Sacra nemesis, the Levites scourge, or, Mercurius Britan. disciplin'd, [Mercurius] civicvs [disciplin'd] also deverse remarkable disputes and resolvs in the Assembly of Divines related, episcopacy asserted, truth righted, innocency vindicated against detraction.

SECTION I. The Character of Britanicus.

DIego writeth,* 1.1 That Barcaeus meeting with the Devill sit∣ting at his ease upon a Chaire, bid him rise up and give place to his better. The tale, Britanicus, is morallized in thee, thou mayst very well chalenge the precedencie of Satan, and thrust him out of his Chaire, The seat of the scornfull, wherein thou hast sate for these many moneths, and out-railest all the Shimie's, and Rabsekehs, and out-Lyest all the Simmeasses and Pseudolusses that ever sate in that Chaire. And although Tacitus whispers me in the eare, Maledicta, si irascaris, agnita videntur; spreta exolescunt: Contumelious speeches if they put thee into a chafe, seeme to argue guilt. Yet because a wiser then he adviseth, in some case, to answer a foole according to his folli••, lest he be wise in his owne conceit:* 1.2 And because it is rather an argument of stupiditie then innocencie, to be altogether unsensible when our integritie, or the reputation of our friend is touched, though it be but with the scratch of a goose quill▪ I though fit, potius vexatum & castiga••um quam despectum dimit∣t••re Vatinium, rather to dismisse Vatinius well cudgelled then sligh∣ted, I meane that scorne of all the learned, and hate of all good men, Britanicus, or rather Brutanicus▪ not from Brutus but Brutum. For he is no better then one of Cerberus whelpes, at which Hercules would not vouchsafe to give a Kick in his returne from Hell: yet because since he hath lickt cleane the Expraetors trencher,* 1.3 he never leaveth barking at all who adore not the cap of maintenance, nor canonize the synagogue of orbicular independents; I was desired to strike him baculo pastorali, and teach him from henceforth, sua potius lambe∣re ulcera, quam aliorum famam arrodere, rather to use his tongue in licking his owne sores, then his teeth in biting them, upon whom heretofore he basely fawned. The best is, he to whose appologie I have consecrated my Pen, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, out of the danger of this haile shot, above these nebulas nebulonum, his reputation is safe both from the tongue of detraction and teeth of envie, being trea∣sured up in the hearts of all that sincerely love the truth. Anthonie proscribed Cicero,* 1.4 for the space onely that the Triumvirate in Rome

lasted, but Cicero proscribed Anthonie to all ages. The more Ca∣momile is trod upon, the sweeter smell it gives, and the black as∣persions of malice serve but as a dark foyle to set off the lustre of emi∣nent vertue. For thee, Britanicus, seeing thou knowest not thy selfe, I will send thee to S. Ierome for thy Character, under the name of the Else Helvidius, Loquacitatem facundiam existimat, & maledi∣cere omnibus bonae conscientiae signum arbitratur: he accounts ray∣ling to be Rhetorick, and deemes it to be an argument of a good Conscience, to speake evill of all men.

SECT. II. The censure of all the Diurnals and Scouts.

WHat Lactantius threatned the ravening Wolves, will soo∣ner or later befall the mad Dogs also;* 1.5 Veniet lispis rapa∣cibus dies suus, not onely those ravening Wolves that have worried, not so much the flock of Christ, as the pastors themselves, devouring them with their wives and children, and all their substance; but al∣so those snarling Curs and mad Dogs, that have fastened their veno∣mous teeth upon the true Servants of God, shall have their day. A∣mong whom, take heed lest thou be found, who hast two knowne properties of a Cur, to bark at the cleare light, and to file in the best and cleanest swept roome.* 1.6 Thou art not content to traduce and vi∣lifie the Reverend and Learned Clergie, and spot and staine the prime Nobilitie and Gentrie of the Kingdome, but like the Ser∣pent Ptyas, thou spittest venome at Majestie it selfe; and there∣fore mayest expect for thy deserts, without any ambition, the highest preferment of * 1.7 Haman or Cnipperdoling. It is repor∣ted of a late Lidger Embassadour at Venice, that he wrote with the poynt of a Diamond in Glasse this definition of an Embas∣sadour, An Embassadour is an honourable Spye, sent by the State to lye for the good of the Common-wealth. I hold this definition of an Embassadour in generall to have too much in it mordacis verita∣tis, of tart truth: but he should doe thee, and thy three Brethren in iniquitie, (all of the Bastard brood of Maia) right, who should define you base Spyes, hired to invent and vent Lyes through the whole Kingdome, for the good of the Cause. For what is your week∣ly

imployment but to smother the cleare truth of all proceedings at Court, and set a varnish upon all the Machiavillian cheats, un∣christian practices, and horrible out-rages committed by the Plun∣derers and their complices in the Citie? Howbeit, because Urbanus hath taken thee to taske for thy scandalum magnatum, of which thou art like one day to heare without an eare: I shall discipline thee at this present onely for opening thy foule mouth upon a late Member of the Assembly, whose hands thou knowest are so tyed, that he cannot wipe away the froth of thy impute discourse, which thus driveleth from thee.

SECT. III. Six Untruths uttered by Britanicus in three Lines; the true cause why D. F. was voted out of the Assembly.

IT is briefly mentioned before, who was an Intelligencer to Ox∣ford of passages in the Assembly, now a word more of it:* 1.8 That grave Doctor, I meane Doctor Featley, that held corresponden∣cie with the Bishop of Armagh, and informed his Irish grace how much His Majesty was beholding to him for his intelligence, and upon the whole matter desires his grace to move the King to conferre upon him the Deanerie of Westminster. The Letter it selfe was intercepted, all of his owne hand writing, and he ac∣knowledged it.

Lingua in udo est & facilè labitur, the tongue is seated in a moyst place and easily slips; this is seene by thee, Britanicus, whose tongue hath slipt six times within the short space of three Lines.

First, Thou sayst that the Doctor held correspondence with his Irish grace by Letters, whereas the Doctor never received Letter from the Primate of Armagh, during the time of his abode in the Assembly.

Secondly, Thou makest a hideous noyse and great racket about a Letter written to his grace, but intercepted; Whereas it was no Letter in truth and proprietie of speech, but a note unsealed with∣out any indorsment or date, and that note also drawne from the Doctor by a wile, by one who at this present is Suttler to the Trai∣ned Band at S. Albans.

Thirdly, thou sayest, the Doctor informed his grace what good service he had done the King this Parliament; whereas there is ne∣ver a word in that Letter or Note of any service done to His Ma∣jestie, but a meere complaint of unsufferable wrongs offered the Doctor by the Parliament Souldiers, who plundered him both at Acton and Lambeth.

Fourthly, thou impudently affirmest, that he desired his grace to move the King to conferre upon him the Deanerie of Westmin∣ster; whereas the words in the originall Letter not falsified are, that his grace would put in for himselfe, that he might hold it as a Commendam with the Administratorship of Carlile, as the Arch∣bishop of Yorke held it before.

Fifthly, thou sayest, that the Doctor wrote all this pretended Letter with his owne hand, whereas he wrote never a Line of it with his owne hand, but dictated to another.

Sixthly, thou blushest not to say, that the Doctor acknowledged the Letter examined before the Committee to be his owne, whereas that was but a false transcript, and never so much as shewed to the Doctor, much lesse acknowledged by him to be true. Thou wilt say then, if neither the originall now at Oxford, nor the tran∣script was exhibited to the Doctor, nor any witnesse at all produ∣ced to make faith, either that the originall being unsealed was not corrupted, or that this transcript perfectly accorded with the ori∣ginall, neither could be any evidence against the Doctor; how then came it to passe that he was blowne out of the Assembly, and both his Livings, by one blast of Euroclydon? I could answer as Eras∣mus did to the Emperour, who demanded of him what he thought of Martin Luther, a man so much cryed up and downe in the world; up among the reformed, but downe in the Popish Church: Truely, quoth Erasmus, he is a worthy and able Divine, and other∣wise irreproveable, onely he was too blame in two things.

First, That he touched the Popes triple Crowne.

Secondly, The Monkes belly, which were two Noli me tangere's: so the Doctor, though otherwise he went with a right foot, and kept pace with those of his ranke, yet in two things he tript.

First, In the great debate about the three Creeds, he sided with the Presbyterians against the Independents.

Secondly, When the new Covenant was first offered to the Assembly, he openly and professedly opposed it, and endeavoured to prove, that all the Divines that were wrapt in that new bond,

were intangled in perjurie by breaking their Oathes of canonicall obedience. For this, the Independents accounted him a Malignant, and the Presbyterians confided not in him. Besides, our Polititians that have beene brought up at the feet of the great Gamaliel in Phy∣losophie, Aristotle, taking upon them the defence of Ostracisme (ne∣ver more practised then now, even by those who understand not what the word signifies) teach us, that though a man have a cleare brest and strong voyce, yet if it be not tunable, or his Note be so loud, that hee drowneth the rest in the Consort, it is fit he should be put out of the Quire. And truely, Britanicus, that needed not, for though he were Voted into it by 390 voy∣ces, yet he never voted himselfe into it, but often wished him∣selfe out of it, not because he was averse from Synods, as the learne∣dest of the Greeke Fathers (Sir-named the Divine) was, who ob∣served in his time, that he never saw good end of any such Assem∣blies; but because this Assembly was not called by the sound of Moses his Silver trumpet, neither were the Members thereof elected or nominated by the bodie of the Clergie, neither have they any decisive, but onely consultive, and deliberative suffrages. In which regard, he conceived that he might doe more hurt to him∣selfe by his presence there, then good to others by his assistance. And therefore when he heard, that like a Candle hee was blowne in and out with the same breath, hee past not at all for it, deeming himselfe neither a gainer by the one, nor looser by the other.

SECT. IIII. How D. F. his Livings came to be sequestred, and why.

BUt his Livings touched him more neerely, and to the quicke: The Sequestration from the Assembly made him but speech∣lesse there, where for the most part he was but a Mute before, but the sequestration of his Benefices made him livelesse, or rather ac∣cording to the Apostles phrase, twice dead and pluckt up by the rootes: For as good upon the matter to be dead, as deprived of all meanes of livelihood. Thou wilt say, admit his voyce in the Assembly were Malignant; yet surely neither his Bookes nor his Livings were so. I grant it, yet some cast a Malignant eye at them, they were like a Pinne and a Web in the eye of Envie, they were two good Bene∣fices

conveniently seated neere London, the one hath a goo•• friend of the Ayre, the other of the Thames; and therefore the Mouth of some of the Assembly watered after them, one of the Assessors, M. W. must have a convenient seat, and M. Nye must be denyed nothing: and because intus apparens prohibet extraneum, that they might be inducted, the Dr. must be outed: Neither want there presidents for it; Fundus Albanus in Italy, and Nabals Vineyard in Iezreel are ruling cases for it.* 1.9 Yea, but where are the men of Belial to testifie that the Dr. blasphemed the Parliament, and their Ordinances? they were ready at the Committee for plun∣dred Ministers, namely Andrewes the Botcher, and Sharpe the Cobler, these prevailed so far with 4 of the Committee, that April the 23, the Dr. was voted out of his living at Lambeth, though six emi∣nent and worthy Members of the Parliament there present (but not of the Committee) shewed great dislike of this Censure, and one of them said

That it had bin better for the Dr. to have fallen into the hands of the high Commission, or Popish Inquisition, then that Committee.

But salva res est, the sentence of foure men was re∣versed in open Parliament by 80 at least, who acquitted the Dr. and now he is setled in both his Benefices and lockt fast into the As∣sembly, and the separatists and schismaticall Recusants at Lambeth, (who the 23 of April, after the Dr. was sentenced, kept a great Feast, like to that of the Persians, called Magophonia, at which, first they prayed themselves out of their sences, and after dranke themselves out of their wits) now mourne in the chine,* 1.10 their short wits are at an end, they know not what to doe, and therefore for 3 moneths they sit downe by the losse: but afterwards felix casus se immiscuit arti, an occasion is offered to effect that by an engine, which they could not doe with cleane strength. It was reported at London and at Lambeth, by some that came from Oxford, that the Dr. was lost at Court, by reason of his repairing so usually to the Assembly of Divines, and concurring with them in their resolves: upon this, they who before lay in wait for the Doctor, worke, and a Felt-maker in the Borough, a great stickler for the new Refor∣mation, is sent to the Doctor, with a pretended message from the Primate of Armagh,* 1.11 that his Majesty was very much offended with the Doctors complying with the Assembly, and that he charged him upon high displeasure never more to meet with the Divines in Henry the 7ths Chappell. At this the Dr. being much appaled and troubled, not knowing how to steer his course betweene the Sym∣plegades,

nor obey the contrary commands of two such masters, the Messenger put him in some comfort, saying, that a word of the Primates to the King would set all right, and that the next mor∣ning, being Saturday, hee was to take his journey to Oxford, and that if the Dr. would write two or three lines to his Grace, and acquaint him with some late passages of the Assembly, with his desire to get leave of his Majesty to continue his attendance there, till he might upon faire tearmes withdraw himselfe▪ he ingaged him∣selfe deepely that he would bring an answer from the Primate the Tuesday following. Upon this overture, the Dr. very desirous to take the first opportunity to make his peace with the KING, di∣c••ated a letter, or rather a note which he read to the Messenger, demanding of him whether he thought there was any matter of of∣fence or danger in it, and if there were, he wished him utterly to suppresse it; the Messenger answered, that there neither was, nor could be any danger in it, for it was a note onely unsealed and con∣teined no secrets in it, but the open and knowne resolves of the Assembly. Whereupon the Dr. trusted him with it, but heard no Answer till some weekes after. In the meane while, the Messenger shews this note to diverse, and closeth with the Committee, who tooke a Copy of it, but dispatched him away with the Originall to Oxford, whereupon hee bringeth backe an answer from the Primate: upon his returne he is committed for a few dayes, but since preferred to a gainfull place in the Armie: so his turne was served, but the Doctor turned out of house and home, sequestred, plundred, and libelled in all the triobulary pasquils printed the first and second weeke of October.* 1.12

Being thus as you heard, made an Intelligencer to Oxford, he is censured by them who made him so, in the highest degree. And now the Vulturs hover over the carkasse of his estate: one (a) 1.13 seizeth upon his Living at Lambeth; another (b) 1.14 upon his Benefice at Acton; a third (c) 1.15 upon his Books; a fourth (d) 1.16 upon his provisions; a fifth (e) 1.17 upon his goods and household-stuffe: and thou, Britanicus, here gottest store of Gall and Coppres to put in thine Inke; which, it ever God open thy eyes, to see thy error, thou wilt mingle with thy teares: For he was a great One that said it, Whosoever offendeth one of these little ones, even the least in the Kingdome of God, that is, the Ministerie of the Gospel, it were better that a milstone were hanged about his neck, and he cast into the Sea. Is this the puritie of precise Zeale? Are these the distilled Spirits of Christianitie?

To beautifie the Temple of God, by damming up the lights there∣of? To lay traps in their wayes, who guide our feet into the way of peace? To make men Delinquents, and then to persecute them with all severity? Is this the piety of this age, for the flocks of Christ to betray their Pastours to ravening Wolves; to strengthen the Armes of Brownists and base miscreants against learned, painfull, and Ortho∣dox Divines; to take Oath upon Oath, and enter into Covenant after Covenant, to maintaine and support the true reformed Religi∣on, and yet to supplant, and upon forged Cavillations overthrow the knowne Champions thereof? O ubi estis fontes lachrymarum? Oh where are yee! fountains of teares.

SECT. V. That the Doctor was no Intelligencer or Spie.

MAulicus, wee have traced your Intelligence from the Par∣liament to the Assemblie,* 1.18 and found your Mercurie in the habit of a Doctor, but he confessed the hope of a Deanerie sedu∣ced him.

Nay, rather we have traced a cunning Merchant from the Beare at Bridge-foot to Kennington,* 1.19 from Kennington to the close Com∣mittee, from the close Committee to Oxford, from Oxford to the Court of Wards, and from thence to the Leaguer at Saint Albans: Egregiam verò laudem, let it be recorded to the everlasting prayse of the agents that beare themselves upon the close Committee, that by fraud and falsehood they have entrapped Simplicitie, betrayed Loyaltie; and rewarded Treacherie; before they put the Doctor into the habit of an Intelligencer, they transformed themselves into Angels of light. As for the Doctors confessing, that the hope of a Deanerie seduced him, thy word will be taken for no more then thy weekely intelligence brings thee in; produce but one witnesse for it, though as copped a Round-head as thy selfe, and I will con∣fesse thee to be an honest man. But thou hast a Patent to Lye; and whatsoever thou printest in thy weekly Curranto's, though never so grossely absur'd and palpably false, after thou hast got M. Whites hand to it, no man can say, black is thine eye.

Yea, but the Doctor is charged to be a Spie and Intelligencer to Oxford, by the report made to the House of Commons, which here followeth.

A Letter of Doctor Featley's intercepted, going to Oxford to the Primate of Armagh, wherin were contained great imputati∣ons upon the proceedings of the Assembly, and diverse Members both of the Assembly and Parliament, whereby it appeares that he is a Spie and Intelligencer to Oxford: The Letter was read before the Committee, and the Doctor called to his Answer, who confessed all the materiall points in it, &c. Septemb. 29. 1643.

This report of the Chaire-man, may be reduced to this Syllo∣gisme.

Whosoever sends a Letter to the Primate of Armagh, containing great imputations upon the Members of the Assembly and Parlia∣ment, is a Spie and Intelligencer to Oxford, and ought to be deprived of both his Livings, Bookes, and Libertie.

But the Doctor sent a Letter to the Primate of Armagh, &c.

Ergo, he ought to be deprived of his Livings, Bookes, and Libertie; as it followeth there in the Sentence.

Here the Conclusion is in Ferio, or in Bocardo rather. But the premisses are both false,* 1.20 and it will cost the Reporter hot water to make good either of them.

For first, the originall Letter, was never shewed to the Doctor, nor acknowledged by him, nor any witnesse produced, to testifie that it was written by him; and therefore can be no evidence a∣gainst him in any Court where Astrea sits.* 1.21

Secondly, The Transcript upon which the Committee proceeded, disagreeth with the originall in diverse materiall points, as is proved elsewhere: Neither was there any Faith at all made before the Doctor, to convince him, that the Letter read before the Committee was a true Transcript.

Thirdly, in that Letter there was no imputation, great or small, layd upon the Members of the Assembly, or Parliament; unlesse it be an imputation to say, That the Prolocutors dayly prayer was the best and truest Diurnall, for that he had a speciall gift to pray, not so much ex tempore as de tempore.

Fourthly, The great imputations spoken of, wee desire that the Reporter, for his reputation sake, would specifie: For either they were true, or false: If they were true, why are nor the Members of the Assembly and Parliament questioned, and punished for them? if they were false, why was not the Doctor put to his proofe, and in

case he failed, censured as a slanderer? There's a Pad in the Straw; Aliquid latet quod non patet.

Fifthly, To send a Letter from one Member of the Assembly to another, is not to be a Spie or Intelligencer to the adverse partie: But such a one was the Primate of Armagh, not onely a Member of the Assembly, chosen by the joynt Votes of the whole House of Commons, but a Member at that time in such grace with the As∣sembly, that he was often alledged with great honour and respect both by the Assessors and others, especially in debating the Article of Christs descent into Hell.

Sixtly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, one Swallow makes not a Summer, nor one act a habit, nor one link a Chain, nor one flower a gar∣land, nor one rotten grain a corrupt Pomegranat; nor doth one Letter sent to Wickham, lying in the Road to Oxon. make a Spie or Intelligencer to Oxford, and more then one Letter the Docto•• never dictated, and that also intercepted; how then can he be a Spie? For the Letter intercepted could give no intelligence to Oxon, being stayed at London.

Seventhly, Resolves of a Synod and conclusions de side, are no se∣crets of State; neither is the imparting of them to a most religious, learned, and every way accomplished Bishop, betraying secrets to an enemie, but consulting an Oracle in Theologicall disputes of as great difficultie as moment.

Eightly, Whereas it is said, that the Doctor confessed all the materiall points in the transcript▪ it is most untrue: for the main and onely materiall point▪ concerning aspersions layd upon Members of the Assembly and Parliament, was never so much as put to the Doctor, much lesse confessed by him; and for the truth hereof, he appealeth to the whole Committee for Examinations.

Lastly, to return to thee, Sir Britanicus, Civicus, or Scoticus, for thou art a man omnium nominum & horarum; tell me in good earnest, what is the Trade, or Profession, or Mysterie, whereby thou livest? Is it not to be a Citie-Spie, and Intelli∣gencer? And why may it not be as lawfull for the Doctor to send Theologicall Truths to Oxford, as for thee every week Civill Lyes to all parts of the Kingdom? And because it is said, thou art either Cornutus, or Cornificius, I very much entreat thee, in the last place, to dissolve this Dilemma or Cornutum argu∣mentum.

Either the Letter sent by the Doctor to the Primate of Armagh, contained in it matter of offence and scandall, or not; Ad partes, which of the horns wilt thou take? hold off; if thou sayest the Letter contained no matter of offence or scandall, thou sayest just nothing in the defence of the justice of the Committee or Parlia∣ment; if thou sayest that it contained any just matter of offence or scandall, and in that regard ought not to have been published, to the disgrace of the Assembly or Parliament: Why did not those of the close Committee, when it was in their hands suppresse it? Why did they send the originall Letter to Oxford, wherby it is now made publique, and exposed to the view of all men? Certainly, if the bare sending of that Letter to Oxford, make a man a Spie and Intelligencer, and guiltie of I know not what capitall Crime, as S. Austine argued against the Devills ambiguous oracles, Sors ipsa re∣ferenda est ad sortem, so I may truely say, and make it good by the Recorders logick and the Parliaments Cens••re▪ that those of the close Committee, who after they had perused the Letter and taken a Copie, delivered it to the Messenger to conveigh it with all speed to Ox∣ford, deserve to be close committed, and sent by the Serjeant at Arms Petri ad vincula. O utinam: nec enim lex justior ulla est, quam necis artifices arte perire suâ.

SECT. VI. Aulicus truely relates the Doctors reasons alleadged against the New Covenant, in the open Assemblie.

HE tells us of Doctor Featley's exception against our Oath,* 1.22 he framed some wished reasons and arguments, and pinned them on the Doctors sleeve and would make them his, but they are not satisfactorie enough.

I pray thee, Britanicus,* 1.23 shew us the long Pinne wherewith he pinned those reasons to the Doctors sleeve, reaching from Christ-Church or All-Souls in Oxford, to Peter-house in London; and because thy brow is made of the same Metall with that Pinne, go boldly to the house of Peers, and enquire of the Lord Say and Wharton, and after into the house of Commons, and demand of M. Rouse and White, and lastly into the Assemblie, and ask of

M. Case and Calamie, whether the Doctor did not openly pro∣pound those reasons in the Assemblie a fortnight before, that so often produced and much traduced Letter was sent to the Primate of Armagh, out of which Aulicus transcribed those reasons verba∣tim. Yea, but these reasons are not sufficient enough, they were suf∣ficient enough to convince them who took the Oath, and to con∣found thee, Britanicus: if they were insufficient, why all this while hast not thou or some of them discovered the weaknesse and in∣sufficiencie of them?

The Doctor could have alleadged many other reasons, both a∣gainst the Covenant in generall, and that clause in particular, which may be in due time produced after the former reasons have been any way impeached or infringed by any colourable answer: till then thy silence, and theirs whom it so deeply concerns to dissolve them, as that they may dis-ingage themselves from perjurie, argues plain∣ly they are to you unanswerable.

SECT. VII. Divers remarkable passages in the Assemblie of Divines, related in the Letter to the Primate of Armagh.

BEcause this Letter, or rather unsealed advertisement, sent to an eminent Member of the Assemblie, hath beene made as a Match anoynted with the Brimstone of the Adversaries malice, to kindle a fire of envie against the Doctor, which hath consumed his whole estate, and dazled the eyes of many of his Friends in the Assemblie, that they could not look upon him any more as a faithfull Fellow-builder, but rather as a deceitfull Work-man· I will here truly acquaint thee, Reader, with all those passages in that Letter, that any way reflect on the Assemblie.

After an Encomium of the Prolocutor for his speciall gift of praying, not so much ex tempore, as de tempore, rather to fish out the learned Archbishops judgement in those controverted poynts, then to satisfie his curiositie, the Doctor related three great dis∣putes which held the Assemblie many days. The first, concerning the eighth Article of Religion; the second, concerning the eleventh; the third, concerning the second clause in the New Covenant. The

first, whether those words in the Article, (The three Creeds ought throughly to be received and beleeved) might stand. The second, whether in the definition of justification, the imputation of Christs active obedience as well as his passive ought to be mentioned. The third, whether those words in the New Covenant, I will endeavour the extirpation of Poperie and Prelacie, that is, government by Arch∣bishops, Bishops, &c, shall passe without any qualification or additi∣on of the words papall or tyrannicall or independent. The Assemblie voted affirmatively in all three, the Doctor in the two former con∣curred with them, but dissented in the latter: upon what grounds he concurred in the former and dissented in the latter, the ensuing Speeches made in the Assemblie will declare.

The first Speech concerning the eighth Article, before the Assemblie of DIVINES.

M. Prolocutor,

THat we may not Penelopes tela•• texere & retex∣ere, doe and undoe; and that it may not be said of our votes, as Charles the fifth spake sometimes of the decrees at their Diets, that they were like Vipers, the latter always destroying the former; What I shall hum∣blie offer to this Assemblie, shall be in confirmation of our last vote concerning the three Creeds, read in our Church. The exception of some of our learned Brethren, are taken either at the titles▪ or the Creeds themselves: Against the titles, that the Nic••ne Creed▪ is in truth the Constantinopolitane; that the Creed which goeth under the name of Athanasius, was either made by Anasta∣sius, as some affirm, or Eusebius Vercellensis, as our incom∣parable Iewell relates.* 2.1 Certainly Meletius the Patriarch of Constantinople, in his Epistle to Iohn Do••sa resolves negatively, Athanasio falso ascriptum symbolum cum appen∣dice

illo Romanorum Pontificum adulteratum luce lucidius con∣testamur: we contest that it is cle••rer than day light, that this Creed is falsely father'd upon Athanasius, and is adulterated by the adding of a clause inserted by the Roman Bishop; and for that which is called the Apostles Creed, the father who so christened it is un∣known. Hereunto I answer, that though the entire Creed, which is read in our Churches, under the name of the Nicen, be found totidem verbis in the Constantino∣politane; yet it may be truely called the Nicen, because the greatest part of it is taken out of that of Nice. And howsoever, some doubt whether Athanasius were the au∣thor of that Creed which beares his name, yet the greater number of the learned of latter ages intitle him to it; and though peradventure he framed it not him∣self, yet it is most agreeable to his doctrine, and see∣meth to be drawn out of his works, and in that regard may be rightly tearmed his Creed. And for the third Creed, although I beleeve not, that either the Apostles joyntly or severally dictated it: yet I subscribe to Calvins judgement, who saith, that it was a summarie of the Christian Faith, extant in the Apostles dayes, and approved of by them. Howsoever, according to the rule of Aristotle, Loquendum cum vulgo, licet sentiendum cum sapientibus, we must use the language of the vulgar, though we vote with wise men, and think as they doe. And certaine it is, these three Creeds, for many hun∣dreds of years, have generally passed under the titles of the Nicen, the Athanasian, and the Apostles. So much for the titles. Against the Creeds themselves, the ex∣ceptions which are taken, either concern the form of propounding the Articles, or the matter and do∣ctrine of them; concerning the manner of propound∣ing them, it is objected to be in too peremptorie a

way, under pain of damnation, and that they ought to be thoroughly beleeved. To the former I answer with Leo, where it is said, Whosoever holds not this Creed, shall perish everlastingly;* 2.2 It is understood of such as have capacity to understand it, and their consciences are convinced of the truth of it. To the latter, that thoroughly to beleeve it, signifies no more then throughout, and entirely, and that not for the authoritie of the Creeds themselves, but for the Scripture by which they are confirmed. The exceptions against the matter or doctrine of the Creeds, either concern the first Article, God of God, or the Article about the descent into hell. For the first, there can be no doubt at all of it, for the Sonne is of the Father, and therefore the Father and Sonne being God, it must needs follow, that Christ is God of God, neither will it hence follow, that the Deitie of the Sonne is of the Deity of the Father. For the ar∣gument holdeth not a concreto ad abstractum, verbi gra∣tiâ, it will not follow, Deus passus est, ergo deitas passa est, God suffered, ergo the deity suffered: nor this, Maria est mater Dei, ergo est mater deitatis; Mary is the mother of God, ergo she is mother of the Deity. Yea but Calvin saith, Christ is autotheos, God of himselfe; the answer is easie, Christ is God of himselfe, ratione essentiae; but God of God, ratione personae. And where∣as it is objected, that if he be Deus de Deo, it must be ei∣ther per productionem essentiae, or communicationem; by the production, or communication of the essence: though Beza, and other of our Divines stick not at the latter phrase, yet it followeth not; for it is suffi∣cient to prove him God of God, that his person is generated of the Father, and it is safer to say that hee hath communem essentiam cum patre, then communicatam. rather common then communicated. For the latter,

concerning descent into Hell, all the Christi∣ans in the world acknowledge, that CHRIST some way descended into hell, either locally, as many of the ancient fathers, Latimer the martyr, Bilson and An∣drews, and Noel in his catechism (commanded to be taught in all Schools, soon after the publishing the 39 Articles expound it) or vertually as Durand, or metaphorically as Calvin, or metonymically as Tile∣nus, Perkins, and this Assembly; and therefore no man need to make scruple of subscribing to the Article, as it stands in the creed, seeing it is capable of so many orthodoxall explications, and therein I desire that this Assembly in their aspersions would (after the ex∣ample of the harmony of confessions) content them∣selves with branding onely the popish exposition of this Article, which taketh hell for limbus patrum, or purgatory (Netherland regions, extra anni solisquevias) for any of the other foure interpretations, they are so far from being Hereticall, that it hath not bin pro∣ved that any of them is erroneous.

M. Prolocutor,

* 3.1THough there is nothing more tender then Con∣science, every scrupulus there is more painful then surculus in carne a thorn in the flesh; & though nothing ought more now to be soght after, when not only Christs seamlesse coat, but his mysticall body is rent & torn asun∣der, then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to seek the truth in love, and love in truth; and therfore I shal be most willing to any kind of reason able 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 condescending, to give satisfaction to our learned bre∣thren: yet on the other side, they may doe well to

think of that maxime in the canon law, turpis pars quae discordat toti, it is an unsound part which differs from the whole body, and not nodos inscirpo quaerere, to ex∣cept against undoubted verities, and most warrantable expressions, such as have bin debated in this Article▪ namely, Deus de Deo, & symbola recipi debere: for these are the lapides offensionis, rocks of offence.

That Christ is Deus de Deo, God of God, is thus cleer∣ly proved out of Scripture; whosoever is God and the Son of God, must needs be God of God; but Christ is God and the Son of God, ergo &c. But it hath bin objected, if he be God of God, then he must have his essence communicated to him from the Father, and so be essentiatus a patre, essentiated, or natured from the Father: this will not follow, no more then that Socrates is essentiatus a Sophronisco, but onely that he is genitus a patre, begotten of his Father, and so is reci∣piens essentiam, or habens essentiam communicatam a patre; which manner of speech is approved of by Beza,* 3.2 filius est a patre per ineffabilem totius essentiae communicationem ab aeterno:* 3.3 the Son is from the Father by an unspeakable communication of his whole essence from eternity: and Symlerus, non negamus silium habere▪ essentiam a Deo patre, sed essentiam genitam negamus: we do not deny that the Son hath his essence from God the Father, but we deny that the essence is begotten, and why should we boggle at this phrase,* 3.4 when our Lord himself ac∣knowledgeth, Ioh. 5.26. omnia mihi data sunt a patre meo, & pater dedit filio habere vitam in se, all things are given me of my Father? Neither doth this any way contra∣dict Calvin his autotheos, God of himself; which form of expression, though some protestants as well as pa∣pists have excepted against, yet I am of Whitakers mind, in his answer to the 7th reason of Campian, hat

it is verissime & sanstissime dictum, most truly and reli∣giously spoken;* 3.5 nam si ex se Deus non est, omnino Deus non est: for if he be not God of himself, he is not God at all: let St Augustine be the umpire, and reconcile both, Christus ad se Deus, dicitur ad patrem filius; Christ may be considered two wayes, either absolutely, and so he is Deus ex se, God of himself, as the Father is and the holy Spirit; or relatively, as filius, and so he is Deus de Deo, as he is the Son, so he is God of God: yea but these phrases may be taken in an ill sense, and so may all the Articles of the Creed, as you may see in the Parisian censure set out by the Jesuits; nay so may the whole Scripture, as St Peter teacheth us, which 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the ignorant & unstable pervert: what then, must we weed up all the flowers of Paradise, because hereticks, like spiders, suck such juice out of them which they turn into poyson?

2. For the other expression [ought to be received] as I conceive, it may be thus justified. Whatsoever articles may be firmly and evidently proved out of scripture, ought to be received and beleeved, ar••. 6. But such are all the articles of these three Creeds, ergo &c. 2. Those to whose office and function it belongs, to declare and teach the people of God, what they may and ought to receive and beleeve, may use this expression. But it appertains to the office of the Pastors of the Church, especially met at a Synod for that end▪ to teach the people of God what they ought to receive and believe, ergo &c. 3. That form of words which hath bin used in Synods, held in the purest times, and is at this day used, not only in the harmony of all protestant confessions (as was shewed by a learned brother) but every day in most approved sermons, may be reteined. But such is this form, recipi & credi debere,

ought to be received and beleeved, ergo, concil. Carth. 1▪ Caecilius a Bilta dixit, quam rem fugere ac vitare debe∣mus, & a tanto scelere nos separare, said, which thing we ought to shun and avoyd, and to keep our selves from so great a sin: Concil. Elib. can. 12. Lapsi in haeresin ad ecclesiam recurrentes incunctanter recipi debent; poeniten∣tia iis non est den••ganda. Concil. Neo. can. 1. Those that are fallen into heresie, returning to the Church, ought readily to be received, repentance is not to be denyed unto them. Presbyter moechus ab ecclesia pelli debet, an incontinent presbyter ought to be driven from the church. Conc. La••d. quod non oporteat angelos inv••cari, that we ought not to call upon Angels. & can. 59. quod non oporteat libros non canonicos legi in eccle∣sia, that books that are not canonicall, ought not to be read in church. But our acute and learned brother demandeth, qua fide recipiendi sint hi articuli, ecclesiastica an divina? with what kind of faith, humane or divine? I answer, at the first propounding of them, if we have nothing to say against them fide ecclesiastica, or humana, by a humane faith, or the faith of the church, out of reverence to our mother the church; but after we have examined them and compared them with Scriptures, then fide divina, by a divine faith: as the Samaritans at the first believed, fide humana by a humane faith, upon the relation of the woman; but afterwards, when they heard Christ himself, and saw his miracles, fide di∣vina.

The first Speech concerning the eleventh ARTICLE.

M. Prolocutor▪

THere are two sorts of things which are not defined without great difficulty, things of the highest, and of the lowest nature; the former can hardly be defined in regard of their exceeding perfection, the latter for their extream imperfection: of the former no definition is capable, the latter are capable of no exact definition, but only some imperfect description: and therefore as Aristotle defines materia prima, the first matter, by meer negations, quod nec quid, nec quantum, nec quale, neither substance, nor quantitie, nor qualitie, &c. So Plato defines God, that he is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, neither body nor colour, &c. To this later kind we may well referre justification, of which we read that high eu∣logie in the Bohemian Confession, Hoc caput doctrinae ex omnibus apud nos pro maximo & gravissimo capite habetur, ut in quo summa evangelii posita est, & quo christianismus fundatur, & in quo preciosus nobilissimusqu•• thesaurus salu∣tis aeternae, unica & viva cons••latio divina comprehendi∣tur: this is the chief head of doctrine, in which consists the sum of the whole Gospell, &c▪ This excellencie of the subject notwithstanding ought not to dull the edge of our most diligent search into it, but sharpen it rather, to endeavour so to define justi∣fication, that wee may justifie our definition. Which wee cannot doe, without distinguishing of a three-fold righteousnesse: first, a perfect righteousnesse, but not inherent; of which, 2 Cor. 5.21. secondly, inherent, but not perfect; of which, Luke 1.75. and Apoc. 22.

11. thirdly, perfect and inherent▪ of which, Heb. 12.23. The first, is the righteousnesse by which wee are justified; the second, by which wee are sanctified; and the third, by which wee are glorified. The first con∣sisteth as well of Christs active as his passive obedi∣ence, and in the imputation thereof by faith consisteth the essence of our justification, which may be thus de∣fined: an act of God,* 4.1 whereby he acquitteth every penitent and beleeving sinner, by not imputing to him his sins, and imputing to him the perfect satisfaction and righteousnesse of Christ. Every part of this definition may be proved by clear testimonies of Scripture; and besides, it hath that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, certain mark or touch-stone of a true de∣finition, that it meeteth with all doubts, and confronteth all errors broached against the nature of justification: first, the error of the Libertines, by that clause, every peni∣tent: secondly, of the Antinomians, in the clause, not imputing their sinne: thirdly, the Socinians, in the clause, perfect satisfaction: and lastly, the Arminians and Pa∣pists, in the last clause, imputing Christs righteousnesse, no habit or act of ours▪ no, not the act of faith. The testi∣monies of Scripture, because they are readie at hand to every one, I shall forbear to quote at this present and conclude with culling out of some passages of th•• ancient Fathers, the rather to confound our Romish adversaries, who putting on a brazen face, challenge the champions of our Faith to produce but one testimo∣nie of any Divine or Doctor of the Church, who taught, that a man was justified by another mans righ∣teousnesse, before Calvin or Luther. We accept of the challenge, and alledge first Iustin Martyr, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. O the inestimable and unex∣pected mercies of God! The transgression of many

is hid in one righteous One, and the righteous∣nesse of One acquitteth many. Ierom, ut nos efficeremu•• justitia Dei in ipso, non nostra, nec in nobis: that we might be made the righteousnesse of God in him, not ours, nor in us. August. serm. 6. de verb. Apost. Videte duo▪ justitia Dei, non nostra; in ipso, non in nobis: observe two things; it is Gods justice, not ours; and in him, not in us. Et tract. 3. in Iohan. Omnes qui ex Ad••mo in peccato, peccatores, omnes qui per Christum justificati, justi; non in se, sed i•• illo: all that are justified by Christ, are just, not in themselves, but in him. Et in Psal. 21. Mors Christi morte fugatur, & Christi nobis justitia imputatur: our death is put to flight by Christs death, and Christ his righteousnesse is imputed to us. Bernard. ad Mil. Temp. c. 12. Adae peccatum imputabitur mihi, & Christi justitia ad me non pertinebit? Adams sin is imputed to me, and shall not Christ his righteousnesse belong to me? Et Serm. 61. in Cant. Nempe factus es tu mihi, Christe, justitia à Deo: nunquid mihi verendum; ne una amb••∣bus non sufficiat? non est pallium breve, quod non possit operire duos; & te pariter & me operiet larga & aeterna justitia: thou, O Christ, art made righteousenesse unto me from God: need I fear lest thy righteousnesse, being but one, cannot suffice us both? it is no short or scantie cloak or garment, that cannot cover two; thy large and eternall justice or robe of righteousnesse, shall cover both thee and me.

M. Prolocutor,

* 5.1IUdicious and devout Calvin, alluding to the words of the Prophet, let us draw water out of the well•• of salvation,* 5.2 saith, nusquam legimus reprehens••s ••ui nimi∣um

de puteo aquae vivae hauserint: none ever were found fault with, for drawing too much out of the well of life. Sith then we have free libertie to draw, and the water is so precious and soveraign,* 5.3 the well so full and exubera••t, that, as S. Cyprian speaketh, quantumfidei capacis aff••rimus, tantum gratiae inundantis haurimus; we take up so much grace as our faith can hold or receive. I pro∣fesse, for my owne part, I had rather draw more out of this well then lesse: they who are onely for the im∣putation of Christs passive obedience, seem to me to draw bu•• one bu••kes full but they who are for the impu∣tation of both, two the former draw from thence only, pretium redemptionis, the price of our ransome; the o∣ther, meritum aeternae vitae, the merit of eternall life. But to leave all rhetoricall expressions, and handle th••s subtile question logically and scholastically.

First, we are to take notice of a double obedience of Christ; a generall, which he performed to the whole law through the whole course of his life: a speciall, which he performed to that particular command of his Father, to lay down his life for his sheep.

Secondly, when we speak of this generall and spe∣ciall obedience of Christ (which some tearm active and passive) though it be most true which Bernard saith, Christus in vita habuit actionem passivam; in morte passi∣onem activam: Christ in his life performed a passive action; in his death he sustained an active passion. It is confessed on all hands, that both are necessarie to justification, & that Christ performed both for us; but then we must distinguish of this tearm, for us; for it may either signifie bono nostre, only for our good and be∣hoof, or also loco nostro, in our stead and place; that Christ satisfied the punishment of the law, and fulfil∣led all the precepts thereof for us, that is, for our bene∣fit,

is not denyed by any: and therefore those texts, puer natus est nobis, & oportet nos implere omnem justitiam, & factus est sub lege ut eos redimeret; to us a Child is borne, and so we ought to fulfill all righteousnesse, and he was made under the law, that he might redeem those that were under the law, and the like might be spared; they are like the Lacedemonian swords, too short to reach their adversaries. But that he fulfilled the law, loco nostro, in our stead and place, that's denyed by Piscator and Vilenus; who conceive that the passive obe∣dience only is imputed to us, et implet utramque paginam, not the active. Their principall reasons are.

* 5.4First, Christ as man, being a creature, was bound to fulfill the law of his Creator for himselfe, other∣wise he had not been sacerdos inculpatus,* 5.5 a high Priest without blame▪ neither would his sufferings have steaded us: but, being an innocent man, he was not bound to satisfie for the breach of the law; that there∣fore is to be allowed to us which he did undergoe in our stead.

Secondly, the Scripture attributeth our redemp∣tion and reconciliation to the blood of Christ; Christs blood cleanseth us from all sin, 1 Io. 1, 9, and 6. Christ gave his flesh for the life of the world.

Thirdly, he that is freed from the guilt of all sins, of omission as well as commission, is to be reputed, as if he had fulfilled the law: for idem est esse iustum & insontem, it is all one to be a just and an innocent man. But by the imputation of Christs passive obedience we are freed from the guilt of all sin, as well of omissi∣on as commission, ergo &c.

Fourthly, if Christs active obedience be imputed to us, then there needs no remission of sins; for he

who is esteemed to have fulfilled the law, needs no forgivenesse for the breach it.

Fifthly, those who are freed from eternall death, of necessitie attain everlasting life: but by the impu∣tation of Christs passive obedience, we are freed from eternall death: ergo, by it we obtain everlasting life.

To the first, a three-fold answer may be given. First,* 5.6 that Christ, in regard of his hypostaticall union,* 5.7 was freed from all obligation of law, which otherwise had layen upon him, if he had been meer man. Secondly, ad∣mitting that Christ, as man, after he had taken upon him our nature, was bound to fulfill the law for him∣self; yet because he freely took upon him our na∣ture, and consequently this obligation for us, his dis∣charging it shall accrue to us: as if I freely enter into bond for another mans debt; if I discharge the bond, I both release my self and my friend. Thirdly, we must distinguish of a publike person and private; what a man doth as a private person, belongeth only to him∣self; but what he doth as a publike person, to himself and others.

To the second I answer,* 5.8 that either the blood & death of Christ are taken by a Synechdoche, for his entire o∣bedience, it being the coronis and crown of all; or that salvation and life is attributed to it, because it me∣rited for us the imputation of Christs active obedi∣ence also.

To the third, he that is freed from sinne of omissi∣on is in the state of an innocent, but not of a just man:* 5.9 he is indeed freed from all punishment, yet be∣cause he hath not actively fulfilled the law in the course of his life, he hath no good title to eternall life: by the law, hoc fac & vives, doe this and thou shalt

live; he that is guiltie of no sin of omission, is equiva∣lent to a just man, quoad liberationem à poena, but not quoad meritum aeternae vitae▪ in regard of freedom from punishment, but not in regard of the meriting eternall life; secundum quid, non simpliciter; in some respects, not simplie.

* 5.10To the fourth, Christs righteousnesse cannot be imputed to us, before we are assoyled of our sinnes. For it is not righteous with God, to accompt him righteous, who hath no way satisfied for his sinnes, neither by himselfe nor other: the captive must be first freed, before he be advanced to honour.

To the fifth, though it follow by the connexion of the causes of our salvation,* 5.11 that whosoever is freed frō eternall death, is stated in eternall life: yet it doth not follow that there is the same cause of both: as for ex∣ample, if you open the leaves of a window, the sunne∣beams shine into the roome; yet there is not one and the selfe same cause of opening the window, and the immission of the beams.

Thus I h••ve handled the poynt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by way of confutation: now 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by way of confirmation, I set to the proof thereof.

First, if justification be a distinct thing from redemp∣tion and satisfaction: then the imputation of Christs meer passive obedience will not suffice for our justifi∣cation: but they are distinct things, Dan. 9, 24. He shall make an end of sin, he shall make reconciliation for iniquitie, and bring in everlasting righteousnesse. 1 Cor. 1, 30. He is made to us, righteousnesse, and sanctification, and re∣demption.

Secondly, that which is imputed to us, is called righteousnesse, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rom. 5. but meer passive o∣bedience makes not a man righteous, but only pati∣ent, ergo, &c.

Thirdly, the fulfilling of the ceremoniall law is a different thing from Christs passive obedience; but that is imputed to us, by the reason which our adver∣saries bring, because Christ did not that for himself, in regard he had no sin; whereof all those legall acts were a kind of confession: and therefore it must be al∣lowed to us.

Fourthly, If part of Christs active obedience be imputed to us, why not the whole? But the adversaries confesse, that Christs voluntarie submitting himself to death, and offering up himself for a sacrifice to God (which are parts of his active obedience) are imputed to us: for otherwise his bare sufferings had not been meritorious, Ergo, his whole active obedi∣ence is imputed to us.

Fifthly, unlesse Christs actuall fulfilling of the law be imputed to us, we are debarred of eternall life, which is promised to none but such who in them∣selves or by Christ have fulfilled the law, according to those texts, fac hoc & vives: & si vis ad vitam in∣gredi, serva mandata: doe this and thou shalt live, and if thou wilt enter into life, keep the Commande∣ments.

If Christ were not bound to fulfill the law for him∣self, upon our adversaries own ground, his fulfilling the law must be imputed to us: but he was not bound to fulfill the law for himself. First, because he was not persona humana, & lex datur personae, non naturae; Christ was not a humane person, and the law is given to the person, not to the nature. Secondly, because as Son of man, he is Lord of the Sabbath, and so of the law. Thirdly, because he is the King of the Church, to prescribe lawes to his subjects, not to himself, and all power is given to him both in heaven and earth.

Lastly, because no man will say, that Christ in heaven hath any obligation upon him, yet there he hath his hu∣mane nature: that nature therefore, as in him it was hypostatically united to the deitie, was free from all tye in regard of himselfe; what he engaged himself was for us, and to be allowed on our accompt.

M. Prolocutor,

* 6.1AS S. Gregorie said, plus debeo Thomae, quam Petro, I a•• more indebted to Thomas then Peter▪ because his doubting of Christs resurrection occasioned a more sensible demonstration thereof then otherwise we should have had: so truly I may say, we are much be∣holding to him, who first moved the scruple concern∣ing the imputation of Christs sole satisfaction; for it hath occasioned the resolution, not onely of that doubt, but of many other concerning the communica∣tio idiomatum, the effects of the hypostaticall union, the nature of the law, and the faithfuls title to hea∣ven.

It is true, there hath been some clashing among the worthie Members of this Assemblie: but it hath been like the collision of steel and flint, whereby have been struck out many sparks of divine and saving truth. Nothing seemeth to me now to hinder the putting the question to the vote and determining it ex voto, ac∣cording to our desire, but the vindication of it from aspersions cast upon it by foure sorts of mis••reants, the Antinomians, the Papists, the Arminians, and Socini∣ans.

First, the Antinomians object, if Christs active righteousnesse be imputed unto us, then are not we bound to keep the law, because Christ hath kept it for us.

This objection may be assoyled with a double an∣swer: first, that this active obedience of Christ is imputed to none but true penitents. For though re∣pentance be no cause of our justification, yet it is conditio requisita in subjecto, a condition required in the subject▪ and to beleeve the remission of our sins, by imputation of Christs satisfaction and righteousnesse without a sincere and serious purpose to forsake all our transgressions, and walk in newnesse of life, is an act, not of Faith, but of presumption. Secondly, I grant, that Christs righteousnesse being imputed to us, we are not bound to fulfill the law hoc nomine to justify us before God, or procure us a title to the Kingdom of Heaven: but for other ends, namely, to glorifie God, obey his will, to testifie our thankful∣nesse to our Redeemer, to shew our faith by our works, to make our election sure to our selves, to a∣dorn our profession with a holy conversation, to a∣voyd scandall, and avert Gods judgements.

Secondly, the Papists object, if Christs active obe∣dience be imputed to us, then either the whole, or a part of it: not a part, for that will make us righteous but in part: not the whole, for then no other should have share in it, but our selves; and everie particular beleever should be as righteous as Christ himself, and everie o••e as another.

But this objection may be assoyled by a three-fold answer. First, there is a double totum or whole, totum extra quod nihil est, & totum cui nihil deest: a whole out of which there is nothing; as the whole water is in the basin; and a whole to which nothing is wanting, as the whole soul is in every part of the body; for the soul is tota in toto, and tota in qualibet parte. Christs

whole obedience in the first sense is imputed to us, not in the second. 2. All believers, according to the speech of Luther, are aeque justi ratione justitiae imputatae, equally just in respect of imputed justice, though not inhaerentis, of inherent; in respect of passive, not active righteousnesse. Thirdly, aeque pronunciamur justi, ut Christus; we are equally pronounced just, as Christ; that is, we are as truely acquitted and absolved as he; sed non pronunciamur aeque justi, but not pronounced e∣qually just: for his justice was inherent, ours imputed; his from himself, ours from him; his of infinite worth, sufficient to justifie all beleevers; ours of finite, and sufficient only for our selves.

The Arminians object, if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 credere, or the very act of believing justifie us, then not Christs imputed righteousnesse. But the very act of believing justifieth, as the Apostle saith, Abraham beleeved, and it was counted to him for righteousnesse. To this I an∣swer, that saith may be considered either ratione actus, or ratione objecti, in regard of the act, or of the object. Faith justifieth not ratione actus, for then some work should justifie; but ratione objecti, not in regard of the act, but in regard of the object; as the spoon feeds the child, in regard of the milk in it; and the chirurgions hand heals, in regard of the playster he applies: those that were healed by looking upon the brazen serpent, were not cured by the sharp∣nesse of their sight, for the purblind were as well hea∣led as the sharp-sighted, but by a supernaturall vertue at that time given to the object, the brazen serpent, a type of Christ.

4. The Socinians object, God doth not justifie man by an act of injustice: but it is injustice to punish one man for another, or attribute one mans righteousnesse

to another: for, justitiae est suum cuique tribuere, it is the office or property of justice to give to every man his owne; therefore we are not justified by the imputati∣on of Christs active or passive obedience. But this objection may be assoyled with a double answer. First it is not against justice, but agreeable to justice, to lay the debt or penalty of one man upon another, in case that one man voluntarily undertake for the other▪ and becomes his surety: as it was just to lay Cimon in the gaol for his father Miltiades debt, after he ingaged himself for it, and made it his own: neither was it un∣just to put out one of Zaleuchus his eyes for his sons adulterie, after hee undertook to satisfie for his son, and to save him one eye, who otherwise should have lost both. Secondly when God imputes Christs righteousnesse unto us, he gives us our own, namely, that which Christ hath purchased for us by his death: and secondly in regard of our union with Christ, whatsoever is Christs in this kind, is ours, and Ro▪ 5. he that hath given Christ to us, hath given his righte∣ousnesse also.

M. Prolocutor,

THe Roman orator in his oration pro Sex••o Roscio Amerino writeth of Caius Fimbria,* 7.1 that he indicted Q. Scaevola upon a strange point, that he would not suffer himself to be slain out-right by him, diem Scae∣volae dixit, quod non totum ••elum corpore recepisse••; accu∣sed Scaevola, for not receiving his whole weapon into his body: methinks some of our brethren put in a like bill against us, that we suffer them not to have a full and fair blow at us; quod non tota t••la argumentorum rec••piamus, that we receive not the weapons of their

arguments whole & entire, I will therefore propound their arguments, as neer as I can remember, in their own words to the best advantage, and then return a punctuall answer unto them. If any of their arro••s be headed, if any of their s••ords be keen edged and sharp pointed, if any of their arguments have acumen & robur, sharpnesse and strength, they are these five following.

Every humane creature is bound to fulfill the Law of God for himself jure creationis,* 7.2 by the right of creation. But Christ is a humane creature, ergo he was bound to fulfill the Law of God for himselfe, and con∣sequently he fulfilled it not in our stead.

To the consequence inferred upon the conclusion of this Syllogism, I have spoken heretofore. I now answer to the Syllogism it self, by distinguishing of humana creatura, a humane creature, which may be ta∣ken either ratione naturae onely, or ratione personae also; which may be so tearmed, either in regard of the na∣ture, or the person: every humane creature ratione naturae & personae, that is, such a creature as hath not only humane nature but a humane person also, is bound to fulfill the morall Law for himself: but Christ was not so; he had a humane nature, but no humane person. Now we know, Lex datur personae, the Law is given to the person, Thou shalt doe this, or thou shalt not doe that.

* 7.3In the accompt of the law, and all judiciarie pro∣ceedings, it is all one to be insons & justus, to be guilt∣lesse and righteous: but by the imputation of Christs satisfaction we are accompted guiltlesse before God: ergo righteous and fully justified.

I answer: There are two sorts of causes in courts of justice, criminall and civill; in criminall it is true,

idem est esse insontem & justum, it is all one to be ac∣compted innocent, and just: but not in civill, where justice hath a respect to reward: and in that regard, a guiltlesse man is not necessarily a just man, that is, a deserving man. It was not sufficient for Demosthenes to plead for Ctesiphon, that he was a harmelesse man, and therefore ought in justice to have the crown; but he proves that he was a deserving man, and by the law ought to have it as his due.

Thirdly, Justification is a judiciary act opposite to condemnation;* 7.4 but imputation of active obedi∣dience is no judiciary act opposite to condemnati∣on, ergo, &c.

God is said to be a righteous judge,* 7.5 not only in respect of inflicting punishment rightly, but also in confer∣ring rewards and crowns of glory▪ & justification hath respect to both, for there are two questions put to us at Gods tribunall; first, what hast thou to say for thy self, why thou shouldst not be condemned to hels tor∣ments? the answer is, I confesse I have deserved them by my sins; but Christ hath satisfied for me: the second question is, what canst thou plead why thou shouldst in justice receive a crown of glory, sith thou hast not fulfilled the law? the answer is, Christ hath fulfilled the law for me: both these are expressed by Anselm in his book de modo visitandi infirmos; si dixerit, meruisti damnationem; dic, Domine, mortem Domini nostri Iesu Chri∣sti obtendo inter me & mala merita mea; ipsiusque meritum ••ffero pro merit••, quod ego debuissem habere, nec habeo; if he, saith thou hast deserved damnation, answer thou, I set Christs death between me and my ill deserts, or wicked works▪ and I offer his merit for that merit which I should have, but of my self I have not.

Fourthly,* 7.6 all they who are freed from the guilt of

all sins of omission as well as commission, are ac∣compted as absolutely righteous before God▪ but by the imputation of Christs meer passive obedience we are freed from the guilt of all sins, of omission as well as commission, ergo, &c.

I answer: This argument is a plain fallacie a dicto secundum quid ad simpliciter,* 7.7 from that which is said to be so in some respect, to that which is simplie so: he that is free from the guilt of the sin of omission, is as if he were righteous secundum quid, in some respect; that is, in regard of punishment and guilt, but not as a righteous man simplie, who hath a good title to a crown of glorie. For the taking away of guilt doth not necessarily put merit. Adam at the first moment of his creation was guiltlesse, yet had no merit which he might pretend as a title to the Kingdom of Hea∣ven.

* 7.8Fifthly, every doctrine of Faith ought to be founded upon Gods Word; but our pretending a title to the Kingdom of Heaven, by the imputation of Christs active obedience, hath no foundation in Gods Word, ergo, &c.

* 7.9It hath foundation in Gods Word; namely; in these texts, fac hoc & vives; si vis ad vitam ingredi▪ ser••a mandata, doe this and thou shalt live; and if thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandements: and we establish the law by faith; and these shall walk with me in white robes, for they are worthy: upon these foundations we build this fort for truth; none may enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, who have not some way fulfilled the law (fac hoc & vives) and that in the rigour thereof, exactly and perfectly; but all true beleevers enter into the Kingdom of Heaven; and I subsume (they have not fulfilled the law exactly and

perfectly in their own persons.) Ergo, they have ful∣filled it by their suretie. Christ his fulfilling the law therefore is imputed to them.

Concerning the resolve of the Assemblie, that the whole obedience of Christ is imputed to everie beleever.

M. Prol••cutor,

THe expression agreed upon by the Assemblie,* 8.1 seemes liable to three exceptions, redundancie, deficiencie, and noveltie: redundancie, in the word whole; deficiencie, in the word obedience; and novel∣tie, in the word imputed: as Tertullian saith of the serpent, quot colores tot dolores; so we may say here, quot literae tot liturae.

The first exception is of redundancie: for within the accompt of the whole obedience of Christ commeth his obedience to the ceremoniall law, which yet is not imputed to us, because we ought no obedience to it; it was no part of our debt, and therefore our sure∣tie his laying it down commeth not upon our ac∣compt.

The second exception is of deficiencie in the word obedience, for it falls short of that which is imputed to us. For Christs originall righteousnesse is not com∣prised under either his active or passive obedience; yet that also must be imputed to us, as Beza elegantly de∣monstrateth, putting the case thus: we were accompta∣ble to the divine justice for three things, originall corruption, sins of omission, and sins of commissi∣on.

To this three-fold maladie a three-fold remedie

was to be applyed: to our originall sins, Christs ori∣ginall righteousnesse: to sins of omission, Christs active: to sins of commission, his passive obedience. If the accuser of the brethren article against us at Christs bar, thou wert conceived and born in sin: the answer is, but my mediators conception and birth was without sin; if he article, thou hast omitted many duties of the law: the answer is, Christ hath fulfilled the law for me; if he article in the third place, thou hast committed many actuall sins against the law: the answer is, Christ hath satisfied for them by his death and passion.

The third exception is of noveltie: for the impu∣tation of Christs active and passive obedience was ne∣ver defined for dogma fidei, a doctrine of faith, till the Synods held at Gap and Privase in our memorie. But these aspersions may be easily washed away thus.

First, though we were not bound to the ceremoni∣all law, yet the Iewes were: to whom this obedience of Christ was necessarily to be imputed, and this seemeth to be the decision of the Apostle, Gal. 4, 4. Made un∣der the law, to redeem them that were under the law.

Secondly, though Christs originall righteousnesse were most requisite in him to qualifie him to be both our high Priest and sacrifice, that he might be an im∣maculate lamb and an high Priest separated from sinners; and though this originall righteousnesse hath influence into our birth, to cleanse it: yet, as Rivetus acutely observeth, it was not properly the work of Christ, but of the holy-Ghost sanctifying him in the womb, and in that regard not to be imputed to us as any act of our mediator.

Thirdly, though in the Synods above named the controversies which arose about this point, first be∣tween

Piscator and Rivet, and after between Moulin and Tilenus, were determined; yet the doctrine it self was much more ancient: For besides the testimonies of Bernard, exhortat▪ ad templ. Chrys. 2. Cor. 5. Aug. in Psal. 21. and Iustin Martyr in quaest. heretofore al∣ledged by me, Tilenus himself confesseth that it was Luthers opinion: and Calvin is expresse for it, in ep. ad Rom. 3. v. 31. Cum ad Christum ventum est, in eo invenitur exacta legis justitia quae per imputationem fit nostra; when we come to Christ, in him we find the exact justice of the law, which by imputation is made ours. And so is Peter Martyr, in ep. ad Rom. c. 8. Iustitia Christi qua lex impleta fuit, illorum jam est justitia, & illis à Deo imputatur: Christ his righteousnesse, by which the law is fulfilled, is now their righteousnesse, and impu∣ted to them by God. And Vrsin. Catech. Perfecta satis∣factio, justitia & sanctitas Christi mihi imputatur: Christ his perfect satisfaction, justice and holinesse, is impu∣ted to me. And Hemmingius de justif. art. 2. Iustificatio hominis est credentis in Christum absolutio à peccato propter mortem Christi, & imputatio justitiae Christi: justifica∣tion is the acquitting of a beleever from sinne for the death of Christ, and the imputation of Christs righ∣teousnesse. And the Magdeburgenses, Cent. 1. l. 2. Iustitio, quam Deus impio imputat, est totum opus quod Christus mediator noster pro toto genere humano praestitit: all which Christ our mediatour did for all man∣kind is the righteousnesse which God imputeth to a sinner.

But here me thinks I heare those who are most active in the Assembly for the imputation of the meer pas∣sive obedience of Christ, like the Tribunes among the Romans, ••b••unciare & intercedere, that they may hinder and stop the decree of the Assembly, alledging, that

though some of the ancient Fathers, and not a few of the reformed Doctors cast in their white stone among ours: yet that we want his suffrage, who alone hath the turning voice in all debates of this kind, and that according to our protestation made at our first meet∣ing we ought to resolve upon nothing in matter of faith, but what we are perswaded hath firm and sure ground in Scripture: and howsoever some texts have been alledged for the imputation of both active and passive obedience, yet that at our last sitting they were wrested from us, and all inferences from thence cut off, all the re-doubts & forts built upon that holy ground sleighted: it will import therefore very much those who stand for the affirmative part to recruit the forces of truth, and make up the breaches in our forts made by the adversaries batteries.

First, our first fort is built upon Rom. 5.18, 19. after this manner:* 8.2 if we are made righteous by the obedience of Christ, his entire obedience must needs be imputed to us. But we are made righteous by the obedience of Christ, as the Apostle affirmeth in the text quoted. Therefore Christs obedience must needs be imputed to us.

* 8.3In this fort they make a breach thus: by obedience the Apostle here understandeth that speciall obedi∣ence which Christ performed to the commandement of his Father, for laying down his life for his sheep; of which the Apostle speaketh, Phil. 2.8. He became obe∣dient to death, even to the death of the crosse: therefore this text maketh nothing for the imputation of Christs active obedience.

* 8.4But First, the breach is thus repaired: the word in the former verse is not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is ne∣ver

taken in Scripture for suffering, or meer passive obedience.

Secondly, the Apostle saith, loc. supra. cit. many are made righteous; and righteousnesse came upon all to justi∣fication of life; and Christ is the end of the law for righteousnesse; and the abundance of grace, and gift of righteousnesse shall reign by one Jesus Christ: but no man is said to have justification of life, or abundance of grace, and the gift of righteousnesse, or to be made righteous, by suffering only: for the willing undergo∣ing of punishment satisfieth the law but in part; it denominateth a man patient, but not absolutely righ∣teous. Christ himself was not righteous only in re∣gard of his sufferings; and therefore the imputation of them only unto us will not make us formally righ∣teous, though it fully acquitteth us from all punish∣ment.

Thirdly, the obedience here mentioned is set in opposition to Adams disobedience: but Adams diso∣bedience was active: therefore Christs obedience must be active.

This argument may be illustrated by S. Bernards paraphrase, ad exhort, ad Templar. c. 11. ablato peccato, redit justitia; porro mors Chrsti m••rte fugatur, & Christi nobis justitia imputatur: plus potuit Adam in malo, quam Christus in bono? Adae peccatum imputabitur mihi, & Christi justitia ad me non pertinobit? Sin being taken away, righteousnesse returns; moreover, death is put to flight by the death of Christ, and Christs righteous∣nesse is imputed unto us: could Adam more hurt us by sin, then Christ benefit us by righteousnesse? Shall the sin of Adam be imputed to me and shall the righteous∣nesse of Christ no way belong unto me, or I have no interest in it?

Our second fort is built upon 2 Cor. 1.30. after this manner.* 8.5 If Christ be made unto us righteousnesse, as righteousnesse is distinguished from redemption, then Christs active obedience is imputed to us as well as his passive. But Christ is made to us righteousnesse and sanctification, as they are distinct things from re∣demption, or satisfaction (as the letter of the text importeth, he is made to us of God righteousnesse, sanctification, and redemption.) Ergo, Christs active obedience is imputed to us as well as his passive.

* 8.6In this fort they make a breach thus: Christ is made to us righteousnesse, as he is made wisdom, for so run∣neth the text; Christ is made to us of God wisdom, and righteousnesse, &c. But he is not made to us wisdom, by imputing his wisdom unto us▪ but by instructing us, and making us wise to salvation; there∣fore neither is he said to be made righteousnesse to us, because his righteousnesse is imputed to us; but because he sanctifieth us, and maketh us by his grace righteous and holy. But the breach is thus repaired.

* 8.7First, whatsoever Christ is made unto us, he is made perfectly such unto us; else we shall lay a defect upon him, who is perfection it self. But Christ is not made perfectly wisdom, or sanctification, or righteousnesse to us, save onely by imputing his own righteousnesse, and wisdom, and holinesse to us, which are most per∣fect: for, as for our inherent righteousnesse, and holi∣nesse, and wisdom they are imperfect and defective; as all confesse, save Papists and Pelagians.

Secondly, Christ is so made righteousnesse to us, as he is made redemption: for so carrieth the letter; Christ is made to us righteousnesse, and redemption. But he is made redemption unto us, by imputing his passive obedience; therefore in like manner he is made

righteousnesse unto us, by imputing the active obedi∣ence. Yea but, say they, Christs wisedom is not im∣puted to us: I answer, it is, and it covers our follies and errors, as his righteousnesse doth our sins; and by vertue thereof we are acompted wise unto salvation; and for proof of this exposition I alledge an Author of greatest authoritie next the Apostles, Clemens Ro∣manus in his for••er Epistle ad Corinth. so highly cry∣ed up by all the antients, p. 41. Non per nos ipsos justifi∣cam••r, neque per sapentiam nostram, intelligentiam▪ pieta∣tem, aut opera, quae in puritate cordis & sanctimonia opera∣ti sumus; sed per fidem, per quam omnipotens Deus omnes ab in∣itio justificavit: we are not justified by our wisedom or godlinesse, &c. but by faith by which God justified all from the beginning.

Thirdly, our third fort is built upon 2 Cor. 5, 21. after this manner:* 8.8 those who are made the righteousnesse of God in Christ must needs have Gods righteousnesse imputed unto them. But Gods righteousnes in Christ is the perfect fulfilling of the law, ergo, the perfect fulfilling of the law is imputed to us.

In this fort they make a breach thus. By sin is here meant a sacrifice for sin:* 8.9 and it is granted on all hands that Christ was made a sacrifice for sin, that we might be accompted righteous before God; and this maketh for the imputation of the passive, but not the active obedience of Christ.* 8.10 But the breach is thus repai∣red.

First, there is no necessitie of expounding here sin by this glosse, a sacrifice for sin: the words will carrie as well another interpretation, namely, that as Christ was reputed a sinner for us, or in our stead: so we are ac∣compted righteousnesse in him▪ But our sins are no way in him but by imputation, therefore his righte∣ousnesse

also is in us by imputation; and this is the current sense which we find in the expositions of the antient Fathers, Chrys. in hunc locum, p. 322. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. he said not righteous, but righte∣ousnesse; for that righteousnesse he speaks of is Gods, since it is not of works; and it is such in which there must be no stain, or spot, which cannot be inherent but imputed: he made the just to be unjust, that the unjust might be made just, and S. Aug. in Psal. 21. delicta no∣stra sua delicta feci••,* 8.11 ut justitiam suam nostram justitiam faceret: he made our sins his sins, that he might make his righteousnesse our righteousnesse.

Secondly, admit we take sin for sacrifice for sin in this place, this very interpretation rather strength∣neth then weakneth the former argument: for that righteousnesse which is said to be in Christ would ne∣ver have been ours,* 8.12 if his death had not been a sacrifice for our sins: thus therefore I collect the argument out of this place.

The righteousnesse which is in Christ can be no otherwise ours then by imputation; but the righte∣ousnesse here spoken of is the righteousnesse in Christ; ergo, it cannot be ours any other way then by imputa∣tion.

Thirdly, Christs sufferings are not properly his righteousnesse, though he who suffered were righteous, nay righteousnesse it self: neither are these sufferings now in Christ, but his active obedience and holinesse is truely and properly righteousnesse, and it remains in him; and is that eternall righteousnesse spoken of by the prophet Daniel, (c. 9, v. 14.) he shall take away sin, and bring everlasting righteousnesse.

* 8.13Our fourth fort is built upon Col. 2, 10. after this

manner: if all the faithfull are compleat in Christ, as the Apostle here affirmeth, we are compleat in him in whom dwelleth the fullnesse of the God-head; then Christ supplyeth whatsoever is otherwayes defective in them, and yet required of them. But the perfect fulfilling of the law is required of them, which they cannot doe in their owne persons; ergo, Christs fulfilling it for them is imputed to them.

In this fort they make a breach thus:* 8.14 whatsoever we were bound to doe, Christ hath done for us, either in specie, or per aequivalentiam; in kind, or in value: ac∣cording to which distinction, although the fulfilling of the law be not imputed to us in speci••i yet it is▪ per aequivalentiam, because his satisfaction is imputed to us▪ and so there is no defect in us, because no man is bound both to fulfill the law, and satisfie the breach thereof: we therefore having satisfied for the breach of the law are accompted as if we had fulfilled the law. But the breach is thus repaired.

No man who standeth rectus in curiâ,* 8.15 as Adam did in his innocencie, or the Angels before they were con∣firmed in grace, is bound both to fulfill the law, and to satisfie for the violation thereof; but to the one or to the other, to fulfil only the law primarily, & to satisfie for not fulfilling it in case he should transgresse; but that is not our present case. For we are all born and conceived in sinne, and by nature are the children of wrath, and are guiltie as well of Adams actuall trans∣gression as our own corruption of nature drawn from his loyns. Therefore first we must satisfie for our sinne, and then by our obedience lay claim to life, according as it is offered us by God in his law, fac hoc & viv••s, doe this and live. Now we grant freely that Christs death is sufficient for the satisfactorie

part; but, unlesse his active obedience be imputed to us, we have no plea or title at all to eternall life. To illustrate this by a lively similitude, and such an one to which the Apostle himself elsewhere alludes. In the Olympian games he that overcame received a crown of gold or silver, or a garland of flowers, or some other prize or badge of honour; but he that was over∣come, besides the losse of the prize, forfeited some∣thing to the keeper of the games. Suppose then some friend of his should pay his forfeiture, will that intitle him to his garland? Certainly no, unlesse he prove masteries again, and in another race out-strip his ad∣versarie, he must goe away crownlesse. This is our case by Adams transgression and our own: we have incurred a forfeiture, or penaltie; this is satisfied by the imputation of Christs passive obedience: but unlesse his active be also imputed to us, we have no plea or claim at all to our crown of glory; for we have not in our own persons so ru••, that we might obtain.

* 8.16After this speech the Divines cryed generally to the Vote, and though some few of eminent parts in the Assemblie dissented, yet far the major part resolved for the affirmative; but before the close D. F. produced an advice of King James of blessed memorie directed to an Assemblie of Divines at Privase in France, for the deciding the present Controversie which here followeth.

Consilium serenissimi principis, Iacobi, Magnae Britanniae Regis, de controversia sequente sopienda.

FEcit Deus (inquit Solomon) hominem rectum, sed ipse infinitis se immiscuit quaestionibus. Cujus sententiae veritas hinc elucet, quod tam infinitae indies oriantur controversiae, quae tantum ad turbandam ecclesiae pacem spargi ubique videntur. Inter quas haec nupera non ante quadraginta annos nata, & qua car uit ecclesia an∣nis mille quadringentis sexaginta, nec quicquam inde tulit d••trimenti; nunc vero inter duos doctissimos viros tan•• acriter ventilata potest re∣censeri, utrum scilicet passiva Christi obedientia, qua vitam pro ovibus speciali mandato posuit, tantum nobis imputetur ad justi••iam; vel simul cum passivâ, activa etiam qua se legi obedientem praestitit.

Hanc quaestionem & quae inde emanant necessariò, quarum specimen in propositionibus Molinaei, & oppositionibus Tileni cer••ere licet, nec generatim discutere, nec particulatim examinare nobis est propositum: sed ex iis tantum quae legimus ipsi, & coram audivimus, consilium da∣bimus, quale fidei defensorem non dedecere arbitramur. Et hoc qui∣dem illud erit; nempe, ut ipsa penitus sepeliatur quaestio cum omnibus inde emergentibus, & cum fas••••i•• & linteis quibus revinctum erat & involutum Christi corpus, in sepulchro relinquatur, ab iis presertim qui se cum Christo resurrexisse profitentur; ut, relictis impedimentis omni∣bus, òmnes simul in perfectum virum in Christo coalescamus: ne forte nimium altercando infantem vivum, quod indulgens mater non passa est, discindere; aut inco•• sutilem Christi tunicam, quod crudelis non tulit miles, divider•• videamur.

Haec consilii nostri summa: cuius ratio haec est, quaestio quod plan•• nova si••▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 necessaria prioribus seculis inaudita, a conciliis non desi∣nita a patribus non tractata, nec denique a scholasticis ipsis agitata. Apage ergo.

Deinde si utraque pars litigantium vel ab ipsis doct••ssimorum theo∣logorum sententiis ab utrisque alla••is stare▪ vel in ecclesiarum judiciis quae ab ipsis utrinque afferuntur acquiescere vellet, non alio opus esset

arbitro; cum & ipsi, ut ex eorum scriptis apparet, jam inter se consense∣rint ultro, & faelicissimum quaestioni finem imposuerint·

Proinde hortamur ac amicè monemus ne deinceps sina••t hasce con∣troversias latiùs serpere; prae om••ibus, praelo ut abstineant, & scriptis hinc i••de pol••micis huic siti fomenta ne ministrent: denique ut fidele sit utrinque silemium, cum edificationi non serviant▪ nec al•••• tenda••t qua•• ad dissociandos hominum animos in reliquis fidei capitibus consent••en∣tium: quibus omnibus, si unquam alias, tum hisce praesertim temporibu•• summa pax & concordia est summè necessaria.

Sint igitur m••mores plus semper tribuendum esse charitatis studio, quam scienti••e victoriae, secundum illud Apostoli: solliciti servare unita∣tem spiritus in vinculo pacis, & publico ecclesiae commodo privatam non anteferre gloriam.

JACOBUS Rex.

The advice of the most Gracious Prince, James, King of great Britain, for the quieting and composing the ensuing Controversie.

* 10.1GOd made man upright, saith Solomon, but he found out many inventions: the truth whereof hence appeares, that there dayly grow such infinite controversies which seem to tend to no other end, then to disturb the peace of the Church. Among which this late question sprung up within these fortie years, which the Church of God knew not of for 1460 years and sustained thereby no detriment, but now hath been eagerly argued between two most learned men, may be ranked; whether the passive obedience of Christ, whereby he layd down his life for his sheep by the speciall command of his Father, be only imputed to us for righteousnesse, or together with the passive the active also whereby he render'd himself obedient to the law. This question, and those that necessa∣rily arise from it, (a glimpse whereof we may see in the propositions of Molinaeus, and the oppositions of Tilenus) we have no mind ei∣ther in generall to discusse, or in particular to sca••. But out of those things which we have read our selves, or heard from others in our presence, we will give such advice as we think will not mis-beseem the Defender of the faith. And that is this: to wit, that this que∣stion

be altogether buried with those that depend upon it, and be left in the grave with the napkin and the linnen cloths wherein the body of Christ was wrapt, especially by them who professe them∣selves to be risen with Christ: that, all impediments being removed, we may all grow unto a perfect man in Christ Jesus: lest perad∣venture by too much wrangling we seem to cut in two the living child, which the tender-hearted mother would not endure; or di∣vide the seamlesse coat of Christ, which the cruell souldier would not suffer. This is the substance of what we shall advise: the reason whereof is, because it is a question altogether new, and not necessa∣rie, unheard of in former ages, not determined in any Councell, not handled by the fathers not disputed in the schools. Away with it therefore. Moreover, if both parties now contesting would ei∣ther stand to the judgements of most learned Divines alleadged by both sides, or would test satisfied in the determinations of the churches urged by both, there needed no other Arbitrator; seeing they themselves, as appears by their writings, agree of their own accord, and have alreadie brought it to an happie issue.

Therefore we exhort and friendly advise you that you suffer not these controversies to spread any further: above all, that you keep from the presse, and adde not fuell to this fire by polemicall tra∣ctates.

Lastly, that there be faithfull silence on both sides: seeing they tend not to edification, nor serve to any other purpose then to distract m••ns minds otherwise consenting in all chief poynts of faith. To whom, if ever, especially in these dayes perfect concord is most necessarie. Let them therefore remember that they ought rather to strive to preserve charitie then to gain victorie according to that of the Apostle; endeavouring to keep the unitie of the spirit in the bond of peace; and not to prefer their private glorie before the publique good of the Church.

D. F. his speech before the Assemblie of Divines, concerning the new League and COVENANT.

M. Prolocutor,

OUr brethren of Scot••and desire a resolution from this Assemblie concerning the necessitie and law∣fulnesse of entring into this new league; and how can we resolve them if we be not resolved our selves, as some of us are not? I shall therefore humblie offer to your serious consideration whether it be not fit to qualifie the word Prelacie when it is ranked with poperie and superstition, after this manner: I will en∣deavour the extirpation of poperie, and all anti∣christian, tyrannicall, or independent prel••cie; for otherwise by abjuring prelacie, absolutely some of us shall swear to forswear our selves. For prelacie, as also hierarchie, in the former and better ages of the Church were taken in the better part; hierarchie signifing nothing but a holy rule or government, and prelacie the preeminencie of one in the Church above another. Prelation is a relatio disquiparantiae, and prae∣lati are relati to those over whom they are set; who may be either the flock, or the pastors themselves; if the flock, in that sense all that have charge of souls may be truely c••lled praelati, viz. gregi; for they are set o∣ver them to be their over-seers and spirituall rulers, Act. 8, 28. 1 Pet. 5▪ 2. Heb. 13, 17, 24, 1 Tim. 5.17. In this sense both S. Gregory and Bernard take the word; praelati non quae sua sunt, sed quae domini, quaerant: & non pa∣stores, sed impostores; non doctores, sed seductores; non praelati, sed Pilati: let prelates not seek their own, but those things which are the Lords; now adays we have not teachers, but seducers; not shepheards, but deceivers; not pre∣lates,

but Pilat••; in which sentence, teachers, pastors and prelates are ranked together, as signifying the same persons: in which elegant antanaclasis you hear that doctors, pastors, and prelates, are a kind of synono∣ma's. In this sense, if we condemn prelates, and vote their extirpation, we shall with one breath blow all the Divines that have cure of souls, not only out of this Assemblie, but out of their Parsonages, & Vicarid∣ges also. But if praelati are here in this covenant taken in reference to pastors themselves, and ministers of the Gospel, and thereby such are mean•• only who are praepositi clero, set over Clergie-men themselves, as ha∣ving not only some precedencie to, but authoritie over the rest: neither in this sense may we piously swear the eradication of them. For there are classes in the Netherlands, Intendents and Super-indendents in Germanie, Presidents in the reformed Synods in France, and Masters, Provosts, and Heads of Colledges, and Halls in our Universities, who have a kind of prelacie and authoritie over the fellows and students, whereof the major part are Divines, and in holy orders. Here I conceive it will be said, that none of these are aimed at, but only Diocesan Bishops alreadie banished out of Scotland, and prelates indeed they are in a more e∣minent degree; and if prelacie be restrained to them, it is Episcopacie that is principally shot at, to the extir∣pation whereof I dare not yeeld my vote or suffrage, lest this new Oath intangle me in perjurie. For both my self and all, who have received orders in this King∣dom, by the imposition of Episcopall hands, have free∣ly engaged our selves by oath to obey our Ordinarie, and to submit to his godly judgement, and in all things lawfull and honest to receive his commands; if then we now swear to endeavour the abolishing of Epsco∣pacy,

we swear to renounce our canonicall obedience, that is, as I apprehend, we swear to forswear our selves.

It is true that the Dr was furnished with many other reasons for episcopacy, besides these; and of some he gave a hint in the assembly it self upon other occasi∣ons, as namely.

SECT. VIII. Sixteen reasons for episcopall government.

THat the name of episcopacy, even as it signifieth a degree of eminency in the Church, is a sacred and venerable title: first in holy scripture ascribed to our blessed Redeemer▪ who as he is do∣minus dominantium,* 11.1 lord of lords, so also episcopus episcoporum, bishop of bishops, the shepheard and bishop of all our souls: next to the Apostles, whose office in the Church is stiled by the holy Ghost E∣piscope a bishoprick, let another take his bishoprick, though it be translated, let another take his office; yet the originall signifies not an office at large, but an episcopall function, that office which Iuda•• lost, and Matthias was elected into, which was the office and digni∣tie of an Apostle: * 11.2 lastly to those whom the Apostles set over the Churches, as namely to Timothy and Titus, who in the subscription of the Apostles letters divinely inspired are stiled Bishops▪ in the restrained sense of the word, 2 Tim. 4. written from Rome to Ti∣moth••us, the first bishop elected of the church of Ephesus and to Titus, the first elect Bishop of the church of the Cretians: how ancient these subscriptions are, it is not certain among the learned, if they bear not the same date with the Epistles themselves (the contrary wherof neither is nor can be demonstra∣ted) yet they are undoubtedly very ancient, and of great authority, and in them the word bishop cannot be taken at large for any mi∣nister or presbyter, but for a singular person in place and dignitie a∣bove other pastors; for there were many other presbyters in Ephe∣sus both before and besides Timothy, Acts 20.27.18, and in the Island of Creet or Candie there must of necessity be more then one pastor or minister. Besides, S. Paul investeth Timothy in episcopall

power, making him a judge of presbyters, both to rebuke them, 1 Tim. 5.1. and to prefer and reward them, ver. 17. and to censure them ver. 19. Against an elder receive no accusation, but under two or three witnesses; and he giveth to Titus expressely both potesta∣tem ordinis & jurisdictionis, of order and jurisdiction; of order in those words c. 1.5. That thou shouldst ordain elders in every citie; and of jurisdiction, I left thee in Creet that thou shouldst continue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to correct or redresse the things that remained▪ or those things which the Apostle before intended to amend, but had not redressed.

2. The Angels of the seven churches, Apoc. 10.20. were no other in the judgement of the best learned * 11.3 commentators both ancient and later then the bishops of those sees, for in those provinces or territories there cannot be conceived to be lesse then many hun∣dred ordinary preachers and pastors; yet there were but seven pre∣cisely answering to the seven golden candlesticks: seven candlesticks, seven lights burning in them, these can be no other then seven prime pastors, who had the oversight of the rest: for the errors and abu∣ses in all those churches are imputed to them, and they reproved for not redressing them, c. 2.14. Thou hast them that maintain the doctrine of Baalam, and v. 20. Thou sufferest the * 11.4 woman Iezebel to teach &c.

3. It is confessed by Molinaeus, and other learned patrons of pres∣byteriall government themselves, that episcopacy is a plant, either set in the church by the Apostles themselves, or their immediate successors in the first and best ages of the Church; and is it agree∣able to piety to swear the extirpation of such a plant?

4. It cannot be denyed, that when the Church most flourished, and was of far larger extent then now it is, over the face of the christian world; there was no * 11.5 other government then episcopacy regulated by divine precepts▪ and ecclesiasticall canons: and shall we swear to extirpate that government under the which the church most thrived and flourished? Shall we swear against our prayers, viz. for the rooting out of that, upon which we are enjoyned to pray God to pour down the dew of his blessing? surely the dew of heaven burns not the root of any plant upon earth, but waters it and makes it grow.

5. They were bishops who had the chiefest hand, first in the plan∣tation of christian religion in the dayes of Lucius, king of Bri∣tain;

and after in the ••estitution in the days of Etheldred King of Kent; and in the reformation of it in the reign of Edward the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Queen Elizabeth and is it a religiou•• act to e••adicate tha•• govern∣ment and power whi••h both planted and pr••ned religion it 〈◊〉〈◊〉?

6. Christ died not intestate, he made his last Will and Testa∣ment, and by it bequeathed many legacies ••o his Church, and among them not onely catholike doctrine, but di••cipline also: thi•• discipline, if it be not Episcopall government moderated by Evan∣gelicall and Apostolicall rules, the whole Church is guiltie of the losse of a sacred and precious jewell: for certain it is out of re∣cords of all ages of the Church, that no other wa•• ever retained, or can be found save thi•• before the religious reformer and magistrates of Geneva having banished their Popish Bishops, were after a sort necessitated to draw a new plat-forme of Ecclesiasticall discipline by Lay-Elders. Christ, as the Apostle teacheth us▪ was faithfull in the house of God as Moses: and if Moses, after his fortie dayes speech with God on the mount▪ received a pattern from God▪ and delive∣red it to the Iewes, not only of doctrine but of discipline also, which continued till Christs comming in the flesh; it cannot be conceived, but that Christ lest a pattern of government to his Church, to continue till the end of the world▪ and doubtlesse, his Apostles with whom he conversed forty dayes after his resurrecti∣on, speaking of those things which appertain to the kingdom of God, Acts 3.1. delivered that to the Church which they received from their Master. What government or discipline was that? There can be conceived but three formes of government; Episcopall, most conformable to Monarchie; Presbyteriall, to A••istoc••acie, and Independent, as they tearm it to Democracie. Presbyteriall or Independent it could not be, for Presbyteriall is no elder then the reformation in Geneva, and the Independent no elder then New-England; whereas Episcopall government hath been time out of mind no•• in one bu•• in all Churches: and sith it was not first constituted by any sanction of a generall Councell, it followes necessarily, according to S. Augustins observation, that it must needs be an Apostolicall institution: for what not one Church, but all Churches, not in one age, but all ages, hath uniformly observed and practised, and no man can define who, after the Apostles, were the beginners of it, must needs be supposed to be done by order or tra∣dition from them.

7. This forme of government was not only generally received and embraced by Catholikes, but even by heretikes and 〈◊〉〈◊〉; who though they severed from the communion of the Church in doctrine, yet not in discipline: for the Novatians and Donatists had Bishops of their own from whom they took their names; only * 11.6 AErius, who stood for a Bishoprick and missed it out of discon∣tent broached that new doctrine wherewith the heads of our schis∣matiks are so much intoxicated, viz. that there ought to be no di∣stinction in the Church between a Bishop and a Presbyter: and for this confounding those sacred orders was himselfe ranked among here∣tiks, and stands upon record in the Bed••olls of them made by Epiphanius, Augustin, and Philastrius. It is true he had other brands on him, but this was the proper mark put upon him by those an∣cient fathe••s, who mention this tenet of his as erroneous and here∣ticall. I grant some of the ancient Doctors affirm, that in the beginning, till the prevention of schism made this distinction be∣tween Bishops and Presbyters, they were all one in name, as now they are in those essentiall parts of their function, viz. preaching of the Word, and administration of the Sacraments. But AErius was the first who professedly oppugned the ecclesiasticall hierarchie, maintaining that there ought to be no difference and distinction be∣tween Bishops and Elders.

8. This assertion of AErius,* 11.7 as in the doctrine thereof it was de∣f••ned by the Doctors of the Church to be heresie, so in the practise thereof it is condemned by the great councell of Chalcedon, to be sacriledge; to confound, say they, the ranks of Bishops and Elders and to bring down a Bishop to the inferior degree of an Elder, is no l••sse then sacriledge. Now I would fain know how that comes to be truth now, which was condemned for heresie; and to be pietie now, which was branded for sacriledge above 1200 years agoe.

9. Neither were the Fathers of the councell of Chalcedon, only zea∣lous in this cause, which so much concerned the honour of the Church: but the other three also▪ whose authoritie S. Gregorie held to be the next to the four Evangelists, and the doctrine thereof is after a sort incorporated into our Acts of Parliament, Eliz. 1. In these councells which all consisted of Bishops, Episcopacie it self is almost in everie canon▪ and sanction either asserted or regu∣lated.

10. Next to the primitive Church, we owe a reverend respect to the reformed Churches beyond the seas; who either have bi∣shops, as in Poland, Transilvania, Denmark, and Swethland; or the same function is in nature, though not in name: to wit, intendents and super-intendents; or they would have them if they could, as I understood from manie Ministers in France; or at least approve of them, as appeareth by the testimonie of Beza, Sadiel, Scultetus, and others.

11. What should I speak of the Articles of religion ratified by a sequence of religious Princes succeeding one the other, and con∣firmed by act of Parliament; to which all beneficed men are required under pain of losse of their livings, within a moneth to professe their assent and consent; in which, both the power and consecration of bishops and ministers is expressely asserted,* 11.8 and their distinction from presbyters? or of the Statute of Carlile, the 15 of Edw. 2. and the first of Qu. Eliz. with very many other unrepealed Acts, in which episcopall government is either related unto, or regulated or confirmed in such sort, that quite to abolish and extirpate it would bring a confusion and make a stop as well in secular as ec∣clesiasticall courts? And therefore our zealous reformers, if they think themselves not too good to be advised by the great councel∣lor, ought to take heed how they rashly and unadvisedly pluck up the tares, as they esteem them, of holy canons and ecclesiasticall laws, ne simul ••radicent & triticum, lest together with those tares (as they count them) they pluck up by the roots the good wheat of many profitable and wholesome laws of the common wealth and Acts of Parliament.

12. But if the authoritie of both houses could soon cure the••e sores in precedent Acts of Parliament, yet how will they make up the breaches in the consciences of all those, who in the late Prote∣station and this new Covenant have taken a solemn oath to main∣tain the priviledges of the members of Parliament, and the liber∣ties of the subject? The most authenticall evidence whereof, are Charta magna, and the Petition of right, in both which the rights of the Church and priviledges of episcopall sees, are set down in the fore-front in capitall letters.

13. To strain this string a little higher, the power of granting congedeliers, together with the investiture of Arch-bishops, Bishops, and collation of Deanries, and Prebends, with a setled revenue

from the first fruits and tenths thereof, is one of the fairest flowers in the Kings crown; and to rob the imperiall diadem of it (considering the King is a Person most sacred) is sacriledge in a high degree; and not sacriledge only, but perjurie also in all those who attempt it. For all Graduates in the Universitie, and men of rank and qua∣litie in the Common-wealth, who are admitted to any place of emminent authoritie or trust take the oath of Supremacie, whereby they are bound to defend and propugne all preemminences, autho∣rities▪ and prerogatives annexed to the imperiall crown, whereof this is known to be one inherent in the King, as he is supream head of the Church within his realms, and defender of the faith.

14. Yet for all this, admit that reason of state should inforce the extirpation of episcopacie thus rooted, as it hath been said, both in the royall prerogative and priviledge of the subject and in the laws of of the land; it is a golden maxime of law, possumus quod jure possu∣mut, we can doe no more then lawfully we may. If episcopall go∣vernment must be overthrown, it must be done in a lawful way, not by popular tumults but by a Bill passed in Parliament, and that to be tendered to his Majestie for his royall assent; and how such a bill can be pressed upon his Majestie who hath taken an oath * 11.9 at his Corona∣tion to preserve Bishops in their legall rights, I must learn from our great masters of the law. For by the Gospel all inducements to sin are sin; and solicitations to perjurie are tainted with that guilt: neither is there any power upon earth to dispence with the breach of oaths lawfully taken.

15. If we desire that this Church of England should flourish like the garden of Eden, we must have an eye to the nurseries of good learning and religion, the two Univers••ties, which will never be fur∣nished with choice plants, if there be no preferments and incou∣ragements to the students there, who for the farre greater part bend their studies to the Queen of all professions, Divinitie; which will make but a slow progresse, if Bishopricks, Deanries▪ Archdeaconries, and Prebendaries, and all other Ecclesiasticall dignities, which like silver spurs prick on the industrie of those, who consecrate their la∣bours and endeavours to the glorifying of God, in imploying their tal••nt in the ministerie of the Gospel, be taken away. What ••ayls are to a ship, that are affections to the soul; which if they be not filled with the hope of some rewards, and deserved prefer∣ments,

as a prosperous gale of wind, our sacred studies and endea∣vours will soon be calmed: for, * 11.10 honos abit artos; omnesqu•• incen∣duntur studio gloriae; jacentquo ea semper, quae apud quosquo impro∣bantur; honour nourisheth arts; and all men are inflamed with the desire of glory; and those professions fall and decay, which are in no esteem with most men. And if there are places both of great profit, honour, and power propounded to States-men▪ and those that are learned in the law, like rich prizes to those that prove maste∣ries; shall the professors of the divine law be had in lesse esteem then the students and practisers in the municipall? And shall that profession onely be barred from ••ntring into the temple of honour, which directeth all men to the temple of vertue; and hath best right to honour by the promise of God, honorantes nic honorab••, those that honour me, I will honour; because they most honour God in every action of their function, which immediately tendeth to his glory?

They will say, that Episcopall government hath proved incon∣venient and prejudiciall to the State, and therefore the Hierar∣chie is to be cut down, root and branch. Of this argument we may say as Cicero doth of Cato, his exceptions against * 11.11 Murenae, set aside the authoritie of the objectors, the objection hath very little weight in it. For it is liable to many and just exceptions, and ad∣mitteth of divers replyes.

First, it is said, that Episcopall government is inconvenient and mischievous, and prejudiciall to the State; but it was never proved to be so.

Secondly, admit some good proof could be brought of it; yet if Episcopacie be of divine institution, as hath been proved, it must not be therefore rooted out, but the luxurious stems of it pruned, and those additions to the first institution from whence these incon∣veniences have grown ought to be retranched.

Thirdly, if Episcopacie hath proved inconvenient, and mischie∣vous in this age, which was most * 11.12 beneficiall and profitable in all former ages, the fault may be in the maladies of the patient, not in the method of cure. This age is to be reformed, not Epis∣copacie abrogated; that the libertie and loosenesse of these times will not brook the sacred bands of Episcopall discipline, is rather a proof of the integritie thereof, then a true argument of any maligr••tie in it to the state: without which, no effectu∣all

* 11.13 meanes or course can be taken, either for the suppressing schis∣maticks, or the continuation of a lawfull and undenyable succession in the Ministery.

16. Lastly, though some of late think they have brought gold and silver, and precious stones to build the house of God, by producing some stuff out of antiquitie, to prove the ordination of presbyters by meer presbyters; yet being put to the test, it proves meer trash: for there can be no instance brought out of Scripture of any ordination, without imposition of Apostolicall or Episcopall hands; neither hath prime antiquitie ever approved of meer pres∣byters laying hands one upon another, but in orthodoxall Councels revoked, cassated, and disannulled all such ordinations, as we may read in the Apologies of * 11.14 Athanasius, and elsewhere.

What shall I need to adde more, save the testimonie of all Chi∣stians of what denomination soever under the cope of heaven▪ save only the mushrom sect of Brownists sprung up the other night, all who have given their name to Christ, and acknowledge and have some dependence on either the Patriarch of Constantinople in the East, or of Rome in the West, or of Muscovia in the North, or of Alexandria in the South, together with the Cophti••, Ma∣ro••ites, Abissenes, and Chineses, not onely admit of Episcopall go∣vernment, and most willingly submit to it, but never had, or at this day have any other? Neither is this, or can it be denyed by our Aërians: but they tell us, that these are Christians at large, who hold many errors and superstitions with the fundamentals of Christian doctrine: their Churches are like oare not cleansed from earth; like gold not purged from drosse; like threshed wheat, not fanned from the chaff; like meale not sifted from the bran; like wine not drawn off the lees: we are, say they, upon a reforma∣tion, and the new Covenant engageth us to endeavour the refor∣mation of the Church of England in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, according to the Word of God, and according to the example of the best reformed Churches. The best reformed, which are they? whether the remainders of the Waldenses and Albi∣genses in Piemont, and the parts adjoyning; or of the Taborites in Bohemia; or of the Lutherans in Germanie; or those that are called after the name of Calvin, in France, and elsewhere.

First, for the Waldenses, the fore-runners of Luther, as he him∣self confesseth,* 11.15 they had Bishops who ordained their Pastours; a catalogue whereof we may see in the historie of the Waldenses, first written in French, and after translated into English by a learned Herald.

Secondly, for the Lutheran Churches, they have Prelates gover∣ning them, under the titles of Arch-bishops and Bishops in Poland, Denmark▪ and Swethland; but under the name of Superintendents and Intendents in Germanie: and as for their judgement in the point, it is expressely set down in the * 11.16 apologie of the Augusta••e confession in these words: we have often protested our earnest de∣sires to conserve the discipline of degrees in the Church by Bishops. Nay, * 11.17 Luther himself, who of all men most bitterly inveighed a∣gainst the Antichristian Hierarchie, yet puts water into his wine, adding; l••t no man hereby conceive, that I speak any thing against the state of Bishops, but onely against Rom••sh wolves and tyrant••. Neither are the Lutherans of another mind at this day, witnesse their every-way accomplished * 11.18 Gerard: none of us, saith he, affir∣meth, that there is no difference between a Bishop, or Presbyter, or Priest; but we acknowledge a difference of degrees for good order s••ke, and to preserve concord in the Church.

Here, me thinks I see the Smec••y••nians bend their brows, and answer with some indignation: what have we to doe with Luthe∣ra••s who have Images in their Churches, and auricular confession, and maintain consubs••antiation, and ubiquitie, and intercision of grace, and many other errors? We are of Calvin, and hold with the doctrine and discipline of Geneva, which hath no allay at all of error and superstition, but is like the pure angell-gold.

Here though I might (as many have done) crave leave to put in a legall exception against the authoritie of Calvin and Beza in matter of discipline, because they had a hand in thrusting out the Bishop of Geneva, and the Lay Presbyterian government was the issue of their brain; and we know it is naturall for parents to dote upon their own children, and accompt them farre fairer and more beautifull then in∣deed they are: yet such was the ingenuitie of those worthie refor∣mers, and such is the evidence and strength of truth, that in this point, concerning the abolition of Episcopacie in the Church of

England, I dare chuse them as Umpires. First, let * 11.19 Calvin speak in his exquisite Treatise concerning the necessitie of reforming the Church, the most proper place (if any where) clearly to deliver his judgement in this controversie; where, having ript up the abuses of the Romish Hierarchie, in the end thus he resolves: let them shew us such an Hierarchie, in which the Bishops may have such prehe∣mine••cie, that yet they refuse n••t themselves to be subject to Christ, that they depend upon him as the onely Head, and ref••rre all to him, and so embrace brotherly societie, that they are knit together by no other means then his truth, and I will confesse they deserve any cu••se, if there be any who will not observe such an Hierarchie with reverence and greatest obedience. After him, let us hear * 11.20 Beza in that very booke which he wrote against Saravia, a Prebend of Canterbury, concerning different degrees in the Clergie: but, saith he, if the reformed Churches of England remain still supported with the authoritie of their Arch-bishops and Bishops, as it hath come to passe in our memorie, that they have had men of that rank, not only famous Martyrs, but most excellent Doctors and Pastours (which happinesse I, for my part, wish that they may continually enjoy) &c. Surely, he that so highly extolled our Bishops, and wished that that order might, like the tree in the Poet, continually bring forth such golden boughs and fruit, would not readily swear to endeavour the utter extirpation thereof.

With these and other shafts the Doctors quiver was full, though he drew out but one only (considering the time and the auditorie) which he took from the oath at the ordination of the Divines in that Assembly, which, as he conceived▪ tied up their hands fast enough from subscribing to the second Clause in the Covenant: for all per∣sons so ordained, who swear for the extirpation of Episcopacie▪ for∣swear their Canonicall obedience▪ and question the validitie of their Orders given them, upon condition of performing such obedience and submission as that oath enjoyneth.

SECT. IX. Britanicus his scurrilous jests at spirituall Courts retorted, and extemporarie prayers and sermons deservedly censured.

* 11.21HE sayes, the Doctor excepted against the Scotch covenant as not agreeable to Gods Word: this is not all. For the Do∣ctor would not like it a jot worse for that, but there are not so many reverend conveniences; you cannot have libertie of consci∣ence, and pluralities at once, you cannot keep an orthodoxall coach and four horses, you cannot mind your businesse of State and ease▪ for the ceremonie of constant preaching; you shall want the good companie of Chancellours and Commissaries, and the gainfull e∣quitie of the canon law, and the goodly tyrannie of the high Commission Courts, and the comfortable use of the keyes over a pottle of Sack in the Chancellours chamber.

* 11.22If thou hadst any vermilion tincture of modestie Britanicus▪ thou wouldst blush to charge the Doctor with negligence in preaching▪ or coaching it with four horses, or gleeking it on the Lords day: for it is well known to all that know him, that he never kept coach with four horses, nor playd at gleek in his life, much lesse on the Lords day. And for his constant diligence in preaching, for 35 years and more, if I should hold my peace, the prime and chief pulpits in the Universitie and London would say enough▪ to stop thy mouth, and open all ingenuous mens, to yield a testimonie to a known truth. But thou art possessed with Martin Marprelates devill, which Urbanus will shortly conjure out of thee. The power of the keyes is a great eye-sore to thee, for those of thy sect like not to stand in white sheets, though if the world belye you not, none better de∣serve it: for Papists and Brownists, like Sampsons foxes, though they are severed in the heads, they are joyned in the tails. And doubt∣lesse, when thou wert summoned by an Apparitor for committing follie with an elect Sister, & waitedst in the Chancellors chamber, it was then that thou heldst thy nose so long over a pottle of Sack, till thy brains crowed. For what Chimera's, Tragelaphusses, and Hippo∣centaurs dost thou talk of? reverend conveniences, orthodoxall

coaches, and businesse of State, and ease, the ceremonie of constant preaching and goodly tyrannie of the high commission Court, as if that court now stood? What thy intoxicated brain conceiveth, or thy loose tongue would have understood by reverend conveniences▪ and orthodoxall coaches, I understand not; unlesse thou alludest to that noble mans conveniencie, who had a reverend coachman for his preacher; whose doctrine, very agreeable to his profession, was, that a stable was every way as holy a•• a Church, (and for my part, I wish those of his strain may have no other Church,) or thou hadst a s••ing at the Doctors successour in Acton, who rideth every Lords day in triumph in a coach drawn with four horses to exercise there.* 11.23 What thou talkest of businesse of state and ease, thou understandest not thy self; if there be businesse in state, surely there is little ••ase; bus••nesse of state and ease are a kind of asystata; non bene conveniunt nec in una s••de morantur; if there were ever such a calm•• in the state, that the steer••men might take their ease, yet certainly never since your Boreas blew in the Church. If that character might tru∣ly be given of any, it may of your sect; turba gravis paci▪ placidaequ•• immica quieti: you are the naturall sons of Ismael, your hands are against all men and all mens hands against you. But here thou secret∣ly girdest at our Bishops sitting in Parliament, and our Doctors on the Bench of Justice; that is a great eye-sore to you, as if it were a∣greeable to reason or religion for Lay-men to meddle with all Ec∣clesiasticall matters as now they doe, and Ecclesiasticall persons to meddle with no secular; or the Apostles argument were of no fo••ce▪ those who a••e fit Judges of the highest cases of conscience, and shall one day judge the Angells, are much more able to judge men, and compose differences of a lower nature. Certainly, the superiour sci∣ence is better able to judge of the conclusions of an inferiour, the •• the inferiour of a superiour. Yea, but this is a distraction from their sacred function: none at all, if, as thou here sayest, the handling of such businesse is a matter of ease: yet admit it be some distraction and trouble to Clergie-men to keep the peace, & compose secular diffe∣rences amongst those of their flock; yet that religious Bishop S. Aug••stine yields a good reason for it; why for the good of souls godly pastors must not refuse this troublesome work: otium s••nctum quaerit charitas veritatis, sed nego••ium justum suscipit necessitas cha∣ritatis, the love of truth desires the rest of contemplation, but the necessitie of charitie puts manifold businesses upon us.

But, I pray thee, tell me what thou meanest by the ceremonie of preaching. This is thy peculiar dialect, never any to my knowledge tearmed it so before thee; if some too much addicted to prayer have too much ••ig••tned preaching; as on the contrarie, some too much addicted to preaching have to much vilified common-prayer: what is this to the Doctor, who was ever both for diligent preaching, and constant prayer? For neither can a man pray as he ought with∣out direction from preaching, nor preach powerfully without pray∣er: and as it is an absurd kind of preaching▪ to preach against preach∣ing; so it is a most unholy prayer to pray ex tempore against the set-forms of prayer allowed by the Church. The publique preach∣ing of the word is a substantiall part of Gods worship, and very im∣p••••usly called by thee a ceremonie, unlesse the word be applyed to your ex tempore Enthusiasts, whose preaching is nothing else but a meer ceremonie of lifting up the hands and eyes and moving the lips, and b••ating the cushio••, and varying phrases, and plundering an English concordance. Cicero in his book intituled Orator, speaks of negligentia quaedam diligens, a carefull avoyding of accurate penning and neglect of ornaments of speech; there is, saith he, a diligent kind of negligence consisting in the weeding out the flow••rs of rheto∣r••ck: but I may truly say of these mens preaching, that we may ob∣serve in it a negligent kind of diligence, an idle kind of labour; and though they exercise twice every Lords day, and lecture it most dayes of the week▪ & kill their hearers at every funerall sermon with the te∣dious prolixitie therof; yet unlesse they take more pains in composing their sermon, then they doe, they shall never escape the curse of the Prophet: woe be to them that doe the work of the Lord negligently.

SECT. X. Of the abuse of appropriations of benefices, and the necessitie of Pluralities as, the case standeth.

ENough of your preaching, whereof all men surfeit: now to the grand crime you charge our prelaticall clergie with, the defence of Pluralities, and Non-residence; in some case Pluralities is no sin∣gle crime with the Brownists of a deep dye, who by their good will would have all that serve at the Lords Table their trencher-chap∣lains,

wherein they exceed the sin of Ieroboam: for his was, that he took of the lowest of the people, and made them priests of the high places: but these take from the highest of the Clergie their deser∣ved rewards and preferments, and endeavour to reduce them to the lowest rank of their hirelings••, that so they that wear the sacred Ephod, may be every way sutable to their apron-men. So cunning is Satan▪ when he transformeth himself into an Angell of light, that he maketh religion her self an advocate to plead for sacriledge. For∣sooth▪ if the ministers of the Gospel be well provided for in their bo∣dies & temporall estate they wil take lesse care of other mens souls: Iupiters golden cloak is too heavie for him to bear, the weight of two bene••••ces is enough to break the back a Clergie-man: yet their Lecture-men can hold two Lectures; the Assemblie-men two se∣questrations; and your Lay-patrons (or rather latrons) as many im∣propriations as they can purchase with their use-money. C. B. can keep Watford, a benefice said to be worth 200 li. per annum, with a Lecture in Pauls, for which he is to be allowed out of the revenues of the Cathedrall Church 400 li. per annum. S. M. for a long space held his benefice in Essex, and the Curates gainfull employment at Westminster, and a preachers place in the Armie, and yet he no way guiltie of the bloodie sin of Non-residence. In the Legend of Saint Francis written by Vincentius Bellovacensis there is one chapter in∣tituled, de sanctâ ejus hypocrisi, of his holy hypocrisie: this chapter you Brownists have conned by heart▪ for there is not such holy hy∣pocrisie and hypocriticall holinesse in any sect of the world, as in yours; save the Jesuits, whom before you followed close at heels, but now ha••e out-stripped them. You cannot be igno••ant▪ that as things now ••••and in the Church▪ there is a necessitie of Pluralities. Of the 9000 livings with cure in this Kingdom, there are above 4000 so castrated by sacrilegious appropriations, that in very many places in this Kingdom, that which remaineth for the incumbent is no way sufficient to support him and his family; either then his means must be pieced out with another living, or he perish for want of corporall▪ and his parishioners for want of spirituall food. In eve∣ry Parliament since the reformation there hath been a bill against Pluralities pursued with all vehemencie and eagernesse, but ever stopt with a crosse bill against appropriations: ubi ille nominaverit Phaedriam, tu Pamphilam: let impropriations and Pluralities either stand together, or fall together. So long as impropriations stand,

and the bounds of parishes are not altered, nor some other course taken to make single livings competent and correspondent both to the pains and parts of the incumbent, there will be a neces∣sitie of Pluralities. Yea, but Pluralities are s••ns and there can be no necessitie of sinning; if Pluralitie be a sin, they themselves have ta∣ken an oath to maintain s••n in the Church, for they have taken an oath and made Protestation to maintain the priviledges of Parlia∣ment, and libertie of subjects: among which, the capacitie of hold∣ing more benefices with cure is one confirmed by Act of Parlia∣ment. If it be unlawfull to hold more benefices with cure within convenient distance, it is either malum quia prohibitum, or prohibi∣tum quia malum; it is either evill because prohibited, or prohibited because evill in it self. It is not evill because prohibited, because the law of God no where sets out the limits of parishes▪ nor confineth the pains of a pastor within such narrow limits: all that the divine law requires, is, that every pastor carefully by himself, and by his fel∣low-labourers, which the holy Scripture expressely mentioneth, feed that flock whereof the holy Ghost hath made him over-seer: and from whence he is to receive comfortable maintenance, whether this flock be comprised within the limits of one parish or no. For parishes were first distinguished, not by Gods law, but by the Popes; and with such disproportion, that some parishes are too much for any one to supplie them; and others make not a conve∣nient flock for a man of meanest parts to feed and attend on. Nei∣ther is Pluralitie prohibited by any law, quia malum in se, because it is evill in it self; for none of the precisest make scruple of consci∣ence to hold any one benefice of never so great value: which not∣withstanding hath divers chappells of ease annexed unto it, in which it is impossible for a man to be resident and officiate the cure in person at once. If they will say, he may discharge both by himself and his curate; so may he also do who hath two benefices: and let the parishioners both of Lambeth and Acton testifie, whether those benefices were not better supplyed by the Doctor himself, and his two learned and able curates, then now they are by those two who enjoy the sequestration of his benefices, who have been perpe∣tually non-resident from both, and neither by themselves nor sub∣stitutes so much as once administred the Sacrament of the Lords Supper unto them, though the best of the parishioners have most earnestly desired it.

SECT. XI. That the abjuration of Episcopacie, especially in the Clergie of England, involveth them in perjurie and sacriledge.

THe Doctor excepted against the extirpation of prelacie,* 11.24 Deanes, & Prebends, because he thought it not of Apostolical institution: no, there is another reason of more force with the Do∣ctor and the prelaticall partie, they must have another kind of divinitie, and more beneficiall positions; they love not these na∣ked truths, which are not able to maintain their sattin cassocks, nor those rigid opinions which will not allow a game at gleek after evening prayer.

Canis festinans caecos parit catulos: thou (or the Printer,* 11.25 Britani∣cus,) making more haste then good speed, hast stumbled at pons asi∣norum; and thou stammerest out perfect non-sense; thou sayest the Doctor excepted against the extirpation of prelacie, because he thought it not of Apostolicall institution, thou should'st have said, because he thought it to be of Apostolicall institution: for so in∣deed he thinketh, and will maintain his tenet against all the disci∣ples of AErius the heretick, the first patron of paritie in the clergy; whether they be plant-animals, I mean lay-presbyters, or atomes; that is, Independents, whose arguments are like themselves, all to∣gether independent and inconsequent. But why dost thou deliver the Doctors mind by halfs? He did not only except against that clause in the new covenant, wherein Episcopacie is abjured, and the extirpation vowed of that plant, which the Apostles themselves planted, and we in our publique liturgie established by law pray to God to pour upon them the continuall dew of his blessing, because he held such an oath to be repugnant to an Apostolicall institution; but also because he conceived that horrible sacriledge was couched under it. For upon the taking away of Episcopacie, root and branch, will undoubtedly follow the confiscation of the lands of Bishops, and cathedrall Churches, or at least alienation from those holy uses, to the maintenance whereof, they were dedicated: and is it a small matter, thinkest thou Britanicus, to violate the sacred testa∣ments,

and last wills of many hundred religious christians, and to draw the guilt of sacriledge in the highest degree upon the land, which alreadie groaneth under the heavie burden of too many hayn∣ous sins, and bewayleth them in all parts of this Realm with tears of blood?

SECT. XII. Of profitable doctrines and beneficiall positions, held by Brownists and Sectaries.

AS for that thou wouldst imply, that the Doctor advanced Epis∣copacie to an Apostolicall institution, as Cicero extolled elo∣quence to the skie, that he might be li••ted up with her; thou fouly mistakest the matter, the Doctor is known to affect that Dutch Worthie his temper, upon whose grave Iames Dowza strewed that flower among others: honor••s quia merebatur, contempsit; & quia contempsit, magis merebatur; because he deserved honours, he con∣temned them; and because he contemned them, he much more de∣served them. The whole course of his life refutes that base calum∣nie thou castest upon him: For,

1. After he first shewed himself in publique preaching, in his course at S. Maries in Oxford; he was commended by the Vice-chancellor and Universitie to the Kings Majesties Embassador Lid∣get in France, where Cardinall Perone, homo famae potius magnae, quam bonae, by his agents thought to inveagle him to Popery, by pro∣mise o•• far greater preferments then ever he could expect in England: but the Doctor esteemed no better of that motion▪ then of the devills offer to our Saviour; all th••se things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me: for he was so far from turning out of his course, to take up these golden apples, that contrariewise he followed the harder after the price of his high calling,* 11.26 and en∣countred all the Romish Priests, Jesuits▪ and So••bon Doctors wheresoever he met them, even to the hazard of his life; and God gave such a blessing to his many combats for the faith there, that he reclaimed divers from poperie, and confirmed many that were wa∣vering in the true reformed religion.

2. After his return into England, when the great favourite bore

all the sway, and the Doctor might have climbed to preferment by that ladder, by reason of his ancient acquaintance with the Duke; and the dedication of a book to his dearest consort, which she very much desired:* 11.27 yet understanding that the Duke for some politick ends sided with the Arminian faction, he brake off all dependence upon that favouri••e, and wrote a smart book against the Arminians, called Pelagius redivivus; and thereby dashed all hopes of his preferment then at court.

3. After the Dukes death, when those that sate at the helm of the Church, and had great power also at court, to procure the greater libertie to the Protestants in popish Countries, and to draw her Majestie to a better liking of the reformed religion, sought to re∣duce the Church of England to a nearer conformitie to the Roman▪ at least in some scholasticall tenets and outward ceremonies and gestures with them; and to smooth the more rugged pos••tions of poperie▪ was thought a readie means to facilitate the way to prefer∣met: the Doctor declined this rode also & though he desired nothing more then the uniting of all christians in the faith first given to the Saints, and the doctrine of the primitive Church; yet he could ne∣ver en••ure those who went about to sodder the Roman and reform∣ed religion, and to bring Christ and Anti-christ to an enterview: neither would he ever be brought to varie in his practice a nailes breadth from the canons of the Church of England, and rubrick of the Common Prayer.

4. After the scene was turned, and many who before had layen in obscuritie, were brought upon the stage; who like the statues of Brutus and Cassius, eò praefulgebant, quod non visebantur, did shine the brighter, the more they were hid. The Doctor among others, was chosen by 390 votes to be a member of the Assemblie; and, a∣mong many other of eminent parts and worth, was designed by the whole house of commons▪ to answer a popish Priest,* 11.28 which he did accordingly; and was in so fair a way, that if his conscience had been a Lesbian rule, and would have bowed that way, where prefer∣ments are now offered▪ he might not only have held both his bene∣fices, but expected such farther priviledges, as the chief of the Assemblie now enjoy. But when a covenant was tendered, wherein he must of necessitie proclaim his ingratitude to the world, by swearing to endeavour the ruine of those, upon whom under God he built his chief hopes, and intangle his conscience in evident perju∣rie,

by swearing to break all his canonicall oaths; necessitie con∣strained him to break off from the Assemblie, and for this cause he is now in bonds and stript of all his ecclesiasticall preferments, and temporall revenues; & nudus nudum Christum sequitur, and fol∣lowes his naked Saviour himself also stark naked.

But to leave off this sad and melancholie discourse, and come to the beneficiall positions, and sattin cassock thou talked of, and game at gleek: thou shouldest have said noddie; a game at which thou playest at as well Sundays as working-days. For beneficiall positions, I know none held by the prelaticall clergie, as your schismaticall laicks tearm them, save this which the Apostle hath delivered, that godlinesse is great gain, and hath the promises of this life, and the life to come: but I can tell you of fruitfull doctrines and beneficiall uses, raysed by your Enthusiasts;* 11.29 as namely, that usurie, after it hath been with a barber chyrurgion, and hath its teeth pluckt out, is very law∣full, and that those of your sect alone have a right to the creature, and that the wicked have no right or title to any thing they possesse: and that therefore, when you plunder any Malignant you steal not, but take your own from them; and agreeable to your positions is your practise, you make no bones to devoure widows houses, under colour of long prayers; like vultures you hover over dead corpses, and thereout suck no small advantage; if any rich man be going the way of all flesh, some of your fraternitie must be sent for with all speed to pray his soul ex tempore into heaven; and after you have perswaded him to set his house in order, for he must dye and not live, and he is going to draw his last will and testament, you will be sure to have a ••inger in it, or rather a claw, or naile to scrape and scratch something for your selves, under the title of pious legacies.

SECT. XIII. Of ministeriall habits, recreations on the Lords day, and how the Brownists and sectaries prophane the Christian Sabbath.

HAst thou yet any better stuff in thy shop, Britanicus, besides the large mourning weed beg'd artificially at the last funerall of a saint? Yes, a sattin cassock surely, a decent garment for a grave

divine, especially on high dayes: what wouldst thou have the reve∣rend clergy to weare? wouldst thou have them go in cuerpo, like your new England and Holland theologues? or in a rocket liued through with plush or taffata, as some of the Assembly men flaunt it? or in a short jacket, much like the riding coat of Davids Embas∣sadors, which was cut off at o•• sacrum, the huckle bone? Here Brit. thou playst the base cynick, ••alcas fastum Platonis,* 11.30 thou tramplest upon Plato's pride, but remember what Plato repli'd; calcas fastum, sed alio fastu, thou tramplest upon the pride of some of the clergy in their apparell, but thou dost it in a worse kind of pride.

As for card-playing, I need not gle••k it with thee, for we are at play already; thy earnest is nothing but jests, and those very scurrilous and ridiculous; and therefore either to be scorned or retorted upon thee in sober sadnesse. The Doctor is no player at cards or dice, nor approveth at all any recreations on the Lords day, but such as, like Aarons golden plate in his miter, have holinesse stamped on them: As for those of thy precise sect, they indeed will not for a world play a game at cards or tables on the Lords day, after evening pray∣er; but they do far worse, they take away morning and evening prayer both, and jear out the sacred liturgy of the church: if thou art come to thy self Brit. and hast thy wits about thee, prethee tell me, is it not better playing a game at tables on the christian sabbath, wherin a wooden man is taken up without any losse or hurt? or at chesse, in which there is an image of men set in battail array, there to cast the bloody die of war on that day, to kill, to pillage, to plun∣der? of the two I had rather see latrunculos, on that day then la∣trones, chesse-men then pressed-men: notwithstanding to chuse, you rifle houses, and sequester malignants on that day; your city ma∣gistrates and Officers will not suffer a poor waterman to rowe on the Thames yet they permit the souldiers in all the courts of guard, and forts, and ships to drink and swell all the day: a physitian may not passe over the river to save the life of the body, not a divine to save the life of the soul, yet they account it a sanctifying of the sabbath to beat up drums and presse souldiers▪ to kill men on that day: O precise hypocrisie, or rather hypocriticall precisenesse! A devout father sharply reprooving the evill conversation of some christians in his time told them to their faces, gentes agitis sub nomi∣ne Christi, you act the parts of Gentiles in the habit of Christians:

but I may truly say of you, Iudaeos agitis sub nomine Christi, you act the parts of Iewes in the habit of Christians: Iewes, I say, in the ri∣gid observation of the Sabbath; of Iewes, in venting your spleen and malice against Christ, by excluding his prayer out of your litur∣gie; by defacing his name Iesus wheresoever you see it written in golden characters, or wrought in cloth of gold or tissue, or stampt in holy vessels, calling it the Iesuits trim or ga••b by inveighing against keeping the feast of the nativity, resurrection and ascension, and terri∣fying those that in a religious compassion fast & mourn on good fri∣day; your b••ating down with axes and hammers the carved works of the temple, wherin there is any monument of him; and which is far worse, persecuting his meniall servants, the most faithfull and orthodoxall ministers of the gospell unto bonds and death.

SECT. XIIII. Of the subscription of the letter written to the Primate of Armagh,

[illustration]

and the signification therof.

HE tels us of Sir Walter Earles interpretation of Φ and Δ the two Greek letters:* 11.31 Aulicus, you see we have some ho∣nest Greeks, that can find out your villanies, though you hide them in another language; I thinke you will translate your mischiefs in time into all languages: oh these doctors treache∣ries are very learned pieces; this is to shew their schollarship, and traiterous abilities, that they are able to betray us in Greek, as well as in English.

Because thy animadversions upon the doctors letter scorpion-like thrust out a sting in the taile;* 11.32 I will first pluck out the sting, and then crush the serpent to pieces, and rub it upon the part. First then whereas thou chargest the doctor with villainy and treacherie: I answer, that this is villainous language; but because most false and slanderous, the villain will return upon thy self, and the traytor upo•• thy forma informans A. Wardner. I grant it is villany and treachery to betray the secrets of state, wherwith a man is trusted, to the ene∣my; but resolves of Synods are no secrets of state, nor is the King

an enemy of the state; if thou sayst so, Brit. thou art a traytor, and reus laesae majestatis: had the doctor acquainted his Majesty by the primate of A••magh what past in the Assembly, it had bin no villany or treachery▪ but piety and loyalty so to doe; for the King is the defender of the faith and the P. of Armagh is a noble champion therof: all treachery is either of things or persons: what or whom did the Doctor betray? first what? did he betray forts, or citta∣dels or treasure or magazins of armourie, or cabin-councels? no word or syllable in all the intercepted advertisement of any such thing. There is mention of nothing but of some doctrinall conclu∣sions and theologicall propositions▪ de fide, quae tradi debent prodi non possunt, which cannot be betrayed, yet ought to be delivered. If the Assembly of divines resolve upon such articles of religion, as cannot en••ure the light, it is not only lawful but a necessary duty of a faithful minister of Christ Iesus▪ to detect them, and to discover the abet∣tors of them to the supream head of the church under Christ, that he may prevent the danger the body is like to be in. Tertullian a••signeth it as a proper note of hereticks, that they conceal their te∣nents from the governours of the church, and the common sort of Christians also, and instill them secretly into the eares of confiding proselites; occultant quod praedicant, si tamen praed••cant quod occul∣ta••t,* 11.33 and wilt thou brand the divines of the Assembly with this mark of hereticks?

But the truth is, the Doctor held no correspondencie by Letters, nor was an Assembly-Spie, nor sent, nor intended to send any Letter towards Oxford, save onely that one unsealed that was intercepted▪ which also by a false suggestion was cunningly drawn from him and presently shewed the close Committee, and a copie taken of i••, and the originall sent by them to Oxford, and the Carrier preferred to a gain••ull place in the Armie. By these st••ps, Br••tan••cus, if thou can••t not sent and trace the tra••••or from the Bridge-foot to Lam∣beth, from Lambeth to the close Committee, from the close Com∣mittee to Oxford, from Oxford to the Committee for Examina∣tions, and from thence to the Leaguer at S. Albans, thou hast no nose.

Yea but the Letter was subscribed not with the Doctors name in English but with two Greek characters, Δ and Φ, and is that treason? Then surely to subscribe and much more to write a whole letter in Greek▪ as the Doctor hath done many, to Cyril Patriarch

of Constantinople, Metrophanes Patriarch of Alexandria, and diverse others, must needs be high treason, and such a treason as none of your Brownisticall Lecturers or Teachers are guiltie of. I had thought, that the Latin had beene onely the language of the beast; but now I perceive, that any learned language is with you not only Poperie and heresie, but also treason; because it is like the Masse, an unknowne tongue to you, and betrayeth your ignorance, who have skill of no other language then your mothers tongue, and canting.

Yea, but the Δ and the Φ were not written severally, and di∣stinctly, but one in another, after the manner of numerals in Greek characters, and the Φ was somewhat above the Δ, and therein cer∣tainly some mysterie of iniquitie lyeth hid, which none of all the Committee but Sir Walter Earle could reveal; I pray thee what was that? namely, that by these characters was signified not D. F. but Fidelitie: O divinam ariolum, ô Chrysippeum acumen; O quint-essence of wit, O rare Criticisme! Yet, by Sir Walters leave, this conceit will shrink in the wetting: for there is a difference be∣tweene Phi. and Fi. and Delta and Delitie: neither was the Φ written above the Δ,* 11.34 but in the middle of it, after this manner, which marres the quiblet. Yet if the wits will have it so, let it passe for a curious and quaint conjecture. Admit that Φ and Δ Phi and Delta is to be construed Fidelitie, and that as the Doctor carrieth loyaltie in his heart, so also fidelitie in the two first letters of his name transposed, what wilt thou hence inferre, Britanicus; ergo, the Doctor is a villain and a traitor? now Phi upon the Delta, d••nce, or rather Beta, Britanicus.

Ut sapiant fatuae fabrorum prandia Betae, O quam saepè petet vin•• ••iperque * 11.35 Coq••us?

SECT. XV. Wholesome and seasonable advice to Britanicus.

TO knit up all in a true lovers knot: I know thee not by face, Britanicus, but onely ex ungue, by thy naile, which I find fret∣ting in every sore, in Church and Common-wealth, whereby thou

exasperatest all sorts of men against thee, and hast stirred a nest of hornets; which, if thou look not to it, will sting thee to death;* 11.36 noli aculeos, qui reconditi sunt, excussos arbitrari; think not those stings thrust or pluckt out which lye hid, and for a time drawn in. Great Britain, Britanicus, hath been of late made a stage, wherein blou∣die tragedies have been acted, and after every scene thou thrustest thy self in among the Chorus, and freely censurest all the actors at thy pleasure; give over thy part in time, and get off the stage: the Protasis is past, we are now in the Epitasis, God knowes what the Catastrophe will prove. In the mean while, take heed thou insult not upon calamitie, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 11.37 the fall of the Die is uncertain, and thou knowest not what may be thy chance. He that out of curiositie lookt into the table hanged up in the market place, wherein the names of the Proscripti by Sylla were set in their order, at unawares spyed his own name written in blou∣die characters: cuivis contingere potest, quod cuiquam potest; that which is any ones case may be every ones case. Strengthen not the hands of those whose fingers itch at the treasure of the Church, it will prove like Sejanus horse, which none ever bestrid; or the gold of Tholouse, which none ever touched but he came to an ill end. Neither revile thou the servants of the living God, neither put scorns upon his Prophets: be not so gracelesse, as to take a pride in disgracing those whom God hath appointed to be the instru∣ments and silver conduit-pipes to conveigh grace into thy soul. A jeer only at the Prophet Elisha, and that by innocents, proved nocent, and their bodies were all to rent and torn with Beares▪ who touched only the thin hayr of the Prophets head, crying, goe thou bald-pate. If thou wilt needs prove masteries with thy pen, chuse thy match, beware of impar congressus.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 11.38

He is a stark ideot who will contend with his betters; for besides losse of victorie he gaines blows into the bargain.

If Patroclus will encounter Hector; and Amycus Pollux; and Dares Entellus; and the Syr••ns the Muses; and the blind worm the Basilisk, they must take that which followed; above all things

shoot not thy Porcupey's quills at soveraign Majestie; though thou thinkest thou goest invisible, as if thou hadst Gyges ring, or wer•• compassed with Homers dark pavilion: yet the daughter of time will descry thee,* 11.39 and thou shalt find by wofull experience, how dangerous a thing it is, in eum scribere qui potest proscribere, it is not safe medling with edge tooles, nor scribling against him who hath power to proscribe.

LEX TALIONIS: OR, A sober reckoning with CIVICUS.

AFter Britanicus, or rather Barbaricus, had mingled his ink with the over-flowing of his own gall: his brother Civicus, rather to vend his sorrie pamphlet, then to vent his spleen against D. F. hath a sling at the gentle lash,* 11.40 and would fain squeez some poysonous juyce out of the Doctors spunge.

SECT. XVI. Mercurius Civicus taken to task.

Occurrents Numb. 2. Ian. 12.

THere is a crosse to be erected at Oxford, Ian. 22. to crucifie the Parliament now at Westminster, and D. F. hath prepa∣red a lash▪ and a vinegar spunge, hoping to get an executioners place: he wrote his own motto, the gentle lash, yet he would fain see the white flag died in blood. But the Parliament have done well to clip the wings of the Clergie, that they may flye into no temporall places▪ whose tongues, and p••ns have uttered such poyson against the Parliament and in their pride would wil∣lingly adhere to Rome, as by many superstitions by them doted

on, doth plainly appear; who, by their Babylonian ceremonies, have long endeavoured to make a bridge into the Church by Ar∣minianisme to passe over into Poperie.

Sic perusse frontem de rebus?* 11.41 What a brow of brasse and consci∣ence seated with a hot iron, hast thou Civicus? that thou darest stain paper with such notorious untruths and shamelesse ••landers? The••e can hardly be named any divine in this Kingdom now living, who hath disputed preached, written, and printed, more against Poperie and Arminianisme, then D. F. witnesse Vertumnus Roma∣nus, printed by the command of the house of Commons; the Sup∣plement to the book of Martyrs; the Fisher caught, and held in his own net; the Gra••d Sacriledge, the case for the Spectacles, Cygnea Cant. Transubstantiation exploded; and Pelagius redivivus; Ancilla pietati; and Clavis Mystica: citius crimen honestum quam turpem Ca••onem feceris: thou shalt sooner be able to prove the Protestant Religion to be Poperie, and Arminianisme true christianitie, then the Doctor guiltie of either. What crime then canst thou charge him withall? a ••aynous sin, and that of commission: for he was ma∣ny years in the commission of the peace: thou shou••dst have added, that all that while he neither preached sermon, nor printed book les•••• than before. Let the Borough of Southwark, with the adja∣cent parts, inform thee, whether the Common-wealth gained not more by that his impolyment then the Church lost. If the Docto••, to ••onfer with schismaticks, and refractorie persons to the Kings ecclesiasticall laws, and canons of the Church referred to him by the Judge; if to compose differences between neighbours, and stifle a world of litigious suits in the bi••th: if to take order for the relief of hundreds of poor and diseased persons in a dangerous time of in∣fection, when other commissioners rather provided for their own safetie by flight, then the safetie of others, by the executing of their office, he defalked some time from his sacred studies: peradventure, this present age, rather jealous of, then zealous for the Church, will blame him for it; but the former would have thanked him for it, as they did Nissene, and Ambrose, and Augustine▪ and Iewell, whose temporall dignitie and power no way eclipsed their spirituall emi∣nencie, no more then it did the Priests, 2 Chron. 19, 8. set by Iehosaphat for the judgement and cause of the Lord.

Yet thou wilt say, that to discharge the function of a Pastor, and execute the office of a Justice of peace, are incompatible. No more

then to teach and to make peace, to preach down and to beat down vice, to wound the hairie scalp of every one that goeth on in his pro∣phanenesse, and drunkennesse, and uncleanesse, and routs, and riots, both with the spirituall and temporall sword, which in former ages were aiding and assisting one to the other, according to Bracton his observation; gladius gladium juvat: but now hack and h••w one the other. If all peace-makers are blessed, surely as well the religious Iustice of peace as the preacher of peace;* 11.42 and if both concur in one person, he must needs have a double share in that blessing: but thou art of another mind, thine eye is evill, because the Prince or state are good to the Church, arming her with some temporall power, the more effectually to compasse her spirituall ends, and defend her chil∣dren from violence and wrong. Thou say'st the Parliament hath done well to clip the wings of the Clergie, that they may flye into ••o temporall place. I will not answer thee, that many former Parlia∣ments have imped them:* 11.43 but for Acts of Parliament, they are not for us to censure, but to obey; what the Parliament hath done, their Act speaketh: and therefore I will be silent.

Yet since that Act, divers of the Clergie great in your books, (but none other) have flown into temporall places: one hath flown into an examiners place in Haberdashers-hall; another into a commis∣sioners place for Scotland, a third into a Gaolers place at Lambeth; arrige aures Pamphile. So, it seemeth, it matters not much, quid, but quis; not what the imployment is▪ but who it is that is imployed: for if he be a malignant, all is trash that he takes; but if a confiding man, all is fish that comes to his net:* 11.44 yea, that golden table which the Mileti∣an fishers caught, and Apollo adjudged to the wisest man then living. Howsoever, to be in the commission of the peace, without seeking it▪ and to discharge that trust faithfully, without any abatement or diminution of diligence in his pastorall function was no blemish, but an ornament; no disgrace, but a dignitie to the Doctor: It gave him more power, it took nothing from his reputation; it blur∣red not but blazon'd his armes. Yet thou pickest a quarrell with him for executing justice upon unlicensed scriblers, as before upon unlicensed tiplers: thou feelest the smart of his gentle lash, and put'st finger in the eye, crying and complaining there is

a crosse to be erected at Oxford, Ian. 22. to crucifie the Parliament now at Westminster.

Say it over again, a crosse erected at Oxford, to crucifie &c. then

there are forty seven miles at least between the crosse and the per∣sons to be fastened to it; a strange thing to erect a crosse at Oxford, to crucifie supposed delinquents at Westminster; and more strange that an act of pardon and grace, & the holding out of a golden scepter of mercy to all that will take hold of it, should be taken to be the erecting a crosse to crucifie, or a gibbet to execute any: but our late intelligencers, nae intelligendo faciant, ut nihil intelligant, forfeit their wits as well as they have made shipwrack of their consciences; else thou wouldst never tell us of a gentle lash at the crosse; for nei∣ther were any according to the Roman laws lashed at the crosse, nor was that a gentle lash with which our Redeemer was scourged, for it set him all in a gore blood, and made him such a ruefull spectacle, that Pilate himself, whose conscience was as red as his scarlet robe, yet cryed out in compassion, ecce hom••, behold the man: and as ab∣sur'd is thy application of the spunge, for the Doctors was a spunge full of fair water, to wash away some foul aspersions cast upon him by the Brownists; the other a spunge full of vinegar to suck out & drink, that the Prophesie might be fulfilled literally,* 11.45 when I was a thirst they gave me vinegar to drink: and if all who make use of a spunge in the former kind, are to be tearmed executioners, your noted noters of sermons, and elect Ladies, who cleanse their table-books, especially before your fast sermons; of which all men now begin to surfeit▪ must own that odious title.

Yea, but though he wrote his own motto, the gentle lash, yet he would fain see the white flag dyed in blood.

A lye dyed in grain, for which thy con∣science will check thee one day, if thou hast any: for in the very narration of the Doctor, intituled the spunge, which thou here quo∣test and alludest unto, one of the a••ticles preferred by the s••paratists, to the committee for plundered Ministers against him, was, that he taxed the lecturers in London and the suburbs for being bou••efeus and incendiaries, by in••••igating the people to these civill, or rather uncivill and unnaturall wars, crying out for the cause of God, and quarrell of the Gospell, fight, fight; kill, kill; battel, battel; blood, blood; nay, so far is the Doctor from wishing that the white fl••g should be dyed in blood, that he desireth from his heart, that there were never a flag or streamer to be seen in the field, nor drum or phife to be heard, nor sword to be drawn, nor pike to be advanced in these kingdoms; but that it would please the Prince of peace, our only peace-maker, upon the lifting up of millions of hands in pub∣like

and private, upon the prayers and tea••s o•• Scotland, sighs and groans of England, and last ga••ping breath of Ireland, to turn all our drums into tab••e••s, and phifes into Recorders, and swords into syths, and pole-a••es into mattocks▪ and streamers into winding sheets, to wrap up all the differences between Prince and people, church and common wealth, together with all the direfull effects thereof, and to bury them all in perpetuall oblivion: dulce est nomen pacis, & res ipsa p••rqu••m salutaris, sweet is the name of peace, and the thing it self most healthfull; qua non solum homines, sed & agri, & tecta laetar•• videntur.

The King-fishers, as Plutarch writeth, never breed but in a calm sea; and S. Iames teacheth us, that the fruits of righteousnesse are sown in peace of them that love peace. On the contrarie, we reade in Plinie's Nat. Hist. l. 9. c. 35. that in the generation of Margarites, or pearle, if it thunder, the work of nature is quite marred, and that which would have been an orient gem, becomes a crude moi∣sture: and how many pearles have of late miscarried, since the thunder of warre, both the Universities will tell you with pearls in their eyes. For it is not only true▪ silent leges inter arma, but musae also, that the laws are suspended in the times of bloodie warres, but the Prophets too, and the Muses also. As Marius was wont to ••ay, where there is cla••hing and clattering of Arms, neither laws of God nor man can be heard; and where the laws cannot be heard, all out-cryes are heard▪ and all out-rages are committed: no man hath proprieti•• of or in any thing, save losses and wounds; nor can purchase ought but spoyls, nor build any where but upon ruines. O the thundering in the ayre, and plundering on the land; the suspending and interdicting, not so much of Preachers as Churches! O the carkasses as well of Cities as men, and Coffins rather of houses then corpses, and rooting up rather of families and countries then of gardens! These and other dismall effects of warre extort from all those, who have any thing yet to lose, and have not forfeited the libertie of their speech with the libertie of their persons, this un∣animous and harmonious Vote, Come blessed peace.

Nulla salus bello, pacem te p••scimus omnes.

Of all the messengers of Gods vengeance, the sword is the swif∣••••st; of all swords the civill is the keenest, especially when it is

wh••t with a pretext of Religion. This is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, gladius anceps, a two-edged sword, cutting on both sides, English men, Protestants, brethren, branches of the same root, subjects to the same Prince, ••ay, members of the same mysticall body. In all other warres the victorie is joyfull on the one side; but in this, like as in the Cadmean, neither good for the conquerour nor for the conque∣red: for,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

He that conquers, weepeth for the losse of his countrey-men, friends, kinsmen, and allies; and he that is conquered, is lost.

Which side soever gains, the King and the Countrey loseth •• O dismall Ensignes! O banned Banners! O stained Colours! O bloodie Streamers! O inglorious Armes! O ignoble Victories! the monuments whereof are not pillars, or statues set up, or trophies erected, but downfalls and ruines.

••ella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos? Heu quantum terrae poterat pelagique parari. Hoc quem civiles hauserunt sanguine dextrae?

A Corollarie.

BEcause the good parts of men, like pictures, are best seen at a distance, (picturae eminus videndae, non comminus) and our great Prophet telleth us, that a Prophet is not esteemed in his own coun∣trey; I will here, by way of Corollarie set down the Eulogies of some eminent forraign Divines▪ concerning him who is sideratus among his own, but desideratus among them:* 11.46 the reason of which difference of judgements is evident to be this; they look upon him in his printed wor••s and in himself as he is: but these look on him through the foul spectacle of a false relation, and through the deception of their sight deem the dust and filth to be in him the object, whereas it is indeed in their furred glasse: let them rub and cleanse then spectacles, and he will appear such to them, as he doth to those forraigners, whose testimonies here follow in their own language.

SECT. XVII. Testimonies of forraign Divines.

Amplissimo praesuli Johanni Kingo, Petrus Molinaeus S. P. D.

QUantum recreatus sum (praesul ampl••ss.) consuetudine & amiciti•• D. Featlei, tantum ojus abitum graviter molestèque tuli; est enim vir perpaucorum hominum, & quem cum penitus inspex••ri•• non possis non amare vehementor. Non vulgaris est in homine doctrina, ingenium comptum & in numerato, tum morum integritas, & pietas condita est mir•• suavitate. Quem quia Monachi & Sacrificul•• ve∣strates qui hic sunt senserunt gravem adversarium, non dubito quin ejus discessu laetentur summopere. Solent enim Anglos generosos Lutetiae agentes excipere insidiis, & quasi septos indagine in fraude•• induce∣re. Cum quibus Featleius non semel congressus opima spolia retulit, & infirmos confirmavit in fide, deditque experimentum, quantum intersit vestratis ecclesiae habere hic ministrum Anglum, qui se tam perniciosis ingeniis tam fortiter opponat. A talis viri complexibus a∣velli, quam mihi grave fuerit facile aestimabit, qui sciat quanta hic sit paucita•• ejusmodi virorium. Sed quia vocatur ad majora, & apud vos inventurus est majorem segetem quā metat, aequum est privatam meam voluptatem posthabere amici commodis, & ecclesiae utilitati: nolui ta∣men, ut discederet absque literis, quae testentur quanti faciam (vir magne) pietatem tuam, & doctrinam singularem: quae te gubernacu∣lis tantae ecclesiae admovit; quam quia pascit feliciter, summaque fide, & diligentiâ, ut Christi servum deceat; optamus ut Deus te servet incolumem, & tuos labores suo faevore prosequatur. Vale. Lutetia prid. cal. Junii, 1613.

A haut & puissant Seigneur,* 11.47 Messire PHILIPPE HERBERT, Conte de Pembroke & Montgomery, Baron HERBERT de Cardiffe, Baron de Parre & Rosse, en Kendall, Fitz-Hugh Marmion & S. Quintin; Baron HERBERT de Shurland; Grande Chamberlaine du Roy de la Grande Bretagne, &c.

I En'ose passer outre de peur de perdre mes paroles, car scachant que l' Autheur s' est rendu fameux en France, par ses doctes dis∣putes avec plusieurs Docteurs de l'Eglise Romaine; & en ce pais par ses predications, & par plusieurs beaux livres qu'il à mis sous la presse, i'estime que mes loüanges n'adjousteroint, non plus à sa reputation qu'un verre d'eau à l'ocean. Ie diray seulement qu'en son Ancilla pietatis, dedie à cette noble, illustre & vertueuse prin∣cesse la Duchesse de Buckingham belle mere du Baron de Shurland vostre fils aine, qui en espousant Madame Marie de Villiers, heri∣tiere des beautez de sa mere, & des vertus de son pere, à alliè deux maisons qui ne cedent à aucune autre en noblesse, antiquitè, grandeurs, richesses & vertu, il s'est rendu tout admirable, pourtant au dedans de ses discours le suc & la moële, & au dehors la douceur & la grace; qu'il est tout verdoyant en fueilles, plaisant en fleurs, & abundant en fruits:

Utque viret semper laurus, nec fronde caducâ Carpitur, aeternum sic habet ille decus.

Ad Lectorem.

COmme l'autheur de ces prieres est un homme docte & devot, il à si bien conjoinct la devotion & la doctrine, qu'un coeur glace peut estre rechauffé, & un entendement offusqué peut estre illu∣miné, s'il jette les yeux sur ce livre, & le lit avec attention; car toutes ces prieres sont autant de Sermons, qui luy preschent journelle∣ment la pratique de quelque vertu, & luy exposent quant & quant les

mysteres de Religion. Qu'est il besoin d'en dire tant? Li' les mon cher Lecteur, & tu diras, que comme le Soleil ne demande point tant nos loüanges que nos yeux, (car qui le peut voir sans le loüer) ainsi ce livre ne peut estre leu plustost que loüe.

Salutem à salutis authore.

* 11.48REverendiss. & clarissime domine Doctor Featleie; miraberis, sat s••••o, literarum mearum conspectu; ac sanè tenuitatis meae mo∣••estiaeque fuisset, iis potius supersedere, quam sanctas viri tanti occupationes interturbando in publica commoda peccare. Verum ea est nobilissimi Equitis, D. Flemingi, serenissimi regis vestri apud nos Helvetios Oratoris apud me▪ authoritas, ut potius fama, quàm in obedientiae periculum subire maluerim. Ejus jussu suasuque non modò dignitatis tuae amicitiam praesentibus ambire, sed Pietatis quoque Ancillam Germanica civitate donare ausus fui. Si absque offensione tua id abs me factum intellexero, digito coelum attingam. Mirantur nostri homines devotionis aculeos, quos precationes tuae, in cordibus fidelium exerunt, & post se relinquunt. Mentiar, si iis quic∣quam legerim simile, Perge (vir clarissime) hujusmodi scriptis secu∣lum hoc beare; haec itur ad astra. Quid verò in Polemicis quoque valeas,* 11.49 Magnum Ecclesiae Romanae Sacrilegium, tuaeque cum Pontificii•• habitae disputationes indicant. Si per humanitatem tuam alios quoque genii & ingenii tui foetus exosculari licuerit, beatum me praedicabo. Fatentur nostri transmarini▪ se mihi ob translationem Perkinsii, Willets, Downami, Squirii, aliorumque scriptorum Anglicanorum, plurimum debere: sed longè plus propter translationem precum tuatum▪ Versor ego jam in Apocalypseos explicatione. Antequam verò lucubrationes meas judicio doctorum ventilandas exponam, eas prius, cum uno vel altero Anglorum, qui postremi hoc profundum marc transiverunt con∣ferre lubet. Bene mereberis, vir praestantissime, si me eorum participem reddideris, gratitudinem aliam non polliceor quàm quae à mea tenui∣tate, & amore gentis Anglicanae fluere potest: vale pancraticè vir ex∣cellentissime, & salve;

Datam die Paschatis, Anno 1641.

Ab eo, qui te fert in oculis, Wolfgango Meyero, S. Th. D. & ecclesiae Cathedralis, quae est Basileae concionatore.

Viro reverendo ac clarissimo Domino Francisco Taylero Ecclesiae Claphamensis Rectori vigilantissimo.

NE omittas clarissimi Doctoris Featleii opera, quae à doctis∣simo viro Domino Spanhemio, Professore Genevensi, prae aliis laudantur.

Datum Basileae, Martii 13. 1640.

Joannes Schaevarenus.

Idem in literis dat. Basileae 4. Septemb. 1641. Doctor Featleius quoad acumen, & singularem in meditationibus suis profunditatem, videtur certè vel celebratissimis omnium aevorum hoc in genere scrip∣toribus palmam disputare. Quod si quae alia ejus extent praeter Clavem Mysticam, & Ancillam Pietatis, me quaeso fac rescire.

Viro venerando, Domino Francisco Tayler••, verbi divini praeconi fidelissimo.

UT unicum addam, quaeso, proximis significa an Doctor Featleius adhuc sit in vivis, anque volumen suum meditationum publica∣rum nondum praelo submiserit: de cujus praestantia nullus dubito, est enim mihi ad manum ipsius Ancilla Pietatis, quaem dominus Oliverius propriae manu dono dedit, & dominus Wolfgangus Meyerus in lingua•• nostram vertit v••rnaculam: Sic ipse coram testatus est.

Datum Brugis, Decemb. 10. 1641.

Tuus ex asse, & besse, Iohannes Henricus Homalin, indignus Christi servus.

To the right reverend father in God, IOHN KING, Lord Bishop of London, Peter Moulin wisheth, &c.

THe greater content and delight I received in the friendship and society of Dr. Featley, the greater cut it was to me to part with him; for he is such a man, as you shall meet with but few; and whom, when you know throughly▪ you cannot but love enti∣rely. He is a man of choyce learning, of a nimble and ready wit, of an honest and religious disposition, seasoned with marvelous sweet∣nesse: at whose departure, your English Priests and Jesuits, because they found him a sore adversary, no doubt did greatly rejoyce: for their manner is to hancker about Paris, and to lye in wait for English Gentlemen that travail thi∣ther, that they may catch them in their nets, and engage them in the Romish quarrell▪ with these Doctor Featley often encountred, and striving with them, carryed away the prize▪ and confirmed those that were weak in the faith; and gave proof how much it concer∣ned your Church to have here an able English Minister to make strong opposition against such pestilent wits. To be deprived of the company of such a man, & to be pluckt out of his bosome, how grie∣vous a thing it was to me, any man may judge, who knows the scarcitie of such men h••re: but because he is called to an higher place, and shall reap a more plentifull harvest with you, it is fit for me for the publike good and profit of the Church, to forgoe my private interest.

Salvation in the Author of Salvation.

REverend and most worthy Doctor Featley, I know well you wil wonder at the sight of my letters; and indeed it had stood better with my meanenesse & modesty to have spared them rather, then by interrupting the sacred imployments of so great a man▪ to

offend against the publike good: but such is the authority of that noble Knight, Sir Oliver Flemming, his excellent Majesties Ambas∣sador Lieger with us Helvetians, that, I had rather hazard my reputati∣on, then incur the danger of disobedience. At his command and in∣treaty I have taken the boldnesse not only to renew our acquain∣tance in these my letters▪ but to translate your Hand-maid to De∣votion into the Dutch language: if I may understand that you take no offence at it, I shall think my self very happy: our countreymen very much wonder at the sparkles of devotion, which your prayers doe first kindle in the hearts of the faithfull; and then leave the flame behind them: let no man believe me if ever I read any thing like them: go on most worthy Sir, to make this age happy with such kind of writing; this is the high way to Heaven: besides what your abilities are in controversies, the Grand Sacriledge of the Romish Church▪ and your disputations with the Papists do sufficient∣ly demonstrate; if out of your courtesie I may embrace other fruits of your learning and judgement, I shall acknowlege it as a speciall favour: our countreymen beyond the seas confesse they are much indebted to me for translating the works of Perkins, Willet, Downham, Squire, and other english writers, but far more for the translation of your Devotions. I am now imployed in expounding the Apocalyps: but before I doe expose my labours to be examined here of the learned, I mean to communicate them to one or other of the English, who last crost the seas: worthy Sir, you shall doe me a great benefit, if you shall make me partaker of them; I pro∣mise no other thanks then▪ what can proceed from my slender abili∣lities, and the love of the English nation. Farewell most excellent Sir,

From him who hath his eyes ever upon you, Wolfgangus Meyer, S. Th. Doct. and Prea∣cher at the Cathedrall Church which is in Basile.

To the Reverend and Worthy Mr. FRAN. TAYLER, the watchfull Pastor of the Church of Clapham.

FOrget not to send the works of worthy Doctor Featley, which above other are commended by that most learned man Spa••he∣mius, Professor of Geneva.

Dated at Basile, March 13. 1641.

Iohn Schevaren.

The same man in his letters dated at Basile, 4. Sept. 1641. Doctor Featley, for his a••utenesse and singular depth in his meditations, doth seem to put hard for the victory with the most famous writers of all ages in this kind: but if there be any other works of his extant, beside his Mysticall Key, and his Hand-maid to devotion, pray cer∣tifie me thereof.

To the Worshipfull M. FRANCIS TAYLER, a most faithfull Preacher of the Word of God.

THat I may adde but one thing: in the next letters certifie me whether D. Featley be yet alive, and whether he hath not yet printed his volume of publike meditations; of the excellency wherof I make no doubt: for I have here present at hand his Hand-maid to devotion, which Sir Oliver Flemming gave me with his own hand, and M. Wolfgangus Meyer hath translated into our mother tongue, so he himself professed before me.

Bruges, Dec. 10. 1641.

Yours to the utmost of my estate and power Iohan. Hen. Homalin, the unworthy servant of Christ.

Harlenae, Aprill 11 1644.

Charissimo suo Bullo. S. P. D.

VAlde me perculit qui hic rumor percrebuit de arcta domini Feat∣lei custodiâ. Siccine tractari insignem veritatis pugilem de reli∣gione reformata optimè meritum? Idque ab iis, qui reform andae eccle∣siae palmam aliis praeripere omnibus satagunt? Neutiquam tamen hoc mirum aut insolens discipulo videri debet, cum sciat ipsius magistrum a gente sua & magnis in Israele Rabbinis duriora passum.

Tuus ex animo, Iohan. Stablesius generos. Ger.

From Harlew, to his very loving friend Master Bull, health and happinesse.

I Am sorry to hear of the close Imprisonment of that worthy Dr. Featley; what? He who is▪ and ever hath been so stout a Cham∣pion for religion, to be so used by the reformers thereof? But let his own Nation, & not the disciple think it strange, when his Master suffered so much crueltie from the great Rabbins of Israel.

Yours from my heart, Ioh. Stables Gent.

Aprill 11. 1644.

These testimonies of forraign Divines I had thought to suppresse, because the rehearsing them cannot but wound the modestie of the party, & may peradventure whet the venomous tooth of envie a∣gainst him: yet these comming to my hands, and considering in what condition the partie now is, I held it a dutie of Christian chari∣tie and equitie, to impart them to the indifferent reader for the vindicating his person and adding some light to his reputation now labouring in the eclipse.

SECT. XVIII. The sum of D. F. his apologie, reduced into two unanswer∣able Dilemma's.

BEfore I put forth the horns of the Dilemma's, I will lay down certain Lemma's, or assertions of undeniable veritie.

First, after D. F. had delivered his mind concerning the Scottish Covenant, (which he thought he might doe safely in a free Assemblie) and many days before he wrote any Letter to the Primate of Armagh, it was spoken openly at Westminster, that the Doctor should be voted out of the Assemblie, as L.M. and M. H. disclosed to D. F.

Secondly, that D. F. sent not to A. Warner to conveigh a Letter of his to the Primate of Armagh, but A. Warner was sent to the Doctor, who, by probable and plausible suggestions, drew this Letter unsealed from the Doctor, which he no sooner received, but he shewed the close Committee.

Thirdly, that when the Doctor wrote this Letter to Ar∣magh, the Bishop was an elect Member of the Assemblie by the house of Commons, and both he and Doctor Pr••d••aux▪ and Doctor Ward, and Doctor Brounerigg, and Doctor Oldisworth and Doctor Harris, and others well affected to the Discipline and Liturgie of the Church of England, were daily expected at the Synod, and some of them excused their necessarie absence▪ for a time from the Assemblie, by Letters to the Prolocu••or, whereof one was presen∣ted by Doctor Featley himself, and Doctor Gouge.

Fourthly, that when the Doctor wrote his Letter to the Pri∣mate of Armagh, there was no declaration or ordinance of either of the houses of Parliament, forbidding correspondencie by Letters to Oxford, without leave of the houses, or warrant from the Lord Generall; for the Doctors Letter was written about the middle of September, 1643. and the ordinance prohibiting any under pain of Sequestration, to hold intelligence with Oxford, bears date Octob. 22. 1643. a full moneth after; so that the writing of the fore-na∣med Letter, at that time, was not so much as malum quia prohibitum;

neither could the Doctor be censured for it as a crime, because, as the Apostle teacheth us, where there is no law, there is no trans∣gression.

5. Fifthly, that there was never any thing objected against the Doctor since the ••••tting of the Parliament, or the Assemblie, save the seven Articles prefer'd against him by the Brownists, of which he was cleared, acquitted, and discharged in a full house after a long debate, Iuly 13. and his Letter to the Primate of Ireland, which was written before the ordinance of Parliament made it criminall to write any letters to Oxford without speciall leave.

Now Civicus, call to thee Britanicus, and Scoticus, and Coelicus; together with Patriark W. and Independent N. and set all your wits upon the renters, to render some colourable answer to these two in∣soluble dilemma's.

First, either the vote of the house of Commons is an undoub∣ted oracle of truth and justice, and a concludent and definitive sen∣tence in poynt of law, or not. If it be so, then is D. F. cleare from all aspersions cast upon him. For in a full house, Iuly 12. he was ac∣quitted of all the articles objected against him, as appeareth in the record under the hand of H. Elsing, exemplified in the vindication of D. F. p. 21. If it be not so, but as some heretofore have concei∣ved, only as the inquest of the Grand Jurie, and a preparatorie to the full information of the cause upon oath, and finally sentencing it in the house of Peers; then the vote passed agains•• the Doctor in the house of Commons alone, without any farther proceeding in the house of Lords, is of no force or validitie in law, and consequently D. F. is still Rector both of Lambeth and Acton, and M. W. and M. N. are no better then intruders and usurpers of another mans ••ight and possession. If the Allegations brought by the Brownists a∣gainst the Doctor were true, how came he to be acquitted Iuly 12? if they were false, how came he to condemned by the vote of the same house Sept. 29? And why were those articles from which he was cleared, commanded to be read in Lambeth Church, and made the ground of the sentence of sequestration against him, as if he had been guiltie of them?

Secondly, either-the unsealed letter, written to the Primate of Ireland, contained in it some disclosing of secrets of state▪ or im∣putations upon the Parliament, or some other criminall matter lia∣ble to just censure, or not.

If the former, 1. Why was the originall Letter sent by order of the close Committee to Oxford▪ If it gave any intelligence, they who sent it were the intelligencers, not the Doctor: his letter intercepted at London could tell no ••ales at Oxford.

2. Why was not the originall under the Doctors owne hand shewed him to convince him? Or at least an authenticall copi••, attested by the hand of a notarie or some sworn witnesse, proving the accord thereof with the originall?

3. Why were not the pretended offensive particulars put to the Doctor, when he was convented before the Committee, and his pun∣ctuall answer required thereunto?

4. Why was not the messenger or some other witnesse produced, to prove that the pretended offensive particulars were in the letter signed with the Doctors own hand?

5. Why all this while is the letter suppressed, and not published to this day to cleare the justice of the proceedings against the Do∣ctor? If it were a legall evidence against him, as it is urged in the sentence; why could the Doctor by no means gain a copie of it▪ that he might interpret his own meaning, and that his answer as well as the objections against him might be upon record?

Lastly, why was no cause expressed in the Warrant, for committing him to Prison?

If the latter, i. e. if the letter be so far from containing in it any matter subject to exception that it rather deserved approbation, as expressing much loyaltie to his Majestie, zeal of the true orthodox religion, and a reverend regard and respect to the Assemblie of Divines, with a desire to continue still among them with his Maje∣sties leave.

* 12.11. Why then is this letter made the only ground of all the pro∣ceedings against the Doctor?

2. Why for writing this letter unsealed, not to a stranger, but to a member of the Assemblie, was he voted out of both his Benefices, all his estate both personall and reall sequestred, his ••ooks (in which lay his chiefest treasure) taken from him, his familie turned out of house and home, his servants and friends examined upon oath, concerning any plate, money, rents, or arrerages, bills or bonds belonging to him, and all that could be found seized upon?

3. Why is he suspended from the exercise of his Ecclesiasticall function?

4. Why hath he been so long detained in prison, and there put to a great charge without any allowance at all out of his sequestred estate worth above 400 pound per annum?

5. Why is such a severe hand kept over him, that in the space of eight moneths and more, he can by no means obtain a most hum∣ble and conscionable petition to be rendered in his behalf to the house?

Thou, whosoever readest these things, and hast with Philip of Macedon, reserved one eare for the defendant, consider of all things impartially: & si quam opinionem animo conceperis▪ si eam ratio conv••llit, si ratio labefactabit, si verita•• extorquebit, ne repugnes;* 12.2 ••amque animo aut libenti aut aequo remittas. Est eni•••• haec norma & forma judiciorum aequorum, ut culpa sine invidiâ plectatur, & invi∣dia sine culpâ ponatur: whatsoever prejudicate opinion thou mayst have taken of the Doctor, if reason convince it, if reason overthrow it, if truth it self pluck it from thee, give over thy hold: for this is the rule and pattern of all righteous judgements, that guilt be censured without envie or spleen, and envie and spleen without guilt be a∣bandoned.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Diego Tornis edit. Venet. 1604.

  Barcaeus, vester Diabolo venit obviam petiit{que} ut cathedram ejus occuparet, quia erit dig∣nior. Psal. 1.
• * 1.2

  Prov. 26.5.
• * 1.3

  Alderm. P.
• * 1.4

  Vell. Paters▪ l. 2.
• * 1.5

  Divin Instit. l. ult.
• * 1.6

  Scalig. contra Lyid. In locis nitidissimis oli∣dum ponit.
• * 1.7

  The one was hanged on a Gallowes fifty cubits high, the other in a Cage on the highest Tower in Munster▪

  Civicus, Scoticus, C••elicus.
• * 1.8

  Merc. Brit. pag. 47.
• * 1.9

  Annal. Tacit. lib. 12.

  Agrippina Sta∣tilium Taurum hortis ejus inhians perver∣tit.
• * 1.10

  Iustin. lib. 1. Persae festum celebrant ob necem Mago∣rum, dictum, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.11

  Armiger War∣ner.
• * 1.12

  1643.
• (a) 1.13

  M W••ite of Dorchest.
• (b) 1.14

  M. Nye
• (c) 1.15

  M. Ben,
• (d) 1.16

  M Cooke.
• (e) 1.17

  Andrew Ke••win.
• * 1.18

  Brit. p. 45.
• * 1.19

  Ans.
• * 1.20

  The name of a Mood in the third Figure, and also of a Prison.
• * 1.21

  Ovid. M••tam. l. 1. terras A∣straea reliquit. See the gentle Lash, p. 5.
• * 1.22

  Brit. pag. 67.
• * 1.23

  Ans.
• * 2.1

  Apol. Eccl. Ang. p. 2. c. 1. divis. 1.
• * 2.2

  Vid. Vossium de 36 Symbo∣lis.
• * 3.1

  The second Speech, to the eighth Article.
• * 3.2

  Act 14 Trin▪
• * 3.3

  In ep. ad Polon▪
• * 3.4

  Iohn 5.26.
• * 3.5

  Hom. de temp. 88.
• * 4.1

  The definition of justifica∣tion.
• * 5.1

  The second Speech, to the eleventh Article.
• * 5.2

  Calvin. praefat. Institut.
• * 5.3

  Cypri. de ce••t. Dom.
• * 5.4

  Piscator and Tilenus.
• * 5.5

  Obj.
• * 5.6

  Sol 1▪
• * 5.7

  Obj.
• * 5.8

  Sol. 2.
• * 5.9

  Sol. 3.
• * 5.10

  Sol. 4.
• * 5.11

  Sol. 5.
• * 6.1

  The third Speech, to the eleventh Article.
• * 7.1

  The fourth speech to the eleventh Ar∣ticle.
• * 7.2

  Obj. 1.
• * 7.3

  Obj. 2.
• * 7.4

  Obj. 3.
• * 7.5

  Sol.
• * 7.6

  Obj. 4.
• * 7.7

  Sol.
• * 7.8

  Obj. 5.
• * 7.9

  Sol.
• * 8.1

  The fifth speech to the eleventh Ar∣ticle.
• * 8.2

  Arg. 1.
• * 8.3

  Resp.
• * 8.4

  Replic.
• * 8.5

  Arg. 2.
• * 8.6

  Advers. Resp.
• * 8.7

  Replicatio.
• * 8.8

  Arg. 3.
• * 8.9

  Resp. Advers.
• * 8.10

  Replic.
• * 8.11

  In Rom. 5.
• * 8.12

  Assumpt. But the ••••gh∣teousnesse of Christ, as he was a sacrifice for sin, was to be unspotted wholly and without sin.

  Hebr. Ergo, as he was a sacrifice for sin, his ho∣linesse was imputed unto us.
• * 8.13

  Arg. 4.
• * 8.14

  Advers. Sol.
• * 8.15

  Replicatio.
• * 8.16

  The VOTE.
• * 10.1

  Eccl. 7.29.
• * 11.1

  1 Pet. 2.25. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Act. 1.20.
• * 11.2

  Ambros com. in Ephes. c. 4. v. 10. Apostoli sunt Episcopi Ierom. ad Mar∣cel. apud nos Apostolorum locum tenent Episcopi. Cyp. ep. l. 3. Aposto∣los id est Epis∣copos, & prae∣positos Dominus elegit.

  August. in Ps. 45. loco patrum erunt filii, ••d est, Apostolorum Episcopi. Et i∣bid. dilatatum est Evangelium in omnibus fi∣nibus mundi; in quibus▪ princi∣pes ecclesia id est, Episcopi sunt constituti.
• * 11.3

  Aug. ep. 162 & comment in Apoc. hom. 2. Ambrose 1 1 Cor. 11.16. ••••cumeniu••, Areth••s, Mar∣lorat. Pareus, in Apoc. c 1.2. Policarp. Epis∣copus Smyrnae, Onesimus E∣phesi Antipa•• Pergami, &c.
• * 11.4

  Edi•• Teclae it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thy wife which demonstrateth that the A••∣gell there sig∣nifieth one singular man of authority in the Church, and not the whole clergy of that place, Ep ad Episc. Winton.
• * 11.5

  Concil. Nice. can. 5. conc. Antioch can 6. Conc. Sard. can. 14. conc Chal. act. 15. c. 29. ••gnatius in ep. ad Philad. Irenaeus l. ••. c. 3. Tertul. l. de baptismo Euse. l. ••. c. 40. Ierom ep ad Nep••t. Optatus l. 1. cont. Parmen. Amb. in Eph. cap. 4. Basil. Eph. 70.
• * 11.6

  Epiphanius hae∣res. 75. p. 295. Aug ad quod vult D••u•• A••∣riam ab AErio quodam sunt nominati, qui cum esse•• pres∣byter, dolu••sse fertur quod E∣piscop•••• non po∣tuit ordinari, di••••bat presby∣terum ab Ep••s∣copo nulla ••i∣s••r••ntia debere disce••n••. Hieron. in Tit.
• * 11.7

  Con. 1. art. 15. c. 29 Episco∣pum in presby∣teri gradum re∣ducere est sacrilegium. Anatolius con∣stant. Episcop. dixit, i••qui di∣cuntu•• ab Epis∣copal•• dignitat•• ad presbyteri or∣dinem descen∣di••••e, si 〈…〉〈…〉 causis condem∣nanturnec pres∣byteri honore digni sunt.
• * 11.8

  See Art. 36. & ••. de consecrat. It is evident to all men reading holy Scriptures & ancient au∣thors, that from the A∣postles time there have bin these three orders in the Church of Christ, and that a Bishop ought to cor∣rect and pu∣nish such as are unquiet, ••riminous and disobedient within his dio∣cesse, accord∣ing to such authoritie as he hath by the word of God.
• * 11.9

  Vide record. in Exchequer. I wil preserve and maintain to you & the Churches cō∣mitted to your charges all Canonicall priviledges, and I will be your protector and defender to my power, by the assis∣tance of God, as every good King in his kingdome in right ought to defend the Bishops and Churches un∣der their go∣vernment &c. Then laying his hand on the book on the communi∣on table, he sayth, the things which I have before promised, I shall perform and keep, so help me God, and by the contents of this book▪
• * 11.10

  Cic. Tusc. quaest.
• * 11.11

  Pro Mur. tolle no••en Catonis.
• * 11.12

  Statut. Ed. 3. ann. 25. The Church of England was founded in the state of prelacie, &c. for we owe to it our best laws made in the Saxon times, and Charta magna it self: The union of the two Roses, Yo••k, and Lancaster, the marriage with Scotland; and above all, the plantation & reformation of true religi∣on. See Vin∣dication of Episcopacie▪ page 23, 24. See also the statute book of 16. Rich. 2. where the Commons ••hew, that the Prelates were much profita∣ble and neces∣sarie to their Soveraign Lord the K. and the realm &c.
• * 11.13

  Ierome ad∣vers. Luc. c. 4. Ecclesiae salu•• à summi sacer∣dot•• dignitate pendet, cui si non ••xors quae∣dam, & ab omnibus em••∣nens detur pro∣testas, tot in ecclesia effici∣entur schisma∣ta, quot sacer∣dotes.

  Cypr. ep. 3. non aliunde haereses abortae sunt, aut nata schis∣mata, quam inde quod sa∣cerdoti Dei non obtemperatur; nec unus in ec∣clesia ad tem∣pus sacerdos, & ad tempus judex•• vice Christi cogi∣tatur.
• * 11.14

  Athanas. a∣pol. 2. Colithus quidam pres∣byter in eccle∣sia Alexandri∣na alios pres∣byteros ordinare praesumpserat; sed rescissa fuit ejus ordinatio, & omnes ab eo constituti pres∣byteri in laic••∣rum ordinem redacti. See Epiph. haer. 75. The order of Bishops begets Fathers in the Church: but the order of Presbyters sonnes in baptisme, but no Fathers or Doctors.
• * 11.15

  See also ••. Abbot▪ in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the visibilitie of the Church, and in his an∣swer to Hill.
• * 11.16

  Apol. confess. Augustan. c. de numero & usu sacrament. ••os saepe pro••estati sumus summa cum voluntate conservare p••∣litiam eccl••sia∣sticam, & g••a∣dus in ecclesia factos etiam summa autho∣ritate: scimus enim utili con∣silio ecclesiacti∣cam disciplina hanc modo quo vet••res eam d••scribunt con∣stitutam.
• * 11.17

  Luther. tom. 2. p. 320. Ne∣mo contra statū episcoporum & veros episcopos, vel bonos pasto∣res dictum pu∣tet, quicquid contra hos ty∣rannos dicitur.
• * 11.18

  Gerard. de ministerio ec∣cles. Nemo nostrum dicit nihil interesse inter episcopum, & presbyterum; sed agnoscimus distinctionem graduum propter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ecclesiae, ut concordia conservetur.
• * 11.19

  Calv. de ne∣cess. reform. ecclesiae. Talem nobis hierar∣chiam s•• exbi∣beant, in qua sic emin••a••t epis∣copi, ut Ch••isto subeste non re∣cusent, ut ab illo tanquam unico capite pendeant & ad ipsum referan∣tur, in qua sic inter se fra∣ternam socie∣ta••em colant, ut non alio modo quam ejus veritate si••t colligati; tum vero nul∣lo non anathe∣mate dignos fateo••, si qui erunt, qui non ••am ••everen∣ter, summaque obedientia ob∣servent.
• * 11.20

  Beza, de grad. minist. evang. c. 18. Sess. 3. Quod si nunc ecclesiae instau••atae An∣glicanae suo∣rum Episcopo∣rum & Archi∣episc••porum authoritate suffultae perstant, quemadmodum hoc illis nostra memoria contigit, ut eju•• ordinis homines non ••antum insignes Dei Martyres, sed etiam praestantissimos Docto∣res & Pastores habuerit, &c.
• * 11.21

  Brit. p. 67.
• * 11.22

  Ans.
• * 11.23

  M. Nye.
• * 11.24

  Brit. p. 68.
• * 11.25

  Ans.
• * 11.26

  See the testi∣monies of Dr. Moulin, and other for∣raign divines in the Coroll••∣••ie.
• * 11.27

  The hand∣maid to devo∣tio••.
• * 11.28

  The Author of the book, intituled; A safeguard from Ship wrak
• * 11.29

  A••••s forbid∣deth not all usurie, but bi∣ting usurie in his Cases of Consciences.
• * 11.30

  Plutarch Apopl••.
• * 11.31

  Brit. p. 68.
• * 11.32

  Answ.
• * 11.33

  Turtul. prae∣script.
• * 11.34

  [illustration]
• * 11.35

  Cook at the Bridge foot.
• * 11.36

  Cic. pro Sylla.
• * 11.37

  Isocr ad Daem••∣nicum.
• * 11.38

  Hesiod. l. 1. ••p. & dies.
• * 11.39

  Adag. Homeri∣ca nube tectus. Ve••itas tempo∣••is filia.
• * 11.40

  A Book so in∣tituled.
• * 11.41

  Ans.
• * 11.42

  Mat. 5.••.
• * 11.43

  See the statu••. 16. Rich. 2. and the 25 of Edw. 3.
• * 11.44

  See Sphyni•• Philosophica.
• * 11.45

  Ps••l. 69.2••.
• * 11.46

  Basil. ••p. 62. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 11.47

  Guillaume Herbert in the Epistle dedi∣catorie, pre∣fixed to his translation of Doct. Featley's Handmaid of devotion into French.
• * 11.48

  Wolsgangus Meyer in his Epistle dedi∣catorie before his Dutch translation.
• * 11.49

  The Grand Sacriledge, printed Lond. 1630.
• * 12.1

  In the Vote Sept. 29. a∣gainst the Dr. (all the other articles are waved) see the record supr.
• * 12.2

  Cic. pro Cl••••as.