined with Egas de Guzman, and presently went to the King's house, where they seised his Treasurer Francisco de Ysafiga, with his Accomptant Hernando de Alvarado, and broke open the Royal Treasury, from whence they robbed above a Million and a half of Silver; and made immediate Proclamation, that every man, upon pain of Death should repair to the Market place to join with the Squadron: Then did Guzman make choice of a Souldier called Antonio de Luxan to be Chief Justice or Recorder of the Town, who, so soon as he was in Office, put the Accomptant Hernando de Alvarado to death upon an Accusation, as Palentino saith, that he had been in the Conspiracy with the General Pedro de Hinojosa, to make a Rebellion in the Countrey. Like∣wise Egas de Guzman dispatched away six or seven Souldiers to a Village called Porcu, to get what Men, Arms and Horses they could find in those parts. At this time a certain Knight of the Order of St. John, being amongst his Indian Vassals, where he had a good Estate assigned him, and hearing of the Mur••••er of Pedro de Hinojosa, wrote a congratulatory Letter to Don Sebastian upon that subject, wish∣ing him much joy of his high promotion; and desired him presently to send him twenty Musquetiers, that he might go and take Gomez de Alvarado and Lorenço de Aldana, who were his neighbours; and to take away call jealousie and suspici∣on

of the design; he advised that the Souldiers should not be sent by the ordina∣ry road, but by private ways and untrodden paths, for which good contrivance, this good Gentleman paid afterwards to his cost.

The day following after the death of Hinojosa, Baltasar de Velazquez and Basco Godinez came to the City, who had been chief Instruments in that Mutiny, and such as had contrived and fomented the Plot, as will appear hereafter; and which is confirmed by Palentino in these words. Whilst Don Sebastian was preparing to receive them, they both entred the Town; Sebastian was over-joyed to see them, and alighting from his Horse, he met Godinez a foot, and they both embraced with all the Ceremony of good correspondence. Then said Basco Godinez to Se∣bastian, Sir, about five leagues from hence, I first received the joyfull news of this glorious Action so much desired by me. To which Don Sebastian taking off his hat, made answer; These Gentlemen here were pleased to make choice of me for their General, which Charge I accepted until such time as you arrived here to ease me thereof; which therefore now I renounce, and willingly resign it into your hands. But Basco Godinez refused to accept it; saying, that that Office could not be better supplied by any, than by himself; and that his endeavours tended wholly to see him advanced to that Dignity and Charge. After which Comple∣ments they retired from the Company, and discoursed together privately and apart. After which Don Sebastian made Proclamation, whereby Basco Godinez was declared Lieutenant General, and that he should be obeyed accordingly by the Souldiery upon pein of death; and Baltasar de Velazquez was made Captain of Horse. Moreover, Sebastian said to Godinez; Sir, it was impossible to have de∣ferred this action untill your coming, for if we had, we had lost our opportunity, but for the future we shall regulate our selves by your direction. To which Godi∣nez replied, that neither then, nor at any other time could he erre in such wise proceedings, and that he hoped in God, that those steps he had made with so much difficulty and hazard, would tend to the happiness and settlement of all things. And so turning to the Company then present, he said, that since they had not killed the Mareschal Alonso de Alvarado, 'twas well he was not present at the late action; and that if he had been acquainted therewith before he had been so far advanced on his way, he would have returned and have killed the said Alonso de Alvarado. And that a matter of this importance might not be omitted, Don Se∣bastian called a Council: at which were present Basco Godinez, Baltasar Velazquez, Hernando Guillada, John Ramon, Gomez Hernandez, the Lawyer, Diego de Avalos, Pedro del Castillo, and Don Garci Tello, besides divers others. Basco Godinez undertook the design, and to command the party employed thereupon: but Don Sebastian said, that he had promised it already to John Ramon. And it was agreed, that twenty five Souldiers be drawn out for that exploit, and that they should be commanded by John Ramon, and Don Garcia, with Orders to take and possess themselves of the City of la Paz; Basco Godinez said, that the enterprise would be easie, and that he would write to John de Vargas and Martin de Olmos to be assistent therein. Thus far Diego Hernandez.

CHAP. XXV.

Don Sebastian and his Officers send Captains and Souldi∣ers to kill the Mareschal; John Ramon commands the Party, and disarms Don Garcia and those who sided with him: upon which News the very Souldiers who had ad∣vanced Don Sebastian, did then murther him.

THE same Authour Hernandez proceeding in the History, Chapter the fif∣teenth, saith as follows. They then took the Names, and made a List of all those who were to goe, and fitted and prepared them against the next day, being Wednesday, furnishing them with Arms and mounting them on Beasts to carry them. On Wednesday before noon, they accordingly began their march, namely, John Ramon, Don Garci Tello, Gomez Mogollon, Gonçalo de Mata, Francisco de Annanasco, Almansa (Hernando de Soria) Pedro de Castro, Mateo de Castanneda, Campo Frio de Carvajal, John Nieto, Pedro Francisco de Solis, Baltasar de Escobedo, Di∣ego Maldonado, Pedro de Marguia, Rodrigo de Arevalo, Antonio Altamirano, Lucena and Hermosilla; who were no sooner out of Town, but Basco Godinez gave immediate advice to Egas de Guzman of their departure; desiring him to send some recruits from the place of his aboad to John Ramon and Don Garcia. The Letter which he wrote was to this effect.

Brother of mine, and of my heart, Our General hath dispeeded our Brother Don Garcia and John Ramon to the new Colony or Plantation, to seise on the person of the good Ma∣reschal; who being taken or killed, there will be an end of our Troubles, for we shall then neither meet with Enemies nor Opposition; but the way will be open and easie to our Victories. On this design twenty five brave Cavaliers are employed of such Valour, that I durst, engage them against all mankind: Wherefore, Brother of mine, fit and prepare your self with such Arms as you can get, and send some Forces from your quarters to join with those which are sent from our General, who told me, and so 'tis my Opinion, that it will he a very accepta∣ble service. It is the general sense of all men here, that you demonstrated great tenderness of spirit when you spared the life of Gomez de Solis: the Clemency you shewed was something extraordinary, but not so great as common same would make it to be.

So soon as Egas de Guzman had received this Letter, Orders were taken to dis∣patch away fifty five men for the assistence of Ramon; of which Gabriel de Pernia was Captain, and Alonso de Ariaça was Ensign, their Instructions were to march as far as the new Plantation, there to join with John Ramon: accordingly these Men were put into a readiness, and marched away with flying Colours: in the number of these were Ordonno de Valencia, Diego de Tapia the Squint-eyed, Fran∣cisco de Chaves the Moor, John de Cepeda, Francisco Pacheco, Pero Hernandez, one of the Conspirators, Alonso Marquina, Pedro de Venavides, John Marquez, Luys de Estrada, Melchor Pacho, Antonio de Avila, with others who completed the num∣ber of fifty five Souldiers. Thus far are the words of Diego Hernandez.

The Rebellion being now made publick and openly declared, those very Soul∣diers who plotted the Design, and had made Don Sebastian de Castilla the Head and General thereof, did now conspire against him and caballed and contrived to∣gether how they might kill and destroy him whom but the other day they had en∣gaged in their Treason, and as it were compelled him to be their General and Commander in Chief: but so the Fate was, and it was commonly practised by the Souldiers in that Empire ever since the Wars of Gonçalo Piçarro, to raise some Tyrant or other to be their Leader, and then presently to renounce him and kill him, and pretend all for his Majesty's service, and in recompence thereof to de∣mand some great Estate and Lands to be given and settled upon them. John de Ra∣mon, who with Don Garcia was appointed chief Captain of the Forces which were to march to the City of la Paz, there to kill (as hath been said) the Ma∣reschal Alonso de Alvarado; was no sooner departed from the City of Plate, than

he began to enter into Treaty with some Friends, that it would be good policy to renounce the Cause of Don Garcia and Don Sebastian, and to declare themselves for his Majesty, against all Rebels: And whereas the humour of the Souldiers was generally inclined hereunto, the Proposal took very well amongst them, so that they marched away with this good intention. And as Don Garcia was upon the way, he received intelligence of the Design and Plot of Ramon, which was not strange, because it was usual for them to sell one the other; but he took lit∣tle care of his person, and slighted the information: for, being a young man, and of little experience, and unskilfull in military affairs, he formed vain considerati∣ons within himself, which failed him in the end: and, not so much as acquain∣ting his Friends with the Advices he had received, he proceeded on his way, till he fell into those Snares which with due circumspection might have been a∣voided.

John Ramon, in his second day's march, received intelligence, that Don Garcia was acquainted with his Design; for those People plaid a double Game, and car∣ried News and Informations to all Sides and Parties. Wherefore John Ramon, thought it time to make short work, and so presently disarmed five of the principal Souldiers which belonged to Don Garcia, and took away their Horses from them: and hastning with what speed they could after Don Garcia, who was advanced before them, they soon overtook him and his Companions, who were four persons, and disarmed them of their Lances and Musquets, and dismounted them from their Horses; but not to put a farther affront on them, they devested them not of the privilege of Souldiers to wear their Swords girt about them. Don Garcia, being sorry that he had not served Ramon the same Trick that Ramon had plaid upon him, offered to join with him, and declare for his Majesty; but his propo∣sal was rejected, because Ramon was resolved to appropriate all the merit to him∣self.

Don Garcia and his Comrades, finding themselves in this destitute and forlorn condition, resolved to return to Don Sebastian de Castilla: and on the road they dispatched away a Souldier called Rodrigo de Arevalo with the News; who made such expedition, as Palentino saith, that he arrived in the City that night about nine a clock, being the eleventh of March; which being the hour when the Soul∣diers were drawn up in the Market-place, and discoursed and conversed together, they saw Arevalo coming a-foot, with a melancholy and dejected countenance, at which sight they all flocked about him to hear the News; as did also Don Seba∣stian, who was not the least concerned therein.

Don Sebastian, having understood the News, called a Council of those whom he esteemed his most assured and intimate Friends, namely, Vasco Godinez, Baltasar Velazquez and Tello de Vega, and demanded their advice and sense upon the pre∣sent Emergency; but they, being all divided in their opinions, Vasco Godinez, who had been the most active Man in this Rebellion, (as he himself had confessed) took Don Sebastian aside and apart from the rest, and told him plainly, that if he would secure his Party and make good his Cause; he must immediately kill eigh∣teen or twenty Men who were then actually in the Market-place, being notori∣ously known to be affected to the King's party; who being taken off, there would be none remaining besides Friends and such as he might confide and trust himself with; and that nothing then could stand in his way to oppose the attainment of his ultimate desires. Don Sebastian of whom we have formerly given the charac∣ter of a Noble and generous nature; answered him, what have these Gentlemen done to me, that I should kill them? and commit an outrage so bloudy and unpa∣ralleled as this? If it be necessary for the success of my designs, to kill these men, I would rather be unfortunate, and suffer them to kill me, than draw such guilt upon my self. No sooner had Godinez heard this saying, and understood the sense of Don Sebastian, than he resolved at the same moment to kill him, since he would not assent to the death of those whom he proscribed for enemies; and then he said to him, Sir, Pray expect me awhile here, and I will return to you again presently; having said this, he went into the Market-place, where the Souldiers were still remaining; and seeking amongst the croud for those whom he had named, and proscribed to be killed, he found them divided in several parties, and because he could not speak privately to them, by reason of the company then present, he took them one by one singly by the hand, and squeezed them hard three or four times, which was the token given them to prepare, and assist him in the Trea∣son

which he was going to act. Having done this, he returned to the house, and in his way thither he met with Gomez Hernandez, to whom in a few words he communicated his Design, which he said, tended to the publick good, and which would undoubtedly be well accepted by his Majesty as a piece of great and glori∣ous service; and that therefore he should call such to his assistence as he knew would favour this enterprise: Gomez Hernandez went accordingly into the Market-place, and called some of them by their names, but men were timorous and fear∣full to engage in the Design.

Whereupon Gomez Hernandez returned alone and entered with Basco Godinez in∣to the room where Don Sebastian remained, and both immediately closed in with him, and gave him many Stabbs with their Daggers; and though he wore a Coat of Mail, yet they made a shift to wound him through it. Baltasar Velazquez, who was present at the beginning of the Scuffle, gave a Screek, and retired back upon the sudden surprize; but perceiving that their intent was to kill him, he came also to their assistence, and gave him several Stabbs, that he might gain a share with them in the merit of that action: another also stroke him with a Hal∣bert, which he wielded about, without respect to any, by which some of his Friends standing by were wounded; as Palentino affirms, Chap. 16. but notwith∣standing all this, Don Sebastian got from amongst them with many Wounds, and crept into a dark room, and endeavoured to escape out at the back door into the Market-place, which if he had done, it had caused great slaughter and effusion of bloud. Baltasar Velazquez and four or five others followed him into the dark room, but durst not search after him with their Weapons, for fear of wounding one another: and in the mean time Velazquez advised them to carry the News into the Market-place, and to declare his Death, that so his Friends might not at∣tempt to succour him; and told them, that he would stay behind to dispatch and make a final end of him: thus whilst every one did his part Velazquez had found Don Sebastian, and gave him many more Wounds both in his Head and Neck; and then the poor Gentleman cried out for a Confessour, untill his voice failed him: then Velazquez left him, and went to seek for help to drag him out to the Souldiers, and to that purpose he called Diego de Analos and Gomez Hernandez; but when they came to the place where he was, they found he had crept to the door of his Chamber, where he lay extended and panting; and then they redoubled their stroaks untill he expired his last breath, which was about ten a Clock at night: in this bustle Vasco Godinez received a slight wound in his right hand. Then they drew out the dead Body of Don Sebastian amongst the Souldiers, cry∣ing out before it, God save the King, the Tyrant is dead; Vasco Godinez was the most forward of any to proclaim this action, God save the King, said he, the Tyrant is dead, and I killed him: though it is most certain that there was not one of these Assassinates who was not a greater Rebel, Tyrant and Traitour than this Gentleman; which they shewed and evidenced to the world when they became Ministers of Justice, and under that name perpetrated the most bloudy and horrid Villanies in the world. Thus far Diego Hernandez in the Chapter aforesaid.

CHAP. XXVI.

The choice of Officers both civil and military. Vasco Go∣dinez is declared General. The death of Don Garcia and others, without admitting them time to confess.

THUS this poor Gentleman, Don Sebastian de Castilla, being assassinated by those who had persuaded him, and as it were forced him to kill the General Pedro de Hinojosa then Governour; these good and godly men now made them∣selves Judges, and erected a Court of Justice to try those who had been the Mur∣therers of the Governour, supposing thereby to gain favour and credit, and ren∣der themselves faithfull and loyal Subjects to his Majesty. And though these fel∣lows

had been Traitours more than twice or thrice to the King, and false to their Friends, as will appear by the Sentence which, some few months afterwards, was passed upon Godinez; yet they cry up nothing now but duty and loyalty to the King. And here it is remarkable, that from the Murther of the General Pedro Hinojosa to the death of Don Sebastian, there was not above the space of five days between (as Palentino writes) for Hinojosa was killed on the sixth of March, and Don Sebastian on the eleventh following, in the year 1553.

And now Basco Godinez and his Comrades having killed Sebastian, they delive∣red John Ortiz de Carate and Pedro Hernandez Paniagua out of Prison and Chains, and set them at liberty, and told them, that what they had acted was with intent to give them their freedom, and to deliver the City from that total ruine and de∣struction which those Rebels and Traitours had plotted against it, and also out of a principle of Loyalty to serve his Majesty. And Vasco Godinez particularly said these words (as are repeated by Palentino, Chap. 17.) Gentlemen, for the love of God, since you see that I have received a wound in my Hand, be pleased to apply your selves to the Souldiery, and encourage and exhort them to stand firm in their loyalty and service to his Majesty. But when John Ortiz de Carate saw that all the Assassinates and Murtherers of the General were actually amongst the Souldiers, and that the principal Ruffian and Villain called Hernando Guillada was a Captain, he began to fear lest they should kill him, to prevent which, he cried out aloud, that they should make Guillada their Captain, and perhaps he thought it might be convenient so to be. Thus far Palentino. Those words of John Ortiz de Carate were wisely and seasonably spoken, for 'tis believed that they saved their lives thereby: in the mean time Vasco Godinez went to have the wound of his Hand dressed, of which he was more tender than of the life of Don Sebastian: the same night he dispatched away six Musquetiers to guard the ways leading to Potocsi, to intercept all Advices which might be sent hereof to Egas de Guzman, and presently seised three of his Souldiers, and before it was day he hanged them up, for he knew that they were Villains, who were acquainted with all his Plots, Treacheries and Intrigues: so soon as it was day, he sent to call John Ortiz de Carate, Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, Antonio Alvarez and Martin Monge, who were all Citizens and Free-men of the City, besides which there were no others at that time; and he told them, with high commendations of his own merit, the great danger he had incurred in killing the late Tyrant, the service he had done his Majesty thereby, and the par∣ticular benefit and happiness he had procured to them in particular, and to the whole City in general: And that now in return and recompence of so great and meritorious Services, he desired nothing more of them than to be chosen Chief Justice of that City and the parts adjacent; and to be nominated Captain General of the Forces, since that Egas de Guzman was very strong, and had many Souldi∣ers with him in Potocsi; and to maintain this degree and quality, he desired to have the Manors of the General, and those Vassalages of the Indians conferred upon him, being now vacant by his death. To which the Citizens made answer, that they were not a number sufficient to agree upon such Elections, and feared to run themselves into danger in case they did. But John Ortiz, apprehending lest Godinez should take this refusal in ill part, answered, more out of fear than affec∣tion, that in case Gomez Hernandez, who was a man learned in the Law, would give his opinion that they might legally doe it, that then they would readily com∣ply with his desires: to which the Lawyer gave his opinion readily, and that they might doe it and much more, in respect to the great merit and services of Godinez. Hereupon a publick Notary was called, and before him Godinez was nominated to be Lord Chief Justice, and Captain-General of the Souldiery; and for support of these great Dignities, the Estate of the late General Pedro de Hino∣josa was settled upon him, which (as we have said) with the Mines of Silver, yielded him two hundred thousand pieces of Eight of yearly rent: an excellent and worthy reward for two such famous pieces of Treason and Murther which this Villain had contrived and woven, purposely to wind himself into this great Estate, which he was resolved to possess by any means or ways whatsoever. And in like manner this honest Lawyer got himself into another allotment called Puna, and to hold it in Custodiam, untill it should be otherwise disposed. Upon this passage Diego Hernandez saith as follows. It is manifest that they intended to pay themselves, and to sell at a good rate the power they had over the Souldiers, and make advantage of the dread and terrour which the Citizens conceived of them,

who feared lest they should be more cruel towards them than Don Sebastian had been. Thus far Diego Hernandez.

Then they nominated the Lawyer Gomez Hernandez to be Lieutenant-General of the Army, and John Ortiz de Carate and Pedro del Castillo to be Captains of Foot: this Election was made, to signifie, that they would not dispose of the mi∣litary Offices arbitrarily, but in such a manner as that the Citizens should have a share with them in the Government, which they accepted more out of fear than good will towards the Cause or Persons with whom they were embarked. Here∣upon Proclamation was made that all people should obey Basco Godinez as General, and Baltasar Velazquez as Major-General; and six Souldiers were presently dispat∣ched away to seise upon Don Garcia and the rest who were returned from the good employment they were sent about for killing the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado.

Baltasar Velazquez, to shew the power of his Office, caused two Souldiers of note to be drawn and quartered, who brought Letters and Advices from Egas de Guzman at Potocsi to Don Sebastian de Castilla. He sentenced another Souldier to be hanged, called Francisco de Villalobos, and two other Souldiers, who were Friends to him, to have their hands cut off, but by the mediation of the other Souldiers, a remission was granted to have onely one hand dismembred: all which this good Major-general acted within the space of four hours after he was promoted to this honour. The day following Martin de Robles, Paulo de Meneses, Diego de Almendras and Diego de Velazquez entred into the City, having fled from the Souldiers who fought to take them, together with several others of less note and esteem. The which being known to Basco Godinez, who kept his Bed in tenderness to his wound, he sent to call John de Ortiz to him, and desired him to persuade Paulo de Meneses, Martin de Robles and the rest, who were newly arrived, to assemble together in Council, and join with the rest in confirming the Election of him to be Chief Justice and Captain-General, and also the Settlement made upon him of the Estate of Pedro de Hinojosa. To which demand they made answer, that they had no power nor authority so to doe, nor was an act of theirs either legal or valid; and if he would take their counsel as Friends, they would advise him to desist from such like pretensions; for that it would look as if the killing of Don Sebastian de Castilla had been acted by him for the sake of his own interest, and not for the service of his Majesty: with this answer Godinez grew highly incensed, and with a loud voice vowed, that whosoever pretended to abate the least tittle of his ho∣nour, he would pretend to take away their lives. Wherefore he commanded them all to enter into Consultation, and having set sixty or eighty Souldiers at the Door of the Room where they were assembled, he gave orders to kill him or them who should refuse to sign or set his hand to any thing which he required to be done: which when Paulo de Meneses and his Companions understood, they appro∣ved the Election, though much against their will, and would have done much more if it had been demanded; for Gomez Hernandez, the Lawyer, assured them that in case they complied not with him he was resolved to put every one of them to death. Godinez, finding himself now confirmed by the authority of two Assemblies, was very much pleased, though both Sentences served onely for his greater condemna∣tion. Riba Martin, who was the chief of five Musquetiers, sent to take Don Gar∣cia Tello de Guzman, had the fortune to apprehend him about five leagues distant from the City, being on his way thither, in hopes of the favour and protection of Don Sebastian de Castilla and his party: but when he understood that Basco Godinez and Baltasar Velazquez, and Gomez Hernandez, who had been the chief Conspira∣tours and contrivers of the Murther of Pedro de Hinojosa, and had been deepest in the Rebellion, and who had been the most intimate Friends of Don Sebastian, were the persons who had assassinated him, he could not but greatly admire and remain astonished, thinking it impossible that those who were more deeply con∣cerned in that black Murther and Rebellion than Don Sebastian, should object that crime to him onely, and kill him for that which was their own Plot and Conspi∣racy. And whereas he was a Man who had been principally concerned in all the Plots and Intrigues of the Rebels, he told Riba Martin that he did not question but that they would kill him to prevent the discoveries he might make of all the Plots and Villanies they had contrived and acted: And so it happened, for so soon as he was brought to the City, Basco Godinez gave order to Velazquez, as Palentino saith, to kill him; which he accordingly performed, to prevent the Testimonies and Evidence which he might produce against them. These are the words of that

Authour, who afterwards proceeds as follows. When Don Garcia perceived, saith he, that he had but a short time to live, he desired to be admitted to confession; and when John Ortiz de Carate came in to see him, he beseeched him, that since he was shortly to die, he would intercede for him to have one days time to re∣collect himself, and consider of his sins, for that he was a young man, and had been a great sinner. At that instant Baltasar Velazquez entred the Chamber, and without suffering John Ortiz so much as to speak, he commanded him to void the Room, and told Don Garcia that he had but an hours time given him to live, which he was to make use of for preparation of his Soul: and being in confession, he often admonished him to dispatch; and before he had done, he threw the Cord about his Neck, which he drew so hard that it brake; and then applying another Rope, which he supposed too slow in doing execution, he drew out his Sword and cut his Throat and Head off therewith; which being done, John de Ortiz clothed him in his Burial Shrouds, and caused him to be interred. The like sort of Justice they passed upon others, not admitting any of them to confession, nor to any legal proceedings, lest at the Tribunal of Justice, they should have im∣peached them to have been the chief and original Plotters and Contrivers of this Rebellion. Thus far Diego Hernandez, Chap. 19. who a little before discoursing of this matter saith as follows: It was the great Master-piece of all their policy, to put men to death without giving them time to confess, lest they should accuse them, and discover their Plots and Treacheries; and as to those in whom they had any confidence of being secret and faithfull to the designs, they would keep in hand and encourage, allowing them time to be gone and make their escape; which they acted by traversing Justice to that side and party whereunto their own interest most chiefly directed.

Herewith Diego Hernandez concludes his eighteenth Chapter; and with much reason detests the abominable practices, cruelties and treacheries which these men acted upon their best and most intimate Friends: for they were the wretches who had designed and contrived the death of Pedro de Hinojosa, and had above three years before resolved to kill him, in case he should refuse to become their Head and chief Commander in their intended Rebellion. And then afterwards the vil∣lany and barbarous cruelty of these men is not to be expressed; who killed those who knew their wickedness, and caused themselves to be elected Judges and chief Magistrates, to condemn those whom they had caused to sin and rendred guilty of all those murthers and bloudy cruelties which they had plotted and contrived. But Heaven found them out at last and punished them according to their demerit, as we shall see hereafter.

CHAP. XXVII.

Of what happened in Potocsi. Egas de Guzman is drawn and quartered. Other outrages are committed by the Soul∣diers. Many brave men are put to death. Cozco arms against the Rebels.

THese and many others were the horrible and execrable Villanies which pas∣sed in the City of Plate: and now we shall proceed to what was committed in Potocsi, where they robbed all the Treasure belonging to his Majesty, which was so great and vast a sum that it amounted to a million and a half of pieces of Eight, which all vanished to nothing, and never was there one farthing of it re∣covered; for it was taken away after the death of Hernando de Alvarado, his Maje∣sty's Accomptant-General, whom Antonio de Luxan, having made himself Chief Justice of that Town and parts thereunto belonging, had sentenced to die, and as he went to Execution he published his Crime to have been, that he had sided with the General Pedro de Hinojosa, with intention to raise all the Kingdom in arms

against his Majesty. And now we must understand, that a certain Friend of An∣tonio de Luxan, called John Gonçales, wrote a Letter to him giving him advice of the death of Don Sebastian, of the imprisonment of Don Garcia and of the depar∣ture of John Ramon and others, with intent to join with the Marshal Alonso de Alva∣rado. This Letter was sent by a Janacuna (which signifies an Indian Domestick Servant educated in a Family) who are commonly the best Spies in the world; and the Letter was made up in the soal of his Shoe, to keep it from being inter∣cepted by the Guards, which were placed on the way where he was to pass; herein he was counselled immediately to kill Egas de Guzman, for that therewith all the Plots of those who were concerned in the death of Don Sebastian would be entirely overthrown: so soon as Antonio de Luxan (who had made himself chief Justice) had received this Letter, he immediately caused the Drum to beat, for assembling the Souldiery in the Market-place, where Egas de Guzman coming amongst the rest, demanded the reason of that convention. Antonio de Luxan, to make trial whether this Letter were true or feigned, and also to create a confidence of Egas de Guzman in him as his Friend, he publickly produced the Letter in view of all those then present; and asked, whether that were the hand and firm of John Gonçales, and when it was said, that it was very like Gonçales's hand, and that probably it was his and no others, Egas de Guzman changed his countenance, which shewed the inward trouble and apprehension of his mind. Upon this cer∣tification and assurance of the death of Don Sebastian those who had before an in∣tention to join with Egas de Guzman changed their minds, and declared themselves Servants to his Majesty, which was the design of Antonio de Luxan in publishing the Letter; and also to make the Souldiers his instruments in killing Egas de Guz∣man, as that paper advised: upon reading whereof, those present looked one upon the other, and without speaking one word they understood each others meaning: so that Antonio de Luxan and his party adventured to lay hands upon Egas de Guzman notwithstanding he had many that sided with him, and set Gomez de Solis, and Martin de Almendras at liberty, and those very Chains and Irons with which they had been manacled, they put upon Egas de Guzman, and stripped off his Coat of Mail, and gave it to Gomez de Solis: and within the space of six hours Egas de Guzman (notwithstanding all his courage and bravery) was drawn and quartered, together with another Companion of his called Diego de Vergara.

This effect had John Gonçales's Letter in Potocsi: and at the same time the Inha∣bitants of the City of Plate, of which the principal persons were Basco Godinez, Baltasar Velazquez and Gomez Hernandez the Lawyer, having consulted with others of the same City, they agreed all to march to Potocsi in a posture of War against Egas de Guzman, not knowing as yet what had been the fate of that poor Gentle∣man. Basco Godinez went General and Judge-Advocate of the Army, which they so called, though it scarce consisted of an hundred men, and looked more like a training of Boys, and a mock-show rather than an Army; for to so few men they had two Captains of Foot, and one of Horse, with a Lieutenant-General: and having marched about two leagues they received intelligence that Egas de Guzman was killed, and the Town reduced to the service of the King: upon which it was agreed, that Basco Godinez should return again to the City of Plate, and that Baltasar Velazquez and Gomez Hernandez, with fifty select Souldiers, should pro∣ceed forward to Potocsi, and farther in pursuit of Gabriel de Pernia, whom (as we have said) Egas de Guzman had sent with fifty five Souldiers to the City of Peace, there to kill the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado. But Gabriel de Pernia, having with his people travelled several leagues, received the news that John Ramon had dis∣armed Don Garcia: upon which he declared for the Marshal, and sent him word by Ordonno de Valencia that he was coming to serve him; but he had not marched many leagues farther before his own Souldiers seised upon him, and declared for Don Sebastian, and with their Colours flying returned back again, leaving Pernia with three other Companions to follow their own imaginations, who accordingly joined themselves with the Marshal's party: but the Souldiers returned back with∣out Captain or Leader, or Counsel either of themselves or others, and travelled untill they received news of the death of Don Sebastian; and then they proceeded as Palentino writes Chapter 21, in these words: They pretended that the Ensign or Colours they carried were displayed in the name and for the service of his Ma∣jesty, so that their Banner changed like the Weather-cock, which turns to the part where the wind blows strongest; and such was the loyalty of this people

who always cried aloud, may he live who overcomes: so when they came to meet with Baltasar Velazquez; the Ensign who carried the Colours, with Pedro Xuares, and two other Souldiers, put themselves in the Front of all the rest, and loaring their Colours three times, resigned them up into the hands of Velazquez; who immediately from thence dispatched Riba Martin and Martin Moneja to the City of Peace to signifie unto the Marshal, that in regard the City of Plate was in quietness and peace, and reduced to the obedience of his Majesty, he was re∣turning thither, and carried with him Prisoners, Alonso de Ariaça, Francisco Arnao, Pero Xuarez, Alonso de Marquina, Francisco Chaves the Moor, and John Perez: and when he came within a league and a half of the place, be caused Francisco de Arnao to be executed, and cut into four quarters; and as he entred into the Town, Alonso de Marquina was by his order drawn and quartered. And the same night he entred into the Monastery of the Merceds, and from thence drew out Pedro del Cotro, and caused him to be hanged, though upon his repentance, for having had a hand in the death of the General, he had admitted himself in the Convent and turned Friar. Thus far Diego Hernandez.

But to abbreviate that which he discourses much more at large, we say, that Baltasar Velazquez delivered up the other Prisoners to Basco Godinez, that so he, who had made himself Chief Justice, might bring them to their Trial, or dispose of them as he should think fit, that is, that he might kill and destroy all such as had been privy to his plots and designs; which he accordingly did, and banished many into parts far remote from the City of Plate, namely four, five and six hun∣dred leagues from thence: he caused also Garci Tello de Vega to be quartered, who was one of Don Sebastian's Captains, and had been commissionated thereunto by Basco Godinez himself: he also condemned another Souldier called Diego Perez to be disabled in both his Feet, and afterwards to serve in the Galleys; for a Galley-slave hath not much use of his Feet: thus did they contrive and meditate new ways of cruelty. Then he dispatched Baltasar Velazquez, with another Souldier of note called Pedro del Castillo, to go to Lima, there to publish and extoll the great services which Basco Godinez and they had done: which are the words of Palentino, who therewith concludes that Chapter.

Though Baltasar Velazquez, by being absent in the Charcas, escaped the punish∣ment which Alonso de Alvarado had designed for him, yet he could not avoid a more severe judgment which Heaven had prepared to bring him to his end. The news of the Insurrection of Don Sebastian de Castillia ran like lightning through the whole Kingdom; to the great trouble and consternation of those who had Estates in the Countrey, for these were they who were likely to suffer by all wars and confusions which arise: for not onely being Lords of Manors holding many Indi∣ans in vassalage they were upon all occasions of this nature put to a vast expence; but likewise they held their lives by a hair or thread, being ever in danger of be∣ing killed in those rebellious tumults by the Souldiers, who gaped and longed af∣ter the enjoyment of their possessions. So soon as this news came to the City of Cozco, they put themselves into a posture of defence against the enemy; and by consent of the Corporation, they elected Diego Maldonado, surnamed the Rich, to be their General, having formerly been the most ancient Governour of any in that City. Garçilasso de la Vega, and John de Saavedra were made Captains of Horse; and John Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vazquez, and Antonio de Quinnones, and another Citizen, whose name I have forgot, were made Captains of Foot: who present∣ly applied themselves with all diligence to raise Souldiers, and herein John Julio de Hojeda was so active that in five days time he marched into the Market-place with three hundred Souldiers after him all very well armed and accoutred, which seem∣ed strange in so short a time: Three days after this (making eight days in all with the former five) news came of the death of Don Sebastian, which put an end to the War for the present. The like happened in the City of Los Reyes, as Diego Hernandez mentions, Chap. 22. in these words: The Court of Justice received in∣telligence of all the revolutions and tempests which were arisen: for at the end of March news came of the death of the General, and of the rebellion of Don Sebasti∣an: six days after which came news that Egas Guzman was up in Arms in the quar∣ters of Potocsi: and in four days more advices were brought of the death and destruc∣tion of those rebellious Tyrants, for which great rejoycing was made in the City of Lima. Thus far Diego Hernandez. We shall now in the following Chapter relate, what course and methods were used to bring these men to condign punishment.

CHAP. XXVIII.

The Royal Court of Justice constitutes the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado to sit Judge on the Trial of the Rebels. Decrees and Orders were issued out by the Judge, and others by the Souldiers. The Imprisonment of Basco Go∣dinez, and of other Souldiers, and Men of Estates.

THE days of joy and festival being past in the City of Los Reyes for the death of Don Sebastian de Castillia, and the defeat and destruction of the Rebels, in which Ordonno de Valencia (whom Diego Hernandez often mentions in his History) had proved a principal Instrument, though he had acted a double part, and been concerned on both sides. Howsoever his good fortune guiding him to bring the first news of the death of Don Sebastian; the Judges in reward thereof bestowed upon him a division of some Lands with vassalage of Indians in the City of Cozco, to the value of five or six thousand pieces of Eight of yearly Revenue, where I left him in the enjoyment of the same when I came for Spain.

But others failed in that design, and gained a contrary reward, being accused and endicted before a High Court of Justice, of which the Marshal Alonso de Alva∣rado was constituted Lord Chancellour by Commission from the Lords Justices; for that he being known to be an upright and a severe person, was esteemed a proper Instrument to punish those many outrages, murthers and violences which had been committed against God, and contrary to the peace and quietness of our Sovereign Lord Charles the Fifth Emperour and King of Spain. In like manner for Trial of Offenders in the Charcas, John Fernandez the King's Attorney General was ordai∣ned, and appointed to proceed against and judge those Delinquents. Moreover another Commission was privately sealed, whereby Alonso de Alvarado was ordai∣ned chief Governour and Justiciary of all those Provinces, and Captain General of all the Forces, with full power to raise Souldiers, and to pay them, and all ne∣cessary Expences of the War out of the Royal Treasury. These Commissions were sent to Alvarado in the City of Peace, by virtue of which he immediately applied himself to the trial and punishment of the Rebels: and in order thereun∣to he dispatched several persons of entire confidence and integrity, into divers parts to seise and apprehend such as had been guilty, and were fled to avoid the course of Justice into private corners, and concealments amongst the Indians. One of those employed upon this message was called John de Henao, who pursued them so hard, as to search for them with Canoes, or Indian Boats, in certain little Islands within the Lake of Titicaca, and to hunt them amongst the Osiers and Rushes which grew by the Banks of those Islands, and having taken above twenty of the most malignant and culpable amongst them, he delivered them into the hands of Pedro Enciso then Governour in Chucuytu: who having first examined them, and taken their Confessions, he sent them with a safe Guard to the Marshal. It be∣ing by this time made known over all the Charcas and Potocsi, that the Marshal was by Commission constituted Judge of those Provinces, divers Souldiers, who were conscious of their own guilt, advised Basco Godinez (whose crimes they be∣lieved were too black to admit of Pardon) to be wary and cautious of his own person, and to raise Souldiers to resist the Marshal; the which (as Diego Hernan∣dez says, Chapter the twenty second) they represented to him, as a matter very easie to be effected; and that he should cause it to be published abroad, that the Marshal, and Lorenço de Aldana, and Gomez de Alvarado intended to raise Arms, and in an arbitrary manner to tyrannize over the Countrey: which being once fixed in the minds of the people, he might have a very laudable pretence to kill them all; which being done, there could be none to oppose or confront him. Howsoever Basco Godinez was of another opinion; for, depending much on the service he had done his Majesty in killing Don Sebastian de Castillia, and upon the enmity which was between him and John Ramon, who accused and complained of

him for not standing firm to his principles, he resolved to come and claim a re∣ward for his Services: of which the Marshal having intimation, he gave it out, that he had a power in his Commission to gratifie all those who had had a hand in the death of Don Sebastian, and had been instrumental in suppressing Rebels: and that there was a particular Clause impowring him to confer the Estate and Indians formerly belonging to Alonso de Mendoça upon Basco de Godinez, and John Ramon. This rumour being published abroad, Alonso Velazquez was dispatched away with some Orders and Instructions for Potocsi, and with a particular Warrant to take and apprehend Basco Godinez; though it was commonly given out, that he carried a power to invest Godinez in an Estate and Lordship over Indians. Thus far Diego Hernandez in the Chapter before mentioned.

Basco Godinez, being then at the City of Plate, received a Letter from a Kins∣man of his that Alonso Velazquez was bringing the Order of the Justices to confer on him the Estate of Alonso de Mendoça; at which Godinez seemed much offended and angry, that it was not the Estate of the General Pedro de Hinojosa, which he had before allotted and appropriated to himself by his own power and arbitrary pleasure: of which, when he read the Letter, he greatly complained to those who were then present, but they moderated his passion a little, by telling him, that these were good beginnings, and that he was in a fair way to better his fortunes: but he stormed and raged like a mad man, as did other Souldiers then with him, who, entertaining an overweening opinion of their own merits, pretended to the best, and the most opulent Estates in all Peru. Soon after Godinez had received this feigned news in a Letter (which was never intended for him) Alonso Velazquez arrived at the City of Plate, and being accompanied with some Friends of his, he went directly to the Lodging of Basco Godinez and saluted him with the usual forms of ceremony and complement; to which he returned a surly kind of an answer, and looked very sullen and melancholy, because all Peru was not confer∣red upon him for a reward of his deserts. But not to suffer him to proceed far∣ther in such vain imaginations as these; Alonso Velazquez delivered him a Letter from the Marshal, with others, which were feigned to amuse him a while with vain hopes; but whilst he was attent in reading them, Alonso Velazquez laid hold on his Arme, and said, Senior Godinez, you are my Prisoner: with which he be∣ing much surprised, he asked him by what Warrant? Velazquez (as Diego Hernan∣dez says) made answer, that he charged him to go with him to a certain place, where he would shew him by what authority: No, said Godinez, let these per∣sons present see your Orders and Warrant, and afterwards we shall resolve to doe what is requisite in the case. Then Velazquez, with more choler and heat than before, told him plainly, that he would not capitulate with him, but charged him without farther dispute to go with him, and using some violence drew him into the Prison; and as he was going, Godinez desperately tore his Beard with his hand, and listed his eyes to Heaven: which some seeing comforted him, and ad∣vised him to patience, in regard, that by this imprisonment, the Justice of his Cause, and the signal Services he had done his Majesty would more eminently appear. But Godinez replied onely with Oaths and Curses, and that the Devils would now fetch him, who had reserved him to that unhappy time. In short, Velazquez clapt him up into close Prison with Chains and Manacles, and com∣mitted him to the custody of a strong Guard; and immediately wrote away to the Marshal giving advice of what had passed; who speedily coming to Potocsi, seised on many Souldiers and Inhabitants, intending to bring them to condign punishment: And in the first place he made Process against Martin de Robles, Go∣mez de Solis and Martin de Almendras, and others, allowing them to make their le∣gal defence, and bring their witnesses, and such proofs as were conducing to their discharge, and herein especially he indulged the Citizens, and those who had Plantations in the Countrey, affording them a large time to make their defence, most of which were saved by prolongations and delays, rather than acquitted by the Sentence of Justice; as will hereafter appear. Thus far Diego Hernandez, who therewith ends this Chapter. In the conclusion of which, he seems to have re∣ceived his information from some person prepossessed with a prejudice against the Gentlemen who had Estates, and were Lords of Vassals in Peru; or perhaps he himself was so: for he lays no crime to the charge of those against whom the Marshal proceeded; but rather excuses them, and says, that the Rebels seised on Gomez de Solis, and Martin de Almendras; and that Martin de Robles escaped from

them in his Shirt. And yet after this, he says, that their lives were rather saved by prolongations and delays, than acquitted by the course of Justice; which shews him guilty of an apparent partiality, as we shall observe in many passages for the future.

CHAP. XXIX.

The Judge puts many of the Rebels to death in the City of Peace, and in the Village of Potocsi; others were whip∣ped and sent to the Gallies: the like Justice he doth in the City of Plate. The Sentence and Execution of Ba∣sco de Godinez.

THE Marshal began now to exercise his power in punishment of the Rebels in the City of Peace, where he had erected a Court of Justice: all the Pri∣soners sent him by Pedro de Enciso taken in the great Lake, and other parts, he condemned; some of them were hanged, others beheaded, some were whipped, and others sent to the Gallies, so that all of them received their just reward. From the City of Peace, the Marshal travelled to Potocsi, where he found many Prisoners of those Bravoes and Hectors that belonged to Egas de Guzman and Don Sebastian de Castilla; on whom he executed the same justice as on the former; as namely, some were hanged, and others beheaded, whipped and sent to the Gallies. He apprehended the person of Hernan Perez de Peragua, who was Commissary-Gene∣ral, and accused for holding a correspondence (as we have said before) with Don Sebastian, to whom he wrote a Letter to send twenty Musquetiers to take him, that he might not seem to surrender himself; but in regard he was a Knight of the Habit of St. John or a Knight of Malta; they confiscated the Plantation and Indians which he possessed in the City of Plate, and sent his Person under a secure Guard to the Master of Malta. These Sessions being ended at Potocsi, the Mar∣shal went to the City of Plate, where Basco Godinez remained a Prisoner, with se∣veral as brave Souldiers and men of note as any were within those Provinces: on all which they executed the Sentence of the Law, as before on those in Potocsi and in the City of Plate; but very few were condemned to the Gallies, by reason that it was troublesome and delatory to send them into Spain; and besides in their way thither they might find means to make their escape; as those had done who were committed to the charge of Rodrigo Ninno; for of all his number, which were eighty six, there was but one that arrived in Seville. We do not undertake here particularly to set down the precise number of those who were put to death and whipped; being so many that an exact number could not be kept of them, onely a calculate may be made of them; from the latter end of June, Anno 1553, to the end of November of the same year, when a new Insurrection was begun by Francisco Hernandez Giron, every day was a day of Assise, whereon four, five, or six a day were condemned, and the next day they were executed. The which expedition of justice could not be avoided, considering how full the Prisons were, and how necessary a Gaol-delivery was for security of the Countrey; which was put into that amazement and confusion by the boldness and insolence of the Re∣bels, that no man remained secure either of his Life or Estate. Howsoever the malitious and unthinking people styled the Judge with the terms of cruel and im∣placable, and of another Nero, who could with so little remorse and compassion condemn four or five a day unto death, and those of the most principal Souldiers, and such as perhaps had been either deceived or enforced to a compliance; and yet when he arose from the Bench, and was returning to his own House, he could entertain light and indifferent discourses laughing and jesting with the At∣torney-General, as if those who were condemned to die were Capons or Turkies entred in a Bill of Fare to be served up at his Table. And such other Libels and

scandalous Speeches were vented against the Government, that it had been well if Laws had been made to restrain the excesses and liberty of malitious and viru∣lent Tongues.

In the month of October of the same year (as Diego Hernandez saith) Basco Godi∣nez was charged and arraigned of many heinous and crying offences, which are specified in the Sentence passed on him, for which he was condemned to be drawn and quartered. And it is certain that the Marshal was troubled that he could not meet with Baltasar Velazquez (who was gone to Lima) for had he been found he would have incurred the same punishment that Godinez had done, &c. The de∣claration of the Crimes of Basco Godinez were contained in a few words; proclai∣med by the Executioner; which were these; This man having been a Traitour to God, to his King, and his Friends, is sentenced to be drawn and quartered. The which saying is so full and pithy, that it contains as much as can be said or wrote in ma∣ny Chapters. And thus did the severity of Justice pass on the Offenders, untill towards the end of November (as we have said;) when news coming of a new Re∣bellion raised by Francisco Hernandez Giron, a stop was given to farther proceedings against the rest of the imprisoned Souldiers: which seemed to happen opportune∣ly, that the fear of a second Rebellion might moderate and allay the severity ex∣ercised against the first.

The Indians of Cozco prognosticated this Rebellion openly and loudly in the Streets, as I heard and saw my self: For the Eve before the Festival of the most Holy Sacrament, I being then a youth, went out to see how the two Market∣places of the City were adorned; for at that time the Procession passed through no other Streets but those; though since that time, as I am told, the perambula∣tion is double as far as before. And being then at the corner of the great Chapel of our Lady of the Merceds, about an hour or two before day, I saw a Comet dart from the East side of the City towards the Mountains of the Antis, so great and clear that it enlightned all places round with more splendour than a full Moon at midnight. Its motion was directly downwards, its form was globular, and its dimension as big as a large Tower; and coming near the ground, it divided into several sparks and streams of fire; and was accompanied with a Thunder so low and near as struck many deaf with the clap, and ran from East to West: which when the Indians heard and saw, they all cried out with one voice, Auca, Auca, Auca, which signifies in their Language, as much as to say, Tyrant, Traitour, Rebel, and every thing that may be attributed to a violent and bloudy Traitour, as we have before mentioned. This happened on the nineteenth of June in the year 1553. when the Feast of our Lord was celebrated; and this prognostication which the Indians made, was accomplished on the thirteenth of November in the same year, when Francisco Hernandez Giron began a Rebellion, which we shall relate in the following Book.

The End of the Sixth Book.

Royal Commentaries. BOOK VII.

CHAP. I.

News being spread of the severe Proceedings of Justice in the Charcas, Francisco Hernandez Giron conspires with the Planters and Souldiers to raise a Rebellion.

COmmon Fame published in all parts of the Empire, with what Severity they proceeded in the Charcas against those who had been concerned in the Rebellion of Vasco Godinez and Don Sebastian de Castillia, and their Adherents: in like manner it was reported, (whether true or false it mat∣ters not much) that the Marshal was preparing farther process against such Of∣fenders as lived without the Precincts of his Jurisdiction. And that by a Letter which was written from Cozco, it was advised (as Palentino relates, Chap. 24. in these words.) That in Potosi they had lopt off the branches, but that in Cozco, they would extirpate them from the very roots: the which Letter, though writ∣ten, as is said, by John de la Arreynaga without malice or design, yet it served to awaken Francisco Hernandez Giron, and caused him with more vigilance to place a watch on the road, to bring him information of all people that passed, lest the Marshal should surprize him unawares: and moreover, he advised his Friends to discover, if possible, the correspondence which passed between Guil. Ramirez, (who was at that time Governour) and the Marshal: these are the very words of that Authour who farther says, that all the Inhabitants were in an uproar up∣on Proclamation made, that every one was to acquit and discharge the Indians of their personal services, and that the Governour had rejected and torn a Petition which was tendered to him in the name of all the Inhabitants, representing this aggrievance.

The truth is, I cannot but much admire how it is possible for men to report things so different from all reason and probability, as to say, that none of the In∣habitants of that City were discontented and scandalized at the severe proceedings against the Rebels, but onely Francisco Hernandez Giron, who had been engaged in the two late Rebellions, as this History makes mention. Nor is it to be be∣lieved, that the Governour, who was a Gentleman of Quality, and one educated under so religious and good a Prince as the Vice-king Don Antonio de Mendoça, should perform an action so odious and unpolitick, as to tear a Petition subscribed by above eighty Lords of Vassals and Inhabitants of a City which was the Me∣tropolis of all that Empire. For if such a thing had been done, it had not been strange (be it said with all respect to his Royal Majesty) if they had given him

fifty stabbs with their Daggers, as this Authour averrs; saying, that Francisco Hernandez Giron and his Associates had conspired so to doe either in the Town-house or in the Shop of a Publick Notary, where the Governour used to hold his Court of Justice. Thus far Palentino.

And because it is not reason, that we should so positively contradict the Wri∣tings of this Authour, which in many places may be taken up from vulgar Re∣ports; we shall therefore omit all farther computation, and proceed according to the method of our History in the relation of what really passed in the City of Cozco, where I was personally present, and was an eye-witness of what was there transacted; which was this; The Offence taken at the Severity of Justice executed in the Charcas, did seem to concern no other Citizen of Cozco, than one∣ly Francisco Hernandez Giron, who kept no conversation or correspondence with the Inhabitants, but with the Souldiers onely, which was a sufficient indication of his evil Intentions. And receiving informations, that the Marshal made En∣quiries after him, and being conscious to himself of his own guilt, he became wary of his own person, and resolved speedily to break forth into open Rebellion. To which end he entered into communication with some Souldiers who were his Friends, being not above twelve or thirteen in number; namely, John Cobo, Anto∣nio Carrillo, of whom we have made mention in the History of Florida, Diego Ga∣viland and John Gaviland his brother, Nunno Mendiola, and Diego de Alvarado the Lawyer, who availed himself more of his skill in War, than in Law; and indeed he had reason not to boast himself much of his Learning, for he had never shewn any, either in War or Peace; these Souldiers, though poor, were yet honourable, and of noble extraction. Besides these, he imparted his design to Francisco Her∣nandez and Thomas Vasquez, who was a rich Citizen, and a principal person of the Corporation, and one of the first Conquerours, when Atahualpa was a priso∣ner: and with him he entred into a Discourse of these matters, upon occasion of a quarrel which some few months before had arisen between this Thomas Vasquez and the Governour Gil. Ramirez de Avalos; who out of passion rather than reason apprehended Vasquez, and clapt him into the publick prison, proceeding against him rather like a party than a Judge; of which ill usage Vasquez had reason to complain, since that to persons of his quality and ancient family it was usual to shew all honour and respect. Francisco Hernandez taking hold of this disposition in Vasquez to revenge the injuries he had received, easily prevailed upon him to accept the proposal and to engage himself to be of his party: in like manner he drew another to join with him, called John de Piedrahita, a man of a mean for∣tune, and one who for the most part of the year lived in the Countrey with his Indians; he was also of an unquiet temper, and so needed no great persuasion to be prevailed upon by Francisco Hernandez.

These two Citizens, and another called Alonso Diaz engaged with Hernandez in the insurrection he made (though Palentino names another called Rodrigo de Pineda) but neither he, nor others who went with him to the City of Los Reyes, did join with Hernandez in his rebellion, though they followed his party afterwards, (as will appear in this History) rather out of fear than love, or any interest whatsoever; for they abandoned his party with the first opportunity that presen∣ted, and revolted over to his Majesty's service; which was the ruine and destruc∣tion of Hernandez.

Palentino having nominated without any distinction Citizens and Souldiers that were engaged in this conspiracy; he says, that they plotted to kill the Governour, and raise a tumult in the City, and over all the Kingdom: but I am confident, that this report was framed by a person who was ill affected to the Inhabitants of Peru, for he never speaks of them, but with a prejudice, calling them Tray∣tours and rebellious persons.

The truth is, I am a native of that City and consequently a Son of that Empire; and therefore it troubles me to hear my Contreymen so causlesly reproached with the terms of disloyalty; who never offended his Royal Majesty; nay, they condemn them of rebellion, or at best suspect them of treason, who did the ser∣vice to acquire to his Majesty a vast Empire, and so wealthy as hath filled all the world with its riches. For my part, I protest in the faith of a Christian, that I will speak the truth, without any partiality or favour; and will declare and plainly confess the truth of all the proceedings of Hernandez, and where they are obscure, confused or doubtfull, I shall render them as plain and manifest as I am

able. Know then, that Francisco Hernandez conspired with those whom we have before mentioned, and with another Souldier called Bernardino de Robles, and an∣other called Alonso Gonçalez a man as vile and base in his extraction and manners as he was ugly in his person, form and shape: for he proved the bloudiest Villain in the World, killing every one who stood in his way, even those whom Her∣nandez had pardoned; pretending that Execution was done before the pardon ar∣rived: His trade was, before this rebellion broke out, to keep Hogs in the valley of Sacsahuana, which was in the Estate and Allotment of Hernandez, from whence began that great friendship and dearness which was between them.

The rebellion being resolved, it was agreed that it should break forth on the thirteenth of November, in the year 1553. being the day when a marriage was to be celebrated between Alonso de Loaysa, one of the richest and most principal In∣habitants of that City, and Nephew to the Arch-bishop of Los Reyes and Donna Maria de Castrillia, Niece to Baltasar de Castrillia, Daughter to his Sister Donna Le∣onor de Bobadilla and of Nunno Tovar a Cavalier of Badajoz; of whom we have made mention at large in our History of Florida. And now, in this following Chapter, we will relate the beginning of this Rebellion which was so vexatious, expensive and ruinous to this whole Empire.

CHAP. II.

Francisco Hernandez raises a Rebellion in Cozco. What happened in the night of this Rebellion. Many Inhabi∣tants fly from the City.

THE day of the Nuptials being come, all the Citizens and their Wives dressed themselves in their best Apparel to honour the Wedding: for on all such solemn occasions as this, either of Festivals, or days of mourning, it was the custome amongst these Citizens to rejoice or condole together, as if they had been all Brethren of a Family, between whom were no private grudges, animo∣sities or factions. Many of the Citizens and their Wives dined and supped at the Wedding, at which was prepared a solemn Banquet. After dinner an enter∣tainment was made in the Street of throwing balls made with Earth by Horse∣men at each other (which is a sport used in Spain.) I remember that I saw it from the top of a stone Wall, over against the house of Alonso de Loaysa: and I saw Francisco Hernandez sitting on a Chair in the Hall, with his Armes folded on his Breast, and his Eyes looking downwards; in which posture he seemed more pen∣sive and thoughtfull than melancholy it self. It is probable, that he was then con∣triving what he was to act and execute that night; though that Authour saith, that Francisco Hernandez had shewed himself very merry and pleasant that day at the Wedding, and perhaps it was because he was there present, rather than shewed any good or pleasant humour.

The Sports of the City being over, and the Evening come, they sate them∣selves to Supper in a lower Hall, where at least sixty were at the Table, for the Room was both long and wide; the Ladies sate together in an inward Room, and from a little Yard, which was between these Apartments, they served the Meat unto both Tables. Don Baltasar de Castillia, who was Uncle to the Bride, and a very gentile man, performed the Office of Usher of the Hall. I my self came to the Wedding-house towards the end of Supper, to attend my Father and my Step-mother home at night: And coming into the Hall, I went towards the upper end of the Table, where the Governour was set, who being a very obliging Gentleman, was pleased to cast his eyes upon me, and call me to him; though I was but a Boy of fourteen years of age; and bid me sit down by him, since there was no other Chair for me, and reached me some of the Comfects and sweet drink which Boys are best pleased with. At this Instant some body knock∣ed

at the door and said, that Francisco Hernandez Giron was there; Don Baltasar de Castillia being near the Entry; Oh, Sir, said he, how comes it to pass that you are so late to honour us with your Company; and immediately ordered the door to be opened, whereupon Francisco Hernandez rushed in with his Sword drawn in his right-hand and a Buckler in his left, and a Companion on each side with Parti∣sans in their hands.

The Guests sitting at Supper affrighted with this appearance arose from the Table in great Confusion: then said Hernandez, Gentlemen, be not afraid nor stir, for we are all engaged in this Plot. The Governour, without hearing far∣ther entered in at a door on the left-hand, and went in at the apartment, where the women remained: in another corner of the Hall there was another door lea∣ding to the Kitchin and to the other Offices of the House: by these two doors all the People passed who were in the Entries: but those who were near the great door of the Hall were in most danger, not knowing which way to escape. John Alonso Palomino was seated just over against the door of the Hall, with his back to∣wards it; and being known to Diego de Alvarado the Lawyer, and those who were with him, they gave him five wounds; for he, and his kinsman Geronimo Costillia were set down and destined to be murthered; for having opposed Francisco Her∣nandez in a late mutiny, which he had caused, as before related. John Alonso Palomino dyed the next day of his wounds in the House of Loaysa, not being able to goe forth to be cured elsewhere.

They also killed John de Morales, a rich Merchant, and a very honest man, as he was at the Wedding-supper, and happened to be amongst the other Citizens; for he, without considering what he did, intended to put out the Candles which were on the Table, that in the dark their escape might be the more easie; and therewith drawing away the Table-cloth, ten of the eleven Candles fell down, and were all extinguished; but one remaining still lighted; one of the Compa∣nions of Hernandez thrust his Partisan in at his mouth, and cut him therewith from one Ear unto the other; saying, Traytor, Wouldst thou have us all to be killed here? Then another Souldier gave him a Thrust through the left Pap, with which he immediately fell down dead, so that the unhappy man had no time to tye his gol∣den cup to his Girdle, as some have malitiously written concerning him. The next day I saw his Body in the condition here related, for which, and the rest of the Tragedy, those who were Actours therein did much applaud themselves.

My Father, and Diego de Los Rios, and Vasco de Guevara, and two other Gentle∣men, who were Brothers and Kinsmen of his, called Esculantes and Rodrigo de Leon, Brother of Pero Lopez de Caçalla, and other Citizens and Souldiers, in all to the number of thirty six, passed out at the same door with the Governour, and I al∣so amongst the rest, not by the apartment of the Women, but took to the right∣hand, to find a passage out by the yards of the House, and here meeting a Ladder, they climbed up to the roof of the House; intending to pass over into the House of John de Figueroa, which was the next house to them, and onely a single Wall between; from whence there was a door opening to another Street; my Father finding that there was a Passage that way, called to the Company to stay untill he could goe and call the Governour, by whose means he hoped to remedy the farther progress of this Evil: And going to the place, where the Governour was, he called to him, and told him, that there was a passage that way to escape, and that there were people to succour and defend him: and that, if he pleased to goe with them into the Market-place, and cause the Bells to be rung out, and an A∣larm sounded, he did not doubt, but that the Assassinates and Rebels would im∣mediately fly away, and shift for themselves: but the Governour not receiving this counsel, returned no other Answer, than that he desired him to suffer him to remain there. My Father returning to his Companions found them all climbed up to the top of the roof, leading to the House of John de Figueroa: wherefore he desired them once more to stay, and expect him, untill he could goe, and per∣suade the Governour out of his place of concealment, where going a second time, he used all the Arguments and Reasons in the World to induce him there∣unto, but was not able to prevail, because the Governour fansied, that they were all in the Plot, as Francisco Hernandez declared at his first entrance into the Hall.

Garçilasso, my Father, being out of all hopes to prevail, went his way, and at the Foot of the Ladder lost one of his slippers which he had put on over his

Pumps, after they had ended the Game at Balls: but it was not time now to look after it, but to mount the Ladder as fast as we could, and I after him; when we were at the top, we drew it up, and passed it over into the House of John Figueroa, and therewith they all descended, and I among the rest. And ha∣ving opened the door of the Street, they sent me out before, as a Spy, to discover if the way were clear, supposing that I, being a Boy, the less notice would be ta∣ken of me; and in case I found nothing in the way, I was to whistle at the cor∣ner of every Street, which was the token for them to follow me. In this man∣ner we went from Street to Street untill we came to the House of Antonio de Quin∣nones, who was Brother-in-law to my Father Garçilasso, they having married two Sisters. It was our good fortune to find him, and he was much joyed to see my Father, for he was in great Fear for him, and trouble of mind to know, what was become of him: But Antonio de Quinnones himself had a narrow escape, and had certainly been killed, had he not been favoured by one of the Conspira∣tours called John de Gavilan, who in remembrance of some good Offices he had done him in times past, opened the principal door of the Hall, at which he let him out, together with John de Saavedra, who was in his company; and whispe∣ring to him, said, Sir, Haste you away home, with Seignior John de Saavedra, and stay there untill I see you in the morning; by which accident it was my Father's for∣tune to meet him within doors; but notwithstanding this advice, being met to∣gether in the House of Antonio de Quinnones, they all agreed to leave the Town that night, and goe to the City of Los Reyes.

John de Saavedra was unwilling to goe, on pretence that he wanted all things necessary for so long a journey, but when they took off that excuse by provi∣ding a Horse, a Hat and Boots and a Scarlet Cloak for him; he then said, that the truth was, he was ill, and wanted health for so long a journey; so that, not to importune him farther, they left him at home; we shall shortly declare the true reason and cause why he did not accompany them; which cost him his Life and Estate. All the other Citizens and Souldiers, who escaped to their own Houses, did there immediately fit and prepare themselves for a journey to Los Reyes. Garçilasso, my Master, sent me home, which was not far from his House, to bring him the best of his Horses which remained saddled ever since the after∣noon when he returned from the sport of Balls. As I went to fetch the Horse, passing by the House of Thomas Vazquez, I saw in the Street two Horses saddled, with three or four Negroes with them, in discourse together, and when I retur∣ned, I found them in the Streets, where I left them: of which when I acquain∣ted my Father and the rest, they were much troubled, imagining that those Hor∣ses and Slaves belonged to the Conspirators. At that very instant Rodrigo de Leon, Brother of Pero Lopez de Caçalla called to me, and desired me to goe to his Bro∣ther's House, which was in the same Street, but far from the place where we were; and to tell the Porter, who was an Indian, that he desired him to hide the Coat of Male and Head-piece which he left in his Chamber; because it was believed, that the Conspirators would that night sack and plunder the whole City. I made all the haste I could, but before I returned, my Father, and his two Kinsmen, who were Diego de Los Rios and Antonio Quinnones, were departed, ha∣ving taken a large compass through Back-ways and By-streets, to avoid the door of Thomas Vasquez: but I returned to my Father's house, which is just opposite to the two Squares, which were not then so curiously adorned, as the Houses are now, which are situate by the Stream side, and in the Squares of Market-places. And there I remained full of expectation to see the issue of that sad and dismall night.

CHAP. III.

Francisco Hernandez discovers the Governour, and takes him and goes into the Market-place; he opens the Prison doors and sets the Prisoners at Liberty: he causes Don Baltasar de Castillia, and the Accountant John de Car∣ceres to be killed.

ALL this time Francisco Hernandez Giron and his Associates remained in the House of Alonso de Loaysa purposely to take the Governour, supposing that if they had him in their hands, all the City would yield and surrender to them. And being informed that he was concealed in the room with the Women, they ran a Bench against the first door, and broke it open, and coming to the second, those within parlied with them, desiring them to pass their words, not to kill the Governour, nor do him other hurt; which Hernandez having given accordingly, the doors were opened; and the Governour being taken, Hernandez carried him to his own House, where he left him under a secure Guard; and then he went into the Market-place, with all his Companions, who were not above twelve or thirteen in number.

But this Imprisonment of the Governour, that is, the taking of him and car∣rying him to his House, and committing him into safe custody, was not perfor∣med in less than three hours and a half's time: by which it plainly appears, that in case the Governour had gone forth, as my Father and other friends advised him, and had made good the Market-place, and sounded an Alarm, summoning all his Majesty's loyal Subjects to his Assistence, no doubt but the Rebels would have been afrighted, and soon absconded themselves in places where they could have found the best refuge: the which every one confessed after the matter was over. And now having the curiosity to see what was acting, I went out into the Mar∣ket place, where I found a few of those poor rascally fellows, who were ready to run away in case they had seen any to oppose them: but the darkness of the night, and the boldness of those Conspiratours to enter into a House so full of people, affrighted the Governour and all the Company with a surprizing fear, and chased all the Citizens and Souldiers out of the Town; who joyning together might ea∣sily and without the least difficulty have confounded the Rebels. About half an hour after midnight, when I was in the Market-place, came Thomas Vasquez pran∣cing on Horse-back, and another following him with their Lances in their hands, and asked Hernandez what service he had to command them? to which he an∣swered, that all he had to desire at present was, that they would goe the rounds, and advise all people that they met, not to be afraid; and in case of trouble, or danger, that they should apply themselves to him, who was in the Market-place, ready to succour and serve all his Friends and Masters. In like manner soon after this, came another Citizen called Alonso Diaz, mounted on Horse-back with his Lance in his hand; to whom Hernandez ordered the same thing as he had done to Vazquez: so that all the Citizens who were engaged in this Conspiracy were onely three, namely, Thomas Vazquez, John de Pedrahita, and Alonso Diaz, for he that was with Vazquez was a stranger, and no Citizen; though soon afterwards several others came and joyned with them, more out of fear than affection, as plainly appears: for they all left and deserted them with the first occasion which presented. These poor Rebels, finding themselves few in number, and that none came in to their assistence; went directly to the Prisons, and opened the doors, to recruit their numbers; and marched directly with them to the Market-place, where they remained untill break of day, and then they found that all the For∣ces they could make, did not amount to above forty men. And though Palentino makes a long and formal story of this business, and tells us, that they ran about the Streets crying out Liberty, Liberty, and that they produced great stores of Pikes and Musquets, and set up a Standard; and that Hernandez made Proclama∣tion,

that all people, upon pain of death, should come in to their party; and that Lights were set up in the Streets, and Guards placed, to prevent the escape of any person whatsoever. I say notwithstanding, that nothing passed more that night than what is before related; for, I being then a boy, had the Liberty to run about, and was an eye-witness of all that passed; for these people being so few in number, could neither set up Lights, nor appoint Watches and Guards in all parts of the City, which was above a League in Compass. The next day they went to the Governour's Lodgings, where they examined his Closet and Papers; amongst which (as they report) were found above eighteen several Orders of the Justices, all tending to the damage and prejudice of the Citizens; namely, that they should free and acquit the Indians of all personal Services, that none of them should be compelled to labour in the Mines, nor to receive or quar∣ter Souldiers, nor to maintain them either secretly or in publick, all which were Inventions to raise Mutinies, and incite the Souldiery to join with them.

The third day after this Rebellion Hernandez was employed in making Visits to the principal Citizens at their own homes: and amongst the rest, coming to my Father's House, where I, and my Mother-in-law were onely present, he told us, amongst other things; that what he had done, was for the publick good and well-fare of all the Souldiers, Citizens and Planters, of the whole Empire. That the supreme Charge and Super-intendency of all these matters he reserved not for himself, but to bestow it on some other who best deserved it: And he desired my Mother to prevail with my Father not longer to conceal himself, but to meet him and the rest of his Associates in the Market-place, to consult and order mat∣ters at a time when the difficulty of affairs required his assistence.

The like Discourses he used in other Houses where he made his Visits, belie∣ving that those who did not appear had absconded themselves, not imagining that they were fled to Los Reyes: but when my Mother-in-law assured him, that since the Wedding-night, she had not seen my Father, nor had he entred into his House; which my Mother affirming with all the Oaths and Asseverations she could make, she desired him in case he believed her not, to make search in all the parts and corners of the House; he then was convinced, and said, that he wondered at it; and so cutting off all farther discourse, he took his leave, and went to visit other Houses, where he found the same verified, as in this place. For the truth is, they did not all fly away the same night, but four or five nights after, as they found convenient; for having no Guards in the Streets, nor at the Gates, every one escaped without much difficulty.

About eight days after this Rebellion was begun, one Bernardino de Robles, a bold and lude fellow informed Hernandez Giron, that Baltasar de Castillia and John de Carceres the Accountant were preparing to make their Escape and carry with them divers others, and that all their wrought Plate and other moveables they had secured in a Monastery: which so soon as Hernandez understood, he presently called for his Lawyer Diego de Alvarado, and ordered him to examine the matter, and punish the Offenders according to their demerit. The Lawyer required no great Forma∣lity in the Process or of Witnesses to give their Testimonies; for he owed an old grudge to Baltasar de Castillia, on the score of a quarrel which about two months before happened between them in the chief Market-place of the City, in which it was the fortune of both of them to be wounded; which the Lawyer not estee∣ming a sufficient satisfaction, was angry that he had not killed him; for, as we have said, he presumed more on his Weapon than on his Learning: and now, having an opportunity to vent his Anger with Colour of Authority, he exercised his Commission with all Severity upon innocent men, who, as report goes, were not guilty of the least offence: for the same night that he received his Warrant, he went directly to the Houses of those who were accused; and allotted them a short time, not sufficient to make their Confession, and then delivered them in∣to the hands of the Hang-man John Enriquez to be strangled; who was the same Executioner who had beheaded Gonçalo Piçarro and hanged and quartered his Captains and Lieutenant General. The next day after this Rebellion of Hernan∣dez had broken out, this Bloudy Rogue shewed himself openly in the Market-place, with bundles of Halters about him, and all the Instruments of death and torment; presuming that there would now be work for him and employment for a man of his Office: he also drew out his brought Sword to cut off Heads; but he payed afterwards for this presumption, as we shall find by the sequel: How∣soever,

in the mean time he laid hands on these two poor Gentlemen, and stran∣gled them in a moment: after which he stripped Don Baltasar, and left him as naked as he was born; but he suffered John Carceres to remain in his Shirt, per∣haps because his Linen was not so fine as was Baltasar's; then he drew their Bo∣dies into the Market-place, and laid them at the foot of the Gallows, where I saw them about nine a Clock that night. It is reported that Francisco Hernandez did the next day reprove his Lawyer, for being so hasty in his execution of Ju∣stice, before he had communicated the matter first to him; but this was onely a feigned pretence to gain esteem and credit with the People; but secretly he was pleased with it, observing the terrour and consternation this action had operated in the minds of the People, for since they had not spared his Majesty's Accoun∣tant, nor one of his Captains in the late Wars, who had a revenue of fifty thou∣sand Ducats a year, with a great command over Indians; what could others ex∣pect of less condition; whereupon all the Citizens submitted to them, esteeming their condition securest, who were already fled, and had made their escapes; but the Assassinates grew more insolent and tyrannical than before.

CHAP. IV.

Francisco Hernandez names and appoints a Lieutenant General and Captains for his Army. Two Cities send Ambassadours to him. The number of Citizens that were fled to Rimac.

HErnandez having by this time assembled about an hundred and fifty Souldiers belonging to the City and the parts adjacent; he began to appoint Officers and Commanders; and named Diego de Alvarado his Lawyer to be his Lieutenant General, and Thomas Vazquez, Francisco Nunnez, and Rodrigo de Pineda, to be Cap∣tains of Horse. These two last, being Citizens, were much in favour, and kind∣ly treated by Hernandez, ever since the beginning of the Rebellion; and to oblige and engage them the more, he conferred on them the Commands of Captains of Horse; which they accepted rather out of Fear than out of affection to his cause, or interest, or expectation of benefit, or honour from this preferment. His Cap∣tains of Foot were John de Pedrahita, Nunno Mendiola and Diego Gavilan, Albertos de Ordunna was made Standard-bearer, and Antonio Carillo Serjeant Major. So eve∣ry one respectively repaired to his Charge and Command, to raise Souldiers for completing their Troops and Companies.

Their Ensigns and Colours were made very fine, with Inscriptions and Mottoes on them all relating to Liberty, so that their Army named themselves, the Army of Liberty. The report of this Insurrection being noised and bruted abroad in general, without any particulars; it was believed, that all the City of Cozco had joined unanimously in the rebellion; on which supposition, the Cities of Hua∣manca and Arequepa, sent their Ambassadours to Cozco, desiring to be admitted into the League and Society with them, and to be received into the protection of the Metropolis and Head-city of the Empire, that so they might join together to represent their case to his Majesty, which was very burthensome and oppressive by reason of those many grievous Ordinances which were daily sent them by the Judges. The Ambassadour from Arequepa was called—Valdecabras, with whom I was acquainted; though Palentino says he was a Frier called Andres de Talavera, perhaps they might both be sent. He that was sent from Huamanca was called Her∣nando del Tiemblo; and both these Ambassadours were received by Hernandez Gi∣ron with much kindness and respect, who began now to become proud of his cause and enterprise, which appeared so popular, that the whole Kingdom in a short time was ready to espouse and embrace it: and farther, to magnifie his Ac∣tions, he published abroad, that upon the News of what was acted at Cozco, the

people of the Charcas following the example thereof, had killed the Marshal de Alvarado. But so soon as the Cities of Huamanca and Arequepa were rightly infor∣med, that this Insurrection at Cozco was not raised by the Corporation, or by and with the consent and counsel of the whole City, but by the contrivance of a single person, who being conscious of his past Crimes, had raised this mutiny to secure himself from the punishment; and how few, and of what mean condition the Conspiratours were; they altered their resolutions and opinions, and with joynt consent prepared themselves to serve his Majesty as others had done in Cozco, namely Garçilasso de la Vega, Antonio de Quinnones, Diego de los Rios, Geronimo Costilla and Garci Sanchez de Figueroa, my Father's elder Brother, who, though he had no Estate given him, was yet an old Souldier, and one who well deserved of the Coun∣trey: these five Gentlemen escaped out of Cozco on the same night of the Rebel∣lion, the others which we shall name, fled, three, four, or five nights afterwards, as opportunity presented: so Basco de Guevara a Citizen, and the two Eschalantes, his Kinsmen, escaped the second-night. Alonso de Hinojosa, and John de Pancorvo, fled the fourth night; and Alonso de Mesa the fifth night, having stayed to conceal and secure his Silver, which the Rebels afterwards discovered and converted to their own use, as we shall relate hereafter. My Master Garçilasso and his Com∣panions, proceeding on their journey, met with Pero Lopez de Caçalla about nine leagues distant from the City, where he lived upon his own Estate, of whom we have made mention in the Ninth Book of the First Part of this History Chap. 26. and with him was his Brother Sebastian de Castilla; who being informed how mat∣ters had passed at Cozco, they resolved to accompany these other Gentlemen for the service of his Majesty: The Wife of Pero de Lopez, called Donna Francisca de Cunniga, was of noble descent, very handsome, vertuous and discreet, was unwil∣ling to be left behind, but desirous to accompany her Husband in that journey: And though she was a tender Woman, and of a weak constitution of Body, yet she adventured to ride alone with a Side-saddle on a Mule; and passed all the bad ways, endured all the fatigues, and held out as well as any one in the com∣pany. And every night, when they came to their Lodging, she took care to pro∣vide Supper and Break-fast next morning, with help of the Indians, and directed the Indian Women in what manner to dress the Victuals: all which I have heard those who kept her company, discourse concerning this famous Lady.

These Gentlemen proceeding on their journey, and being come to Curapampa about twenty leagues from the City, they met Hernan Bravo de Laguna, and Ga∣sparo de Sotelo Citizens thereof, who had some Lands and Indians in vassalage in those parts; to whom having given a report of what had passed at Cozco, they resolved to accompany with them, as did many other Planters and Souldiers, whom they met on the way, untill they came to Huamanca; the Inhabitants of which City did wonder much to see so many principal persons and men of quali∣ty there; whose presence confirmed them in their first resolution to serve his Ma∣jesty in union with personages of so much honour as these; so as many as could go at that time went, and were followed by others, as their conveniences served.

But to look a little backwards, we forgot to say, that when my Master Garçi∣lasso and his Companions passed the Bridge at Apurimac, they considered that many people out of Cozco and other parts, were likely to follow them in service of his Majesty, and therefore it would not be fit to hinder their passage by burning the Bridge, for that were to deliver them into the hands of the Rebels: wherefore they agreed to order two men to remain for Guards at the Bridge, and to suffer all persons to pass who should come thither within the space of five or six days, and then to set fire to it; whereby they should travel more securely and free of fear from pursuits of the enemy: which was accordingly performed, so that those who came within the space of those days found a passage contrary to expectation, for they feared much that they should find the Bridge burnt by the first who passed. Other Citizens of Cozco went to Los Reyes by other Roads; for it hap∣pened that many of them at that season of the year were at their Houses and Plan∣tations with their Indians, namely, John Julio de Hojeda, Pedro de Orue, Martin de Arbieto, Rodrigo de Esquivel; all which passing by the Plantation of Don Pedro de Cabrera took him with them, and travelled all together to Los Reyes.

CHAP. V.

Letters are written to the chief Rebel, and the Governour is banished out of Cozco.

PAlentino, in the twenty fifth Chapter of his Book, coming to touch upon this passage, saith, as follows:

About this time Michael de Villafuerte arrived at Cozco, with credential Letters directed to Francisco Hernandez from Pedro Lewis de Cabrera, who was then at Co∣tabamba with some Souldiers and intimate Friends when the Insurrection was first made; and with them also were Hernando Guillada, and Diego Mendez, who were engaged in the Rebellion of Sebastian de Castilla: the Letters were to this effect: That since it was not the fortune of Don Pedro to have been the first in this Insur∣rection, but that Francisco Hernandez had got the start of him, and preceded him by four days time, he desired him to prosecute his design, and endeavour to ob∣tain a general address from the people, supplicating him to take upon him the sole administrate of the whole Kingdom: That he for his part, had already set up his Standard in his name, and was marching towards Los Reyes, with intention to force the Court of Justice to nominate him for Captain-General; and that so soon as he was invested in that charge, he would then advise him to seise on the Judges and send them into Spain. This Letter was seconded by another from Don Pedro to Hernandez, sent by the Son of Gomez de Tordoya, giving him to understand, that he was certainly informed, that Garçilasso de la Vega, Antonio Quinnones, and others who were gone to Los Reyes, had no intent to favour their Cause; for though they designed to joyn with Don Pedro in the Rebellion, yet when they found that he (that is Hernandez) had anticipated the matter, and was the first in the Plot, they then fell off from farther prosecution thereof; And that this was his design plainly appears; for when he first went from his Plantation, he caused Mass to be said, which being ended, he made Oath upon the Altar, in hearing of the people, that he was going to Lima with no other intent or purpose than to seise on the Judges and to Ship them away for Spain. But Francisco Hernandez, knowing Don Pedro to be a subtile and a double-hearted man, considered all these stories to be fictions of his own, whereby the better to secure himself, and without any op∣position to pass over together with his Souldiers to the other party: wherefore, having taken away the staff of Justice from the Governour Gil Ramirez, he com∣mitted him to the custody of John de Piedrahita, with orders to convey him with a Guard of Musquetiers out of the City of Cozco, and conduct him twenty leagues on his way towards Los Reyes, which was accordingly done, without taking any thing from him: Moreover Instructions were given to Piedrahita to find out Don Pedro and tell him, that he should not need to go to Lima, but rather to doe him the favour to come to Cozco: which if Don Pedro should refuse to doe, he then required him to seise on him and bring him thither in safe custody: but Don Pedro being too far advanced before, Piedrahita could not overtake him, and there∣fore returned back to Cozco without effect, &c. Thus far that Authour.

But because those matters are not set down methodically as they passed, we shall describe them more orderly, and shew every passage, as it succeeded, and by what way Piedrahita guided the Governour: now as to Don Pedro de Cabrera, his circumstances were such as not to stand in need of any correspondence with Francisco Hernandez, nor did he ever intend or design any such thing, being a per∣son who both in Mind and Body was unfit for War; for he was the most corpu∣lent man that ever I saw; and with such a Belly, that, as I remember two years after the Battel of Sacsahuana, a Tailour, who was a Negroe, and a Slave to my Father, but a very good Workman, made a Doublet for him of Cordovan with a Gold Fringe, which being almost finished, three other knavish Boys like my self about ten or eleven years old, came into the Chamber where the Tailour was at work, and finding this Doublet on the Shop-board, bordered with a Silk Ga∣loon, we looked on it, and seeing it so wide, we all covered our selves within it, and still there was room for another of our size and bigness. And having so great

a Belly he could not ride on a Gennet's Saddle, which hath a high Pommel before, but as his occasion served he rode on a Mule, with a Saddle low before, used for racing; though his bulk was so burthensome that he never engaged himself in exercises of Activity. And though in the Wars against Gonçalo Piçarro he had the command of a Troop of Horse, it was given him as a reward for being instru∣mental in surrender of the Fleet unto the President, and with it, after the War was ended, he was farther gratified with a good allotment of Lands with vassal∣age of Indians thereunto belonging, as we have before mentioned: then as to his humour and manners, he was the most luxurious man in his diet, and the greatest glutton that ever was known; he was very pleasant and facetious in his conversa∣tion; he would tell such comical stories, all of his own making, as were very de∣lightfull; and, for want of better company, he would put jests and tricks upon his Pages, Lackeys and Slaves, and entertain himself with laughing at them: I could here recount many of his Jests, but let that of his Doublet pass for all, it not being fit to intermix too many of these trivial matters with others of more se∣rious and weighty importance. His House was near to my Father's, and there was some kindred and alliance between them; for the Mother of my Lady Donna Elena de Figueroa, was of the House of Feria, so that there was great intercourse between the two Houses, and they always called me Nephew: and afterwards in the year 1562. when we were at Madrid, and there occasionally discoursing of the death of this Don Pedro, we repeated and called to mind many of these particu∣lars: which will serve to shew how improbable it was that this Don Pedro, who lived in all the plenty, ease and prosperity that his heart could desire, should turn Rebel, and engage in the desperate Cause of Hernandez Giron; for he for the most of the year lived in the Countrey with his Indians, and half a dozen good fellows with him; being merry without thoughts of State matter, or black designs of Re∣bellion: so that his whole design of sending these messengers was onely to be truly informed of all particulars relating to this Rebellion of Hernandez, how ma∣ny, and who were the Citizens that were fled, and who were those who remai∣ned, and sided with the factious party. For he and his Companions being resol∣ved to go to Los Reyes, they thought it necessary to inform themselves of all things at Cozco, so as to give a distinct account and not in a confused blind manner, both on the way and at Los Reyes when they arrived there: and to take off all suspi∣cion from the messengers which he sent to Hernandez, he gave them Letters of credence, that he might permit them to return with the answer. Then as to the Road towards Los Reyes, Don Pedro had well secured it; for Don Pedro's place of residence, was seated fifteen leagues on the way from Cozco to Los Reyes, the Ri∣ver Apurimac being between; of which when the Bridge was burnt, it cut off all passage from the enemy: and thus Don Pedro and his Companions, having recei∣ved information of all they desired, travelled securely to Los Reyes, and laughed at the Rebels.

The Orders given by Hernandez to John Piedrahita, were to conduct the Gover∣nour Gil Ramirez de Avalos with six Musquetiers, not by the way of Lima, which is Northward, but by the way of Arequepa, which is to the South; with farther Instructions that when he had brought him at the distance of forty leagues from the City, that he should then leave him at liberty, and suffer him to take his own course and way as he pleased: but this journey of Piedrahita was not made with∣in the time of the first eight or ten days after the Insurrection, but forty days af∣terwards. And the cause why the Governour was sent by the way of Arequepa, and not by the direct way, was to prolong his journey to Los Reyes, and make him to miss the company of those Citizens who were going to Rimac. By all which it appears, that the relations given to Diego Hernandez of these matters, were as the vulgar sort report them to be, who always speak with variety, and as they fansie and desire things to be; but what I have here said, I know to be true, both having seen them, and heard them from undoubted witnesses.

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CHAP. VI.

Francisco Hernandez causes himself to be chosen Captain, and Procurator-General of the whole Empire. The Judges appoint Officers for their Army, and the Marshal doth the like.

FIfteen days were now past since the Rebellion first began, when Hernandez finding himself strengthened with a number of Souldiers, and dreaded by all, for the cruelty he had executed on Don Baltasar de Castilla, he thought it now time to fortifie his authority (as he foolishly imagined) with some specious name and title, which might sound great in the ears of the people; who seeing him owned by the City which was the Metropolis of the Empire, might be more easily induced to follow his cause and designs, which he knew not himself what they were, or what they were likely to prove. To this end he summoned a general Assembly of the whole City, at which were present twenty five Citizens and Lords of Indi∣ans, as Diego Hernandez counted them, and I was acquainted with them all; amongst which there was but one head Constable, and two Justices, and none of the others had any Office or right to sit in that Assembly. The Court being set, he acquain∣ted them, that the reason he had to call them together, was to lay before them the frequent Orders and Commands sent from the Justices to the great damage and prejudice of the people, to free them from which, he proposed to them, as the best expedient, to elect him for Procurator-General of the whole Empire, and to authorise him in their names humbly to petition and supplicate his Majesty to take off such aggrievances as they should judge most oppressive; and to enable him farther in this Office, that they would elect him for Captain-General, and chief Justiciary of that City and of the whole Kingdom, to protect and govern them in War and Peace. All which was granted to him without any scruple or demurr; more out of fear (as Children say) than shame or love, being over-awed by a Band of about an hundred and fifty Souldiers commanded by two Captains, called Diego Gavilan and Nunno Mediola, who were drawn up in the Market-place at the door of the Tholsey, where the Council was assembled. So soon as the Court was risen, Proclamation was made of the Power and Authority which was given to Francisco Hernandez; with which not being fully satisfied, he forced the Citizens and Inhabitants to declare themselves well contented with all his actions, and that what they acted was by their own free will and consent without any force or compulsion upon them. Whilst things were thus acting in Cozco, the news and intelligence thereof was carried to Los Reyes, which the Judges would not believe at first; conceiving it to be a strategeme of the Messenger, who was a great Friend, and as they say, Foster Brother with Francisco Hernandez Giron, to try how the people would take it, and to see how they stood affected to his cause and interest: and upon this belief they apprehended Hernando Chacon, being the person who brought the news, which when they found verified and confirmed from other hands and places, they then set him again at liberty; and thought it time to provide for War, and to make choice of Officers and Commanders of their Army: We can∣not here specifie the names of them particularly, because many of them refused the Commands which were offered to them, esteeming them inferiour to their worth and dignities, who deserved to be Generals and to command in Chief: wherefore we will pass over these Elections for the present, and onely say, that all was carried on with heat and faction, as is usual in tumultuous meetings, where every one commands and rules: by this time also news of the Rebellion raised by Hernandez was come to Potocsi, where the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado was actually employed in doing justice upon Offenders guilty of the Murther of Pedro de Hinojosa, and Con∣spiratours with Don Sebastian de Castilla: but so soon as this news came, a stop was given to farther prosecution of those who deserved death as well as those against whom Sentence was already given: and instead of punishment, it was thought fit to convert all into clemency and pardon, which tended much to the quiet of the

people, who were greatly troubled and scandalized to see such daily effusions of bloud and slaughters amongst their friends and acquaintance: Hereupon such as were condemned had their reprieves granted, and by way of punishment were to serve his Majesty at their own cost and charges: amongst these was a certain Soul∣dier called—de Bilbao, whom a friend of his seeing at liberty, congratulated with him for the safety of his life and freedom, telling him that he was obliged to return thanks to Almighty God for this great deliverance: to which the Souldier made answer, and said, that he rendred thanks to his Divine Majesty, and to St. Peter, and to St. Paul, and to St. Francisco Hernandez Giron, by whose merits and means he had been saved, and that he could not doe less in acknowledgment thereof than to go and serve him, the which he accordingly did, as we shall see hereafter.

Besides this Souldier above forty more were delivered out of prison most of which would have been sentenced to dye, and others at least condemned to row in the Gallies, which was the best they could expect; but those Citizens and Souldiers who were not so deeply concerned as others, the Marshal was pleased to set at Liberty without any farther process, but these prisoners refused to accept thereof, but to be brought to their Tryal, as Palentino saith, Chapter the fortieth, in these words.

Some of the Prisoners understanding that they were to be set at liberty without tryal, refused to accept thereof without a sentence in their cause, because they be∣came liable thereby to be taken up again and punished when the Judges or their Enemies were desirous to accuse them: wherefore, to make dispatch in this mat∣ter, he fined Gomez de Solis in five hundred pieces of Eight, to be paid as Fees to his Keeper and Guards: Martin de Almendras had the like Fine, as also Martin de Robles; others were condemned in two hundred, a hundred, fifty and twenty pie∣ces of Eight, proportioning the Fine according to the ability of the person, rather than to the degree and quality of his Crime. Thus far Diego Hernandez.

Moreover the Marshal gave order to provide Arms; and to make Pikes in those Provinces, where wood was plenty, and to make Powder in case necessity should require. Some few days afterwards came two Commands from the Justi∣ces, the one suspending the execution of the Decrees formerly made for freeing the Indians from their personal services, which was to last for the space of two years, and to take off many other things which caused great Commotions and Dis∣turbances amongst the Inhabitants and Souldiers of that Empire, and had been (as the Governours well knew) the spring and original of those rebellions, mutinies and factions which raged in the minds of the people, the other Com∣mand was a Commission constituting the Marshal Captain General of the For∣ces raised against Francisco Hernandez, and with an unlimited power to expend his Majesty's Treasure in this War, as far as occasion should require, and to bor∣row or take up money, in case the Exchequer should fail. By virtue hereof the Marshal appointed Captains both of Horse and Foot, besides other Officers whom we shall name hereafter. He designed to make Gomez de Alvarado his Lieutenant General, but he refused it, because another Gentleman who was brother to the Marshal's Wife, pretended thereunto, called Don Martin de Avendanno, for whom the Wife made great instance; and as it were compelled her Husband, much against his own inclinations, to conser it upon him; and though he was a young man, and of little or no experience, he condescended thereunto rather than to raise War in his own Family. He also dispatched Warrants and Orders to the Curacas to gather what provisions they were able, and to appoint eight or nine thousand Indians to carry the baggage of the Army. He sent also into several parts to raise Men, Horse and Arms, and to take up all the Slaves they could find. And here we will leave them in these Preparations to see what becomes of Francisco Hernandez, and what he is acting, and carry on the business of both Par∣ties, as the method of History requires. Whilst these things were in agitation in the City of Los Reyes and Potocsi, Hernandez was not negligent of what concer∣ned his interest, but ordered Thomas Vazquez with a squadron of about fifty Souldiers well armed to march to the City of Arequepa, and in his name to take the possession thereof, and to treat peaceably with the Citizens, letting them know, that the Corporation of Cozco had made choice of him to be Captain General and chief Justiciary of all the Kingdom. In like manner he sent Franci∣sco Nunnez, a Citizen of Cozco, to Huamanca, whom he had enticed by fair and flattering promises and with the Command of a Troop of Horse, to be of his

Party; though in truth fear, rather than all his favours, induced him thereunto; and with him John Gavilan was sent with fourty other Souldiers, whose Orders and Instructions were the same with those of Thomas Vazquez; and that moreover, they should tell the City, that though they had assured him already by their Am∣bassadours, that they would join and correspond with him in all his designs, yet for farther confirmation thereof, he required them to call a Court, to ratify their former engagement, and to own and acknowledge him in that Sphere and Station wherein he acted. The truth is, Hernandez, sent and employed these two Cap∣tains out of a design to give reputation to his cause by the specious colour of uni∣on between him and two Cities, rather than from any expectation he had of bringing them over to his side and party; for he was not ignorant that they had already retracted their former assurances, and repented of the Offers they former∣ly made him. Besides the Commissions and Instructions given to these Captains, he delivered letters to them for particular persons, who were men of power and interest in their Countrey, also Letters from himself, and from the City of Cozco to the Corporations of those Cities, desiring them to join with them in this cause, which was for the common good and welfare of the whole Empire: He also caused the City of Cozco to write unto the City of Plate in the same manner, and to the same effect, as to the other Cities: and Hernandez himself wrote Letters to many Planters in the Charcas, and to the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado and to his Wife Donna Anna de Velasco, the substance and Contents of which was so ridiculous, as served onely for sport, and laughter; and were not thought worthy of an Answer. He that hath the Curiosity to reade them, may find them in the History of Diego de Hernandez, Chap. 27.

CHAP. VII.

The Justices nominate Officers for the War. The several Pretenders to the Command of Captain General. Fran∣cisco Hernandez leaves Cozco, and marches against the Justices.

NEWS coming to Los Reyes, that Francisco Hernandez increased daily in men, reputation and authority, the Justices thought it time to appoint their Captains and Officers for the War. Paulo de Meneses was named for Lieutenant General, and Don Antonio de Ribera, Diego de Mora, Melchior Verdugo, a Knight of the habit of St. James, and Don Pedro de Cabrera were made Captains of Horse; but the two last refused this Preserment, as too mean for men who had so good an opinion of themselves, as to believe they deserved to be made Generals of Armies greater than this. The Captains of Foot were Rodrigo Ninno, once con∣demned to the Gallies; Lewis de Avalos, Diego Lopez de Cenniga, Lope Martin Lu∣sitano, Antonio de Luxan, and Baltazar Velasquez, who in the last rebellion of Don Sebastian de Castilla, escaped from the Justice of the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado; as hath been already mentioned. Lope de Guaço was made Standard-bearer Gene∣ral; and the Command of Horse refused by Melchior Verdugo was bestowed up∣on Pedro de Carate; And Alonso de Carate, a Citizen of Arequepa, was also made Cap∣tain of Horse. Francisco de Pinna was made Serjeant Major, and Nicholas de Ribera Junior, was made Captain of the Guards to the Justices, with Title of Cap∣tain of the Guard to the Royal Seal, which was, as Palentino saith, to disguise the Presumption of raising a Guard for themselves. But when they came to make choice of a Captain General, a great Tumult and Sedition arose by three Pretenders, who were all men of Estates and Interest, and each abetted by a considerable Party. The Persons in nomination were, Santillan, one of his Ma∣jesty's Justices, who had the best reputation of them all, and was allyed to many of the Nobility who had gained the Empire, and who appeared in favour

of his Election. The second who pretended thereunto was the Arch-bishop of Los Reyes called Don Geronimo de Loaysa: but what reason should incite this religious Person, who was of the Order of Preachers and Archbishop in the Church of God, to be General of an Army against Christians is not known; though Souldiers took the Boldness to assign the cause thereof to Ambition and Vanity of a Prelate, whose duty it was to remain in his Church, praying for the Peace of those Christians, and for the Conversion of Insidels, by preaching the Gospel, rather than to appear a Fomenter of the civil War. The third Pretender was Dr. Saravia, one of his Majesty's Justices of the same Tribunal; who, though he was sufficiently assured, that he was never likely to carry his pretension, yet out of opposition to Santillan, and from a spirit of Emulation, he was resolved to appear against him, and finding his Party too weak then to join them with that of the Archbishop's. In this suspense matters remained for several days, with∣out any determination: untill atlength the Electors finding that time was lost in these quarrels, to the hindrance of affairs and to the weakning of the authority of the Army, they agreed as the best expedient to gratifie both parties, to make choice of two Generals; namely, Santillan, and the Archbishop of Los Reyes, sup∣posing thereby to have satisfied the desires of Doctour Saravia and his Party. Whilst these things were in agitation News was brought to the Justices and Let∣ters from the Citizens of Cozco, giving an account of the numbers and qualities of the persons who were gone from thence to serve his Majesty. But such was the jealousie and suspicion which the Justices entertained of every person and ac∣tion in that rebellion, that they even mistrusted each other and much more the advices and Intelligence which came from the quarters of the rebellious party: wherefore they sent them word not to advance nearer to Los Reyes untill farther order. But no sooner had they dispatched away the Messenger with this Com∣mand, than they discovered their own Errour, and began to consider how preju∣dicial it might prove to the service of his Majesty to reject and refuse admission to such principal persons who were coming to their Party, and had chosen to abandon their Houses, Wives and Children, rather than to remain in the power and at the disposal of the Rebels: wherefore they instantly dispeeded away ano∣ther Messenger, with a kind invitation to them, signifying in the most obliging terms how acceptable their coming would be to the City; and encharged the messenger to make such speed, as to overtake the former, and require of him his dispatches which he was to stifle, that nothing of the Contents thereof might be known; which being performed accordingly, the Citizens of Cozco arrived at Los Reyes where they were received with all the kindness and respect imaginable.

The Election of Captains and Generals being at length made and agreed, Or∣ders were sent by the Judges to all the Cities of the Empire, giving them to un∣derstand that Hernandez Giron was in actual rebellion, to suppress which it was their duty to arme themselves, and appear for service of his Majesty: And a List was sent of the Names of all the Captains who were to command Horse and Foot in the several Plantations. Moreover Proclamation was every where made of General Pardon to all those who had been engaged in the late Wars with Gon∣çalo Piçarro or Don Sebastian de Castilla, provided that within such a time, they came in for Service of his Majesty. For it was well known, that many of those people had concealed themselves amongst the Indians, not daring to shew them∣selves in the Spanish Plantations. It was farther thought necessary to secure the Seas, for which Service Lope Martin was appointed to embark on a Galeon, then in Port with fourty Souldiers, and to fit and equippe what other Ships he could provide; Lope Martin accordingly acted, but his Command lasted not above eight days, for he was too passionate and cholerick for such a charge, which re∣quired a person of a more phlegmatick constitution and better temper. Wherefore Geronimo de Silva was put into his place, which he executed like a Gentleman and a Souldier well experienced in affairs both by Sea and Land; and Lope Martin returned to his command of a Foot-company, where we will leave him, to de∣clare the things were acting by Hernandez Giron.

Who now perceiving himself strong in men, and in the increase of his forces to the number of four hundred, who were come to him, from divers parts, be∣sides those he had sent to Huamaca and Arequepa he resolved to march towards the City of Los Reyes, to fight the Army of the Justices, as he called it: mea∣ning that his Army was the Royal Army, and raised for service of his Majesty.

And though he had above four hundred men with him, well clothed, armed and mounted; yet it troubled him to observe, that he was not backed and seconded by the concurrence and authority of the several Cities, Towns and Villages, for whose interest, safety and honour, he pretended to have raised that War: But before he resolved on his march to Los Reyes, he was considering with himself, whether it were not better to proceed first against the Marshal, whose party he looked upon to be weakest and ill affected to him, by reason of the great rigour, cruelty and seve∣rity he had lately exercised, to the great scandal and displeasure of all sides and parties, whom he had in some way or other disobliged by the death of their friends, kindred or relations. Upon which ground many persons, skilfull both in the af∣fairs of War, and the circumstances of those times, were of opinion, that in case Hernandez had in the first place attached the Marshal, it had succeeded better for him, in regard the best Governour in the World cannot rely on a discontented people the which Palentino confirms, Chap. 60. in these words.

It was the misfortune of Hernandez, that he did not proceed first to Potocsi rather than to Lima; for certainly, had he bent his course against the Marshal, he had in all probability subjected those Provinces, and conserved his men, who would ne∣ver have gon over to one so generally hated and abhorred by them, as was •••••••• Marshal; though they did revolt afterwards when they came to Lima. Nor was it believed, that the Marshal's men would have resisted or fought, nor indeed we••e they provided for it, because the Marshal had so many Enemies about him, th•••• all preparations for War moved slowly. Thus far this Authour.

But God, who governs all things, would not permit Hernandez to take th•••••• course, which was best for him, for then the evils and miseries he would ha•••• brought upon the people had been irreparable: but being insatuated he reso•••••• on a March to Lima, as History relates, leaving Alvarado the Lawyer his Lieute∣nant General in the City, and to bring up the remainder of the forces, because the •• could not all go out together: but before Hernandez left Cozco, he very generous•••• declared, that he was willing to dismiss or discharge any person who was desire•• to remain behind, and rather stay at home, than adventure on that enterprise: the which offer he made upon consideration that pressed or forced men could ne∣ver be good and fast friends, or such as he could rely upon in times of necessity •• especially if such were Citizens and men of Estates, who would draw many a•••••• them in case of revolt. Onely he importuned and almost forced Diego de Silva •• accompany the Army, presuming that his presence carried authority, and would much animate and confirm the Souldiery. Diego de Sylva complied accordingly rather out of fear than Love, as appears in that the first opportunity he forsook his Party, and fled to the enemy, as we shall see hereafter. So that now Hernan∣dez had procured six friends, who accompanied him out of Cozco, three of which were Thomas Vazquez, John de Piedrahita and Alonso Diaz, who were all engaged with him in the night of the rebellion; but the other three, who were Francisco Nunnez, Rodrigo de Pineda, and Diego de Silva he obliged, and engaged to him afterwards by fair words and promises, and by preferments and offices, the first to be Captain of Horse, and the second of Foot. Eight days after Hernandez was marched out of Cozco, he was followed by his Lieutenant General with 200 Souldiers more; a∣mongst which were 20 conducted thither some few days before, by Francisco de Hinojosa, who brought them from Contisuyo: for the truth is, all those who went under the name of Souldiers, followed the Party of Hernandez Giron, whom they esteemed their Protectour against the rigorous Decrees and Edicts of the Justices, which were daily promulged, and published to the damage and prejudice of the Souldiery. Besides this Hinojosa, came another Souldier from the parts of Areque∣pa, called John de Vera de Mendoça, who had been formerly of the King's party; he was young, and a Gentleman, and very ambitious of the honour to be a Captain; which being refused to him by the King's Ministers because of his youth; he came over to Hernandez Giron with a companion of his called Mateo Sanchez, whom he named his Ensign, and both arrived at Cozco some few days before the departure of Hernandez from thence; and to obtain this preferment for himself and his Com∣rade by the grace and favour of the General, they came together into the Town, Mateo Sanchez carrying a Towel on a Staff, in resemblance of his Colours, which he as Ensign was to carry. But what was the Event of these matters we shall see in the following Chapter.

CHAP. VIII.

John de Vera de Mendoça revolts from Francisco Hernan∣dez. The People of Cozco go to seek out for the Marshal. Sancho Duarte raises Men, and calls himself General of them. He is reproved by the Marshal. Francisco Her∣nandez comes to Huamanca. The Scouts of the two Camps meet.

ALvarado the Lieutenant overtook his General about eight leagues from the City of Cozco, where he stayed untill he came up to him; and then they all in a Body passed the River Apurimac, and before night marched two leagues be∣yond it: but were four days in passing the Bridge with their Men, Horses, Am∣munition and Provisions. During which time John de Vera de Mendoça considering that he had been already fifteen days in the Army, and no preferment given him, nor confirmation of the title of Captain, which he so passionately desired, he re∣solved to leave Hernandez and return to the King's party, which appeared more like a Farse in a Comedy than the action of a Souldiery, and for such we have in∣serted it in this place. John de Vera agreed upon this design with four other young Souldiers like himself, who with his Ensign made six in all; and they that night passed the Bridge and afterwards burnt it, to prevent any pursuit which might be made after them. And entring into Cozco the night following, they sounded an alarm, which put all the City into a consternation and tumult, fearing left the Re∣bels were returned with intention to doe them farther mischief, so that none durst stir abroad, or put his head out of doors that night. But so soon as it was day, be∣ing better informed, that it was onely Captain John de Vera and his Followers, who still carried his Colours flying, the Citizens went out to him, and agreed to go with him to find out the Marshal, who they knew, and were well assured, was fortified with a strong Army: John de Saavedra a principal Citizen was made their Chief; and John de Vera de Mendoça would not be put by his Captain-ship, nor march under any Banner but his own, and though he came to the place where the Marshal was, he had neither the fortune to better his Colours nor advance his Title, but passed for a Boy more forward and confident than discreet. Those at Cozco, who met and agreed upon this design, were about forty in number, fifteen of which were Citi∣zens who had command over Indians, the rest were Merchants and Officers whom the Rebels had left behind as useless persons: and these, such as they were, travel∣led towards Collao, where the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado kept his head Quarters: who having understood that many of the Citizens of Cozco were coming in search of him, he sent them Advice and Orders by no means to pass out of the limits of his Jurisdiction, but rather to expect him there, for that he was moving on the way to meet them.

Sancho Duarte, who was then Governour of the City of Peace, raised Souldiers for the Service of his Majesty, and setting up his Standard, marched towards Cozco with above two hundred men divided into two Companies, one of Foot com∣manded by Captain Martin de Olmos, and the other of Horse of which he called himself Commander with title of General. Being come to the Bridge where the River empties it self, he staid there some few days, and having there received in∣telligence that Francisco Hernandez was departed from Cozco, and was on his march towards Los Reyes, he continued his way towards Cozco in pursuit of Francisco Her∣nandez; for he, as the humour was at that time, desiring to command and not to be commanded, avoided joyning with the Marshal, that he might not be his Soul∣dier, or fall under his Banner: which when the Marshal understood, he sent him two Commands: the first was a Letter requiring him to return within the limits of his Jurisdiction, and to expect his coming thither: for that it was not to the service of his Majesty to have so many small Armies disjoined from each other: with this Letter he gave another more positive Command to the Messenger in a

different style, subscribed Captain-General, directing more magisterially, that in case Sancho Duarte should not comply with every point commanded in the Letter, that he should certifie the same back to him: but Sancho Duarte upon these sum∣mons became very tractable, and returned again within the limits prescribed him, though before such summons he seemed to set up for himself, and in an arbitrary manner to follow his own humour and pretensions.

And here we shall leave him and see what Hernandez Giron is doing whom we lately left in Apurimac: Giron, proceeding on his way, understood in Athauylla that all the Souldiers and Citizens of Huamanca had declared themselves for the King's party, and that John Alonso de Badajoz, who had called himself Lieutenant-General of those Companies, was joyned with those few Souldiers which Francisco Nun∣nez had raised in Cozco, and were gone together unto Huamanca: which Hernandez much resented, and complained thereof to his Friends, wondring that the Cities who at first had owned his cause and approved his proceedings, should with so much facility abandon him and disown his actions. Howsoever he proceeded on his march to the River Villca, where his Scouts discovered several of his Majesty's Army: for that the Justices being informed that Hernandez was marching against them, gave orders to Captain Lope Martin to advance with a party of thirty Soul∣diers to inform them of the enemy, and of the place where they were quartered, and with all speed to return with the advice; accordingly Lope Martin proceeded, and having discovered the enemy, gave an account of their condition and place where they lodged. But Francisco Hernandez proceeded on his march to the City of Huamanca, where he staid in expectation of Thomas Vazquez; for when he sent him to Arequepa, he told him, that he would not pass that City untill his return. Vaz∣quez, having made but one days stay at Arequepa, marched thence by way of the coast, untill he overtook Francisco Hernandez; for he found that he had little to doe there; for though that City, upon false reports and misrepresentation of things, had understood, that the City of Cozco had unanimously concurred to chuse Her∣nandez for their Procurator-General, to represent the case and state of their aggrie∣vances to his Majesty, and to lay them before the Lords Justices, they then sent their Ambassadour to Cozco (as we have said) to signifie their concurrence with them: but when they rightly understood, that all this Insurrection was nothing but the Rebellion of a few desperate men, they then were ashamed of their mes∣sage; and the whole City declared themselves resolved to spend their lives and fortunes in the service of his Majesty, so that Thomas Vazquez, finding none with whom to treat, returned without effecting any business; but that it might not be said but he had done something, he killed Martin de Lezcano upon the way, who had been his great Friend and old Comrade, to be before-hand with him, and to prevent his killing him; for he suspected that he had a design to declare for his Majesty. He also hanged up another Souldier of good esteem and note, called Alonso de Mur, because he fansied that he had a mind to escape, having received both Horse, and Arms, and Money from Hernandez: when Hernandez heard that Vazquez was near the City, he went forth to meet him with his own Equipage and Retinue, and they entred both together without much order or ceremony; which was so contrived not to shew the small numbers which Vazquez brought with him. Captain Francisco Nunnez, who came out of Cozco with forty Souldiers, with de∣sign to take possession of Huamanca, and to perform all other things which he was commanded to doe, found matters there in the same posture that Vazquez had done at Arequepa; that is, that all the Inhabitants were fled and gone to the service of his Majesty; onely John Alonso de Badajoz, and Sancho de Tudela, an old fellow of eighty six years of age remained behind, who followed the fortune of Hernandez untill the end of his Tyranny and Rebellion, and then he was killed amongst the rest.

With these two and some few Souldiers more Francisco Nunnez went forth to re∣ceive their General, whom they found much out of humour to find those who at the first seemed to abett his cause and his interest, now to deny and revolt from him: but to comfort and cheer him up a little, two Souldiers of good esteem and note, belonging to Lope Martin, revolt•••• to him, one of which was afterwards made Ensign-bearer to his Lieutenant-General the Lawyer Alvarado; by whom he was fully informed of the state of the Camp which appeared for his Majesty. Af∣ter which he marched out of Huamanca with above seven hundred Souldiers, to∣wards the Valley of Sausa, from whence he sent two Captains with their Squa∣drons

into divers parts; one of which was John de Piedrahita with sixty Souldiers, and the other was Salvador de Loçana with forty others. From his Majesty's Camp Geronimo de Costilla, a Citizen of Cozco, was ordered with twenty five Souldiers to scour the Countrey, and discover the enemies quarters; It was his fortune to take that way by which John de Piedrahita was coming; but having intelligence that he was not above four leagues distant, and that he was sixty men strong, he made his retreat, not being able to engage with so great a number. But on the other side Piedrahita having advice from the Indians (who as we have said are Spies for both parties) that Geronimo Costilla was not far from him, he marched in the night towards him, and by break of day beat up his Quarters, where, surprising him un∣awares, he routed him, and took three prisoners, and therewith returned to the Army.

CHAP. IX.

Three of the King's Captains take a Captain and forty Soul∣diers belonging to the Rebels: they deliver them up to one of the Justices. Francisco Hernandez finding many of his Souldiers to revolt from him, resolves to engage the Royal Army.

ACcording to the successes of War, which are always various and doubtfull, it was the fortune of Geronimo de Costilla in his retreat to meet with Geronimo de Silva, whom the Justices had sent after him with some recruits; and being fearfull that Hernandez was drawing towards them with his whole Army, they both judged fit to retreat, and in the way it was their chance to take an Indian who was a domestick Servant to Captain Salvador de Loçana; to whom they put divers questions, and forced him to confess in what place his Master was, and what num∣ber of people he had with him: of which they sent advice to the Judges, and de∣sired a sufficient recruit of Men to surprise and take them. The Justices immedi∣ately upon this notice dispatched away Lope Martin with sixty men more for their assistence, who joyning with Geronimo de Costilla, and Geronimo de Silva, so well ma∣naged their business, that though the enemy were good Souldiers, and well armed with Fire-locks, and had posted themselves in a fast place, yet upon promise of pardon for all their past offences to his Majesty they submitted and surrendred them∣selves, and came quietly out of their Fort, suffering themselves all to be taken, except one man, who made his escape to carry the news thereof to Francisco Her∣nandez, who was greatly troubled thereat, because he confided much in Loçana and his Souldiers, who were the best and choicest men that he had in all his Army. The prisoners being carried to the King's Camp, the Justices would have hanged them all, but that the Souldiers began to mutiny, protesting that they would never more make excursions into the Countrey, nor act farther against the enemy, in case these men were executed; for that might provoke the contrary party to re∣turn them the like, and oblige the Souldiery to act on both sides in a desperate manner: the Captains also took up the matter in favour of their Souldiers, and petitioned the Court of Justice to moderate the Sentence: who thereupon to put them out of sight and view of the Army, sent Loçana and his Souldiers to Altami∣rano his Majesty's Judge Advocate at Sea, to dispose of them as he thought fit; who by virtue of that Warrant hanged up Loçana and other two of the most culpable amongst them, and banished all the rest out of the Kingdom.

Though this loss of Captain Loçana and his Souldiers very much troubled and afflicted Hernandez, yet, not to shew himself dismayed, he proceeded forward with his Army, depending much upon the plots and strategems of War which he had contrived: and being come to the Valley of Pachacamac four leagues distant from the City of Los Reyes, he called a Council of War to resolve on matters which were to be acted: and there it was resolved, that by night they should surprise that part of the Army which was encamped without the City; and that they

should drive before them the Cows which were in that Valley with lighted Mat∣ches fastned to their Horns, and guided by many Indians, and Negroes, and Musque∣tiers, who were to turn and force them directly upon the enemy: the which ac∣tion was agreed to be put in execution four nights afterwards.

Diego de Silva, a Citizen of Cozco, was present at this Consultation, with whom (as is said before) Hernandez had prevailed to countenance and encourage his Soul∣diers with his presence; and to shew the esteem he had of him, he always called him to be assistent at every Consultation: during which time the Scouts from each party viewed and surveyed each others Forces, and carried the intelligence. The Justices and their two Generals prepared and put themselves into a posture of defence, to obviate any ill accident which might possibly happen: the Captains also did the like, exercising their Souldiers every day with Skirmishes between themselves, and shooting at marks, and for better encouragement gave Jewels and Rewards to the most dexterous Marks-men. In this Camp were numbred above 1300 Souldiers, 300 of which were Horse, 600 Musquetiers, and about 450 Pikemen.

And here it is to be observed, that so soon as the Justices had received news of the removal of Francisco Hernandez from Huamanca, and that he was on his march to meet and fight them; That the better to secure themselves of the good will and affections of the people, and loyalty of the Souldiers of the Countrey, they resol∣ved to suspend the execution of the late Decrees which were published, and by Proclamation to declare, that those Edicts which exempted the Indians from their personal services to the Spaniards, and which enjoined and forbad Spaniards to make use of Indian Women or Men in their Travels were all abolished and made void for certain years: and in the mean time they generally agreed to make choice of two Procurators, who were to be sent into Spain, and there, in the name of the whole Empire, to lay before his Majesty the hardships and aggrievances which were imposed on them, and with all humility to supplicate a redress, in such manner as his Majesty should in his wisedom judge most fit and requisite to be granted. The persons nominated and elected for this service, were Don Lewis de Cabrera a Citizen of Cozco, who by reason of his great Belly (as we have intimated before) was un∣wieldy and unable for action in the War; and the other was Antonio de Ribera a Ci∣tizen of Rimac, both which prepared for their Voyage into Spain, where Don Antonio de Ribera arrived in safety, but Pedro de Cabrera made a stop by the way and came not thither.

Two days after Hernandez was entred into the Valley of Pachacamac, a party of his Souldiers sallied out to skirmish with the enemy; who being engaged together, were assisted by others who came in to their aid, and the numbers of each side in∣creased, both of them being desirous to make trial of their skill and valour: amongst the rest Diego de Silva, to shew his forwardness and zeal for Hernandez, was one who appeared in the first Rank, but finding his opportunity, he revolted over to his Majesty's Camp, carrying with him four other Souldiers of good reputation, one of which was called—Gamboa, and was Ensign to Captain Nunno Mendiola, to whom by this flight he caused great mischief, as we shall see hereafter; and these were followed that day by divers others, which put an end to that skirmish. The like was acted by others the day following, and all the time he staid in Pachacamac his men deserted him in twenty and thirty in a company who revolted over to the King's party: which when Hernandez observed, and that no remedy could be con∣trived to prevent it, he resolved to retreat back to Cozco before he was abandoned by all his Souldiers; so now the strategeme of the Cows was laid aside, in regard that Diego de Silva had discovered it, and that the Justices, as might be presumed, had provided to countermine and prevent that design. In pursuance of this reso∣lution, Hernandez, to prove and try the inclinations of his Souldiers, told them plainly, that he gave free liberty and license to any person whatsoever, who was not satisfied with his cause, to pass over to the contrary party: but none took ad∣vantage of this permission, unless some few mean and unserviceable sort of people, whom the Lieutenant-General Alvarado stript of their Clothes, and devested of their Arms and Horses before they departed. And so Hernandez retreated out of Pachacamac in the best order he was able, being moved thereunto more out of an apprehension he had that his people would desert him, than any fear he conceived of danger from the enemy: for it was evident that such was the confusion of Coun∣sels in the Camp of the Justices by reason of many Rulers that nothing was deter∣mined and concluded in its due time and season. As will appear by what follows.

CHAP. X.

Francisco Hernandez retires with his Army. In his Maje∣sty's Camp is great Confusion by diversity of opinions. A mutiny is raised in the City of Piura; and how it was pacified.

FRancisco Hernandez according to his former resolution withdrew his Forces from Pachacamac in such haste that the Souldiers left behind them all things which were useless and cumbersome to them, which were all taken away by the King's Party, who upon retreat of the Enemy, without order from their Commanders, plundered every thing that remained: Upon this alteration of affairs, the Justices entered into consultation with the Field Officers; and summoned unto the Coun∣cil of War, besides the Captains, several Planters, who were men of Estates in the Kingdom, and were well experienced in the Affairs of that Countrey: but in such variety of opinions, there was great confusion, every one persisting in his own persuasion, pressed eagerly that his Counsel might be taken. Atlength after long debates, it was concluded that Paulo de Meneses, with six hundred select men, should pursue after Hernandez: the next day the detachment being made, the two Generals contradicted the resolution concluded at the Council of War, and orde∣red that no more than a hundred men should be drawn out, for that it would be too great a weakning to the Camp to be devested of the greatest number of the choicest men. Howsoever the Justices remained constant to their first Resolves, and again commanded that the detachment should be made of the six hundred men; which was again contradicted by the two Generals, who were of opinion that a hundred men were sufficient to keep the Enemy in Alarms, and to receive such as were desirous to revolt. Between these contradictory Orders Paulo de Me∣neses was greatly confused, and much more troubled, because he was not permit∣ted to take with him those Comrades and Friends of his in whom he most con∣fided to stand by him, and who were desirous to keep him company. And here we will leave them to declare those matters, which passed at the same time in the City of St. Michael de Piura.

The Justices, as we mentioned before, had sent advices to all the Governours of the Kingdom concerning the rebellion of Hernandez, and issued out their Orders and Warrants to raise and arm Souldiers to resist and destroy the Rebels. The Governour of Piura, called John Delgadillo, gave his Commission to Francisco de Silva, a Souldier of good fame and reputation, who lived in that City, with In∣structions to leavy Souldiers in Tumpiz, and along the coast, and to bring with him as many as he could raise. Francisco de Silva went accordingly and returned to Piura with a party of about twenty six or twenty seven Souldiers, who having remained there about twelve or thirteen days without any care taken to provide them with Victuals, or Lodging, and being poor men, and not able to maintain themselves, they came to the Governour with their Captain Francisco de Silva and desired his Licence to goe to the City of Los Reyes to serve his Majesty. The Governour being pressed by the Intreaties and Importunities of all the Citizens as∣sented thereunto; but the next day, the Souldiers being drawn out, and ready to march, the Governour, without any reason for it, revoked his Licence, and gave a positive Command, that every one should repair to his quarters, and neither go out from thence, nor out of the City without farther order. Francisco de Silva Hernandez and his companions, finding that no entreaties could prevail on the Governour, they resolved to kill him, and plunder the City, and then depart and offer their service to Hernandez Giron, since they were denyed leave to serve his Majesty. The matter was soon agreed, and about twelve or thirteen of them well armed went into the Governour's house, and took him, and killed a Justice of Peace of the lower rank, and made seizure of Guns, Head-pieces, Swords, Bucklers, Lan∣ces, Halbards, with a great provision of Powder; and then carrying forth the Royal Standard they proclaimed upon pain of death, that every man should re∣pair thereunto; then they broke open the royal Treasury, and carried all the mo∣ney

from thence; the like they did to particular mens houses, which they sacked and plundered, not leaving any thing of value therein. And it happening, that a certain Souldier came at that time from Rimac, being banished thence, they cau∣sed him to report, that Hernandez was marching with a very strong Army to Los Reyes, and that all the Kingdom had declared for him, and that the Justice San∣tillan himself, with many of his Friends and Relations were passed over to that party; besides a multitude of other Lyes which they caused him to report, which served these poor Rascals for the present, and pussed them up as full of vanity as if they had been truths, and made them to cosider themselves no less than as Lords and Masters of all Peru, and when this Souldier declared his in∣tention to follow Hernandez, they all became of the same mind, and presently proceeded to join with him.

The Governour they carried with them in Chains, and eight or nine Citizens and men of Estates besides, with Collars of Iron about their Necks, after the manner of Gally-slaves. In this manner they travelled above fifty Leagues with all the boldness and insolence imaginable, untill they came to Cassamarca; where they met with two Spaniards who lived by their labour and honest dealings, and from them they received true information of the state and condition of Hernandez Giron, and how he fled, and was pursued by the Justices; and that it was credi∣bly believed that at that very time he was defeated and killed. With this News Francisco de Silva and his Companions were extremely dashed and confounded, and began to bewail their sollies; and, to save themselves, they designed to sur∣prize some Ship, if it were possible, to make their escape. The Governour and his Companions were now freed of their Chains and set at Liberty, but ex∣tremely incommoded. And the Rebels, being about fifty in number, divided themselves into little parties of about three or four in company to pass more free∣ly without any notice taken of them.

The Governour finding himself at Liberty, summoned people in the King's name and took some of them, whom he hanged and quartered. And the Justi∣ces being informed of the Outrages committed by these Villains, sent a Judge called Bernardino Romani with Commission to punish the Offenders; who in pur∣suance thereof took and hanged almost all of them, and the remainder he sent to the Gallies, but Francisco de Silva and his Companions, escaped to Truxillo, where they entred into the Convent of St. Francis, and there disguising themselves in that habit, they travailed to the Sea-coast, where they embarked on a Ship which transported them out of the Empire, and so saved their lives.

In those days came sad and lamentable News from the Kingdom of Chile brought by a Citizen of St. Jago called Gaspar Otense, giving an account, how that the A∣raucan Indians of that Kingdom had made an Insurrection, and had killed the Go∣vernour Pedro de Valdivia and his People, of which we have rendred a large relati∣on in the seventh Book of the first part of these Commentaries. This disturbance amongst the Indians was of great consequence to all Peru: for it began towards the end of the year 1553, and hath continued to the end of this, being 1611, in which we are now writing these matters, and yet the War is not at an end; but the Indians are more proud, and stand more on their terms, than at first, being en∣couraged by the many Victories they obtained, and the Cities they destroyed; God in his Mercy put a good end hereunto, as is most for his Glory. Perhaps in the following Book, we may touch upon some later actions of the Araucans.

CHAP. XI.

Of some unhappy Misfortunes which befell both Armies. The death of Nunno Mendiola, a Captain belonging to Francisco Hernandez, and also of Lope Martin, a Cap∣tain in his Majesty's Army.

BUT to return to the Affairs of Peru; We say, that Hernandez Giron being departed from Pachacamac, marched with great care and vigilance, keeping his baggage close to him, and always ready, and in a posture to repulse the Enemy, in

case they should pursue, and fall on him in the rere: but after he had marched 3 or 4 days, and found that no pursuit was made after him; and had understood by his Spyes; that the Councils held in the Enemies Camp were various, and com∣monly contradictory, and that what the Justices ordered, was again countermanded by the Generals; he took courage and marched more leisurely and with more ease and security than before. Howsoever things passed not so smooth and fair neither between him and his most intimate friends, but that many quarrels and disputes arose amongst them, for being come to the valley called Huarcu, he hanged up two of his principal Souldiers, upon a bare suspicion, that they intended to revolt; for amongst them a jealousie onely was sufficient to take away the life of any man whatsoever; though he were the greatest Confident, and the most zealous for their cause. Her∣nandez proceeding forward came to the valley of Chincha, which was a Countrey a∣bounding and plentifull of all provisions; for which reason Captain Nunno Mendiola advised Hernandez to remain there for three or four days for refreshment, of his Soul∣diers and making Provisions which were necessary for their farther march; but Her∣nandez would not admit of this Counsel; and looking at the same time on Mendiola he fansied, that his countenance changed at the refusal, and that he seemed discon∣tented; which opinion others nourishing in him, endeavoured to increase and im∣prove, and told him plainly that Mendiola was resolved to pass over to the King's party, which belief Hernandez easily admitted, when he called to mind that Gam∣boa who was his Ensign was already revolted with Diego de Silva, and thence he cer∣tainly concluded that it was with design to make way for his Captain, and to treat and secure conditions for him against the time that he should find opportunity to escape; upon which suspicion onely he ordered his Lieutenant General to take away his Horse and Arms, and to discharge him the Army; which was according∣ly executed; and not onely so, but with them also he was deprived of his life. And thus poor Captain Nunno Mendiola ended his days, which was a due reward of his demerit, having been one of the Conspiratours engaged in this rebellion. Not∣withstanding which several Souldiers still continued to revolt, and came in to Paulo de Meneses, giving him advice, that Francisco Hernandez was in great disorder by reason that he was deserted by many of his Souldiers, so that he had scarce 300 men with him, though in reality they were above 500. Paulo de Meneses being encouraged with this News, entered into consultation with his friends of the man∣ner how he might beat up the Enemies quarters in the night; which being agreed, and the Souldiers on the march, they called to mind, that they had made no provi∣sion of Corn for their Horses, which was a matter which should have been thought upon before: but whilst they were considering hereof, a certain Souldier, who was one of those which had lately revolted from Hernandez, called Francisco de Cuevas, stept out, and told them, that he knew from whence to fetch a sufficient quantity of Mayz: whereupon Paulo de Meneses sent him away with a dozen of Indians to carry the provision. The Souldier accordingly went and dispatched away the Indi∣ans with their full burthens, ordering them to go before, and that he would pre∣sently follow, so soon as his Horse had eaten his Corn: when the Souldier found himself alone, instead of returning to Paulo de Meneses, he passed over to Francisco Hernandez; to whom he gave an account of the number of his Enemies, that they were marching against him, and of their design to beat up his quarters, the night following: He then asked his pardon for having deserted him, saying, that it was the Providence of God which had directed him for good, and sent him to bring this Intelligence, that the Enemy might not take him upon surprize. Now it is said, that the reason of this revolt of the Souldier again to Hernandez was occasio∣ned by a word which fell from a certain Souldier belonging to Paulo de Meneses, who, discoursing with another concerning the Rebels, said, that so soon as the War was ended, the best of these Runagates would be called to an account and whip∣ped, and sent to the Gallies: which being over-heard by this Souldier, he resolved to return to his former Captain, and to merit his Pardon, by the intelligence he brought him. Francisco Hernandez allarum'd with this information, remained all that Evening and the night following in a posture of defence and ready to receive the Enemy: but when Paulo de Meneses and Lope de Martin and the other Captains found that Francisco de Cueva came not back, they presently suspected, that he was returned to Hernandez, and had given him advice of their design to surprize him in the night; wherefore they changed their resolution, and ordered their Souldiers to march unto a place called Villacori, about five Leagues distant from their former

quarters, leaving thirty of their best Horse behind for a rere Guard, and to give intelligence of what passed in those parts. Lope Martin, with three other Compa∣nions, offered himself for this service, and posted himself on a high Hill which sur∣veyed the River Yca, from whence he might discover and observe the motion of the Enemy. But as Lope Martin with his three Companions were on the Hill, they were discovered by a certain Indian of Cannari belonging to Hernandez, from the lower parts which are full of thickets and trees; of which he immediately carried the Intelligence to his Captain; upon which advice Hernandez with his Souldiers encompassed the Hill on all sides, so that it was impossible for any of them to e∣scape; for though Lope Martin could see at a distance, yet by reason of the thickets and bushes, he could discover nothing that was near at hand; nor could he see, when any passed the River Yca, which runs just under the mountain. I remem∣ber that having had occasion once to pass that way with some Companions of mine, we had the curiosity to go up to the top of the Hill, to see the place where Lope de Martin was surprized, which indeed is such a situation, that an enemy cannot be discryed untill he just appears close at hand: and so it happened to Lope de Martin and his three Companions, who fell unexpectedly into the hands of a Party sent from Hernandez without possibility to escape, being all four taken. And whereas it was not known, which was Lope de Martin, a certain Moor of Barbary who had been a servant to Alonso de Alvarado, who was Brother-in-law to Thomas Vazquez, they having married two Sisters, chanced to know him, and told those that carri∣ed him, that they ought to look well to their Prisoner, who was Lope de Martin. The Souldiers triumphing with so great a prize, carried him with much joy to Hernandez Giron; who refused to see him; but calling to remembrance how that Loçana, one of his Captains, was hanged by Altamirano, the Judge Advocate, he instantly passed sentence on Lope de Martin, and upon one of his Companions that had formerly deserted him, and caused them both to be executed without farther delay. Lope Martin was beheaded, and his Head pitched upon the point of a Lance was carried for a Trophy to Villacori, as we shall presently relate: And thus Lope Martin ended his days, who was one of the first Conquerours of that Empire, and concerned in the imprisonment of Atahualpa, and one of the Chief Citizens of Cozco.

CHAP. XII.

The Justices send recruits to Paulo de Meneses: Fran∣cisco Hernandez returns upon him, and defeats him. The death of Michael Cornejo. The faithfulness of a Horse to his Master.

PAulo de Meneses going, (as we have said before) in pursuit of Hernandez, wrote to the Justice Santillan, and to Don Geronimo de Loaysa, Archbishop of Los Reyes, who were the Generals of the Army, advising them that the Enemy was very strong, and that his Forces were weak; and therefore he desired them to send him recruits without delay, not doubting but to defeat the Rebels in that expedition. The Generals with all readiness complyed with his desires, and sent him a hundred men well armed and provided, amongst which were divers Citi∣zens of Cozco, Huamanca and Arequepa; who made such haste in their march, that they arrived at Villacori, some time before Paulo de Meneses himself came thither; to the encouragement and satisfaction of both Parties at their meeting. They were well informed, that the Enemies quarters were not above five Leagues di∣stant, and that Lope de Martin and his three Companions were upon the watch, and remained for Centinels, attending the motion of the Enemy. With which News they confidently reposed and remained in security without fear or sus∣picion of danger: which was an errour in the Captains, who in War ought

ever to apprehend the worst, and provide against the surprise of an enemy, though distant and far removed; for example of which we shall lay before them the pre∣sent misfortune. For Francisco Hernandez, having been informed from Lope Martin and his Companions of the quarters and condition of Paulo de Meneses, he presently put his Forces in order to march against him with all possible diligence: and here∣in fortune favoured him very much; for though one of Martin Lope's Companions had made his escape, yet he was so affrighted with the apprehensions of death, that he hid himself in a Cave, and had not power to go forward with this information to Paulo Meneses, which was of the highest importance to him; for want of which, on confidence of such vigilant Sentinels as Lope Martin and his Companions, both he and his Souldiers reposed securely without fear or suspicion of any surprise. About break of day in the morning a certain Souldier, who went out of the Camp to gather a little Mayz in those Fields, heard on a sudden the noise of people co∣ming towards him; and looking about him, espied a party of about thirty Horse, which Hernandez had sent for the Van-guard to amuse the enemy, and entertain them with skirmishing untill the rest of his Forces were come up to their assistence. The Souldier immediately ran in with the advice, and gave the alarm; but Paulo de Meneses supposing that the enemy was not more numerous than what the Soul∣dier reported them to be, he kept his ground and would not retreat, untill seeing the enemy very near, and appearing on the Sands, and himself almost surrounded with Forces far greater than his own, he then gave orders to make a retreat with all speed, whilst he in person defended the Rere against the enemies attempt, in which many were killed and wounded on one side and the other; and in this manner they continued fighting and skirmishing the greatest part of the day, un∣till the whole Force of Hernandez was come up; and then the confusion was great as well amongst those who pursued as those that fled, not being able by reason of the noise and dust to distinguish one from the other: this pursuit continued for the space of three leagues, in which Captain d•• Avalos with five or six more were wounded, and about fourteen or fifteen were killed, and amongst them Michael de Cornejo a very honest man, and a Citizen of Arequepa, and one of the first Con∣querours, to whom Francisco de Carvajal, Lieutenant-General to Gonçalo Piçarro, made many acknowledgments of friendship for the kindness and generosity he had shewn him, as we have formerly mentioned. His death was occasioned by the Borgonion he wore, having the Visard close shut down, whereby, and with the dust raised by those who pursued, and those who fled, and by the violent heat which is always in those Valleys, he was stifled and suffocated. He was much lamented by all that knew him, being a person of great goodness and honour, as ap∣pears by the entertainment and reception he gave to Francisco de Carvajal, his Wife and Family, when he found them in the Market-place of Arequepa destitute of Lodg∣ing, or Money, or Friends to entertain them. Notwithstanding this success which the Rebels had in pursuit of their enemies, who fled before them, yet their loss was greater by the revolt of many of their own Souldiers to the King's party; which caused them to give over the pursuit, and sound a retreat, lest the example of those who fled should be the cause of a general mutiny and defection amongst their Forces. John Rodriguez de Villalobos a Citizen of Cozco, was one of those who re∣volted that day from Hernandez, whom though he had endeavoured to engage to him by the marriage of his Wife's Sister, yet the loyalty he owed to his Prince was of greater prevalency with him than the bond and tie of alliance: but Hernan∣dez seemed to make light of his desertion, swearing, in contempt and disdain of him, that he was more troubled for a Sword he carried with him than he was for his person or any other concernment relating to him: And farther to shew his con∣fidence, and the assurance he had to prevail, he again publickly declared, that he gave free liberty to any man who was weary of his service to pass over to the side of the Justices, for he pretended not to entertain forced and pressed Souldiers, but willing and faithfull Friends. As to Paulo de Meneses himself, he left his Souldiers and fled to Chincha, which Palentino testifies in these words:

When Paulo de Meneses, says he, saw that his Souldiers fled, and that his Body of Horse ran away in full carriere, he turned out of the way, and passed through a sandy Countrey towards the River Pisco, and with three other Companions, who followed him, came to Chincha, &c. Thus far this Authour.

As the Rebels returned from the pursuit, they gathered up all the Arms, Coats, Cloaks and other things of burthen, which the King's party had scattered in the

way and thrown from their Horses and Mules to ease them in their flight; like those who are in a storm at Sea, throw their Goods and Lading over Board to save their Vessel and their Lives. And such was the fortune of these Royalists, who but even now being in a condition to threaten their enemies with a total destruc∣tion, were in the next moment forced to flight and entirely defeated.

In this place it will be no great digression from our purpose, to relate a story concerning the faithfulness of an Horse (which I knew) towards his Master, be∣cause it is rare and curious, and because such accidents as this seldom happen in the world. In this Battel of Spurs (as we may call it) there was a certain Gentleman engaged of his Majesty's party called John Julio de Hogeda, as Citizen of Cozco, and one of the first Conquerours of that Empire, who, amongst other Horses which he kept, was mounted that day at Villacori upon one with black spots, and running full speed, as Palentino saith, Hogeda fell from his Horse, which seeing his Master on the ground, gave a stop amidst three hundred other Horses and Beasts of bur∣then, and would not stir untill his Master got up again and was mounted on his back; which faithfulness of an irrational Beast saved the life of his Master, and may be recounted for a story without example; unless it were another of the like nature performed by the same Horse, of which I my self was a witness, at Cozco; where, after the War was ended, certain Gentlemen exercising their Horses after the Genet fashion, as they usually did in the common course every Sunday, it happened that a School-fellow of mine, of mongrel race, whose Father was a Spa∣niard and his Mother an Indian, called Pedro de Altamirano, Son of Antonio de Alta∣mirano, one of the first Conquerours, being mounted on this Horse, and running full speed by a Window on his left hand, he espied a fair young Lady looking out from the House belonging to Alonso de Mesa, the sight of whom caused him to for∣get his race, and at the next course, having the Window on his right hand, he tur∣ned his head two or three times to see the beauty of the Lady. The third time passing the same place, the Horse being sensible that his Rider checked him in his carriere, he strained harder than before to gain the Race; but the young Gallant being more intent on the beauty of his Mistress than the Government of his Horse, he leaned too much on one side and fell to the ground: which when the Horse perceived, he gave a stop in his full speed, and staid without moving untill the Gallant arose, and again mounted upon him, and then he continued his course, to the great admiration of those who were present. All which I my self saw from a Gallery of my Father's House; the which action may serve to confirm the truth of the former unto those who had not the faith to believe it at the first. And so we shall return to the Army of the Justices, where we shall find nothing but ani∣mosities, and troubles, and changes of Officers, and places of Trust.

CHAP. XIII.

The Justices deprive the two Generals of their Office. Fran∣cisco Hernandez comes to Nanasca. A Spie carries the news of the many changes. The Rebels compose an Army of Negroes.

SUch were the quarrels and dissensions in his Majesty's Camp between the two Generals, that the Captains and Souldiers were scandalized thereat, and trou∣bled to see on all occasions things diversly and contrarily disposed. The Generals being informed of these complaints and murmurings of the Souldiery, were per∣suaded at the instance of several principal persons to dine one day together, in order whereunto with much intreaty they brought the Justice Santillan from his quarters two leagues off, where he was retired to a meeting with the Archbishop, and after Dinner they were made Friends, to the great satisfaction, as Palentino saith, of the whole Army. The same day towards Evening news was brought to the Camp of the defeat and rout given at Villacori, at which they much admired,

having according to their best intelligence received daily advice, that Paulo de Me∣neses was much stronger than the enemy. The Justices, Captains and other Offi∣cers were highly sensible of the loss they sustained by this defeat, and found by experience that the original of that and other misfortunes proceeded from the dis∣cord and misunderstanding of the two Generals, to the great disgrace and discou∣ragement of the Imperial Army. And though they endeavoured as much as was possible to palliate this loss, saying, that those who came over from the enemy made reparation for the numbers of those who were killed, yet they could not digest the loss of reputation which the Royal Army sustained by the contrariety of their opinions and opposite commands; and therefore calling a Counsel, the Officers by a Royal Mandate discharged the two Generals of their Commands, and conferred the Office of Commander in Chief upon Paulo de Meneses, and con∣stituted Pedro Portocarrero his Lieutenant-General: which likewise caused mur∣murings and discontent in the whole Camp; and men talked loudly, that it was a shame and reproach to them to make choice of an unlucky fellow who but the other day had lost a Battel, and had rather deserved ignominy and punishment for his ill conduct, and to be debased to the meanest Souldier in the Field, than to be raised to the highest dignity and place of command. Howsoever the election was confirmed and the resolution notified to the two Generals, who made some de∣mur thereupon, but they were over-ruled and forced to submit; and farther it was agreed to pursue the Rebels with eight hundred men, and for better expe∣dition to march without Baggage or other incumbrance: but this determination met with delays like the rest, so that it was not put in execution till three days af∣terwards. For the Justice Santillan being upon his return to Los Reyes, was atten∣ded on his way with a numerous train of Friends and Relations to the number of about an hundred and fifty persons, to the great diminution of their Forces, and discomposure of their affairs: of which Santillan being made sensible by one of his Friends, who told him, that the taking many men from the Army would look like a Rebellion, and give his Adversaries occasion to pretend that he was jealous of his safety, and suspicious of Plots and designs against him: he presently appre∣hended the inconveniences, and dismist his Friends and Kindred, desiring them to return to the service of his Majesty in the Army, which was much more necessary than their attendance upon him: which they accordingly performed, so that San∣tillan entred into Los Reyes with no greater attendance than of his own Servants.

By this time Hernandez was come to Nanasca, being about sixty leagues distant from Los Reyes, to which place he had marched without let or hindrance whatso∣ever: for such had been the confusion and difference in his Majesty's Camp, that nothing could proceed to his hurt or interruption: and for his better advantage and information of every thing, the Justices gave ear to the proposal of one who was a Serjeant in the King's Army, and had been a Souldier in the Plot and Con∣spiracy of Diego de Rojas, who offered to adventure into the enemy's Camp in the habit of an Indian, and to bring them from thence a true information of the state of their affairs. The Justices assenting hereunto gave him free license; so that he as a false and treacherous Spie went over to Hernandez, and told him, that he had clothed himself in that habit to pass more easily to his Army; for that in the King's Camp there were such quarrels and discords amongst the Officers, and dis∣contents amongst the Souldiers, who had no will or courage to fight, that nothing but destruction could be the end and issue thereof; and for that reason, out of a principle of self preservation, he resolved to save himself in his service. Moreover he reported, that the Justices were much troubled and confused upon the news they had received, that the City of St. Michael de Piura was in Rebellion against his Majesty, and had declared themselves for Hernandez Giron; and that a certain Captain named Pedro de Orsna was coming from the New Kingdom with many men in favour also of Hernandez; all which being of great encouragement to his people, he caused them, for better credit thereof, to be declared by publick out∣cry. But to qualifie this news a little, he told them, that the Marshal was coming from the Charcas with a powerfull force of twelve hundred men, but they char∣ged the Spie to make this report, or at least to moderate it, and say, that he came with no more than six hundred men, lest it should prove too great a discou∣ragement to the Souldiers. At the same time letters were intercepted from the Camp of the Justices, conveyed by an Indian, directed to a Souldier; for which both of them were hanged, though the Souldier after he had endured the torment

twice, would make no confession; and that after his death, in the Collar of his doublet a Parchment was found with a Pardon from the Justices for Thomas Vaz∣quez. The which Pardon was presently published by Hernandez, with Assuran∣ces in the name of the Justices of great Rewards and of Lands with Services of Indians to whomsoever should kill Hernandez and other principal persons who were about him.

But before the Defeat given at Villacori, Francisco Hernandez had raised a Com∣pany of Negroes consisting of about an hundred and fifty black fellows, which they had taken out of the several Plantations, Villages and Colonies which they had plundered, to which he afterwards added above three hundred Ethiopian Souldiers; and to encourage them the better, he formed them into Companies di∣stinct from the others. Of these he ordained a Captain General called Mr. John, who was an excellent Carpenter, (for I was well acquainted with him) and had been a Slave to Antonio Altamirano, as I have formerly mentioned. Their Lieutenant was Master Antonio, to whom a principal Souldier of the King's Camp had surrende∣red his Arms; it is not fit to name him, though I was well acquainted with him: the report whereof coming into Spain, caused a Gentleman who had lived in the In∣dies, and was acquainted with this Souldier, to send him a Sword and a Dagger hand∣somely gilt, more in scorn to upbraid his Cowardise, than on the score or in token of friendship, which occasioned much discourse after the Wars were at an end: Be∣sides these chief Officers, he appointed their Captains, and gave them leave to make choice of their Ensigns, Serjeants, Corporals, Drummers and Pipers, and make their own Colours. All which the Negroes performed very handsomely, which was a means to allure and invite many of that sort from the King's Camp; who seeing their Relations and Kindred so highly honoured and advanced in the Camp of Hernandez, were induced to follow their example, and so were engaged against their Masters during all the time of this War. The Rebels made great use of these Souldiers, whom they sent abroad with a small party of Spaniards to forage and gather provisions; which the poor Indians in fear and dread of them, and to rescue themselves, their Wives and Children from their Cruelties, did readily admini∣ster and supply them with; which afterwards was the cause of great famine and distress in the Countrey.

CHAP. XIV.

The Marshal makes choice of Captains for his Army. He comes to Cozco, and marches against Francisco Her∣nandez. The unfortunate death of Captain Diego de Almendras.

IN the mean time, whilst matters were thus transacted in Cozco, Rimac and Villa∣cori, the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado, who was in the Kingdom and Provinces of the Charcas, remained not idle or unactive: for as we have said before, he em∣ployed himself in raising men for his Majesty's service, and providing Arms, Am∣munition, Victuals, Horses and Mules, and what else was necessary for the use of the Souldiers. He made Don Martin de Almendras, a Gentleman, who had mar∣ried his Sister, his Lieutenant, and Diego de Porras, a stout and valiant Souldier his Standard-bearer general; Diego de Villavicennio was made Serjeant Major, in which Office he had been in the War which President Gasca waged against Gonçalo Piçar∣ro. He nominated Pero Hernandez Paniagua and John Ortiz de Carate, who had E∣states in the Charcas for Captains of Horse, with another Gentleman of Noble extraction called Don Gabriel de Guzman. Gomez Hernandez, the Lawyer, was made Judge Advocate of the Camp, and John Riba Martin Chief Apparitor. Of the In∣fantry he constituted six Captains, three of which had Estates and Plantations, namely, the Lawyer Polo, Diego de Almendras and Martin de Alarçon. The others,

who had no Estates, were Hernando Alvarez de Toledo, John Ramon and John de Ar∣reynaga; all which Commanders so diligently applyed themselves to their charge and employment, that in a few days the Marshal had an Army composed of about eight hundred men, of which Palentino, Chap. 41. speaks as followeth.

His Forces were in number seven hundred seventy five men, all good Souldiers well armed and richly clothed, and with great attendance, the like of which hath never been seen in Peru. And indeed it was no wonder they should be so, coming from the Mountain or Hill, which is the richest of any discovered as yet in this World. These are the words of Palentino, of which I am sure he speaks very true, for I saw them my self some few days afterwards in Cozco, and then they appeared unto me to be as brave and as well accoutred as this Authour expresses: so that being thus powerfull in Men and Arms, and provided of all things ne∣cessary the Marshal marched towards Cozco; in his way to which, several Parties of ten and twenty in a Company came to join with him for the service of his Ma∣jesty. And after he had passed Arequepa with the difficulties before related, there came to him about forty Souldiers: And Sancho Duarte and Captain Martin de Olmos, who resided in the City of la Paz, came forth to the Marshal, with above two hundred good Souldiers, at which meeting they testified great joy with vol∣lies of shot and other Martial salutations. The Army marching forwards came within the jurisdiction of the great City of Cozco, where they were met by a small squadron under the Command of John de Sadvedra; which though few in number, and not exceeding eighty five men, were yet considerable for their Estates and Interest in the Countrey amongst which were thirteen or fourteen Ci∣tizens of Cozco, being all Conquerours of that Empire of the first or second Ad∣venture: Of these men there were sixty Horse and the rest were Foot, most men of Estates, and such as had fled from the Rebels to Los Reyes, with intention to serve his Majesty. With the appearance of so many good and brave Souldiers, whom the Rebels once believed would have joined with them, the Marshal was animated and encouraged; and marched to the entrance of the City of Cozco, being then above twelve hundred strong; of which three hundred were Horse, three hundred and fifty Musquetiers, and about five hundred and fifty Piques and Hal∣berts: Every Troop and Company marched by it self with five in a File or Rank; and afterwards drew up in the Market-place; where the Horse and Foot made a feigned skirmish for sport and diversion, and afterwards were all quartered with∣in the Precincts of the City. The Bishop of Cozco, called Frier John Solano, atten∣ded with his Dean and Chapter came forth to meet and welcome the Marshal and his Army, and to give them his benediction. Howsoever, remembring the hard∣ships he had endured when he accompanied Diego Centeno in his long marches, he was unwilling to follow the Camp, but rather chose to remain in his Church, and pray for their success, and the peace of the Countrey. From Cozco the Marshal is∣sued out his Warrants and Orders to repair the Bridges of the Rivers of Apurimac and Amancay, intending to pass that way in quest of Francisco Hernandez of whom he had heard nothing of late, nor was it known what was become of him. At this time Advices were sent from the Justices of the ill success of Paul de Meneses at Villacori, and that the Rebels were encamped in the Valley of Nanasca: upon which intelligence, the Marshal altered his design, and returned back the same way he came, to avoid passing by Arequepa and the Charcas, which would have been a great hurt and damage to the Countrey, and a means to prolong the War. Where∣fore the Marshal changed his Orders concerning the Bridges, which he commanded now to be burnt, to hinder the passage of the Enemy, in case they should design to return that way again. The Marshal departing from Cozco marched fourteen or fif∣teen leagues along the Road to the Collao, and then took the right hand way which leads to Nanasca, where he expected to meet Hernandez: but hearing no News of him, he marched towards Parihuanacocha, though in the way thither he was to pass a rocky desart of above thirty leagues over: In this passage four Souldiers having robbed two Mules, one belonging to Gabriel de Pernia and the other to Pedro Franco (who were Souldiers of good reputation) and therewith fled over to Hernan∣dez, the Marshal upon notice thereof presently commanded the two Souldiers to be strangled, suspecting, that they themselves had been consenting thereunto; which being esteemed by all to be a piece of great injustice and cruelty, caused murmu∣rings and discontent in the Army, and a thousand Curses against the Marshal. As Palentino mentions, Chapter 41. These four Souldiers which revolted met with

the Scouts of Hernandez Giron, and went with them to Nanasca, where in private they gave a true account of the force which the Marshal brought with him, and that he was coming to seek them by the way of Parihuanacocha: though in pub∣lick, not to discourage the People, they reported, that his force was weak and in∣considerable: but Francisco Hernandez disabused his people, and told them the truth: for, as Palentino saith, he spake to them in these words.

Gentlemen, do not flatter or deceive your selves, but clinch your Fists close, for I assure you, that you have a thousand men coming against you from below on one side, and 1200 from above, which by the help of God, I esteem as nothing, for let me have but a hundred stout and valiant friends, who will stick to me, and I shall not doubt, but to defeat them all. And hereupon having prepared for his departure; upon the eighth of May he left Nasca and marched to Lucanes by way of the mountain, with intent to possess himself of Parinacocha, before the Marshal came thither, &c. Thus far this Authour, Chapter 41.

Howsoever the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado continuing his March, entered upon the Desarts of Parihuanacocha, where by reason of the bad and craggy ways and tempestuous weather, or the unhealthfulness of the Climate, above sixty of their best Horse dyed, though they were led by hand, and well covered with Clothing, without any reason given for the same; the Grooms said, that they were taken with a shortness of breath like Horses that are broken winded, at which all people won∣dered, but none knew the reason; onely the Indians esteemed it ominous, and to be a forerunner of ill success. Diego Hernandez, Chap. 42. speaking of this passage, saith, as follows. When the Marshal was come unto Chumbibilcas, and had there provi∣ded himself with all things necessary for his Camp; he adventured to pass the de∣sart of Parinacocha, which is about 32 leagues over, which was so full of boggs and morish places, snow and rocky asperous passages, and so many broken cliffs and wa∣ter-galls, that many Horses perished in that desolate Land, which seemed at that time to be a corner of Hell, where was nothing but misery and famine, &c. Thus far this Authour, whose Authority we have brought to confirm the truth of what we have before alledged.

The Marshal left Captain Sancho Dugarte in Parihuanacocha sick of a Flux or Dis∣sentery, of which in a few days afterwards he dyed: the Army still proceeding in their march the Scouts happened to take one of the Scouts belonging to Hernandez; and to save his life, they reported, that he voluntarily was coming to serve his Ma∣jesty, and from him the Marshal was informed, that Francisco Hernandez was not above twenty leagues distant from that place; for which reason he kept his peo∣ple on the Watch, not to be surprized or to have their quarters beaten up in the night. When the Army was about two days march from Parihuanacocha, a bold ac∣tion was performed by a certain Negro which alarum'd the Army, and was this:

Captain Diego de Almendras, according to his usual Custome, did often separate from the Army to shoot wild Beasts, of which there were very many in those De∣sarts; and being in this manner one day upon the ramble, it was his fortune to meet amidst those rocks with a Negro belonging to Serjeant Major Villavicencio, who had run away; and whom Almendras would have bound, and brought back to his Master. The Neger stood still, as if he would have submitted; but so soon as Almendras came near him, thinking to bind his hands with match, the Negro stooped down, and catched hold of the Ankles of his Leggs, and running his Head against his Breast, threw him backwards; and then with his own Dagger and Sword, he gave him so many Wounds, that he left him dead. After which the Negro fled to the rest of his Kindred and Relations who were with Hernandez; and having recounted to them this brave exploit, by which he made his escape, they all rejoyced, and gloried in the action, every one boasting of it, as if it had been done by himself. A young man of mongrel race half Spaniard and half Indian being with Almendras, and seeing his Master on the ground, and ill treated in that man∣ner, took the Negro by the Shoulders to free his Master from him; but Almendras be∣ing sensible that he was mortally wounded, called to the youth to fly before he was killed by the Negro: and such was the Cry and Groans he made, as gave an alla∣arum to all the Army: he was afterwards carried to Parihuana to be there cured, but he dyed in his way thither, such was the end of this poor Gentleman, who lost his Life in hunting after another man's Negro; the which unhappy accident both Indians and Spaniards interpreted as an ill omen of their future Successes.

CHAP. XVI.

The Marshal receives intelligence of the Enemy: He sends some Forces against them: A Skirmish happens between the two Parties. The general opinion of the Officers to decline fighting with the Rebels.

THE day following after this unhappy misfortune befallen Captain Almen∣dras; the Marshal receiving advice that the Enemy was not far distant he marched eight leagues farther with his Army; and then made a strong detachment, which was required to hasten with all expedition, and to carry no other baggage or incumbrance, than onely Provisions for three days: and in this manner, as Pa∣lentino saith, they passed a desart Countrey full of marshes and boggs, and deep with Snows; and that night they lodged in the open Air, without Tents, or other cove∣ring: and having travelled eight leagues farther; the next day they came very weary to a People called Guallaripa, where they received News, that Francisco Hernandez had departed thence three days before, and was then at Chuquinga about four leagues di∣stant from them, where he staid to refresh his Army, which was greatly tyred and discomposed by the Fatigues of a long march over mountainous and desolate Coun∣tries. At this time the Commissary Romero and Garica de Melo came to the Marshal with a thousand Indians that were Souldiers bringing Provisions and Ammunition to him from the Province of Andaguaylas; from them he received a relation of all matters concerning Hernandez, and how he had strangled Diego Orihuel, a Na∣tive of Salamanca, having taken him as he was coming to the Marshal's Camp to serve his Majesty. Thus far Palentino.

The Marshal having certain intelligence that the Enemy was near, he greatly desired to engage with them, and therefore resolved to detach two Captains with a hundred and fifty choice Musquetiers, who early in the Morning were to give the Enemy an Allarum, and receive such as would pass over to his Majesty's ser∣vice. But the Captains and other persons of quality and interest, who were well informed of the strength of the place wherein Hernandez was encamped, would have dis••uaded the Marshal from the design, giving him very good reasons, why it was not fit or safe to attempt the Enemy within their Fortifications, or to ha∣zard the loss of an hundred and fifty of the choicest Musquetiers in the whole Ar∣my, on whose success the fortune of the day depended: but the Marshal replyed, that he himself would follow them in the rere, and succour them with the whole Army, and second them so warmly with his Troops, that the Enemy should be able to prevail little on them: and so he instantly desired licence of the Captains to draw out from their Companies a hundred and fifty choice Musquetiers, which he committed to the command and charge of his Lieutenant General, and of Captain John Ramon, with Directions to approach as near to the Enemy as was pos∣sible. The Captains accordingly about midnight marched out with this detachment, and about three hours afterwards the Marshal followed them with the whole Ar∣my. Hernandez who was well advised of the near approach of a severe and incen∣sed Enemy, was vigilant not to be surprized unawares; and having his forces al∣ways in a posture of defence, he kept Guards on the Avenues, which were but two, where it was possible to be attacked by an Enemy.

Before break of day in the morning the King's Forces came to the place where the Enemy was fortified; and without any noise endeavoured to surprize them before they who were on the other side of the River Amancay could hear any thing of their approach: but whilst they moved thus softly, they were discovered by an Indian belonging to Hernandez, who presently ran to his Master, and told him, that the Enemy was near at hand.

Francisco Hernandez immediately caused an Allarum to be sounded; and dispo∣sed his people in such places as were most for their security; and on both sides Vollies of Musquets were interchanged without damage unto either, for they fired at a great distance. About nine a clock the Marshal brought his whole Army in sight of Hernandez; and then the skirmish was renewed with more heat and cou∣rage

than good discipline: for the Rebels having considered the situation of the place, ordered and disposed their Souldiers to the most advantage; It was no plain or open Countrey where they were to fight, but amongst Bushes and Trees, and great Rocks and Caves, by which the River Amancay passes. Hernandez his Soul∣diers divided themselves into several parties and places covered and sheltered with Trees and Bushes. The Marshal's men boldly and openly descended from a Hill, and being come within Musquet-shot, every one to signalize himself the better, told his Condition, and his Name, who and what he was.

The Ensign of John Ramon named Gonçalo de Mata came so near the Enemy, as to call to them, and cryed out aloud, I am Mata, I am Mata; one of those who lay close in the Bushes perceiving him within Musquet-shot, answered him, I am a Matador, a Matador, or a Killer of him; and with that let fly at him, and shot him full in the Breast, with which he fell dead to the ground: the like happened to others, of which many were killed and wounded, without seeing who hurt them: And though the Marshal re-inforced the detachment with fresh Forces, so that the Skirmish continued untill three a clock in the afternoon, in which above forty principal persons were killed and wounded, yet no advantage was gained by this Engagement: amongst these a young Gentleman of about eighteen years of age, called Don Felipe Enriquez had the misfortune to be slain, and was much la∣mented by both Armies; and Captain Ayrenaga was wounded. The King's party having sustained this loss in the Skirmish, were not a little cooled in their courage and abated in their mettle. During the Fight two Souldiers belonging to Hernan∣dez revolted to the Marshal, one of which was called Sancho de Vayona: and one Souldier of the Marshal's passed over to Hernandez, named—de Bilbao, of whom we have formerly made mention, and how he declared, that wheresoever he first saw Hernandez, he would fly to his Party.

The Skirmish being ended, and the Souldiers retired: Palentino, Chapter the forty fourth, saith; That the Marshal entered into consultation with Lorenço de Aldana, Gomez de Alvarado, Diego Maldonado, Gomez de Solis, and other principal persons in the Camp; to whom he signifyed the great desire he had to engage the Rebels, upon assurance that Bayona the Souldier (who was just then come over from the Enemy) had given him, that for certain they would never stand a shock, but turn their backs at the first charge: but Lorenço de Aldana and Diego Maldona∣do being of another opinion, took him aside, and persuaded him to decline an Engagement, and to have patience for a while: since he had such manifest ad∣vantages over the Rebels, both in men, and in the ground where they were en∣camped: and moreover, all the Indians and all that Countrey were disposed to fa∣vour and serve him. As to the Rebels, they had no other refuge or fortification than those Rocks and Woods; in which being kept in by the Indians, and as it were besieged on all sides, they must in a short time be compelled by famine to one of these two things, either to abandon their fast places, and then they will either disband, or separate of themselves, or be easily routed by us; or the greatest part of them, will pass over to us, without hazarding the life of any of those Loyal Gentlemen who are engaged in this quarrel: all which will easily be effected, by standing still without action, and onely keeping a good watch and ward in case the Enemy should make an attempt, and especially upon that high point of Land which runs out upon the River, and which oversees both Camps; which pass if he could make good, he would be better fortified and secured than the Enemy. In this advice and opinion most of the principal Officers concurred: onely Martin de Robles (to whom the Marshal had given the Company which be∣longed to Diego de Almendras) and some few others were of a contrary opinion, and insisted much to give them battel: howsoever Lorenço de Aldana was so ear∣nest in the matter, that the Marshal promised and gave him his word, that he would not fight. And upon this resolution he dispatched a Messenger away pre∣sently to the Camp of the Justices, to send him some small Field-pieces with a recruit of Musquetiers, to play upon that point of the broken part of the Moun∣tain which the Enemy had possessed; for that driving them out from thence, they would either be forced to yield, or else to fight their way in open field. Thus far Palentino, by which appears the great desire of the Marshal to engage the Rebels, contrary to the opinion of all his Officers, and to the great and weighty reasons alle∣ged by them; which Council not being followed, occasioned the ruine and de∣struction which insued; as will speedily appear in what follows.

CHAP. XVI.

John de Piedrahita alarms the Camp of the Marshal. Ro∣drigo de Pineda comes over to the King's Party; and per∣suades them to give the Enemy Battel. The debates there∣upon. The Marshal resolves to engage.

SO soon as it was night John de Piedrahita with a party of thirty six Musquetiers divided into three Companies alarm'd the Marshal's Camp in three several quarters; which was not much regarded by them, and onely a few shot returned to shew that they were not asleep: so soon as the day began to break Piedrahita retired without effecting any thing, onely he thereby gave occasion to Rodrigo de Pineda, a Citizen of Cozco and Captain of Horse, upon pretence and colour of gi∣ving assistence to Piedrahita, to make his escape to the Marshal; of which Palen∣tino gives this account:

So soon, says he, as Rodrigo de Pineda was come to the Marshal, he assured him, that many, if not the greatest part of Hernandez his Souldiers would have made their escape had it not been for the strict watch which is always kept, and that in the night when he came over, he found the River shallow and easie to be forded: upon this advice, the Marshal presently called a Council of all the Captains and men of Interest and Estates then abiding in the Camp, and, having repeated to them all that Pineda had acquainted him with, he told them plainly, that he was resolved to fight the enemy, delivering his reasons for the same: but still many of the Council opposed this opinion, persisting, that it was not safe to make an at∣tempt on a Fortification with so much disadvantage: when the Marshal saw that he was opposed by so many principal persons, he desired Pineda to repeat himself before them all what he had before declared, and what was his opinion concerning the state of Hernandez his Camp, and how and in what manner he believed they would act. Then Pineda told them, that the Forces which Hernandez had, might amount unto three hundred and eighty men, of which two hundred and twenty were Musquetiers, but all ill provided, and most of them inclined to desert him, and revolt to the Marshal; and that he might have about a thousand Horses and Beasts of Burthen. And as to what he believed of the state of Hernandez, he was of opinion, that they would march away that night if not prevented, being af∣frighted, and forced thereunto for want of provisions: That in case they did march away, the pursuit after them, through craggy and mountainous Countries, would be very difficult and ruinous to the Army, as well as destructive to the Kingdom: and that the passage over the River was easie, and the way open to make an assault. Hereupon the Marshal declared positively his resolution that day to engage the enemy; and that he would not suffer them to escape out of his hands as they had formerly done from the Justices; and prevent them from do∣ing any farther mischief than what they had already committed; and that to fol∣low and pursue after them could not be done without hardship, damage and suf∣fering of the whole Army: but some made answer and replied hereunto, that whilst Hernandez remained in that fast ground, it were more secure to let him escape from thence that to attempt him in that Fortification; for that it was pro∣bable, that having abandoned that place, his Forces would disband of themselves, without hazarding the life of one Souldier: but the Marshal was not satisfied with this answer, and said, that it was not correspondent to his duty, nor sutable to the honour of so many brave Cavaliers and good Souldiers as were there pre∣sent, to suffer those Rebels to range and wander up and down robbing and spoiling the Countrey without controll, and therefore he declared himself resolved in de∣spight of all opposition to give the enemy Battel. Herewith many of the princi∣pal Captains who were present at this Consultation in the Marshal's Tent, went out from thence much displeased and dissatisfied: and particularly Gomez de Alva∣rado said, Come, since we must die, let us go, for I am sure it will be my fortune to be killed. Thus far are the words of Palentino.

When the Council was risen, several of the Inhabitants of Cozco and of the Charcas, being men of Estates, to the number of about thirty, returned again to the Marshal, amongst which were Lorenço de Aldana, John de Saavedra, Diego Mal∣donado, Gomez Alvarado, Pero Hernandez Paniagua, Polo the Lawyer, John Ortis de Carate, Alonso de Loaysa, John de Salas the Agitant, Martin de Meneses, Garcia de Melo, John de Berrio, Anton Ruyz de Guevara, Gonçalo de Soto, Diego de Truxillo all of them Adventurers in the conquest of Peru; who taking the Marshal aside, did earnestly entreat him to retract his determination concerning the Battel; that he would consider of the situation of the place wherein the enemy was posted, which was very strong; and that his own was equal to it, and as advantageously seated as theirs: that he should observe and remember what Rodrigo de Pineda assured him of the scarcity and want of all Provisions in the Camp of Hernandez, by reason of which they would be forced to quit their quarters there in the space of three days; that he should expect untill the end of that time and see the issue, after which he might consider farther, and take such measures as should then seem most advanta∣geous and convenient: and in the mean time the enemy remained there before them, and could not take a flight through the air, but on the land onely; on which they might be intercepted and obstructed in their passage by orders and instructi∣ons sent to the Indians, whenas on the contrary, it could not but prove destruc∣tive to attack the Enemy in so difficult a station; it was well known that the event of War hath been always doubtfull; and that to play such a desperate game was to deliver up their Souldiers to slaughter, and to stand still untill they were all killed by the shot of the Enemy; That he should consider the state of his own Forces, which were in a much more happy condition than the Enemy; for they neither wanted Provisions, nor the attendance of Indians, nor other necessaries to conserve them in the Camp. That the onely game they had now to play was to stand still, and that then a Victory would follow of course, without loss or ha∣zard of his men; and that it was not good to adventure, without some cogent rea∣sons, the loss of what they had already gained. The Marshal, not reflecting, or calling to mind, that on the same River a Battel of the nature of this was lost (as before related) answered with some choler, that he had well considered all these particulars; but that it corresponded not with his duty, nor was it reaso∣nable or sutable to their reputation, to suffer such a company of pitifull Rebels to march away with such boldness and insolence, and every night to alarm him in his Camp; which not being able to support any longer, he was resolved to fight them that very day, not doubting but that before Sun-setting, he should kill and cut in pieces three hundred of their men: wherefore he conjured them to talk no more of declining the Battel, but that every one should repair to his charge and command, and acquit himself of his duty, upon penalty of being proceeded against as Traitours and disobedient to the command of their General.

There was now no farther place for Answers and Replies, the Die was cast and the resolution fixed, which caused many of the principal men to depart with a heavy heart, and to discourse amongst themselves, that the Marshal was prodigal of the lives of his Souldiers; for if he looked upon them as his Friends, his Kin∣dred, or Sons, he would not expose them in that manner to be destroyed and slaughtered by the Enemy. But what could be said more, it was their misfortune and unhappiness to be subjected to the command of a passionate and an inflexible General, who would not be persuaded to accept of a Victory which was offered to him, but rather yield it to his Enemy at the expence of their lives and fortunes: this and much more was expressed, lamenting their condition, and presaging as it were that ruine which ensued within the space of six hours afterwards. Thus in despair, the Captains, and most considerate of the Souldiers, prepared them∣selves: though there were some, who taking their measures from the numbers, and looking upon themselves as twelve hundred to four hundred or three hundred and fifty, were so certain of success as if the Enemy had been already in their hands: but these did not consider the difficulties of the way; or that they had a deep and rapid River to pass, nor the turnings and windings, and narrow pas∣sages before they could come at the Enemy, whereby their Horse would become useless; and that nothing but their Fire-arms could serve, of which the Rebels were well provided, and their Souldiers such excellent Marks men that they could kill a small Bird with a single Bullet; amongst which there were some of mongrel race, between Spaniards and Indians, and particularly one called Granado of the

Countrey of Mexico (who had taught the rest) that could shoot either upon Rests, or at Arms length, as they pleased. Moreover, it was certainly believed, that Hernandez compounded his Powder with a certain sort of Poison: for the Chirurgeons reported, that the wounds made by the Rebels Gun-shot, though never so slight, were incurable, and which was contrary to the nature of such wounds, which are always more easily cured than those which are made by Lance, or Sword, or Halbert, or such like Weapons: but notwithstanding all these difficul∣ties engage they must, which cost many a man his life, to the defeat and ruine of the whole Army.

CHAP. XVII.

The Marshal draws up his Men in order of Battel. Fran∣cisco Hernandez does the like in defence of himself. The several Assaults that were made. The death of many principal persons.

IT was presently after mid-day when the Marshal gave the signal for the Bat∣tel, and having drawn up the Souldiers in their several Companies, he gave orders to Captain Martin de Robles with his Company of Musquetiers, to march to the left, and attack the Enemy on that side; the Captains Martin de Olmos and John Ramon were commanded with their Forces to march to the right, and to make the on-set together at the same time, when they heard the Trumpet sound, which was to be the signal for the Assault: the rest of the Infantry, with all the Horse were commanded to descend by a very narrow passage, there being no other way than that to go down unto the River, which, having passed, they were to draw up in a little Plain, and then in a Body to attack the Enemy with all the fury possible. Francisco Hernandez, who from his station observed all this motion of the Enemy, and that they were disposed to assault them in three several places; called to his Souldiers, and said, Now, Gentlemen, we must either conquer or die, for the Enemy is coming upon us with all their fury: Hereupon a certain Souldier of good experience in the War, whom Hernandez and his men called Co∣lonel Villalva, perceiving that the General and his Souldiers seemed somewhat cold and desponding; bid them, as Palentino reports, to be of good courage, for that the Marshal could never maintain his Order, nor was it possible for him to pass the River without being overthrown; and that the place where they were posted was so strong as could not be taken by ten thousand men; and that all of them must be cut off and perish in the assault, with which saying of Villalva Hernandez and his men were greatly encouraged, &c. And indeed it proved ac∣cording to the words of the Colonel: For Hernandez having drawn up some of his Musquetiers and all his Pikemen in a narrow way, commanded by Piedrahita, and Sotelo, with orders to fight jointly in a Body or separately, and to relieve each other, as occasion should require. Another great Body of above an hundred Musquetiers he divided into several parties, of four and six together, and lodged them in the close passages, and behind Rocks, Bushes and Thickets which grew by the River side; where was no place to draw up men into a Body, but every one must fight by himself singly; And thence the Rebels could shoot with a sted∣dy hand, resting their Musquets on Bushes, or Stumps and Branches of Trees. Martin de Robles and his Company of Musquetiers having passed the River, estee∣med themselves so secure of Victory, considering the small number of the Enemy, that they pressed hastily to attack them, intending to gain the honour of the Victory unto themselves; which they did with so much precipitation, that they would not stay untill all their men were passed over, but attempted the Enemy with the Van or Front onely, whilst the rest were wading through the River with water to their middles, or to their Breasts, and some, intent on other mat∣ters,

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suffered their Flasks of Powder to be wetted with hanging in the water; but others, more wary, carried their Powder and Musquets on their heads. Cap∣tain Piedrahita, seeing Martin de Robles in such haste and disorder coming to attack him, sallied out with great courage, and gave him such a volley of shot as killed him several men; which drove him and his men back again over the River; with which Piedrahita returned very gravely to his former post. By this time the Captains Martin de Olmos and John Ramon were come up near to the Fort of Piedra∣hita, who seeing how ill it had passed with Martin de Robles, were desirous to re∣pair the disgrace and recover the honour which the other had lost: but the Ene∣my, being fleshed and encouraged with the late success, received the Assailants with the like Volley as they had done the others; and though the fight continu∣ed some time, yet at length the Victory inclined to Piedrabita, and the contrary party forced to retreat to the River, many of them being killed and wounded, and many of them repassed it again. Captain Piedrahita, being greatly animated with the success of these two encounters, returned to his former station, to be in a readiness to apply himself to those parts where necessity most required. Now whilst these two misfortunes had befaln the Marshal, caused by the hasty precipi∣tation of Martin de Robles, who would not attend the signal of the On-set, nor the Orders given him; the Captains and the other parties of Souldiers descended down to the River, and passed it with extraordinary difficulty; for in that part the water was so deep that the Infantry wetted both their Powder and their Mus∣quets, and the Pikemen lost their Pikes in the stream. Now the Musquetiers of Hernandez, who, as we said before, were lodged in Ambushes, covered with Rocks, Thickets and Caves bordering on the Banks, seeing with what difficulty their Enemies were labouring to pass the stream, they assailed them within the water, and killed many of them in the River before they were able to pass over; for, shooting with their Musquets on Rests, they seldom failed to hit the mark at which they aimed; and so many were killed and wounded both in that Pass and in the Plain where they designed to draw up, that they could not dispose their Squadrons in the order intended.

The principal persons killed were John de Saavedra, the Serjeant-Major, Villavi∣cencio, Gomez de Alvarado, Captain Hernando, Alvarez de Toledo, Don Gauriel de Guz∣man, Diego de Vlloa, Francisco de Barrientos a Citizen of Cozco, and Simon Pinto an Ensign. The persons wounded were Martin de Robles, Captain Martin de Alarçon, and Gonçalo Silvestre, of whom we have formerly made mention at large; and who lost a Horse that day killed under him, for which, two days before, Martin de Robles, (to whom the President had given a Revenue of forty thousand pieces of Eight a year) had offered the sum of twelve thousand Ducats, and he refused to accept it, having occasion of a good Horse at that time for this Battel. We have mentioned this passage before in the sixteenth Chapter of the ninth Book of the first Part of these Commentaries; but not having specified their names in that place, it comes opportunely and to the purpose to insert them here, and to de∣clare that Gonçalo Silvestre had his Leg broken with the fall of his Horse, but by the help of his Indian, who brought him another, though not so good as the former, was carried off, and conducted by him to Huamanca, where he served him untill the end of the War with as much fidelity and affection as if he had been his own Son. Besides these persons of note before named, sixty common Souldiers of good esteem were killed likewise, who never came to dint of Sword, or push of Pike, but were shot and birded off at a distance.

These were the most remarkable passages which happened in this Battel, for what succeeded afterwards was nothing but confusion and disorder; for the grea∣test part of the Marshal's Souldiers refused to pass the River, for they had had enough of the first day's Skirmish, having tried the smartness of the Enemy's fire; the fear and dread whereof remained on their spirits untill the total defeat.

A certain Souldier, named Perales, revolted over to the Marshal's side, and de∣sired to have a Gun charged to shoot at Hernandez, for he said he knew him well, and had observed the colour of his Clothes: a Gun was accordingly given him, with which he made a shot, and killed John Alonso de Badajoz, whom he mistook for Hernandez, who had the same coloured Clothes, and was much of the same shape and proportion with him. Howsoever he publickly praised himself for the service he had done; but when the Victory appeared for Hernandez, he retur∣ned to him again, and told him, that he had been taken prisoner by the Enemy, but

upon the rout they had released him; but this piece of Treachery did not pass un∣punished: for some few days afterwards, when Perales was at Cozco with the Lieutenant General Diego de Alvarado, Hernandez was informed that Perales made his braggs and boasted that he had killed him; whereupon Hernandez wrote to his Lieutenant to hang him, which he accordingly performed, for I my self saw him hanging on the Gallows in that City. But to return again to the Battel; Piedra∣hita observing the fear and confusion which was in the Marshal's Camp, sallied out of his Fort with about fifty men, crying out and singing, Victory, Victory, and firing as they went wheresoever they saw twenty or thirty in a company to∣gether; all which yielded themselves with their Arms and Powder, being that which they most needed; and in this manner they made Prisoners of above three hundred men whom they carried with them, and who durst not depart from them or leave them, lest they should fall into another Parties hand, who would treat them worse than those of Piedrahita's men to whom they had yielded them∣selves Prisoners.

CHAP. XVIII.

Francisco Hernandez gains the Victory. The Marshal and his Souldiers are put to flight. The Indians kill many of them on the way.

WHEN the Marshal Alvarado saw that many of his Souldiers declined the Fight, and would not pass the River; he in person led the way, in hopes to animate them to follow his Example: but all his Cries and Calls and Persuasi∣ons could avail nothing; for they all fled before Piedrahita, who was now in hot pursuit of them. Wherefore some of the Marshal's Friends told him, that it was in vain to endeavour to stop the flight of his Souldiers, being pursued by the E∣nemy; for that it was never known that ever any Army rallied again or stopped their course who had once turned their backs to the Enemy, unless some new succour appeared, or some strange accident offered it self for their encourage∣ment.

This being said, the Marshal shifted for himself and as many as could followed him, and the rest were scattered in divers parts where they thought they could best have refuge: some whereof went to Arequepa, some to the Charcas, others to the new Plantation, and Huamanca, and others travelled along the Coast to join with his Majesty's Army under command of the Justices: some few, not ex∣ceeding seven Souldiers, returned to Cozco, of whom we will give some relation hereafter.

On the way, which was far and long, which those who fled from the Enemy were to pass, the Indians killed many of the Spaniards, for they having no of∣fensive Arms with them, were exposed to the mercy of all they met. Amongst those who were thus killed, was the Son of Don Pedro de Alvarado, who was a person of great quality, of whom we have given a relation formerly, and that he brought eight hundred men with him into Peru: this Gentleman was named Don Diego de Alvarado, a Son worthy of such a Father; and his untimely and unfortu∣nate death was much lamented by all those who had any acquaintance with his Father: That which induced the Indians to adventure upon this insolence and cru∣elty, was a Command given by the Officers of the Marshal's Forces, (I shall mention no man's name particularly) who fansying to themselves an assurance of victory, in confidence thereof gave Orders to the Indians to kill all those whom they should meet wandering and flying out of the battel; not expecting that this Command should fall on themselves, but on the Rebels onely whom they inten∣ded totally to destroy: but it had a contrary effect, and eighty of them were massacred by the Indians. The number of those killed in the Battel and in the first day's Skirmish was above an hundred and twenty, and (as Palentino saith)

two hundred and eighty were wounded, of which above fourty dyed for want of care and good attendance, and for want of Chirurgeons, Medicines and good Diet; In fine, every thing was unlucky in that dismal and fatal day. So that the men killed on the Marshal's side, by one way or other, were near two hundred and fifty in all, and of the Rebels not above seventeen. The plunder of the Field (as this Authour saith) was very considerable, being the richest that ever had been in Peru: for the Marshal had engaged in this Battel an hundred of the rich∣est and principal persons of that Countrey, and many who had spent six and se∣ven thousand pieces of Eight, and other two, three, and four thousand pieces.

At the beginning of the Fight Hernandez gave order to his Serjeant Major An∣tonio Carillo to guard a narrow passage with eight or nine Horse, to intercept such as should steal away out of cowardise, and fly from the danger. In the heat of all the Battel, Albertos de Ordunna, Standard-bearer General to Hernandez came running to them trailing his Colours on the ground, and told them that they must shift for them selves, for that their General was killed, and their Forces defeated; whereupon they all fled and travelled eight or nine leagues that night: but the next day receiving intelligence from the Indians, that the Marshal was routed, and that Hernandez remained Conquerour, they returned to their Camp with suffici∣ent shame and reproach for their Cowardise; though they pretended to have gone in pursuit of the Marshal's men, of which many were fled by those ways: and to countenance them herein, and not to shame them, Hernandez was pleased to own, that he had given them Orders to pursue those who had taken their flight by those ways. The Victory being thus gained by Francisco Hernandez, his Lieu∣tenant-General was desirous at the end of the Fight to shew himself brave, and a Man of action, though during the Battel, he neither acquitted himself like an Officer, nor as the meanest or lowest of the Souldiers: but now to doe some∣thing, when the Souldiers brought a Gentleman of Camora prisoner, named Ro∣mero the Commissary, who but four days before had conducted a thousand Indians laden with provisions to the Marshal's Camp, as we have formerly mentioned, of which when the Lieutenant was informed, he sent an Emissary of his (whom he used to employ upon such like Messages, called Alonso Gonzales) with Orders to put him to death, before he was brought into the General's presence, well knowing that he would grant him his Pardon, in case any intercession was made for him, which the bloudy Hangman accordingly executed. Then they brought another Pri∣soner before Hernandez, called Pero Hernandez the Loyal, having deserved that Surname of distinction for the service, duty and fidelity to his Majesty, having always been engaged on his side, but in the War against Gonçalo Piçarro, and al∣so served in quality of a Captain under John Vazquez Coronado, a Citizen of Mexico, when the seven Cities were discovered, as we have given a relation in our Hi∣story of Florida; And now also he was engaged in the Army of the Marshal a∣gainst Francisco Hernandez; he had also the Title of Loyal, to distinguish him from other seditious and rebellious Subjects of the same name, such as Pero Her∣nandez, who was concerned in the Conspiracy of Musu with Diego de Rojas, as we have already related. This Pero Hernandez the Loyal, as Palentino saith, was a Taylor, with which Francisco Hernandez reproached him after he had given him his Pardon at the instance and request of Christopher de Funes, calling him pitifull rascally Taylor, that should dare to rise from his Shopboard, to erect a Standard in the name of his Majesty. But this report of him was false; for I knew him all the time that he was in Peru, for he lodged and dieted in my Father's house; for before he came into the Indies, he had been a domestick Servant in the Illu∣strious and most Excellent Family of Feria, from which by the blessing of God my Father is descended by a younger Son. Wherefore in regard this Pero Her∣nandez had been a Servant to that Family, and a Vassal to those Lords, and a Native of Oliva in the Kingdom of Valencia; my Father was kind to him, and trea∣ted him with as much respect as if he had been his own Brother: and on the other side this Pero Hernandez behaved himself like an honest worthy person, and kept his two Horses, one of which he called Paxarillo, or Sparrow, for the swift∣ness of his running; I knew this Horse very well, and I had reason so to doe; for with his Horse after the Wars with Hernandez were ended, a strange accident full of danger befell me, but by the mercifull providence of God, I was preserved from death. This very man, Palentino says, was a Taylor; but it was a mistake of his, and must have been some other man, who was a Taylor, and that set up

a Standard in Cozco against Hernandez: and not this Pero; for during all the time of this War, I remained at Cozco, and then in case this Pero Hernandez who lod∣ged in my Father's house had set up any Standard or Colours, it could not have passed without my knowledge; and therefore in this matter I may rather be cre∣dited than this Authour. The Youth whom I mentioned in the twenty fifth Chapter of the second Book to have had an Infirmity in his Eyes, and that by applying a certain medicinal Herb thereunto I recovered his Sight which was in danger to be lost, was the Son of this honest Souldier, and was born in my Fa∣ther's house: and now in this year, 1611. he lives at Oliva in Valencia, his Fa∣ther's Countrey, and is called Martin Loyal, whom his Excellency the Duke of Feria, and the Right Honourable the Marquis of Villanueva de Barca Rota, do em∣ploy in their service whensoever they have occasion to buy Horses, or breed them up to the Manage; for he became an Excellent Horseman in dressing the Genet, which was the Horse that gained and conquered our Countrey, &c.

When Pero Hernandez the Loyal received the first Intelligence of the Rebellion of Hernandez Giron, he was then in the Antis, trading for the Herb called Cuca, which, with an Herb called Tunu, yields a great Revenue to his Majesty: And then leaving his employment, like a loyal Subject to his King, he went to the Marshal's Camp, where he remained untill he was taken Prisoner at the Bat∣tel of Chuquynca, and presented to Francisco Hernandez for a Person of Quality, and one eminent for the many Services he had formerly acted in service of his Impe∣rial Majesty, for which reason Hernandez gave present order to have him execu∣ted; and accordingly the Hangman ordering him to kneel down, that he might put the Halter more conveniently about his Neck; and it happening at the same time, that a certain Souldier asking the Executioner some questions, which whilst he turned about his Head to answer, and was in discourse with the Souldier, up rose this Pero, and ran with such swiftness, that a Horse could not have overta∣ken him; and directly coming to the presence of Hernandez, he cast himself at his Feet, and embracing both his Legs, he most earnestly prayed and begged his mercy: this Petition of his was seconded by all then present, and particularly Christopher de Funes, a Citizen of Huamanca, interceded for him, saying, that the poor Wretch had already tasted of death by the apprehensions he had conceived of it when the Halter was about his Neck; Francisco Hernandez at the importuni∣ty of so many friends, rather than his own inclinations, gave him his Pardon. This particular passed in the manner before related; for afterwards in the time of peace, I have heard the Story repeated in my Father's house, both in the pre∣sence and in the absence of this Pero Hernandez the Loyal; whose escape out of the hands of the Rebels unto his Majesty's Camp we shall relate in its due place.

CHAP. XIX.

The great Trouble and Disturbance which the News of the loss of the Marshal caused in his Majesty's Camp. The means which the Justices took to repair this Loss. The Disputes and Differences amongst the Officers, whether the Army ought to march, or not to march against the Rebels. One of the Captains of the Rebels revolts to the King's Forces.

THE same rumour which at the Battel of Chuquinca affrighted Antonio de Car∣rillo, Serjeant Major to Francisco Hernandez and Albertos de Ordunna, and cau∣sed them to fly upon a groundless report that Hernandez was slain; and which af∣terwards was contradicted, and the truth divulged of the Victory he had gained: the same rumour being spread amongst the Indians was related to the Spaniards who lived in the Countries thereabouts; who taking the News upon Hear-say, wrote it to the Justices, with demands of a reward for their good tydings; but it was not long before winged fame brought the true relation of the fatal over∣throw of the Marshal and his Forces, which raised great consternation and trouble in his Majesty's Army; and came to that height, that, as Palentino saith, Chap. 46. a Council was held amongst the three Justices, without any reason or cause for it, either to put the Justice Santillan to death, or to send him Prisoner into Spain, upon pretence that this Santillan had caused the loss of the Battel; but Doctour Sara∣via differing from the rest in his opinion, nothing was determined against him. And indeed we are not to think it strange, that men should imagine some foul play in this matter; for this Victory of Hernandez was so contrary to the expecta∣tion of all men who had any knowledge in the Affairs of Peru, that no man would believe but that the Marshal was betrayed, and sold by his own people, and con∣sequently they pitched upon the persons whom they suspected and imagined to be the Contrivers of it: And herein they so confidently stood, and believed, that if an Angel from Heaven had come and revealed the truth, they would not have been persuaded into another belief; untill they saw many of those whom they suspected of this Treachery, and who were fled from the Battel, to come to his Majesty's Camp for refuge, showing the Wounds they received, and the Marks of their ill treatment; and then they were convinced of the Errour they had recei∣ved, and begun to entertain a good opinion of their faithfulness and loyalty: so soon as the people were recovered from their amazement, the Justices ordered Antonio de Quinnones, a Citizen of Cozco, with a party of sixty Musquetiers, to march to the City of Huamanca for the defence thereof, and to receive such as were fled thither from the Battel, and to hinder the Enemy from taking any re∣freshments or succours from thence, of which they might stand in need; and so it happened accordingly; for Hernandez sent Captain Cobo to the City for Provi∣sions and Medicines to cure his wounded men; but Cobo having intelligence that Antonio Quinnones was coming thither, he retired from Huamanca without doing what he designed.

At this time two Letters were brought to the Justices from divers parts almost at the same instant, one was from the Marshal de Alvarado, complaining of his ill fortune and the refractariness of the People who would not obey his Orders, nor follow his Directions: the other was from Lorenço de Aldana, which in very few words gave an account of the ill success of the Battel, saying that it was done against the sense and opinion of all the principal Officers of the Army: as Palen∣tino writes, Chap. 47. in these words:

Upon Monday last I wrote to your Lordship, signifying what I then suspected and feared; for I had no sooner concluded my Letter, than Lucifer entered into the Marshal and moved him to resolve instantly to assault Hernandez in the Post where he had fortified himself against the sense and opinion of all his Officers, and

particularly against mine: the which was performed with that disadvantage to us, that Hernandez shot and killed our people, and defeated us, without moving out of the covert of his Fortification, many of our principal men and persons of Qua∣lity are killed; the precise number I cannot tell, because the Marshal retired be∣fore Hernandez sallied out of his Fortification: they say the Marshal is wounded, but I am sure it was neither with fighting nor giving encouragement to his Soul∣diers, &c. Thus far Palentino.

The News of the loss which the Marshal sustained being now confirmed by all hands; the Justices commanded that the Army should march, and follow Her∣nandez; and resolved, that the Court of Justice should accompany the Army, to give greater authority and reputation, as Palentino saith, to their Cause and Procee∣dings, and to take off the murmurings of the Souldiery, who perhaps might com∣plain of the hardships they underwent, whilst the Justices were solacing and en∣joying themselves at home: but Judge Altamirano opposed this resolution, alledg∣ing that his Majesty having confined the Court of Judicature to Lima, the Bench had no power or authority without the Precincts of that Jurisdiction; nor ought they to remove from thence without express command from his Majesty. But Doctour Saravia earnestly insisting that the Court was in this emergency obliged to move with the Army; Altamirano positively declared, that he was resolved not to stir, for that the King had not given him a Commission to fight, but to sit upon his Bench, and there to judge such Causes as should be brought before him. To which Doctour Saravia replyed, that he would suspend him of his Office in case he followed not the Army, and that he would send Orders to the Officers of the King's Treasury to stop the payment of his Salary; and accordingly the fame was notified, though afterwards it was made good by a particular Warrant from his Majesty. Thus far Palentino.

After long Disputes of this kind, it was at length determined, that the three Justices, viz. Doctour Saravia, Judge Santillan, and Mercado, should attend the Royal Army; and that Altamirano, who had professed himself ignorant and un∣skilfull of Arms, and would wage no other War than civil Pleadings at the Bar, should remain in the City of Los Reyes in quality of Lord Chief Justice; and that Diego de Mora, a Citizen of Truxillo, (who, as we have said, brought a good com∣pany of Musquetiers to the Army,) was appointed Governour of the City, and his Company given to another Captain called Pedro de Carate. Things being or∣dered and disposed in this manner, and a sufficient Guard being appointed for the Sea-coast, the Royal Army marched to Huamanca, on the way whereunto, a Soul∣dier of great reputation, named John Chacon, came to them, having been former∣ly taken by the Rebels in the Rout at Villacori; but having the credit and esteem of a good Officer, Hernandez was very desirous to oblige him to be his friend, and for that reason had given him the command of a Company of Musquetiers: but John Chacon, being a person of Loyal Principles to his Majesty, secretly plot∣ted with other friends to kill the Tyrant; but as at that time there was no faith or honesty amongst that sort of People; but that they sold and betrayed one the other, as they could best make their Market; so they discovered to Hernandez the Plot intended against him, of which John Chacon having intimation, he escaped be∣fore they could seize him, and ran away in the sight of Hernandez and all his Soul∣diers: howsoever in the way his Life was in great hazard; for (as we have said before) the Indians having received Commands to kill all those who fled from the Battel, they had certainly also killed Chacon, had it not been for a Carbine he carried with him, which he often presented at the Indians, and thereby saved his Life: howsoever he came wounded to the Royal Camp, where he gave a large account of the State of Hernandez and his Forces, and of what they intended and designed to act; which information the Justices made use of for their better govern∣ment, and with much satisfaction they marched to Huamanca; where we will leave them to relate what Francisco Hernandez was doing at the same time.

CHAP. XX.

What Francisco Hernandez acted after the Battel. He sends Officers to several parts of the Kingdom to plunder the Cities. The quantity of Silver which they robbed from two Citizens at Cozco.

AFter the Battel Francisco Hernandez, remained forty days within his Fortifi∣cation; both to please himself with the thoughts of Victory, and to cure those of the King's Party who had received wounds in the Fight, whom he caressed and treated as kindly as was possible, to oblige them to remain his Friends, of which many followed him untill the day of his overthrow: during which time, he dispatched his Lieutenant-General Alvarado to Cozco in pursuit of those who had escaped out of the Battel: and likewise ordered his Serjeant-Major Antonio Car∣rillo, to go to the City of Peace, to Cucuito, Potocsi and the City of Plate, and to tra∣vel over all the Provinces to gather what Men, Arms and Horses he could find; that by such an employment he might divert and recover himself from the melan∣choly he had conceived for his late shamefull flight out of the Battel of Chuquinca: and particularly he charged him to get what Gold and Silver he could find, and also the Wine which was hidden; for a certain Souldier, lately of the Marshal's Army, named Francisco Bolonna, told him, that he knew where a great quantity was concea∣led: to bring which, Antonio Carrillo, with a party of twenty Souldiers, taking Fran∣cisco Bolonna together with them, was ordered abroad; of which twenty Souldiers two onely were belonging to Hernandez, and the rest had been the Marshal's men: for which reason it was generally suspected, and secretly whispered, that Hernandez had sent his Serjeant-Major with these men to confound and destroy them, and not to the end declared; which accordingly happened, as we shall see hereafter. Likewise John de Piedrahita was sent to the City of Arequepa, to provide what Men, Horses and Arms he could find: and upon this occasion he gave him the Title of his Major-General of the Army of Liberty; for so Hernandez styled his Forces, cal∣ling them Restorers of the People's Liberty: And then to Alvarado he named him his Lord Lieutenant, that with these swelling Titles these two great Officers might be encouraged with more pride and vain-glory to act the part they had undertaken.

According to Orders Alvarado went to Cozco in pursuit of those who had fled from the Battel at Chuquinca; and the day before he entred into the City seven Souldiers of those formerly belonging to the Marshal came thither (the chief of which was called John de Cardona) and brought the sad news of the Marshal's defeat, to the great grief and amazement of the whole City, who could not believe it possible for such a ruinous fellow as Hernandez to gain such a Victory: and being now affrigh∣ted with the cruelty of this Tyrant, they resolved all to fly, and abandon the Ci∣ty rather than to fall into his merciless hands. Francisco Rodriguez de Villafuerte, who was then High Constable, gathered what people of the City he could toge∣ther, which, with the seven Souldiers that were fled, could scarce make up the number of forty men, and with these he marched by the way of Collao: some of these took up their lodging for the first night about a league and a half from the City of which the High Constable was one, but others proceeded three or four leagues farther, by which means they preserved themselves: for this honest John de Cardona seeing the Constable take up his Quarters so near the Town, he stole privately away from them, and came to Cozco about midnight, where he gave information to Alvarado where Villafuerte and about twenty others with him remained about a league and a half from the Town: whereupon he commanded Alonso Gonçalez the Hangman General with a party of twenty men immediately to march forth and take Villafuerte and his Companions; which was performed with that diligence, that the next morning before eight a Clock Villafuerte and his Companions were all brought back to Cozco, and delivered into the hands of the Lord Lieutenant Alvarado; who intended to have put Villafuerte and several of those with him to death; but in regard no crime could be laid to their charge, the

intercession of the Friends and Relations of Hernandez Giron in their behalf, prevailed for them, and obtained their Pardon. Amongst the many Evils and Impieties which this Alvarado committed by order and direction of his Gene∣ral in this City of Cozco; it was none of the least, that in a Sacrilegious manner he robbed the Cathedral Church, and the Monasteries of the Bells belonging to them. For from the Convent of our Lady of the Merceds, they took one of their two Bells, from the Dominicans they did the like; but from the Convent of St. Francis they took none, because they had but one, which at the earnest intreaty of the Friers, they were perswaded to leave. From the Cathedral, out of five Bells they took only two, and would have taken them all, had not the Bishop with his Clergy appeared in their defence, and thundered out his Curses and Excommunications against them; for the Bells of the Cathedral were very great, and had been blessed and consecrated by the Hands of the Bi∣shop with Chrism and holy Oyl. Of these four Bells they founded six pieces of Cannon, one of which burst upon the tryal; and upon the biggest of their Guns they imprest the word LIBERTIE, which was the plausible name they gave for a pretence of their Rebellion. These Guns which were made of hallowed and sanctified Metal, did never do any service, nor was any Man killed there∣by, as we shall see hereafter. Besides this piece of Sacriledge, this Lord Lieu∣tenant committed several Robberies and Spoils upon the Estates of those who were fled, and of those who were killed at the Battel of Chuquinca, and had the reputation of being rich, because they were better Husbands, and not so prodi∣gal as others who lived in that City; and who, as it was believed, had many Bars of Silver in their possession: Alvarado by his Industry, and by threats and menaces affrighted the Indians into a discovery of two Pits which Alonso de Mesa had made in the Garden of his House; from each of which they drew out sixty Bars of Silver, every Bar being of the value of Three hundred Du∣cats. I my self had the fortune to see them taken out, for the House of A∣lonso de Mesa being in the middle of the Street where my Father's House is, I went thither at the shout they made upon the discovery of so great a prize. Some few days after they took away from the Indians, belonging to John de Saavedra, an hundred and fifty Sheep of that Countrey, laden with three hun∣dred Bars of Silver, all of the same size and value with the others. And now it was believed, that the reason why this John de Saavedra would not fly out of the City the night on which Hernandez began his Rebellion, as my Father and others would have perswaded him, was to conceal and secure his great quanti∣ty of Silver, which was the cause he lost both that and his Life with it. These two parcels of Silver, according to the usual valuation, amounted unto a hun∣dred twenty six thousand Castilian Ducats, of three hundred seventy five Mara∣vedis to each Ducat. And though Palentino saith, That Diego Ortiz de Guzman had some share in the loss thereof; for my part, I must say, That I knew nothing of it, nor did I ever hear, that any other was concerned besides the two before mentioned.

CHAP. XXI.

Of the Robbery committed by Antonio Carrillo, and of the man∣ner of his Death. The successes of Piedrahita at Arequepa; the Victory which was obtained by means of the differences which arose there.

NOr had the Sargeant Major Carrillo been less notorious for his Robberies (had his Life continued) than were those before named; for he sacked and plundered the new Plantation, and the other Cities of the District of Col∣lasuyu; and in a very few days he plundered the Caciques of that Jurisdiction

of the Tribute which they owed to their Masters, and of other things, which amounted to an incredible sum, as Palentino Chap. 49. declares, in these words,

Antonio Carrillo took the Collectors of the Monies belonging to Men who had Estates in that Country, with all the Caciques, and kept them Priso∣ners, threatning them with Punishment and Death, unless they delivered up the Moneys and Tributes belonging to their Masters; from whom, and from many Pits where Silver was buried in the Monastery of St. Francis, and other parts within the City and without, they robbed in the space of five days above the value of five hundred thousand pieces of Eight in Gold and Silver, besides Wine and other things, &c. Thus far this Author.

All which was effected by the Directions and Contrivance of Francisco Bolo∣nam, who was well acquainted with all the secret concealments of those things; and this Plunder and Robbery had proceeded farther, had not the discoverer thereof, by the checks of his own Conscience, and by the perswasion of John Bazquez Governour of Chucuitu, been instrumental to restore all the Plunder back again to the true Proprietors: for he and other Comrades of his killed poor Antonio Carrillo with their Swords and Daggers in his own Chamber, and reduced the City to the service of his Majesty, as formerly it had been: And in this manner the unfortunate Carrillo ended his days. But the Major General John Piedrahita succeeded better in Arequepa than the Sargeant Major Carrillo had done, by reason of the dispute and difference between the Governour of Arequepa, and Captain Gomez de Solis, whom the Justices had sent thither with Commission to Command in Chief all the Forces which were raised there against Hernandez: At which the Governour took great offence, esteeming himself a better Souldier, and more experienced in the War than Gomez de Solis. As Diego Hernandez relates, Chap. 51. in these words,

When Gomez de Solis was departed from his Majesties Camp with his own Commission, and another for his Ensign Vicencio de Monte, the news of his coming was brought to the City before his arrival, which caused many to pre∣pare themselves to go forth and meet him; but the Governour Gonçalo de Torre, highly resenting to have another set over him, declared, That the Justices had no power in his Jurisdiction; and consequently, that Gomez de Solis was not authorized by sufficient warrant; nor was any person capable of such Command whilst he was Governour in that City; and thus publickly professing his dislike of this matter, would not consent that any person should go forth to meet, and receive him, &c. Thus far Diego de Hernandez.

Whilst these matters were in debate, news was brought, That John de Pie∣drahita was marching thither with a hundred and fifty Men, of which a hun∣dred were the most expert Musquetiers of any amongst all the Forces of Her∣nandez; with affrightment of which, all the Inhabitants ran into the Great Church, carrying their Wives and Children, and Housholdstuff along with them, and fenced it about with a high Wall, to hinder the entrance of the E∣nemy thereinto: and at the corner of every Street they placed those few Mus∣quetiers which they had in the Town, to fire on the Enemy from the Windows and Loop-holes, without being seen by them. But in a Country where Civil-wars are, there are always Factions, and Parties, and false Brethren, by whose means Piedrahita received information of the Ambush which was laid for him; wherefore altering his course, he entered by another Street, by way of the Bishop's House, where he met with a small resistance, but nothing conside∣rable. In the mean time came a Dominican Frier sent from Piedrahita, who assured them, That Piedrahita would not break with them, but desired to main∣tain a Friendship, and good Correspondence with them, leaving the Souldiers of one side and the other free, and at their own choice, either to serve the King, or to joyn with Hernandez, as they were guided by their Inclinations, only the surplusage of the Arms, of which they had no use, he desired might be surrendred up into his Hands. Gomez de Solis would not accept of these Conditions, it seeming an infamous action for him to resign Arms to an Enemy, though such as were superfluous; howsoever the next day he condescended to the Articles, and even begged for them, because that night they had burnt some Houses of his, (though his Estate was chiefly in the Charcas) with other princi∣pal Houses of that City. And though they made a Truce for three days, yet

the Rebels broke it so soon as they heard that many of Gomez de Solis his Men were fled, and the rest refused to fight, upon which they were so encouraged, that they attempted the Wall and Barracadoe which was made. When Gomez de Solis, and other Men of Estates, who were with him, perceived that their Men would not fight, they fled, and made their escape in the best manner they could, leaving Piedrahita in possession of all the Riches and Wealth they had gathered, with which the Enemy returned fully laden and successful to their Captain General Francisco Hernandez: And though in the return, above twen∣ty of those Souldiers formerly belonging to the Marshal, which Piedrahita car∣ried with him, fled away and left him, yet he considered them as nothing, being forced Men, nor valuable in respect of that immense booty and spoils which they had taken, in Gold, Silver, Jewels, Arms, and Horses.

Hernandez (whom we left in the Fortress, where he fought the Battel of Chuquinca) having remained there a Moneth and a half, for the sake of the wounded Men; marched afterwards in the best manner he could to the Valley of Antahuailla, being highly incensed against the Indians of the Charcas for daring to fight against him at the Battel of Chuquinca, where they killed se∣veral of his Souldiers with Stones and Slings; wherefore being come into those Provinces, he gave orders to his Souldiers, as well Negers as White-men, to plunder the People, and burn their Houses, and to do them all the ruine and mischief they were able. From Antahuailla Hernandez sent for his Wife, and for the Wife of Thomas Vazquez, for whom the Souldiers made a Solemn Re∣ception, and were so foolish and impudent as to stile Hernandez his Wife Queen of Peru. Having remained a few days in the Province of Antahuailla, and there vented their Anger and Spleen against the Indians, they marched towards Cozco, and having intelligence that the Kings Forces were coming after them, they passed the two Rivers of Amancay and Apurimac; which Hernan∣dez surveying, and observing the many difficult passages which were there, and places so naturally strong, as might easily be defended against any Army which should assault him therein; he would often say, That in case he had not sent away his Major General Piedrahita with his choice Men, he would have stay'd and given the Justices Battel in some of those strong and difficult passes: Whilest Hernandez marched in this manner, six Souldiers of note, which for∣merly belonged to the Marshal, adventured to run away in sight of the whole Army, with their Horses, Arms, and other Conveniences. Nor would Her∣nandez suffer them to be pursued; for since they were no more than six in all, he was contented to let them go, rather than to adventure others to fetch them back, lest they also should follow their example. Those six Souldiers being come to his Majesties Camp informed them, How that Hernandez was march∣ing to Cozco, with intention to proceed to the Collao. Upon which intelli∣gence the Justices gave order to the Army to march with all expedition, and yet with such due caution and circumspection as was requisite, though by rea∣son of the many animosities and differences which arose amongst the principal Officers, the progress of matters was much obstructed, and his Majesties Ser∣vice prejudiced and delay'd.

CHAP. XXII.

Francisco Hernandez dares not to adventure into Cozco; he carries his Wife with him from thence.

FRancisco Hernandez passed all his Army over the River Apurimac by way of the Bridge, to guard which, he left one Valderravano with a Party of twenty Souldiers; but not confiding in the Honesty or Conduct of the Man, he sent two days afterwards John Gavilan to take that Charge, and ordered Val∣derravano to follow him to his Head-quarters. John Gavilan having the Guard

of the Bridge committed to him, he had scarce been there two days, before the Van of his Majesties Army appeared; upon sight of which, not staying any longer, or observing who they were, or in what number, he set fire to the Bridge, and burnt it, and afterwards returned to his Captain General with all expedition; which Action, as Palentino saith, so much displeased Her∣nandez, that he gave Gavilan very severe words for having so done: Though I cannot imagine, what reason he should have for it; for since he had no in∣tention, as may be believed, to return again by that way, I know not what dam∣mage his Party could receive thereby; and it is very evident on the contrary, that the enemy was damnified and forced to great trouble, and difficulties in their passage over. Hernandez marched by the Valley of Yucay, to enjoy (tho' but for 2 days) the pleasures of that delightful Country: and being come with his Army within a League of Cozco, he turned off by the left hand; being per∣swaded by the Astrologers, Diviners, or Prognosticators, not to go thither; saying, that his entrance there, would be unfortunate, and prove his overthrow: to evidence which, they produced many Examples, as well of Indian Captains, as of Spaniards, who had been defeated after their entrance into Cozco; but they did not specifie those who had been successful, of which we could give many particulars, in case it were pertinent to our purpose. In confirmation hereof, Diego Hernandez, (chapters 32, and 45) names 4 Spaniards, and a Moris∣can Woman, who were esteemed skilful in the Art of Necromancy, and who gave out, that they held a correspendence with a familiar Spirit, which disco∣vered to them all the secret counsels, and actions which were resolved, and which passed in his Majesties Camp; which report served to keep many people so in awe, that they durst neither adventure to fly, nor act any thing to the prejudice of the Rebels, lest the Devil should make a discovery of their intentions. I my self saw a Letter which Hernandez wrote to Piedrahita at Cozco, when orders were sent him to go to Arequepa, as we said before: And in that he tells him, that he should not remove out of the City on such a day of the Week, but on such a day; and that his name of Juan was not to be written henceforward with an U. but with an O. of which nature were many other things in the Letter, which I cannot so particularly remember, as to deliver them in Writing, only I can say, that he was generally esteemed for a Cheat, and an Impo∣ster: And by this sort of Conjuring and Tricks, (as is usual) he hast∣ned his own ruine and destruction, as we shall see by the sequel.

The Well-wishers of Hernandez, who were acquainted with the Correspon∣dencies and Compacts which he had with Wizzards; made it a question amongst themselves, why he made no use of the Indians of the Country who were fa∣mous for Conjurations, and Diabolical Arts: To which answer was made, that their General had no Opinion of the Magick and Witchcraft of the Indians, which were fooleries, rather than any real contract, or dealing with the Devil. And herein they had some reason, as we have proved and evinced by se∣veral Instances, in the first part of these Commentaries, Book the 4. Chap: 16. One of which, was their Prognostication of good or bad Fortune, by the pal∣pitation or twinkling of the Eye; and another sort of Divination they took from the buzzing, or singing of the Ears, which, as we mentioned in the foregoing Chapter, so we shall hear repeat it again; having the Authority of a Synod held in that Empire, whereby this vain Superstition is condemned by a Catholick Cannon; and Advertisements are given to Confessors, to let them know, that the Indians take their Superstitious Divinations from seeing and hearing: That of the hearing, I have observed many of them to use in this manner, when they found at any time a humming or buzzing in their right Ear; they said, that some Friend or Kinsman was speaking well of them; and to know who this Friend was, they would clap the Palm of their right hand to their Mouth, and breathing hard upon it, they would think of some Friend, and then carry it close to the Ear; and if the humming did not pre∣sently cease, they would think of another Friend, and do as before; and then of another; and he, with thoughts of whom the humming went away, it was concluded, that he was the person who spake well of the Party.

In like manner, when they found a humming in their left Ear, they would say, that an Enemy spake ill of them; and to find out who it was, they used the like application of their left hand, and he, with whom in their thoughts

the humming ceased, they concluded, such person to be the evil speaker, and from that time, they would conceive malice against him, and for ever prove his Enemy. And upon such fooleries as these, the Friends of Hernandez de∣clared, that the Indians had no Art in Necromancy, nor was any Faith to be given to their Prognostications.

The Rebel Hernandez overtook his Army in a plain, which is behind the Fortress of Cozco, where, as Palentino saith, he made a visit to Francisco Rodri∣guez de Villa fuerte, who was Justice in ordinary of that City; complaining highly of the Citizens of Cozco, and swearing that he would kill and destroy them, because they had done him all the mischief that they were able: but he had a mind to quarrel with them because they espoused not his Cause, nor fol∣lowed him as he desired. From thence he marched his Army over those Hills which are Eastward from the City, as his Astrologers had directed, and carried his Wife with him to the great grief of all her Friends and Relations, saying, That he would not leave her in the power of his Enemy, to revenge themselves on her for the Crimes of which he himself was only guilty; and so he proceeded to the Valley of Orcos, about five Leagues from the City: And here I will leave him for a while, to speak of the Present which the Son of this Francisco Rodriguez de Villa fuerte made me in Spain, though I had formerly never seen him, nor had any other acquaintance with him than by intercourse of Letters. The second Son, I say, of this Gentleman, was sent into Spain to study, and lived in Salamanca several years, where he improved greatly in all Sciences; he was called Don Feliciano Rodriguez de Villa fuerte, which name agreed properly with the Gallantry and Ingenuity of his Spirit. At the beginning of this Year 1611, this Gentleman did me the favour to send me a little Box about the length and breadth of half a Sheet of Paper, all filled with Holy Reliques, wrapt up in several parcels with Inscriptions thereon, what, and of whom they were; and amongst the rest, there was a little piece of the Holy Cross, put into a Frame of Wood curiously Carved, and covered with a Glass, and gilded about the Cross, which was easie to be seen. With this Box of Reliques he sent me two Dials made by his own Hand, one of the Sun, with a Needle turning to the North, the Shadow on which perfectly shews the Hour of the Day. Another Dial was of the Moon curiously wrought ac∣cording to the exact Rules of Astrology, with all the Circular Motions divi∣ded into twenty nine parts, which make up the Days of the Lunary Moneth: It hath also the true Figure of the Moon with its Increase and Decrease, its Conjunction and Full: It also by the shadow cast on it (the Gnomen thereof being altered according to the age of the Moon) shews the Hour of the Night; it hath also many other Curiosities which I shall omit in this place, all which was made by his own Hand, without any other aid or directions whatsoever, both as to the Material Part, as also to the Mathematical, to the great admi∣ration of many curious Men, as well Virtuosi as others: And for my part, I cannot but glory and boast very much to see a Man born in my Country and my City, to have been the Master of so excellent a piece of Ingenuity and Learning, so much admired by the Artists of this part of the World; the which may serve for a demonstration of the Natural Genius of the People of Peru, and their capacity to receive all Arts and Sciences, as well those who are of Mongrel Race between Spaniards and Indians, as all others born there, the which we touched upon before, and signified how much some have been improved therein by the Industry and Authority of our Schoolmaster John de Cuellar, who was a Canon of the Holy Church of Cozco, who taught Grammar in that City, though but for a short time. Praised be our Lord God for the same. Amen. Which having said, we shall return to Peru, to relate the suc∣cess of his Majesties Army in their March, having left them formerly in the City of Huamanca.

CHAP. XXIII.

The Royal Army passes the Rivers of Amancay, and Apuri∣mac, with more facility and ease than was expected. The Scouts and Van of the Army come to Cozco.

WHen the Kings Army marched out of Huamanca in pursuit of Francisco Hernandez, of whom they had received intelligence, that he had taken the way towards Cozco; they proceeded with all care and due circumspection, having their Scouts and Spies before them: When they came to the River A∣mancay, they forded it over where it was most shallow; but for their Footmen, who were laden, and such as carried the Artillery, they made a Bridge at a place (with much ease) where the River is very narrow: At this place an un∣lucky accident fell out, which was this, Captain Antonio Luxan having passed the River, stooped down on the side of the Bank to drink, and taking up the Water with his Hands, as he was rising up, both his Feet slid from under him on the Rock whereon he stood, and so he fell backwards into the Water, and sunk down, and never appeared more, though all possible care and dili∣gence was used to recover him; only about two years afterwards the Indians brought his Coat of Mail unto Cozco, at the time when my Father was Chief Justice of the City. The Command of his Foot Company was afterwards conferred on John Ramon, though he had lately lost his former Company in Chuquinca.

The Army being come to the River of Apurimac received the news of this unhappy accident; and also was informed, That one of the Scouts named Fran∣cisco Menacho with about forty more of his Companions had passed the River, and that he like a brave and resolute Souldier had shewed and led them the way which never any had attempted before; and that he had boldly cast himself in at the place which is now called the Ford, and that he had passed and repassed it several times whilest the Camp was marching thither, the which rash and precipitate action in him gave boldness to the whole Army to follow his Ex∣ample, and to pass over without loss of time, which would have caused great delay, had they attended there until a Bridge could have been erected: And for the better security of their Footmen with their Burdens, and for the In∣dians, who carried the Artillery; the Horse were ordered to flank them on the side to break the force of the Currant, by which means all the Footmen and Indians who were laden, came safely to the other side without any loss or danger; as Palentino confirms, Chap. 50. And herein the Providence of God is much to be admired, for though an Army passed then without danger, yet since that time no single person hath adventured upon it, nor durst any Man attempt to wade or ford it over. And now being got to the other side, they entered on a Mountainous and Rocky Way, full of labour and difficulty, and the second Day afterwards they came to Arimacrampu, seven Leagues distant from the City: And from thence they proceeded farther the very Night they came thither, though the Officers were much disquieted and troubled to see the Orders given by one Party, to be again presently Countermanded by others of a different Faction; which was the cause that the Scouts and Van of the Kings Army, and of Hernandez his Forces, marched always in view each of the other; for the Rebels seemed not to fly, but to proceed on their way in an orderly manner, as if they apprehended no danger from their Enemy in the Rear: Thus at length they came to Sacsahuana four Leagues from the City, from whence those who were Citizens of Cozco, were desirous to be ordered abroad upon the Scout, with which occasion they made a visit to their Wives and Children at home, where they came about Noon, and the same Day in the Morning Alvarado the Lieutenant General of the Rebels had departed thence. That Night the Citizens would not lie in their own Houses, lest the Enemy

should return, and surprize them, but they contrived to lodge altogether with some few Souldiers, which they had brought with them, and fortified them∣selves in the House of John Pancoroo, to which there was no entrance, or access, by any back passage, but only by the Fore-gate of the principal Street; and at the distance of seven or eight paces from the Gate, they raised up a Breast-work, with Loop-holes to shoot out at with their Musquets, by which they could fire into three Streets, one on the right hand, and the other two on the side, where they remained all night in security, having placed their Centinels in all Avenues leading towards the House: I was with them all the night, and was sent three or four times with Messages to the Neighbours Houses.

The next day, being in my Father's Court-yard, about 3 a clock in the Af∣ternoon, I saw Pero Hernandez the Loyal, come galloping in at our Gate, on his Horse Paxarillo; at which I was so over-joyed, that, without speaking to him, I ran in to my Father to carry him the good news; on notice of which, my Father instantly ran to meet him, and they both embraced with great kind∣ness: And Pero told him, that the day before the Rebels marching, something more than a League from the City; he took an occasion, on pretence of some necessities of Nature, to go aside from them, and taking towards the left hand of the way amongst some high Rocks, he hid himself there for a while, and then climbed up the Mountain, whence seeing the Rebels at a distance, he made his escape, and was come thither. After which he went with my Father to the King's Army, and there served until the end of the War, and then returned back again with my Lord Garçilasso into Cozco. Of all which I was an Eye Wit∣ness, and as such have given this faithful Relation.

CHAP. XXIV.

His Majesties Camp enters into Cozco, and from thence mar∣ches forwards: An account is given how the Indians carried the Train of Artillery on their Shoulders. Part of the Amu∣nition arrives at the Royal Army.

THE third day after the Citizens had made a visit to their Relations and Concernments in the City, the Royal Camp made their Entry with the Troops and Companies in good order. The Infantry drew up in the Chief Place or Square, and the Horse skirmished with the Foot, according to the Rules of Military Discipline, and both charged each other with handsome Vol∣lies, and quick Fire; for the Souldiers were become very ready and expert at their Arms. And though Palentino saith, that Don Phelipe de Mendoça, who was General of the Ordnance, brought his great Guns into the Parade, and fired them several times, and that the Musquetiers, marching the Round, made se∣veral handsome Vollies; but herein this Writer was much mistaken, as he hath been in many other Passages; for the Artillery could not be easily fixed, and put in order, so as to be used at every turn, and unnecessary occasion; for they were not drawn on their Carriages, but carried on the Indians Shoulders, and that with so much difficulty, that to manage eleven pieces of Cannon only with their Carriages, was the work of ten thousand Indians: I my self saw them brought into Cozco, and was then in the place when they were again car∣ried out; and the manner how they mannaged them was this.

Every piece of Ordnance was fastned to a large Beam of about forty foot in length; under this were fixed several cross Bars, about the bigness of a Mans Arm, at two foot asunder, and of about half a yard long on each side the Beam; under which two Indians were placed, one on one side, and one on the other, after the manner that the Palanquines are carried in Spain. The bur∣then they carried was laid on their Shoulders close to their Necks, where they

wore a Pad or Pannel to keep them from galling with the weight, and at every 200 paces they were relieved by a fresh Company. And here we may leave the Reader to consider, with how much trouble and labour these poor Indians carried these weighty Burdens over those Rocky and Mountainous ways which are in my Country; and over ascents, and descents of three and four Leagues long, and so steep, that many Spaniards, whom I have seen travelling, have for ease of their Horses and Mules, alighted off from their backs, especially at a descent, which are many times so steep that a man cannot sit in his Saddle, but it will be on the horse-neck, notwithstanding the Crupper, which often breaks: and such kind of way as this we have from Quitu to Cozco, which are 500 Leagues distant; but from Cozco to the Charcas the way is more plea∣sant, being for the most part a plain Countrey. And hereby we may understand, that, what Palentino saith concerning the Artillery which Felipe de Mendoça brought into the Parade, and fired several times, was rather to speak fine things, as in a Romance, and to embellish his History, than that any such thing was really acted, or put into practice; as we have said before.

His Majesties Army marched cu••, and encamped about a League from the City, where they continued about five days to put all things in a readiness, and make Provisions of every thing they stood in need; and until the Indians of the neighbouring Places could bring in the Victuals and Stores they had ga∣thered; there was need of Horse-Shoes and other Iron-works; and before the one could be forged, and the other got together, time was required: And this certainly was the reason that detained the Army so many days; and not what our Author alledges, Chapter the 50th. in these words, The Camp, saith he, remained in the Salinas five or six days, in expectation of Indians to carry the Baggage; but they came not, but rather several of them fled to their own Homes; and because they belonged to Planters, who had their Estates and Lands near to Cozco, it was suspected that they were sent away by order of their Masters. I am troubled to find this, and such like Passages in the History of this Author, which argues some kind of Passion or Pique he had against the Inhabitants of Cozco, whom he frequently blames on all occasions, in mat∣ters whereof they never were guilty: And indeed it were more reasonable to believe, that these Citizens, and Men of Estates, should contribute all they were able to put an end to this War, rather than to do any act which might be a means to protract and hinder the final determination of it; nor could it be to the advantage of the Citizens, to be accessory to any Act (such as sending away the Indians) which might occasion the stay of the Army in parts so near the City, from which they could not expect other than troubles, perpetual molestations, and damages to their Estates, during all the time of their quarters in that place. And moreover this Author seems to contradict himself, in saying, that the Army was detained in expectation of Indians to carry their Baggage, and for want of them they could not proceed; and then afterwards, he saith, that many of them fled away, and yet the Army raised their Camp, and departed without them: But the truth of what passed in this particular, was this; That, by order of the General, many of the Indians who were appointed to carry Burdens were dismist, by reason that the way af∣terwards being plain and without Rocks, or Mountains, or hollow Cavities, they stood not in need of the Service of so many Indians as formerly, and therefore discharged several of them as useless and cumbersom to the Camp. In fine, the Army, after five days stay, departed from their Quarters near the City, and marched in good Order, and always in a readiness to engage the Enemy, in case they should be attacked by them in any of those narrow passa∣ges which are between the City and Quequesana: But the Rebels had another Game to play, suffering them to pass quietly and undisturbed, until they came to the People called Pucara, about forty Leagues distant from Cozco, only they found themselves something distressed for want of Provisions, because the Negers, who were Souldiers to the Rebels, having divided themselves into two bands on both sides of the Road, had droven all the Cattel away, and taken all the Provisions with them that they could find, leaving nothing behind for sabsistance of his Majesties Army. And now the Scouts of both the parties met each with the other, and yet no Skirmishes, or Encoun∣ters passed between them; only the Justices received Intelligence, that the

Rebel's Army expected them in Pucara, with intention to give them Bat∣tel; for at that time there were Fugitives from both Parties; some of the King's Army flying to the Rebels, and some of the Rebels to the Roya∣lists, so that by such an intercourse no Counsels or Designs could be concealed. The Justices being on the march to Pucara, sent away with all haste to have the Powder, Ammuniton, Match and Bullet to be brought to them, which had been left behind in Antahuailla, by the negligence of some Officers: Howsoever by the care and diligence of Pedro de Cianca, who was appointed for that Service, such expedition was made, that the Ammunition arrived at the Army in good time, and the day before the Battel, to the great satisfaction and encouragement of the Army.

CHAP. XXV.

The King's Army comes to the place where the Rebels had fortified themselves. They encamp in a Plain, and in∣trench; several Skirmishes happen, to the disadvantage of the King's Party.

THE Justices, as they were on their march, received the ill news of the un∣fortunate loss of Gomez de Solis in Arequepa; at which though they were much troubled, yet being that which could not be remedied, they dissembled the resentment of it, and proceeded on their way to Pucara, where the Enemy had fortified themselves to great advantage, in a place so situated, and strong by Nature, that they could not be attacked on any side: it be∣ing encompassed about with a Mountain so steep and cragged, that it was not passable without much difficulty, and seemed to be a wall made by Hand and Art; the entrance thereunto was very narrow, with windings and turnings to the right, and left, but the lodgment therein was wide and capacious, suffi∣cient to receive their men, and beasts, with all the appurtenances belonging to their Camp. They had store of all Provisions and Ammunition, for after so signal a Victory as that obtained at Chuquinca, they could want nothing; and moreover their bands of Negers, or black Guard, brought daily in such Provisions as they found in the neighbouring Parts. On the other side, his Majesties Camp was pitched in an open plain, without any natural Fortificati∣on or defence, and ill-provided either with Victuals or Ammunition, (as we have said); howsoever not to lye open, and exposed to the Enemy, they intrench∣ed in the best manner they were able; casting up earth breast high round the Camp; which was not difficult to be done, by the help of so many Indians, who having been formerly employed in carrying the Artillery, did now serve for Pioneers, and other Offices belonging to the Camp; and by their labour in a very short time a Trench was cast up quite round the Army•• Francisco Hernandez observing in what manner his Majesties Forces were encamped, mounted a battery of Cannon on the top of a Hill, from whence he could shoot into the Enemies Camp; and oftentimes in bravery would shoot over into the plains; and thus continued firing day and night, to the great disturbance of the Justices and all their Army: and howsoever (which is strange) the Bullets, as if they had been pellets of wind, did no hurt either to Man or Beast: The which we must attri∣bute to the Mystery of Divine Providence, which would not permit those Guns made, and founded out of the consecrated-Metal of Bells dedicated to God's Service, to be useful in such bloody Tragedies, as was observed by considering men, both in one Camp and in the other. Both Armies being thus encamped in sight of each other; the Officers and Souldiers desired to signalize their valour by some feats of Arms; in the first Skirmishes two Souldiers of good Reputation on the King's side were killed, and five or six others ran

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away to Hernandez, and gave an account of the State and Condition of the Royal Army; and how that some few days before their coming to Pucara, the General Paulo de Meneses, in discontent, would have laid down his Com∣mission, by reason of the Factions and Differences which were continually a∣mongst the Officers, who would not obey his Orders, but rather contradicted, and opposed them; so that he desired rather to have no Charge, or Office at all, than one so incumbred, by the refractory humour of Souldiers, who would not obey, but pretend to Command: And accordingly Meneses would have ac∣quitted himself of his Charge, had he not been perswaded to the contrary by Do∣ctor Saravia, who told him, that in the present Conjuncture he should rather lose his Honour by such an Action, than gain Reputation. This was joyful news to Hernandez and his Souldiers, who hoped by such Dissentions as these, to make their Benefit, and such advantage as should with time facilitate their Victory.

On occasion of these Skirmishes, some pleasant sayings were uttered by both sides; which being (as Diego Hernandez saith) the Jests of Souldiers, they may come pertinently to be inserted in this place; and which we shall explain more clearly than this Author, who, in the 51st. of his Book, speaks confusedly, and darkly, as followeth.

As some Souldiers came forth to skirmish, it was the Fortune oft-times for Friends and Acquaintance to meet, and they instead of fighting would enter in∣to discourse, and expostulate the matter: Scipio Ferrara who was of the King's Party, met with Pavia, who had been fellow Servant with him in the Family of the good Vice-King, Don Antonio de Mendoça: and he began to use persuasive Arguments unto him, to bring him over to the King's Party; to which Pavia made answer, that the Party with whom he was engaged, had honestly won him by War; and so if they were desirous to regain him, it must be in like man∣ner by War, &c.

This Pavia said in reference to the Battel of Chuquinca, where he was taken by the Rebels, and kindly used and treated by them, which made him to say, that he could not deny them, but if the King's Party were desirous of him, they must win him, as the others had done. In like manner, Captain Rodrigo Ninno en∣tertained Discourse with John de Piedrahita, perswading him to come over to the Service of the King, with Promises of great Rewards and Promotions from the favour of the Justices: to which Piedrahita made answer, that he knew very well how the Justices did use to reward those who deserved their favours, which might incline him at another time to a different resolution, but for the present he had a prospect of the Game he intended to play. This was the reply of Piedra∣hita, depending with others of Hernandez his Confidents, on the vain Delusions and Predictions, which Witches, and Men pretending to Necromancy, had infa∣tuated them with, assuring them of Victory over the King's Forces: tho' a few days afterwards he was undeceived, and changed his mind, as we shall see hereaf∣ter. And this Author proceeds, and farther says, That the like Conferences passed between Diego Mendez and Hernando Guillada, and also between Captain Ruybarba, and Bernardino de Robles his Son-in-Law: But no Benefit, or effect, resul∣ting from these Discourses, the Justices commanded for the future, that no Man, upon pain of Death, should entertain any Communication with the Enemies Party. However it was agreed between Captain Ruybarba, and Bernardino de Robles, to meet again the next day, and to finish their Discourse; and the better to know each other, they appointed to wear their Scarlet Cloaks. Bernardino de Robles came attended with 10 or 12 Officers, and Souldiers, and treacherously seized up∣on Ruybarba, and carried him before Hernandez, giving out amongst the Souldi∣ers, that he came in voluntarily, and of his own accord; which when Ruybarba heard, he denied it, and said, That whosoever reported, that he came in with his own Consent, did not say true; which, with License of Hernandez, he was ready to make good, either a Foot, or Horse-back, against any Man whatsoever, unless against his Son-in-Law, by whose Treachery he was betrayed into the hands of his Enemies. Prancisco Hernandez was over-joyed to see him brought in, and went with him to his Wife Donna Mencia: See, Madam, said he, what a Prisoner I bring you, look to him well, for I commit him to your Charge. I accept, said Donna Mencia, of the Trust, and shall take care of him, as you require. After this Randona made a Sally abroad, and had some Discourse with John de Yllanes, Sar∣jeant Major to Hernandez: Randona thinking to take him by the swiftness

of his Horse, let loose his Rein, and spurred after him in full speed; but his Horse being faint, and low, he was too far engaged to get off, and so was him∣self taken. As they were carrying him away Prisoner, he told them, that he had promised the Justices not to return without a Prisoner of the best quality amongst the Enemy, and for that reason he had given chase to the Sarjeant Major. At which saying some of the proudest of them were so offended, that they protested not to fight, unless Randona was first put to Death, for that such insolent and daring Persons as these, ought not to be suffered to live. Hereupon they immediately committed him to the Tent of Alvarado the Lawyer, and ad∣vised him to make his Confession; and in the mean time Alonso Gonçalez kept the door, to advise them in case Hernandez should pass by, that they might kill him before he could come to interpose his Authority: Toledo the Law∣yer, Advocate General to Hernandez, and Captain Ruybarba prevailed with Hernandez to spare Randona, and grant him his Life. To which he assented, and in token thereof sent his Gloves by the Messenger, who carried the Pardon. Alonso Gonçalez having intimation, that the Act of Grace was coming, he en∣ter'd into the Tent, and charged the Priest to make an end of his Work, for he would not stay longer; whereupon the Father hastning the Absolution, so soon as it was ended, Gonçalez cut off his Head with a great Knife; which having done, he went out of the Tent, saying, That he had made good the word of this little Marquess, who had promised the Justices, to bring the Head of an E∣nemy, or to leave his own with them: and causing his Body to be drawn out, it was exposed to publick view, to the great trouble of many of the Spectators, but more especially to the sorrow of his Friends in the King's Camp, when the news thereof was made known to them.

This Randona, as we have said, was a rash Souldier, more Couragious than Wise: his Horse was very good, but he used him ill, being always on his back, shewing how well he could prance, and carvet; which was the reason, as Pa∣lentino saith, that he fail'd him, when he had most use of his Service. We may see also how wise he was to tell the Enemy what he had promised to the Justi∣ces; upon which the Executioner General Alonso Gonçalez took occasion to exer∣cise his Cruelty. Palentino on these passages proceeds and says, That the Ju∣stices sent several Pardons to particular Persons, by the hands of Negers, and Indian Domestick Servants, who continually passed between both Camps, car∣rying intelligence from one to the other, all which were brought to Hernandez, who caused them to be publickly cryed, and with Scorn and Contempt declared as insignificant and of no value: Moreover they cut off the Hands and Noses of those who brought them, and tyed them about their Necks, and in that manner returned them to the King's Camp again. Thus far this Author, and therewith he concludes this Chapter.

CHAP. XXVI.

The treacherous practices of some false Souldiers. Piedrahita gives an Allarm to the King's Army. Hernandez resolves to give Battel to the Justices, and in what manner it was prevented by them.

SUch Affronts as these were daily offered to his Majesties Camp, during all the time that Francisco Hernandez was lodged in Pucara: For scarce a day passed without some remarkable disadvantage to the King's Forces, who con∣tinually lost Men, Horses, and Arms: For many of the Souldiers being of a Mutinous and Seditious temper, and false and perfidious in their dealings,

did oftentimes appear to go forth and skirmish, and with that occasion yield∣ed themselves Prisoners, and called for Quarter to the Enemy, saying, I sub∣mit and surrender my self, together with my Arms: And this was the sub∣tle design of these Souldiers to save themselves; for in case the King over∣came, they had to alledge, That they were taken Prisoners by the Rebels; and if the Rebels were victorious, they could plead, and say, That they had revolted to them, and had contributed to the fortune of the Day. The Ju∣stices suspecting this piece of policy amongst the crafty Souldiers, they gave Orders, forbidding all Skirmishes for the future, and all Communications and Conferences with the Enemy, though on pretence of Kindred, Friendship or Alliance, for that no good effects did ever result from such Interviews. Fran∣cisco Hernandez observing, that an end was put to the Skirmishes and Confe∣rences between the Souldiers; he gave Orders to his Major General, Captain John de Piedrahita, to allarm the Kings Camp, thinking thereby to provoke them to fight; and with eighty Musqueteers to assail them by Night; and gave them particularly in charge to observe with what readiness and vigi∣lance they were received by the Enemy; and with such Allarms they intend∣ed constantly to molest and disturb them, until in this manner harrassing the Souldiers, they should with watchfulness and continual Duty tire them out, and defeat them. Piedrahita accordingly allarmed the Enemy with his Soul∣diers as far as he durst adventure; but to little effect; nor did the Kings For∣ces return any answer, seeing that all was but a Bravade, without any real Design to engage: howsoever Piedrahita returned to Hernandez boasting much of the great Actions he had done, and how he found the Enemies Camp without Guards or Centinels, and sleeping with such security, that in case he had had but two hundred and fifty Musqueteers with him, he should not have doubted but to have defeated the Enemy, and have taken the Justices and all their Captains Prisoners. Besides which he vapoured, and told many other Stories of the like nature, as is the custom of Bravadoes, who talk more than they do; and though Piedrahita was an eminent Captain in this Rebellion, and had been successful in many Encounters; yet in this last he did no∣thing more than what we have mentioned, and talked more than what he had acted.

Francisco Hernandez founding himself much upon the Reports he had received from his Major General, conceiving them all to be true, and also upon the Informations which were given him by certain Souldiers, who were revolted from the Kings party unto his, did really believe that the Kings Camp was in great want of Powder, Match, and all sorts of Ammunitions: in confidence of which, he resolved one of those Nights to attack the Enemy, seeing that they designed not to assault him within his Fortifications; which he interpre∣ted to be such a piece of Cowardise and lowness of Spirit in the Enemy, that he esteemed them already his own, and conquered by him. Hereupon he call∣ed his Captains to a Council of War, laying before them the state of the E∣nemies Camp, with the Circumstances of it, and his Opinion to attack them, desiring their Concurrence with him; assuring them of Victory, not only be∣cause the Enemy was weak and discouraged, but also from certain Predicti∣ons which Wise-Men had foretold of these matters, which he termed Prophe∣cies, though they deserved no better name, than of Witchcrafts and Sorceries. The Captains however were of a different Opinion, and said, That there was no necessity of engaging the Enemy, and that their business was only to remain quiet, and on the defensive part, which they could easily do, being well for∣tified in a place inaccessible to an Enemy, and provided with all things neces∣sary for their subsistance: when on the contrary, the Enemy laboured under great wants of Victuals and Ammunition: And in case they desired to reduce them to greater extremities, they had nothing to do but to march away to the Charcas; where having seized all the Silver of the Country, and therewith paid the Souldiery, they might afterwards march along the Coast by the Sea side, to the City of Los Reyes, which they would find open to them, and without Souldiers or Garrison to defend it. Moreover the Enemy wanting Horses, and Beasts of Burden, and Iron to Shoe them with, were not in a condition to make a pursuit after them; and in case they did, they might easily worst them, whensoever they made Head to oppose them. And since that, by

this method, things had succeeded well, it were not good to change the course of their proceedings, lest therewith they should change and alter the Current of their Fortune: An Example whereof they had seen and proved by the Enemies success at Chuquinca. How confident, ••aid they, were they of Victo∣ry, and with what heat and courage did they assail us, and how on a sudden were they overthrown and defeated? Notwithstanding all this Discourse, Hernandez declared his Resolution to beat up the Enemies Quarters that Night with the force of all his Army; and that he would never turn his Back to the Justices; for some Wise Old Woman had foretold good success to him in that place: wherefore he intreated them all, not to contradict or oppose him in this matter, but to prepare themselves for that night's Enterprise.

Thus ending the Consultation, the Captains arose very much discontented, and out of humour, seeing such a Resolution taken as was contrary to the com∣mon Opinion of all the Officers of the Army, and which was so full of hazard and danger, that they seemed rather to be led forth to Slaughter, than to the doubtful chance of War: And though the General observed sadness and a cloud on the Brow of all his Captains, yet depending on his Sorceries and Enchantments, nothing could alter the Resolution he had taken; but Orders were given to prepare for an Assault after Midnight, about setting of the Moon, and because it would be then dark, every one was to be cloathed in White, to distinguish themselves from the Enemy. After Sun-set a Muster was taken of all the Souldiers, whereby two Souldiers appeared to be want∣ing, who formerly belonged to the Marshal, and were suspected to be revol∣ted over to the King's Party; but some, who were willing to please Hernan∣dez, did aver, that they were informed by Indians, That one of those missing, who was the most considerable of the two, was seen and met on his way to∣wards the Charcas; and the other of less account, was a Man so silly, and without Sense, that the Justices would never give credit to any Report he should make them. These Stories were sufficient to satisfie Hernandez, who with an unparallelled temerity gave orders for all things to be in a readiness against the hour appointed. The two Souldiers, who were fled, came though late to his Majesties Camp, where they gave intelligence of the intention of the Enemy to attack them that Night in two Bodies, for perceiving that they did not attempt them within their Fortification, they resolved themselves to be the first Assailants. The Justices, Officers, and Counsellors, who were of the most Ancient Conquerours of Peru, and who by long experience in War, were become great Souldiers, were of Opinion, that it was better to salley out of their Intrenchment, and to draw up their Forces in the open Field, rather than to fight within their Trenches, which were strait, and filled with Tents, Mules, and Indians, which would be incumbrances, and obstructions in the time of Battel. And though many things were urged against this design, saying, That Cowards, and Men of little Courage, would fight better under the shelter of a Mud-wall, than in open Field; yet by Gods Mercy and Providence, the first Resolution prevailed, and both Horse and Foot were drawn forth into the Plain, which formed a very handsome Squadron, well furnished and provided with Musqueteers, and lined with Pikes and Halberds, and eleven pieces of great and heavy Cannon.

CHAP. XXVII.

Francisco Hernandez proceeds forth to Battel: He misses of his design, and retreats back again to his Camp. Tho∣mas Vazquez revolts over to the King's Party. Hernan∣dez the Rebel declares a Prediction which was made con∣cerning himself.

THE time being come, that the Rebel calculated to be the auspicious hour, he sallied out of his Fortress, with 800 Foot, of which (as Palentino says) 600 were Musqueteers, and the rest Pike-men; his Horse were few, and not exceeding thirty in all: His Neger Souldiers, or black Guard, to the number of 250, he sent by another way, joining about seventy Spaniards with them, to lead them on, and to govern and direct them in what they had to do: But in these they reposed no great Confidence, intending them only to divert, and amuse the Enemy, who in the Night could not distinguish the difference of one from the other. The Orders were, that these Negers should assail the Justices in the Front, and Hernandez in the Rear; and in this manner they silently marched towards his Majesties Camp, with their Matches and Lights covered. In like manner the King's Squadrons were all drawn up in posture of battel, and remained quietly, and without noise with their Fires covered. The black Guard came first to the Intrenchment before Hernandez, where finding no resistance, they entred in, and killed all the Indians, Horses, and Mules, which they found there, together with five or six Spanish Souldiers, who out of Cowardise had left the Army, and hid themselves within the Intrenchment. Hernandez coming afterwards, fired a whole volly of shot into the Fortifica∣tion, without receiving any return from thence; but finding that the King's Party fired all their Musquets upon them, with their whole Train of Artillery, from another place; they were much amazed, in regard that contrary to their expectation, the Enemy had quitted their Intrenchments, and drawn up in open Field: Howsoever no great hurt was done on either side, for the Night being very dark, every one shot at random, and without any aim; Had these Vollies of above 1300 shot passed by day, and so near each to other, it had been impossible, but that the Fields should have been covered with the Bodies of the slain. The Rebel perceiving that he was disappointed of his design, gave himself over for lost, and so retreated back to his Fortification in the best order that he could. Howsoever he could not retire in such manner, but that 200 of his men forsook him, who formely belonged to the Marshal, and who now making use of this occasion to escape, threw down their Arms, and revolted to the Justices. In the mean time, the King's Forces would have pursued the Ene∣my in their flight, but were countermanded by their General, and other Offi∣cers; who ordered that no man should stir out of his Rank, but should keep his ground; the which Rule was happily observed; for a Party of Horse per∣ceiving that the Enemy intended not to fight, sallied out upon them to ob∣struct their retreat; in which Action a Cornet of Horse was killed, and three Citizens of Cozco were wounded, namely Diego de Silva, Antonio Ruyz de Gue∣rara, and Diego Maldonado the Rich; the Wound of this last was never cured to the day of his death, which happened to be eleven or twelve years after∣wards; for it was always kept open by the advice of Chyrurgeons, and Physi∣cians, who were of opinion that the nature of the Wound was such, that it would prove mortal, in case it were closed up and healed. By this resistance which the Rebels made, they made good their retreat, and returned to their strong Hold; and greater had the slaughter been, had they been intercepted in their passage thither. And now Hernandez having not much reason to boast of his success, abated greatly of his pride and haughtiness, when he found that

his Magick Spells failed, and that he was deluded by the vanity of Prophesies, in which he most confided: Howsoever not to discourage his Souldiers, he put a good face upon the matter, but could not so well dissemble, but that his melan∣cholly was discovered through all his disguises.

This was the whole Action of this Battel, and all that passed; for Palentino saith, that of the Justices side five or six were killed, and about thirty wounded. Of the Rebels about ten were killed, and as many wounded: The Prisoners, which this Author says were 200, were such as had been Souldiers to the Mar∣shal, and who with this occasion returned again to their Duty; but of Hernan∣dez his Souldiers, not above fifteen were made Prisoners. Those who were kil∣led and wounded in the King's Camp, were for the most part killed and woun∣ded by their own men; for the night being dark, as we said, the Rear-guard, commanded by Captain John Ramon, firing at random to affright the Enemy, happened to kill and wound their own People; the which is evidenced by the Wounds they received, which were all in their backs and hinder parts: amongst which a Gentleman was slain, called Suero de Quinnones, Brother to Antonio de Quinnones a Citizen of Cozco; and a Cousin German of his, called Pedro de Quinnones, was likewise wounded. The day after the Battel nothing happen∣ed considerable on either side, only towards night the King's Forces, upon a report that the Rebels designed again to beat up their Camp, drew out, and put their Squadrons in posture of defence, as they had done the Night before; but the intelligence was false, nor was there any ground for it, for the unfor∣tunate Hernandez was rather contriving within himself, how he might fly, and escape Death, than of a manner how he might make another assault on the Ene∣my. The third day after the Battel, Hernandez to shew his Spirit and Courage, gave orders to his Captains and Souldiers to draw out into the Field, and skir∣mish with the Enemy, and provoke them to an engagement; but this bravade pro∣duced nothing of moment; only it gave occasion to Thomas Vazquez with ten or twelve more of his Friends, to revolt over to his Majesties Forces, bringing with them a silver Helmet belonging to their Major General Piedrahita, which he sent as a Token and Assurance of his intention also to leave the Rebels, which he deferr'd for a while, until he could decoy and bring more Companions with him. The coming in of Thomas Vazquez and his Friends, and the news they brought with them, was extreamly welcome to the Justices and the whole Army, who now began to look on the Rebels as totally overcome, and an end put to all their Violences and Cruelties: For this Thomas Vazquez was esteemed the principal and main support of all their Actions, and one of greatest interest, by whose fai∣lure it was expected that all their designs would come to ruine: Hereupon those who sallied forth to skirmish, made their retreat back to their Quarters: And lest the Souldiers should be discouraged, and become over sensible of the loss of Vazquez, he made them this short Oration, which we find in Palentino, Chap. 55. in these words.

My Masters, and Gentlemen, I formerly acquainted you with the cause, and reasons which induced me to commence this Enterprise, which was groun∣ded on the agrievances, and oppressions under which this whole Kingdom groaned; for both Citizens, Planters, and Souldiers had their Estates ta∣ken away, and were deprived of the services and vassallage of their Indi∣ans, without any remedy or course of Justice. Those who were principally engaged in this Enterprize with me, and complotted with me herein, have abandoned me at the most critical time of any, amongst which is this Thomas Vazquez: But I beseech you not to be troubled for this his trea∣cherous desertion of us, for he is but a Man, and no more. I would not advise any person to trust to the Pardon they shall give him, for the next day they may hang him with that about his neck. Consider well therefore, Gentlemen, your present case, for we have a better game to play, than Thomas Vazquez, and all those who revolted with him, whom notwithstanding all their kindnesses and caresses to them at present, they shall sentence to death and execute, so soon as I come to fail, and am subdued. I am not troubled for my self, being but a single man, and if by my life I could rescue and save yours, I would sacrifice it immediately for your preservation: But I am well assured, that whosoever escapes the Gallows, will at least be condemned to perpetual slavery in the Gallies.

Consider therefore your condition, and encourage one the other, to consult your safeties by a valiant pursuance of our first Engagement: Our case is not desperate, but hopeful; for having 500 men on our side, 2000 against us can never hurt us, unless we prove false to our selves: See then to the main point, and consider what will become of you if I miscarry. These and many other things to this purpose, were spoken by Hernandez to his Souldiers, who, notwithstanding all that was said, could not but be sensible of the loss they sustained by the revolt of Vazquez, &c. Thus far Palen∣tino.

That which Hernandez said concerning the Pardons, That they would be hanged with them about their Necks, was fulfilled with more certainty than all the Predictions and Prophesies in which he trusted: for tho' neither Vazquez, nor Piedrahita were hanged, yet they were both strangled in the Prison, notwithstanding their Pardons, which they sued out of Chancery under the Great Seal, and notwithstanding the Pleas they made, that a Man having obtained his Pardon, and not committed any offence afterwards, ought not to suffer Death or any other Punishment. Thus what Hernandez foretold of this matter was accomplished, which we having•• anticipated out of its due place, we shall not need to repeat, or enlarge upon it hereafter.

CHAP. XXVIII.

Francisco Hernandez flyes away alone. His Lieutenant General with a hundred men take another way. They are pursued by Pau∣lo de Meneses, and are taken, and brought to Justice.

NOtwithstanding all that Hernandez had said to his Souldiers, he was yet so troubled and confused within himself for the loss of Vazquez, that he resolved that very Night to run away, and leave his Souldiers; for suspition and jealousie had so seized on all the faculties of his Soul, as to afflict him with all those torments, which the Divine Ariosto describes in five Cantos of his Poem; which caused him to believe, that his own Souldiers would kill him, in hopes by such a piece of Service, to escape the punishment they had deserved, by joyning with him in all his bloudy Murders and Treasons against his Majesty. As Palentino saith, Chapter 55. in these words.

In Fine, Hernandez resolved to leave his Men, and run away that night, upon a secret intimation given him, That his Captains were conspiring his Death, &c. And tho' in reality there was no such Plot or Design, but that every man would certainly have died with him, had he trusted to their Fidelity, as will appear hereafter: Yet so violent was the Jealousie he con∣ceived of this matter, that he would not entrust this secret to his Wife, though a Woman both Noble and Vertuous, nor to any of the most faithful and intimate of all his Confidents: But so soon as it was Night, telling his Wife, and those then present with him, that he was going about some business relating to the Army, he called for his Horse Almaraz, which he so named from Almaraz his Kinsman, from whom he had bought him; and mounted on him, saying to those standing by, that he would presently return; and so part∣ed from them, not knowing or designing any place whereunto to repair; for so prevalent was the fear which possessed him, that he could not be at rest or repose in his own mind, until he had quitted his Friends and Souldiers: Nor did any thing appear comfortable or pleasant to him, but only soli∣tude. Thus did this miserable Hernandez wander without any Companion; only two or three Friends followed him by the track, whom when he heard coming, he stole away from them, and hid himself in a hollow Cave:

and in such a blind manner did he wander all night, not knowing where he went, that upon break of day in the Morning, he found himself near to his own Forti∣fication; which when he perceived, he presently drew from thence, and despe∣rately enterd into the Wilderness of a Snowy Mountain, not knowing which way to come out from thence; though at last by the goodness of his Horse, he made a shift to get thorough, tho' not without much danger of being drowned or swallowed up in the Snow. This was all the noise, or Ceremony that was made at the departure of Hernandez from his Army; tho' Palentino tells us a long story of the Discourse which passed between him and his Wife, with the Tears and Sorrows with which they parted; which in reality never was, for such was the Violence of his Jealousie, that he would entrust none with the Secret. The Lieutenant General who remained in the Camp, resolved with such as would follow him, to go in quest of Hernandez, of which a hundred of those the most Guilty, and deepest engaged in the Rebellion followed him; howsoever several of the Chief Leaders, and who had been as Criminal, as any in the Rebellion, namely Piedrahita, Alonso Diaz, Captain Diego Gavilan, with his Brother John Gavilan, Captain Diego Mendez, and Ensign Marco del Sauz, with several others of the same Quality, who were as black in their wickedness as any whatsoever, knowing that Hernandez had deserted his Camp, came all over to the Justices, and claimed his Majesties gracious Pardon; the which was accordingly given to them, and passed under the Great Seal; and all of them were received with great satisfaction, and a kind welcome by the Justices, who notwithstanding remained all the night drawn out in posture of Battel, expecting the event of these matters, for they seemed not to trust to the reports of those Fugitives. The day fol∣lowing the Justices being well assured of the flight of Francisco Hernandez and his Souldiers, gave orders to the General Paulo de Meneses with a de∣tachment of about a hundred and fifty men, to make pursuit after them, and to take, and punish them according to their demerit. The General was in so much haste, that he could not stay to get together above a hundred and thirty Souldiers, with which he followed the Path and Track of Diego de Alvarado Lieutenant General to Hernandez, who having about a hun∣dred Spaniards, and twenty Negers in his company, could pass no way, but Tidings were given of the places where they quartered and lodged: So that after having been in pursuit of them for the space of eight or nine days, he overtook them; and tho' they were fewer in number than the Ene∣my, by reason that many Souldiers, who were ill mounnted, and whose Beasts could not endure such long marches, were left behind, yet the Re∣bels yielded themselves without making any resistance or defence. The Gene∣ral presently did justice on the Chief Leaders, namely Diego de Alvarado, John Cobo, Diego de Villalva, de Lugones, Albertos de Ordumna, Bernardino de Robles, Pedro de Sotelo, Francisco Rodriguez, and John Henriquez de O∣rellana; the last of which, whose name was honourable, yet he availed himself much on the Office he had to be the Executioner and Common Cryer; this man was he, who, as we have said, hanged Francisco de Car∣vajal, and was now made the Executioner of Alvarado and others; by order of the General Paulo de Meneses; who said to him, since thou art so skilful in this Office, I would have thee hang these Gentlemen thy Friends, and the Justices will give thee a reward for thy pains. This Hangman hereupon whispered in the Ear of a certain Souldier, whom he knew, and told him with a low voice, I believe that my reward will be to be hanged my self, after I have executed the Sentence of Justice upon these. And indeed the matter happened just as he said, for after he had done his Office in hanging his Companions, and had cut off their Heads, who were about eleven or twelve Souldiers, he was himself stran∣gled by two Negers. Paulo de Meneses sent the Prisoners he had taken to Cozco, under a secure Guard, with nine Heads of those whom he had killed. I saw them all in the House of Alonso de Hinojosa, where Diego de Alvarado lodged when he acted the part of Lieutenant General to Hernandez; and to imitate Francisco de Carvajal, he always rode upon a Mule, for I never saw him on Horse back. And now since we are almost at an end of the Vio∣lences and bloody Tragedies acted by the Rebels: I cannot omit one Story,

which shews the impudence of those Souldiers, which was this, The very next day after the flight of Francisco Hernandez, my Master Garçillasso de la Vega being at dinner with eighteen or twenty Souldiers, for he commonly kept an open Table for such a number; it being the custom in the time of War, for all Men of Estates, to be hospitable in like manner according to their ability; he observed amongst his guests a certain Souldier belonging to Hernandez, and who had been with him from the beginning of the Rebellion, to croud in at the Table with all the boldness and freedom that an honest Gentleman might presume to use; he was by his profession and trade a Black-smith, but in the War he was as richly cloathed as the greatest Gallant of them all. My Father, seeing him sit down with much Confidence, said to him, Diego de Madrid, since thou art seated at the Table with these Gentlemen, eat thy Dinner, and welcome: But come no more hither, I charge you; for he who yesterday would have cut off my head, if he had been able, and therewith have gained a Reward from his General, is not company for me to day, nor for these Gentlemen, who are well-wishers to my Life and safety, and devoted to his Majesties Service. To which Mardid made answer; Sir, if you please to command me, I will arise at this instant: No, said my Father, I do not bid you rise now; but if you have a mind so to do, you may use your pleasure. Hereupon the Smith arose, and quickly departed, leaving sufficient Subject of Discourse to the Guests, and to admire and quarrel at his impudence. Thus were the Souldi∣ers of Hernandez hated, and detested by all mankind; for their Rebellion and Treason against his Majesty was not to be parellell'd in any Age, whereby a company of pitiful Rascals pretended to deprive him of his Em∣pire, and to assassinate and murder all the Gentlemen of Estates, that they might possess and inherit their Lands, and Indians. The Wife of Fran∣cisco Hernandez remained in the Power of Captain Ruybarba; and his Sister in Law was committed to the care of John Rodriguez de Villa Lobos, to carry her to Cozco, and there to deliver her into the hands of her Kindred and Relations, which was accordingly performed.

CHAP. XXIX.

The Major General Don Pedro de Portocarrero is sent in search of Francisco Hernandez. Other two Captains are sent by another way, whose Fortune it was to take the Rebel, whom they carried to Los Reyes, and entered with him into the City in manner of Triumph.

THe General Paulo de Meneses having sent the Prisoners he had taken to Cozco, with the heads of those he had cut off; and hearing no news of Hernandez himself, he resolved to return, and render an account to the Justi∣ces of what he had acted in this Expedition. The Justices having routed, and dispersed the Rebels, marched to the Imperial City, where they received in∣telligence, that Hernandez was gone towards Los Reyes; upon this advice, they dispeeded Don Pedro Portocarrero the Lieutenant General in pursuit of him, with 800 men, by way of the Plains: And two Captains, who were come from the City of Huanacu with two Companies to serve his Majesty in this War, were ordered to make search after the Rebels by way of the Mountains; and that he might not escape either by one way, or the other, they had a Commission given them, to execute speedy justice on all such as they should take: The Captains, who were John Tello, and Michael de la Serva, having eighty men under their command, performed every thing according to the

Instructions they had received: And being come to the City of Hamanca, they were informed that Hernandez was gone to Rimuc by way of the plains; and according to that Intelligence they followed him, and after a few days March, they were advised that he was quartered about fifteen Leagues from them, with 300 Souldiers, of which 150 were Musqueteers. The Captains, not affrighted with his numbers, continued their pursuit after him, and the next day they were told by the Indians, that they were only 200, and so daily the report of their numbers decreased, until they were said to be no more than one hundred. This variety of reports given by the Indians concerning the number of the Enemy, had something of truth, and foundation in it; for Hernandez being fled, his Souldiers dispersed them∣selves by twenty and thirty in a Company, and at length came to meet together, and form a body of about 200 men, most of which had belonged to the Marshal, but afterwards taking affection to Hernandez, they follow∣ed his Fortune.

But in regard they were men running away, and possessed with a fear of E∣nemies pursuing after them, they were forced to hide themselves in Woods, and Caves, wanting all things necessary for their convenience and support; so that when the King's Forces approached near to them, they were not above one hundred in all: For the Indians in the first report they gave of them, accounted them to be more than they really were, in the second relation they reckned those whom they found wandring on the way, and in the last, those who were met and joyned in a Body. So we may believe that if Hernandez had not forsaken and abandoned his Souldiers, he might still have conserved himself and them, for it would have been very difficult to have taken, or destroyed them. The Captains being now about three Leagues distant from the Enemy, dispatched away a Spaniard, who was very diligent and nimble, together with an Indian for his Guide, to view the Enemy, and bring certain intelligence of their strength. The Spy having taken an exact survey of their numbers, wrote a Letter advising that they might be 80, and no more. Hereupon the Captains hastened their March all they were able, until they came within sight of each other, with Drums beating, and Colours flying, and attended with about eighty Indians, whom the Curacas had sent for Service of the Spaniards. The Rebels having discovered the Enemy coming upon them, and feared to be surprized, and surrounded by the Horse who were forty in all, took up to the Mountain, and sheltered them∣selves under some Rocks, which served them for a Parapet or Fortification. The Captains notwithstanding resolved to attack them in their strong holds, trusting to a Band of 200 Indians ill armed, who voluntarily and of their own accord were come in to them, with intent to destroy the Rebels or Aucas as they called them, who were the Pest and trouble of the Country. The Captains being now within Musquet-shot of the Enemy, four or five of them, amongst which an Ensign to Hernandez was one, came to them, and instantly desired not to fire upon them; for that without force, or the death of any man, they intended to yield themselves Prisoners; and upon these terms they stood, when about ten or twelve more came in and submitted, tho' the Indians all the time pelted them with Stones, until the Captains commanded them to desist: After which all the Souldiers of Hernandez came in, and surrendred themselves, leaving him with 2 friends only, namely with his Son-in-Law de Almaraz, and a Gentleman of the Country of Estremadura, called Gomez Suarez de Figueroa.

Francisco Hernandez, finding himself thus abandoned and forsaken by all his Souldiers; came forth with intent to be either killed or taken, as the Enemy should think fit; which when the Captains saw, they approached near the Rock, and with all their Men surrounded him to take him Prisoner; the first that came near him were three noble Persons, namely Stephen Syl∣vestre, Gomez Arias de Avila, and Hernando Pantoza: The latter of which taking hold of Hernandez by the Helmet, and he defending himself with his Sword, Gomez Arias clapt his hand on the hilt, commanding him to deliver up his Arms, which Hernandez refusing to do, and still striving, Sylvestre thrust the point of his Lance to his Breast, telling him, that unless he did as Gomez Arias bid him, he would immediately kill him.

Hereupon Hernandez resigned his Sword to Gomez Arias, and having set him

up on the Horse behind Arias, they carried him away Prisoner, and being come to the place where they intended to lodge that night, Gomez Arias de∣sired that the Prisoner might be committed to the custody of the Sheriff, who was to take care to keep and secure him from an escape. The Captains con∣sented hereunto, and ordered that he should be committed to Prison, and be∣ing under a Guard of Souldiers, they marched with him by the way of the Mountain, until they came to the City of Los Reyes. The Captains Michael de la Serna and John Tello, intended to have executed Justice on many of the Reb∣bels that they had taken, according to their Commission, but seeing so many Noble Persons amongst them, and some poor silly fellows, they were touched with a remorse and compassion for them, and so banish them into divers parts out of the Kingdom. But that after these Acts of Mercy, they might seem to execute some piece of Severity, they put one of them to death, named Gua∣dramiros, who had been concerned in the Conspiracy of Don Sebastian, and was the boldest, bloodiest Villain of any of those who adhered to Hernandez, and so his Life satisfied for the Crimes of his Companions. The fame of the ta∣king Hernandez was soon spread and divulged into all parts; upon news of which the Major General Don Pedro Portocarrero, and Captain Baltatar Velaz∣quez (who some few days before had by order of the Justices marched out of Cozco with thirty Souldiers, and two Colours in search of Hernandez) made what haste they could to joyn with the other party, who conducted the Pri∣soner, that they might partake of the glory of that Victory which others had acquired, and might enter into Los Reyes with triumph, as if they also had been concerned in that happy exploit. In this manner they met some few Leagues before they came to the City, and made a triumphant entry with all four Colours flying; but in regard the two Captains only were concerned in the taking of Hernandez, they with their Companies marched in the middle between the party commanded by the Major General and Captain Baltatar Ve∣lazquez: the Prisoner was placed in the midst between the four Colours, and on each side, and before him, went the three Souldiers, already named, who took him. After these followed the Infantry in rank and file, and in like manner the Cavalry. In the rear of all came the Major General and the three Captains. The Musquetiers in token of rejoycing and triumph fired se∣veral Vollies as they marched; and indeed the joy was universal to see an end put to that Rebellion, which had given a disturbance to the whole Empire, and had brought ruin and misery, as well on the Indians as the Spaniards; which was so great and enormous, that if it were rightly scann'd and considered, it will appear, that we have not described the tenth part of the destruction and ruin it had produced.

CHAP. XXX.

The Justices make Laws to prevent future Insurrections. They entertain a troublesome Conference with Souldiers, who pre∣tend Rewards for their great services. Justice is done up∣on Francisco Hernandez Giron; his Head is fixed on the Gallows, and taken thence by a certain Gentleman, with the Heads of Gonçallo Piçarro and Francisco de Carvajal. The strange death of Baltatar Velazquez.

THE Justices coming from Pucara, where Hernandez was defeated, made a stay at Cozco for some few days, to order several matters conducing to the good Government of the Empire; which for above a year had

been in confusion, and subjected to the Arbitrary Lust of Tyrannical Rebels, by which it was reduced to such misery, as cannot be expressed. Captain John Ramon was made Governour of the City of la Paz, where his Estate lay, and his Jurisdiction over Indians: And Captain Don John de Sandoval was sent to the City of Plate, and to Command that, and the Provinces thereunto belong∣ing: And Garcilasso de la Vega was made Chief Justice and Governour of the City of Cozco; and the Lawyer, Doctor Mojaraz, was appointed Deputy, and Co-assessor with him, and to continue in that Office during the Will and Plea∣sure of the Justices; but the Governour not being pleased to have his Deputy at the disposal of another Power, and not at his own, desired to have that Clause amended, which the Justices accordingly ordered: And Doctor Moja∣raz, by the good and tractable disposition of the Governour, and by the good Correspondence which passed between them, so well acquitted himself, that af∣ter the space of three years, which determined his Office, he was promoted to another place, not inferiour to the former; which was much different to the Lot and Fortune of his Successour, as will appear hereafter.

During those few days that the Justices made their Residence in the City of Cozco, several Captains, and Souldiers grew very importunate with them, to grant them Lands, and Commands over Indians, in reward of the many Services they had done his Majesty, both in these present Wars, as in those preceding. To which the Justices made answer, that as yet the Wars were not at an end, since the Chief Rebel of all was not as yet taken, and that many of his Souldi∣ers were still actually in Arms, and dispersed over all the Kingdom: and that so soon as things were a little settled in peace and quietness, that they would then take care to reward them in the name and behalf of his Majesty. And in the mean time, they advised them not to hold Cabals, or private Consultations together, lest thereby they should give occasion to scandalous Tongues to re∣port matters tending to their dishonour and prejudice. The Justices being by this answer freed from the Molestation of these Importunities, News came, that Francisco Hernandez was taken, which caused them to hasten a dispatch of their business, that they might come speedily to Loss Reyes, to pass Judgment on this Arch-Rebel. Doctor Saravia departed six or seven days before Santillan and Mercado, his Brethren of the Bench. The Captains, John Tello, and Michael de la Serna, who brought Hernandez Prisoner, Committed him to the Royal Prison, belonging to the Chancery, and took from the Keeper a formal Receipt and Acknowledgment of his being delivered to his Custody, which was drawn up in full and ample manner.

Two or three days afterwards, Doctor Saravia came to Town, having made great haste to be present at passing the sentence of Death on the Prisoner, which was executed eight days after the Doctor's arrival, as Palentino declares, Chapter 58, in these words.

His Examination being taken, at the conclusion thereof, he declared, That all Men, Women, and Children, Friers, Church-men, and Lawyers, of that Kingdom, had all generally been of his Opinion. In fine, he was brought forth to Justice at Noon day, and drawn upon a Hurdle fastned to the Tail of a poor lean Jade, with the Cryer going before, and with a loud voice said, This is the Justice which his Majesty, and the Right Honou∣rable Don Pedro Portocarrero, Major General, command to be executed on this Man, who hath been a Traytor to the Royal Crown and Dignity, and a Disturber of this Kingdom; by vertue of which Authority his Head is to be cut off, and fixed on the Gallows of this City; his Houses are to be de∣molished, and the Ground sowed with Salt; and a Pillar of Marble there∣on erected, declaring the many Crimes of which he was Guilty. How∣soever he died in a Christian manner, expressing great Sorrow and Repentance for his Sins, and the Evils, and Mischiefs of which he had been the Author. Thus far Palentino, with which he Concludes this Chapter.

In fine, Francisco Hernandez ended his Life, as we have said, his Head was fixed upon an Iron Spike, and set on the Gallows, on the right hand of that of Gonçalo Piçarro, and Francisco de Carvajal; his Houses at Cozco, where he contrived his Rebellion, were not demolished; the Rebellion of Hernandez,

from the time that it first begun to the end thereof, and till the day of his Death, continued for the space of thirteen Months, and some few days. It is said, that he was the Son of a Knight of the Habit of St. John; his Wife afterwards entered her self a Nun in a Convent in the City of Los Reyes, where she lived with Religious Devotion. But about ten years afterwards, a Gentleman called Gomez de Chaues, a Native of the City of Rodrigo, be∣ing much affected with the Vertue, Goodness, and Devotion of Donna Mencia de Almaraz, the Widow of Hernandez, desired to perform some Action, whereby ••he might please, and oblige her; and supposing that none could be more acceptable than to take her Husband's Head from the Spike on which it was fixed; he, with another Friend, brought a Ladder by night to the place, where the Head was, and not distinguishing the Head of Hernandez from those of Piçarro and Carvajal, to be sure of the right, they took them all three away together, and buried them privately in a Convent. And though the Justice made diligent enquiry after those who had committed this piece of Robbery, yet no discovery was made there∣of: For in regard the sight of the Head of Piçarro was an Eye-soar to the People, to whom his Memory was still grateful: Inquisition was not made with such strictness, as the Commands of the Officers required. This Relation was given me by a Gentlemen, who spent several years of his Life in Service of his Majesty in the Empires of Mexico, and Peru, his Name is Don Lewis de Cannaveral, and now lives in the City of Cordoua. Howsoever at the beginning of the year, 1612, a Frier of the Seraphical Order of St. Francis, who was a great Divine, and born in Peru, called Lewis Geronino de Ore, discoursing of these Heads, gave me another Relation; and told me, That in the Convent of St. Francis, in the City of Los Reyes, five Heads were there deposited, he named Piçarro, Carvajal, and Hernandez Giron, but for the other two, he could not say whose they were: Only that that Religious House kept them there in Deposite, without Burial; and that he was very desirous to know the Head of Carvajal, having been a Man of great Fame, and Reputation in that Kingdom. I told him, that he might have known that by the Inscription engraven on the Iron Grate, on which the Head was fixed; but he answered, that the Heads were taken from the Iron Spike, and laid promiscuously together: All the difference between these two Relati∣ons is; that the Friers of the Convent would not bury the Heads, for fear of being concerned in the Robbery, but only kept them in Depo∣site, or Custody, to be forth-coming in case they should be deman∣ded by the course of Justice. This Religious Frier travelled from Madrid to Cadiz, by Order of his Superiours, and Command of the Royal Council of the Indies, to dispatch away twenty four Friers, and to accompany them himself to the Kingdoms of Florida, to preach the Gospel to those Gentiles: I cannot say certainly whether he went with them, or whether he returned after he had dispatched those Apostles. He desired me to give him one of the Books I had wrote of the History of Florida: And I presented him with three Copies thereof, and four of these our Commentaries, with which the Good Fa∣ther was much pleased, which he testified by the many thanks he gave me. May his Divine Majesty prosper them in this undertaking, to the intent that they may draw those poor Wretches out of the dark abyss of Idolatry to the knowledge and Service of the true God.

And here it will not be from our purpose to relate the strange manner of the death of Captain Baltasar Velazquez, so that Hernandez Giron may not go to his Grave alone, and without some Company. It happened some months after the former passages that Baltasar Velazquez residing in the City of Los Reyes, and behaving himself like a brave young Captain, he had two Imposthumes which broke out near his Groin, which he out of bra∣very neglecting to Cure, apply'd things to repel and drive them in, not suffering them to operate and break outwardly, which had been the only safe remedy; but the Corruption festering within, caused a Cancer in his Bowels with so much heat, that he was almost roasted alive. The Physitians not knowing what to apply, gave him Vinegar to refresh him, which served

only to encrease his flame, and to burn so violently, that no Man was able to hold his Hand within a half yard distance from his Body. And thus died this poor Captain, leaving many Stories to the World of his brave Actions and Exploits, to which a stop was put by a death so violent and miserable as this.

The Captains and Souldiers who pretended to places and rewards for their past services, residing at that time at Cozco, no sooner received intelligence of the imprisonment and death of Hernandez Giron, than they immediately went to the Justices to demand Rewards for their past Services: And being in the City of Los Reyes, they with much importunity made their pretensions, al∣ledging, that by reason of their expences during all the late War, they had consumed all their substance, and were become so poor, that they had not wherewith to support their necessary charges: and therefore it was but rea∣son and equity to perform the Promise given them; which was, that so soon as the Rebbel was subdued, they should be gratified in such manner as was equal: That now the Rebbel was dead, they expected a compliance; for they had nothing more remaining than their pay, which was little, and the arrear (as they accounted) was very inconsiderable. The Justices made answer, That it was not the part of Loyal Subjects to his Majesty to raise a Mutiny on the score of Reward, and of Moneys due to them: That they, and all the World knew, that a Vice-king was hourly expected from his Majesty with Commission to govern that Empire: That it would be convenient to expect until that time, lest his Excellency should be displeased with the Justices and the Souldiers for being Carvers to themselves of their own Wealth and Fortune. Wherefore they desired their patience for three or four Months, be∣fore which time it was impossible, but a Vice-King must arive: and in case within that time, no news came thereof; they would then by their own Authority proceed to make a division of Lands to them, being very sensible of the want they must have of a subsistance, and that in the mean time they were greatly troubled, that they could not comply with their desires for the present: And therefore since the time was so short, they ought to expect the coming of the Vice-King, and not suffer their impatience to disoblige him, who would be ready to reward their expectation with greater plenty than was in their power; and that a precipitation of their desires would cause them to lose that Reward, which their Actions and Sufferings had long since deserved. With these and such like Discourses the Justices moderated the violence of the Petitioners. And it pleased God, about six Months afterwards, that news came of the com∣ing of a Vice-King, for whose reception all things were prepared; and in the interim the Pretenders surceased their importunities in expectation of his Excel∣lency, who was the first that ever came to Peru with that honourable Cha∣racter and Title.

The End of the Seventh Book.

Royal Commentaries. BOOK VIII.

CHAP. I.

How the Indians and Spaniards celebrated the Festival of the most Holy Sacrament at Cozco. A relation of a quarrel which the Indians had on that occasion.

SInce the Method of History requires, that every thing should be related in its due time and place, we shall here at the beginning of this eight Book, describe two particular passages which happened in Cozco after the Wars with Erancisco Hernandez were ended, and before the arrival of the Vice-King, whose Presence was instantly desired, and expected in that Kingdom. One of those Matters, which according to this rule, we are to mention, is the pompous and solemn celebration of that Festival, which We Catholicks call, Corpus Christi, performed in the City of Cozco. After those Wars were ended, which the Devil had raised to obstruct the increase and propagation of the Holy Gospel; the last of which was that of Francisco Her∣nandez Giron, and may God in his Mercy grant, that it may still be the last, and succeeded by no other of that Nature. The Solemnity of that Festival is now observed with as much magnificence, and perhaps with more, than at that time: For those Wars were concluded at the end of the year 1554, and we are now in the year 1611, from which time to this present in which we are writing this Chapter, fifty seven years have passed of Peace and Tranquility.

My intention is only to write the Histories of those times, and to leave the successes of the present to the labour of other Pens: In those days there were about 80 Citizens, or men of Estates in Cozco, who were all Gentle∣men of Noble Rank and Extraction; for by the Name of Citizens, we understand those who had Lands given them, with Indians belonging there∣unto subjected to them in vassalage. Every one of these Gentlemen with great Curiosity adorned his Chair, or Sedan, which his Indian Vas∣sals were to carry on the day of Festival; the Ornaments thereof were Fringes, and Embroideries of Silk and Gold, and studded with Eme∣rolds, and other Precious Stones; therein were placed the Image of our Lord, or Lady, or some other Saint or Saintess, according to the devoti∣on of the Spaniard, or Indian, whose care it was to dress up the Sedans; which were something like those, which the Co-fraternities use in Spain upon such Festivals.

The Caciques who lived in the parts adjacent to the City came thither to bear a part and share in the Solemnity, attended with their Kindred, and No∣bility of their Provinces; and attired in all the finery and gallantry with which they used to dress themselves at times of their own most Religious Feasts; of which we have given a Narrative in the first part of these Commentaries; eve∣ry Sept or Linage carrying the Ensigns or Signals of their own Race and Fa∣milies, in which they take much pride, and shew great ostentation.

Some of them came in the habit (as Hercules is painted) with the Lions Skin, the Head of which served him for a Cap; and this is the most honou∣rable dress, for they value themselves very much to be descended from a Lion: Others appeared with great Wings extended at a large breadth like to Angels, which they took from the Fowle called by them Cuntur, which is much in esteem with them, and from which they also glory to derive their descent. Others were habited in Cloathes painted with Rivers, Fountains, Lakes, Mountains, Caves, and the like, having a Tradition amongst them, that their Forefathers had their original from such places. Others had strange devises with Gold and Silver, and Coronets of Gold: Some appeared like Monsters, having their Hands like Claws, or the Paws of Wild-beasts which they took in hunting. Others feigned themselves to be Fools and Idiots, endeavouring in all guises to please and divert their Kings and Governours. Some would act the part of Riches and Grandure, others personated Misery and Poverty; and every Province assumed some thing, that they thought might administer to divertisement and delight, and which might serve to make up the solemnity of the Festival; well knowing that variety was pleasing, and contributed much to the satisfaction of the Mind. By such Scenes and Representations as these, with which the Indians did use to celebrate the Feasts of their own Kings, did they now, though with more ostentation appear, and bear a part in shewing honour to the Most Holy Sacrament, which is our true God, Redeemer, and Lord of all; the which they performed with such Devotion and Sincerity, as plainly demonstrated them to be a People freed from the Superstition and Vanity of their Gentilism.

The Clergy and Citizens were not wanting also to contribute their part to render this Festival the more great and glorious; to which end a Scaffold was erected in the Yard leading to the Church, on that side which fronts the Chief Market-place, where the Most Holy Sacrament was exposed in a rich Circle of Gold and Silver. The Officers of the Church placed themselves on the right-hand, and those of the City on the left: with them were several of those Incas which remained of the Royal Line; to whom they gave a place of Precedence, in token that that Empire was their Patrimony.

The Indians of the several Districts passed in their Chairs, or Sedans, with their Kindred, and Attendances; every Province singing in their own Mother-language, and not in the general Tongue which is common to the Court, the better to make a difference between one Nation and another.

With them they carried their Drums, Flutes, Pipes, and Cymbals, and other sorts of rural and barbarous Musick; and several of the Men were followed by their Wives, who served to bear a part in the Chorus.

The substance of their Songs were Praises to God, returning him thanks for having brought them out of Ignorance, to the light of true Knowledge. And rendring also Thanks to the Spaniards of what condition soever, whe∣ther Spiritual or Temporal, for having instructed them in the Doctrine of the Christian Faith.

Other Provinces, according to the Custom in the times of their Kings, sent the Men only, without the company or society of their Women.

To the upper side of the Church-yard, or Cymeterie, which is about seven or eight Steps higher than the Market-place, they ascended by Stairs to adore the Most Holy Sacrament; every Sept, or Race in distinct divisions, being se∣parated from each other ten or twelve paces distant, to avoid disorder and confusion; and having made their Adoration, they descended by another pair of back Stairs, which was erected on the right-hand of the Scaffold. Every Nation proceeded according to its Seniority, which was taken and measured by the time that the Incas had made the Conquest of them: So those who were the last subdued, were placed the first in the Procession; and those who were the

more antient Subjects followed, until at length, in the last place, the Incas them∣selves came immediately before the Priests, mixed with a number of poor Peo∣ple, to signifie their Humility in a low and mean condition, having lost their Empire, their Houses, Inheritance, and all their Revenue particularly belong∣ing to them.

This being the order directed and observed in the Procession, divers Indians from the Canaris intruded themselves amongst the croud; for though that Province is not within the Precincts and Jurisdiction of Cozco, yet those People also claimed a priviledge to appear at the Solemnity; and in their Chairs or Se∣dans, made a distinct Company by themselves, because many of their Nation lived in the City, of whom the Head and Chief was Don Francisco Chillcbo Can∣nari, of whom we made mention formerly, and set forth, how that in the time of the Siege, when Hernando Piçarro was greatly distressed by the Prince Manca In∣ca, this Canarian killed in the publick place an Indian Captain belonging to the Inca, who challenged the best man of the Spaniards to a single Combat. This Don Francisco ascended the Stairs of the Cymeterie in a disguise, covered with his Mantle, and his Hands under it, and in a Chair plain, without any trimming either of Silk or Gold, but painted with divers colours, and in the four Pannels thereof were described the four Battels between the Indians and the Spaniards.

Being come to the height of the Cemyterie to the right-hand, where the Officers of the Corporation were placed, and with them my Lord Garçilasso de la Vega, who was then Governour of the City, and his Deputy Monjaraz, who was a very able Lawyer, and a person of great Prudence and Discretion. Behold on a sudden this Indian Cannari threw off his Mantle, which served him for a Cloak, and delivered it to one of his Servants, and so remained in cuerpo, with a close Coat girt to him, according to their Custom, when they are preparing to fight, or to perform any other Action, or Feats of Activity; in his right-hand he held by the locks the Head of an Indian carved in Wood, and painted. So soon as the Incas saw it, four or five of them brustled up to the Canarian, and catched him up from the Floor, intending to throw him headlong from the Scaf∣fold, which caused a tumult amongst the Indians, who remained on each side of the Scaffold, where the most Holy Sacrament was exposed; so that the Deputy Monjaraz was obliged to interpose his Authority for keeping the Peace. And demanding of the Incas, for what reason they were so much of∣fended? one of the gravest amongst them made answer, saying, This Dog Auca or Rebbel, instead of coming to celebrate this Festival, comes with a Head, to revive the memory of those things which had better been for∣gotten.

Then the Deputy asked the Cannarian, What was the meaning thereof? To which he reply'd, Sir, I cut off the Head of an Indian, who challenged any of the Spaniards to a single Duel, at that time when Hernando Piçarro, and Gonçalo Piçarro, and John Piçarro my Lords and Masters, with 200 Spaniards more, were besieged in this Market-place: and in regard there was no Spaniard, but who thought it a dis-reputation to him, to engage singly with an Indian; I took up the Quarrel my self, and obtained leave to accept the Challenge, and engage in the Combat; which I performed with such good success, that I overcame the Indian, and cut off his Head in this Market-place; and then pointed with his Finger to the very plat of Ground where the Duel was fought: Moreover, said he, these four Pictures which are in the four Pannels of my Chair, are a description of the four Battels in which I was engaged on the side of the Spaniards against the Indians; so that it is no wonder, if on such a day as this, I should boast and glory of those Exploits, and Feats of Arms which I have performed in service of the Christians. To which the Inca again re∣ply'd, Thou Dog and Traytor, didst thou do this Action by thy own cou∣rage and bravery, or by virtue and assistance of this Pachacamac, before whom we are now present, and by means, and under the auspicious conduct of the Spaniards Fortune? Dost thou not know, that thou, and all thy Linage were Slaves to us, and that it was not by thy Prowess and Valour that thou didst obtain this Victory, but solely by virtue of that power we have before mentioned? If thou wilt make tryal of the truth of what I say, since we are all Christians, get thee to the Market-place, and provide thy self with Arms, and there shall meet thee one of the meanest of our Servants, who

shall cut thee into slices, and confound thee, and all that belong to thee. Dost thou not remember, that about this time, and in this very place, we cut off the Heads of thirty Spaniards, and that one of our Incas dismounted two men, and wrested their Lances from them, and had done the like to Gon∣çalo Piçarro, had he not rescued himself by a more than ordinary Agility and Prowess? Dost thou not know, that we put an end to our Wars against the Spaniards, and raised the Siege of this Town; and that our Prince did volun∣tarily resign his Empire, and retire into Banishment, upon no other Motive than the astonishment we conceived, to see the many Miracles which the Pa∣chacamac wrought in favour and defence of them? Dost thou not know, that during the siege of this City, we killed near 800 Spaniards in the way to Rimac? And were it not now a brave thing, and a Gallantry fit for the Honour of such a Feast as this, to raise up the Heads of all those that were slain, with the Head of John Piçarro, who was killed above, in yonder Fortress, and expose them to the view of all these Spectators? It had been well, if thou hadst considered these particulars, and many others which I could now relate, before thou hadst acted such a scandalous piece of folly as this. And then turning to the Deputy, Sir, said he, do me that Justice, which the nature of this Insolence requires, that we may not be affronted nor trampled on by our own Slaves.

The Deputy Monjaraz having heard the Reasons alledged by one, and the other, ordered the Head which Cannari carried in his hand to be taken from him, and the Mantle which was girt close, to be stripped off, requiring him on pain of a far greater punishment, neither to discourse, nor treat of such matters as these, either in publick or private. With this reprehension given to Cannari, all the Incas and Indians both Men and Women were fully satisfied; and the word Auca, Auca, was raised, and taken from one to a∣nother, which resounded over all the Town: And then the Procession was carried forward without interruption, according to the accustomary Cere∣monies. It is said, that the compass which they take in carrying the Proces∣sion now, is twice as far as it was formerly; for now they go out from the Great Church, and return round by way of St. Francis, which is much farther, than when they only fetched a compass round the two places of Cusipata and Haucaypata, which we have often mentioned.

Blessed be the Divine Majesty, who hath vouchsafed to bless this Countrey with these holy Footsteps, and to enlighten the Gentiles, who were formerly benighted in the dark of Ignorance.

CHAP. II.

Of a strange Accident which fell out at Cozco.

SOme years after the Wars of Francisco Hernandez were ended, another Acci∣dent happened at Cozco, which was very strange; the which having received from the report of some intelligent, and religious persons, who understood, that I should say, that a Narrative thereof would tend to the service of our Holy Mo∣ther the Roman Church, were pleased to Transmit a Relation thereof, that I might insert it in this our History; and accordingly as an obedient, tho' an unworthy, Son of such a Mother, I have thought it my Duty to recount that matter in the manner following.

Eight or nine years before the late Troubles, the Feast of the Evangelist St. Mark was annually celebrated in Cozco, in such manner as the Inhabitants of that City were able to perform. The Procession was carried forth from the Convent of the B. St. Dominick, which as we have before mentioned, was founded in that House, which in the times of Gentilism, was the Temple Dedicated to the Sun. From this Convent the Procession was carried to a certain Hermitage, adjoining to those Hou∣ses which were belonging to Don Christoval Paulu Inca. Acertain Priest called Fa∣ther

Porras, who had been an ancient Inhabitant of the Country, and one great∣ly devoted to that Blessed Evangelist, being desirous to celebrate the Festival of that Saint, was accustomed every Year to bring a tame Bull with him to the Procession, decked with Garlands, and composed of variety of Flowers. In the year 1556 all the Clergy and Corporation of the City with a multitude of other people coming to solemnize this Feast, the Bull being as tame, and gentle as any Lamb, walked in the midst, and went and returned without any disturbance to the Procession. Being come back to the Convent, the Church not being capable to receive the Multitudes of People which crouded thither, the Indians and the more common sort, remained without, and made a Lane for the Procession to pass. The Spaniards entered into the Church, leaving a way to come up to the Chancel: The Bull which walked immediately before the Priests, in that tame and gentle manner, as we have said before, being entered three or four Paces within the Porch of the Church, on a sudden runs at a Spaniard called Salazar, and took him up on his Horns, and without any hurt to him, tossed him out at one of the Doors of the Church: The people affrighted with this unusual rudeness of the Bull, were put into great disorder; but the Bull returning gently back, took his place again in the Procession, and walked up gently to the Chancel. The people of the City much admiring at this Novelty, and thinking that there must be something more than ordinary in the matter, enquired with all diligence to discover the Mystery thereof: And upon a strict examination of the thing, it was found that about six or seven Months before, this Salazar had maintained a Law-suit against the Church-men, and that he had incurred the Censure of Excommunication, and had never been absolved from it. But upon this Acci∣dent he desired Absolution, and obtained it; having declared his intention, never more to fall into the like Error of Contumacy again. I was then in the City, when this matter passed, and was present at the Procession, and heard the Story thereof related more at large by others, than we have done in this Chapter.

CHAP. III.

Th•• Marquis of Cannete is designed for Vice-King of Peru. He lands upon the Continent. Several Negers, or Blacks, who were Fugitives, are reduced. The burning of a Galeon, with eight hundred people therein.

SO soon as News was brought to his Imperial Majesty then in Germany, of the death of the Vice-King Don Antonio de Mendoça, he nominated the Count de Palma, to succeed him in that Employment, but on some just grounds and reasons, he excused himself; the like did the Count de Olivares, who was unwilling to ac∣cept of that Government. Those who lived in the Indies, did believe that the Great Men, who were commodious at home, were unwilling to accept an Office so far distant from Spain, and from the Court: Tho' a Vice-King who had re∣sided there for some time, was of another opinion, and said, that the Govern∣ment of Peru would be the best Employment the King had in his Gift, were it not so near to Madrid, where the Court resides. His meaning, was the complaints of the many oppressions he exercised on the People, would come sooner to the Court than he desired. At length his Majesty pitched upon Don Andres Hurardo de Mendoça, Marquis of Cannete, and chief Constable of Cuenca, to be his Vice-King in Peru, who having accepted the Office, and received his dispatches, depar∣ted for Peru, and arrived at Nombre de Dios, which he made the place of residence for the Ministers of Justice, and for the Officers of the Imperial Revenue. He there rewarded some of the Ancient Conquerors of the Isles of Barlovento, and of the

main Land, whom, as Palentino saith, he found very poor, and necessitous: but he could not bestow on them Lands, with vassallage of Indians, because the Natives of that Country had been all destroyed; but he gave them Money, and some Offices of benefit. He made a Provision for Pedro de Orsua, who was a very Noble Gen∣tleman, a great Souldier, and Captain in the new Kingdom, where he had performed many great exploits, and Peopled a City named Pamplona: but by the Severity, and Injustice of a Judge, who seized upon all his Estate, Orsua was forced to fly, and (as John de Castallanos writes) to take refuge in Nombre de Dios, where the Vice-King Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoça met him, and gave him a Commission to seek, and suppress the Fugitive Negers, called Cimarrones, who lived in the Mountaines, and robbed, and pillaged all Merchants, and Travellers who passed those ways, murdering and wounding in a manner not sufferable, so that there was no passing in less than twen∣ty in a Company. The number of these Negers increased daily, for when any of them received the least hard word from his Master, he presently forsook his Service, having so good a Sanctuary, and Receptacle to fly unto. For this Enterprise, and Design, and to suppress these Negers, Pedro de Orsua raised Men; they were called Cimarrones, which is a word proper to the Language of the Isle of Barlovento, and to these Robbers several of the Souldiers of Hernandez Giron joyned, being such as were banished and fled, all which, or as many of them as were concerned in this matter, were pardoned by the Vice-King. The Negers finding themselves hardly beset and distressed, offered to treat and accept Articles of Accommodation; which for quietness sake and for peace were granted to them; and accor∣dingly it was concluded, That all those, who had unto that time fled from their Masters, should be Free-men, and continue in their state of Freedom; but for those, who should for the future escape from their Masters, the Ci∣marrones should be obliged to surrender them up again to their Patrons, or pay the price demanded for them. That a Neger Man, or Woman, be∣ing ill treated by their Master, he, or they paying the price, which he, or she, or they cost, the Master, or Masters, shall be obliged to set them at liberty. That the Negers shall People, and Inhabit that Countrey, which they at present possess, and shall live peaceably as good Common-wealths-men, or Natives of the Country, and not dispersed within the Mountains, as formerly; and that they shall have free Trade and Commerce with the Spaniards: All which, in order to Peace and Quietness, was agreed, and confirmed on one side, and the other; and the Negers gave Pledges and Ho∣stages for security of the Peace. Their King, called Ballano, delivered his own Person for a Hostage, and his Subjects never redeeming him, he was transported into Spain, where he died.

Now in regard a little before the Vice-King began his Voyage, a fatal ac∣cident happened to a Ship in the Ocean, I have thought fit to insert it in this place, as not altogether impertinent to this History.

Jeronimo de Alderete, was sent from Chile into Spain, on occasion of business, in behalf of the Governour Pedro de Valdivia; and during his Residence at the Court, advice coming of the death of the Governour, he Petiti∣oned his Majesty for the place, and obtained it. And being ready to depart for Chile, he took his Sister-in-Law with him, an honest Vertuous person, and one of those, who are called Devout Women, and with her he embarked on a Galeon, where were 800 Persons, and which was Admiral of six other Ships, and sailed from Spain two Months before the Vice-King. This Religious Woman being very devout, desired leave from the Master of the Ship, to keep a Candle in her Cabin by Night, for reading her office, to which the Master condescended, considering it was for her Devotion, and that she might pray for the whole Ship, and also was Daughter-in-Law to the Governour. Being at Sea, and sailing with a fair wind, it happened that a Physitian belonging to another Ship, came aboard the Galeon to visit a Friend of his, who was there; and being old Acquaintance rejoyced to see each other: Towards Evening the Physitian desirous to return aboard his own Ship, was perswaded by his Friend to stay that Night with him, for that the Weather was very fair, and likely to continue; and so the Boat was towed that night at the Stern of the Ship, inten∣ding next morning to make use of it, and return. But it happened, that that night

this devout Woman being at her Prayers, or rather fell asleep in the middle of her Office with her Candle lighted, gave a fatal Example and Instance, how dangerous it is on any occasion whatsoever to break the Rules and Or∣ders of the Sea, which are made for conservation of the Ship, and those embarqued thereon: one of which is, That upon no pretence whatsoever, any light shall be continued in the Ship by night, unless it be that on∣ly which is placed in the Biddacle for the Compass, or in the Lanthorn on the Poop: For so it was, that the Candle taking hold of the Timber of the Ship, the flame broke out at the sides, before it was discovered, and burnt so violently, that it was impossible to be quenched; which when the Master perceived, he ordered the Marriner, who was at the Helm, to draw up the Boat by the side, wherein the Physitian had the day before come aboard; and then went to the Governour Alderete, and without any noise privately told him the misfortune of the Ship; and so he, and one of the two Sons he had aboard, with the Governour and the Marriner step∣ed into the Boat, without calling or crying out to the others, lest the People crouding into the Boat, and every one endeavouring to save him∣self, they should all be lost.

In this manner did the Master save his own life, and as an expiation of his sin for breaking the Laws of the Sea, which ought inviolably to be observed, he sacrificed one of his Sons. The Fire having such an abundance of matter administred to its nourishment, such as Pitch and Tar, increased so violently, as soon awakened all the People in the Ship; and being seen by the other Ships of the Fleet, they came as near as they durst, and put out their Boats to save as many of those as they could, who should throw themselves into the Sea: but the Fire coming to the Guns, which were all shotted, they discharg∣ed so fiercely, that the Ships were forced for their safety to retire at a di∣stance, and suffer all the 800 persons then aboard to perish; some being burnt, and others drowned, who for fear of the flames had thrown themselves into the Sea. The news of which was the occasion of great sorrow and lamentation over all Peru. Jeronimo de Alderete, so soon as it was day, got aboard one of his Ships, and immediately commanded a Flag to be put out on the main Top-Mast head; that they might see he was still alive, and had escaped both the Fire and the Water. And so giving out his Orders to the other Ships to prosecute their Voyage to Nombre de Dios, he returned to Spain to renew his Commission and Instructions, all his Writings having been consumed by the Fire; and having procured his Dispatches, he again put to Sea with the Fleet which transported Marquis de Cannete the Vice-King to Peru, as Palen∣tino reports, though he mentions nothing of the disaster of the Galeon.

CHAP. IV.

The Vice-King arrives in Peru. He puts new Officers into places of Trust. He writes Letters to the several Gover∣nours.

THe Vice-King Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoça, departed from Panama, and with a fair Wind arrived at Paita, which is on the Confines of Peru, from whence he dispatched his respective Orders to the Kingdom of Quito, and other parts thereabouts. He also wrote to the several Gover∣nours of the Empire; and sent a Gentleman, who was a Kinsman of his Fami∣ly, on a particular message to the Royal Chancery at Los Reyes; but being a Youngman, he made too long a stay at St. Michaels Town, entertain∣ing himself in Diventisements, neither decent nor honest; upon notice

whereof, the Vice-King sent him express Orders to proceed no farther; and when he himself came to that City, he commanded him to be taken into Custody, with intent to send him Prisoner into Spain, resolving never to pardon any Messenger or Officer of his, who did not diligently observe the Commission and Orders he had given him: He also sent away Don Pedro Luys de Cabrera in∣to Spain, with other married men, who had left their Wives at home. But the Truth is, it was more the fault of the Wives, than of the Husbands, who had sent for them, and given them credit for considerable Sums of Money to defray the charge of their voyage: But these Women being delighted with Sevile, which charms all those which have resided in it, have refused to obey the Husbands Summons, and prevailed with the Justice to send Commands to recal them into Spain. There were three of these Women, whose Husbands I knew in Peru, and were men possessed of considerable Estates in Land, to the value of a hundred thousand Ducats of yearly Rent, all which upon their deaths would have descended to their Wives, had they resided upon the place, but being absent, the Right and Propriety devolved to the King: I could name particularly their Names, but out of respect to their Reputation 'tis better to conceal them.

The Vice-King proceeded forward on his way, with all the gentle demea∣nour and courtesie imaginable; rewarding some, and giving fair words and promises to all, who demanded a remuneration for their past services. All which he acted with Art and Design, that a report of his Candour might fore-run his coming, and the minds of men quieted by a prepossession of his in∣tentions to gratifle and reward every man as he deserved. It was also the talk of common fame, that the Vice-King intended to select a Cabinet Council of four Persons, of the most intelligent, and experienced men of the Empire, who were impartial and unbiassed, and who by long and antient practice in Af∣fairs, were able to render an account of every Man's Services, and Merit.

The Persons commonly named, were Francisco de Garay Citizen of Huanacu, Lorenzo de Aldana of Arequepa, Garçilasso de la Vega, and Antonio de Quinnones of Cozco; this was the fancy of the common people, it being well known, that every one of these men was endued with a Talent sufficient to govern Peru, in case the Reins were committed to their hands: And with this imagination the Inhabitants of this Empire, both Clergy and Seculars, comforted and pleased themselves; saying, that such a Prince must be sent from Heaven, into whose heart God had infused the thoughts of making choice of such Coun∣sellours.

Palentino in the second Chapter of his Book, hath these words. The Vice-King, saith he, proceeded on his Journey to Los Reyes, declaring as he went, his Intentions to reward every man as he deserved; but the common voice of Fame gave out, that he would confer his Favour on all, without reflection on any thing that was past. This report brought multitudes of people to Trux∣illo, and many of those who had been Delinquents, and faulty in their Duty to his Majesty, towards all which the Vice-King carried himself very fairly, and gave out in his discourse, that by those men who had revolted from Hernandez Giron to the King, that Country had been saved: And in this manner he amused the minds of the people, that those who formerly durst not adventure to Cozco, and other parts, without a strong Guard and much circumspection, were be∣come at last confident and assured of safety, by indulgence from the Vice-King. Thus far this Authour. To which we are farther to add, and say,

That upon the News of the arrival of the Vice-King, the Inhabitants of Cozco were greatly pleased and satisfied; every one depending on the report which common Fame spread abroad of his Clemency and good Intentions. Howsoever Thomas Vazquez and Piedrahita lived retired at their Country-houses, more out of shame than fear of their safety: For tho' they had followed the Rebellion from the first beginning of the Insurrection, and concerned in all the Blood and Murders had been committed, yet having renounced the cause of the Rebel at a critical time, and in such a conjuncture, as gave him the fatal blow, his Majesties gracious Pardon under the Great Seal of the Chancery was confer∣red upon them; on confidence of which, they came freely to the City, when their occasions called them thither, tho' with a modest Train, and with such Equipage, as became men who, being under a Cloud, had retired into a kind

of voluntary Banishment amongst their Indian Vassals: And with such caution did these men live, that during the three years that my Father Garçillasso de la Vega was Governour of Cozco, I never saw them there, unless it were John Piedrahita, who upon some extraordinary occasion of business, came by night to make my Father a Visit, and give him a relation of his Solitary Life, but never in the day time appeared publickly on the place. Howsoever Alonso Diaz, who was a Citizen, never absented himself from home; but lived quietly in his own house, tho' he had been another of those who had concerned himself in the Rebellion of Hernandez. And this was the truth of this Story, which our Authour makes such a stir about, and would insinuate things scandalous, and offensive to the Hearers.

The Vice-King came to the City of Los Reyes, in the Month of July 1557, where he was received with that Pomp and Grandure which was due to his Royal Office, and to the Quality of his Person, having the title of Marquis given him from his Lordship over Vassals: for tho' other Vice-Kings had been Marquises, yet none of them before assumed the Title of their Marquisate, with relation to Indians who were in vassallage to them. Eight days after he had taken the Chair of his Office, he again renewed his Possession of the Empire, in the Name of King Philip the Second, to whom the Emperour Charles the Fifth had resigned the Kingdoms, and Signories which appertained to him: what Motives he had to make this resignation is not known, but it is believed that his want of Health, and indisposition of Body, were the cause, and that the weight of Affairs of State were too burdensome in that feeble condition. This exchange of Government under the names of two different Kings, was attended with all the State, and solemn attendance that was required; the per∣sons present, were the Vice-King, the Judges of the Bench, all the Officers Ecclesiastical, and Civil, Don Jeronimo de Loaysa Arch-Bishop of Los Reyes, all the Friers of the several Convents then in that City, which were four, name∣ly, that of our Lady of the Merceds, St. Francis, St. Dominick, and St. Au∣gustine. The Ceremony in the Parade, and Streets being over, they went to the Cathedral Church, where the Arch-bishop in his Pontifical Habit celebrated High Mass. The same passed in all the other Cities of that Empire, every one shewing the great satisfaction, and contentment he received on occasion of that Solemnity, which was celebrated with the Feast of Bulls, and throwing darts; and endeavouring to out-vie each other in Gallantry, and richness of their Li∣veries; which is still the common vanity of that Country.

The Vice-King Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoça having taken possession of the Government, dispatched new Officers, and Governours to the several Jurisdictions of Peru: Amongst which a certain Lawyer, a Native of Cuenca, called Baptisto Munnoz, whom the Vice-King brought with him, was sent to Cozco. Altamirano one of his Majesties Justices, who had refused to follow his Majesties Army and Standard into the Field, was made Governour of the City of Plate; others were dispeeded with Commissions to the Cities of Huamanca, Arequepa, and de la Paz: where many things passed of great importance: We shall give an account of some of them in the following Chapter.

CHAP. V.

The Orders which the Vice-King issued forth to prevent Mu∣tlnies, and Insurrections. Thomas Vazquez, Piedrahita, and Alonso Diaz, are put to death for having been engaged in the Rebellion of Hernandez Giron.

PAlentino, in the second Chapter of his third part, saith, that so soon as the Vice-King entered into the City of Los Reyes, that he set Guards and Centinels on all the ways leading to the several Cities of the Empire; with

orders to examine carefully all passengers, as well Indians, and Spaniards, and to take from them what Papers, and Letters, they carried with them, so as to disco∣ver what Plots and Conspiracies were then contriving against the Government. All which are the words of this Author; as is that also which follows, the truth of which I can my self avouch, having been an eye witness of many passages thereof. The Vice-King gave Order, that no Spaniard whatsoever should travel without a particular License or Pass, under the hand of some Justice of the Peace belonging to the parts where he lived; in which Pass or License, the reasons were to be specifyed, and the Business, or Occasions, which caused the Party to travel: And particularly care was taken, that no Spaniard upon pretence of co∣ming to the City to any Festival, should be permitted to pass: Tho' for the pre∣sent this Order had little effect, in regard, that before it could be published, mul∣titudes of People had crouded to the City, to partake in the common joy, which was evidenced at the reception of this Vice-King. He commanded, that all the Cannon and Arms found in the City, should be taken up, and conserved in a common Magazine; all which was ordered to prevent Conspiracies, and distur∣bances which had been caused by former Rebellions, but the Country had been so lately wearied, and harassed by Civil Wars, that there was no thoughts amongst the people tending to a ruine from whence they had so newly escaped. And now let us leave the Vice-King for a time, to discourse of the Governours, which he had sent to Cozco and to the Charcas.

The Lawyer Munnoz, approaching to the City of Cozco with Commission of Governour, was met, and received by my Father Garçilasso; who, so soon as he was entered within the Priviledges and Jurisdiction of the City, delivered the White Rod of Justice into his hand; which when he had received, the first question he made him was; how much the Fee was for setting his Hand, or Firm to any Writing? To which he made answer, that he knew not, having never de∣manded such a Fee or Duty. No, said the Lawyer, that is strange, for Justices ought not to lose their right of what nature so ever, tho' never so inconsidera∣ble. The standers by wondred much at this Dialogue; to which some made answer, that 'twas not strange for men who came from Spain, with no other in∣tent, than to gain what they could with a good Conscence, to know the utmost value of their Office above the Income of their Salary.

So soon as the Governour had received the Rod of his Authority, and made his Pursuivants, he employed two of them upon a Service without the City; one he sent to apprehend Thomas Vazquez, and the other Piedrahita, both which in 5 or 6 days being brought Prisoners to Cozco, were committed to the publick Prison. Their Friends and Relations offered to give bayl for them, and to bind themselves in considerable Bonds for their good behaviour, and that they should not go forth beyond the Precincts of the City; supposing that the seizure made of their Persons, was to the end that they might be consined within the Walls of the City, and not permitted to ramble abroad in the Countries amongst their Indians and other People. My Father offered to become Bayl for one of them; but he was answered, that the Commission and instructions which this Gover∣nour brought, was much different to what they imagined; for had their consinement to the City been only designed, there would not have needed all the formality used in sending for them by Officers, and committing them to Prison: The truth is, the issue was according to what Francisco Hernandez had formerly presaged, and as we have before intimated; for the next morning they were found dead in the Prison, having been there strangled, notwithstanding their Pardons which they had sued forth from the Royal Court of Chancery. Their Plantations, and Lordships over Indians were all confiscated: That belonging to Thomas Vazquez, which was one of the best Mannors, or Lordships near the City, was conferred by the Vice-King on Rodrigo d' Esqueval a Na∣tive of Seville, who had some small Estate, but with this addition he was made great and considerable. In like manner the Estate of Piedrahita was dis∣posed, and forfeited, as was that of Alonso Diaz, whom they likewise put to death: besides which Executions, there were no other Processes of Justice made against the Rebels in punishment for the late War. Howso∣e're, the Governour Munnoz prosecuted his Predecessour in that Office, and laid four Articles to his charge. The first was, That he sported (after the Spanish manner and custome) with Darts on horse-back, which did not

become the Justice of that Town. That he went often abroad to make private Visits without the Rod of Justice in his hand, which gave an oc∣casion to many persons to despise and expose the honour of the Government to Contempt. The third was, that in Christmas' time he gave leave to the Citi∣zens, and others, to play at Cards and Dice in his House, and that he himself plaid with them; which did not become the gravity of a Governour. And lastly, that he had taken a Clerk who was not a Free-man of the City, nor had ob∣served the formality which the Law required in that case. For answer unto which, he replyed, That as to the sport of throwing Darts, it was a pastime which he had used all the days of his Life, nor would he leave it off so long as he lived, tho' he were placed in an Office of far higher Dignity and Honour; than that in which he was constituted and invested. To the second, he said, that sometimes he went without his Rod to the next Neighbour, or house near at hand, where he was familiarly acquainted, and where he was sufficiently assu∣red to receive no affront for want of the Badge, or Ensign of his Authority. That as to the Play and Gaming at Christmas, it was very true, that he did al∣low thereof in his own house, and did himself play; which prevented many differences, and quarrels, which might otherwise have arisen in other places, amongst proud and angry persons. As to the Clerk, he said, that he being no Lawyer himself, did not so much regard the ability, or the manner how he was qualified for that Office, as his Fidelity, and Truth, and faithful admini∣stration, of which all the City was ready to give Testimony. Some other Ar∣ticles were drawn up against Monjaraz: but he being only Deputy-Governour, could not be so highly charged, as was the Governour himself. And the truth is, the faults of neither were fit to be mentioned, only the new Judge was wil∣ling to have something to say; but there neither being Crimes to punish, nor Debts to pay, all Actions were smoothed, and no Processes further made.

CHAP. VI.

The imprisonment and death of Martin de Robles, and the reason for which he was executed.

WE have mentioned before, how that Altamirano, Judge of the Court of Chancery, in the City of Los Reyes, was sent Chief Justice to the City of Plate, where, so soon as he was possessed of his Government, he apprehen∣ded Martin de Robles a Citizen of that Town, and without any Indictment or Process made against him, he hanged him up publickly in the open Market-place. At which the people much lamented, and were greatly offended, because he was one of the most principal men of Quality in the whole Empire, and so aged, and bowed down with Years, that he could not bear his own Sword girt to his side, but was carried after him by an Indian Page, who attended him. But when the Reasons of his death were more fully known, the offence there∣at was much increased, as Palentino mentions in these words following.

The Vice-King sent a Warrant to Judge Altamirano, to put Martin de Robles to Death: The Reasons for which he gave, that sufficient proofs had been made before him, the Vice-King, how that this Martin de Robles having been in company with several persons, should say these words, Let us go to Lima, and teach the Vice-King better manners, than to write in such a rude Stile, and with so little respect and formality, as he uses. These are the words of which he was accused, tho' it is generally believed, that he never said them, nor ever gave any colour, or ground for such an Accusation. Some say, that this rash Speech was not that which provoked the Vice-King against Martin de Robles, but some other suggestions of having been accessary to the Imprison∣ment, and death of Blasco Nunnez Vela Vice King of Peru. Thus far, this Author, in an obscure manner, expresses this Passage; which we shall endeavour

to clear, and explain more at large. It is true, that Martin de Robles did say some such words, which were to be taken in another Sense: For (as we have said before) when the Vice-King wrote Letters from Payta, to the several Gover∣nours and Justices of the Empire; giving them to understand the news of his arrival in that Country; the Superscription of his Letters were in this man∣ner, To the Noble Lord of such a place: And in the Letter he treated them with Thou, which was the common Stile to what person of Quality soever; the which manner of writing gave great offence over all Peru: For in those days, and a long time afterwards, persons of Quality, and such as were rich in that Coun∣try, always used in Writing to their Servants, the Title of Noble, saying, To the Noble—and within the Letter they wrote sometimes in the second, and sometimes in the third person, according to his Condition and Office wherein he served: and this Custom prevailed, until such time as a Pragmatica came forth to regulate the Terms of Honour which were given. But in regard the Letters from the Vice-King were in another Form and Stile, they gave offence to such evil Men, who were desirous of Change and disturbances; and caused them, with reflection on the present Vice-King, to commend, and praise the Civility of those who were formerly in the same power, who in all their Letters used Terms of Respect, according to the Quality and Merit of the person. My Father Garçi∣lasso being then Governour of Cozco, received a Letter from the Vice-King with the same Title and Superscription; which some asked him how he could brook; or how he could endure such a neglect? To which my Father made answer, that he could bear it very well; since that the Vice-King wrote to him, not barely by the Name of Garçilasso de la Vega, but with the addition of Governour of Cozco, which shewed him to be his Officer, and Minister under him; and that very shortly they should see how the Vice-King would change the Form, and Stile of the Super∣scription of his Letters to him: Which accordingly happened, for about eight days afterwards, the Vice-King being at Rimac, he wrote a Letter to my Father, directed in this manner, To the Right Worshipful Senior Garçilasso de la Vega, &c. and within he treated him with such Terms, as might become an Elder Bro∣ther towards his younger; at which, those who saw it did much admire. I have had both these Letters in my custody, for at that time I served my Father in qua∣lity of his Clark, and wrote all the Letters which he dispatched to several parts of the Empire; and in like manner, I gave the Answer to both these Letters. But to return to the Story of Martin de Robles, from which we have made this digression. The Truth thereof is this, One of the first Letters from the Vice-King, was bare∣ly in this manner, To the Governour of the Charcas, and no more; which gave occasion to the hussing, vapouring Fellows to say, the Vice-King was very un∣civil, and rude, to write in such a mean manner to Governours, who taking all things together, both as to their Estates and Qualities, were as good men as him∣self. Upon this, it was said, that Martin de Robles should utter these words, Let him come hither, and we shall teach him better manners. But this he said in man∣ner of a Jest; for on less occasion than this, as Palentino saith, he used great liberty with his Tongue. For he would never for his Jest sake spare his Friend, or his Wife her self: And when some of his intimate acquaintance would blame his in∣discretion (as sometimes they did) for taking such freedom in his speech; he would answer, that he would rather lose a Friend, than a quick witty saying, ut∣tered opportunely in its due time and place; and upon this fancy the poor man lost his life. But as to his concernment in the misfortunes of Blasco Nunnez, all that matter was absolutely forgot, and laid aside, 13 years having passed since that time; and even then this Martin de Robles performed many, and signal services for his Majesty, for in that very critical juncture of Affairs, he with much danger of his Life, revolted from Gonçalo Piçarro to the President Gasca, whom he faithfully served, until the end of that War; for which the President rewarded him, as we have before related. In like manner, he served in the Wars against Don Sebastian, and Francisco Hernandez Giron, in both which he frankly laid out his Estate, and neither spared his Silver nor his Gold, to serve his Majesty; by which Merit, he obtained his Pardon for his past Crimes, being granted by the President Gasca, and confirmed by the Justices, under the Great Seal of the Royal Chancery.

CHAP. VII.

In what maner the Vice-King treated those who made demands for reward of their late Services; and how by the Advice of unjust and ill-natured Counsellours he banished thirty seven of them into Spain.

PAlentino in another part of the Second Chapter before mentioned, speak∣ing of the Vice-King, saith as follows, All the Cannon, Musquets, and other Arms which were in the City he got, and lodged in his own House, up∣on pretence of Festivals, and occasion of Rejoicings. After he had done this and secured other matters, he repealed all the Commissions and Pardons which the Justices had given; which struck a terror and awe upon the minds of di∣vers Captains and Souldiers; and with some inconsiderable gratification he re∣warded others for their Services: Howsoever, understanding that many of these men were piqued, and spoke some words which sounded not well, he ap∣prehended several of them within the Precincts of his own Court, and imme∣diately sent them away to Lima under a safe Guard; giving out, that he sent some of them for Spain, to the intent that they might be rewarded there by his Majesty; since that Peru could not confer Gratifications on them agreeable to their Merits: and that he sent others of them, that they might receive punish∣ment for their Insolence: And when some advised him to send the Informations against them, and the Processes judicially made in their cause, together with their persons into Spain: He refused to do it, saying, that he intended to in∣tercede with his Majesty in their behalf, so that they might receive rewards and Honours, rather than be the Attorney General to implead them.

But in regard this Author hath expressed several passages of this History in a dark, obscure, and confused manner, we shall endeavour to elucidate them more clearly, and in an Historical manner declare every thing methodically as it passed. And first, as to that point which this Author mentions about taking away Arms by the Vice-king: we must know, that before the coming of the Vice-king, the Justices had given orders to the Governours in their re∣spective Jurisdictions to seize on all the Arms they could find; and according∣ly my Father published this their Command by common outcry; and in obedi∣ence thereunto, many Gentlemen and Souldiers of good Reputation, who were Loyal to his Majesty, brought in their Musquets and other Arms; but the com∣mon People, and such as were ill affected would not bring them in, unless they were purchased with Mony, or for some consideration, either of themselves or Friends: for which reason my Master Garçilasso acquainted the Lords of the Royal Chancery with this particular, giving them to understand, that this course was rather prejudicial than advantagious to his Majesty, for that his Friends would by that means be disarmed, and his Enemies guarded with their Weapons by them. And upon this consideration it was, that the Justices gave orders privately, to have the Arms restored to their respective owners; which accordingly was done: And this is what passed about the Arms, of which this Author speaks. And as to Repealing, and Revoking those Pardons which the Justices gave to those who had followed the Faction of Hernandez, it was done in order to bring those persons to Justice, in the manner before specified. And as to the satisfaction he speaks of, which the Vice-King gave to divers persons, as well Captains as Souldiers, for a gratuity and reward of their past Services: The truth was this, He did make offer to some of those pretenders of a Gra∣tification, but in a mean kind, and much inferiour to their Qualities and Me∣rits; and with condition, and under proviso, that they should immediately marry, and take Wives of those Spanish Women, who were lately come over; it being according to his Majesties Instructions, and so ordained for conserva∣tion of the publick peace and quietness of the Land: And in order hereunto the Vice-King assigned to several of the Pretenders, such and such Women for

Wives, under the notion of modest and virtuous Ladies, though many of them were known to be common Strumpets. For which reason most of the Preten∣ders refusing their Society, gave occasion to malicious men, who were desi∣rous to make troubles, to incense the Vice-King against these Pretenders, who were men of greater merit than themselves, insinuating that they refused those Wives only out of obstinacy, and aversion to the Commands of Authority. And hereupon this Author saith, That the Vice-King did look on these men, as dissatisfied; and believing, as was reported to him, that they let fall many angry words tending to Sedition, he gave orders to apprehend several of them; and under a strong Guard sent them to the Port, and Callao of Lima, in order to transport them to Spain, giving out, that it was to have some persons of me∣rit more amply rewarded by his Majesty in Spain, than could be done in Peru; and that others of them, who had been insolent and daring, might be punished by Banishment, rather than rewarded, &c.

The persons taken, and sent away, were thirty seven, all men eminently known and signalized for their Loyalty and Service to his Majesty; one of which was Gonçalo Silvestre, whose Labours and Hazards are at large recorded in our History of Florida; and in this also he is not mentioned without regard to his Honour and Reputation. Particularly we have signified, how that at the Battel of Chuquinca he had a Horse killed under him, which some few days before he had bought of Martin de Robles for twelve thousand Ducats. Of the same degree and merit were several others in this Kingdom, of which I wish I had a particular list. And though Palentino saith, that several of these Pre∣tenders were banished, I must crave leave to dissent from him, and say, That none of them were banished for any Crime or Misdemeanour, for all of them were men of merit and desert. And as to what he farther saith, that some per∣sons would have perswaded the Vice-King to have sent the Informations, and Accusations against these men, together with their persons into Spain, and that he refused so to do, saying, That he would rather be an Intercessor for them with his Majesty, than their Accuser, &c. The truth of which matter was this. There were not wanting Whisperers, who insinuated to the Vice-King jealousies and fears of Mutinies and Seditions amongst the Souldiers, who having for a long time served the King at their own cost and charge, complained of their hard usage and ill treatment, and therefore advised to have them banished: but others disswaded this course as unjust, and looking like Cruelty, to have men punished, who deserved Rewards. That the banishment out of Peru into Spain, was worse than death to men, who were poor, and had consumed their Estates and Sub∣stance in the service of his Majesty. Moreover, they added, That it became not the Quality nor Office of a Vice-King to send such men into Spain with their Mouths full of complaints, to which no doubt but his Majesty would lend an Ear and give Credit; especially since nothing could be objected against them of Crime or Misdemeanour, and that in behalf of themselves they were able to make a large relation of their Services and Sufferings for his Majesty, having wasted their Lives, and consumed their Estates for the interest of the Crown: in proof and evidence of which they had their wounds, and their macerated bodies to shew, and plead for them before his Majesty. Howsoever these consi∣derations prevailed not so much with the Vice-King, as a course of greater se∣verity; for being made angry, and provoked by the evil suggestions of those men, who pretended to discover secret Cabals and Conspiracies amongst them, he resolved to send them away, as the best expedient to secure the Peace of the Empire; and that as to what they could say in Spain, or what they could do at their return from thence to Peru, he little regarded: for in going to Spain, said he, they must spend a year, and in their Negotiations and Solicitations there, another would pass; and a third in their Voyage back: and when they bring Letters and Orders in their own favour; it is then but kissing them and laying them on my Head, and saying, I obey; and at the end tell them, That the King hath no Money nor Means wherewith to reward them: and then after they return back again with the same complaints to the King, and have traced the same circle of business as before, they will then be, but where they were before, only three years more will have passed over their Heads, which in all will make up six, and by that time, none but God knows what will become of us. With such thoughts as these, the Pretenders were dispeeded

into Spain so poor and miserable, that the richest of them had not a thousand Ducats to defray his Charges; though to raise this Money, he had sold his Horse, and Cloaths, and the poor Furniture of his House: and though some of them had possessions of Lands, and some little Rent, yet the Revenue was so small, that it was scarce worth looking after, and so remote, that they were forced to leave and abandon it, as of no worth and value to them: for though a Person should commit his Estate, in this manner, to the Trust and Management of Friends; yet so far is Spain remote from Peru, that oftentimes Friends take advantage of distance, and long absence, and make that their own, which is on∣ly intrusted to them by others: And thus much I can attest, and aver upon my own experience, who having left some Estate and Inheritance of my own to the care of another Friend, he made use of that confidence I had in him to cheat and defraud me of what appertained to me.

And this was the case of these poor Gentlemen, who left their Estates with some Friends, from whom they heard no farther afterwards; and enquired of me for them, after I came to Spain, to know of me whether they were alive or not, and how, or in what manner they had disposed of their Estates: For my part I was able to give them but an imperfect account of their matters, for I was but young, and could not look so far back into the Estates and Concern∣ments of other Men. And here let us leave our Pretenders on their Voyage, the success of which we shall consider in its due place, and in the mean time we will proceed to recount the Successes of that Empire, in relation to its own Natural Lord.

CHAP. VIII.

The Vice-King designs to bring the Prince, who was Heir to this Empire, from his Retirement in the Mountains, to pay Homage and Fealty to his Majesty. The ways and means which were contrived for doing the same.

THE Vice-King having dispatched these poor Gentlemen into Spain, upon the suggestions (as we have said) of evil Counsellours, who insinuated into him dangerous Conspiracies, and civil Disturbances, which these Men might machinate, by the Interest they had with other Souldiers of inferiour degree: and hereof there had been such fresh Examples, that the Fears and Jealousies of the like events might very reasonably be apprehended. But now to amuse, and divert the minds of the People from such Tragical Plots as these, and for better securing the Peace of the Empire, Letters were wrote to Munnoz, the Gover∣nour of Cozco, and to Donna Beatriz Coya to consider of a way, how they might in a friendly and peaceable manner perswade the Prince Sayri Tupac to leave his Mountains, and come and live amongst the Spaniards, who for his encourage∣ment, would make him an allowance sufficient to maintain his Family and Equi∣page. This proposition was treated with the Coya, which was Sister to the Fa∣ther of this Prince, who was the Legitimate Heir to the Empire, being the Son of Menco Saca, whom those Spaniards killed, who he had protected and deli∣vered out of the hands of their Enemies, as is related in the 7th. Chap∣ter of the 4th. Book of this 2d. Part. The Infanta Donna Beatriz, tho'it were for no other reason than to see her Nephew in that City, and not with expecta∣tion of being restored to his Empire, received with great readiness, and good will, the Command and Order of the Vice-King; and in pursuance thereof di∣spatched away a Messenger, attended with Indian Servants, to the Mountains of Villca Pampa, where the Inca made his residence: the Messenger himself was also of the Blood-Royal, to render the offer more specious, and more easily ac∣cepted: His Journey was long, and much about, and over bad ways, by rea∣son that the Bridges were broken down; but at length coming to the Out∣guards

guards, he was there detained, until hi•• Message was signified to the Inca, after which being admitted, a Council was called of all the Captains and Gover∣nours, who were Tutours to the Prince, for he being in his Minority, had not (as we have said) as yet bound his Head with the coloured Wreath. The Cap∣tains having received this Message, were jealous of the reality thereof, though brought to them by a Kinsman: And therefore not being over-hasty to give Credence thereunto, another Messenger was dispatched to Cozco, in behalf of the Inca, to spy and discover what deceit and fraud might be under this specious over∣ture; for they did much distrust the sincerity of the Spaniards, keeping still in me∣mory the death of Atahualpa, and othertheir faithless and treacherous practices: And until the return of this Messenger, and his Associates, those sent from Cozco were detained as Hostages, and Pledges for better security of the honest and due performances by the Spaniards. The Messenger was farther instructed, that after he had applied himself to the Infanta Donna Beatriz, he should discourse farther on the business with the Governour of Cozco, and other Persons, who might secure them of their fears, and from the apprehensions they had of false and faithless designs; and should desire both of the Governour, and Donna Beatriz, to send unto John Sierra de Leguicamo her Son by Mancio Sierro de Leguicamo, who was one of the first Conquerours, to deal faithfully with them in this matter, and give to them his real opinion, whether they might trust without Scruple, or doubt of the proposition and offer which was made to them. The Governour, and the Infanta were both pleased at the coming of this Messenger from the Inca, and with him sent Letters to John Sierra, that as he was a near Kinsman to the In∣ca, he should deal clearly with him, and assure him that there was no other design in the Invitation, than to see him abroad, and out of those Mountains, to the great Joy and Contentment of all his Relations. But whilst these matters were in treaty at Cozco; the Vice-King, being impatient to see an end of this Negotia∣tion, which he thought would be over-long and tedious by other hands, dispatch∣ed away immediately from himself a Dominican Frier, whom Palentino calls Mel∣chior de Los Reyes, and with him a Citizen of Cozco, named John Betanços the Husband of Donna Angelina, the Daughter of Inca Atahualpa, of whom we have formerly made mention: this John de Betanços pretended to be very skilful in the General Language of the Country, for which reason, and for the relation he had by his Wife to the Prince Sayri Tupac, he was sent in company with the Frier, to serve for an Interpreter, and to explain the Letters, and the Substance of the Embassie upon which they were employed. These two Ambassadours, in obedience to the Vice-Kings Commands, made all the haste they were able, and endevoured to get admittance to the Inca, by way of the City of Huamanca, which was the nearest Frontier of any to the entrance into the Mountains, where the Inca made his place of Residence: For which reason the Spaniards gave the name to that Town, of St. John of the Frontier, because it bordered near the aboad of the Incas; and was (when the Country was first conquered by the Spa∣niards) possessed by them on St. John's day. But they could by no means pro∣cure admittance by this way; for the Indian Captains and Governours, fearing lest the Spaniards should take them upon surprize, and carry their Prince away from them, had so cut off all the Avenues, that no Person, without their License, could approach the place of their Habitation. Wherefore the Frier, and John de Betanços took a compass twenty Leagues farther by the high Road, to try if they could get entrance by the way of Antahuaylla, but here also they were disap∣pointed: All which being advised by the Indians to the Governour of Cozco, he wrote a Letter to the Ambassadours, that they should not labour farther to no purpose, but should come to Cozco, where they should find directions in what manner to proceed. In the following Chapter we shall set forth at large, what passed in this particular affair, according to the Narrative of Palentino, extracted verbatim from his own Words: whereby we may observe, with what Prudence and Caution the Indians proceeded in this affair; and how prudently they governed their Artifices, whereby to discover the Cheats and Frauds which the Spaniards concealed under their specious offers; with many other things observable on the part of the Indians.

CHAP. IX.

The suspicion and fear which the Governours of the Prince conceived on occasion of the Message which the Christians sent to them. The ways, and diligence they used to secure themselves from these jealousies.

THis Author, in the fourth Chapter of the third book of his History, saith, as follows. The Frier and Betanços being come to Cozco, it was order∣ed, That they should remain behind, whilst the Governour Munnoz, and Don∣na Beatriz went before the Ambassadours, with her Son John Sierra, to the Inca. Which being so agreed, the Frier and Betanços went out of the City three days be∣fore them, pretending to stay and expect them on the road: But to gain the honour of being the first Ambassadours, advanced as far as the Bridge called Chuquichaca, which borders on the Jurisdiction of the Inca: And having with great difficulty passed the Bridge; they were detained by the Indian Souldiers, who kept watch and guard on that side, and there kept without other hurt or da∣mage done to them; not suffering them to proceed forward, nor return back again; and so remained until the next day, when John Sierra, with the Ambas∣sadours from the Inca came to them, with ten other Indians who were sent to meet the Ambassadours: In sine, John Sierra, and the Ambassadours were per∣mitted to proceed, but Betanços and the Frier were detained: The Inca being informed that John Sierra was near at hand, and also that a Frier and Be∣tanços who were Ambassadours from the Vice-King were not far distant; he dispeeded a Captain with 200 Indian Souldiers, (whom they called Caribdes, and are of that sort, who eat the Enemies which they take in the War) to signifie to the Ambassadours, that the Inca's pleasure was, that they should de∣clare the Message they brought unto his General. Accordingly the first day pas∣sed in complement, the General only bidding them welcome: But the next day John Sierra being admitted to Audience, he was severely reproved by the General for coming with the attendance of so many Christian Souldiers: For which John Sierra excused himself, saying, That he brought them by the ad∣vice and order of the Governour of Cozco, and his Aunt Donna Beatriz; and then he declared to him the occasion for which he was sent, and read to him the Letters from his Mother, and the Governour, with that also which the Vice-King had wrote to Donna Beatriz. John Sierra having thus delivered his Message, Betanços and the Frier were also called and admitted to the same place; of whom they demanded the same questions, to see what difference there was in the pro∣posals which were made.

The Frier and Betanços produced the Writing of Pardon, and declared the substance of the Embassy upon which they were employed, and delivered the Present which the Vice-King sent to the Inca of several pieces of Velvet, and Damask, and two Cups of silver gilded, together with other things of curiosity. After which the General and Captains sent two Indians, who had been present at all the discourse, to give a relation to the Inca of the particu∣lars which had passed; which when the Inca had heard, and thought well upon, he gave answer, That the Ambassadours should immediately return from whence they came, with their Letters, Act of Pardon, and Presents; for that he would not have to do with the Vice-King, but remain free, and independent of him, as he had hitherto done. But as John Sierra, and the rest were departed, orders were brought after them by two In∣dians, that they should return immediately, and appear before the Inca, to give him and his Captains an account in person of the Embassy they had brought; and being on their way, and not above four Leagues from the Inca, another Command was given that John Sierra should come alone, and

that the others should be dispeeded back with such convenient Provisions, as were necessary for their journey.

The next day John Sierra was come within two Leagues of the Inca, when he met a new Order, to detain him two days longer before his admittance; and in like manner Messengers were sent to cause Betanços and the Frier to return back to the Inca, who at the end of two days sending for John Sierra, he received him with such kindness and affection as was due to a near and principal Kinsman: And John Sierra having expressed and explained the particulars of his Message in the best sense and words he was able; the Inca seemed well satisfied and pleased with what he had delivered; but in regard, that being in his Minority, and not master of himself, nor having for want of years assumed the coloured Wreath, it was necessary for him to refer all his Affairs, and Treaties to the consideration of his Captains: Which being done, Frier Melchior de Los Reyes was also sent for, and ordered to deliver the Embassy he had brought from the Vice-King; which being accordingly signified, the Offer was kindly understood, and the presents accepted: Howsoever it was ordered, that the Frier, and John Sierra should attend, and expect an Answer after the Captains had consulted there∣upon.

The debate being again re-assumed, nothing was concluded; but that more time was required to consult their Predictions and Oracles, and to consider farther before they could come to a resolution: And in the mean time, not to detain John Sierra, and the Frier any longer, it was ordered, that they should be dispatched away to Lima, with two other Indian Captains, who in the name of the Inca should attend the Vice-King, and treat with him concerning the Pension and allowance which was to be given to the Inca, in consideration that the In∣heritance and Succession of those Kingdoms, did by Right of Nature belong unto him. Being in this manner dismist, they travelled by the way of Andaguaylas to the City of Los Reyes, where they arrived on St. Peters day in the month of June. The Indian Captains having had Audience of the Vice-King, and declared what they had to say in behalf of their Inca, were kindly received by him, and hospitably treated for the space of eight days; during which time they were lodged in the City, and had frequent confe∣rences with the Vice-King, touching the entertainment which was to be given the Inca for the maintenance of his Court, and Equipage agreeable to his Dig∣nity, so as to be able to live peaceably amongst them, paying Homage and Obedience to the King. The Vice-King having consulted this point with the Arch-Bishop and Judges, it was agreed to give an allowance to the Inca, of seventeen thousand pieces of Eight yearly in Money for maintenance of himself, and Sons; besides the Indians and Estate of Francisco Her∣nandez, and to hold therewith the Valley of Yucay, together with the Indians and Lands formerly belonging to Don Francisco Hernandez, the Son of the Marquis: With some Lands belonging to the Fortress of Cuzco which was assigned to him for his dwelling house and place, wherein he was to keep his Indian Court. In confirmation and for security hereof, an instrument was drawn up, to settle this Allowance on the Inca, provided that in the space of six Months after the date thereof, which was the fifth of July, the Inca should accept of those Conditions, and leave his habitation in the Mountains, and come and live amongst the Spaniards. This Writing was delivered to John Sierra, who was solely appointed to return therewith, accompanied only with the two Indian Captains; and by that time that he was come to the Indian Court, the Inca had recei∣ved the coloured Wreath, and with great joy received the Letters, and Writings from the Vice-King, &c. Thus far Diego Hernandez, which I thought sit to extract verbatim from his own Writings; that I might not seem to have enlarged on the Care, and Cautions used by the Indians in their Treaty above the Sphere of their Capaci∣ties.

And now it will not be from our purpose, to explain some passages, which this Anthor hath touched upon in the preceeding discourse. The first is concerning those Carives, who, he says, did eat one the other in the time of War: it is true, that this was accustomary in the Empire of Mexico, in the antient times of Heathenisme. But in Peru it was never practised;

For as we have said in the first part, the Incas made severe Laws against those who eat human Flesh: And therefore we must understand this Author, accor∣ding to the custome of Mexico, and not of Peru. The Revenue given to the Inca, did not amount to 17000 pieces of Eight, (for as we have said before) the Lands of Francisco Hernandez did not yield above ten thousand pieces of Eight per annum. And as to what he says, they gave him in the Valley of Yu∣cay, which was the Estate of the Son of Marquis Francisco Piçarro, it was in reality worth nothing, for that Valley being very pleasant, and delight∣ful, was divided amongst the Spaniards, who were Citizens of Cozco, and well cultivated by them, and fenced in to make Gardens and Vineyards, as it is to this day: Wherefore the poor Inca enjoyed nothing more, than to have the Title of being Lord of Yuca; which notwithstanding, he highly esteemed, being the most pleasant piece of ground in all the Empire. The grant of which, was not carried to the Inca by John de Sierra, as this Author intimates, but was given him at Los Reyes, when he personally appeared there, to visit the Vice-King, and pay the Complement of Obedience: But that which was car∣ried by John de Sierra, and delivered to the Inca, was no other than an Act of Grace, and Pardon of all his Crimes, without mentioning any particulars, or making any promises of support, or maintenance for himself or Family; or setting out any Lands, to make him a Revenue. In the following Chap∣ter we will set down every thing methodically as they passed; for what we have anticipated in this place, is only to shew by another hand, what Cau∣tion, Subtilty, Craft, and Jealousie, the Indian Captains used in their Trea∣ties, before they would adventure to commit their Prince into the power of the Spaniards.

CHAP. X.

The Governours of the Prince consult the several Prophesies, and Prognostications which were made, concerning the event of their Prince's departure from the Mountains. Diverse Opinions arise thereupon; the Inca resolves to go; he comes to Los Reyes, where he is received by the Vice-King. The answer which the Inca made, when the In∣strument was delivered to him, which allotted, and secu∣red a maintenance to him.

THE Captains and Tutors of the Inca continued their Debates, and Consultations, concerning the Surrender of their Prince, into the hands of the Spaniards: And for better assurance therein, they inspected the En∣trails of the Beasts, which they offered in Sacrifice, and observed the flying of Birds by Day, and those of the Night; they looked on the Skye, to see whether it were thick or cloudy, or whether the Sun were bright and clear, without Mists, or Clouds which covered it, and accordingly they made their Prognostications of good or bad Fortune: They made no enquiries of the Devil: because, (as we have said before) all the Oracles of that Country ceased, and became dumb, so soon as the Sacraments of our Holy Mother the Church of Rome entered into these Dominions. And tho' all the Obser∣vations made, seemed good Omens, and portended happy success; yet the Cap∣tains were divided in their Opinions. Some said that it was sit for their Prince to appear publickly, and in the Eyes of his People, to whom nothing could be so pleasant and acceptable, as the presence of his Person. Others

said, that there was no reason to expect the restauration of their Prince, for the Inca was already dispossessed of his Empire, and the same divided amongst the Spaniards, and proportioned by Pravinces, and Plantations, of which there was no hopes ever to see a restitution: And in such a condition as this, a Prince disinherited and divested of all his Power, and Riches, would make such a poor figure before his People, as would give them Subject rather of Sor∣row, than of Joy at his presence. And tho' the Vice-King promised to make him an allowance, wherewith honourably to support himself and Family; yet not having allotted the Provinces, nor named the parts from whence such Re∣venue is to arise, it looks as if he intended to feed him with empty words, without any real or substantial performances: and in case when an allowance is assigned, which doth not prove agreeable to the Quality of the Prince, he had lived a more happy Exile within these Mountains, than exposed abroad to Misery and Scorn. But what security have you, that these Spaniards will not deal with this Prince, as they sometime did with his Father? whom, instead of returning him all the acknowledgments, which a Soul endued with Humanity, and Reason, was capable to render, they barbarously killed with the stroak of a Bowl upon his Head, whilest he endeavoured to divertise, and solace them, a that Game, in their Solitude and retirement with him, where he con∣cealed and secured them from the hands of their Enemies. Nor is it so long since the time of Atahualpa, but that we may remember how they strangled him against the Faith and Articles of Peace which were made with them, ha∣ving thereby given us a clear Evidence, how far their Honesty and Promises extend.

These and other Examples of the faithless and treacherous performances, used by the Spaniards towards the Caciques, and other Indians of Principal Note, were particularly called to mind, and related (the which for brevity sake we omit.) And afterwards the two Opinions, with the Arguments on each side, being laid before the Prince, he inclined to the advice of remaining in his Station, and not intrusting his Person to the Honesty and Mercy of the Spani∣ards; and herein he was more strongly confirmed, when he reflected on the Fate of his Father, and His Uncle Atahualpa. And then it was, (what Palen∣tino saith before) that the Prince ordered the Letters, and Presents, and Wri∣tings to be returned to the Vice-King, and to tell him, That as he might do his own will and pleasure, so he, who was the Inca, was free and independant of any, and so would continue.

But whereas our Lord God had, out of his infinite goodness and mercy, de∣termined, that that Prince, his Wife and Children, and Family, should be ad∣mitted into the Bosom of our Mother the Roman Catholick Church; he so go∣verned the Heart of this Prince, that notwithstanding all the Affrightments, and Apprehensions he conceived of incurring the like Fate with his Ance∣stors, he yet in a short time changed his mind, and resolved to throw himself, and his Good Fortune, on the Faithfulness, and good Nature of the Spaniards. The which Palentino confirms, and says, That after John Sierra, and the others were departed, the Inca dispatched two Indians after them, with Orders to cause them to return, and give up the Commission which was delivered to them.

Thus did this matter pass, as this Author relates, tho' with some difference in respect to time, and the method of the several proceedings: I for my part set them down in that Form as they succeeded, according as they were often related to my Mother, by our Indian Kindred, who came out with the Prince, and made this matter the Subject of their discourse at the time of their Visits. But to be short in this Story, the Prince having, with a little time, abated his choller, which the memory of his Father, and Uncle, had raised in him; he declared his resolution to visit the Vice-King, who per∣haps might thereby be inclined to protect, and favour his Royal Stock. Howsoever the Captains desired, and importuned him to be more cautious, and kind to himself, than to expose his life and safety to the Will and Mer∣cy of the Spaniards: But finding the Inca resolute, and determined to go, saying, that it was the Command of the Pachacamac, and of his Father the Sun, the Captains acquiesced, and again had their recourse to the good and bad Omens, and to consult with Birds, and the Sky, and the weather: and seeing no unlucky appearances, they closed with the desires of their Prince,

and all agreed to go with him to the City of Los Rayes. On his Journey thither he was met by the Caciques, and all the Indians of the Provinces through which he passed, who entertained and feasted him and his Train in the best manner they were able: But alas, it was all performed with sadness, by men who com∣pared the present circumstances with the antient grandure of their Incas. The Prince travelled in his Chair, not made of Gold, like that of his Ancestors, but of less rich materials, carried by three hundred Indians, whom he brought with him, and not by those who were subjected to the Spaniards. Moreover, by the Advice and Counsel of his Captains, so soon as he had passed the Con∣fines of his own Dominion, he took off the coloured wreath which bound his Head, lest that being a Badge and Signal of Soveraignty should give offence to the Spaniards, as if he laid claim to the Dominions of which he was deprived. In this manner did this Prince travel, until he came to the City of Los Reyes, where so soon as he was arrived, he went to make his Complement and Visit to the Vice-King, who (as Palentino saith in these words) was attending for him at his own House; and when he came in, he received him kindly, and arose up to him, and caused him to sit in a Chair equal with his. By the Discourses which passed between them, the Prince gave all the indications of a wise and prudent person, and worthy to be accounted of that Line from whence he was descended. Thus far this Author.

Two days afterwards the Archbishop of the City invited him to Dinner, when by direction of the Chief Governours, it was ordered, That with the Desert, or last Course, the Archbishop Don Geronimo de Loaysa should deliver to the Prince the Instrument whereby his Pention and Allowance was settled; sup∣posing that being reached to him by such a hand, it might serve to enhance the estimation of the Present. But some who seldom speak well of any man, re∣ported, that the Archbishop shewed himself officious in this matter, in hopes by this Present to gain another from the Inca in Gold, and Silver, and Eme∣rolds, or such like fooleries. But the Inca wisely returned a Mathematical de∣monstration to the Archbishop, and the Guests invited thither, sufficient to an∣swer their Expectations: for after the Cloth was taken away, the Usher of the Hall brought the Instrument of Settlement, which assigned a maintenance for support of the Inca and his Family, in a great Bason of gilded Plate: which when the Prince had heard, and had understood the Contents thereof, he ga∣thered the end of the Carpet in his Hand which covered the Table, and which was made of Velvet, with a deep Fringe of Silk at the bottom, and squeezing the folds hard with his Hand, he held it up, and said, All this Cloth with the Furniture thereof was mine, and now they pay me with a thread thereof, for support of my self and my whole Family. With which the Dinner and Entertain∣ment ending, the Archbishop, and the Guests who were with him, greatly wondered at the aptness of the comparison, so well fitted to the present matter.

CHAP. XI.

The Prince Sayri Tupac returns to Cozco, where he is feasted and entertained by his own People. He and his Wife are baptized. The name which he took. The several Visits which he made in the City.

THE Prince having remained some days in the City of Los Reyes, demanded leave of the Vice-King, that he might go to Cozco; which was granted to him, with many offers of Services and Complements, as formerly: Being on his Journey, he was met in the way, and treated by his Indian Subjects, as formerly: And at his entrance into the City of Huamanca, he was met by the Citizens of that place, who entertained him, Congratulating and Rejoycing

with him, for having left the Mountains, and all accompanied him to the lodg∣ing which was provided for him.

The next day a certain Inhabitant of that City, called Michael Astete, came to make him a Visit, and presented to him the coloured Wreath, which he de∣clared he had taken from the King Atabualpa in Cassamarca, when he was made Prisoner by the Spaniards, and that now he was glad of the occasion to restore it unto him, as of right belonging to the Heir of that Empire. The Prince outwardly seemed to receive it with many expressions of Thanks: and it was said, That he paid a good reward for it, in Gold, and Silver, and Jew∣els. But we may believe otherwise, and that this Present was displeasing, as the Prince often signified in secret, and that it was abominable and odious to him, for having belonged to Atahualpa: For all the Kindred of the Prince were of opinion, that the War, Rebellion, and Tyranny which Atahualpa made upon Huatcar the lawful King, had been the cause of ruine and destructi∣on of the whole Empire: and for that reason, that the Wreath ought to be burned, which that Auca or Traytor had worn, who had destroyed them, and their Posterity. This, and much more on this Subject our Kindred related to my Mother, when they came to Cozco, and made her their Visits.

The Prince having passed Huamanca, by easie Journies came at length to Coz∣co, and lodged in the House of his Aunt Donna Beatriz, which was on the back side of my Fathers dwelling, to which place all those of the Royal Blood, both men and women resorted to welcome him to the Imperial City: and I my self went in the name of my Father, to ask leave that he might personally come and pay his respects to him; I found him then playing at a certain game used amongst the Indians, of which I have given an account in the first part of these Commentaries; I kissed his Hands, and delivered my Message; he commanded me to sit down, and presently they brought two guilded Cups of that Liquor, made of Mayz, which scarce contained four ounces of Drink; he took them both, and with his own Hand he gave one of them to me; he drank, and I pledged him; which as we have said, is the custom of Civility amongst them. This Ceremony being past, he asked me, Why I did not meet him at Villcapampa? I answered him, Inca, as I am but a Youngman, the Governours make no account of me, to place me in such Ceremonies as these. How, re∣plied the Inca, I would rather have seen you than all the Friers and Fathers in Town, though it were the Father in the Frock, or he in the Surplice: and tell my Aunt, That I kiss her Hands, and that she should not come hither, sor I will wait upon her my self, and rejoyce at our happy meet∣ing.

In this manner, he entertained me a great while, making many enquiries of my condition, and how I spent my time; and taking my leave of him, he desired me often to visit him. As I was going away, I made him a sub∣missive bow and reverence, after the manner of the Indians, who are of his Alliance and Kindred, at which he was so much pleased, that he embraced me heartily, and with much affection, as appeared by his Countenance. At that time all the Caciques, and as many Indian Officers as were from Cozco to the Charcas, (which is a Tract of Land reaching 200 Leagues in length, and above 120 in breadth) were then present, and all attending on the Inca; for whose sake the Feasts and Rejoycings which they made were celebrated with more Joy and Solemnity than in the parts and places of the Journey, through which they had passed: though others of more wise and sober temper, were greatly troubled to consider the meanness and poverty of their Prince, and that such Maygames as those were invented to express his Grandure.

Whilest these Shews were acting, the Prince desired, that he might be ad∣mitted to Baptism, and that my Lord, and Father Garçilasso might be his God∣father, as it had formerly been agreed amongst them, but he being then very weak and sick was not able to perform this Office, so that another Gentleman, one of the most antient and pincipal Citizens called Alonso de Hinojosa a Na∣tive of Truxillo, was substituted in his place; with this Inca Sayri Tupac, his Wife named Cusi Huarcay was also baptized; who (as Palentino saith) was the Daughter of Huascar Inca; perhaps rather she might be his Niece, for to have been his Daughter, she must at least have been

thirty two years of Age: For Atahualpa took Huascar Prisoner in the year 1528, and the Spaniards entered into that Empire 1530, and as others will have it 1531; and when the Inca, and his wife the Infanta were baptized, it was in the year 1558; which being at the end thereof, the Infanta according to this account must be above 30 years of age; whereas, in reality, when she was baptized, she was not above 17 years old, so it must have been an Errour in the Calculation, by calling her Daughter instead of Niece. She was a Woman of great Beauty, and had been much more Comely, had she been fair; but that tawny Complexion, which is common to the Women of that Countrey, much a∣bates that sweetness of Air, and those good features which are natural to them. The Prince Sayri Tupac had a fancy to have the name of Diego (which is James) superadded to him at his Baptism, in respect to that glorious Apostle St. James, who according to a Tradition received from his Father, and his Captains, ap∣peared miraculously in favour and defence of the Spaniards, when they were besieged in that City. The Inhabitants of the City honoured the day of the In∣ca's Baptism with the sport of Bulls, and throwing Darts, and other signals of joy, appearing in rich Attire and costly Liveries. I my self am an Eye-witness thereof, having been a chief Actor in these divertisements. After these Festi∣vals were over, and that the Caciques had made their Visits; the Inca remained some days in the Conversation of his Friends, and enjoyment of himself with ease and plenty, during which time he visited that famous Fortress which his Ancestors had built; much admiring to see it fallen to decay, and partly de∣molished by those, whose Glory and Honour it was to have kept up such a Mo∣nument and Trophy of their Conquests; as this History testifies. He also visited the Cathedral Church, and the Convent of our Lady of the Merceds, and of St. Francis, and St. Dominick; in all which he adored the most Holy Sacra∣ment, calling it Pachacamac, Pachacamac, (which is God of Heaven and Earth.) And with the like profound Reverence he worshipped the Image of our Lady, calling it Mother of God. Tho' some malitious Men, who speak well of none, seeing him with great Devotion on his knees before the Most Holy Sacrament in the Church of St. Dominick, said, that he was worshipping the Sun his Fa∣ther, and the bodies of his Ancestors which were interred in that Church. He also visited the Houses of the Select Virgins dedicated to the Sun: but passed by the habitation of his Ancestors, which were totally demolished, and other new Edisices erected by the Spaniards in their places. All these particulars were not perfor∣med in a day, nor in a week, but in many; making these visits his recreati∣on, and pastime, to fill up his vacant hours. And having passed several Months in this manner, he went to the Valley of Yucay, rather to enjoy the Air, and delights of that Pleasant Garden formerly belonging to his Ancestors, than in regard to any Claim or Propriety he had therein. And there he continued during the short time of his Life, which did not continue above three years afterwards. He left a Daughter, which was afterwards married to a Spaniard called Martin Garcia de Loyola, of whom we shall speak at large in its due place, and of the manner how he ended his days.

CHAP. XII.

The Vice-King raises, and maintains Horse and Foot for security of the Empire. Four of the antient Conquerours dye a natural Death.

THE Vice-King, having acquitted himself of the importunities of those who pretended to Lands and Estates in reward of their Services, by ex∣pelling them out of Peru; having also put those to death who had sided

with Hernandez Giron in his Rebellon; and reduced the Prince, who was Heir to the Empire unto the Service, and Obedience of his Catholick Majesty; which were all great things, and of high importance: He in the next place, raised standing Forces of Horse and Foot, to secure the Empire in peace, and to de∣send the Power of the Courts of Justice, and his own Person. The Horsemen he called Lances, and the Footmen Musqueteers; to every Lance he assigned a Pension of a thousand Pieces of Eight a year, with condition to maintain him∣self, Horse, and Arms, without other charge, the which were 70 in number: The Musqueteers were to be 200, at five hundred pieces of Eight a year, who were to be at all times in a readiness, and to maintain and keep their Musquets and other Arms bright and well fixed. These men were to be chosen out of those who were of approved Loyalty, and faithfulness to the Service of his Majesty, tho' many gave them a different Character, and termed them Persons, who, if they had had their due, had been fit only for the Gallies, having been actu∣ally engaged in the Rebellions of Hernandez Giron, and Don Sebastian de Cassilla, and who for the Murders they had committed, and the blood they had spilt in private quarrels amongst themselves, had often deserved the Gallows; but all was smothered up, and the Vice-King's Commands obeyed: And now the Kingdom being quiet, and freed of those fears to which it was subjected by the Seditions and Mutinies of a company of rash and rebellious Souldiers; the Vice-King bended his thoughts towards publick Edifices, and to matters of good Government: And at leisure hours he passed his time in honest Pleasures, and innocent Recreations: And herein he was much diver∣ted by an Indian Boy of about 14 or 15 years of Age, who pretended to be a Jester, and of a very facetious and pleasant Humour; He was presented to the Vice-King, who took great delight to hear him talk, and utter his little impertinencies, part in the Indian, and part in a corrupted Spanish Tongue; and particularly, when he would say your Excellency, he would say your Pe∣stilency, which made the Vice-King laugh heartily; and some then in Com∣pany, who joyned in laughter with him, would say that that Title was more corresponding to him than the other, if it were rightly considered, how great a Plague and Pestilence he had been to those whom he had killed, and to their Children whose Estates he had confiscated: and to those whom he banished out of Peru, and sent them into Spain, Poor, Naked, and Forlorn, whom it had been a Mercy to have killed, rather than to have treated in that inhumane man∣ner. And with such reflections as these, evil-Tongues aspersed all the actions of the Vice-King, as if Rigour and Severity were not agreeable to the Nature and Constitutions of the People of Peru.

Amidst these various Revolutions of good and bad Fortune within this Kingdom, the Marshal Alonso de Alvarado, after a long and tedious Sickness contracted by Grief and Melancholly, dyed: For after the defeat which he received at the Battel of Chuquinca, he scarcely enjoyed an hour of contentment, but pined, and macerated away, till the Lamp of his Life was totally extinguished: And because the manner of his Death was something extraordinary, 'twill not be impertinent to recount it in this place, which was thus. When he was in his last Agony of death, and ready to give up the Ghost, they removed him out of his Bed, and laid him upon a Carpet in the same Chamber, and by him a Cross made in Ashes, according to the Custom of the Knights of St. Jago, or St. James: And having layen a short time upon the Carpet, he seemed to revive, and come to himself; so that they returned him again to his Bed; where after a short time falling into a like fit, his Attendants laid him out on the Carpet in the same manner as before; and then coming out of his Leipo∣thymy, and seeming better, was again laid into his Bed; and so between the Carpet, and the Bed, he continued for the space of forty days, to the great labour and trouble of his Servants, until at length he breathed his last. A short time afterwards his eldest Son dyed, by whose decease the Estate, which descended to him from his Father, came to devolve to the Crown: But his Majesty, considering the great Services which the Marshal had done, was pleased to continue it to his second Son: which was a fa∣vour granted to very few in that Empire.

The death of Don Alonso de Alvarado, was seconded by that of John Julio de Hojeda, a Noble person, and one of the Ancient Conquerours, and one of the Prime Citizens, and of the first Rank in Cozco: He was married to Don∣na Leonora de Tordoya, Niece to Garçilasso de la Vega, being Daughter to his Eldest Brother, by whom he had Don Gomez de Tordoya, who was Heir to his Estate. Some few Months afterwards dyed my Lord and Father Garçilasso de la Vega, after a long sickness of two years and a half, with several intervals and changes: For seeming once perfectly cured, he mounted on horse-back, and went into the City, as one in good and sound health; and thus con∣tinuing for the space of three or four Months, his illness returned upon him again, and confined him for as long a time to his Chamber, where he remained until the time of his Decease; and, according to his last Will and Testament, he was buried in the Convent of St. Francis.

In those days it was the Custom to make very solemn Funerals, carrying the Corps three times round the Parade, or publick place; and for every turn which was made, a high Pedestal was raised, whereon to repose the Body, whilst the Responses were singing; and then another stand was erected in the Church, whereon to lay the Corps, during the time whilst they celebrated the Office for the Dead. But in regard, that before all these Ceremonies could be performed, it was tedious, and troublesome to the Priest and People; It was ordered by Garçilasso, that the former punctillio's should be omitted, and that his Body should be laid on a Carpet, with a black Cloth over it, without Pedestals, or Stands, which were troublesome, and charge∣able to erect; which being accordingly observed, as he had directed: All others following the same Example, to the great ease of the People.

When I was arrived in Spain, I there received a Bolle from his Holiness, giving License to take up the Bones of my Father, and transport them in∣to Spain; which accordingly was performed, and his Reliques brought over to him, which I deposited in the Church of St. Isidoro in Sevile, where they now remain buried, to the Glory and Honour of our Lord God; whose mercy be upon us. Amen.

This Mortality was a year afterwards followed by the death of Lorenço de Aldana, after a long and grievous sickness; he never had been married, nor ever had any natural Sons. By his last Will and Testament he left his Lands to his Heir, that therewith he might be enabled to pay such Fines, and Taxes, and Tributes, which should afterwards be laid upon them. He was a very Noble and Generous person, and one of the second Adventurers, who entered into Peru with Don Pedro de Alvarado. Some short time after the War of Conçalo Piçarro was ended, two young Gentlemen of his Kindred, tho' not very nearly allyed, came over to him in that Country, whom he kindly received, and treated as if they had been his own Sons. At the end of three years that these young Men had been with him, he thought it fit to put them into some way of livelyhood, and in order thereunto, he gave them a Stock, and sent them to his Steward, to teach them how, and in what manner they might employ and improve it; for according to the Custom of that Country, whilst there was no War, nor Expeditions on new Discoveries; it was no disparagement to a Gentleman, to trade and seek ways of gain, rather than to sit idle, and without business. And so he gave them ten thousand pieces of Eight, which are twelve thousand Ducats, ad∣vising them that it was their Stock, which with good husbandry they might increase to a considerable benefit; and which he believed they would have re∣ceived kindly from him, and with thanks: but these young Sparks scornful∣ly rejected the Offer, and told him, That it was a dishonour and shame, for Gentlemen of their Quality, to buy and sell like Merchants; and tho' the Steward acquainted them, that the most noble Spaniards in that Country, were used to trade with the Natives of the Country, and to buy up their Commodities, such as the Herb Cuca, and Mayz, and send them to the Mines of Plate at Potocsi, for provisions to support the People which la∣boured there: Which was no dishonour for the best Men to do; and was not of the same nature and esteem with those who sate in Shops, and measured out Cloth and Silks by the yard. And if they thought it too mean also to deal like other persons of Quality, they might act by their

Indian Servants, whose Industry and Faithfulness they might entrust with all confidence. But they answered, That they would upon no Terms what∣soever so far abase and degrade themselves; for being Gentlemen, they more esteemed their Gentility, than all the Gold and Silver in Peru. The which Answer the Steward making known to his Master, and how much the young Gentlemen stood on the Punctilio's of their Noble Blood; their good Kinsman Lorenço de Aldana, with much calmness made answer, If these are such Gentlemen, how come they so poor? And if they are so poor, how come they such Gentlemen? So Aldana never troubled his Kinsmen, nor himself farther, to put them in a way of livelyhood, but suffered them to pass meanly, and in necessity, as I have seen them; tho' not so much as to want Diet, or Cloathing. For when they came from Arequepa to Cozco, they lodged in the House of my Lord Garçilasso, where they were provided with all things necessary; and when they passed to other Cities, the Houses of their Coun∣try-men of Estremadura were always open to them; for in those days the very name of a Country-men, was sufficient to make them as welcome, as if they had been Sons, or the nearest relation to a Family. These four Gen∣tlemen, whom we have mentioned in this place, were all of the Ancient Conquerours of Peru who dyed in their Beds of a natural Death; the which we specifie as a thing rare, and strange; for as appears by the preceding History, there is not an Example of any who have dyed in this manner, but all have come to their Ends by violent deaths. Wherefore these wor∣thy Persons, having been Conquerours, and Planters of this Empire, and dying in a Happy and Blessed manner, were greatly lamented by the People, for the singular Vertue, Honour, and Goodness, with which they were endued.

Tho' there were no express Law of God, which should command us to honour our Parents, yet the Law of Nature teaches it to the most bar∣barous People of the World, and inclines them to omit no occasion where∣by to express the Duty and Respect they owe to them. The which con∣sideration, incited by Divine and Humane Laws, and even enstamped on the Hearts of Heathens, obliges me to publish the Vertues of my Father after his Death, which I had not opportunity to do, during the time of his Life. And that the Praises, and Commendations, which I attribute to my Father, may not seem partial, and proceeding from Affection; I will here repeat an Elogium made by a Fryer, of a devout and religious Life; which he delivered after his death, for the Comfort and Consola∣tion of his Children, and Friends, and as an Example for other persons to imitate. I should here name the good Man, who wrote this Oration, but he engaged me not to do it, but to conceal him when I published the Writing: and I wish I were not under that Engagement, that by his Authority, the praises of my Father might appear the more Authentick. I shall omit the Exordium, and the many Oratorical Flights, and Colours he uses. And, as becomes an Historian, I shall be very short in this pi∣ous Digression.

A Funeral Oration made by a Religious Person in Honour of Garçilasso de la Vega, my Lord, after his Death.

Reader,

THis Speech or Oration is filled with such Doxologies, and Rodomontadoes, after the Spanish manner, as neither agree with the style of an Historian, nor with the English humour, unless I intended to expose my Spaniard, and render him as fan∣tastical as the vainest of his Country-men. I have therefore thought fit to pass it by, lest in straining our English above its key, it should bear no harmony in consort with the Spanish Language, and so we shall proceed unto

CHAP. XIII.

Wherein is treated of those, who, for demanding a reward for their Services, were banished into Spain; and what Favour and Grace his Majesty bestowed upon them. Don Garcia de Mendoça is sent Governour unto Chile; and of the Skirmish he had there with the Indians.

BUT to return now to the Petitioners, who, for demanding a Reward in Lands, for their past Services, were (as we have said) banish'd into Spain; they at length arrived there poor, naked, and almost famished: And in this guise they presented themselves in the Court before the King, Don Philip the Second, which moved great Compassion in all those who were acquainted with their Story, and how they had been banished, and ill treated for doing their Duty, and demanding a Reward of their Services. But his Majesty was more gracious to them, giving a Pension to as many of them, as would return to the Indies, out of his Royal Exchequer, that they might have nothing to do with the Vice-King, nor need to make Addresses, or Petitions to him: And as many of them as desired to remain in Spain, he gratified with Allowances agreeable to their Condition, that is, with more or less, according to their Services; and so I found them provided for, when I came into Spain; which was some short time after these matters were transacted. Their Money was assigned them upon the Custom-house at Sevile; the least that any of them had, was 480 Du∣cats of yearly Pension; and as their Merits were, so were their Allowances to 6, 800, and a thousand, to 1200 Ducats, to remain Annuities to them for all the days of their Lives. A while afterwards, his Majesty being acquainted with the Discourses which were commonly made in the City of Los Reyes, touching the hard usage of the banished Souldiers; to prevent farther Mutinies there, and other Disorders which might arise, by reason of the Severity, and Rigour of the Vice-King, his Majesty was pleased to provide himself with another Go∣vernour for Peru, named Don Diego de Azeuedo, a Gentleman endued with all qualities of Vertue and Goodness, from whom the Counts of Fuentes are de∣scended. But whilst he was preparing for his Voyage, he died of a natural death, to the great grief of all those of Peru, who upon the news thereof, much lamented themselves, saying, that they had not deserved a Vice-King so good and so qualified, and therefore God had snatched him away from them into Heaven: And this was the common saying, as I have heard amongst the Grave and Wise Men of that Country. But in regard this Gentleman did not pass into Peru, we do not find his Name in List of the Vice-Kings, which were transported into that great Kingdom. In the mean time whilst these matters were transacting in the Court of Spain, the Vice-King of Peru, dispatch∣ed away his Son Don Garcia de Mendoça for Governour, and Captain General

of the kingdom of Chile, which was become vacant by the Death of Geronimus de Alderete, who died on his way thither of grief, to think that 800 Persons perished in the Galeon by his fault, and the fault of his Sister-in-Law; for he knew well, that if it had not been in consideration of him, the Master of the Ship would not have given License to that Religious Woman to keep a Candle in her Cabin by night, which was the destruction of the Vessel, and of all those therein. The advancement of Don Garcia de Mendoça, to that Charge and Trust, was pleasing to all those of Peru; so that many Souldiers, and Persons of Estates, offered themselves freely to accompany him in that Expedition, knowing that it would be a Service acceptable to his Majesty, and to the Vice-King. Santillian the Chief Judge of the Chancery, was appointed Deputy Gover∣nour to Don Garcia, and to direct and guide him; and he was earnestly intreated to accept of this Office. Great preparations were made over all the Kingdom for this Journey, of Armes, Horses, Cloaths, and other Ornaments, which cost very dear in this Country, where all the Commodities of Spain are raised to a vast price. The Vice-King also appointed three other Gentlemen of Qua∣lity for three several parts, which were within that Conquest; namely, Gomez Arias, John de Salinas, and Anton de Aznayo, every one of which was very stu••••∣ous to discharge his Duty in his Office respectively.

Don Garcia de Mendoça being gone to his Government, attended, as we have said, with a great number of Choice and Select Persons: So soon as he was in the possession thereof, he speedily designed the Conquest of the Indian Arau∣cos, who were become very insolent and proud by those Victories which they had gained over the Spaniards: The first was that over Don Pedro de Valdivia, which was followed by some others afterwards, which are written in Verse by the Poets of those times, which had been much more properly delivered in Prose, for then we might have given Credit thereunto, more than we can to the Fictions of Poetry.

The Governour having in a short time provided himself with all things ne∣cessary for the War, entered into the rebelled Provinces with a number of brave Men, Arms, Amunition and Provisions, for the Enemy had carried away every thing, leaving the Country naked, and without any Sustenance for an Army. They had not entered very far into these parts, but the Indians had fit∣ted an Ambush for them, and had composed a Vanguard of 5000 Indians, with orders not to fight, nor come within any danger of being forced by the Enemy to an engagement. The Spaniards, being informed by their Scouts and Spyes sent abroad, that the Indians fled before them, without any stop or stay in a setled place; gave order to pursue them with all convenient speed, and yet with such Caution, as not to be entrapped by their Ambushes, or Surprisals; for the Governour, at the time he first entered into that Country, had been fore-warned by those who had been acquainted with the Stratagems which those People use in the War, by skirmishing, and flying, to be always circum∣spect, and doubtful of them. Howsoever so eager was the Governour to pur∣sue the Enemy, in hopes totally to destroy them, and by a bloody slaughter of them to discourage the rest from making farther opposition, that he made little use of the Caution which was given him; for leaving his Camp, and Tents, he followed the Enemy a whole day, and a night; and being remo∣ved at a good distance from thence, out came the Indians from their holes and places, where they had been hidden, and seized on the Camp without any opposition, and plundered and carried away all the Baggage, and Necessaries belonging to the Army. With the News hereof the Governour was forced to give over his chase, and see to recover what the Enemy had plundered from him; but it was too late, for they were returned to their secret Holds, and to the places where they had concealed their booty past all recovery. The news of this success came to Peru, almost as soon as that of the Governours arrival in the seat of his Go∣vernment, so that all the World wondered at this sudden accident, and how in so short a time the Indians should be such Gainers, and the Spaniards such Losers, for they had lost all their Baggage, even to their very Shirts, and wearing Cloaths. To repair this disaster, the Vice-King sent away with all speed new Recruits of all things that were necessary, in which he expended out of the King's Treasury vast sums of Gold and Silver, at which People much murmured, as Palentino saith, meaning the first expence which was made, when Don Garcia went to his Government of

Chili, but mentions not this second charge, occasioned by the Robbery which the Indians had made upon him, which was more displeasing than the former, and moved People to say, That the Vice-King, for the sake of his Son, had exhaust∣ed the Kings Exchequer of all the Treasure. But as to what succeeded after∣wards in the Kingdom of Chile, we shall leave to other Writers; and confine our selves to the Territories of Peru, having expatiated our selves from thence, no farther, than only to touch on the departure of the Vice-Kings Son from thence, and the death of Loyola. Those who think fit to write the History of that Kingdom, will find subject enough whereon to enlarge their Discourses on a War, which hath continued already for fifty eight years between the Indians and Spaniards; that is, The Araucans rebelled towards the end of the year 1553, and now we are in the year 1611, and the Wars not as yet ended. We might here recount the unhappy death of the Governour Francisco de Villagra, with 200 Spaniards more; which happened on that ridge of Mountains, which hath ever since had the name of Villagra. We might here also tell of the death of Major General John Rodulfo with 200 men with him, whom they killed on the Bogg or Marsh of Puren. I could wish to have been informed of the seve∣ral particular successes of these Affairs, and many greater which happened in this warlike Kingdom, that I might have added them to this History. But I do not doubt, where People have been born with such Martial Spirits, but that the same Countrey will produce in future Ages, Sons of her own, endued with a Spirit and Genius of Learning capable to write their own History: And it shall be my Prayer to God, That Knowledge and Learning may flourish in all that famous Kingdom.

CHAP. XIV.

The Heirs of those who were put to Death for siding with Fran∣cisco Hernandez Giron in his Rebellions, are restored to their Estates and Plantations. Pedro de Orsua attempts the Conquest of the Amazons. His End and Death, with many others with him.

THE Vice-King Don Andres de Hortado, seeing those men whom he had ba∣nished from Peru, for demanding a Reward of their past Services, now a∣gain returned with Pensions assigned on the Treasure of his Majesty, and on the Chest of the three Keys, he wondered much at the success, not imagining by what interest it could have been procured for them: but more strange it seemed to him, to hear of the coming of a new Vice-King to succeed him in that Office. This change of Fortune caused him to change his Humour, and convert much of that haughty and severe Spirit which was natural to him, into a Gentleness and Lenity more becoming the Office of a great Minister: and in this good temper he continued to the end of his life, which was so extraordinary, that those who observed it, would say, That if he had begun as he ended, he would have proved the most admirable Governour that ever had been in the World. Thus when, the Kingdom observed this great change in the Vice-King, the Country in peace and quietness, and the rigour of the Justices converted into an affable and complying Humour; those who had been lately oppressed by the heavy Hand of Justice, assumed the courage to demand satisfaction for the evils and damages they had sustained. Accordingly the Sons and Heirs of those Citizens, who had been executed for being engaged in the Rebellion of Hernandez, made claims of their Estates, laying before the Justices the Instruments of Pardon, which had been given to their Fathers: and so followed the suit, that after se∣veral hearings and reviews of their Cause, they obtained Sentence to have their Lands, and Commands over Indians restored to them, together with all other

Consiscations of their Estates: and thus did they obtain a restitution of their In∣dians which the Vice-King had divided, and conferred on other Spaniards to in∣crease and better their Estates. At all which the Vice-King was in great trou∣ble and perplexity: For not only did he suffer the affront to have his own Or∣ders repealed, but also lay under an obligation of making satisfaction to those who were dispossessed, by some other returns, or equivalents to be made them. All that hath been said in this matter, I saw my self transacted in Cozco, and the like passed in other Cities, where the same rigour of Justice had been put in practice; as namely, in Huamanca, Arequepa, the Charcas, and the New Planta∣tion. So soon as it was generally known that the aforesaid Sentence was re∣pealed, and that the Heirs were restored again to the possession of their Lands; the Spaniards took a liberty to report, That this course was taken without any order from his Majesty, or direction from the Council of the Indies, but meerly by the Power and arbitrary Will of the Vice-King, intending by such severi∣ties to shew his Power, and secure himself from all Mutinies and Conspiracies for the future. But the Vice-King being now of another Humour, and pro∣ceeding with that gentleness and good temper which we have before mentioned; was pleased to grant unto a certain Gentleman of Worth and Virtue, and of an agreeable Person, named Pedro de Orsua, a License to make a Conquest of the Country of the Amazons, which runs along the River Marannon, which is the same we have mentioned before, where Francisco Orellana deserting Gonçalo Pi∣çarro came into Spain, and begged of his Majesty the aforesaid Conquest, but he died in the way, and never put his Enterprise into Action. In pursuance of this Grant Pedro de Orsua went from Cozco to Quita to raise Souldiers, who were willing to adventure on new Conquests: For in Peru all the Lands were mea∣sured out, and divided amongst the Antient Conquerours, and men of Merit in that Empire: He also gathered all the Arms and Provisions he was able, to which the Citizens, and Inhabitants of those Cities, largely contributed by their Bounty and Liberality; for so obliging was Pedro de Orsua in his carriage towards eve∣ry one, as engaged their Affections to render him all the Assistances and Services they were able. Many Souldiers attended him from Cozco; amongst which was one called Don Fernando de Guzman, with whom I was acquainted, he was lately come from Spain; and there was another, who had been an old Souldier called Lope de Aguire, a fellow of an ill shapen Body, and of worse Conditions and Practices, as are described in a Book of the Elogies of Worthy and Illustrious persons, written by John de Castellanos a Secular Priest, who had a Benefice in the City of Tunja, in the new Kingdom of Granada. These Elogies, though written in Verse, are yet a true History, and wherein he fills six Cantos with the expedition of Pedro de Orsua, and how he marched with 500 men well armed and appointed, together with a considerable body of Horse. He also relates the manner of his death, how he was killed by his own Souldiers, and his most intimate Friends, that they might enjoy a beautiful Lady, whom Orsua carried for a Companion with him; the which passion of Love hath been the ruin of many brave Captains in the World, such as Hannibal, and others. The principal Actors in this Tragedy were Don Fernando de Guzman, Lope de Aguire, and Salduendo, who were in love with this Lady, besides several others, whom this Author names; who also far∣ther relates, That these Traytors set up Don Fernando for their King, which Ti∣tle he was so vain and foolish as to accept, though he had no Kingdom to possess; nor right to any thing but his own ill Fortune, which soon followed him, be∣ing killed by the same Friends who had promoted him to his Royal Dignity: And then Aguire took upon himself the Government, which he so well exer∣cised, that at several times he killed above 200 men; he plundered the Island of Margarita, where he committed most detestible Cruelties. Thence he passed over to other Isles near adjacent, where he was overcome by the Inhabi∣tants; but before he would yield himself, he killed his own Daughter, whom he brought with him, for no other reason, than that after he was dead, she might not be called the Daughter of a Traytor. This was the sum of all those Cruelties which indeed were most Diabolical, and the beginning and ending of this whole Enterprise, which commenced with so much Gallantry, and mighty Preparations, of which I was in part an Eye-witness.

CHAP. XV.

The Count de Nieva is chosen Vice-King of Peru. He sends a Message to his Predecessor. The Death of the Marquis of Cannete, as also of the Count de Nieva. Don Garcia de Mendoça returns to Spain. The Lawyer Castro is appointed Governour of Peru.

WHilst these matters were transacting in Peru, and that Orsua, and his Fellow adventurers with him, were defeated upon the great River of the Amazons; his Majesty King Philip the Second, was mindful to provide a New Governour for that Empire; having in the place of that good Man, Don Diego de Azevedo, who lately dyed, appointed Don Diego de Cunniga and Velasco Count de Nieva, to succeed in the Office of Vice-King; who dispatched his Affairs with such diligence, that he departed from Spain in the Month of January 1560, and arrived in Peru in the Month of April following. So soon as he came to Payta, which is a Town within that Dominion, he dispatched away a Servant of his, with a short Letter to the Vice-King, Don Andres Hur∣tado de Mendoça, giving him advice of his arrival within the Dominions of Peru, with Commission from his Majesty to govern that Country, and that therefore he should desist from intermedling further in the Affairs thereof. Don Andres Hurtado having received intelligence of the coming of this Messen∣ger, gave Orders to have him well received, and treated all the Way of his Journey; and being come to the City of Los Reyes, he had there Honou∣rable Lodgings provided for him, with Presents in Jewels, and Gold, and Silver, to the value of six and 7000 pieces of Eight, and upwards: But the Messenger lost all these upon a Pique, and Exception which the Vice-King took at the Title of Lordship, which was ordered to be given, and not of Excellency; the which he so highly resented, and suffered the thoughts of being slighted, and neglected by his Successor, without Reason or Justice, so far to run in his head; that it strnck him into a deep Melancholly, which so prevailed on his Spirits, that being a Man of great Years, and not able to struggle with the Disease, he ended his days before the new Vice-King arrived at Los Reyes: who also enjoyed not long the happiness he expected in his Government, in which he had not been many Months Seated with the Solemnity used on such occasions, before a strange Accident hastened his Death, of which he was the Author, and brought it upon himself. But the manner of it being scandalous to relate, we shall leave it as it is, and pro∣ceed on to other particulars.

Don Garcia de Mendoça, who was Governour of Chile, having received in∣telligence of the death of his Father, made such haste to return into Peru, and thence to prepare for his Voyage into Spain, that many people re∣ported, that he hastned away more out of fear of the Araucans, than ont of a desire he had to assist at the Funeral of his Father: And that with the like precipitation he quitted the Territories of Peru, not to be sub∣ject to the Dominion of another. At length he arrived in Spain, where he continued until he returned with a Commission to be Governour of Peru; where he imposed that Taxe on the Spaniards, and Indians, which is paid by them unto this day. As to his other ways of gain, his Contracts, and Commerce, we shall pass them all by, being not within the compass of this History: For my intention being only to write, as far as to the Death of the Prince, who was lawful Heir of that Empire, second Brother of Don Diego Sayri Tupac, of whose coming out of the Mountains, his

Baptism and Death we have already given a Narrative: So that now we shall hasten to a conclusion of this History.

King Philip the Second having received advice of the unfortunate end of the Vice-King Don Diego de Cunniga, was pleased to appoint the Lawyer Lope Garçia de Castro, who was President of the Royal Council of the Indies, to suc∣ceed in that Office, of whom we have formerly made mention, on occasion of the Pretensions which I had in Spain, on score of my Father's Merit, which he opposed. This Lope Garçia de Castro being a Person of great Prudence, and of that Talent of Wisdom which was required to Govern that Empire, was dispatched suddenly away with Title of President, and General Governour of all that Empire, that so by his good, Conduct, those many Confusions might he composed, and unhappy Accidents rectified, which had been caused by the sudden Deaths of preceding Governours. And indeed his Wisdom answered expectation, for he governed those Kingdoms with such moderation, and gentleness, that he lived to return again into Spain in peace and quietness, and to be placed in the same Chair of the Council, in which he lived with much Honour, and afterwards dyed like a good Christian.

When my Friends understood that this great Person was returned to his Seat in the Supream Council of the Indies, they advised me to renew my Pre∣tensions to the right I had unto my Mother's Estate, on score of my Father's Services and Merit: For they were of Opinion, that Castro having now seen and been acquainted with Peru, which my Father had helped to Conquer, and in which my Mother's Ancestors had a right of inheritance, he might become my Advocate, and change his mind in what he formerly argued against me.

But I having buried, and laid aside all my pretensions, and lost my hopes, could not be perswaded to leave my Cell, wherein I live with more Security Honour, and Profit; and where I have with God's Assistance had leisure to write this History; which tho' it prove little to my Honour and Profit; yet praised be God for all.

CHAP. XVI.

Don Francisco de Toledo is chosen Vice-King of Peru. The Causes which were alledged for prosecution of the Prince Inca Tupac Amaru. And the imprisonment of that poor Prince.

DOn Francisco de Toledo; second Son of the Family of Count de Oropeta, succee∣ded Lope Garçia de Castro in the Government of Peru, and was elected thereunto for his great Vertue and Christian Piety, being so devout a Gentle∣man, that every eight days he received the most Holy Sacrament. He was sent to Peru, with the Title of Vice-King, and received at Los Reyes, with the State and Solemnity agreeable thereunto: and governed with that Gen∣tleness, and Moderation, that no man could take occasion, either to mutiny or rebel. He had scarce been two years in the Government, when he resol∣ved to bring out from the Mountains of Villca pampa, the Prince Tupac Amaru, the Legitimate Heir to that Empire, being the Son of Manco Inca, and Bro∣ther of Don Diego Sayri Tupac, of whom we have given a large Relation in this eight Book; he was the lawful Heir, because his Elder Brother left no Son, but a Daughter only, of whom we shall speak in due place: The inten∣tion of the Vice-King in this matter was sincere, and real, and with no other design, (than after the Example of his Predecessor Don Andres Hurtado de Men∣doça) to advance his own Honour and Reputation, by an action so generous and heroick, as to reduce such a Prince to the Service of his Catholick Mejesty, and to civilise him as it were, by calling him from the Barbarity of those moun∣tains,

where he lived like a Fugitive and a Salvage Person. To bring this De∣sign about, the Vice-King acted according to the former methods, and sent Mes∣sengers to him, inviting him to come out of those Mountains and live amongst the Spaniards, since they were become one People with them; which offer, if he was disposed to accept, he assured him, that the King would bestow on him the same Livelyhood and Support that he had formerly given to his Brother. But these Proposals did not prevail, according to the hopes conceived, nor answer Ex∣pectations, for want of those Instruments and Messengers, both Spaniards and In∣dians, which were formerly employ'd. Moreover on the Prince's side, greater difficulties presented, for his Kindred, and Subjects who were with him, affright∣ed him with the story of his Brother; telling him, That the Allowance given him by the Spaniards was small and inconsiderable, and that the life of his Brother afterwards was very short, caused (as they would insinuate) by Poison, or some treacherous or suspicious manner of dealing; therefore they advised the Inca by no means to move out of his Retirement, being more secure in his Banishment, than in the faithless Hands of his Enemies. This Resolution of the Prince be∣ing made known to the Vice-King, by those Indians who went to, and came from those Mountains, of which sort of Informers, there were many who were Do∣mestick Servants in the Houses of Spaniards: His Excellency considered with his most intimate Friends of the ways and methods which were to be used for redu∣cing that Prince to the Terms they required; who all agreed, That since the Inca refused to accept the fair Conditions which were offered to him; that they should look on him as an Enemy, and prosecute him by force of Arms: For in regard that he having seated himself in a Station which much infested the ways from Cozco to Humauca and Rimac, where his Indian Subjects pillaged and rob∣bed all the Spanish Merchants and Travellers, which passed those Roads, and committed many other outrages and insolencies like mortal Enemies; it was but reason to declare War against him. Moreover it was the Opinion of the wise Counsellors of those times, That many Insurrections might be raised in that Empire by this young Heir, being countenanced and assisted by the Incas his Kinsmen, who lived amongst the Spaniards, and by the Caciques his Subjects, and by those very men, who were born of Indian Mothers, though their Fathers were Spaniards; all which would joyn, and rejoice at a change; being willing to bet∣ter their Fortunes, which were reduced to that mean degree, that most of them wanted even Bread to support the necessities of Humane Life.

Moreover it was alledged, That by the Imprisonment of the Inca, all that Treasure might be discovered, which appertained to former Kings, together with that Chain of Gold, which Huayna Capac commanded to be made for him∣self to wear on the great and solemn days of their Festival, and especially on that day, when he gave a name to his eldest Son Huascar, as hath been formerly rela∣ted; all which, as was reported, the Indians concealed. And in regard, that that Chain of Gold with the remaining Treasure belong'd to his Catholick Ma∣jesty by right of Conquest, it was Justice and Reason to take such courses as might retrieve those Riches which the Incas concealed, and had conveyed away from the true Proprietor: Besides all which, many other matters were alledg∣ed, which might incite the Vice-King to take the Inca Prisoner.

But to return Answer to those Accusations which were charged on the Inca. We confess, that many years past, in the time of his Father Manco Inca, several Robberies were committed on the Road by his Subjects: but still they had that respect to the Spanish Merchants, that they let them go free, and never pillag'd them of their Wares and Merchandise, which were in no manner useful to them; Howsoever they robbed the Indians of their Cattel bred in the Country, which they drove to the Markets, being enforced thereunto more out of neces∣sity than choice: for their Inca living in the Mountains, which afforded no tame Cattel; and only produced Tigers, and Lions, and Serpents of twenty five and thirty Foot long, with other venomous Insects (of which we have given a large account in this History) his Subjects were compelled for the natural su∣stenance of their Prince, to supply him with such Food as they found in the Hands of Indians: which the Inca Father of this Prince did usually call his own, saying, That he who was Master of that whole Empire might lawfully chal∣lenge such a proportion thereof, as was convenient to supply his necessary and natural support. But this passed only in the time of this Inca, and as I remem∣ber

when I was a Child, I heard of three or four such Robberies, which were committed by the Indians: But so soon as that Inca dyed, all was quieted, and no other Spoyls ensued.

Notwithstanding which, the Vice-King was induced to follow the advice of some Counsellors, who suggested, that the Inca lived in places on the frontiers from which he much annoyed the Spaniards, taking away their Cattle, and robbing their Merchants: And that it was impossible to keep the Indians quiet, and within terms of Peace, whilst the Inca was so near them, and dayly in their Eye, that to serve him, they would adventure to commit the greatest Outrages they were able. The Vice-King, (as we have said) being overswayed by this way of rea∣soning, committed the charge of this enterprise to a certain Gentleman, named Martin Garcia Loyola, who in times past had performed great Services for his Majesty. Accordingly Souldiers were raised, upon pretence that they were to be sent to Chile, for recruits against the Araucans, who very much oppressed, and streightned the Spaniards. About 250 Men being armed, and provided with Weapons offensive, and defensive, they marched directly to Villca pampa, the entrance whereunto was made very easie and plain, after the Prince Don Die∣go Sayri Tupac had abandoned his Habitations there; so that they might go in, and come out from thence without any difficulty.

The Prince Tupac Amaru having received intelligence, that some Forces were entered within his Jurisdiction, he presently fled twenty Leagues within the Country down a River below the Mountain. The Spaniards instantly fitted them∣selves with Boats, and Floats, and therewith followed and pursued after him. The Prince considering that he had not People to make resistance, and that he was not conscious to himself of any Crime, or disturbance he had done or raised, suffered himself to be taken; chusing rather to entrust himself in the hands of the Spaniards, than to perish in those Mountains with Famine, or be drowned in those great Rivers, which fall and empty themselves into the Ri∣ver of Plate. Wherefore he yielded himself into the Power of Captain Martin Loyola, and his Souldiers, in hopes, that when they found him naked, and de∣prived of all subsistance, they would take Compassion on him, and allow him the same Pension which was given to his Brother Don Diego Sayri Tupac, little suspecting that they would kill him, or do him any harm, since he was guilty of no Crime. The Spaniards in this manner seizing on the Inca, and on all the Indian Men and Women, who were in Company with him, amongst which was his Wife, two Sons, and a Daughter, returned with them in Triumph to Coz∣co; to which place the Vice-King went, so soon as he was informed of the im∣prisonment of this poor Prince.

CHAP. XVII.

Process is made, and an Endictment drawn up against the Prince, and against the Incas his Kindred of the Blood Royal: As also against the Sons of Spaniards born of Indian Women, though their Fathers had been the Conque∣rours of that Empire.

SO soon as they saw that the Prince was taken, the Attorney General was or∣dered to draw up a Charge against him; which was done according to the Ar∣ticles before mentioned, accusing him to have appointed and ordered his Ser∣vants, and Vassals, to infest the Roads, and rob the Spanish Merchants, as they pas∣sed upon their Lawful occasions, declaring all those his Enemies; who had made any League or Contract with the Incas his Ancestors, or who lived or inhabited amongst the Spaniards: And that at such a time, and upon such a day he had enter∣ed into an agreement with the Caciques, who were made Lords of Mannors, and Commanders of Indians, by Ancient Grants from his Ancestors, to rise in Arms

against the Spaniards, and to kill as many of them as they were able. In like man∣ner, an Accusation was brought against those who were born in that Country of Indian Mothers, and Fathers who were Spaniards, and Conquerours of that Empire. Alledging against them, that they had secretly agreed with the Prince Tupac Amaru, and other Incas, to make an Insurrection in the Kingdom: Be∣ing moved thereunto out of a discontent, that they who had been born of the Royal Blood of the Incas, whose Mothers had been Daughters, or Nieces, or Cousin-Germans to the Incan Family; and whose Fathers were Spaniards, and of the first Conquerours, who had gained great Fame, and Reputation; were yet so little considered, that neither on score of the Natural Right of the Mother, nor of the high Desert and Merit of the Father, any thing was bestowed upon them; but all was conferred on the Kindred and Rel ••lous of the present Governours; whilst they were suffered to starve, unless they would live on the Alms of Cha∣ritable people, or Rob on the High-Way, and so come to the Gallows. More∣over it was charged upon the Prince, That he had not discountenanced such persons as these, but had received them into his Service, upon promise that they would joyn with him, and dye in the defence of his Cause. All which being alledged in that Accusation, which was drawn up against the Sons of Spa∣niards born of Indian Women, they were all apprehended, and as many of them as were of twenty years of Age, and upwards, being capable to bear Arms, then residing in Cozco, were clapped into Prison. Some of them had the Question put to them under the Torment, to extort a Confession from them of that for which they had no Proof, or Evidence before. Amidst this Mad rage, and Tyrannical proceedings by Imprisonment, and Torture, an Indian Woman, whose Son was condemned to the Question upon the Rack, came to the Prison, and with a loud Voice cryed out, Son, since thou art sentenced to the Torment, suffer it bravely like a Man of Honour; accuse no Man falsely, and God will enable thee to bear it, and reward thee for the Hazards and Labours which thy Father, and his Companions have sustained to make this Country Christian, and engraft the Na∣tives thereof into the Bosom of the Church. You brave Sons of the Conquerours, how ex∣cellently have your Fathers been rewarded for gaining this Country, when a Halter is the only Recompence and Inheritance purchased for their Children•• These and many other things she uttered with a loud Voice, exclaiming like a mad Woman a∣bout the Streets, and calling God and the World to examine the Cause, and judge those Innocents: And if the Fate of them be determined (said she) and that they must dye, let them also kill the Mothers, who had the Sin upon them, to bring them forth; and who were so culpable as to deny their own Country and Relations, for the sake of those Conquerours, and joined with them in the Design of making this Empire subject to the Spaniards: But the Pachacamac, or the great God, hath brought all these things justly upon the Mothers, who for the sake of the Spaniards, could so easily renounce their Inca, their Caciques, and Superiors. And since she had passed this Sentence upon her self, and in behalf of all the other Women in the same State and Condition with her, and had pronounced them all guilty, she desired that she might be the first to suffer, and lead the way of Death and punishment to all the rest; which if they were pleased to grant unto her, God would reward this good work to them both in this, and in the other World. These passionate expressions uttered with all the Violence her force would admit, worked greatly upon the Mind of the Vice-King, and diverted him from his intention to put them to death; howsoever they were not acquitted hereby, but procured for them a more lingring sort of Death, which was Banishment into di∣vers remote Parts of the New World, unknown to their Fore-fathers. So some of them were sent into the Kingdom of Chile; and amongst the rest, a Son of Pedro del Barco, of whom I formely made mention to have been my School-Fellow, and under the Guardianship of my Father. Others of them were sent to the new Kingdom of Granada, and to divers Isles of Barlovento, and to Panama, and Nicaragua: Some of them also were sent into Spain, and amongst them was John Arias Maldonado, the Son of Diego Maldonado the Rich; who remained under Banishment in Spain, for the space of ten Years; where I saw him, and enter∣tained him twice in my Lodging, at a certain Village within the Bi∣Bishoprick

of Cordona, where I then lived, and where he related to me many of those things which are here recounted. After so long a time he obtained leave from the Supream Council of the Indies to return to Peru, and had three years given him to dispatch his Business there, and remit his effects into Spain, where he was afterwards obliged to live and finish his days. Being on his departure, he with his Wife whom he had married at Madrid passed by the place where I lived, and desired me to help him to some Furniture for his House, for that he returned to his own Country poor, and in want of all things: I presently gave him all the Linnen I had, with some pieces of Taf∣faty, which I had made up after the Souldiers fashion, intending them for Colours, or Ensigns for a Foot Company. The year before I had sent him to the Court a very good Horse, which he desired of me, which together with the other things I gave him might be worth 500 Ducats; which he took so kindly, that he said to me, Brother trust me herein, and when I come to my own Country I will send you 2000 pieces of Eight in payment thereof. I do not doubt but he would have been as good as his word, but my ill Fortune crossed me, for three days after he arrived at Payta (which is just on the Frontiers of Peru) he died meerly by an excess of joy he conceived to see himself again in his own Coun∣try. Pardon me, Reader, this Digression which I have presumed to make sole∣ly out of respect, and affection to my School-fellow. All the others died in their Banishment, not one of them returning again to his own Country.

CHAP. XVIII.

How all the Incas of the Blood Royal, and those of them born of Spanish Fathers and Indian Mothers were ba∣nished. The Death and End of them all. The Sentence given against the Prince, with his Answer thereunto, and how he received Holy Baptism.

ALL those Indians who were Males of the Royal Line, and nearest of the Blood, to the number of thirty six persons, were all banished to the City of Los Reyes; and there commanded to reside, and not to stir from thence without special Order obtained from the Government: With them also the two Sons and a Daughter of that poor Prince were sent, the eldest of which was not above ten years of age. The Incas being come to Rimac, otherwise cal∣led the City of Los Reyes, the Archbishop thereof, named Don Geronimo Loaysa, out of compassion to them, took the little Girl home, with intent to educate, or breed her up in his own Family. The others looking on themselves as Exiles driven out of their Country and Houses, and put besides their na∣tural ways of living, took it so much to Heart, and bewail'd their conditi∣on with such grief, that in little more than the space of two years thirty five of them died, together with the two Sons. But what we may believe contributed likewise to their greater Mortality, was the heat and moisture of the Climate upon the Sea-Coast wherein they lived: For as we have said in our First Part of this History, That the Air of the Plains is so different from that of the Mountains, that those who have been bred in, and accustomed to the Hilly Countries, cannot endure the lower Airs, which are made as it were Pe∣stilential to them by the excessive heats and moistures of the Sea. This was the end of these poor Incas; and as to the three which survived, one of which was my School-fellow, named Don Carlos, the Son of Don Christoval Paulu, of whom we have formerly made mention, the Lords of the Chancery, taking pity of their condition, gave them liberty to return to their Houses, and to more agreeable Air; but they were so far spent, and consumed

beyond recovery, that within a year and a half's time all the three dyed. Howsoever the whole Royal Line was not as yet totally extinct; for the said Don Carlos left a Son, who, as we have said in the last Chapter of the first Part, came into Spain with expectation to receive great Rewards and Preferments, as he was promised in Peru; but he died at Alcala de Hennares, about the year 1610, by a Melancholly he conceived to see himself, upon a quarrel he had with one who was a Knight as he was, of the Order of St. Jago, to be shut up within the Walls of a Convent; and afterwards to be removed to another Con∣vent; where, upon more discontent for his Imprisonment, he dyed in the space of eight Months. He left a Son of three or four Months old, which was made Legitimate, that it might be rendered thereby capable to inherit, in right of his Father, the same favour of his Majesty, which, by way of Pension, was assigned to him on the Customs of Seville: But the Child dying in a year afterwards, the Allowance ceased: And then was fulfilled the Prophe∣sie, which the Great Huayna Capac made concerning the Blood-Royal, and that Empire.

In the Kingdom of Mexico, though the Kings were very powerful in the times of their Gentilisme (as Francisco Lopez de Gomara writes in his ge∣neral History of the Indies) yet no Wrong or Injury was done to them in matter of their due Inheritance, or Right to the Succession; because the Kings being Elective, and chosen by the Grandees, or Great Men, according to their Vertue, or Merit to the Government. There was not the same Jealousy upon any in that Kingdom, as was of the Heirs of Peru, whom Suspition only brought to Destruction, rather than any Faults, or Conspiracy of their own, as may appear by the Fate of this poor Prince, who was sentenced to have his Head cut off.

But that his Condemnation might appear with some colour of Justice, his Crimes were published by the Common Cryer, namely, That he intended to Rebel; and that he had drawn into the Plot with him several Indians, who were his Creatures, together with those, who were the Sons of Spaniards born of Indian Mothers, designing thereby to deprive and dispossess his Catholick Ma∣jesty, King Philip the Second, who was Emperour of the New World, of his Crown and Dignity within the Kingdom of Peru. This Sentence to have his Head cut off, was signified to the poor Inca, without telling him the Reasons, or Causes of it. To which he innocently made answer, That he knew no Fault he was guilty of, which could merit Death; but in case the Vice-King had any Jealousie of him, or his People; he might easily secure himself from those fears, by sending him under a secure Guard into Spain, where he should be very glad to kiss the hands of Don Philip, his Lord and Master. He farther argued, that it was impossible that any such imagination could enter into his Under∣standing; for if his Father with 200000 Souldiers could not overcome 200 Spa∣niards, whom they had besieged within the City of Cozco, how then could it be imagined, that he could think to rebel with a small number, against such multitudes of Christians, who were now increased, and dispersed over all parts of the Empire. That if he had conceived, or complotted any evil design against the Spaniards, he would never have suffered himself to have been taken, but would have fled, and retired from them; but knowing himself to be innocent, and without any Guilt, he voluntarily yielded himself, and accompanied them, believing that they called him from the Mountains, to confer the same Favours and Bounty on him, as they had done on his Brother Don Diego Sayri Tupac. Wherefore he appealed to the King of Castile, his Lord, and to the Pachacamac, from this Sentence of the Vice-King, who was not content to deprive him of his Empire, with all the enjoyments therein, unless also therewith he took away his Life, without any fault, or colour of offence; so that now he could well∣come Death, which was given him, as the value and price of his Empire: Be∣sides this, he said many other things, which moved pity in the Hearts of all the standers by, as well Spaniards as Indians, who were inwardly affected with such passionate expressions.

Upon Notice of this Sentence, the Friers of the City of Cozco flocked to the Prison, to instruct the Prince in the Christian Doctrine, and to perswade him to be Baptized, after the example of his Brother Don Diego Sayri Tupac, and his Uncle Atahualpa: The Prince readily accepted of the offer to be Baptized, and

told them, that he was glad to obtain the benefit of the Christian Ordinances, upon the Testimony and Authority of his Grand-father Huayna Capac, who declared, That the Law which the Christians taught them, was better than their own; and being by Baptisme received into the Church of Christ, he would be called Philip, after the name, as he said, of his Inca, and King, Don Philip of Spain: But this Function was performed with as much Sadness and Sorrow, as that of his Brother's was celebrated with Joy and Triumph, as before declared.

Though this Sentence against the Prince was published every where, and that all we have said, and much more appeared, (which we for brevity sake omit) which might perswade the World, that the same would be executed: yet the Spaniards of the City, as well Seculars as Religious, were of Opinion that the Vice-King would not proceed to an Act so unhumane and barbarous, as to kill a poor Prince deposed, and dis-inherited of his Empire; which could ne∣ver be pleasing and acceptable to King Philip, whose Clemency would rather have ordered his Transportation into Spain, than passed this Condemnation of him to death, which he had never deserved. But the Vice-King it seems was of another Opinion, as we shall see presently in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XIX.

The Sentence is executed upon the Prince. The endeavours used to prevent it. The Vice-King refuses to hearken there∣unto. With what Courage the Inca received the stroak of Death.

THE Vice-King, resolving to execute his Sentence, which he believed to be for the Safety and Security of the Empire, caused a Scaffold to be raised in the chief place of the City. This was so new and strange a resolution to all People, that the Gentlemen, Friers, and other grave Persons were so concerned for it, that they met together, and drew up a Petition to the Vice-King, repre∣senting to him the Barbarity of the Fact, which would be scandalous to the World, and disapproved by his Majesty. That it would be much better to send him into Spain; for tho' Banishment be a lingering Torment, yet it is a token of Clemency, much rather than the Sentence of a speedy Death. a Peti∣tion being drawn up to this effect, with design to be delivered with all the sup∣plication and intercession, in behalf of the Prince; the Vice-King, who had his spyes abroad, and by them was informed of the Petition which was preparing, with the Subscription of many hands thereunto, resolving not to be troubled with such Importunities, gave Order to have the Gates of the Court shut, and no Man suffered to come to him upon pain of Death: And then immediately he issued out a Warrant to have the Inca brought forth, and his Head cut off without farther delay, that so the disturbance of the Town might be appeased by a speedy execution; whereas by giving time, a Combustion might be raised, and the Prince rescued out of his hands.

Accordingly the poor Prince was brought out of the Prison, and mounted on a Mule, with his hands, tyed, and a Halter about his Neck, with a Cryer be∣fore him, publishing and declaring, that he was a Rebel and a Traytor against the Crown of his Catholick Majesty. The Prince not understanding the Spanish Language, asked of one of the Friers who went with him, what it was that the Cryer said? And when it was told him, that he proclaimed him an Auca, which was a Traytor, against the King his Lord; which when he heard, he caused the Cryer to be called to him, and desired him to forbear to publish such horrible Lyes, which he knew to be so, for that he never committed any act of Treason, nor ever had it in his Imaginations, as the World very well knew: But, says he, tell them, that they kill me without other cause, than only that the Vice-King will have it so; and I call God, the Pachacamac of all, to witness, that

what I say is nothing but the Truth: After which the Officers of Justice proceeded forward to the place of Execution. As they were entering into the Chief Place, they were met by great numbers of women of all Ages, amongst which were several of the Blood Royal, with the wives and daughters of the Caciques, who lived in places adjacent to the City; all which cryed out with loud Exclama∣tions and cryes, accompanied with a flood of Tears, saying, Wherefore, Inca, do they carry thee to have thy Head cut off? What Crimes, what Treasons hast thou committed to deserve this usage? Desire the Executioner to put us to Death together with thee, who are thine by Blood and Nature, and should be much more contented and happy to accompany thee into the other World, than to live here Slaves and Servants to the Will and Lust of thy Murderers. The noise and outcry was so great, that it was feared lest some insurrection and out-rage should ensue, amongst such a Multitude of People then gathered together; which was so great, that with those who filled the two Places, and the Streets leading thereunto, and who were in Balconies, and looking out at Windows, they could not be counted for less than 300 thousand Souls. This combustion caused the Officers to hasten their way unto the Scaffold; where being come, the Prince walked up the Stairs, with the Friers who assisted at his Death, and followed by the Executioner with his Faulchion or broad Sword drawn in his hand. And now the Indians seeing their Prince just upon the brink of Death, lamented with such groans and out-cries as rent the Air, and filled the place with such noise, that nothing else could be heard: Wherefore the Priests who were discoursing with the Prince, desired him that he would com∣mand the People to be silent, whereupon the Inca lifting up his right Arm with the Palm of his hand open, pointed it towards the place from whence the noise came, and then loured it by little and little, until he came to rest it on his right thigh: Which when the Indians observed, their Murmur calmed, and so great a silence ensued, as if there had not been one Soul alive within the whole City. The Spaniards, and the Vice-King, who was then at a Window obser∣ving these several passages, wondred much to see the obedience which the In∣dians in all their passion, shewed to their dying Inca, who received the stroke of death with that undaunted Courage, as the Incas and Indian Nobles did usually shew, when they fell into the hands of their Enemies, and were unhumanely butchered, and cruelly treated by them, as may appear in our History of Flo∣rida, and other Wars which were carried on in Chile, and which now the Indi∣dian Araucos still wage with the Spaniards, according as they are described in Verse by Poets who write thereof. Of which we have many other examples in Mexico, as well as in Peru, which may serve to demonstrate the Cruelty of the Spaniards, and the Constancy and Bravery of the Incas: Of which I could give many instances in my own time, and of my own knowledge, but I shall let them pass, rather than give offence by this History.

Thus did this poor Prince submit with great Courage to Death, yet Rich and Happy, in that he dyed a Christian; and was much lamented by those Religious Orders, which assisted him at the Hour and in the Agony of his Death, name∣ly those of St. Francis, our Lady of Merceds; St. Dominick, and Augustine, be∣sides a multitude of other Priests and Clergymen, who bewailed him with much grief and sorrow, and said many Masses for his Soul: Howsoever they were much comforted and edified, to see with what Patience and magnanimity he entered on the Scene of Death, and with what Acts of devotion, like a good Christian, he adored the Images of Christ Our Lord, and of the Virgin his Mother, which the Priests carried before him. Thus did this Inca end his days, who was the lawful Heir to that Empire, being descended by the direct Male-Line from the first Inca Manco Capac; which (as Father Blas•• Valera saith) had continued 500, or near 600 years. This Compassion and Sorrow was the ge∣neral sense at that time of all the Country, as well of Spaniards as Indians: And tho' we may believe that the Vice-King might also be in some measure affected with this Passion, yet he might have other Reasons of State, sufficient, if known, to justifie this Action.

The aforesaid Sentence executed on the good Prince, was seconded by the Banishment of his Sons and Kindred, to the City of Los Reyes, and of those who were born of Indian Mothers and Spanish Fathers, into divers parts of the New and Old World, as before related. Which we have anticipated out of its

due place, to make room at the end of this our Work for so sorrowful a Tra∣gedy, which is the ultimate Scene of the second part of these our Commenta∣ries. Praised be God for all things.

CHAP. XX.

Don Francisco de Toledo returns to Spain. His Catho∣lick Majesty gives him a severe reprehension: His End and Death: As also of the Governour Martin Garcia Loyola.

IT is not fit to conclude our History with the Death of Don Philip Tupac Amaru alone, and therefore we shall accompany it with a short Relation of the Death, and End of the Vice-King Don Francisco de Toledo: Who after he had compleated the time of his Government, which was very long, and as some say 16 years, he re∣turned into Spain with great Riches and Prosperity, being reported by common Fame to have brought with him above the value of 500 thousand pieces of Eight in Gold and Silver: Upon the Reputation of which, he procured admittance into the Court, and expected to be made one of the great Ministers of State, in reward of the special Services he had done in cutting off, and extirpating the Royal Line of the Incas, by which a way was made to the Kings of Spain to claim a Right of Inheritance to the Empire of Peru, without other Competitor. He also imagined, that he had highly merited of his Majesty by the many good Laws and Rules he had Established in those Kingdoms, whereby his Majesties Revenue was improved, and the Mines of Plate, and Quicksilver, well governed, by the orderly Regulations he had made therein; having ordained and directed that the Indians of several Provinces, should by their turns come in, and work in those Mines, with the same pay for a days labour, as the Spaniards who are Planters in those Countries are by late Laws obliged to pay them for their work. And moreover that the Indians being employed in Gardning, or doing any thing for the pleasure, or benefit of the Owner, shall receive a pay proportionable to the value of the thing: The which Regulations and Rules being many and long, we shall omit to rehearse the particulars of them.

Upon such grounds, and with such expectations as these, Don Francisco de Toledo obtained admittance to the Presence of King Philip the Second, and to kiss his Royal Hand: But his Catholick Majesty having been duly informed of all Matters which had succeeded in that Empire, and particularly of the Death of the Inca Tupac Amaru, and of the Banishment of his nearest Relations and Kin∣dred, to a place where they all perished, did not shew that kind and graciousaccep∣tance of his Person, as he expected; but told him in short, That he should go home to his own house; for that the King had not sent him to kill Kings, but to serve them: With which Reproof he went home much dejected, and under that Cloud of disfavour which he never expected. In this disgrace, (as it is usual for men who are going down the Hill, to be helpt forward in their way) so certain Informers brought an accusation against him: That he ordered the Salaries of his Servants and Officers to be paid in Pieces of Eight, instead of Ducats, so that for every 40 thousand Ducats 40 thousand pieces of Eight were made good, which was an inju∣ry and damage to the Royal Treasury, during the time he assisted in the Govern∣ment which amounted to the value of 120000 ducats: To make which good, an Order was sent from the Council of State to lay a Sequestration upon all the Gold and Silver he had brought from Peru, and to remain in such manner se∣cured, until the account was audited and cleared, how much was owing on that score to the Royal Exchequer: Don Francisco de Toledo being a man of a haughty Spirit, was not able to resist this second blow of his Majesties disfavour,

but therewith fell into such a Sadness and Melancholly, as broke his Heart in a few days.

We have only now to relate the End of Captain Martin Garcia Loyola, whom, in reward of having taken the Inca Prisoner, and many other Services which he performed to the Court of Spain, they married to the Infanta, who was Niece to the last Prince, and Daughter to his Brother Sayri Tupac: whereby he came to inherit that Estate which this Princess received from her Father; and for his greater Honour and Advancement, and better Service of his Majesty, he was preferred to be Governour, and Captain General of the Kingdom of Chile, where he had a great party of Horse, with a good force of Spanish Infantry under his Command. It was his Fortune to govern this Kingdom for several years, and some Months, with great Prudence and Discretion, and to the con∣tentment also and satisfaction of his Companions; howsoever he was engaged in continual Labours and Embroyls, caused by the Wars which were waged against the Indians; and which are not yet at an end, in this year 1613, having ever since 1553, when the Indians began first to rebel, been constantly carried on without Truce or Intermission during all that time, as we have intimated before in several Places. Whilst this Governour employed himself in the ex∣ercises of War, he went one day (according to his usual custom) to visit the se∣veral Forts which were raised on the Frontiers, to curb the Enemy, and keep them from making incursions and depredations on those Indians, who had sub∣mitted, and were become Servants to the Spaniards: And having supplyed all those Garrisons with Ammuntion and Provisions, he returned to those Cities within the Kingdom which were setled and in peace: And being without the Limits of the Enemies quarters (as indeed he was) and as he believed out of danger, he dismissed 200 of his Souldiers, (which were then of his Guard,) and dispeeded them away to their respective quarters. Leaving himself only with a∣bout thirty Companions, amongst which were several Captains, and old veterane Souldiers, who had served many years in the Wars: And being come into a very pleasant Plain, they pitched their Tents, intending to repose and solace themselves that Night and several Nights afterwards, that they might re∣cover the Sleep they had lost, by their continual watchings; for whilst they were on the Frontiers, taking care to secure the Garrisons, they were so continually allarm'd by the Enemy, that they had not time to Rest, Eat, or Sleep.

The Araucos and Indians of other Provinces, Neighbouring on these who had rebelled, sent their Spies by Night to discover the condition of the Spa∣niards; and finding them without Centinels, and in all security fast asleep, and as safe as their Enemies could desire, they whistled to each other with Bird-Calls, and gave notice by such kind of barking and howlings which Giacalls or Wolves use in the Night, which were the signals agreed upon amongst them. At these noises great numbers of Indians came flocking together, and with all the silence possible, went softly to the Spaniards Tents, where finding them asleep, and in their Shirts in Bed, they cut the Throats of every one of them; and carrying away with them their Horses, Arms, and all the Spoyl which belonged to the Spaniards.

This was the end of the Governour Martin Garcia Loyola, which was much lamented over all the Kingdom of Chile and Peru; but as often as that Dis∣course was moved, either amongst Indians or Spaniards, it was confessed, that Providence had so ordered those matters, that the death of the late Inca should in this manner be revenged on the Spaniards by the Hands of his own Vassals. And herein it was more plainly evidenced by an Infatuation which possessed the Minds of such Captains, and Veterane Souldiers practised in the Wars of that Country, who knowing that they were near an Enemy incensed and enraged against them, and thirsting after the Blood of the Spaniards, should yet with so much security compose themselves to a sleep from which they did never afterwards awake.

This Governour Martin Garcia Loyola left one Daughter, which he had by his Wife the Infanta, Daughter of the Prince Don Diego Sayri Tupac, the which Daughter was transported into Spain, and there married to a Gentle∣man of Quality, called Don John Enriquez de Boria. His Catholick Maje∣sty, besides the Estate which the inherited from her Father in Peru, was pleased

(as they wrote to me from the Court) to confer upon her the Title of Marquess de Oropesa; which is a Colony founded by the Vice-King, Don Francisco de Toledo, in Peru, and called Oropesa by him, in memory of his Ancestors, which he de∣sired might be continued in the new World; besides which Title and Favour, I am informed, that a Consultation hath been held amongst the Illustrious Pre∣sidents and Lords of the Royal Council of Castile, and the Indies, at which al∣so his Majesties Confessour was present, with two other Advocates belonging to the Council of the Indies, to consider what farther Gratifications could be made, in reward of the many Services which her Father had done, according to his Du∣ty towards his Majesty, and as a Compensation for her Patrimonial Inheri∣tance. Towards which (as I am informed) the Relation I have given in the first part of these Commentaries hath, in some manner, contributed: Which if so, I shall esteem my self sufficiently rewarded for the labour and pains I have taken to write this History, though no other benefit or satisfaction accrues thereby unto my self.

CHAP. XXI.

The Conclusion of this Eighth Book, and last of this Hi∣story.

HAving, in the beginning of this History, shewed the Original of the Incas, who were Kings of Peru, and described their Increase, and Conquests, and all their generous Exploits, together with the manner of their Govern∣ment, both in War and Peace, and thereunto added their Religion and ldola∣try practised in the times of their Gentilisme: All which, by the Divine favour and assistance, we have largely handled in the first part these Commentaries; by which I have complyed with the duty I owe to my Country and Kindred by my Mothers side. In this second part we have at large related all those brave Acts, and gallant Exploits performed by the Spaniards, in the Conquest of this rich Empire, in which I have complied (tho' not fully) with the Duty and Obligation I owe to my Father, and to his Illustrious and Generous Com∣panions. So that now it may be time to conclude this Work, and put an end to this Labour, with the ultimate Reign and Succession of the Incas, who, with that unhappy Huascar, were 13 in number, who possessed the Throne of that Empire, until the Invasion of the Spaniards. But as to the other five, which succeeded afterwards, that is Manco Inca, and his two Sons Don Diego, and Don Philippe, and his two Nephews, we do not insert them in the Line of Kings, for tho' they had a right to the Inheritance, yet they never had possession of the Go∣vernment; but if we should reckon them in that number, we might then account 18, who descended by the direct Male-line from the first Inca Manco Capac, to the last of those Children, whose Names I do not know. The Indians do not reckon Atahualpa in the number of their Kings, being, as they call him, an Auca, that is a Traytor.

Tho' in the last Chapter of the first Part of these Commentaries, we have given an account of all the Sons, which in an oblique Line descended from the several Kings; of which (as we have there affirmed) a true, and an authentick List was sent me; with Power and Authority directed to Don Melchior Carlos, Don Alonso de Mesa, and my self, that we jointly, or any one of us, should lay it before his Catholick Majesty, and before his Supream and Royal Council of the Indies; to the intent and purpose, that they might be freed from those Taxes and Impositions which they sustained: Which Papers and Memorials, as they came directed unto me, I dispatched to the said Don Melchior Carlos, and Don Alonso de Mesa. But the said Don Melchior, having Pretensions of his own, would not weaken his own Interest, by giving Countenance to their demands; nor would he present their Papers, that it might not be known thereby, how ma∣ny of the Royal Line were still surviving; fearing lest his Interest should be di∣vided,

and the benefit which he expected to himself alone, might be imparted unto them all together: So at the Conclusion of all, he neither did good to them, nor to himself. I have thought fit, for my own Discharge, to give a Narrative hereof, that my Relations of those parts, may not accuse me either of unkindness, or negligence, in not performing what they have de∣sired of me, and entrusted me in. I should have been very glad, if I could have performed this Service for them with the hazard of my Life; but it was impossible for me, to have done any thing in this matter; not being able to contribute more thereunto, than only by writing this History, in which I hope I have as well done Justice, and Right to the Spaniards, who have Con∣quered this Empire, as to the Incas, who were tho true Lords, and Posses∣sors of it.

To the Divine Majesty, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, three Persons and one true God, be Praise for Ever and Ever, who have been pleased to grant me Grace, and assistance, to arrive at the Ultimate End and Conclusion of this History. May it be to the Honour and Glory of his Divine Name: By whose infinite mercy, through the Blood and Merits of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and by the Intercession of the ever Blessed Virgin Mary, and of all the Court of Heaven, I beg Favour, and Protection, now, and in the Hour of Death. Amen sweet Jesus, a hun∣dred thousand times Jesus. Amen.

Praised be God.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Thirty six Maravedis make six pence.
• * 1.2

  Every Peso of Gold is a∣bout sixteen Ryals Plate, which is nine shillings En∣glish.
• * 1.3

  In Peru, for want of Ber∣gandines, or Head-pieces, they wore a sort of Ar∣mour for their Face like a cross Bar.
• * 1.4

  65 Ryalls plate to every Marco.
• * 1.5

  Tirar cannos is a sport in Spain much used on Horse∣back, and which the Spaniards learned from the Moors, used also by the Turks.
• * 5.1

  To which the Bridge of Osiers was fastned.
• * 6.1

  A Sport used in Spain.