A Pisgah-sight of Palestine and the confines thereof with the history of the Old and New Testament acted thereon / by Thomas Fuller ...

To the Right Honourable JOHN LORD ROSSE, Son to the Right Honourable JOHN EARL OF RVTLAND.

MY LORD,

IT hath been charged by Foreiners on our English Gentry, that many of them very knowing beyond the seas, have been strangers in their native Countrey; as able to give a better account of the Spaw, then our own Bath; the diving of the Spanish Anas under ground, then of our own Rivers (Diverill in Wiltshire, and Mole in Surrey) wherein the same wonders of Nature are set forth in a lesser Edition.

How just this accusation is, for the present I have no lea∣sure

to enquire, but am afraid, that too many of our nation are guilty of a greater Ignorance; That being quic•• sighted in other kingdomes, and Countreys, they are altogether blinde as touching Judea, and the land of Palestine; the Home for their meditations, who are conversant in all the historicall passages of Scripture.

Yet I would not have any wilfully to expose themselves (as Saint Paul was against his will) toa 1.1 perils of waters, perils of Robbers, perils by the Heathen, &c. personally to pace and trace the land of Canaan: who rather conceive that precept to Abraham▪b 1.2 Arise, walk through the land in the breadth thereof, and in the length thereof, may be performed by us, even whilest we also follow the counsell of Joash to Amaziah, Abidec 1.3 now at home.

This may be done by daily and diligent perusing of the Scriptures; and comparing the same with it self; (Dia∣monds onely cut Diamonds) as also by consulting with such as have written the description of that Countrey. Amongst whom give me leave (though the unworthiest of thousands) to tender these my endevours, to your Honours seri∣ous perusall, and patronage, hoping my pains herein may con∣duce to the better understanding of the History of the Bible.

I confess the doctrinall part of the Scripture is in it self most instructive to salvation. But as the rare relation of the wo∣man of Samaria,* 1.4 first drew her neighbours to the sight of our Saviour, which afterwards believed on him, not for her words, but his own worth; so the delightfull stories in the Bible have allured many (youth especially) to the reading thereof, the light (the historicall part) first inviting their eyes, whose hearts were afterwards inflamed with the heat, the holy fire in the doctrine of Gods word.

Give me leave therefore my Lord, humbly to commend to your Honour, the constant reading of that, which eminently is termed The Scripture and the Bible or Book, all other be∣ing but scribling and Pamphlets in comparison thereof. They contain what will make you wise unto salvation; and the study thereof will render your Lordship more truely honoura∣ble then your outward extraction.

Great indeed was the priviledge of Ruth, for whom purposely some handfuls wered 1.5 let fall, for her to gather up. But greater the honour done to your Ancestors by our English Kings, above an hundred years since, who scattered some flowers (and other ornaments) out of their own Armes, therewith to deck and adorn those of your family.

Yet know my Lord that the Bereans aree 1.6 pronounced more noble then those of Thessalonica, in that they re∣ceived the word with all readiness of minde, searching the Scriptures daily, whether those things were so: And by the same proportion your exact skill industriously attained in Gods word, shall make your soul increase with the increase* 1.7 of God; far more honourable then that Aug∣mentation in Heraldry, which was conferred on your An∣cestours.

Remember I pray what David writes, Ie 1.8 have seen an end of all perfection, but thy commandement is exceed∣ing broad. Oh imperfect perfection which hath an end! And indeed David lived in an Age, wherein he saw Goliahf 1.9 the strongest overcome, Asahel theg 1.10 swiftest overtaken, Achi∣tophelh 1.11 the wisest befooled, and Absalom thei 1.12 fairest defor∣med with a violent death. Yet still the immortall word out∣lived all casualties, and triumphed in defiance of opposition.

Wherefore as the Jews were to provide a chest by the side of the Ark wherein the Lawk 1.13 was to be placed and kept, so I wish your Honour a large heart to be a repository for this Broad commandement of God, that therein you may care∣fully lay up and treasure the same, which when all earthly per∣fections prove false and fading, will furnish your soul with ho∣liness here and happiness hereafter: which is the daily prayer of

Your Honours most humble servant THO. FULLER.

Here followeth the description of Jerusalem.

[illustration]

THE DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY OF IERVSALEM. The third Book.

CHAP. I. Of the severall names and generall situation of Jerusalem.

§ 1 WHen a woman often altereth her surname, it is a signe she hath been many times married; deno∣minating of his wife from him, being parcell of thea 1.14 maritall priviledge. But when a City in diverse Ages hath different names, this speaks her succes∣sive subjection to severall Lords, new owners impo∣sing on her new appellations, as in our present subject plainly appears. For the City which we are to describe was called

• 1b 1.15 Salem, in the days of Abraham, when Melchisedec was King, and probably first founder thereof. Then it was but a small place, (the greatest Giant had once the cradle of his infancy) when mount Moriah (afterwards in the midst of the City, and a forest of houses) was as yet but a thicket ofc 1.16 thornes, wherein the Ram, the exchange for Isaac, was caught by the hornes.
• 2 Iebus. A name either of the whole or principall part thereof; so we read of the Levite* 1.17 that he came over against Iebus, which is Ie∣rusalem.
• 3 Ierusalem* 1.18; so called, as the Fathers generally affirme, as the pro∣duct of the union of Iebus and Salem, B, for sounds sake being

• changed into R, which notwithstanding the propriety of the Hebrew tongue will not permit. For though chopping of letters be her cōmon practise, yet, the Iews (as they always married within their own Tribe, so they) exchanged letters of the same Linage, (same Instrument) Labials for Labials, Gutturals for Gutturals, whereas betwixt Beth, & Resh in Hebrew no such affinity. Besides the turn∣ing of a tender melting B. into a surly rigid R. is not to levigate or mollifie, but to make the name the harder in pronun∣ciation. This drives others to seek out the Etymology thereof, as signifying in Hebrew, The vision of peace. But seeing Abra∣hamd 1.19 called an eminent place whereon it stood, Iehovah-Iireh, The Lord will be seen; perchance from the echo of the name Iireh added to Salem,(that is, peace shall be seen or provided) the City might be called Ierusalem, where having the essentiall Consonant••, the most various point-vowels are not so considerable. Forget we not that even in Davids time, when the name of Ierusalem was in fashion, the City was sometimes still called Salem: For ine 1.20 Sa∣lem is his Tabernacle, and his dwelling in Sion. Thus it is usuall in England in common discourse to cut off the former part of long-named Cities, Wes••chester, Southhampton, Kingstone on Hull, whilest the remnant Chester, Hampton, Hull sufficiently express them to ordinary capacities.
• 4 Hierosolyma, which indeed is no new name, but the old name in a new language, translated into Greek. Somef 1.21 Fathers will have it compounded from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Temple and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 So∣lomon, that is, Solomons Temple, as if the mixing of these Languages did promise, if not prophesie, in after ages a joint interest of Iew and Gentile in the mysteries of Religion. But Saintg 1.22 Hierome is zealous against this Fancy, impatient that in the name of the prin∣cipall City of the Iews a Greek word should not onely be min∣gled with, but preferred before the Hebrew. It is safer therefore to say, that Hierosolyma is nothing else but Ierusalem grecized, or made Greek, and the conceit of the Temple of Solomon rather a witty allusion thereto, then a solid deduction thereof.
• 5 Solyma, being onely the half of the former. For whereas Hieroso∣lyma being a confluence of six short syllables was unmanagable in ordinary verse, Poets served this name (as the Ammonites the cloaths of Davidsh 1.23 Ambassadours) cut it off in the middle.

  Ani 1.24 Solymum cinerem Palmeta{que} capta subibis? Wilt thou go under Salems dust forsaken, Vnder the palme-trees lately captive taken?

  I conceive the name of Solyma not used by Authors till after our Saviours suffering, though Iosephus (and probably out of him Tacitus) writes that Homer makes mention thereof, as indeed we finde itk 1.25 twice in his Poems, never for this City in Iudea, but

• for a place and people in Lycia. I will not say that the curtling of Ierusalem into Solyma after our Saviours time, was a sad pro∣gnostick that this spacious City should suddenly in the fire of ci∣vill war be boiled away to the half, yea afterwards shrink to so unconsiderable a smalness that a monosyllable, yea a bare letter were too long a name for it.
• 6 Aelia, so named from Aelius H••drianus the Emperour, who built some part of it again, and made it a Garrison.
• 7 Ierusalem, recovering the ancient name again, whilest for some hundred of years it was in the possession of the Christians.
• 8l 1.26 Cuds, so called at this day by the Mahometans, who are the present owners thereof, which signifies Holy in their language.

Here we omit those many appellations given Ierusalem in Scripture: The m 1.27 faithfull City, the City of the greatn 1.28 King, theo 1.29 holy City, because these are not proper names, but glorious Epithets thereof.

§ 2. Concerning the generall situation of Ierusalem, three things here∣in are remarkable: first it was placed, asp 1.30 Iosephus reports, in the very mid∣dle of Iudea. But herein criticall exactness is not to be observed, (the heart it self is not so unpartially in the midst of the body, but that if not in position, yet in motion it propends to the left side) for Ierusalem in∣clines more to the south of the Countrey. As Ierusalem was the navell of Iudea, so the Fathers make Iudea the middest of the world, whereunto they bring (not to say, bow) those places of Scripture, Thou hast wrought salvation in the midst of the earth. Indeed seeing the whole world is a round Table, and the Gospell the food for mens souls, it was fitting that this great dish should be set in the midst of the Board that all the guests round about might equally reach unto it; and Ierusalem was the Center whence the lines of salvation went out into all lands. Yea Ptolemy dividing the (then-known) world into seven Climats, placed Ierusalem as the Sun, in the fourth Climat, proportionably to what is said in theq 1.31 Prophe••, I have set it in the midst of the Nations, and the Countreys that are round about her.

§ 3. Secondly, it had highr 1.32 mountains under it, and lower about it, which as dutifull servants at distance seemed to attend it. Ierusalem had a mountain for her footstool, and her floor was higher then the roof of other Cities: no doubt the Emblem of the strength, stateliness, and stability of Gods Church in glory. High and hard climbing thither, but plain and pleasant dwelling there.

§ 4. Lastly, it was distanced from the sea welnigh forty miles, ha∣ving no navigable River near unto it. For God intended not Ierusalem for a staple of trade, but for a ROYALL EXCHANGE OF RE∣LIGION, chiefly holding correspondency with Heaven it self, daily re∣ceiving blessings thence, duly returning praises thither. Besides, God would not have his virgin people the Iews, wooed with, much less wedded to outlandish fashions. And ifs 1.33 Eusebius may be credited, for the self same

reason, Plato in imitation of Ierusalem, would have that City, wherein the modell of his imaginary Common-wealth should be set up, to be seated some miles from the sea, lest forein merchandize should by degrees bring in forein manners into it.

CHAP. II. The particular Situation, Circuit; Populousness, Beauty and strength thereof.

§ 1 IT will be pain-worthy to enquire into the exact situation of Ie∣rusalem in what Tribe it was placed, the rather because severall testimonies of Scripture entitle both Iudah and Benjamin unto the posses∣sion thereof.

For IUDAH.

Josh. 15. 63.

And for the Iebusites, the inhabitants of Ierusalem, the children of Iudah could not drive them out, but the Iebusites dwell with the children of Iudah at Ierusalem unto this day.

Judg. 1. 8.

Now the children of Iudah had fought against Ierusalem, and had ta∣ken it, and smitten it with the edge of the sword, and set the City on fire.

For BENIAMIN.

Josh. 18. 28.

And Zelah, Eleph, and Iebus, (which is Ierusalem) Gibeah and Kiriath. This is the inheritance of the children of Benjamin according to their families.

Judg. 1. 12.

And the children of Benjamin did not drive out the Iebusites that inhabited Ierusalem, but the Iebusites dwell with the children of Benjamin in Ierusalem unto this day.

FOR BOTH:

Nehem. 11. 4.

And at Ierusalem dwelt certain of the children of Iudah, and of the children of Benjamin.

This fifth and last place is a good Comment on the four former, name∣ly, that this City (though the Iebusites long disturbed their quiet posses∣sion) jointly belonged to both Tribes, neither claiming it totally as his, both truly as theirs; Nora 1.34 was this any confused mixture of their inhe∣tances (flatly forbidden in the law) but methodicall (if not mysticall) meeting thereof, so that Iudah and Benjamin (which alone persisted loyall to God and their King) had their possessions lovingly shaking hands in Ierusalem, the solemn place appointed for Gods publick service.

§ 2. Ierusalem was fiftyb 1.35 furlongs in circuit, which reduced to our English account amounts to six miles and a quarter. In which compass multitudes of People did inhabit, and three different degrees of the po∣pulousness of this place are very remarkable.

• 1 Ordinary, even in vacation-time, when there was no spring-tyde,

• or usuall confluence of people more then the proper Citizens thereof, and those no fewer then one hundred and fiftyc 1.36 thou∣sand.
• 2 Extraordinary, at the three annuall Termes, (as I may call them) I mean the three Feasts general of the Iews, Passeover, Pentecost, the feast of Tabernacles, when all the able malesd 1.37 of Israel appeared with an offering before God.
• 3 Superextraordinary, when this City was sacked by the Romans, and when all sorts, and sexes (some drawn with devotion, more driven for protection) flocked thither, insomuch that by fire, famine, sword, civill discord, and forein force, eleven hundrede 1.38 thousand are said to be slain therein.

Incredible it seems that so many should be pent in this place, except the people therein (as when they crouded about Christ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉f 1.39 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) did throng and press one on another. But we must consider that flying thither for shelter, they had room enough, if they had but room enough, not aiming at any convenient, (much less delightfull ha∣bitations,) but onely a bare lodging in Ierusalem, where for the time being, every single chamber was made a severall family, and every story multi∣plyed into a street whilest the fiege continued.

§ 3. And therefore it is most justly recounted asone of the ten wonders (whereof the Rabbins take especiall notice amongst the Iews) that ••••ver* 1.40 any man did say to his fellow, I have not found a bed in Ierusalem to lye in; nor did ev••r any ma•• say to his fellow, My lodging is too strait for me in Ierusalem. As if ••he place were of a Cheverell nature, to extend to the proportion of the People therein. Indeed it was part of Gods goodness when he brought his Vine out of Egypt, then also to prepare* 1.41 room for it, which he performed here accordingly, even to admiration.

§ 4. Now amongst the nativ••s of Ierusalem, many no doubt were the eminent Persons born therein, especially, if the Rabbinicall tradition be true, that wheresoever the particular place of any Prophets birth is not set down, there it is to be presumed that he was of Ierusalem. By this observation, Nathan, Gad, Isaiah, Daniel, Hosea, Ioel, Habakkuk, &c. should be town-born children of Ierusalem. But we leave it uncertain whether this place gave the cradles to these, being too sure that it gave the coffins to too many worthy messen∣gers of God, O Ierusalem,g 1.42 Ierusalem, thou that killest the Prophets, and stonest them that are sent unto thee.

§ 5. The structure of this City was beautifull and high, of hewed free∣stone, very uniform, whether in respect of the houses, or streets, one toano∣ther:h 1.43 Ierusalem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 builded as a City which is at unity in it self. Their roofs were flat ••nd fenced with battlements, by specialli 1.44 command from God▪ to pre∣v••nt casualties of people falling thence. These roofs were the Iews watch∣••owers for prospect, galleries for pleasure and (which was the worst) their ••igh places for Idolatry. Which causeth the Prophets complaint

more thenk 1.45 once, That thereon they burnt incense unto all the host of Heaven. Surely the weight of this wickedness did break the strongest beams, and stiffest rafters in the Palaces of Ierusalem. For, though Idols be lighter then vanity it self, in point of power, and efficacy; they are heavier then lead to press the place down with divine vengeance.

§ 6. As for the strength of Ierusalem, we must in the first place listen to Iu••ah his song,l 1.46 We have a strong City, salvation will God appoint for walls and bulwarks. The Spaniards come off poorly with their brag, that they have Madrid a City in Castile walled withm 1.47 fire; which at last proves nothing else but that there be many quarries of flint found round about it. But, most true it is that God promised Ierusalem,n 1.48 he would be unto her a wall of fire round about: which promise he for his part, would most surely have kept, and performed, had not the sins of the Iews forced him to break it, in vindication of his own justice.

§ 7. As for the outward fortifications thereof, it was incompassed with ao 1.49 treble wall, save where it was begirt with unpassable vallies, and there one wall did suffice. This wall was fenced with a ditch, cut out of a rock, saithp 1.50 Iosephus, andq 1.51 Strabo, sixty foot deep, and two hun∣dred and fifty foot broad; the former not acquainting us with the au∣thour thereof, so prodigious a work may well be conceived, a perfor∣mance of many successive Princes therein. It seems, it was made the deeper because it was dry:r 1.52 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, well watered within, and dry without, is the character our author gives of the Ci∣ty. This I dare say, the breadth of this ditch exceeds the proportion of al modern regular fortifications, for in Breda it self (the platform where∣in, may be the platform for other places) the ditch is no broader then the rampire at the bottome thereof. And now, whats 1.53 David principally intended mystically, comes to our place literally to endevour, Walke a∣bout Sion, and goe round about her: tell the towers thereof. Mark yee well her bul∣works, consider her palaces, that yee may tell it to the generation following. And to follow the motion of the Sun, we will begin at the East, and so for∣ward.

CHAP. III. Of the Gates thereof.

§ 1. BE it premised,* 1.54 that many difficulties in this subject have been caused by mens unwary confounding of the severall natures of the gates in Ierusalem, which for the clearing of the truth, must carefully be distinguished into four sorts, in sundry places serving for different em∣ployments.

Gates

• 1 In the out-wall, giving ing••ess and egress to passengers, the sole subject of our present discourse.
• 2 In the in-walls, (like Temple-bar opening out of Fleet-street into the Strand) being partitions within Ierusalem. Such the Iron∣gate through whicha 1.55 Saint Peter went out of prison, to the house of Mary the mother of Iohn Mark.
• 3 Leading to the Courts of the Temple: (as Saint Austins-gate into Saint Pauls Church-yard) such theb 1.56 beautifull gate &c.
• 4 Of the Kings palace: (like Bulwark- gate, and Iron-gate leading to London tower) as the gatec 1.57 whereby the horses came into the Kings house.

Now such as promiscuously make all these to be out-gates of Ierusalem ingage themselves in difficulties, and deceiv•• others thereby. For preven∣tion whereof we will onely insist on the gates of the first qualification.

§ 2. Begin we with the Sheep-gate on the east of Ierusalem,* 1.58 ind 1.59 Nehemi∣ahs time owing the reparation thereof to Eli••shib the high Priest, and his brethren. Through this gate the sheep were driven in, and all other cat∣tell designed for sacrifice, as the nearest way to the Temple.

§ 3. Next followeth the Golden-gate (not mentioned in Scripture,* 1.60 but mee••ly depending one 1.61 humane authority,) so called because gilt all over, vulgar beholders (who carry no touchstones in their eyes) ac∣counting all massie gold which is richly gilded. Popishf 1.62 authours adde that when our Saviour in an humble but solemn equipage rode on an Asse colt to the Temple, this gate opened unto him of its own accord: a prety proportionable fiction. For, if theg 1.63 Iron-gate opened to Peter a Di∣sciple, no less then a Golden-gate could offer entrance to Christ his Master. Onely here's the difference, we receive the one as recorded in Scripture, and re••u••e the other as not reported therein, especially our Saviour ha∣ving ••o fair an occasion to make mention thereof. For when the Pha∣risees questioned him for not silencing the Childrens Hosa••a••s, and when he returned, th••t if theyh 1.64 should hold their peace, the stones would immedi∣ately ••ry out, how easie had it been for him to adde, that the very walls of the City had already opened their mouthes (their gates) to receiv•• him?

§ 4. Thirdly,* 1.65 the Horse-gate by the Kings palace, through which the grooms brought the Kings hor••••s, to water them in the brook of Kidron, yet some erroneously make this the same with the Water-gate. The Pro∣phet points at the exact position thereof towardsb 1.66 the east, and we finde the mention, but not the reedifying of this gate ini 1.67 Nehemiah; a Presum∣p••ion, that it was not so ruinous as the rest, and not needing much repa∣ration. As for 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who cryed Treason, Treason, (the fox the finder) when she was the greatest Traitour herself: on thek 1.68 Comparing of Scripture it will appear that the Horse-gate whereat she was killed, was not this City gate, but another so named leading from the Temple to the the Kings Palace▪

§ 5. Fourthly,* 1.69 the Water-gate, In a fall, or declivity of ground,l 1.70 full east. So called, because thereat▪ all the ••ewers, channels, and water-courses of the City, flowed out, and ran into the brook Cedron▪ No mention in Nehemiah of the repairing hereof, for the reason aforesaid. Indeed, if in his time the Iews had de no vo, from the very ground begun the building of the walls, and gates thereof, it had been impossible, they could have finished that workm 1.71 in two and fifty days. Whereby it appears, they onely mended those places, which were most in dilapidation. This was the East∣gate, emphatically so calledn 1.72 by the Prophet, and opened into the valley of the children of Hinnom.

§ 6. Thus far the gates on the east of Ierusalem. On the south thereof▪* 1.73 where Sion (or the City of David) lay, we meet with no gates at all, the precipice of the rock affording no passable ascent on that side, so that men must goe first through Ierusalem, and then into Sion. I dare not say that herein Ierusalem was a type of the Militant, as Sion (more mounted) of the Triumphant Church, although there be no access for those which are without into the happiness of the latter, but by taking the holiness of the former in their passage thereunto.

§ 7. Come we now to the west, in the southermost part whereof, we light on the Fountain-gate,* 1.74 near the pool of Shiloah whence it took itso 1.75 name, nigh to which on the inside, were thosep 1.76 stately staires, whereby men went up to the City of David. This gate was in Nehemiahs time repaired byq 1.77 Shallum the Son of Col-hozeh.

§ 8. Next to this the Dung-gate.* 1.78 A gate in greatness, though but a postern for the private use thereof, through which the offall, and excre∣ments of the City were conveyed. Appliable to this place, is that which ther 1.79 Apostle speaketh, of some parts of the body▪ Nay, much more thos•• members of the body, which seem to be feeble, are necessary. This gate, though of small honour, was of great use, and all Ierusalem had been a Dung-City▪ but for the Dung-gate. Yea, the noisomer soile carried out hereat, and conveyed hence into the gardens thereabouts, was by natures Chymistry converted into wholesome herbs, and fragrant flowers growing there. The Dung-gate in the days of Nehemiah, was set up, with the doors, locks, and bars thereof, bys 1.80 Malchiah the son of Rechab.

§ 9. Next follows the Valley-gate,* 1.81 commonly but wrongfully placed on the east side of the City; chiefly on this account, because the valley of Kidron lyeth on that side thereof. As if this valley alone was near Ierusa••¦lem, which by the Psalmist is describedt 1.82 with the mountains round about it, and so by necessary consequence must be surrounded with vallies inter∣posed betwixt it and those mountains▪ This gate stood in the north-west▪ opening into the valley of Carcases, lying betwixt it, and Mount Calvary. Here Nehemiah began,u 1.83 and ended his surveying the ruins of the walls▪ going by night, because loth to be seen, and loth to see so sad a sight. This valley-gate was in his time repaired byw 1.84 Hanun and the inhabitants of Za∣noah.

§ 10. Having thus surveyed the east,* 1.85 south and west, come we now to the northern part of the City. Where, first, we finde the Corner-gate, whose angular position speaks it to participate of two points, being seated in the very flexure of the wall from the east to the north. It was distanced from the gate of Ephraim just four hundred cubits, all which space of the wall was broken down by Ioasha 1.86 King of Israel when he conquered Amaziah, that his Army might march in triumphantly with the greater state. Pride we see hath not onely an high neck, but also a broad breast (especially when setting her armes by her side) so large a passage must be cleared for her entrance. Afterwards King Uzziah rebuided this gate, and adorned it with towers, yea fortified all theb 1.87 turning of the wall. For, as the elbows of garments ought to be made the strongest, as most sub∣ject to wearing out: so (walls being the cloaths of Cities, without which they are naked) wise Uzziah adjudged it necessary, that this Cor∣ner-gate, and wall bending thereabout, should have most cost and care ex∣pended in the fortification thereof,

§ 11. No mention of the repairing of this gate in Nehemiah,* 1.88 which prompteth us with these conjectures:

• 1 Either that it was then dammed up. Ierusalem after the captivity being large in extent, and thin in people, (many uninhabited places being left therein) probably in policy they contracted the number of their gates, the multiplying whereof did require more money and men to guard them. Orc 1.89 rather,
• 2 Being so lately built by Uzziah, it might notneed much mending, as left standing, and undemolished by the Babylonians.

For, in the sacking of a City it often fareth with the gates as with the men thereof, it is hard if some doe not escape, and survive the destructi∣on. Yea, sometimes conquerours are pleased to spare some parcell of walls, out of pity (not to the place but) to themselves, finding the structure thereof of so firme constitution, that it requires more pains then it will return profit in the levelling thereof.

§ 12. Next comes the gate of Ephraim.* 1.90 so called, not because standing in, but opening towards the Tribe of Ephraim. I deny not, but that some Ephraimites, after their return from captivity, dwelt ind 1.91 Ierusalem, from whose habitations hard by, this gate might, in probability, bor∣row his name; but prefer the former notation as most naturall. For usuall it is, both for streets and gates, to take their denomination from such places (though at great distance) to which they lead. Witness Ken∣tish-street ine 1.92 South-wark, for that it is the way (saith my authour) leading into that County, the street it self otherwise being in Surrey: and witness Winchester-gate in Sarisbury, so named, because through it travellers pass to Winchester, a City twenty miles off: and (an instance best known to Scholars) Trumpington-street in Cambridge, so called from a village some two miles thence. This gate was probably destroyed, when Ioash King

of Israel entring Ierusalem, brake down four hundred cubits of the wall, from the gate of Ephraim, to the Co••••er-gate, where I conceive, the particle from is to be taken inclusively (so that both the gates were cast into that account) the rather, because Pride, and Cruelty, always, when they make measure, give in the advantage.

§ 13. Next the Old-gate:* 1.93 so called (as Bonsrerius will have it) because extant here, ever since Melchisedec was the founder thereof. If so, it was an Old-old-gate indeed. But, as men having out lived all Registers, ac∣count themselves; so gates having outlasted all memories, are account∣ed by others, more ancient then truely they are. However, no wonder, if in Nehemiahs time the decays of so old a fabrick, called to the charity of* 1.94 Iehoiada the son of Paseah, and Meshullam the son of Besodajah jointly to repair them.

§ 14. Next the Fish-gate.* 1.95 By mistake generally placed in the west wal, meerly because Ioppa on the Mediterranean sea, whence they fancy all fish (as if no moe ways to the water, then one) must come to Ierusalem, lay on the west thereof. Whereas in Scripture we finde no express of fish for mans eating (but one which eat a man, Ionab his Whale) mentioned from thatplace, whilst whole sholes were caught in the Sea of Galilee, or lake of Tiberias, lying north of Ierusalem▪ Indeed Tyre, lying almost full north from this City, was the staple place, which furnished it with fish (as appears inf 1.96 Nehemiah) which through this gate was brought to Ierusalem. Surely, the provisions of any populous place in long time will tire, if onely going on feet, or flying on wings, and not also swimming with fins, having fish as well as flesh and fowl for their repast, as here in Ierusalem. And although no sacrifices of fish were by God appointed to be offered unto him, yet hence the less wholesome∣ness, or cleanness of them cannot justly be inferred; because they were improper for offerings, living in an element wherein men had no con∣versation. This gate wasg 1.97 repaired by the sons of Hassenaah.

§ 15. The gate of Benjamin doth onely remain,* 1.98 he the least in his fathers family, this the last amongst the gates of Ierusalem, standing in the north. east part thereof. Indeed we finde two gates of Benjamin in Ierusalem (two of the same name, in one City, no wonder, the double New-gate in Lon∣don, the later new made postern into Moor-fields may be an instance there∣of) one called the high-gate of Benjamin, where Pashur put theh 1.99 Prophet Ieremy in the stocks, which was by the house of the Lord, and therefore proba∣bly a gate of the Temple. The other was an out-gate of the City leading into the land of Benjamin, whither Ieremy was going to separate himself, when the Captain of thei 1.100 guard in this gate, seised him in his passage, falsly accused him, and occasioned his imprisonment.

§ 16. Here I cannot but wonder at many* 1.101 learned men,* 1.102 who make this Gate of Benjamin, to be the same with the Corner-gate. I deny not but that in many Cities it is usuall, for one and the same gate to have severall

names, as I have learnt from my industrious, and judiciousk 1.103 friend in his description of Canterbury, how Burgate, and Saint Michaels-gate are the same▪ and so Newin-gate, and Saint Georges-gate in that ancient City▪ But the fancy of the foresaid authors, is directly oppossite to the words of thel 1.104 Prophet, foretelling that Ierusalem should be inhabited from Benjamin gate, unto the place of the first gate, unto the corner-gate, &c. where we may behold these two gates, Benjamin, and the Corner-gate, set at terms at great distance, and a considerable space interposed. This gate was not repaired in Nehemiahs time for the reasons formerly alledged.

§ 17. These are all the gates of Ierusalem,* 1.105 whereof express mention in Scripture. Some fancy another, called the Needles-eye, so low, and little onely men might enter thereat. These conceive our Saviours expression, m 1.106 It is easier for a Camel to goe through the eye of a needle, then for a rich man[n 1.107 tru∣sting in his riches] to enter into the kingdome of God, intended this small postern; where, the bunch on the Camels back, was the Porter to shut it against him, for entering in thereat. But, we listen hereunto, as to a fable, and account the threading ofo 1.108 Saint Wilfrides needle, as a conceit (though much later and of a different nature) to have as much gravity, and truth therein.

CHAP. IV. Of the Towers on or about Ierusalem.

§ 1. BEsides these gates,* 1.109 Ierusalem was beautified▪ and fortified with many towers proportionably interplaced, though we finde but few of them recorded by name. Amongst these we meet with the tower oft 1.110 Meah, that is, the hundred tower, so called either because so many cubits high, or so many distanced from some other tower, or because a just Cen∣tury of towers was at it begun or finished. It was built after the capti∣vity by Eliashibu 1.111 and his brethren the Priests.

§ 2. The Tower of furnaces,* 1.112 standing in the West, north of the Valley gate, jointly repaired byw 1.113 Malchiah, and Hashub. So called (thinks Adrichomius) from fire kept there as a signall to seafaring men; But oh woefull those Mariners, who in a dark night had no better direction then what they received thence, above forty miles from the sea, and many mountains interposed! rather it might serve for some Beacon, or land-mark, or might take its name from some fire in the corpse du gard constantly preser∣ved therein.

§ 3. The tower of Hananeel in the east part.* 1.114 So called, no doubt, from the first builder thereof. It was in Nehemiahs time repaired by Eliashib thed 1.115 high Priest, and his brethren.

§ 4. The Towere 1.116 that lyeth out from the Kings high house,* 1.117 nigh unto which Palal the son of Uzai, repaired in Nehemiahs time. Not that the promi∣nency of this extravagant Tower, hindred the uniformity of the walls,

but the fencing of the City, required such situation thereof.

§ 5. The Greatf 1.118 tower that lyeth out,* 1.119 different from the former, else the builders of the wall in Nehemiahs time, made no progress in the work; in the east of the City, over against which the Tekoites did repair.

§ 6. The Tower ofg 1.120 David,* 1.121 furnished with an armory, at the south∣west turning of the wall, over against which Ezer the son of Ioshua re∣paired. Christ compareth the neck of hish 1.122 spouse to this Tower for the whiteness and proportionable length thereof.

§ 7. But among all these,* 1.123 most remarkable was the Tower of Siloe (near unto the water of Siloe whence it fetcht its name) on the west side of the City, which killed* 1.124 eighteen men with the fall thereof. Yet, the stones of this tower fell not more heavy on their bodies, then the censure of uncharitable Iews did on their memories, condemning them for the greatest sinners in all Ierusalem, as whose offences were mounted so high, that nothing less or lower then the fall of a tower, could depress their Persons, and impieties to the pit of perdition. False position to maintain, that those have wrought the most sin, who are brought to most shame, and confuted by our Saviour, assuring the Iews, if they did not repent, they should likewise perish: likewise; certitudine, non similitudine poenae. Yea, in a mysticall meaning, those incredulous Iews who rejected our Saviour, did not onely fall on a stone, and so were broken, but also the stone fell on them, by reason of their infidelity, andh 1.125 ground them to powder.

§ 8. We will conclude with the Tower of Ophel,* 1.126 so named from dark∣ness, as some would have it, because always cloudy and misty at the high top thereof: But though the Etymology of Ophel be obscure, the situation and use thereof is clear in Scripture, over against thei 1.127 Water-gate, where the Nethinims had their habitation. Understand not all of them at once, but so many of their society, as for the time being, were in ordinary at∣tendance about the Temple, whilest the rest lived in otherk 1.128 Cities assign∣ed unto them.

§ 9. These Nethinims were descended from those Gibeonites,* 1.129 who for their fallacy put on Ioshua, and the people of Israel, were condemned to the drudgery of Gods service.l 1.130 Thus the fathers lying tongues, cost their children many aking armes, and weary backs, with hewing of wood, and drawing of water. Saul was a greatm 1.131 persecutour, David a grand preserver of them, who first made them a Corporation:n 1.132 He and his Princes appoin∣ting them for the service of the Levites, when first we finde them called Nethinims, (to bury the odious name of Gibeonites) that is, persons given to to pious uses. These for many generations approving their industry in Gods service, washed out the staines of their Fathers falshood, with the sweat of their fidelity: and in proces of time, (though Hivites by extra∣ction) attained to some honour above the natives of Israel. For whereas the sons of Barzillai were put by their places in theo 1.133 Priesthood, because they could not clear their pedegree; the Nethinims continued in their

place whosep 1.134 genealogies were exactly, derived▪ Yea, whereas other Israelites were subject to heavy taxes, after their captivity, the Nethinims were exempted from all tribute (pity their purses and persons should both bear burdens) by the bounty of the Kings of Persia. Whose liberality, though a Pagan, to Gods worship (like the precious ointment onq 1.135 A••rons head which ran down to his beard, even to the skirts of his garment) flowed from the Priests and Levites, by the singers, and porters, to the Net••inims (the very verge, and utmost hem of Temple officers) by his especiall grace taking r 1.136 order, that it should not be lawfull to impose toll, tribute, or custome upon them.

§ 10. Many moe towers not mentioned in Scripture,* 1.137 were about Ierusalem, as them 1.138 Tower of women, remarkabl•• in Iosephus. But, why i•• was so called (what have women to doe with war?) I will give him a satisfactory answer, who first resolves me, why the Roman Fortification of twelve acres of groundn 1.139 neer Dorchester, is called Maidens-castle. But, we refer all the towers of Iosephus his reporting (not appearing in Scri∣pture) to our particular Map of Ierusalem, as by him described. Come we now to make some observations on such as were the builders of the City walls, in the days of Nehemiah, because it was built on the same Area or floor with that in Solomons time, and we meet with many remar∣kables in the history thereof.

CHAP. V. Observations on the repairers of the walls of Jerusalem, in the days of Nehemiah.

§ 1. MInisters ought to leade the Van,* 1.140 and be the first, and forwardest in all pious projects. Behold here Eliashib the high Priest, with the Priests his brethren, begin the work, and built the Sheep-gate. A gate ministeriall unto the Temple, (through which the sheep were brought intended for sacrifices) and therefore, as it was fit it should have the preheminence to be first repaired: so the Priests were the most proper persons to be imployed therein. Of this gate it is solely, and singularly said, that theya 1.141 sanctified it, which dedication speaks it set apart to holy service as introductory of the offerings into the house of God.

§ 2. Great is the influence of the Pastours example,* 1.142 on the peoples practise. Many hands make light work, behold a troop of buil∣ders cometh,

of all

• Professions, private persons, publick officers, whole families of all jointly, Levites, Merchants, Gold-smiths, Apothecaries &c.
• of all Places, from Iericho, Tekoa, Gibeon, Mizpah, Zanoah &c.
• Sexes, both men and women. Next repaired Shallion the son of Halloesh, the ruler of the half of Ierusalem, he,d 1.143 and his daughters.

What, had their tender hands any skill to carve stones, or weak shoulders any strength to carry morter? Or, was it sutable with the modesty of their sex, to clime ladders, clamber scaffolds, seeing there is no acting for any builders, but upon such stages? Surely they refused no pains pro∣portionable with decency to their power; and what was wanting in their persons, supplied with their purse, expending it (perchanc••) out of their own portions. And, if orphans money put into the Chamber of London, be accounted so sure; God (no doubt) did repay, what they laid out on the walls of Ierusalem.

§ 3. Now whereas Shallum their Father is styled ruler of the half part of Ierusalem,* 1.144 rather subtile then solid is the note of Tremelliuse 1.145 thereupon. For, saith he, Ierusalem being in two Tribes (Iudah and Benjamin) had therefore two rulers thereof. Not considering, how in the same Chapter, other smaller Cities, and those undoubtedly whole and entire in one Tribe, had notwithstanding two governours over them, and those be∣nefactours to the building of Ierusalem; As

• ...Malchiah the son of Rechab, the ruler off 1.146 part of Beth-haccarem. Shallum the son of Col-hozeh,* 1.147 the ruler of part of Mizpah. Nehemiah the son of Azbuk, the ruler of theh 1.148 half part of Beth-zur. Hashabiah, the ruler of the halfi 1.149 part of Keilah. Banai the son of Henadad, the ruler of thek 1.150 half part of Keilah.

Now the dividing of the command of the City betwixt two Gover∣nours, so usuall at this very time, and no•• notably extant in Scripture, be∣fore, or after the days of Neh••miah, leads us to this probable opinion, that immediately upon the Iews return from Babylon, the Persian Empe∣rour (from whom all Commissions were derived) would not entrust any Iew with the sole rule of a strong City, but for the better security, parted it betwixt two, who had joint, but distinct dominion therein: That whilst they with mutuall jealousie observed the actions each of other, both might preserve the interest of their Master.

§ 4. In building the Old gate two co-founders were joined together,* 1.151 namely,

• 1 Iehoiada the son ofl 1.152 Paseah.
• 2 Meshullam the son of Besodaiah.

I will not say that as York Minster was built by Percym 1.153 and Vavasour, the one giving stone, the other timber to that structure: so the building of this gate was in like manner advanced betwixt them; but hence observe, that it is no shame for one to admit a partner in that weighty work, which he caunot weild by himself. Blame worthy their pride, or peevishness,

who will not have that good design done at all, which can not all be done by themselves.

§ 5. Whereas Malchiah the son of Rechah is recorded builder of the Dung-gate (no needless port in that City,* 1.154 seeing in populous places, Per∣fumers may be spared with less loss to the publick, then Scavangers) somen 1.155 conceive this Malchiah to have been a Rechabite by descent, and a ceremonious observer of their Ancestours instructions, not to drinko 1.156 wine, nor build house, but to live in tents, with other Canonicall obediences. Nor was this building of the wall of Ierusalem any breach of their vow; partly; because a publick, no private edifice; and partly, because those their ceremonious observances, probably terminated at the Babylonish captivity. This Malchiah they make heir of the family of the Rech••bites, according to the Propheticall promise, that one of that housep 1.157 should not fail to stand before God for ever. But, whether herein Interpreters doe not take more then the text tenders unto them, be it reported to others.

§ 6. It is signally observed,* 1.158 that Hanun theq 1.159 sixth son of Zalaph, re∣paired a piece of the wall. But, where were his five elder brethren? Were they dead, or absent, or idle, or impotent? The Scripture giveth no ac∣count of them, onely the sixth son is recorded for his forwardness here∣in. In matters of piety, there is no standing on useless (yea on dange∣rous) modesty. No breach of good manners, to goe before our betters in goodness, or for the younger brother in nature, to gain the birth-right in grace.

§ 7. It is said of Baruch the son of Zabbai verse 20.* 1.160 (and of him alone it is said) that he earnestlyr 1.161 repaired the other piece. What, did the others work but in jest, because this Accent earnestly, is onely put over the piece he re∣paired? Is not this mark of honour on him, a brand of infamy on the rest? No surely, though probably his zeal was paramount in the em∣ployment; and what if the word earnestly▪ (set there almost in the very midst, amongst all the builders) be to be taken 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, relating to all the rest, before, and behind it?

§ 8. It is observed,* 1.162 that many men repaired onely against their own s 1.163 houses. This, though at the first sight it may seem the fruit but of a nar∣row soul, and private spirit, yet effectually advanced the work. Yea, it is particularly recorded of Meshullam the son of Berechiah, who likely was but a lodger, and no house-keeper, that he repaired overt 1.164 against his Chamber. Oh, if order were observed for every one to mend his own heart, or house, how would personall amendment by degrees quickly produce family-city-countrey-kingdome-reformation? How soon are those streets made clean, where every one sweeps against his own door?

§ 9. Some doubled their files,* 1.165 as Merimoth the son of Urijah the son of Coz, who having formerly been a repairer (verse 4.) comes again the second time to build (verse 21.) out of doubt the same person, as having the

same name, father, and grand-father. Let him have double praise, for his double pains; who not being weary of well doing, dealt with the wall of Ierusalem, as the Philippians with Saint Paul,u 1.166 once and again relieving the necessity thereof.

§ 10. The nobles of Tekoah are taxed for not putting their necks to the work w 1.167 of their Lord.* 1.168 Strange that now they should discover such unseasonable pride. Had they not lately returned from Babylon? Could not seventy years banishment from their own, and captivity in a forein land, hum∣ble them to purpose? Me thinks, so long suffering should have broken (though not their hearts) their stomacks. But, oh the difference be∣twixt being low, and being lowly! No affictions, except seasoned, and sanctified, are sufficient to bring down mens naturall corruption. This negligence of the Tekoite nobility in Gods cause was so much the more con∣spicuous, because of the double diligence of the Tekoite commoners there∣in; for, they had two shares in this adventure, building, Nehem. 3. v. 5. and again they had verse 27. another bout in the same service. Except any will say, that by the Tekoites in the second mention of them, their nobility are intended; who, sensible of their own dishonour, for their former backwardness, played an after-game, to repair their credit; which is af∣firmed without any proof, and with little probability.

§ 11. Some here will demand,* 1.169 What did Nehemiah himselfe all the while? did he onely look on, work with his eyes, and command others to labour? Or was he like the Scribesx 1.170 and Pharisees, who bind heavy bur∣thens, and grievous to be born, and lay them on mens shoulders, but they themselves will not move them with one of their fingers?

§ 12. It is answered,* 1.171 his zeal was active, and exemplary in Gods work, and therein expressed it self,

• 1 Privatively, in forbearing the salary of the Governour, which his predecessours did, and he might justly receive. In this re∣spect, one may truly say, that each gate, tower, and piece of wall in Ierusalem, was in part repaired with Nehemiah's money, because the builders thereof were the better enabled for that work, by his remitting unto them, the taxe due to him as Governour.
• 2 Positively, not onely forbearing his own right, but also bearing a large proportion in the work. He kept a daily Ordinary (thanks being the onely shot his guests were to pay) for an hundred and fifty Iews, and Rulers, besides strangers of the Heathen. How many attendants then dined on the reversion, at the waiters ta∣ble? and how many poor feasted on the fragments, at the Por∣ters lodge? It may be presumed many laborers at the wall had gone supperless to bed, had they not repaired to Nehemiah's house for their refection.

As for the opinion of Tremellius, that Nehemiah built the Kings palace at his own charge, grounding the same on his own translation of the text,

because I finde no other Authours to follow him therein, it is enough barely to mention his opinion.

§ 13. At the Sheep-gate they began to repaire,* 1.172 and thereat also they ended. The Gold-smiths and Merchants brought up the Rere of the work,y 1.173 betwixt the going up of the corner unto the sheep-gate.

§ 14. Within the circumference of the walls, lay much ground un∣inhabited,* 1.174 people being loth to live therein, exceptz 1.175 by lot compelled thereunto, and alla 1.176 blessed such as willingly offered themselves to dwell therein. Strange, that the chiefe City should run so low in generall reputation, the Gallants of our age being otherwise minded, all posting unto the principall place of the kingdome, as the fountain of fashions, and all delights. I read indeed of Histria a province under the Venetian Com∣mon-wealth, that they are fain tob 1.177 hire people to inhabit there. But the reason thereof is visible, because of the unwholsomeness of the aire, whereas no such pretence for any to decline the City of Ierusalem, whose elevated situation, conduced much to the purity, and wholsomeness thereof.

§ 15. But mens unwillingness to dwell therein,* 1.178 took the rise from other reasons▪ as namely,

• 1 The common enemy beheld it with most envious eyes, as the proper object of his malice.
• 2 The vast circuit of the City, put them to hard duty to guard it.
• 3 Trading was dead therein, and little wealth to be gotten at the new erection thereof.
• 4 All coveted the countrey, for the privacy, pleasure, and profit there∣of.

However in after ages, Ierusalem grew exceeding populous, and had all the vacuities thereof filled, yea crowded with inhabitants. Thus, as it is most easie and thrifty, to make childrens garments too big for their bo∣dies, because they will quickly grow up to their clothes: so providence advised Nehemiah, to make the circumference of Infant-Ierusalem the larger, as which, in process of time, would soon spread it self, to the re∣plenishing thereof.

CHAP. VI. Of the waters in and about the City.

§ 1. PAss we now from the walls, to the water of Ierusalem,* 1.179 a most necessary commodity for the well being of mankind. True it is, Ierusalem was so far from boasting of any navigable river, that it had no stream, near, or about it, to drive any water-mils. If it be demanded, how without such mils so populous a place could subsist, and not be famished for want of grinders? (as a chap-fallen man for lack of use of

his teeth) Know this was principally supplyed by hand-mils, here or∣dinarily used, where multitudes of slaves were in every family. As for other waters, both for necessity, and pleasure, Ie••••salem had, (though no super••tuity) a self suffi••i••ncy thereof.

§ 2. The waters,* 1.180 in and about Ierusalem, are reducible unto three se∣veral kinds.

• 1 Partly artificiall, as Pools and Conduits.
• 2 Partly naturall, as the brook Kidron (whereofa 1.181 formerly) and the fountain of Si••••am.
• 3 Partly supernaturall, as the miracle-working Pool of Bethesda.

Of the former sort were the Kings fishponds,b 1.182 on the south-west, not far from the fountain ga••••, and near thereunto the poolc 1.183 which was made, (no doubt with gre•••• care and cost) betwixt the sepulchers of David and house of the mighty men. Also the conduit of thed 1.184 upper or old pool, in the path ••o the fullers field, and probably another of the lower pool, all referred by learned m••ne 1.185 to Solomon, as principall Author thereof.

§ 3. For in the Inventory of his vanities he confesseth of himself; I made me pools of water to ••a••••r th••re••ith the wood that bringeth forthf 1.186 trees. Thus he sought for felicity in the aire, climbing up with his lofty buildings; in the earth, di••ing low in his deep minigs; in the water, wading therein through costly aquaducts; but found at last that happiness w••s super-elementall, and not to be found but in heaven.

§ 4. Some may conceive that King Uzziah had a hand in promoting the water-fabricks near Ierusalem,* 1.187 finding him a very active Engineer, and of whom it is expresly recorded that he diggedg 1.188 many well••▪ But what fol∣loweth? for he had much cattell both in the low Countrey, and in the plain. The scene therefore of his watry discoveries, was laid at greater distance, where his cattell were kept, and where he was more commendably imployed in his husbandry, then afterwards in Gods house, any instrument better be∣fitting his hand, then ah 1.189 Censer.

§ 5. Not long after, probably in the reign of King Ahaz,* 1.190 (as may partly be collected from the time of Isaiah's Prophecy, and pla••ing of this passage therein) when the siege of Ierusalem was suspected from Rezin King of Syriai 1.191 and Pekah King of Israel, the Iews fell to the fortifying of their City, both with wall and water-works. Hereupon thek 1.192 Prophet when the new line about Ierusalem was finished, complaineth thereof as followeth. Yee have seen also the breaches of the City of David, that they are ma∣ny, and yee have gathered together the waters of the lower pool: And yee have numbered the houses in Ierusalem, and the houses yee have broken down to fortifie the wall. Yee made also a ditch betwixt the two walls for the water of the old pool, but yee have not looked unto the maker thereof, n••ither had respect unto him that fashioned it long agoe. And in that day did the Lord God of hosts call to weeping and mour∣ning &c.

§ 6. Not that the Prophet herein reproved the people,* 1.193 for provident

preventing of danger, or politick endevou••ing of safety, or moderate delighting in pleasure, but justly taxed them, for

• 1 Too much confidence in the arme of flesh.
• 2 Unseasonable rejoycing in carnall comforts, when drains and for ditches down their own cheeks, had been more proper water-works for the present sad occasion.
• 3 Admiring their own handy-works, (without thankful relating for to God the principall) as if they had created those pools and springs of their own industry and ingenuity.

Whereas all Grottoe••, conduits, and Aquaducts, though allowed the lawfull issue of art, and off-spring of humane invention, are but sti••born babes at the best, except God quicken and enliven them, mediately or immedately, with moisture from above. He onely is the Fatherl 1.194 of the rain, and is by consequ••nce the Gra••d-father of all pools and conduits whatsoever. Justly therefore were the Iews reproved, for having their steg••atick Souls, dab∣ling too much in water, without once looking up to God, according to Davids div••••••ty, freely confessing,m 1.195 All my fresh springs are even in thee.

§ 7. But how well soever,* 1.196 the ponds, pools and conduits were per∣fected at this time, soon after all their curiosities were discomposed, when Se••••••••heri•• sent the railing message and letter, (though words whether spoken, or written, storme no Cities) to King H••zekiah in Ie∣rusalem. Who fearing a siege, by the assistance of his Princes and people in a short time stopt all then 1.197 fountains and the brook which ran through the midst of the land, saying, Why should the Kings of Assyria come and finde much water? He∣zekiah knew that S••nnacheribs blasphemous tongue would be sooner si∣lenced, and his roaring throat easier stopt, with Thirst then with any other answer. And although Sennacherib, out of the plentifull Magazeen of his malice, shot his arrows, even bittero 1.198 ••ords, ••gainst Hezekiah, yet ac∣cording to Gods promise he came not into I••••usalem, nor didp 1.199 he sho••t an arrow there, having all his Army soon after confounded from heaven, and he himself, (reprieved from the Angels) was executed by his own Sons sword, in his own Countrey.

§ 8. Here if any demand,* 1.200 what is meant by stopping the brook which ran through the midst of the Land; we understand not Cedron thereby, which to save them the pains in summer stops it self, (as onely the cistern to re∣ceive the land-flouds from mount Olivet) but rather, conceive the con∣stant waters of Gihon, or Siloam, therein intended, running through the midst of the Land ofq 1.201 Moriah, wherein Ierusalem is seated.

§ 9. After Sennacheribs departure,* 1.202 Hezekiah fell a fresh on opening those springs hee had formerly obstructed, yea to make them reparation, he improved them to an higher perfection then at first he found in them: for,

• 1 He made a poolr 1.203 and a conduit.
• 2 He stopped up the uppers 1.204 water-course of Gihon, and brought it straight to the west side of the City of David.
• ...

• 3 He brought water IN TO THE CITYt 1.205 of Ierusalem.

Hereby no doubt Hezekiah got many a blessing and hearty prayer from the poor servants in the City, whose weary shoulders had formerly fetched their water so far off for the use of their masters family.

§ 10. Here some will object,* 1.206 that such an altering of the course of this river, from the ancient channel thereof, and the enticing of it by Art into a new passage, was a violence, and a trespass offered to Nature. Yea did not man herein pretend to more wisdome then his maker, as if by such varia∣tion, he could direct the veines in the body of the earth, to a fitter posture, then that wherein God himself had disposed them▪ But let such know, that when God gave the earth [with the water therein, as making up one Globe] to the Sons of men, in the same charter he derived a right unto them, to mold it as might be most convenient and advantageous for their habi∣tation. And although it belongs to God alone, to put a sandy girdle about the loins of the Ocean, (because otherwise a giant too great for men to manage) Hither shalt thou come, and no farther, yet lesser brooks fall un∣der the jurisdiction of humane industry, to order them for mans most commodity.

§ 11. Others will admire,* 1.207 that this new river was brought no sooner to Ierusalem, and that a project, so honourable, profitable, necessary, and feasable lay so long unperformed. How came this design to escape the searching eyes of Solomon, especially, seeing (as he confesseth himself) he dealt much in that moistb 1.208 Element? See we here, Solomon himself saw not all things, and Hezekiah coming many years after him, might supply his omissions. And to speak plainly, many of Solomons projects, were but voluptuous essays for his own personall (not to say carnall) contentment, whereas holy Hezekiah in his undertakings might have a more publick spirit for the generall good of his kingdome.

§ 12. The well or fountain of the Dragonc 1.209 near the Valley gate might be made at the same time,* 1.210 probably taking its denomination from some artificiall resemblance of a Dragon about it. A conduit in a Dragon-fa∣shion, (though such Anticks are more commonly presented spitting of fire then venting of water) is made here by Adrichomius. Tremellius con∣ceiveth it called Dragon, or Serpent well, because the waters thereof (which contrary to other Authors he maketh the same with Siloam) glide, snake-like, soft and gentle, yea crooked and winding with many intri∣cate flexures thereof. But it is impossible to assign the certain cause of such names as are meerly ad placitum, finding a Well and Gate in the Cose of the City ofd 1.211 Sarisbury of the same name, yet hitherto could never hear any probable reason thereof.

§ 13. Amongst the waters meerly naturall,* 1.212 the fountain or pool ofl 1.213 Siloah, with the stream flowing thence into the brook of Kidron, justly claimeth the preheminence. Fountain which both in the name and nature there∣of, was the lively embleme, if not the reeall type of our Saviour. Name

which is by interpretation,m 1.214 SENT; and we know, Whenn 1.215 the fulness of time was come, God SENT forth his Son, made of a woman, made under the law. Nature; for the waters thereof, as theo 1.216 Prophet observed, ran softly

• 1 To the eye▪ sine im∣petu, moving slow∣ly, and not rushing with a rapid stream like an impetuous torrent.
• 2 To the eare, sine strepitu, stil & quiet, not offensive to the neighbours with the noise threof.

So Christ

• 1 Was leasurable and treatable in his going (on foot, but if mounted, onely on a slow paced Ass) and doing, not rash∣ly precipitate in his procee∣dings.
• 2 Not querulous or clamorous in his discourse; He shall not strive nor cryp 1.217 neither shall any hear his voice in the streets; but meek and quiet.

Now as God was eminently in the stillq 1.218 voice, so also was he effectually once in this still water, when our Saviour sent the blind-born man hitherr 1.219 to wash, and thereby he recovered his sight.

§ 14. This was he,* 1.220 who afterwards proved so constant a confessor of Christ, avouching him a Prophet, and his cure by him really effected notwithstanding the Pharisees menacing to the contray; Hoping in vain, though Christ had opened his eyes, that they could stop his mouth, from the acknowledging thereof. His constancy herein cost him an ex∣communication and a castings 1.221 out of the Synagogue. The best was, the power of the Keys when abused, doth not shut the door of Heaven, but in such cases onely shoot the bolt besides the lock, not debarring the innocent person entrance thereat.

§ 15. The supernaturall pool of Bethesda by thet 1.222 Sheep-market remains,* 1.223 whose waters, when at a certain season moved by an Angel, were medicinall to cure the first commer thereinto, whatso••ver disease he had. A learned* 1.224 man conceiveth, that when Eliashib the high Priest, (after their return from Babylon) with his brethren, first began hereabouts to build the sheep-gate, and sanctifie it to divine service, (as leading to the Temple) God then and there in approbation of his Act, indued the Pool hard by, with this soveraign sanative quality: but this we leave with the Author.

§ 16. By this Pool an Infirmary was built,* 1.225 for maimed folk to lodge in, and attend the troubling of the waters. How well was Gods bounty and mans charity here met together? Commendable it was that rich men did not engross this Spaw to themselves, but permitted poor people not able to use Physick and Surgery the benefit thereof. This Hospitall for building consisted of fiveu 1.226 Porches; not that the defective in the five senses, lame, blinde, deaf, &c. were here severally disposed of by them∣selves, but no doubt all promiscuously put together. In this Colledge of Cripples, he for his seniority might have been the Master thereof, who had been longer lame, then most men live, and now past the fift climactericall

of his disease, where with he had been afflicted full thirty eight years. In∣deed so impossible was the conditions of his recovery, that being lame, He must run, before he could goe, for seeing the first commer was only served, he must hast with speed into the pool after the moving thereof: whilst he, alas, wanted strength to help himself, wanted money to hire others, and others wanted mercy freely to give him their assistance. But because he could not goe to health, Health was graciously pleased to come to him, and he was cured miraculously by ourw 1.227 Saviour.

§ 17. And thus much of the Walls,* 1.228 Gates, Towers, and Waters about Ierusalem: come we now into the City it self, which anciently consisted of two principall parts (therefore dual in the Hebrew) Sion on the south∣west, and Ierusalem (properly so called) on the north thereof, which we proceed in order to describe, with the places of principall note there∣in contained.

CHAP. VII. Of Davids Palace, the High-priests houses, the Coenaculum, and other memorable places in mount Sion.

§ 1. WE begin with mount Sion, making that first which God most favoured,a 1.229 who loved the Gates of Sion, more then all the tabernacles of Iacob. Here first our eyes are entertained with the stately Palace of David,b 1.230 Hiram King of Tyre sending him timber and work∣men for the building thereof. Flat was the roof of this palace, whereon David sate, and from whence he beheld Bathsheba (hard by is her house) bathing her self. I cannot excuse her action herein. If policy be jealous, that hedges may have eares, modesty may suspect lest the motes in the aire have eyes. But see here divine justice. As this roof was the place whereon Davids lust did burn first; so thereon Absaloms incest did blaze farthest, lying here with his Fathers Concubines. This he easily did at the perswasion of Achitophel; those spurres needing no rowels, which are to prick forward graceless youth into wantonness. But that hellish Po∣litician did this to set such a distance betwixt Sire and Son, that the af∣fection of the one might never meet with the submission of the other, the breach hereafter being made so deep and wide, that no bridge of re∣conciliation might be built betwixt them.

§ 2. Under the Romans this Palace was turned into ac 1.231 Castle, where a Garrison was kept to over-awe the City. Once the honour, now the terrour; once the beauty, now the bridle of Ierusalem. Upond 1.232 the fair stairs leading thereto, stood Saint Paul when he made his speech to the people, hearing him with great silence, because he spake ine 1.233 the Hebrew tongue; untill he came to that passage of preaching to the Gentiles (which though spoken in Hebrew was no good Hebrew to his auditours, but

false construction, & breach of Jewish priviledg) when they turned their attentive eares into railing tongues, away with such a fellow from off the earth.

§ 3. And now to shew the frailty of humane happiness, pass we from the palace of these Kings to their burying place, seeing Sion in a double respect may be called the Westminster of Ierusalem; because the Kings there∣of resided there while living, and rested when dead. The reader shall pay nothing but his pains in following me, whilest I shew him these royall remains. We may observe four gradations of honour in these interments.

• 1 Wickedf 1.234 Amon was buried in his own house, (not under the roof, but within the verge of the wall thereof) and so wasg 1.235 Ma∣nasseh,* 1.236 whose true but late repentance was effectuall to save his soul, but not his kingdome from destruction.
• 2 Cruell Ioram, who had no compassion whilest living, & therefore noh 1.237 bowels whē dying, was buried by himself in thei 1.238 city of David, & neither fire nor water, neither burning nor mourning made for him.
• 3 Godly, but leprous Uzziah, being ceremoniously unclean, was interred in thek 1.239 field of the buriall which belonged to the Kings; under∣stand it, within the suburbs, but without the walls of their so∣lemn sepultures.
• 4 All the rest were intombed in a stately place set apart for that purpose; namely, David the holy, the man after Gods own heart;

Solomon the wise, when old, befooled by his wives: Rehoboam the sim∣ple, whose rigour rent ten Tribes from his kingdome: Abiah the wic∣ked, butl 1.240 valiant and fortunate in fight; Asa the upright, whosem 1.241 heart was perfect all his days: Iehosaphat the just, whosen 1.242 heart was lift up in the ways of the Lord: Ahaziah the Idolater, whose onely cōmendation was that he raigned but* 1.243 one year. Ioash the backslider, the lease of whose goodness determined with hiso 1.244 uncles life: Amaziah the rash, worsted in a needless war against the King ofp 1.245 Israel: Iotham the peaceable, who built theq 1.246 highest gate to the house of the Lord: Ahaz the profane,r 1.247 who in the time of his distress, yet trespassed more against the Lord: Hezekiah the pious, who destroied the high places: Iosiah the tender-hearted, whos 1.248 melted at Gods threatnings, denounced against the people of the Iews.

§ 4. Amongst these still I miss Iehojakim, and long seeking for his tombe light at last on the Prophets threatning,t 1.249 he shall be buried with the buriall of an Asse, drawn and cast forth beyond the gates of Ierusalem.

§ 5. Now as it were in exchange of Iehojakim excluded, we finde Ie∣••ojada admitted among the royall interments. Count it not presumption for a Priests body to intrude amongst Princes bones, seeing not his pride but the peoples gratitude preferred him to the place, becauseu 1.250 he had done good in Israel towards God and his house. (Oh if monuments were mar∣shalled according to mens merits, what change would it cause in our Churches!) See we here the care the Iews had of decent burying th••ir dead. True it is, bodies flung in a bog, will not stick there at the day of judge∣ment;

cast into a wood, will finde out the way; thrown into a dungeon, will have free egress; left on the highway, are still in the ready road to the resurrection. Yet seeing they are the Tabernacles of the Soul, yea the Temples of the holy Ghost, the Iews justly began, and Christians com∣mendably continue the custome of their solemn interment.

§ 6. Farther off from the palace, we finde the house of the mighty; where Davids worthies lived in a Colledge under Ioab their President, next the Kingsw 1.251 wine-press and hisx 1.252 fish-ponds. Think not that the Kings of Iudah had onely Crowns, Thrones, and Scepters, the Ensignes of Soveraignty, for besides these to maintain their state, they had places of profit, so thrif∣ty as to make their own wine at the best hand.

§ 7. Next we take notice of the houses of Annas and Caiaphas both a∣live y 1.253 at once, and termed the high-Priests at the same time; one by courtesie, because lately he had been: the other by right, because at pre∣sent possessed of the high-Priesthood. Thus that function, which ought to have been during life by Gods institution, was made alternately annu∣all by mans innovation. Was not the shining of two Suns together in the Jewish Church sadly ominous? And was it not high time for God to take away the office, when men began wantonly to play at in and out, with that holy profession? But besides these two high-Priests, there was a third that had more right then either to the place, our Saviour himself, at the present brought a prisoner before them. In the house of Annas an officer wrongful∣ly z 1.254 struck him with the palme of his hand, and in the house of Caiaphas he was thrice denyed bya 1.255 Peter, adjured by the high-Priest, adjudged to death, spit upon, blinded, buffeted, with other insolencies offered unto him. The houses of the high-Priests were far asunder, all which distance Christ traced on foot; and it is observable, that being posted back∣wards, and forwards, from Annas to Caiaphas, from Caiaphas to Pilate, from Pilate to Herod, from Herod to Pilate, from Gabbatha to Golgotha, he traversed all the length and breadth, and most of the considerable places in the City: Partly to render his passion more publick, being made a spectacle to men and Angels, partly that his beautifull feet might bring the Gospell of peace into every principall street in Ierusalem.

§ 8. Next followeth the Coenaculum, orb 1.256 large upper-room where Christ en∣ded the Passover, began the Lords supper, and probably afterwards in the same place appeared to his disciples, where after his ascension, the holy Spiritc 1.257 in fiery cloven tongues fell upon them, enabling them to speak all lan∣guages, for which some senslesly slandered them to bed 1.258 full of new wine. For the excess thereof may give men more tongue, not moe tongues; and is so far from making them speak other, that it hinders the pronouncing of their own language. As for the house of the Virgin Mary, w^ch some make very fair in moūt Sion; I say a better was beneath her desert, but a worse was above her estate. Sure it is, that after hersons sufferings, she privately lived in the house of Iohn the Apostle, & Iohn formerly lay in the bo••om of Christ, &

Christ once lodged in the womb of Mary, and Mary was for ever hide 1.259 with Christ in God. O holy chain, ô happy complication!

§ 9. In the last place we come to the prisons (those necessary evills in a populous City) whereof we finde three severall degrees,

• 1 The dungeon off 1.260 Malchiah, a most nasty place, the mud and mire whereof shall not be stirred by my pen, lest the ill savour offend the Reader. Yet good Ieremiah was forced to lie, andg 1.261 like to die there∣in, had not Ebed-melech the blackmore procured his writ of re∣movall.
• 2 The house of Ionathan the Scribe, made a prison extraordinary of a privateh 1.262 dwelling. This little better then the former, so that Ie∣remy counted it a favour at his importunatei 1.263 request to be pre∣ferred thence, into—
• 3—The court of the prison, the best of all bads; which was part of the Kings palace, where Ieremy remained many days, fed with a piece of bread out of the bakers-streetk 1.264 (a place hard by) till Ne∣buchadnezzar at last gave him al 1.265 Gaol-delivery.

§ 10. So much of Sion, forbearing to enlarge my self in the praises thereof frequent in holy writ. As for that expression,m 1.266 Gods dwelling is in Sion, it seems particularly to relate to that time, when the Arke resided there, brought in byn 1.267 David, and placed by him in the midst of a Taber∣nacle which he hado 1.268 pitched for it. Indeed he designed to make a better casket for that Jewell, had not God retrenched his resolution by speci∣all p 1.269 order, intending Solomon for that purpose, who many years after re∣moved this Ark into the Temple he erected.

CHAP. VIII. Of Millo.

AS it is a great grace in a Rhetorician, not to have bald and flat but clear and fair Transitions; so it is no less beautifull in buildings to have spacious and handsome passages therein. For this cause the Kings of Israel counted no cost too much to be bestowed upon this Millo, as be∣ing the common pass between Sion and Ierusalem. It was called Millo, that is, a filling, as some would have it, because being naturally a gulfe or con∣cavity, it was by great expence levelled to be built upon.a 1.270 Others con∣ceive it so named, because filled with the confluxe and confluence of people, being indeed the largest street in the whole City.b 1.271 David began, c 1.272 Solomon finished the building thereof. But as once Wickam Bishop of Winchester wrote in a wall of Windsor, This made Wickam; in the same sense it may be said of Millo, This made Ieroboam. For Solomon taking notice of his activity (merit commended men, and beauty women to his favour) made him surveyour of the works when he builtd 1.273 Millo, which brought him

from a private person into publick notice (the first admission is half a degree to honour) and gave the occasion of his future greatness. In this e 1.274 Millo, at the going down to Sillah, or to thef 1.275 bulwark, King Ioash was cruelly killed by two of his servants.

CHAP. IX. Of the Princely Palaces in this City.

§ 1. PRoceed we now to the Princely palaces in Ierusalem;* 1.276 and first we light on thea 1.277 house of the forest of Lebanon, built by Solomon: So called, because an abridgement of that great forest, wherein (I mean in the groves and gardens about it) wild beasts of all kinds (if humane Authors may be beleeved) had their habitation. Here the bellowing Harts are said to harbour, the throating Bucks to lodge, the belling Roes to bed, the beating Hares to forme, the tapping Conies to sit, and the barking Foxes to kennell. Strange musick to be heard in the midst of a populous place; and very pleasant, that such a woody retiredness should be afforded in the heart of a City. Yet Solomons minde, when mounted on these seeming felicities, was as far from reaching true contentment, as the tired traveller, when on the top of the next hill, will be from touching the skies, which whilest he was in the valley seemed contiguous thereunto.

§ 2. The length of this house was an hundred,* 1.278 breadth fifty, height thirty cubits, whereby it appears both longer and broader then the Temple it self. And no wonder, for who will deny that White-Hall stands on more ground then Westminster-Abby-Church? Besides, in measuring the Temple, onely the covered part thereof is reckoned on, without the Courts (wherein the greatest capacity thereof did consist:) whereas no doubt, Courts and all are taken in to make up the aforesaid dimensions in Solomons house. But grant the Kings Palace outspread the Temple in greatness, the Temple out-topped it in height; whose towred porches as∣cended b 1.279 an hundred and twenty cubites. In this house Solomons golden shields and targets werc 1.280 kept, tilld 1.281 carried away by Shishak King of Egypt.

§ 3. Besides this Solomon* 1.282 had another house in Ierusalem which was e 1.283 thirteen years in building; and af 1.284 third which he made for his wife the daughter of Pharaoh. Say not, they needed two houses, which had two Religions, for we finde not that she ever seduced Solomon to idolatry: nor are the Egyptian Idols reckoned up among those severallg 1.285 superstiti∣ons, which his second brood of wives brought into Ierusalem. Enough to perswade some that this match was made by dispensation, if not di∣rection of God himself, (typifying the calling of the Gentiles) and that Pharaohs daughter afterwards became a convert, following the Psalmists counsell, Forgeth 1.286 also thine own people, and thy fathers house. Hereabouts al∣so was the Golden throne of Solomon, to which those golden Lions gave

a stately ascent. It was the prayer of loyalli 1.287 Benaiah, make the throne of So∣lomon greater then the throne of my Lord King David, which accordingly came to pass, whether taken for this his materiall throne, or for the largeness and fulness of his royall authority.

§ 4. Pass we by the Castle of Antiochus,k 1.288 built by him as a bridle to the City;* 1.289 as also the Palace of the Maccabees, wherein for many yea••s they made their residence, first built byl 1.290 Simon west of the Temple. In Christs time Herod the great had in Ierusalem a most magnificent house, wherein his grandchild Herod Antipas Tetrarch of Galilee kept his passeover, when Pilate sent Christ unto him to be examined by him. Right glad was He∣rod of this occasion, because though formerly much conversing with Iohn the Baptist, yet Iohn did nom 1.291 miracle, which he now in vain hoped to behold from our Saviour. For he that would not work a miracle at his mothersn 1.292 motion, would not doe it for his persecutors pleasure. Let Herod take this for a sign that Christ was the Son of God, because he would shew no sign for the will of man. However the silent shew of our Saviour wrought a reconciliation betwixt him and Pilate, which before were ato 1.293 enmity betwixt themselves. But alass the innocent Lambe is not long liv'd, when thus both Wolfe and Fox are agreed against him.

§ 5. Appendant to this Palace was the prison wherein Peter was put,* 1.294 and being to dye the next day, was found in a deadp 1.295 sleep the night be∣fore. I question whether Herod who condemned him, slept half so soundly. He must be smote before he could be waked, and his shackles fell off easier then his sleep. The Rhemish note tells us, that the chains wherewith he was bound are still preserved at Rome in the Church of Petri ad vincula. But if those there be the true chains, I dare boldly say, that others of richer metall, and finer making, more worth, and less weight, are daily worn by Peters pretended successour.

§ 6. Pilates Palace must not be forgotten,* 1.296 wherein our Saviour was accused by the Iews: near whereunto was the Judgement-hall, called q 1.297 Gabbatha, or the Pavement. But how even, or smooth soever the stones were laid in the floor thereof; most rough, harsh, and unequall justice was administred in this place, when our Saviour therein was condem∣ned. This was the place, into which the high-Priests prepared for the Passeover would notr 1.298 enter for fear of pollution. O my soul enter not into their secrets, whose fe•••• are swift to shed bloud, but legs lame to lift themselves over the threshold of a judgement-hall, for fear of defilement. Now all these Princely Palaces were not extant in this City at the same time, but successively: and therefore as Poets, when they present Persons, who lived in severall ages, on the same stage, lay their scene in the Elysian fields; so to put these Palaces together, the reader must suppose their dust and ruines did all meet on the floor of this City, though made in our map in a flourishing estate, the better to adorn our description of Ierusalem.

CHAP. X. Of the Colledges in Jerusalem.

§ 1. PAss we now from the Court,* 1.299 to the Innes-of-Court, namely such places, wherein youth had liberall education. Thea 1.300 Iews tell us of four hundred and fourscore Synagogues at Ierusalem for this purpose. We will insist onely on such as we finde named in Scripture, and begin with Huldah'sb 1.301 colledge, wherein that Prophetess lived in the days of Iosiah. Perchance a female foundation of women alone, and she the Presidentress thereof; though surely not bound with any mo∣nasticall vow of virginity, because there also styled the wife of Shallum.

§ 2. Next, in the days of the Maccabees, we take notice of the Grecian Colledge or Gymnasium,* 1.302 erected by Iason the high Priest, wherein the Jewish youth were taught to wrestle,c 1.303 ride horses, and other Grecian accom∣plishments. Indeed archery was an ancient Jewish exercise, (David taught the children of Israel the use of thed 1.304 how, as it is written in the book of Iasher) but these were pure heathenish imployments. Here also they were taught to wear a garment called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which some translate Hats, others buskins,e 1.305 (though head and feet are far asunder) which whether it were the generall garbe of the Grecians, or onely an Academicall habit to distinguish the Students from common Citizens, let others enquire. But the worst of all was, here they were taught, not onely uncircumcision of omission, (neglecting the observing thereof on infants) but also the un∣circumcision of commission, practising tof 1.306 make themselves uncircumcised, studi∣ously deleting the character of that Sacrament out of their bodies.

§ 3. After Christs ascension we finde five Colledges or Synagogues mentioned in oneg 1.307 verse,* 1.308 all disputing against Saint Steven,

• Out of Asia those of Cilicia, and proper Asia.
• Out of Africa, those of the Cyreni∣ans and Alexandrians in Egypt.
• Out of Europe, those of the Libertines of Rome.

Behold here an admirable Act hept, wherein Saint Steven was the An∣swerer, against whom Opponents were fetched from all the parts of the then known world; and all too few to resist the wisedome and Spirit by which he spake. What this Synagogue of Libertines was, is much controverted by learned men. Surely Libertines here are not taken in the modern notion of the word, for such as used their liberty for an occasionh 1.309 to the flesh, ori 1.310 a cloak of maliciousness, though we confess in after ages such grew into a nume∣rous society, whereof Satans subtilty, and mans corruption the Founders, the negligence and conivence of Magistrates the daily Benefactours: A Colledge, whose gates (like those of hell) stand always open, having no other Statutes then the Students pleasure: where the diet is so dear, that their Commons cost the souls of such as feed on them, without their finall repentance. Most probable it is, that by Libertines were intended

such Romans as were manumised, or made free by their Masters; where∣of Tacitus counts no fewer then four thousand in the City of Rome, which professed the Jewish Religion; some whereof with most likelyhood had their Synagogues in Ierusal••m, wherein they were more perfectly instructed in matters both of doctrine and discipline. The Gazith or Common-councell must not be omitted, coming near to the nature of a Col∣ledge, wherein the Sanhedrin or seventy Elders had their judicatory, before whom the Disciples were summoned, andk 1.311 straitly threatned not to preach, and afterwards, for disobeying their Order, were put into thel 1.312 common Prison. In the samem 1.313 place Saint Steven was accused and passed his purgation, in that excellent speech, that he was no enemy to the Law of Moses, if rightly understood.

CHAP. XI. The remainder of private houses and streets in Jerusalem.

§ 1. AMongst the private,* 1.314 dwelling in this City, we take speciall notice of the house of Mary, the mother of Iohn-Mark, wherein the Saints were assembled to pray for Peters enlargement. Hither he came and knocked at the door, when Rhoda portress thereof,a 1.315 opened not the gate for gladness; whether because loth to lose so much time, as the opening thereof did necessarily require, (conceiving that Peter might better stand without the door, then the people stay without the news) or because her soul, surprized with suddain joy, was not at leasure to actuate her hands to open the door: yet it informed her feet, to run into the house, because that motion (was not, as the other, against the stream, but) went along with the tyde of her affection, so desirous to tell the news unto others. Sure I am, Peter got less harm by this maidens keeping him out for a time, out of this godly house, then he did by another Damoselsb 1.316 letting him into the high-Priests Palace.

§ 2. Adde to this the house of Ananias the high-Priest,* 1.317 which stood not far off. If therein there was any rotten wallc 1.318 well whit••d over, it may pass for an embleme of him the hypocriticall owner thereof. As this was the house of a false man, so we take Veronica's to be a false house, yea meer fiction, shewn to pilgrimes at this day, in the corner of a street. Here she is said, that meeting our Saviour when carrying his Cross, she t••ndred unto him her vai•••• therewith wiping off his sweat, which vail thereby presently received the lively impression and portraicture of his face and complexion: with more probability they might affirme, that the picture of his see•• remained in thed 1.319 haire of Mary Magdalen.

§ 3. So much for particular houses.* 1.320 Now that Ierusalem was digest∣ed and methodized into severall streets is most certain, whereof such frequent mentionc 1.321 in Scripture: as sure it is also, that many fair market

places were found therein, where childrenf 1.322 played with their mates, Merchants met with their Chapmen, Labourersg 1.323 waited for Masters to hire them, and Pharisees bartered their outside sanctity for theh 1.324 gree∣tings and salutations of the people. But the order and fashion of their severall streets are to us unknown, Scripture affording no certainty there∣in. And though Adrichomius seem so accurate in this point, that no Lon∣don-beadle can be better acquainted with the lanes, allies, courts, corners, of the Precinct belonging unto him, yet herein he proceeds on his own fancy, and meer conjecture. Onely we meet with the names of two streets, Water-gate-street, and Ephraim-gate-street, which may justly be con∣cluded more spacious, and roomthy then the rest, because preferred be∣fore all other places in the City to build booths therein at that solemn festivall, in the days ofi 1.325 Nehemiah. In the former of these, Ezra assem∣bled the people, and read the law before thek 1.326 Congregation.

§ 4. Give me leave to supply out of Iosephus three eminent places,* 1.327 though not mentioned in Scripture. First, thel 1.328 Amphitheatre, erected by Herod, so capable that it could contain fourscore thousand people, if the readers beliefe be so large as to give credit thereunto. Here Herod, after the fashion of the Romans, exposed condemned persons to encounter with Lions, Bears, Boars &c. But whether Saint Paul, when after the manner of men he fought with beasts atm 1.329 Ephesus, intended such combates with cattell, or onely his contesting with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 evill beasts, such as the Cretians aren 1.330 described to be, is not decided by Divines. Secondly, Castle Antony, built by the same Herod in the honour of Antonius, to be the keeper, yea the Gaoler of the Temple, (to which he had an underground passage, which would hold six hundred men) wherein he observed the motions of the Iews, lest they should hatch mutinies under the covert of Religion. Time was when God himself watched over the Temple to protect it, till for the sins of the people, he gave it over to be guarded by the jealous eyes of their inveterate enemies. Lastly, the Hippodrome, or place for horse-races, where the Chivalry of the City met on severall occasions. Sick Herod the great perceiving his end to approach, and knowing the same would bring a great joy to the Iews, (a Tyrants death-day is a solemn festivall in the Calendar of Nature it self) in this Hippodrome im∣prisoned a principall person of every City of Iudea, enjoining Salome his sister to kill them at the instant of his expiring, that so there might be a generall grief, though not for, yet at his death, whilest no place could laugh heartily being pinched with their particular loss. However after his death she discharged those prisoners, and we may easily be∣leeve that these Legatees were not offended with her (the Executrix of Herods Will) for not disposing the Legacies bequeathed to them, according to the minde of the Testator.

CHAP. XII. The mysteries of mount Calvary.

§ 1. SUburbs in Cities are like Suckers in trees,* 1.331 which make them bigger, but not better; so that much of the strength of the City leaks out in such Excresences. Ierusalem therefore had no suburbs at all, but many pleasant mountains and gardens about it. We will begin with mount Calvary, and the passage thereunto, commonly called the dolorous way, (though thence came all our comfort) traced with the blessed feet of our Saviour, who suffered without the gate. This we are now to describe, and ô that our patience and practise might goe along with our pen! to observe our Saviours motion, according to the counsell of the Apostle,a 1.332 Let us goe forth therefore unto him without the camp, bearing his reproach.

§ 2. This dolorous way began at Gabbatha or the Pavement:* 1.333 wherein we may take notice of a wild piece of justice in Pilate, first scourging, then crucifying Christ. If his offence was but criminall to deserve scourging, why was he crucified? If so capitall as to deserve crucifying, why scourged? Perhaps Pilate hoped by his scourging to satisfie the malice of the Iews, but in vain. For it was not the back-bloud, but the heart-bloud of Christ must satisfie their thirst. So that what might be pity in the intent of Pilate, proved cruelty in the event to Christ; whose bitter cup hereby was twice filled. Thus we commit double-folded, twisted, and complicated sins, which our Saviour expiated with dupli∣cated suffering, first scourged, then crucified.

§ 3. Hence being condemned heb 1.334 bare his own Cross part of the way,* 1.335 towards the place of execution, according to the custome of male∣factours (and we know what Furcifer inports in the naturall significa∣tion thereof) untill, it seems, at last he fainted under the burden thereof; whereof severall reasons are assigned.

• 1 Probably the Iews malice provided him a Cross of extraordina∣ry greatness, proportionable to the reputed offendour Para∣mount.
• 2 He was much debilitated with his long watching and sweating the night before.
• 3 The edges of the Cross grating his late whip-furrowed back, might occasion the new bleeding of his wounds, and his weak∣ning thereby.
• 4 He bare withall the invisible weight of the sins of mankind, and Gods anger for the same.

Hereupon a substitute or surrogate was provided for him to bear his Cross, not out of any mercy, but the deeper malice of his enemies; part∣ly

thereby to reprieve him to a more publick death; not willing he should die under, to cover him from shame, but upon the Cross, to ex∣pose him to the greater ignominy: partly, because they were loath he should goe away so easily as in a fainting fit, and therefore their cruell kindness reserved him for a more painfull death.

§ 4. Simon of Cyrene is the person by them compelled to bear his Cross.* 1.336 Had it been foretold that one Simon should have carried Christs Cross, and had one heard Simon Peter so lately, so solemnly promising,c 1.337 though I should die with thee, yet will I not deny thee, he would hence have certainly concluded him the party for that service. But it fell out far otherwise; whilest that Simon had forsaken his Master (and now was bewailing his fault) another of that name is found out, coming out of the field, to carry the Cross before him. Let Heraulds then boast of mens bearing, and their blazing of armes, (empty huskes where the kernell of vertue is wanting) behold here a rich bearing indeed; A Cross proper carried by Simon for our Saviour. We must buckle our selves in like manner for the same burden, patiently to undergoe afflictions. The best is, our Crosses are made hollow, being greater in bulk then in burden; seeing the Cross of our Crosses, eternall damnation, is taken off by the suffer∣ing of our Saviour.

§ 5. And now Christ comes to the place of execution,* 1.338 called Golgotha or mount Calvary, that is, a place of a skull. Either from the fashion there∣of, because that hill was rounded up in the form of a mans head, or be∣cause mens bones were scattered thereabouts. Tremellius with great pro∣bability conceives this Calvary called the hilld 1.339 Gareb in Ieremy, being de∣scribed to lie near the valley of the dead bodies. Here our blessed Saviour in a publick place, with infamous company, (who lived amongst Publicanes, and dyed betwixt theeves) after a cruell manner was despightfully cru∣cified. In whose sufferings we may observe

§ 6. The length thereof,* 1.340 lasting six tedious houres, exposed all that time both to hunger and cold. Indeed the theeves were longer in suffering, both being stille 1.341 alive when Christ expired: but they endured but per∣sonall pain, whilest he underwent miseries for all mankind; so that what his Passion lacked in the length, it had in

§ 7. The breadth thereof:* 1.342 extended over all the parts and powers of his soul and body. No part free from pain, save his tongue, left at liberty to pray for his enemies. His senses all suffered, namely

• 1 Seeing, tormented with the scornfull gestures, and reproach∣full postures of such as passed byf 1.343 wagging the head, to expiate the lascivious, envious, covetous glances of our eyes.
• 2 Hearing, grieved with the taunts, jeers, and wilfullg 1.344 mistakes of the Priests and people: so to satisfie for the pleasures our eares have taken in lustfull Sonnets, wanton jests, and other vain and wicked delights.
• ...

• 3 Smelling, offended with such savours as may well be presumed to be none of the best, in the place of a skull, to make amends for our luxurie in sents and perfumes.
• 4 Tasting. For when he cried out, I thirst, (and sorrowes we say are dry) they provided him a potion ofh 1.345 gall and vineger; so to repair Gods justice offended with our gluttony and drunken∣ness.
• 5 Touching, his hands and feet being pierced with the nailes, to ex∣piate the rapin and violence of our hands, the swiftness of our feet in the way of wickedness, with the manifold sins, which that sense in us committeth.

What shall I speak of his head pierced with Thornes, so to make satis∣faction for the profane plots and projects, the wicked machinations of our brains? And it is worth our observing, that though the Scarlet Robe (put on him to act in that Princely Pageant) was taken from him, (as of some value, no pain, and too good to be spoiled) yet the Crown of Thornes, painfull to him, and profitable to no other, was, (for ought we finde) continued on his head, all the time of his passion. In a word, it is hard to say, whether his pain was more shamefull, or his shame more painfull unto him: the exquisiteness of his bodily temper, increasing the exquisiteness of his torment, and the ingenuity of his Soul, adding to his sensibleness of the indignities, and affronts offered unto him.

§ 8. Thirdly,* 1.346 depth. His passion was as deep as Hell it self, induring tortures in his wounded Conscience to the apprehension of a desertion; witness his Exclamation, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me! not that really he was forsaken, or totally conceived so, shewing his faith in the deepest of his distress. For as when twins in the womb of Tamar strove which should come first into the world, the* 1.347 mid-wise adjudged the Primogeniture unto him that first put forth his hand, as a champion chall••nging his birth-right: so in this expression of our Saviours, wherin Faith and Fear did contest for the priority, Faith must be esteem∣ed the heir and eldest, first putting forth his hand, My God; yea both his hands, My God, my God, claiming by that gemination a double interest in Gods fatherly affection.

§ 19. Lastly,* 1.348 the height: as high as heaven, because the person indu∣ring it was both innocent and infinite. Innocent; such he must be to effect our redemption,i 1.349 without blemish and without spot, otherwise had blurred fingers come to rub off, or wipe out the blot in mans nature, thereby it had been made the bigger: Infinite, being no less then the Son of God, which gave infinite worth and valuation to his sufferings. O then that we might be able to comprehend with all Saints, what is thek 1.350 breadth, and length, and depth, and height, and might know the Love of Christ that passeth knowledge, so infinite every way were the dimensions thereof.

§ 10. And now he had left all he had to be severally disposed of to persons most proper to receive them,* 1.351 as namely his

• 1 Purse (and his own price therein) to Iudas, who bare the l 1.352 bag.
• 2 Peace unto his disciples, and the godly their successours: My m 1.353 peace I leave unto you.
• 3 Prayers to his enemies for their pardon: Father forgiven 1.354 them, they know not what they doe.
• 4 Wardrobe to the souldiers, who parted his raiment amongst them, and on his vesture did cast lots.
• 5 Mother to Iohn the beloved disciple:o 1.355 Woman behold thy Son.
• 6 Body to Joseph of Arimathea, who afterwardsp 1.356 begged, and (with Nicodemus) embalmed and buried it.
• 7 Soul to God:q 1.357 Father into thy hands I commend my Spirit.

These things thus disposed of, he bowed his head, partly in submission to Death the messenger, but more in homage to God the sender, and not by violent compulsion, but voluntary susception of death, gave up the ghost. So ended our Saviours satis••••ing sufferings, as redeemer of mankind; though his sympathizing sufferings, as mysticall head of the Church, are still behind,r 1.358 and are daily filled up with the afflictions of his servants. I say his compassion daily remains and increaseth, though his passion was then, and there ended, according to his own expression,s 1.359 It is finished.

§ 11. Say not that the arrears thereof,* 1.360 and another reckoning re∣mained, because presently after, one pierced his side, out of which came water and bloud. For this added to their malice, not his misery: accor∣ding to that expression,t 1.361 Be not afraid of those that kill the body, and after that have no more that they can doe; all cruelties to breathless corps amount to just nothing, and injuries to the dead though figures on the account of the offerers, yet are but cyphers on the score of the sufferers.

§ 12. Near mount Calvary was a garden,* 1.362 and in that garden a rock, and in that rock a grave, which Ioseph of Arimathea had provided for himself. This was fashionable in that age to make their monu∣ments in their gardens, so to retrench their wanton thoughts with me∣ditations of mortality. Thus pleasure, poison in it self, is made whol∣some, when well corrected with thoughts of our latter end; yea graves and green herbs make a good medly, seeingn 1.363 all flesh is grass, and the glory of man as the flower thereof, which withereth and falleth away. Here our Saviour was intombed, in aw 1.364 sepulchre bewen in stone, wherein never man be∣fore was laid; it being fit, that as he was born of a virgin-wombe, he should be buried in a virgin-tombe. It was also Iosephsx 1.365 own tombe, intended for his proper interment. Such our Saviours poverty, that as he lived in lended houses, so he was buried in a borrowed sepulchre, being rather a tenant, then owner thereof. To make sure work, the grave was shut with a great stone, the stone fastned with a solemn seal,

the seal guarded with a watch of souldiers; though all in vain. For all their solicitous care to suppress his resurrection, did but render it more conspicuous, and free it from all suspicion of forgery.

§ 13. Sure they did binde,* 1.366 but loose they did finde. For on the third day an Angell came down from heaven, causing a great earth-quake; as if the earth, like a guilty malefactor, trembled with feare, for its for∣mer boldness, that being made Gods footstool, it presumed to be his prison. This earth-quake begat a second in the heart of the souldiers▪ who frighted with fear ran all away, our Saviour being former∣ly risen out of his sepulchre. For the stone was noty 1.367 rolled away by the Angell to give his body passage out, but to give the disciples eyes pas∣sage into the grave, to behold the reality of his resurrection: otherwise he, who came in when thez 1.368 door, could come out when the grave was shut. A••t••rwards he attested his rising from the dead, by his manifold appari••ions in sundry places to severall persons, as is largely recorded in the Gospell.

§ 14. However the Priests to palliate the matter,* 1.369 possess the people, and prevent the propagation of the repo••t, endeavoured by thei•• money (their coin being better then their cause) whereby they had compassed the death, thereby also to hinder the beliefe of his resurrection. Though their seal on his grave was broken, they hoped to s••t a firmer on the lips of the souldiers, bribing them for the silence of the truth, and disper∣sing an improbable lye, that the Disciples came by night whilest they slept, and stole him away. It is admirable that such a falshood confuting it self (for if they were asleep, how could they discover them? if awake, why did they not resist them?) should by Gods permission make it passage so fast, so far, and so firme in the beliefe of the Iews. Here taking the devill (thea 1.370 father of all lies) to be father thereof, it is worth our observing in the very words of theb 1.371 Evangelist

• 1 The mother of the lie, the brains of the Pharisees: they taught.
• 2 The nurse thereof, the tongues of the souldiers: they did as they were taught.
• 3 The wages of the nurse, ready paiment: so they took the money.
• 4 The well-batling of the babe, it grew very great: For it is common∣ly reported amongst the Iews.
• 5 The long life thereof, lasting longer then sixteen hundred years, unto this day.

And it is to be feared it will live next day, next moneth, next year, many years, if God be not more mercifull in convincing their erroneous judge∣ments. Thus it is just in heavens proceedings to suffer the posterity to be poisoned, for the wilfull default of the parents.

CHAP. XIII. Of the Potters-field, Aceldama, Fullers-field &c.

§ 1. PAss we from the north-west,* 1.372 to the south-east part of the City, where, without the walls, we light on the Potters-field, where men of that trade made brittle plate in abundance. For, although in Solomons time, such earthen ware was worthless in this City, when silver it self wasa 1.373 nothing accounted of, and made to beb 1.374 as stones in Ierusalem; yet, poor people in after ages, found such cheap fur∣niture usefull for their estates. Here one might have seen those Potters absolutely lording it over their clay (purely passive to receive any im∣pression from them) and, according to their own power and pleasure, making of the same lump onec 1.375 vessell unto honour, and another unto dishonour. Others conceive, this Potters-field was onely an inconsiderable wast place, where sherds and pieces of broken pots were cast out in a by∣corner.

§ 2. Surely it was neither great in extent or value,* 1.376 seeing thirty pieces of silver (the restored reward of Iudas his treason) could purchase the fee-simple thereof; except any will say, it came at a cheaper rate, be∣cause intended for a publick and pious use, the burialld 1.377 of strangers. Here their dead corps had an Hospitall, wherein their lodging and cloathing was freely bestowed upon them: and thus our Saviour, though himself a Stranger in a borrowede 1.378 grave, by the price of his bloud conferred graves on many Strangers. As for the confi∣dent report, that the earth in this field will in fortyf 1.379 eight houres, con∣sume the flesh that is laid therein, yea retaining that quality though transported into forein Countreys, (the grave which every where hath a voracious appetite, having here as quick a digestion) my faith is neither all wax, nor all iron herein. To speak plainly, after long fighting against an Army of Authors affirming the same, my beliefe at last is taken captive by their gravity, and number, to give credit thereunto.

§ 3. It was afterwards called Aceldama,* 1.380 or the fieldg 1.381 of bloud, be∣cause purchased with the price of Christs bloud, and not (as some may erroneously conceive) because handselled with the bloud of Iudas therein, when his bowells gushed out. The place of whose self-execution is shewen to pilgrimes, some distance hence, on the south-west of the City, where he, who had lived ah 1.382 thiefe to his Master, dyed a felon of himself, hanged, say some, on an Elder; say others,i 1.383 on a Sycomore tree; a matter of no concernment.

§ 4. More are we troubled,* 1.384 not for Iudas his sake (for whom two deaths were not too many) but in behalf of the Truth (which can be but one) to reconcile a seeming difference betwixt two places of Scripture about the manner of his death.

MATTH. 27. 5.

And he cast down the pieces of silver in the Temple, and departed, and went, and hanged himself.

ACTS 1. 18.

And falling headlong, he burst a∣sunder in the midst, and all his bowells gushed out.

We understand it thus, not that the rope breaking, Iudas falling down thence some steep place, was paunched on some sharp pile; but, that the very weight of his body, and violence of his headlong motion (ha∣ving no hopes upward in heaven, and therefore hasting downward to the center of despair) brake his belly in so precipitate a fall. Thus as Trai∣tors, when hanged, are by our law to have their bowells drawn out by the executioner: so Iudas served himself so, ••o spare others the pains to punish him.

§ 5. Fullers-field must not be forgotten, where they stretched,* 1.385 and dryed their clothes which they they had washed in the brook of Cedron. But all the sope used here by men of that trade, could not scoure the in∣delible stain of impiety out of the credit and conscience of King Ahaz, who in the high-way ofk 1.386 the Fullers-field, peevishly refused a sign, which God graciously proffered unto him. And mens severall behaviours in matters of this nature deserved to be marked. For, it was

• 1 Commendable inl 1.387 Gideon andm 1.388 Hezekiah, humbly requesting a sign for farther strengthening of their weak Faith.
• 2 Pardonable inn 1.389 Zacharias, craving one out of a mixture of infi∣delity, therefore granted him in loving anger; his dumbeness ser∣ving as well to correct, as confirm him.
• 3 Damnable in the Iews, who out of pride and presumption, in a daring wayo 1.390 demanded; and in Herod, who out of curiosity p 1.391 expected a signe from Christ, and therefore denyed them.

But most of all in Ahaz, in whose nostrills the very perfumes of Heaven sented ill, because proffered unto him, refusing to accept a sign so freely tendered unto him.

§ 6. East of Aceldama,* 1.392 in the valley of the Sons of Hinnon, lay Tophet (that is, Breadth) as Saint Hieromeq 1.393 expoundeth it, because there the Citi∣zens of Ierusalem, pent within the walls of their City, used to dilate, ex∣patiate, and recreate their spirits in the walks thereof. Pity it was that so pleasant a place should afterwards be poisoned with Idolatry, where children were offered to Moloch, searing them to death with his burning imbracements; of the manner whereof largely herefter. For the pre∣sent let it suffice us to observe, that Iosiah is said tor 1.394 defile this place: what! was it capable of more pollution then what it had before? Understand it, by burning of dead bones therein, he made it as offensive to the

nostrils of men, as formerly it had been odious in the eyes of God. Now as the stinking lake of Avernus in Italy, passeth in Pagan Poets for Hell it self: so this valley of Ben-hinnon (Gehenna in Greek) is used in the same sense by ourf 1.395 Saviour: either because of the abominable impieties here committed by the parents; or exquisite torments here endured by the children.

§ 7. We conclude with the place wherein Saint Steven was stoned,* 1.396 being on the east of the City, some distance from what at this day is termed Saint Stevens-gate: nigh which they shew the place where Saul sate, when he kept the clothes of those that stoned him. Now, seeing by Davids law,t 1.397 made by the brook Besor, he that tarrieth by the stuffe is to be equall sharer in the spoile with those that goe forth to the battell; the equity of this ordinance arraigneth Saul guilty alike of the bloud of Saint Steven, with those whose wardrobe he kept during the time of the execution. But, whatsoever Sauls share was in the murther, great was his part in the prayer of Saint Steven, whoseu 1.398 petition (Lord lay it not to their charge) is justly accounted by Divines, a promoting means of his speedier conversion.

Her•• the draught of Solomons Temple is to be inserted.

[illustration]

THE DESCRIPTION OF SOLOMONS TEMPLE.

CHAP. I. Davids threefold preparation for the Temple.

§ 1. IT will not I hope be censured superstition,* 1.399 if at the Threshold of this Temple, we fall flat in ve∣neration of the God thereof, to guide us in the en∣suing discourse. The subject whereon we enter is holy ground, may both writer and reader put off their shoos, and devesting themselves, as much as may be, of carnall corruption, come with simplicity, and sincerity to the matter now undertaken.

§ 2. As some previous dispositions,* 1.400 and antecedaneous acts are re∣quired of a Christian, before he be perfectly converted, and become the Temple of the holy Ghost; so some preparatory provisions were necessary to be made before the building of the Temple was taken in hand. Holy a 1.401 Samuel was the first we finde, who stored up any wealth to this purpose; and Saul (probably invited with his example) dedicated things to the same intent. Yeab 1.402 Abner and Ioab (though at deadly feud each against other) agreed both in consecrating spoiles won in battells t•• maintain the house of the Lord. But David exceeded all other, before-hand providing the materialls wherewith, prescribing the pattern whereby, and purchasing the ground whereon the Temple should be erected.

§ 3. First,* 1.403 for materialls. Lest he or his son should be recounted a∣mongst thosec 1.404 foolish builders, which began and were not able to finish, vast were his preparations for this purpose, in those his two large showres

of his liberality, which we may call the former and latter raine of his bounty on the Temple.

The former

1 Chr. 22. 14.

An hundred thousand Talents of gold, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thousand thousand talents of silver, and of brass and iron without weight.

The latter

1 Chr. 29 4. 7.

Three thousand talents of gold of Ophir, and seven thou∣sand talents of refined silver, given by David of his own proper goods. Besides given by the Princes of the people, of gold fiv•• thousand talents, and ten thousand drams, and of silver ten thousand talents, and of brass eighteen thou∣sand talents, and an hundred thousand talents of iron.

In the first oblation was given what they had suddainly gotten by their valour, in the latter, what they had leasurely advanced by their diligence. In the first their own, but taken from their enemies; in the latter their own, but saved from themselves: in bothd 1.405 Gods own, as David confesseth, who first bestowed it on them, and they now restored it to his service.

§ 4. Come we now to examine how much a Talent,* 1.406 in Hebrew Chichar, did contain. Whereof in Scripture we finde these generalls.

• 1 One man could not conveniently carry two Talents, and there∣fore e 1.407 Naaman bound two Talents of silver in two bags, and laid them upon two of his servants.
• 2 One man might easily beare one Talent, not onely on his back, but on his head, and that not as a burden, but ponderous or∣nament. Thus the Crown of the King of Ammon, afterwards worn by David,f 1.408 weighed a Talent, besides precious stones. Ex∣cept any will say, that the heaviness thereof rested more on the subjects hands, then on the Soveraigns head, who by grand∣sergeantry ma•• be presumed to support the same.
• 3 Probably 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ontained more then ten thousand Adarconim, (or drams, as ••••r translations render it) because in theg 1.409 aforesaid text, after entire talents were reckoned up, these drams follow as a fraction or broken sum, not amounting to a whole talent.
• 4 The particular value thereof may be collected out ofh 1.410 Exodus, that every talent contained three thousand shekels, or fifteen hun∣dred ounces, which in gold according to three pound the ounce, amounteth to four thousand five hundred pound of English money.

According to this standard the hundred thousand talents of gold given by David in the first oblation, make up four hundred and fifty millions, as an excellenti 1.411 Critick hath accounted it.

§ 5. Here as that infidell Prince conceived,* 1.412 ifk 1.413 windows were made in heaven, such plenty of food could not follow in Samaria as the Prophet foretold; so more will be of the minde, that if Pluto should let open all his trap-doors, melt all his mines into money, so great a sum could not suddainly be advanced. This hath given the ground to their probable opinion, who conceive that Talent in the first oblation of David is there taken onely for a plain or flat plate of gold of small value,(as anciently

inl 1.414 Homer it passeth in the same acception) whilest in the second offe••ing Talent is used in the exact and strict notion, according to the full value aforesaid, whose judgement is strengthened by the following argu∣ments.

• 1 Surely Solomon was them 1.415 richest of all the Kings of Israel before or after him, bu•• verily I say unto you, that Solomon in all his wealth and trienniall returns from Tarshish, was far inferiour to David, if the Talents there mentioned were full and entire according to the first computation.
• 2 What is said of our Saviours deeds by way of hyperbole, that if theyn 1.416 were all written, the world it self could not contain the books that should be written, may be literally affirmed of Davids treasure in the first oblation. For as the silver there mentioned was tenfold more then the gold; so if it be allowed (what in moderate pro∣por••ion cannot be denied) that the unweighed Brass was ten∣fold to the Silver, and the Iron to the Brass, the whole content of theo 1.417 Temple was not sufficient to comprehend so mighty a mass.
• 3 Though the second offering of David was far short of the first in number of Talents, yet it is beheld in Scripture as most solemn and of highest importance. At the presenting whereof greatest gratitude to God, and mutuall exultation amongst men was p 1.418 expressed. This insinuates that at this rere-account, the Talents were Talents indeed, and though in number fewer, in worth more considerable then the former.

Wherefore though we conceive not the long life of the Patriarchs a sufficient cause (as some doe) to expound their age of lunary years, yet the strength of these reasons carry our beliefe along with them to con∣tract the accep••ion of talents in the first account, as is above stated.

§ 6. But to close up all concerning Talents:* 1.419 It was so great a sum, that though now so many thousands of them abounded in Ierusalem, yet af∣ter wards in the reign of Iehojakim, one talent of gold and an hundred talents of silver, was found and felt an heavy annuall taxation for the whole City of Ierusalem and kingdome of Iudah to pay. Insomuch, that heq 1.420 exacted it of every one in the land, to make up that sum for the King of Egypt So great is the difference betwixt the same place, when flowing with wealth, and when exhausted with war.

§ 7. After all these preparations made,* 1.421 let not Davids expression be condemned of complement, Now behold, in myr 1.422 poverty I have provided for the house of the Lord &c. as if he were like those fond ente••tainers, who having forraged the elements of aire, earth and water for provision for their guests, still excuse their cheer for being no better. His words were indited from an humble heart, finding his deeds so far short of his de∣sires, of Gods deserts. Thus those who have given a little to God, think

they have given much, whilest such as have given much, know they have given but a little.

§ 8. Here it will be demanded,* 1.423 that seeing at the building of the Tabernacle, peoples bounty was refrained with a flats 1.424 prohibition to bring in no more, why no such restraint appears at the building of the Temple, where far greater masses of metall were presented for the erection thereof. But it is answered, that moderate or competent state best became the Tabernacle, resembling the kingdome of grace; whilest the Temple was not capable of excess in magnificence, representing the kingdome of glory. No hands could contribute too much to the Type, where no heart can conceive enough of the truth, the things which God hath preparedt 1.425 for them that love him, not entering into humane imagination.

§ 9. Besides these materialls,* 1.426 David prescribed the modell, which he gave to Solomon his son, the pattern of the porch and of the houses thereof, and of the treasures thereof, and of the upper chambers thereof, and of the inner parlours thereof, and of the palace of the Mercy-seat, and the pattern of all that he had by the u 1.427 Spirit. And it followeth not far after, All this (said David) the Lord made mee to understand in writing, by his hand upon me, even all the works of this pattern. Here David for the more certainty, had a double direction, one by the Spirit, the other by writing, to stand on record in per∣petuam rei memoriam. These two did not contradict, but confirm each other, because he, who hath learned his lesson most perfectly by heart, may notwithstanding sometimes have need to have recourse unto, and make use of his notes.

§ 10. However herein the note of the Geneva translation is very consi∣derable, * 1.428 thus glossing on the text. For all this was left in writing in the book of the Law, Exod. 15. 40. which book the King was bound to put in execution. Deut. 17. 19. Thus making David not by propheticall revelation, but prudentiall collection, to arrive at the knowledge of the Prototype of the Temple, by a writing, being (no new or immediate manuscript from hea∣ven, but) the ancient Scripture, delivering the modell, and dimensions of the Tabernacle to Moses. Yet so, that the dead letter in the word, was quickened and enlivened in Davids heart by Gods Spirit, teaching him to observe a generall conformity betwixt the Tabernacle and Temple, yet with those due and necessary alterations, as were requisite be∣twixt the one a small and moveable fabrick, and the other a large and standing structure. An interpretation easier cavilled at, then confuted, because such the Analogy betwixt these two edifices.

—Facies non una duabus, Nec diversa tamen, qualis decet esse sororum. Their faces neither diverse, nor the same, But such as sisters very well became.

The latter being none other, then the imitation of the former with pro∣portionable addition: as indeed what is the Tabernacle of Grace, but the Temple of Glory contracted; or the Temple of Glory, but the Ta∣bernacle of Grace dilated?

§ 11. This ** 1.429 pattern was imparted to David, (who had the holier, though Solomon the larger heart) and no doubt his son exactly observed the same. Yet can I not beleeve that Solomon was altogether so pattern-bound, as Moses, who was so confined to hisw 1.430 instruction, that his hand might not write a letter, yea not make a flourish, more then was in his Copy: And a knop or flower in the Candlestick under or over, was a mortall transgression. More probable it is, that Hirams fancy, (Solomons Architect) was not pressed in all particulars, but was left a volunteire for some descants of Art, whilest for the main, he kept himself to the ground-work prescribed unto him.

§ 12. Besides materialls,* 1.431 and modell, David purchased the floor where∣on the Temple was erected; a floor paved with mysteries. Here on mount Moriah, an Angellx 1.432 stayed the stretched-out hand of Abraham from killing Isaac, and in the same place, God stayed they 1.433 sword of the de∣stroying Angell, from slaying the Israelites with the pestilence. No place therefore more precious, more cordiall, or soveraign to build a Temple in, then this, which was twice confirmed with Probatum est, stamped with a double impression of Gods favour upon it. This floor David bought of Araunah the Iebusite, from whom he would not take it of gift, that hereafter it might not be said, that the Temple had no bet∣ter title to the ground whereon it was built, then the meer gratuity of such a man, whom most conceive to be but a Pagan. Indeed a main matter to make a structure stand firme, is to found it on ground lawful∣ly purchased, and honestly payed for, otherwise that floor, which for substance is a rock, will in point of right be found but a sandy foun∣dation.

§ 13. On this place David built an Altar,* 1.434 giving it this large cha∣racter, Thisz 1.435 is the house of the Lord God, and this is the Altar of the burnt-offering for Israel. Now as the heart is the Primum vivens in a creature; so this Altar was the first thing erected in the Temple, though for the present made of such mean matter as that hasty occasion would give leave. Here it stood many years after, even untill the brazen Altar of a firmer Fa∣brick was substituted in the room thereof. Either to this did Ioab fly, and caught hold in vain of the horns thereof, (three years before the Temple was built) or else to some other Altar near the Tabernacle in Sion For seeing those passages betwixt him and Solomon were transacted in the City of Ierusalem, certain it is, he fled not to the Altar as yet ata 1.436 Gi∣beon, distanced some miles from this place.

§ 14. If it be demanded why David thus diligent to provide for the Temple,* 1.437 was forbidden to build it; a double reason is rendered thereof. First, because he had been ab 1.438 man of war; and his martiall reign incum∣bred with constant battells, afforded not a peaceable conveniency su∣table to such a design. Secondly, because he had shed much bloud upon the earth in Gods sight, which principally related to his killing of Uriah. Say

not that Solomon also was a man of bloud, having ordered the executions of c 1.439 Ioab, Shimei, and Adoniah, doing it in a judiciall way, not violent and murdering manner, as David had done. And although his serious re∣pentance had cured the wound in his conscience, yet God suffered the scare in his credit so far to remain, as to render him uncanonicall, or irregular for such an imployment. However, in some sense David may be said to have built the Temple: Namely, in Gods graciousd 1.440 accepti∣on of the readiness of his will for the performance thereof.

CHAP. II. An army of workmen imployed by Solomon in the building of the Temple.

§ 1. NOw Solomon his son being a peaceable Prince,* 1.441 as his name imports, in his quiet reign began the building of the Tem∣ple. Thus as Cryers make an Oyes to silence all noise, that men may the better attend to the Judge when beginning his Charge; so by a generall peace, the rage of all people was stilled, before God in the Oracle did begin his familiar discourse with the Israelites, or the foundation of the Temple taken in hand. Then Solomon enters on the work, employ∣ing in mount Lebanon, a vast army of workmen, in their severall distan∣ces to advance this Fabrick.

§ 2. Namely,* 1.442 for servile work, ana 1.443 hundred and fifty thousand bearers of burdens, and hewers of stone and wood. All these were strangers, Solomon reserving his native subjects for their purses to pay taxes, not persons to bear burdens. Secondly, for plain work; in which thirty thousand Israelites were imployed, yet with suchb 1.444 alternation, that, divided in three parts, they stayed one moneth in mount Lebanon, and the other two at home. Thirdly, for carved-works; herein the Sidonians onely were used, whose exact number is not specified: But they must needs be numerous, if we may guess the men by their mouthes, and their mouthes by thec 1.445 proportion of victualls allowed them. Lastly, above all for direction three thousand three hundred were appointed (surely so many officers would suffer no drones to be in the whole hive) to oversee the rest.

§ 3. Such,* 1.446 who admire how so many could so long be busied in such a building, would haply have wondred more, how so few in so short a time could have finished the same, had they beheld the magni∣ficence thereof. Two great gulfes there were, which insensibly swal∣lowed up the labours of many thousands of men. First, the want of horses in Iudea (plenty whereof were brought out of Egypt towards the latter end of King Solomons reign) whereupon massie timber in those mountainous countreys, were managed by the main strength of men.

The second was a religious Criticisme peculiar to this structure, all things being beforehand so framed and fitted in mount Lebanon, that not so much as the sound of an Axe, or Hammer was heard in Ierusalem, when it came to be erected. Which exactness must needs occasion many charge∣able essayes and samples, before it could be attained. Nor wanted there a mystery therein, because as the moving Tabernacle typified the Church Militant; so the Temple resembled the Triumphant, where those who shall be thought worthy to be admitted into glory, shall have nothing to doe, but to be admitted into glory.

§ 4. Some will say withd 1.447 Nicodemus,* 1.448 How could these things be, that no noise should be made at the erecting thereof? suppose but a bedstead having head, sides, feet, posts, tester, cords, and curtains fitted before, it cannot be set up without some necessary noise. Yea grant their ham∣mers or mallets cased with some soft matter, to bribe them to silence, yet they could not be made so mute, but that the very contusion and en∣forcement of the aire, would unavoidably advance some sound. Nor were the beams of the Temple so far in love with their mortises, as to run into them, or the mortises so fond of the beams, as to embrace them of their own accord.

§ 5. In answer hereto,* 1.449 some plead miracle, others exquisite Art, and several kindes of cementing, souldering, rivetting, screwing, glewing, and other devices unknown to our age. As for the Rabbinicall fancy, that Solo∣mon with the bloud of the worme Thamyr* 1.450 effected this matter, most will account it improbable in it self, and unproportionable to Scripture. Others distinguish on the degrees of the noise; small in comparison of so great a work, and not obstreperous to a publick disturbance. But the best interpret it, that no laborious sound was heard from the hewing or squaring of timber, or stone, but onely a more cheerfull, yea melodi∣ous harmony, from the happy conjunction, and compacting of parts to∣gether, now easily matched, which had been contracted before. This I am sure, that what tongue-tied tools soever, were used at the erecting of the Temple, too clamorous instruments were imployed at the destruction therof, when they brake down thee 1.451 curved work thereof at once with axes and hammers.

§ 6. Besides the two gulfes aforesaid,* 1.452 (the quick-sands of many mens labours) it is also to be considered, that though so wise a King as Solomon▪ would not burden himself with superfluous numbers, yet in this Fabrick, wherein he did personate and represent the great God of hea∣ven, he consulted more with his magnificence, then his frugality, not minding so much how many the building in bare necessity did require, but how many the builders with full authority could command.

§ 7. Notwithstanding so many labourers entertained in the work,* 1.453 seven years was this Temple in building. Here some will behold the sanctity and perfection of the septenary number,f 1.454 so often occuring in Scripture, whilest we conceive this the best reason, why just seven years

were spent in the building thereof, because it could not be ended in six, nor accomplished within a shorter compass of time. Indeed almost twice as much time (thirteen years) did Solomon* 1.455 spend in building his own house: whereof this fair and ingenuous reason is rendered by h 1.456 Iosephus; because he was not so intent and earnest therein, as in the structure of the Temple. It is in another case reported to the praise of Boaz,i 1.457 the man will not be at rest, untill he have finished the thing; so Solomon, during those seven years of the Temples building, did not sleep in a cessation from, nor slumber in an interruption of that work, which was intended for the honour of God. Though in erecting his own Palace, as he made it for his pleasure, so he did it at his leasure; as conveniencies would permit.

CHAP. III. Of the generall dimensions of the Temple.

§ 1. THe length of this Temple wasa 1.458 sixty Cubites (besides ten Cubits for the Porch,* 1.459 which compleat the whole length, se∣venty) the breadth thereof twenty, the height thirty. Here we may take notice of a manifest difference betwixt the Scripture and the writer of the Jewish antiquities; both for the time, wherein the Temple was built, and the dimensions thereof.

Scripture. 1 KING. 6. 1.

Four hundred and fourscore years af∣ter the children of Israel came out of the land of Egypt.

1 KING. 6. 2.

The height thereof thirty Cubits.

Iosephus Ant. Iud. li. 8. c. 2.

Five hundred ninety and two years af∣ter the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt.

Ibidem.

The whole height of the Temple was six score Cubits.

A difference which will make no impression on his Faith, who hath read Saint Peters resolution,b 1.460 We ought to obey God rather then man; Such passages not unusuall in Iosephus; witness when he saith of King Iehoja∣chin, ^c 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being just and mercifull,* 1.461 of whom the Scripture d 1.462 once ande 1.463 again reporteth, and he did that which was evill in the sight of the Lord.

§ 2. A Cubit,* 1.464 say some, is the length from the elbow to the wrist; say others, to the tip of the longest finger: some making it the fourth, others the sixth part of a man. Some allowing it a foot, others a foot and half, with whom we concurre. But it is mainly materiall, that the Cubits of the Temple weref 1.465 after the first measure; that is, according to those whereby the Ark was framed, before mens first strength and stature was abated. For as it is hard exactly to define how big men were

in former ages: so it plainly appears, both by Scripture and Pagan Testi∣monies, how much mens might is impaired, and falls short of the per∣formances of the ancients.

Homer, Iliad. E▪ in the duell betwixt Diomedes and Aeneas.—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—

Virgil, Aeneid. 12. in the fight betwixt, Aeneas and Turnus. Vix saxum lecti bi•• sex cervice subirent, Qualia nūc hominū producit corpora tellus.

A stone he snatch'd and threw, a stone indeed So huge▪ so heavy, two men now had need To heave it up, such dwarfes our days doe breed.

However we may safely with the most moderate, make the Cubit of the first measure double to the former, and equall to our English yard.

§ 3. Say not that this allowing of severall Cubits amongst the Iews was double dealing,* 1.466 and a flat breach of that Commandement,g 1.467 Thou shalt▪ not have in thy bag diverse weights, a great and a small. For that ordinance one∣ly forbad the abuse of one measure, a great to buy, and a small to sell with, both being conceived of the same standard. But to have severall weights or measures, where the chapman is acquainted with the diffe∣rence, and the prices rated accordingly, is neither fault nor fraud at all, no more then for a Merchant to sell by two severall pound weights, the one Troy, the other Averdupois, where the differences of the ounces is no∣toriously known.

§ 4. But thus allowing the Temple to be sixty great Cubits,* 1.468 or as many yards, or ninescore feet, long; twenty great Cubits, or yards, or sixty foot, broad; thirty great Cubits, or yards, or ninety foot, high; (all clearly within the house, besides the breadth of the wal without) yet some wil say it answered not expectation, and the stately character given therof in Scripture. Is this that Fabrick which filled the whole world with the fame thereof, which was so small in it self considered? Nothing can be magnificum, which is not magnum, and it must first be great, before it can be glorious. He may be pretty, but not a proper person, who hath not bulk proportionable to his beauty. Yea if Solomons Temple were com∣pared to some structures and Fanes of heathen Gods (as humane Au∣thors give in their dimensions) it would appear as Saint Gregories to Saint Pauls, (the babe by the mothers side) or rather this Davids modell would be like David himself standing by Goliah, so gigantick were some Pagan Fabrickes in comparison thereof. Indeed this Temple is termed exceeding magnificall 1 Chron. 22. 5. But Diana who is styled her magnifi∣cence, Act. 19. 27. seems better to deserve the title, whose Temple ish 1.469 said to be four hundred and twenty feet in the length, two hundred and twenty in the breadth,* 1.470 and sixty in the height thereof.

§ 5. To which we answer. 1^t. The state of Solomons Temple did

principally consist not so much in the greatness, as exquisite symmetry thereof, and costly furniture therein. 2. It was abundantly big enough for the use for which it was intended, namely to contain the holy ves∣sells (with sufficient, yea with large space betwixt them) and to receive such Priests as did officiate therein. For the Holy of Holies was accessible to the high-Priest alone, and that but once a year, and into the Holy or in∣ward house came not all the many thousands of Levites, but onely such Priests (to light lampes, set shew-bread, offer incense) as by Lot and course were called thereunto, as appeareth by Zacharies sole staying there∣in, whilest the wholei 1.471 multitude of the people were praying without. Indeed no∣thing of drudgery was done in the Temple, or what must require many men to manage it, it being neither handsome nor healthfull to croud much company into a covered room in that hot Countrey. Lastly, the great latitude and capacity of the Temple consisted in the outward Courts, unseparable parts thereof of such receipt, as to entertain multi∣tudes of men sub dio, in the open aire, as compleating a square of five hundred cubits, and in the amplitude, largeness and magnificence there∣of, equalling, yea exceeding the greatest buildings in the world, if report be but reduced to the standard of truth, and travellers not permitted to slip their thumb in their measuring of yards, overlashing in their relations.

§ 6. To return to what properly is termed Temple,* 1.472 the Tectum, or covered part thereof. It was more then twice as great as the Tabernacle made by Moses, which (ask 1.473 Ribera collects from the length of the cur∣tains Exod. 26.) was but thirty Cubits in length, ten in breadth, and as many in height. Yea, well might the Temple exceed the Tabernacle in dimensions, if we consider; First, the Tabernacle was erected by exiles wandering in a barren wilderness; the Temple by a potent Prince, and his populous subjects in their own peaceable countrey. Secondly, the Tabernacle was in a manner fitted for its foundation, to the backs and shoulders of the Levites, which were to carry it, and therefore might not exceed a portable proportion. Thirdly, the Temple mystically ty∣pified the Church Triumphant, and therefore in strength, state, grace, and greatness was to surpass the Tabernacle, the moveable Emblem of the Church Militant.

§ 7. Now how the structure of the Temple stood in relation to the four quarters of the world, is not plainly expressed in Scripture,* 1.474 but may partly be collected from the phrase used in the originall, where the porch is said to be set 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 beforel 1.475 the face of the house, where Before is Eastward in the propriety of the Hebrew tongue. Hence all expositors, Jewish and Christian, confidently place the ends or length of the Temple East and West, the sides or breadth thereof North and South, making the porch or entrance on the East end, the inward house in the middle, and the Holy of Holies in the West end of the Temple, which se∣verall parts we come now orderly to describe.

CHAP. IV. Of the fair Porch at the entrance of the Temple.

§ 1. THe Porch, in Latine porticus, & vestibulum,* 1.476 in Hebrew Ulam, (which name the Septuagint retain) gave a stately entertainment to such as entered into the Temple. In the book ofa 1.477 Kings we meet with the length, and breadth thereof, but no height there menti∣oned: Inb 1.478 Chronicles we finde the length and height of it, whilest there the breadth is omitted; by putting both together we may spell the perfect dimensions thereof. Thus, those who hope for exact intelligence from heaven, must peruse, and compare all expresses dispatched thence. Yea, in the new Testament, Gods message is whole, but not wholly by one mes∣senger, so that, what is wanting in one, is supplied in another Evange∣list. This Porch was twenty Cubits in* 1.479 length (according to the breadth of the house) ten in breadth, and an hundredc 1.480 & twenty in height, moun∣ting tower-like above the rest, being four times as high, as the body of the Temple.

§ 2. Some will say with covetous Iudas,* 1.481 Tod 1.482 what purpose was this wast? seeing the inside thereof was but an useless vacuity, not having any bells therein (trumpets being the onely bells of the Hebrews to summon their assemblies) and that otherwise it was for no service. But know, that is not empty, which is full of ornament; nor idle, which stands both for strength, and state. If an elegant exordium be so usefull in an oration, to gain the ears of the Auditors; no less gracefull a fair front in a building, to win the eyes of the beholders. Nor was Solomon minded like many in after-ages, who cut down all top-masts from the ship of Christs Church (politickly pretending a tempest, and that all is done for her safety) and make her close notted to the very keel; but, his large hart and hand, cared not what he expended on the magnificence of Gods House.

§ 3. Here I cannot but admire,* 1.483 to see legionsc 1.484 of learned men, ex∣tend and cary on the aforesaid height, of an hundred and twenty Cubits (appropriated in the text to the porch alone) even to the whole fabrick of the Temple, making the entire body thereof of an uniform height, equall with the porch. Where, to excuse them from inconveniences, they make the lower Temple to reach to the first loft, roof, or seeling of Cedar, over which they fancy an upper house of equall propor∣tion, the roof whereof ranged even with the porch in height; so ma∣king a Duplicate, or all the rooms of the Temple to be double, one on the floor, the other in the upper story. Indeed we read in Solomons song of a sort of sheepf 1.485 whereof every one bare twins, but that such gemination was here in the Temple, is altogether improbable, Scripture being silent

of that second, or upper story, nor mentioning any use, for which it was intended, and confining the height of the Temple to just thirty g 1.486 Cubits. Well therefore may we suspect some flaw, or crack in those spectacles, which represent the Temple thus double, against the simpli∣city of the text, to the unprejudiced readers thereof.

§ 4. To return to the porch;* 1.487 fair (no doubt) was the door or gate leading thereinto, though very bold is the assertion of venerable Bede, h 1.488 affirming that it was so great, that, standing full east, the equinoctiall Sun without any obstacle, did send his beams through the door of the Temple, and Oracle, into the very Ark which was within the Holy of Holies. But, grant the gate ve∣ry great in the porch, surely the sun-shine could not penetrate so far, be∣ing intercepted by the partition. It being improbable, that the door of the Oracle was ever left open, that mysterious place being unenterable, as well for the eyes, as feet of any, save the high-Priest alone. Otherwise, needless was the renting of the vail at our Saviours passion,* 1.489 if the passage into the Holy of Holies was pervious at all times, or if the gate thereof did usually stand open.

§ 5.* 1.490 This porch (as the words lay plain in the text) Solomonk 1.491 overlaid within with pure gold. However interpreters expound these words (though next in position to the porch) rather to reach over in their relation, to other more inward parts of the Temple, conceiving it too vast and needless an expence, to overlay a tower six score Cubits high within with gold. But, ill fare covetous Commentatours on a liberall text. Solomon will give them small thanks for their great thrift; to spare his cost, and at once to spoile both the letter of the text, and the lustre of his Temple. We conclude it overlaid with pure gold, that is, gilded all over, but being silver within; so reconciling it to another place, where Da∣vid is said to have providedl 1.492 seven thousand talents of refined silver, to overlay the walls of the houses withall. Thus it took the denomination of gold, from that metall which was most precious, and most visible on the surface thereof.

§ 6. Let none here condemn me, for grudging the Temple her glory, thus debasing the gold thereof into silver-gilt. For mine own part, as Moses wished all Gods peoplem 1.493 Prophets; it would not offend me, if all Gods House were pearles, mine eyes are not so bleared with envy, as to smart at the shining of Solomons Temple. But a due decorum must be observed in this edifice, and one place of Scripture must not be advan∣ced, to depress another. And, seeing there were degrees in holiness, why not also gradations in gallantry, between the severall rooms of the Temple? So that all three might be overlaid with pure gold; the porch with leafe, the inward house with plate, the Holy of Holies with the most refined gold of Parvaim.

CHAP. V. Of the Holy, or outward Temple.

§ 1. WE advance now from the Porch into the next room,* 1.494 called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hechal the Temple, (because the largest part thereof) as also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the greatern 1.495 house, by Tremellius templum anterius, by others interior domus, the inward-house, (namely in respect of the porch) which had fortyo 1.496 Cubits in the length, while the breadth and height thereof, was adequate to the generall dimensions of the Temple.

§ 2. The foundation of this Temple (as of the whole structure) consisted of great costly hewed stones,* 1.497 brought thither by the Kingsp 1.498 com∣mand. Here if the vulgar Latine hath Lapides pretiosos, we must not un∣derstand gems and jewels thereby; for, the burying of such shining beauties under ground, what had it been else, but the putting of a candle under a bushell? Besides, such are by nature too small for that service, and it was the prerogative royall of the new Ierusalem, which came down from heaven, to have the foundation of that Cityq 1.499 garnished with all manner of pretious stones. Conceive them here stones of price, on whose polishing much cost was expended to make them no less fair to ••ight, then firme for substance. For, Solomon, who built not for ostentation, but true mag∣nificence, did not worship God onely with eye-service; but was care∣full, that the under-ground work of the Temple should be as well spe∣cious, as strong; knowing, that the same God saw both the secret of his heart, and bottome of his house. To lesson us in our spirituall edi∣fices, * 1.500 to lay up in store for our selves a good foundation against the time to come, that we may lay hold on eternall life.

§ 3. How thick the walls of the Temple were,* 1.501 is not expressed in Scripture. Villalpandus out of Ezekiel colle••teth the breadth of the wall to be six Cubits,s 1.502 but how truely, I will not determine; whilest Peter Co∣mestor, without giving any reason, makes the wa••••en Cubits thick; more, I beleeve, then an Architect will allow proportionable; not to say, how many quarries of stone so much solid wall would superfluously devou••e. We are well assured (though insisting on no ••et measure) it was built most substantiall of it self (had not the sins of the people infeebled it) with breadth suitable to such an height, to which it was to be raised, and such a burden, which it was to support.

§ 4. This wall had the out-side thereof made of stone,* 1.503 for strength; the middle of Cedar, for beauty; the in-side of gold, for magnificence. The Cedar was so curiously carved with imagery of flowers,t 1.504 Palmes, and Cherubims, that the walls of this house seemed at the same time, a Garden of flowers, a Grove of trees, yea and a Paradise of Angels. Nor was all this flowretry, and other celature on the Cedar, lost labour, because

concealed, when covered with gold. Indeed, had such graving been either in-laid, or flat-work, the superinduction of the gold had hid it, from any to behold it; but those figures being outwardly imbossed with visible prominencies, the plate of the purest and most flexible me∣tall, applyed it self so close to each lineament in the sculpture, that it set off, and expressed the carved work with advantage, abating nothing of the cunning, and adding much to the cost thereof.

§ 5.* 1.505 But being here to enquire into the forms of these Cherubims, I am utterly dishea••tened with that passage in Iosephusu 1.506 speaking of their shapes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, none can conceive or express what kind of creatures they were. Notwithstanding, many learned men are very peremptory in assigning their shapes, but no more agreeing in their severall opinions, then Men, Women, Children, Lions, Eagles, Oxen, are one like to another. In all which forms I finde Cherubims represented by se∣verall Authours, grounding them on the vision inw 1.507 Ezekiel. Haply they assumed severall shapes, not always fixt to one figure, but preferring that forme for the time being, which suited best with their present service. Appearing, when sent to treat, Men; when to terrifie, Lions; when to show strength, Oxen; when to use swiftness, Eagles. But for certainty herein, the surest way, to know the fashion of these celestiall creatures, is to live and dye in Gods fear and favour; and then, shall we not onely see, but in some sort be Cherubims our selves, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fellow-commoners with Angels (as ourx 1.508 Saviour saith) and sharers with them in glorious im∣mortality.

§ 6.* 1.509 Of the same curiosity fory 1.510 carving, were the two doors with folding leaves, but made of fir-tree, and overlaid with gold, which lead out of the porch into the Temple. The workmanship of these doors, and of the wall being in all particulars so like, that when they were shut, no breach or interruption appeared in the graving, but a fair continuati∣on thereof. Posts of olive-treez 1.511 four-square were made for those doors to turn upon.

§ 7.* 1.512 The floor hereof was made of boards* 1.513 of fir (onely as stifning in the middle) and they were faced and lined with gold on both sides. So soundeth the text to the plain reader thereof,b 1.514 and the floor of the house he overlaid with gold within and without. But Tremelliusc 1.515 expoundeth this within and without, not, above and beneath the boards (theseeming sense of the words) but, tam in adyto quàm in templo, both within the Oracle, as also without, in this Temple or great house.

§ 8. Some will say,* 1.516 this was not so proper, that the pavement of the house should be as rich as the roof thereof. But this must be imputed to the poverty of nature, not affording more precious metal, seeing worse the gold was too bad for the floor, and better could not be had for the roof. Yet the foresaid pavement though of gold must be presumed plain, without any carving, otherwise the inequality of the sculpture had ren∣dered

it uneasie to be walked upon. Here the Priests feet were taught to trample on worldly wealth; and surely, one meanes to move God to d 1.517 tread Satan under our feet, is to make a foot-stool of this temporall Mammon, being one of his principall baites, and most pernicious temptations.

§ 9. Windows were also made in the Temple, but how many,* 1.518 is not exactly specified. The fewer would serve the turn, because of the abun∣dance of artificiall lamps constantly burning therein. Indeed, some competent darkness raiseth devotion; for, though thate 1.519 unapproachable light which no meer man hath or can see, doth heighten, and elevate the zeal of glorified Saints admitted thereunto, yet too much outward light draw∣eth out devotion too thin, and scatters it in the eyes, whilest a solemn darkness remands it to the heart with greater veneration. And a dark Oratory (being as it were a room hung with black against a funerall) doth minde such as enter therein of mortification.

§ 10. These windows come under a threefold enquiry.* 1.520 1. How fashioned. 2. Whereof made. 3. Where placed. For their fashion, the originall termeth them Secuphim athumin, words so variously rendered by Translatours, that the windows which should lighten the fabrick, are themselves the most dark and difficult to be understood. We stick to our last translation of narrow lights; a form found advantageous, as most thrifty to collect (tunnel-like) most light from without, so most liberall to dispense it within with greatest conveniency. For their mat∣ter, Rabbi Iehuda an ancient writer (whose judgement Tremellius pre∣ferreth f 1.521 above all others) conceiveth them of glass, plenty whereof we have observed nigh Sidon, in purity corrivall with Crystall it self. But g 1.522 Saint Hierome will have them lattised, Lignis interrasilibus, & vermiculatis, with worming or winding splinters of shaved wood: in which notion the Sep∣tuagint renders them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 windows of net work. If so, we will be bold to conceive such wooden lathes were overlaid with gold, other∣wise it was unsuitable, that when no wood appeared on the walls, it should presume to peep out in the windows. Sure I am, in the second Temple (inferiour to this in magnificence) Iosephush 1.523 reports, how a Roman soldier set fire on a golden window. However, if one will main∣tain, that these windows, made as much to let in aire, as light, and (per∣chance) more to let out smoak then either (caused by the constant lamps and perfumes) were open without any shutting at all, I see no coercive argument, to enforce his beliefe to the contrary, can be taken out of Scripture. Now because the Temple was compassed about with three stories of chambers, each of them, five, and all three, fifteen Cubits high, these windows in the Temple must be made above the roof of those chambers, where their high standing afforded a double benefit, both of clearer light, and greater privacy.

§ 11. The roof of the Temple,* 1.524 finding no exception to the contrary, probably was flat, built like other houses in Iudea, where men might

walk upon them;i 1.525 Preach you (saith our Saviour) on the house tops. But, if any aske, with what metall it was covered? I am not ashamed to pro∣fess my ignorance. A quere, which, by his own confession,k 1.526 posed Villalpandus, propounded unto him by Isabella Archduchess of Austria, even after he had studied the subject many years, and accounted himself question-proof in all particulars. Insomuch, that non-plussed hereat, he was fain afresh to betake himself to his book, and on second enquiries found out of Eupolemus, and other Authors (Scripture being silent there∣in) that it was covered with tiles of brass (no more contradiction, then l 1.527 hornes of Iron mentioned in Scripture) which, squammato opere, in scale∣work, lay one over another. A thing not unlikely in it self, David having provided brass in such abundance, that it wasm 1.528 without weight. No won∣der, when we read that in Meldorpe a small City of Dithmars in Denmark the ordinary inhabitants therein cover their houses withn 1.529 copper. This I dare negatively affirme, it was not covered with lead, being so drossie and impure a metall, that not one ounce thereof is mentioned to be used about all the Temple.

CHAP. VI. Of the Holy of Holies.

§ 1. THis is called the Oracle,* 1.530 in Hebrew Debir, Gods Parliament-house, or, speaking place, also the Holy of Holies, or, the inner-house. It was in fashion four-square, the height, length, and breadth thereof equally extending too 1.531 twenty Cubits. To shew the stability, and firmness of happiness: so that, place the roof where the floor was, exchange one side-wall for the other, Cube-like it still continued the same firme proportion.* 1.532 Nor is the allusion of Saint Gregory to be contemned, on the like occasion observing, that so much as the soul ascends in know∣ledge of God, so much it extends in love to his neighbour; both which meeting together make a square-well-grown, and proportionable Christian. Of the same form, but far less, was the Holy of Holiest in the Tabernacle, namely tenq 1.533 Cubits square verifying our observation, that the Temple was the Tabernacle printed in a greater character.

§ 2. Some will demand of me,* 1.534 that seeing the Temple was thirty Cubits, and this Holy of Holies but twenty Cubits high, what then be∣came of the remaining ten Cubits, reaching up to the roof of the Temple? I answer in the words of Elisha in another case,r 1.535 The Lord hath hid it from me, and hath not told me. For the main we may be confident, that seeing Christ commanded the fragments of the multiplyed loaves to be bas∣ketted up, thats 1.536 nothing be lost, surely no rag of room, no snip, or shred of empty space cut off from the squareness of the Oracle, was cast away as needless, but was used for some sacred service, though the particular employment thereof appears not in Scripture.

§ 3. It is stifly can vassed by learned men,* 1.537 whether any windows were in this Oracle; and topicall arguments are produced on both sides.

For the Negative.

• 1 Windowst 1.538 were useless therein, which was entered into but once a year.
• 2 The Cherubims overshadowed the Mer∣cy-seat, shewing thereby these myste∣ries were intended not for sight, but secrecy.
• 3 This Oracle was designed for a little heaven, wherein They need no* 1.539 candle nor light of the Sun, for the Lord God gi∣veth them light.
• 4 It was exposed to the west, or setting Sun, whose declining beams were im∣proper for that place being the emblem of perfection.

For the A••••irmative.

• 1 A totall darkness had made it rather the Truth of a dung••on, then Type of heaven.
• 2 Theu 1.540 text placeth these windows not in the Hechal, but Ha-baith or House, which pro∣perly compriseth all the structure of the Temple.
• 3 Uniformity to the rest of the fabrick requi∣red, that the windows in the Oracle should be correspondent to those in the outward house.
• 4 S.x 1.541 Hierome is positive, that on three sides. South, North, and West, windows were made, only denieth any in the East, or Porch of the Temple, where the door supplied the want thereof.

But leaving the Reader to the liberty of his own opinion, I conceive them too cruell, who serve the Oracle, as the Philistims didy 1.542 Samson, put∣ting out the eyes thereof, to which some necessary light in probability must be allowed, and that the high Priest therein did not annually officiate with blinde obedience.

§ 4. But grant the windows doubtfull, certain it is,* 1.543 that a most mag∣nificent door of olive-tree was made out of the greater house into the Ora∣cle, carved with Cherubims, and overlaid with gold, the lintell and side∣posts thereof being five square, of the same matter and metall. As for the Cherubims of massie gold, with their severall dimensions, hereof more hereafter, in the description of the Utensils of the Temple.

§ 5. The floor was covered with boards of Cedar,* 1.544 overlaid with gold. But whether or no, the precious stones, wherewith this house was z 1.545 garnished, were disposed in the pavement, or elsewhere in the walls, or roof, we are as uncertain, as we are confident those precious stones were exposed to view, and not covered (as the rest) under the gold ofa 1.546 Par∣vaim; which some, from the affinity of the word, conceive Peru, or Peruana. But, we will not be over curious in seeking for the Countrey, which should we discover, all the misers of our modern age, would presently flock thither, to fraught themselves with wealth. Nor is it any absurdity, to conceive, Parvaim might be a Countrey now altogether unknown, where God broached a rich vein of gold for this par••icular purpose; and, the structure of the Temple once ended, stopped it up a∣gain, that no other should tast thereof ever after.

§ 6.* 1.547 The weight of the nailes used in this room was fiftyb 1.548 shekels of gold, which Ribera understands not collectively of them all (the most seeming sense of the text) but, that each of them severally weighed so much. I dare not say, that Solomon particularly reflected on them, in that his expression, The words of the wise are as goads, and asc 1.549 nailes fastened by the Masters of the assemblies. But here the quere will be, how could they be of

pure gold, seeing nailes of such refined metall will not drive, but flat, be∣cause of the extraordinary softness, and pliableness thereof? It is answe∣red, either they were rivetted into holes fore-prepared of purpose, or else they were stifned with some mixture of silver, or copper, not for cheapness, but the greater usefulness thereof. Be it here once for all ob∣served, that, where the Utensils of the Temple, are termed of pure gold, understand it so pure, as the end, for which they were intended, would permit. Otherwise some necessary allay of baser metall made them not onely serviceable for, but more durable in that purpose, for which they were imployed.

§ 7. A stately Vaile was used as a traverse,* 1.550 cross the Holy of Holies, which Solomon maded 1.551 of blew, and purple, and crimson, and fine linnen, and wrought Cherubims thereon. If any demand why Solomon did not rather make use of that vaile of likee 1.552 workmanship, which Moses had made by Gods di∣rection, then put himself to the pain, and expence of a new one? Let them know, that the former vaile fitted for the Sanctum Sanctorum in the Tabernacle, was too short and narrow, yea, half in half too little for this purpose. Therefore, it not being princely to piece, patch, or eek the same, another was contrived, as indeed nothing at the second hand was suitable to so stately a fabrick, wherein (as the Apostle in another case) f 1.553 Old things are passed away, behold all things are become new. But more hereof hereafter in the Utensils of the Temple.

§ 8. One difficulty remains,* 1.554 where this Holy of Holies was placed, be∣cause the textg 1.555 saith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he prepared it, in medio domus, in the midst of the house, which seems to import, that the house or Temple did inviron, or en∣compass it, and that the Oracle, like the center, was surrounded with the circumference of the Temple: But on stricter enquiry, it will be found onely a pure Hebraism, & that in the midst signifieth the same with within, as it is judiciously rendered in our translation. Thus saith David,h 1.556 He that worketh deceit shall not live in the midst of my house, that is, shall not dwell with∣in my family. O Lord,i 1.557 saith the Prophet, Revive thy work in the midst of the years, in the midst of the years make known. Not insisting therein on an exact middle, but desiring it might be done, onely within the time, and tearm appointed, and promised by the Prophet. So also was the Oracle prepa∣red in the midst of the house, that is, within the same, as the Chancell is said to be within the Church, through which the high and usuall way leadeth into it.

CHAP. VII. Of the Chambers about the Temple.

§ 1. ALthough it be repeated thrice in onek 1.558 verse,* 1.559 that chambers were built round about, yet because in the same place, mention onely is made of the Temple and Oracle, we conceive with learned Ribera, that

the east end where the Porch stood, was clear, and un-chambered, having no other buildings about it, to hinder the prospect thereof. Nor, let any be moved, because that the chambers are said to be built 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉l 1.560 upon the wall, as if they were founded on the wall of the temple, supra being there taken for juxta, or contra, upon; or hard by, or over against, as our trans∣lation rendreth it. Thus it is in the originall,m 1.561 Upon the waters of Baby∣lon we sat down and wept, that is, by the waters; as these chambers were built hard by, or leaning to the wall of the Temple.

§ 2. Three rows there were of these chambers. In the lowest,* 1.562 each chambern 1.563 was five; in the middle, six; in the third, and highest story, seven cubits broad; and each of them equallyo 1.564 five cubits in height, go∣ing up from the first to the middle, thence to the highest story with win∣ding staires. The beams of these chambers did not lye in, butp 1.565 rest on the wall of the Temple, the reduction or abatement whereof, narrowing in, the higher it went, afforded fit stays for that purpose. It seems, the beams were not mortised into the walls of the Temple, because the in∣tireness of that building was not to be wounded with holes, and per∣forations, which in process of time might fret in, and indent into the structure it self. Speciall care therefore was taken, to preserve the whole∣ness and prevent all fractions in this fabrick, in some relation to the Temple of Christs body, whereof a bone was not to be broken.

§ 3. It is not expressed in Scripture,* 1.566 for what use these chambers were principally intended. Some conceive them designed for galleries, or walking-places; which to me seems too much presumption, for any to take their pleasure so near the holy place. Others will have them used for Dormitories, for such Priests to lodge in, who were in ordinary at∣tendance about the Temple. For my own part, I conceive them imploy∣ed for Repositories, wherein the holy vestments, and vessels were safely laid up, together with those of the Tabernacle, which (though not used) were here carefully preserved. For, first, the vessels of Moses his making were not aliened, or diverted to any profane service; such sacriledge be∣ing unsupposable in that age. Secondly, they were not altered, or melted by Solomon (of moe and lesser, so to make fewer, and greater Utensils for the Temple) because, the making, as well as the matter; the shape, as well as the substance of all the Tabernacle-vessels were of livine institution. Thirdly, they were not imployed in Gods service, because (some few excepted, whereof hereafter) being calculated for the Meridian of the Ta∣bernacle a less fabrick, thus fel out to be too short, and smal in proportion to the Temple, as in the Vail was formerly observed. Seeing therfore they were neither aliened, altered, nor used, it remaineth they were carefully kept in these chambers, intimated in the text,q 1.567 where after the finishing of the Temple, the Levites are said to bring up into it, all the vessels of the Ta∣bernacle. Thus graces acquired or infused into a Christian in this life, are not lost, forfeited, or cast away after death; but, preserved▪ perfected, and swallowed up in glory.

§ 4. As for the mysticall meaning of these chambers;* 1.568 Bede,r 1.569 no doubt, thought he hit the very mark, when finding therein the three conditi∣ons of life all belonging to Gods Church. In the ground-chamber, such as live in mariage; in the middle-chamber, such as contain; but, in the excelsis or third-story, such as have attained to the sublimity of perpe∣tuall virginity. Rupertus, in the lowest chamber, lodgeth those of practi∣call lives with Noah; in the middle, those of mixt lives with Iob; and in the highest, such as spend their days with Daniel in holy speculations. But is not this rather lusus, then allusio, sporting with, then expounding of Scrip∣tures? Thus when the gates of the Oracle are madef 1.570 five-square, Ribera therein reads our conquest over the five senses; and when those of the door of the Temple are said to be four-square, therein saith he is denoted the quaternion of Evangelists. After this rate, Hiram (though, no doubt, dexterous in his art) could not so soon fit a pillar with a fashion, as a Frier can fit that fashion with a mystery. If made three-square, then the Trinity of Persons; four-square, the cardinall vertues; five-square, the Pentateuch of Moses; six-square, the Petitions in the Lords prayer; seven-square, their Sacraments; eight-square, the Beatitudes; nine-square, the orders of Angels; ten-square, the Commandements; eleven-square the morall vertues; twelve-square, the articles of the Creed are therein con∣tained. In a word, for matter of numbers, fancy is never at a loss, like a begger never out of his way, but hath some haunts where to repose it self. But, such as in expounding of Scripture reap more then God did sow there, never eat what they reap thence, because such grainless huskes, when seriously threshed out, vanish all into chaffe.

§ 5. For the rest, we refer the reader unto our Map, wherein he may observe a double Alphabet for his direction. One of Roman letters, presenting onely such things in the building of the Temple, as are infallibly foun∣ded on the words of the text. The other of Italian, relating to such addi∣tions, which, to compleat this fabrick, are taken out of Traditions, Rab∣bins, Fathers, and learned mens conjectures. We thought it unfit, to con∣found these together in the same character, being so distanced in their own natures. The Apostle Saint Paul varies his phrase, when delivering his prudentiall advises, from his style, when enjoyning, what he had from divine inspiration. In the former, To the restt 1.571 speak I, not the Lord: In the latter,u 1.572 I command, yet not I, but the Lord. It had therefore been impu∣dent presumption in us, not to have observed a difference in this our de∣scription, betwixt immediate divine dictates, and humane (probable, but fallible) collections.

Here the Map of Solomons Courts is to be inserted.

[illustration]

THE COURTS and UTENSILS OF SOLOMONS TEMPLE.

CHAP. I. Of the Court of the Priests.

§ 1. SO much for the Diamond it self,* 1.573 the covered Tem∣ple, come we now to the Ring wherein it was set, the Courts which encompassed it. Herein we meet with much difficulty, arising partly from Gods silence, (speaking little in Scripture of the present subject) partly from mansloquacity, whose fancies without warrant from the word, are as copious as different in describing the Courts of this Temple. But, that which makes the matter in hand more intricate is, because learned men confound Temples and Times, ascribing those Courts to Solomons, which onely belonged to the second Temple, at, and after the time of our Saviour. Thus, as countrey painters make the nine Worthies (not ac∣cording to the garb of those ancient ages wherein they lived) with bands and cuffs according to our modern fashion; so some Jewish writers (Iosephus himself being not wholly free from this fault) shape the Courts of Solomons Temple, not after their true form in the old Testament; but as the second Temple adorned by Herod, stood modelled in their own days.

§ 2. We read of Iacob,* 1.574 that he set his own sheep three daysa 1.575 journey from the flocks of Laban his father-in-law, so sufficiently to distinguish their severall stocks from making quarrels by meeting together. A greater distance divides the two Temples, there being no less then seven∣ty years, betwixt the destruction of the one, and erection of the other. Enough in probability to prevent all mistakes, which might arise from

••udling them together. I wonder therefore the more at their marvellous agility, who so easily can leap over this great-gulfe of time, & who by con∣founding the two Temples, and making many things common to both, of two perfect models, compose one no better then a monster. That we run not on the same rocks, we will carefully observe their severall pro∣perties, insisting onely on such things for the present, as were peculiar to Solomons fabrick, confining our selves to Scripture instructions: as knowing that the judicious palat will prefer a drop of the sincere milk of the word, before vessels full of Traditionary pottage, resenting of the wild gourd of humane invention.

§ 3. A Court,* 1.576 in Latine Atrium, Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chatzer, ac∣cording to archi∣tecture consist∣eth of two prin∣cipall parts,

• 1 An open space in the middle (properly called ca∣vedium, quasi cavum edium) exposed to wind, and weather.
• 2 A covert on the sides thereof (termed porticus and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) whither in heat, or rain, men might retreat, for shade, or shelter, like the cloisters about the Royal-Exchange in London.

This premised of the fashion of a Court in generall, Solomon made two of them on the east of the Temple, one called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 chatzer happeni∣mith, or, the innerb 1.577 Court (inc 1.578 Chronicles, the Court of the Priests) built with three rowes of hewen stone, and a row ofd 1.579 Cedar beams. Understand three rows, not collaterally in thickness, all abreast on the floor, and the Cedar for cei∣ling within, (as Richardus will have it) but three subordinately in height, one upon another, with Cedar beams (as lightest, and therefore upper∣most) for a tarras on the top thereof. This is all that Scripture acquaints us with, concerning the fabrick of the inner Court. For, that each row of stone therein, was of a different colour, as Lyrae 1.580 affirmes, is but a fan∣cy of his own. Such variation of colours I beleeve in Iosephsf 1.581 coat, and Thamarsg 1.582 garment, because Scripture hath affirmed it: not here, where no warrant out of the word for such an assertion.

§ 4. Probably certain ascents led hither out of the outward Court, and hence into the Temple. For,* 1.583 besides the frequent phrase of going up into Gods house: it was proper that the Temple, as in holinesse, so in height should be distanced above her Courts (as they one above ano∣ther, and both above common ground) were it but to minde such as approached thither, with the mounting of their bodies to elevate their hearts in devotion. But, how many these stairs or steps were, is uncer∣tain, though some will have them fifteen, according to the number of the Psalmes of Degrees, sung, as they affirm, by the Priests in their ascent to the Temple.

§ 5. This inner Court,* 1.584 or Court of the Priests, was proper onely for the Priests to enter into. Yet probably the common people made a tumul∣••••ous incursion into it, when stoning Zachariah at the command of

King Ioash in the Court of the house of the Lord, even* 1.585 betwixt the Templei 1.586 and the Altar. As if the Antiperistasis of two eminent holy places on both sides of them, had intended and emboldned their cruelty, and profaneness. Wherefore, his last words, the Lord look upon it,k 1.587 and require it, speake not not so much revenge of his own death, as zeal to Gods honour, that he would vindicate the profanation of so holy a place. This I conceive one cause why the Prophet pointeth the Priests to this particular place, tol 1.588 weep betwixt the porch and the Altar, so by their sorrow to avert Gods judgements from their nation, for this foul murder by their ancestours committed therein.

CHAP. II. Of the great, or outward Court.

§ 1. WHereas Solomon is said to have made the Inner Court of the House of the Lord;* 1.589 by the rule of relation, an outward Court is thence next inferred. But to clear it more, ex∣press mention is made thereof 2 Chron. 12. 9. where, besides the Court of Priests, he is said to have made the great Court, and doors for the Court, and overlaid the doors of them with brass. This Court in Hebrew is called Aza∣rah * 1.590, rendered by Montanus atrium auxilii, from Azar to help, because God there answered his peoples prayer by his gracious assistance afforded unto them.

§ 2. Well might this be termed the great Court,* 1.591 seeing large (though uncertain) were the dimensions thereof, an hundred Cubits square at the least. But what was this to contain all Israel therein? Philip speaking of five thousand to be fed, Twom 1.592 hundred penny worth of bread (saith he) is not sufficient for them, that every one may take a little. But, grant this Court two hundred Cubits square (more then the place will allow) this would afford but few inches for a mans body to stand in, except the ground was here (as the loaves) miraculously multiplyed. We therefore con∣ceive, that the people of the land were successively admitted to this place, otherwise impossible to contain them. Ascents, or staires did also lead into this Court, but how many is not known; surely they were low and little, short and easie, to be climbed up, otherwise the cattell brought thither to be sacrificed, could not conveniently clamber over them.

§ 3. This Court was by successive Kings (especially Hezekiah,* 1.593 who n 1.594 cased the pillars thereof with silver) improved to more beauty, then it had in the days of Solomon. Some will say, this was a disparagement to the perfection of Solomons work, as if he had left any defects, or defaults therein, to be amended by others. Were not his structures, as his disco∣veries, compleat? for,o 1.595 Who is he that will come after the King in things? It is answered, the outward Temple was, in the appendent Courts thereof,

capable of more cost and expence, to make them both bigger, and bra∣ver; though the covered Temple was semel & semper, at once and for ever perfected, afterwards admitting of no new addition, when Solomon had finished it. Surely God granted not such a Monopoly to Solomon alone to ingross all honour to himself, so that no reserve was left for posterity, no bottome for their bounty to build on, in after ages, to testifie their gratitude to Gods goodness. Some accessions therefore might be made (though not to the vitall parts, as I may say) to the out-lims of the Tem∣ple. It is the priviledge not of the house of God, but of God himself, to be so perfect, as that nothing can be added unto him.

§ 4. But others will object,* 1.596 that this was a presumptuous innovation in Hezekiah, seeing the Courts of the Temple, and all things therein were framed according to the divinep 1.597 pattern David left to Solomon, for him to overlay those pillars with silver, which Solomons wisdome, fol∣lowing Gods platform, was pleased to make plain. But, let such know, that he swerveth not at all from the proportion of the Copy, who onely gilds, or colours the letters therein. Hezekiah for the main kept himself to the former fabrick, not altering, but adorning the same. The worst was, that afterwards heq 1.598 cut off the silver again to purchase the favour of Sennacherib. Better had those pillars been left naked, then thus to be clothed, and then to be stript of their costly coats. For, though (as some scornfully may scoff) there was no danger of their catching cold when thus disrobed; yet the beauty of those pillars were thereby much im∣paired, looking ruggedly when again uncased, besides the inexcusable sacriledge therein committed, whereof hereafter.

§ 5. We must not forget the entry,* 1.599 leading from this Court to the Kings Palace, through which the Kings of Iudah had at pleasure a pri∣vate passage into the Temple. This continuation of the Kings to Gods house, shewed the mutuall intercourse which ought to be betwixt Poli∣cy, and Piety; as also that Princes (besides their set, solemn, and pub∣lick addresses to God by prayer) must have their secret recourses unto him, in their occasionall devotions. It was first made by King Solomon, and then so stately a structure, that amongst other things, the Queen of Sheba was ravished with admiration at the sight thereof, when she be∣heldr 1.600 the ascent by which he went up into the house of the Lord. And yet after∣wards it was made more magnificent, whens 1.601 terrased on both sides with t 1.602 Pillasters made of those Almuggin trees which she presented to Solomon; which, if oderiferous, (as some will have it) made that passage as sweet to the smell, as specious to the sight. Wicked Ahazu 1.603 turned this entry from the house of the Lord, for the King of Assyria, that is, asw 1.604 Tremellius will have it, stopped up, or diverted that passage, fearing, lest through it the King of Assyria should out of the Temple suddenly surprise the Kings palace. I conceive this done not for fear, but in favour of the Assyrian King, Ahaz hereby cutting off all connexion, and dependence

of his Palace to the Temple, and utterly renouncing all relation to true Religion, so the more to confirme this friendship with that heathen King, begun on a new account, and grounded on pure principles of Idolatry. At the same time he turned out also thex 1.605 covert of the Sabbath which they had built in the house, by which our foresaid Authour un∣derstands, a place erected for the shelter of such Priests as officiated on the Sabbath.

§ 6. As for their tradition,* 1.606 who report Solomon to have written on the walls of the Temple, soveraign Receipts against all diseases, which He∣zekiah afterwards is said to rase out, because people placed too much con∣fidence therein, to the prejudice of divine providence, I listen to both as Rabbinicall fables. Surely such medicines (if any there prescribed) proved uneffectuall to cure Asa's gout, Ioram's dysentery, Uzziahs lepro∣sie, as indeed no art can crave longer time, when death calls for the pre∣sent payment of the debt to nature.

CHAP. III. Of the Gates and Porters of the Court.

§ 1. HEaven hath onely one,* 1.607 and that a* 1.608 narrow gate leading there∣into. But severall fair gates on all sides, gave entrance into the Courts of Solomons Temple. Some of them to us of cer∣tain, others but of conjecturall situation. Of the former were,

• 1 East-gate, wherea 1.609 Shelemiah was Porter. This gate was set in the front, leading directly to the Temple, and therefore King Io∣tham b 1.610 rebuilt it, mounting Monarch-like above the parity of other ports, that it became higher then all the rest, yet met with no zelot to humble it, for aspiring above its fellows.
• 2 North-gate, wherec 1.611 Zacharias his son was Porter.
• 3 South-gate, attended on by the sons ofd 1.612 Obed-Edom. The house of Asuppime 1.613 (rendred by Hierome and Pagnine a counsel-house, by Tre∣mellius Aerarium, the Treasury) was for conveniency united to their charge. A place, probably of entrance, certainly of conse∣quence, as needing a constant guard about it.
• 4 West-gate, where Shuppimf 1.614 and Hosah were Porters. To them al∣so belonged the gate Shallecheth, by the causway of the going up, un∣derstand thereby that stately ascent made by Solomon, out of his own Palace into the Temple.

But besides these four, which respected the cardinall winds, we meet with other intermediate gates, whose accurate position is uncertain. Never did the blindedg 1.615 Sodomites more groap for Lots door in the dark, then learned men are puzled to finde the gate ofh 1.616 Sur, (elsewherei 1.617 cal∣led

the foundation-gate) where at the coronation of King Ioash, a tierce of Levites were awarded to waite, by order from Iehojada. Tremellius not improbably conceives it the same with the East-gate. As for the New∣gate k 1.618, wherein Baruch publickly read the book of Ieremy, I am confident it was one of the four principall gates, onely repaired, enlarged, or ad∣orned with new buildings.l 1.619 Parbar seated on the west must not be forgotten (whether Porters-lodge, Priests-vestry, or place wherein sa∣crificing instruments were laid up) having something of the nature of a gate therein, because two porters daily attended it. Say not, it was suspicious, that so small a Court would run out at so many gates, which surely were no more, then just proportion, and uniformity did re∣quire.

§ 2. The principall office of Porters was to secure the gates,* 1.620 provi∣ding for the peace and purity of the Temple and service therein. These in all werem 1.621 four thousand, thus daily disposed of; Eastward, six; North∣ward, four; Southward, four; at Asuppim-gate, two; and two, West∣ward; at the Causway, four; at Parbar-gate, two; four and twenty in all. An eminent number in Temple-service (so many the singersn 1.622, and the severallo 1.623 courses of the Priests) to which the four and twenty Elders in thep 1.624 Revelation have some allusion. Their service was, as well nocturnall, as by day:q 1.625 which by night stand in the house of the Lord.

§ 3. Here let others dispute,* 1.626 whether the Porters places were meerly ministeriall, (or servile rather) or also partly judiciall, with some ad∣missive, and exclusive power to take cognizance of the cleanness of such persons as did approach to the Temple. Otherwise, they were easily qualified for their office, rather bigness then brains commending men generally to such imployments. Secondly, if they were intrusted with any such authority, let others enquire, by what means they made discoveries of peoples uncleanness, finding no oath Ex officio they ten∣dred to any to betray themselves, though otherwise some secret polluti∣on might be concealed, the parties themselves being onely privy there∣unto. Lastly, let them discuss, whether these Porters were afterward advanced to higher places, or onely (as the doors whereon they atten∣ded turned round on their hinges) moved alternately in their own sphere, without possibility of any farther preferment. If the latter, it is strange that the worthy parts of Zachariah his son Porter Northward, com∣mended in Scripture to be ar 1.627 wise counsellour, should be imprisoned in so narrow a profession. And yet his employment (though the meanest about the Temple) was honourable in it self, if well executed: witness holy David his choice, I had rather bes 1.628 a door-keeper in the house of my God, then to dwell in the tabernacles of wickedness.

§ 4. Now notwithstanding all the care of the Porters to the contrary; some (not going through the gates,* 1.629 but over the walls) made bold to lodge and live with their whole families within the verge of the

Temple. Yea, the sparrowt 1.630 hath found an house, and the swallow a nest for her self, where she may lay her young, even thine Altars, O Lord of hosts, my King, and my God. By Altars understand the Courts and buildings about it, otherwise the Altar it self (fitter for Salamanders then Sparrows) was too hot a climate for their habitation. Birds, we see, may prescribe an ancient title to build in our steeples, having time out of minde taken the same priviledge in the Tabernacle, and Temple. Yea David in exile debarred access to Gods publick service, doth pity his own, and prefer the con∣dition of these fowls before him. And, although no devotion (whereof they were uncapable) but the bare delight in fair fabricks, brought them hither; yet, we may presume (according to their kind) they served God better then many men in that place, chirping forth Morning and Even-praises to the honour of their maker. To take our farewell of these Porters, wicked Ahaz gave them a Supersedeas. from their office, in that long Vacation wherein heu 1.631 shut up the doors of the house of the Lord, so obstructing Gods mercy against himself.

CHAP. IV. Of the Chambers, and Treasuries about the Court.

§ 1. THe Porches,* 1.632 or Cloisters beneath were built with rooms a∣bove; if not round about the Court, certainly over the in∣tervalls of the gates. Such places were employed, partly for chambers for Priests to lodge in, partly for Treasuries, wherein conse∣crated things were deposited.

§ 2. Amongst the former,* 1.633 most remarkable was the chamber of Ge∣mariah the son of Shaphan the Secretary, whereina 1.634 Baruch read the book of Ieremy, which afterwards was burnt by Iehojakim King of Iudah. When though some (dissenters and disswaders) amongst all the Cour∣tiers no mourners appeared at the funeralls of this book, it being ex∣pected, they should have been as cruell to their clothes, tob 1.635 rend them for sorrow, at the sight of that double martyrdome of that innocent Volume, first cancelled with a pen-knife to pieces, then afterward burnt to ashes. But the flame, which did burn the book, did but bur∣nish the truths written therein; Yea another Phoenix arose out of the ashes thereof. Baruch transcribing another roulc 1.636 with the same and many like words added beside. Thus wanton children by breaking their parents old rod, give them onely the occasion to make a better, and big∣ger in the room thereof.

§ 3. Next we take notice of the chamber of Nathand 1.637 Melech at the en∣tring of the house of the Lord,* 1.638 by which stood those statues of horses dedi∣cated to the Sun by some Idolatrous Kings of Iudah, which Iosiah de∣stroyed.

What! was the Sun, whiche 1.639 rejoyceth as a Giant to run his course, ever so tyred, as to need hacknies to carry him to his journeys end? Oh no, but the Iews plundred this piece of Idolatry from the Persians, who f 1.640 offered horses unto the Sun, andg 1.641 Ovid renders some reason thereof,

Placat ••quo Persis radiis Hyperiona cinctum, Ne detur celeri victima tarda Deo. Horse to the beamed Sun's the Persians gift, Slow sacrifice ill fits a God so swift.

Now the Iews counting it too gross Idolatry to sacrifice naturall horses to the Sun, erected artificiall ones in honour thereof.

§ 4. Another eminent chamber,* 1.642 was that of the Sons of Hanan,h 1.643 which was by the chamber of the Princes, probably on the one hand, which was by the chamber of Maaseiah the son of Shallum the keeper of the door, on the other hand thereof. Here Ieremy in vain solicited the Rechabites to drink wine, ob∣serving the instructions of their ancestours therein; as also in their con∣stant dwellingi 1.644 in tents, so to entertain all turnings of the times, with less trouble to themselves. Provident birds, onely to perch on the boughs, not build their nests on that tree, which they suspected would suddenly be cut down, foreseeing perchance the captivity of Babylon. Indeed, in all fickle times (such as we live in) it is folly to fix on any durable de∣sign, as inconsistent with the uncertainty of our age, and safest to pitch up tent-projects, whose alteration may with less loss, and a clear con∣science comply with the change of the times.

CHAP. V. That Solomon made no moe then two Courts on the east of the Temple.

§ 1. ALthough many learned authours make four,* 1.645 and some moe Courts about Solomons Temple, yet the following reasons per∣swade me, that these two Courts formerly described by us, were all which were of Solomons originall foundation. Because,

• 1 Mention is made of no moe in Scripture, either in the book of Kings, or Chronicles, where his buildings are particularly described.
• 2 Manasseh is said to have built Altars for the host of Heaven in the twoa 1.646 Courts of the house of the Lord. Probably, had there been any moe, his profaneness would have found them out, no place being priviledged from his Idolatry.
• 3 The narrowness of the place, as it was in Solomons time, admit∣ted of no moe Courts, such was the precipice thereof on all sides.

This last is confessed byb 1.647 Iosephus, whose words deserve our heeding to clear the matter in hand; The Temple was built upon anc 1.648 hard mountain, and at the first, the plain on the top thereof was scarce sufficient to contain the Temple, and the Altar, thed 1.649 circumference thereof being steep and shelving. But, when King Solomon who built the Temple, had compassed the east part thereof with a wall, he

also placed a Porch upon the rampire, and so, many ages after it laye 1.650 unfenced on the other parts, untill the people every day bringing earth thither, at last made it plain and large enough. Insomuch that the Temple extant in the days of Iosephus▪ had a threefold wall about it, and other courts built on that forced ground, which industry had added thereunto. See here the small compass of the Temples floor at the first founding thereof. So that those who in Solo∣mons time make moe Courts about it, must build them in the aire, see∣ing the earth (such then the scantness and steepness thereof) afforded no bottome for the building of such imaginary fabricks.

§ 2. But shrewd objections* 1.651 are brought to the contrary,* 1.652 by such who, in Solomons time, make moe then two Courts by us described. No doubt (say they) he observed Davids instructions, who by the Spirit gave him the pattern off 1.653 all the Courts of the house of the Lord, which he meant to make. These therefore at the least must needs be three, seeing All (asg 1.654 Aristotle observes) can not in proper language, be predicated of a lower number.

§ 3. Answ. I confess the words so read in the vulgar Latine, & omnium quae cogitaverat atriorum, though no such thing appears in our translation founded on the originall, where David is said to deliver to Solomon the h 1.655 pattern of all that he had by the Spirit, of the house of the Lord, of all the chambers round about &c. This third Court therefore in Solomons time, was but a groundless fancy.

§ 4. Object. Another Court must of necessity be allowed on the west of the Temple,* 1.656 or else (which is altogether improbable) the Holy of Holies lay open, unfenced, and common to the City.

§ 5. Answ. The same was sufficiently fenced, and severed from the City with the precipice of the place, barring all access, and the Temple on that side surrounded with ambient aire in the concavity of the vally. If besides this, any artificiall wall encompassed the Temple on the west, the distance between it and the Temple may be counted a passage, but a∣mounted not to the spaciousness of a Court.

§ 6. Object. Good authours,* 1.657 Bede, Cassidore, Comestor, and Tostatus confidently adde, Atrium Foeminarum, or, the Womens Court, where their sex severally by themselves attended their devotions. Nor is it probable they were mingled with men, seeing the Prophet speaking of a solemn humiliation, They shall waile (saith he) the family of the house of David apart, and theiri 1.658 wives apart, the family of the house of Nathan apart, and their wives apart.

§ 7. Answ. This place cited out of Zachary was spoken after Solomons Temple was demolished,* 1.659 and Zerubbabels erected. Such separation of sexes in severall Courts in the first Temple hath no foundation in Scrip∣ture, but rather thence the contrary may be collected, that all sexes and ages promiscuously met together; for, Iehosaphat is said, to have stood in thek 1.660 house of the Lord with their little ones, their ^l wives, and their children.

However it may be that there was anciently a partition of the outward Court per clathros & cancellos, with bar or lattise-work, into two parts, and so the women (though in the same Court) might be severally by them∣selves.

§ 8. Object. There were moe Courts,* 1.661 three at least, in Ezekiels Tem∣ple; which as Villalpandus will have it, in all particulars was the same with Solomons.

§ 9. Answ.* 1.662 Confessing some generall conformities, we deny, not onely the identity, but exact similitude betwixt them. It is against the nature of a Prophecy to have a retrograde motion, to bring things back∣ward, and raise the ghosts of buildings departed, which rather looks forward, presenting things to come. Ezekiels Temple had not the same body with Solomons, but greater, and moe were the parts, and members thereof; as in due time, God willing, we shall make it to appear.

§ 10. Object.m 1.663 Iosephus a learned Iew living in Ierusalem seems to adde another,* 1.664 Atrium Gentium, the Court of Gentiles, or unclean persons.

§ 11. Answ. The place quoted out of him to this purpose, will scarce bear the collection of a new Court from it. However Iosephus was none of thosen 1.665 aged men, who remembring the magnificence of Solomons, wept when the foundation of the second Temple was laid before their eyes. I mean he was no eye-witness of the first and old Temple (being born five hundred years and more, after the dissolution thereof) and onely spake of it, either by tradition, or conjecture, and therefore his authority of no such strength, as to command our beliefe. Besides, he seems to have for∣gotten what formerly we cited out of him, for the narrowness of the place, not admitting moe Courts in Solomons time. However, his eyes were so dazeled with long looking on the second Temple extant in his age, that he conformeth thereto, and confoundeth therewith Solomons Temple, if making any moe Courts then two therein.

§ 12. However, I dare not deny,* 1.666 but even this first Temple, after the death of Solomon, might by succeeding Kings, have another Court added thereunto; namely, when by art, industry, and great expense they had raised up the valley, and gained more ground to the mountain of the house, which was so small at the first. Hereof we finde a double insinuation in Scripture:

• 1 One, when Iehosaphat is said to stand in the house of the Lord before the newo 1.667 Court, which probably about his reign, was added to the ancient fabrick.
• 2 Another, when at the coronation of Ioash Iehoiada gave order that the Priestsp 1.668 alone should come into the house of the Lord (meaning the inner-court thereby) whilest the people should be in the Courtsq 1.669 of the house of the Lord, the plural number there impor∣ting two Courts at the least, at that time belonging to the Temple, into which the common people had free access. But herein no∣thing can be positively concluded.

Wherefore, as the sons of Barzillai, though Priests, yet because they found not their genealogy reckoned in ther 1.670 Register, were therefore removed from the priesthood, till one with Urim and Thummim, should arise to decide the controversie: so we suspend this third and new Court, as doubtfull, in our descriptions, untill some infallible Judge, on better evi∣dence then we can produce, shall clear the title thereof.

CHAP. VI. Of the Pillars in the Porch of the Temple.

§ 1. GOd at the first creation,* 1.671 having finished the elements, and essentiall parts of the world, did afterwards furnish them with creatures suitable thereunto, no vacuity being left: so that rather then any thing should be empty, any thing will fill it. Solomon in like manner, having ended the main rooms of the Temple, in the n••xt place made the furniture thereof, wherein every vessell was pregnant with heavenly mysteries; so that what the Apostle saith of the languages in the worlda 1.672 none of them are without signification, was true of the smallest Uten••ill in the Temple, speaking much holy matter, had we eares to hear, and hearts to understand it.

§ 2. We begin with the Porch,* 1.673 where the two great brazen pillars were set up, each of themb 1.674 twelve Cubits in compass, (bearing a little more then four Cubits in Diameter) fourc 1.675 fingers thick of solid me∣tall, and the rest hollow within, some difference appearing in the mea∣sure of their height, variously presented unto us;

1 KING. 7. 15.

And he cast two Pillars of brass of eigh∣teen Cubits high a piece.

2 CHRON. 3. 15.

Also he made before the house two Pillars of thirty and five Cubits high.

• 1 To reconcile these, some have recourse to severall Cubits, common, or great; of the first measure conceiving the former mentioned in Kings; the latter (which were twice as big) intended in Chro∣nicles.
• 2 Others understand the bare shaft of the Pillars to be eighteen Cubits high, besides the Chapiters above, and Basis beneath them: the former beingd 1.676 five Cubits, and the latter so many as made the totall number thirty and five.
• 3 A thirde 1.677 sort most probably conjecture, that in Chronicles the height of both Pillars are counted together.

Where if any object, that eighteen and egihteen Cubits make thirty six, one more then the number in Chronicles; Ribera conceives that so much onely as appeared of these pillars are summed up, each of them having half a Cub it of their shaft lost in their height, as running in, and hid in his Chapiter grafted upon it.

§ 3. The chapiters of these pillars were curiously adorned with net∣work, * 1.678 chain-work, and rowes of pomegranats. These were but apples of brass, whilest words spoken in due season are far more precious, being like those of gold in picturesf 1.679 of silver. Lilliesg 1.680 also were made on the top of these Cha∣piters, wherein though Hiram might imitate the fashion of those flowers, no art could counterfeit their colours, seeing he who set him on work, evenh 1.681 Solomon himself in all his glory was not arayed like one of these. These pillars set in the porch did not like those two in Dagonsi 1.682 Temple support the main fabrick thereof, nor was any burden born by them, but were onely (like brazen Andirons in great mens chimnies) for ornament. Let none say unto them as the master to the men in the market place,k 1.683 Why stand yee here all the day idle? seeing they were usefull in their kind, and contributed much to the beauty of the Temple.

§ 4. Others will say, these pillars were ill placed, because obscured in the porch, where few did behold them. His kindred said to our Savi∣our l 1.684 There is no man that doth any thing in secret, and he himself seek••th to be known openly. Had Solomon for his credit intended to make the Temple appear glo∣rious, he should not so privately have concealed these pillars in the Porch.

—Occultae non gratia magna columnae.

Better had they been set like the Colossus at Rhodes, or the two Columns before Saint Markes in Venice, sub dio, in the open aire. But here we must know, first, that Solomon intended his Temple, not so much to be seen, as to be glorious. Secondly, the door leading into the Porch, being ex∣ceeding broad, and high, these pillars were not wholly concealed, but a great part, if not all of them, was exposed to publick view through the door of the Porch.

§ 5. The Pillar* 1.685 standing on the right hand in them 1.686 Porch was called Iachin, that is, he will stablish; and the other on the left side Boaz, that is, in him is strength. Pity without power will be but lame to help us; Power without pity will be but deaf to hear us; whilest both together make a comfortable composition. Both these pillars we finde in a manner erected in the expression of the lepern 1.687 to our Saviour:

Iachin, but doubtfully and conditionally, Lord if thou wilt. Boaz, positively and absolutely, Thou canst make me clean.

Both these pillars there set up, signified Gods protection of the place, and the gates of hell could not prevail against that Temple, which had these pillars in the Porch thereof.

§ 6. Besides this, in a secondary sense these two did resemble emi∣nent Saints,* 1.688 Ministers especially (such as Iames, Cephas, and Iohn,o 1.689 who seemed to be, yea, whom God madep 1.690 pillars in his Temple) who by the Word and Sacraments direct, conduct, and admit men into the true Church. Pillars, bottomed on the basis of a firm faith, mounting up with a clear shaft of a shining life, having their persevering tops garlanded about ac∣cording to Godsq 1.691 promise, Be thou faithfull unto death, and I will give thee a Crown of life.

CHAP. VII. Of the furniture of the Sanctuary, or Inner Tample.

§ 1. AMongst the Utensils of the Sanctuary, we first look on the Can∣dlestick,* 1.692 and the light therein enables us, the better to behold all the rest. The Tabernacle had buta 1.693 one, the Temple tenb 1.694 Candlesticks of pure gold, (this exceeding that ten to one in lustre) five on the right side, and five on the left, each of them no doubt fashioned like that which Moses made, seven fold with a great shaft for the body in the midst, and three stems on each side branching out thereof. In some resemblance of the seven Planets, amongst which the Sun, the stock of light, stands in the midst, and three other on each side, above, and beneath it. Here we can∣not but minde the reader of a foul mistake inc 1.695 Iosephus, who beholding these Candlesticks through a multiplying glass, in stead of ten reads ten thousand that Solomon made in his Temple. Yet we deny not, that besides these ten standing Candlesticks of gold, there were many moe ••oveable ones, but all those made ofd 1.696 silver, which the Priests in the night might carry about with them. By these Candlesticks also, having lights always in them, Gods Ministers in generall were represented. For, to say, that by these seven lamps in the ten Candlesticks (threescore and ten in all) the e 1.697 seventy Disciples were designed, would savour of too much curiosity.

§ 2. Next we take notice of the Table off 1.698 shew-bread,* 1.699 which Solomon made of that gold, which his Father David had peculiarly prepared for thatg 1.700 purpose. The particular dimensions, and fashion thereof, is not mentioned in Scripture. Probably of the, like form with that which Moses made in the Tabernacle, though of a far greater pro∣portion. On this loaves were daily presented to God; Who, not out of any necessity (If I be hungry, I will not tell thee, for theh 1.701 world is mine, and the fulness thereof) but free will, was pleased to accept thereof: otherwise no more needing this bread to feed, then the light of the lampes to guide him. The bread on this Table was tendered to God, partly as a Quit-rent, in con∣fession that the Iews held all their food from his providence; and partly as a Type of Christ, Thei 1.702 bread which came down from heaven. And, as serving∣men feed on the reversions which their Masters leave, so the Priests (when new was substituted in the room of the formet) eate those loaves which were taken away. Not pretending withk 1.703 Bels Priests, that their God eat up, what they secretly devoured themselves; but by license from him, they openly avouched their lawfull repast thereupon.

§ 3. But the most eminent utensill in the Holy, was the Altar of incense,* 1.704 made by Moses in the Tabernacle, twol 1.705 cubits high, and four square: namely, with a cubit in the length, and another in the breadth thereof. Proportionable enough for that purpose, no sacrifices of bulk being to be offered thereon, but onely sweet odours (much whereof might lie in

little space) and spirituall spices (as I may term them) which took up but smal room therein. Davids express care providedm 1.706 refined gold for this Altar of incense. And no doubt, Solomon, the Executour of his Will, performed it accordingly. For, when it is said, that hen 1.707 covered the Altar with Cedar, and that heeo 1.708 overlaid the whole Altar (elsewherep 1.709 made the Altar) which was by the Oracle with gold; it can refer to none other, but this Altar of incense; see∣ing, that for burnt sacrifices, was madeq 1.710 of brass. It seems that, when Solomon made the Holy in the Temple, far larger then that in the Tabernacle, and when every implement therein (to make the furniture proporti∣onable to the room) commenced and took an higher degree of glory and great∣ness; then he cased the old Altar of incense with Cedar, and overlaid the same with gold, to be but the Basis and Pedestall of a greater Altar, which for the same purpose he advanced thereupon.

§ 4. As for the position of this Altar, that it was not set in the Oracle or most Holy place,* 1.711 but onely in the Holy, or inward Temple, may by the en∣suing arguments be demonstrated.

• 1 The text saith expresly, Moses put it in the tent of ther 1.712 congregation before the vaile.
• 2 The incense thereon was to be perpetuall, renewed everys 1.713 morning, and therefore it could not be in Sancto Sanctorum, which was pe∣netrable but once a year for the high Priest.
• 3 Zacharias an inferiour Priest (as of the eightt 1.714 order, or course of Abiah) incapable to enter the Holy of Holies,* 1.715 officiated on this Altar of incense.* 1.716

Greater therefore is the difficulty, that, notwithstanding the premises so plain to the contrary, the Authour to the Hebrews, placeth it in the Holy of Holies,u 1.717 And after the second vaile, the Tabernacle, which is called the Holiest of all, which had the golden censer, and the Ark of the Covenant &c.

§ 5. All that our best endevours can perform herein,* 1.718 is onely to pre∣sent the severall solutions, learned men produce to the present difficulty.

• 1 Iuniusw 1.719 placeth this Altar within the vail, and without the San∣ctuary, in so strange a posture, that scarcely either Jewish or Chri∣stian Tacticks of Temple-implements, will admit thereof.
• 2 Othersx 1.720 by the golden censer [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] understand not this Altar of Incense, but that eminenty 1.721 censer of Aaron used by him in his contest with Korah, which they conceive (though omitted by Moses) preserved with his Budding rod, as a memoriall in the Holy of Holies.
• 3 Others understand thatz 1.722 Censer which the high Priest once a year carried thereinto full of incense, and which for the time be∣ing was in the Holy of Holies, namely during the high Priest his remaining therein.
• 4 Ribera,a 1.723 expounding it properly of the Altar of incense, avoucheth, that the Holy of Holies had the golden censer, not, quoad situm, but,

• ... quoad usum; not within the compass, but command thereof, as more immediately subservient thereunto.

Indeed this Altar of incense peculiarly belonged to the anniversary solem∣nity of the Holy of Holies, upon the hornes whereofb 1.724 once a year, the high Priest with the bloud of the sin offering (sacrificed no doubt on the bra∣zen Altar without, but) sprinkled here, made an atonement for the people.

§ 6. So much for the Utensils of the Holy,* 1.725 onely we will adde, that whereas the Table of shew-bread, and Altar of incense were made by Moses withc 1.726 staves and rings, to make them more portable on the Priests shoul∣ders; probably Solomon omitted the same as superfluous, when now setled in a fixed residence. Except any will say, that as the Israelites (when peaceably possessed of their countrey) were still enjoined to eat the Pass∣over withd 1.727 staves in their hands, to preserve the memory of theire 1.728 journey at the first institution thereof: so these Utensils, even in the Temple, con∣tinued their staves about them, in memoriall of their long pilgrimage, and late coming home to their constant habitation.

CHAP. VIII. Of the vessels in the Holy of Holies.

§ 1. PAss we now into the Holy of Holies,* 1.729 into which the high Priest onely entered once a year; finding three gradations in their re∣ligious service, which waited on the Temple;

• 1 Hourely attendance in the outward Courts: where many (Porters especially) watched all houres of day, and night.
• 2 Daily in the Holy: where lighting lampes, and burning incense were quotidian duties.
• 3 Weekly in the same place, where new shew-bread was substituted everya 1.730 Sabbath day.
• 4 Yearly in the Holy of Holies; open onely to the anniversary entring of the high Priest.

This was a little, house well filled with mysterious vessels. And for the main, we may observe, that, although Solomon altered, and enlarged the Uten∣sils in the Holy and outward Courts, yet in the Holy of Holies, he made use of those numericall vessels of Moses his making, without any addition, or alteration: as at the first formed so exactly, and fitted so suitably to the privacy of the place, that it had been presumption to new modell them, whose perfection was uncapeable of any higher improvement.

§ 2. Yet Solomon for the more magnificence,* 1.731 added two Cherubims, for the matter, dimensions, position, and use thereof, distinguished from those of Moses his making.

• 1 Moses made his of pure goldb 1.732 of beaten work, whilest Solomon, were ofc 1.733 Olive-tree within, but overlaid with gold.
• 2 Both the former had but two cubits and an half in length (as onely

• adequate to thed 1.734 length of the Mercy-seat) whereas each of Solomons Cherubims was tene 1.735 cubits in height, the greatest gallantry of the whole Temple.
• 3 Moses his Cherubims lay on the Mercy-seat, both whose wings turned inward, met together, whilest Solomons were set on the floor, whose four wings stretched outwards to the full length, extended to the whole breadth of the Holy of Holies.
• 4 Moses his Cherubims with their wings shadowed the Mercy-seat; Solomons, like a golden arch, overshadowed those Cherubims; so that in the Holy of Holies there was a little Hierarchy, Angels above Angels therein.

Wonder not that whilest Moses his Cherubims were of Massie gold (bearing best proportion to the purity, and incorporeity of the Angelicall Nature) that Solomons should be but overlaid with gold, having Olive-tree within them. For so vast were their dimensions [ten cubits or thirty foot high] that if of solid gold, a little land of Ophir might have lain within that com∣pass. And being to be made hollow, perchance it was necessary that some wood for stiffenting should be put within them. These Cherubims were the most gorgeous and costly ornaments in all the Temple, and proba∣bly were embezeled by the covetous Babylonians at the captivity, and ne∣ver brought back again, because onely essentiallf 1.736 vessels, and not all the ornaments of State, were restored, and placed in the second Temple. To re∣turn to the Mercy-seat, under it: the Ark of the Covenant was placed, and the Tables written with Gods own finger, were put therein.

§ 3. But here appeareth some contradiction,* 1.737 betwixt the furniture of the Ark of the Covenant, as described in the Old and New Testament.

1 King. 8. 9. & 2 Chron: 5. 10.

There was nothing in the Ark save the two tables of stone, which Moses put there at Horeb.

Hebrews 9. 4.

And the Ark of the Covenant overlaid round about w^th gold, wherein was the golden pot that had manna & Aarons rod that budded, & the tables of the Covenāt.

Behold here the Ark filled (not to say crowded) by the Apostle with other implements; which the Old Testament onely a Repositary for the Tables of the Covenant.

§ 4. Amongst the many answers tendered by learned men, in soluti∣on to this difficulty, none in my opinion so satisfactory,* 1.738 as whatf 1.739 Ribera first bringeth, andg 1.740 Iunius (otherwise in judgement much different from him) approveth, and enlargeth. Namely, that those words of Saint Paul, Wherein was the golden pot &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, relates not to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Ark (though last named) but to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Tabernacle, called, The holiest of all in the precedent verse: it being confessed of all hands, that the fore∣said pot of Manna, and Aarons rod (though not within the concavity of the Ark) were within the compass of the Oracle, or, Most holy place. Now, that the propriety of the tongue will bear it out, that the Relative some∣time refers not to the next immediatly, but more remote Antecedent, ma∣ny instances are alledged for the proof thereof.

CHAP. IX. Of the vessels in the Priests Court.

§ 1. SO much for the Utensils in the covered Temple.* 1.741 Proceed we now into the Priests Court, and there first finde the brazen Altar, having twentya 1.742 cubits in length, as much in breadth, and ten in the height thereof. Now, although Solomon made ten candlesticks, ten lavers, ten &c. yet he confined himself to one Altar of incense, one Altar of sacrifice, (multiplying of Altars hearing ill in Scripture, as suspicious of Idolatry) but whether therein pointing at Christ our onely Mediatour, or at the unity of the Church, let others dispute.

§ 2. Now seriously considering this Altar, we meet with many wonders therein. First, that being set sub dio, in the open aire, it is strange that rain (presumed sometimes to fall in great plenty, with great violence) did not extinguish the fire thereof. Secondly, seeing continuall fire was kept there, it is wonder, that the whole Court (as the Chimney-generall thereof) was not turned Tawny-More, if not Black-More with the constant soot, smuttiness, and smoking thereof. Third∣ly, it is strange, that in so short time, so many sacrifices could be consumed, within the compass of so small a place; especially at the dedication of the Temple, when,b 1.743 sacrificing Sheep and Oxen that could not be told, nor numbred for multitude. Lastly, it is admirable, that in a Climate so hot, and place so populous, no putrefaction did arise from the bloud, fat, offall, and ordure of so many beasts slain there, to the infecting of the Priests, and people thereabouts. We know how noisome, and offensive slaughter-houses in Sommer, are in great Cities; insomuch that Tertio Richardi secundi a motion was made, c 1.744 that no Butcher should kill any flesh within London, but at Knights∣bridge, or some such distant place from the walls of the City.

§ 3. But under favour I conceive,* 1.745 the true satisfying of these dif∣ficulties depends on the right understanding of the nature, or rather the supernaturall qualities of the fire on the Altar. It was not com∣mon, or culinary fire, but such asd 1.746 came down from heaven: which (amongst other peculiar properties where with it was endowed) was so far from being quenched by rain, or water, that it would quickly lick it up, thoughe 1.747 a trench, containing twelve barrels, were filled there∣with: as in the sacrifice of Elijah (fetching fire from the same originall) it came to pass. Secondly, such celestiall flame, being of a more clarified, and refined substance▪ left not any suffocating smoke, or sooty feculency behind it. Thirdly, being sent from heaven not to dally, but dispatch the work (God employs no slugs on his errands) it made speedy riddance of the matter in hand, and consumed the sacrifice of a sudden. We know how quickly lightning (though not the ••ame, much of kin to the fi•••• on

the Altar) will turn any thing that resists it, into ashes. Hereupon, some conceive, that by Ariel, that is, Gods Lion, in thef 1.748 Prophet, the Altar in the Temple is meant. A voracious Lion indeed, which with Pharaoh's lean kine, devoured many thousands of cattell, and was no whit the fatter for the same. Lastly, such heavenly fire was a great preservative against infection, and the purgative nature thereof, swept away much putrefaction, which otherwise would have proved very noisome.

§ 4. Pass we now from the fire, to the Water: from the Altar, to the Molten sea.* 1.749 A worthy vessell this was, of solid brass; five cubits high, and ten over from side to side, beingg 1.750 round all about, and thirty cubits in compass, containing two thousand Baths:* 1.751 namely, as they filled it, but two parts of three for ordinary use, leaving a third part for empty Margin in the top. Otherwise were it filled brimfull, it would in all receive three† 1.752 thousand Baths, where the totall capacity thereof is computed. Therefore called a Sea from the large containt thereof (and not much unlike the Caspian sea, for the circular form, and entireness thereof) having its brim wrought about with lily-work, and it stood upon twelve oxen, which by four seve∣rall Threes respected the quarters of the world.

§ 5. But now the question will be, How this vast vessell was furni∣shed with water?* 1.753 Solomon, speaking of the Ocean,h 1.754 All the rivers (saith he) run into the sea; but, how this artificiall sea, was supplied with any water by peoples industry, is a considerable question; the Temple of Ierusalem being so highly situated on a mountain. Here the Rabbins tell us of a Welli 1.755 Etam, some distance hence▪ whence the water was conveyed in pipes, so that the Temple had it always in great abundance. We con∣fess, there was ak 1.756 city, andl 1.757 rock of Etam in the Tribe of Simeon: near to which a miraculous fountain issued in the days of Samson, to quench his thirst, out of the jawbone of an Ass. And it seems, the Ghost of this foun∣tain did walk in the brains of the Rabbins, when first they invented this tradition. But, this Etam, being full forty miles from Ierusalem, was likely to afford them little water, for the replenishing of this Molten sea. Rather we beleeve, that the Gibeonites, or Nethinims, whose office it was to bem 1.758 drawers of water for the Congregation, out of the fountain of Siloam, or Pool of Bethesda hard by, filled this Sea, and furnished all other Lavatories, and Offices about the Temple, with that necessary element. Yea, probably there were some wells within the verge of the Temple, seeing Ierusalem is charactred by Strabo, an Heathen writer, to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, well watered within it self, though without the walls it wanted the conveniency thereof. And, which is the main, in Ezekiels description of the Temple, which one may term A visionarie varnish on an historicall ground-work, being a literall truth mystically much improved, we finde, the watersn 1.759 issued out from under the threshold of the house eastward, which swelled to a miraculous proportion. Now, though the increase, and

overflowing of such streams, was extraordinary, and propheticall; yet surely the fountain thereof was reall, and naturall, importing some springs in the Temple, whence the Nethinims did fill this Molten sea, and all other vessels with water, designed for the Priests too 1.760 wash themselves therein.

§ 6. Having thus dispatched the Molten sea, the tenp 1.761 Lavers* 1.762 (being as it were but so many little lakes) will quickly be described. In the Tabernacle none of these were extant, as appointed for the washing of sacrifices: (for, that single Laver made by Moses for the Priests service, answered one∣ly to the Molten sea) whereby it appears, that Solomon, not onely made in his Temple, vessels moe in number, and bigger in degree, but also other in kind, then were in the Tabernacle, to fill and furnish the magnificence there∣of. These Lavers of brass contained forty Baths apiece, each set on his ba∣sis with wheels, for their more convenient removall, though generally their station was five on the one side, and five on the other in the Court of the Priests, and east of the covered Temple.

§ 7. In the outward Court,* 1.763 or Court of Israel many (no doubt) were the Utensils thereof. As that brazenq 1.764 scaffold made by Solomon for the King to stand, and pray upon, the same (as Tremellius conceives) with the Kingsr 1.765 Pillar: with the Pulpits and deskes, wherein the Priests expoun∣ded the law to the people. But as for the remainder of the vessels of the Temple, with the manyfold traditions concerning them, the Reader is referred to the learned paines of my industrious friend M^r. Iohn Lightfoot: who, as I understand, intends an entire Treatise thereof. Far be it from me, that our pens should fall out, like the heardsmens 1.766 of Lot, and Abra∣ham, the land being not able to bear them both, that they might dwell together. No such want of room in this subject, being of such latitude, and receipt, that both we, and hundreds moe, busied together therein, may severally lose our selves in a subject of such capacity. The rather because we em∣brace severall courses in this our Description, it being my desire, and de∣light, to stick onely to the written word of God, whilest my worthy friend takes in the choicest Rabbinicall, and Talmudicall relations, being so well seen in those studies, that it is questionable, whether his skill, or my ignorance, be the greater therein.

CHAP. X. Of things deposited in the Chambers, and outward Courts of the Temple.

§ 1. PRoceed we now to the outward Courts of the Temple,* 1.767 whose Chambers were severally imployed for sundry uses: as for the laying up of Tithes, First-fruits, Wood, Salt, and other Requisites for the sacrifices. Of this last a mass was spent in the Temple, seeing no offering wasa 1.768 acceptable without it. The best was, Iudea could well afford to spare plenty thereof for Gods service, who had bestowed such store thereof upon it, that there was a place called theb 1.769 City of Salt in the Tribe of Iudah.

§ 2. Other rooms were employed, to contain the many instruments* 1.770 used in the Temple. Some of whose names we finde mentioned in the titles of severall Psalmes, solemnly set to be sung upon them, though so many authours so many mindes in expounding their names and qualities, we will onely insist on what we conceive most pro∣bable.

• 1c 1.771 Aijeleth* 1.772 Shahar: or, The hinde of the morning. Probably some early instrument (as the going about of the Waites in some places) bringing tydings of the morning, and giving men notice to rise.
• 2d 1.773 Alamoth; which literally may be renderede 1.774 Virginales, or Maiden-instruments, with high and shrill notes; acuta sym∣phonia, saith Tromellius.
• 3f 1.775 Gittith; A personall instrument, appropriated to the poste∣rity ofg 1.776 Obed-Edom the Gittite, an excellenth 1.777 Master of mu∣sick, thence taking its denomination.
• 4i 1.778 Ionath Elem, Rechokim. By some rendered appellatively, The dumbe Dove in far places. By others conceived an instrument of sad, and dolefull musick; I did mourn as a Dove▪ saith dyingk 1.779 Hezekiah.
• 5l 1.780 Mahalath; which Ainsworth interpreteth, sickness, or infir∣mity, and conceiveth it a kind of wind-instrument.
• 6m 1.781 Mahalah-leannoth. The same with the former, but with this addition, ton 1.782 sing by turnes, which is, when alternately one part answereth another in singing.
• 7o 1.783 Mutb-labben. The Chaldee interpreteth it, for The death of the Son (as if it were some cheerfull instrument made by David to comfort himself after the death of hisp 1.784 child) whilest others con∣ceive it a kind of tune, like to that which we call the Counter∣tenour.
• ...

• 8q 1.785 Neginah. A manuall instrument,r 1.786 Nagan being properly to play with the hand.
• 9s 1.787 Neginoth, a consort of the former.
• 10t 1.788 Nehiloth: being wind-instruments, (Chalil being used for au 1.789 pipe) as Flutes, Cornets, and Trumpets.
• 11w 1.790 Sheminitb; an Harp, or instrument of eight strings: con∣ceived (no doubt) very complete in its kind, untill (as there is daily accession and improvement in artificiall inven∣tions) an instrument of tenx 1.791 strings got the credit from it, as of more absolute perfection.
• 12y 1.792 Shoshannim. Which amongst flowers is the Lily with six leaves, but amongst instruments, an Harp with so many strings.
• 13z 1.793 Shushan-Eduth. The same with the former, with the addition of the Testimony, as used at the witnessing of some great solemnity.

Expect not here from me a Panegyrick in praise of Musick (either in it self, or reference to Gods service) though in Scripture appea∣ring instrumentall to qualifiea 1.794 evill, and inviteb 1.795 good spirits; heighten devotion both in Men and Angels: seeing Charity, and Melody, Loving, and Singing is almost all we finde expressed of Celestiall happiness. Nor can any truly taxe Musick, as the chil∣dren their mates in the market place,c 1.796 We have piped, and yee have not danced; we have mourned, and yee have not lamented: seeing such the sociableness of Musick, it conformes it selfe to all companies, both in mirth, and mourning, complying to improve that passion, with which it findes the Auditours most affected. In a word, it is an invention which might have beseemed a Son of Seth, to have been the father thereof: Though better it was, thatd 1.797 Cains great-grand∣child should have the credit first to finde it, then the world the unhap∣piness longer to have wanted it.

§ 3. In other Chambers the standards of all measures were care∣fully kept. Thus we finde the inferiour Levites, whose office was to waite on the sons of Aaron, in severall services; and amongst other of their employments, they had a superintendency overc 1.798 all manner of measures and sizes. Let none conceive this beneath the cal∣ling of the Levites, to be so meanly busied; seeing in all ages something of sacredness hath been conceived in weights, God him∣self (who hath ordered all things inf 1.799 measure, and number, and weight) being justly reputed the supreme Clarke of the Market; for, All the g 1.800 weights of the bag are his work. And, as God is accounted the first founder, the Levites were esteemed the fitrest keepers of measures, presumed men of much integrity, which willingly would not falsifie, and deprave the same. Besides, an essentiall part of the sacrifices consisted in the pars quota, in the exact quantity of the

meale, oyle &c. in their offerings, and therefore the Levites were highly concerned to be skilfull in measures, as constantly converstant in the criticalness thereof.

§ 4. Their measures were of a double nature, either of Application,* 1.801 or of Capacity. Of the former these the principall.

• 1 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: A fingersh 1.802 breadth, which in round reckoning. (though not exactly) passed for an inch.
• 2 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Palmus, Ai 1.803 span. Whereof the lesser contained three inches; the bigger was the distan••e betwixt the thumbe, and little finger extended▪
• 3 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Cubit; of the severall kindes whereof largely be∣fore.
• 4 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉k 1.804 A Reed; used to measure buildings, containing six Cubits, and an hand-breadth in the length thereof.

Here of purpose (because ignorant of the exact proportion thereof) we pass by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chebel (whence our English Cable) being a Rope, or line to measure ground therewith: so that by a Metony∣mie, sometimes it is taken for the inheritance it self, Thel 1.805 lines are fallen to me in pleasant places.

§ 5. Measures of capacity follow,* 1.806 being either to mete things dry, liquid, or both. Dry things were measured by

• 1 The Kabm 1.807, answering unto (in default of accurate cor∣respondencies, we must pitch on the English measure next thereunto) our Quart, the fourth part whereof [our double Gill] of Doves dung, was at the siege of Samaria sold for fiven 1.808 pieces of silver.
• 2 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Omer. It was the dailyo 1.809 Ordinary of Manna for a man, and contained well-nigh a pottle, or two quarts.
• 3 Ephah. The just quantity that Ruthp 1.810 gleaned in a day Concerning this measure let these following Scriptures be observed, lest similitude of sound betray us to a great mistake:
  • 1. An Omer is the tenth part of an Ephah. Exod. 16. 36.
  • 2 The Ephah is the tenth part of an Homer. Ezek. 45. 11.
  It was in fashion shallow, and broad, (so that aq 1.811 woman might sit in the compass thereof) and contained halfe a bushell, and a pottle; wherefore Boazr 1.812 his bounty con∣curred with Ruth her diligence in making so good a days∣work.
• 4 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Homer; that is, The lading of Asse, being five bushels, and five gallons. God threatneth in his Prophet, that, The seed of ans 1.813 Homer should yeeld but an Ephah, that is, their grain should so decrease, they should onely reap the tithe of what they had sown. The half of an Homer was called at 1.814 Lethec.

• Here we wittingly omit the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Seah, because unsatisfied in the content thereof; though surely it must be much more, then what a learnedu 1.815 man makes it, stinting it to a gallon, and an half: for, by that proportion no incredible plenty, or cheapness was pro∣phecied in Samaria, whenw 1.816 a Seah of fine flour should be sold for a shekel (or an English half-crown) which is according to the rate of a Mark the bushell; dear enough of all conscience for poor people to purchase.

§ 6. As for Measures for Liquids,* 1.817 we first pitch on an Hin, whereof frequent mention in Scripture (as also of thex 1.818 half, y 1.819 third,z 1.820 fourth, anda 1.821 sixt part thereof) and contained three Eng∣lish Quarts. Next it we take notice of the Bath, being just of the same capacity with the Ephah, and the tenth part of an Homer, as the Prophetb 1.822 himself hath computed it, that is, four gallons and an half. By which account the Molten sea, which held three* 1.823 thousand Baths, contained thirteen thousand five hundred gallons.

§ 7. Amongst mixt measures the Cor deserveth especiall notice; used both for

• 1 Liquid.* 1.824 The Cor of Oyle.
• 2 Arid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,† 1.825 Cors of wheat.

The Cor was (as may be collected from thec 1.826 Prophet) just the same quantity with the Homer (as in the best English, Bushell, and Strike are severall names for the same measure) save that the Cor was common to both, the Homer appropriated to liquid com∣modities.

§ 8. To measures might be added the gage ofd 1.827 Barrels,* 1.828 and e 1.829 Firkins; as also all Weights and Coines, as Gerahs, Half Shekels, Shekels of thef 1.830 Sanctuary, (so called, as some will have it, because the Standart thereof was kept in the Sanctuary, whilest others make it double to the common Shekel) Drams, Pounds, Talents, whereof largelyg 1.831 heretofore. All which we leave in the Levites safe custo∣dy, being confident, that they will very carefully keep them, from ever coming into the fingers of such covetous wretches, who would willingly make The Ephah small, and theh 1.832 Shekel great, and falsifie the ballances by deceit; especially, if the Originals of both were but once in their absolute disposall thereof.

§ 9. There were also Books kept in the Temple,* 1.833 of which the Auto∣graph of the law was most remarkable, by command from Moses to be pla∣ced in thei 1.834 side of the Ark of the Covenant, that is,k 1.835 by the side (as some expound it) in a coffer by it self made for that purpose. But others conceive the performance hereof neglected after Moses his decease (before which time it could not conveniently be done, Deuteronomy not being fully finished till after his death) and this book deposited, not in the Holy of Holies but in some outward place amongst the treasures of the Temple: Alledging in confirmation hereof, how Hilkiah the high Priest, sent to seek out and suml 1.836 up the silver for repairing of Gods house, found (what in Davids

and all good mens valuation is dearer thenm 1.837 gold and silver) then 1.838 book of the Law, hid in some treasury within the verge of the Temple. But proba∣bly this book was originally placed in the Holy of Holies, which after∣wards, when the Temple-service in the Idolatrous days of A••az, and Manasseh was turned upside down, might fall out of the proper position thereof, into another place.

§ 10. Other books (no doubt) were kept by the Priests (Scribes, wher∣of many amongst them,* 1.839 and books being relatives) though their Libraries could not be so numerous in volumes, the Art of printing not being then invented. Wherefore, when we read in Iob, a most ancient authour,o 1.840 Oh that they were printed in a book! the mystery of the Press is not meant thereby, but letters written in deep and large characters. And amongst all other books most likely it is, that, that book of thep 1.841 description of the land into se∣ven parts by lot, as of publick concernment, daily use, and divine instituti∣on, was preferred in the Temple; like our Domes-day book in England, which some Criticks will have so called (not because all lands are arraig∣ned to appear therein as at a General Iudgment, but) quasi domus Dei, or Gods∣house book, where the originall thereof, was anciently intrusted.

§ 11. The Refectories must not be forgotten,* 1.842 being roomes, wherein the Priests had their repast on hallowed food. Amongst all whose fare, we most admire at the Shew-bread; that, being shifted butq 1.843 once a week by Gods command, it did not contract corruption, grow hard, and dry, good onely for the Gibeonites to cheat the Israelites, with ther 1.844 mouldiness thereof. This the Rabbins ascribe to miracle, the same command, which enjoined it to be set there, preserving it from putrefaction; that nothing might lose ought of its goodness, which is exactly ordered according to Gods direction. Thus, as Man liveth not by bread alone: so bread lasteth not onely by naturall causes, buts 1.845 by every word which proceedeth out of the mouth of God.

§ 12. And now (to conclude all fast and firme) there was al∣so an Armory in the Temple,* 1.846 well provided with weapons, to guard the Treasure therein. For, seeing it is the priviledge of hea∣ven alone, that theret 1.847 Theeves cannot break through, and steal; the provident Princes of the Iewes thought not fit to entrust so much wealth without Ammunition to defend it, seeing no place so sa∣cred as to secure it self from sac••iledge. David providedu 1.848 Speares, and bucklers, and shields for that purpose, as if foreseeing in his Prophe∣ticall spirit, that in after ages, a distressed Prince [Ioash] extracted from his loines, should, by Gods blessing, and the assistance of thosew 1.849 weapons, recover his rightfull throne from the unjust usur∣pation of [Athaliah] an Idolatrous intrudress thereinto.

CHAP. XI. The additionall Utensils of the Temple after the days of Solomon.

§ 1. MAny other instruments were added to the Temple,* 1.850 after Solomons death, by succeeding Kings, as occasion did require. Amongst which, we must take especiall notice of that Chest, which in the reign of King Iehoash, was made by Iehoiada the high-Priest, to receive the peoples free-offerings for the repair of the Temple.

§ 2. It may seem strange,* 1.851 that the Temple built so substantially at the first, of the most solid materialls, should in so short a time of an hundred and fifty years, run so far to ruine, as to need so costly repara∣tion. But, we must know, it stood without shelter, high on a mount, exposed to tempests, and in the last seven years of wicked Athaliahs reign (gray hairs are multiplyed on men, more by afflictions, then old age) besides neglect of reparation, dida 1.852 meet with despightfull defacing thereof. Iehoash therefore resolves to amend the decays therein, as in∣deed he stood obliged, both in credit, and conscience; for, seeing the Temple had formely been the nursing-mother to Iehoash, well might Iehoash be the nursing-father to the Temple; who now did onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, pay for his feeding and breeding, who six years b 1.853 had his preservation, and his education therein.

§ 3. The care of the work,* 1.854 was at first committed to the charge of the Le∣vites in generall, though it thrived not under their managing therof, so that in the twenty third year of the reign of King Iehoash, they had not repaired the c 1.855 breaches of the house. We can not be so uncharitable, as to conceive, they embez'led the monies appointed for that purpose, but rather impute their slow proceedings herein, either to

• 1 The unhappiness usually attending great undertakings, few effectually advancing that work, wherein all are equally in∣trusted. Or else,
• 2 Being every one to receive money of their ownd 1.856 acquaintance, some car∣nall indulgence might be used therein to retard the business.
• 3 Receiving small sums of severall persons, they were insensible in the taking, and inconsiderable in their laying out.
• 4 Repairing was out of the Levites element, having no dexterity therein; and we know, that Ministers, and Church-wardens are two distinct employments.

Hereupon the Levites by King Iehoash are called, checked, commanded to forbear farther collection of money, and some other particular persons deputed for that purpose, who had more care, skill, and success to order the matter.

§ 4. To this end a chest was devised,* 1.857 with an holec 1.858 bored in the lid thereof, and appointed to receive the free-gifts of those who would contribute to so pious a work. It was placed very handy, and conve∣nient for such as went up to sacrifice, to cast in their b••nevolence, being setf 1.859 beside the Altar on the right side in the outward-court as one came into the House of the Lord. Perchance our Saviour reflected on the position of this chest so fit for dexterous Benefactours, when advising in giving of almes, Letg 1.860 not thy left hand know what thy right doth. In this chest were mens charities cast, and kept till amounting to a great sum, (and then the breaches of the Temple were perfectly repaired therewith) and in after-ages, it was called Corban, which name sometimes signi∣fieth theh 1.861 gift it self, sometimes the vessell receiving it, which was the pattern (not to say parent) of the poor-mens-boxes in our modern Parish-Churches.

§ 5. Here we must not forget that Diall of Ahaz* 1.862 (in those days, no doubt, a master-piece of art) whereon the Sun miraculously went back tenk 1.863 degrees, in token that Hezekiahs life should goe forward fifteen degrees. Some conceive this Dial, not drawn on the outside of any wall, or house, but contrived within a winding stair-case, so that every step thereof bare proportion to the distance of an houre: but whether this fancy may be reconciled to art, be it referred to the judicious in dialling. However it was made, we shall scarce meet with a Dial more ancient in any authour, which many years after retained the name of Ahaz the erectour thereof. But for all this Dial, Ahaz was one of those who could not dis∣cern l 1.864 the signes of the times, nor perceive the day of his visitation; how his kingdome, being past the flourishing Meridian thereof, did draw near to the night of finall ruin, and destruction.

§ 6. Adrichomius placeth this Dial on the House of the Lord,* 1.865 and therefore we mention it here amongst the ornaments of the Tem∣ple. Though, to speak my opinion, on perusall of the text, it ap∣pears rather set up in some open place in the Kings Palace, so that sick Hezekiah, for the farther confirmation of his faith, lying on his bed, might look on the retrograde motion of the Sun thereon: though I deny not, but he might receive information thereof from relation of others. But wouldm 1.866 Adrichomius had acquainted us, whence he received his intelligence, for what he reports, that Ahaz made this Dial of the brazenn 1.867 Altar of whole-burnt sacrifices. Indeed o 1.868 Scripture tells us, that he took down the twelve brazen oxen from under the great sea, and it was poor reparation for his sacriledge, if in lieu thereof he set up a Dial, with figures for twelve houres, or perchance the twelve signes of the Zodiack there∣upon. But carnall men conceive, they may safely steale Gods dove, and stick down a feather in the room thereof.

§ 7. Now besides the originall Utensils of the Temple,* 1.869 of the same foundation with the Temple it self, there were severall re∣cruits (not of different, but the same fashion with the former) which succeeding Kings made in stead of those instruments, which constant use and age had empaired. For, we must not think, that the Ash-pans, Fire-pans, Snuffers, Caldrons, and Flesh-hooks of the Temple, were like the bush appearing top 1.870 Moses, always burning, yet never consumed: or, that the knives used about the sacrifices, were like theq 1.871 clothes of the children of Israel in the wilderness, never a whit the worse for wearing, but they did daily decay, and were duly repaired, especially in the reign of King r 1.872 Iehoash. Thus when the soul of a Christian is by faith made the Temple of the holy Ghost, and fitted with severall graces, the furni∣ture thereof; the same notwithstanding, because of continuall sin∣ning, must be constantly repaired by renuing repentance.

§ 8. So much of the right and lawfull issue of holy vessels in the Temple.* 1.873 As for that spurious, and bastard brood of Idolatrous Altars, and other Utensils principally introduced by Kings 1.874 Ahaz and t 1.875 Manasseh, contrary to Gods express command, and placed in the house of God, we will not doe them so much honour as once to mention them in this discourse.

CHAP. XII. The Temple often spoiled of her Treasure and Ornaments.

§ 1. THe first Temple of God at Ierusalem,* 1.876 often had the same hard hap with him that journied thence to Iericho, even to fallu 1.877 amongst theeves, or rather for theeves to fall into it. Twice was it pillaged by forein foes, and four times by her own friends before the finall destruction thereof. First, when Shishak King of Egypt in the reign of Rehoboam, tookw 1.878 away the treasures of the house of the Lord, This wound, whence so much precious wealth did bleed forth, first shewed, the Temple with the riches therein to be mortall. Shishak did then but brush the house of God, whilest he swept the house of the King, whence he even took awayx 1.879 all. Afterwards Ioash King of Israel in the reign of King Amaziah, having stormed Ierusalem, tooky 1.880 All the gold and silver, and the vessels that were found in the house of God with Obed-Edom, and returned to Samaria. That were found, for, such no doubt was the providence of the Priests to conceal some wealth from his sight. A thing not impossible for them to doe, having formerly hid a young King, and his nurse sixz 1.881 years invisible, from the jealous eyes of Atha∣liah.

And now, seeing idolatrous Ioash carried away this holy treasure to Samaria, let none hereafter conclude the best cause from the best success, finding the Cherubims of Solomons setting up, worsted by the golden Calves of Ieroboams erection.

§ 2. By the way, it is very remarkable, that the Tabernacle,* 1.882 which lasted four hundred and thirty years before the Temple was begun, was never plundered, or robbed, or spoiled of its goods. Yet the Iews in that age were as sinfull, and their enemies as spightfull, Moabites, Mi∣dianites, Ammonites, &c. who in the interim betwixt the Judges, oppres∣sed the people of Israel, though we finde none of them offering any af∣front, or violence to the Utensils of the Tabernacle. As for the Philistims, though they took the Ark by conquest in the field, we know they were forced with a witness to bring it back again. Whereas the Temple within less space was by forein Princes often pilled and polled of the ornaments belonging thereunto. Enquiring into the reason hereof, we meet with none more probable, then because Divine providence delighteth in pro∣tecting what is weakest in it self. And seeing the Tabernacle was altoge∣ther undefensible, and able to make no resistance, consisting onely of thin boards, slight skins, & slender curtains, God more immediately walled it about with an awefull respect, which the very enemies thereof bare unto it. Whereas the Temple, being a strong structure of stone, in a stronger City, with walls, gates, and bars, visibly intitled it self to fortification, and therefore God left it to the arme of flesh to defend it, which fre∣quently failed therein, as nothing can be safe, which hath onely ••infull men to secure it.

§ 3. But the Temple suffered oftner from her friends,* 1.883 then her foes, frequently spoiling the wealth thereof, insomuch, that in all desperate consumptions of the State, no gold was found so cordiall to cure it, as what was taken out of the treasury of the Temple.

• 1 Asa brought out silver anda 1.884 gold, out of the treasuries of the house of the Lord, and bestowed them on Benhadad King of Syria, to purchase his assistance against Baasha King of Israel.
• 2 Iehoash to appease the anger of Hazael King of Syria, marching furiously against him, tookb 1.885 all the hallowed things, which his Fathers, and himself had dedicated, and sent them as a gift to Hazael, to stop his coming up against Ierusalem.
• 3 Ahaz took the silver and goldc 1.886 which was found in the house of the Lord, and conferred it on Tiglath-Pileser, to hire his help against the Kings of Syria and Israel.
• 4 Hezekiah cut offd 1.887 the gold wherewith he himself had overlaid the doors, and pillars of the Temple, and gave it to pacifie Sennacherib coming a∣gainst him.

Not to mention the waste, and havock, wickedc 1.888 Athaliah, and Manasseh made, in their idolatrous reigns, of the vessels of the Temple.

§ 4. There want not those,* 1.889 who dare to defend the foresaid spoiling of Gods house to be lawfull, chiefly alleadging absolute necessity (that bawd•• generall of all illegitimate actions) that, otherwise, in such extremi∣ties, the kingdome of Iudah could not be preserved, from forein invasi∣on. In vain doth what may be dispute, when what must be sits Doctour of the Chaire. It is not onely lawfull, but needfull, to shave the haire, thereby to save the head. The parting with the fruit, kept the tree alive; otherwise, if not pacified with such a present, the idolatrous enemies would undoubtedly have demolished the Temple, and totally rooted out Gods service therein.

§ 5. But what ever politick palliations may be pleaded for the con∣trary,* 1.890 such sacriledge was unavouchable in it self, and those pretended extremities to justifie it, were onely created; either by mens infidelity, not beleeving Gods power; or their impatience, not atten∣ding Gods pleasure, to defend his own glory, in his own due time, by his own means. Yea, Heaven by the finall success protested against such proceedings, and the treasure taken out of the Temple, and given to Pagans, rather presently declined, then finally diverted the imminent danger. Thus Ahazf 1.891 took away a portion out of the house of the Lord, and gave it to the King of Assyria, but he helped him not. Likewise wheng 1.892 Hezekiah pre∣sented Sennacherib with the wealth of the Temple to buy his favour, his bribes proved ineffectull, who having received the present, was not pleased to understand the language thereof, but nevertheless in the next h 1.893 verse invaded Iudah. As for the instance of Asa, God directly by the mouth of his Prophet reproved him for his fact, in relying rather on the King of Syria, then divine assistance. In a word, though some were good men that did it, they were no whit the better for the doing it. For, though it be Christian policy, and Christsi 1.894 precept, that men make to themselves friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness; yet, goods rightly conse∣crated to the righteous God, come not under that appellation: and such holy things are unjustly degraded, which having once been advanced to the dignity of a free-will-offering to God, are afterward set back, to be∣come a peace-offering to man.

§ 6. Indeed some hold,* 1.895 that under the Gospell the sin of sacriledge cannot be committed. If so, it is either because nothing under the Gospell hath been given to Gods service; or, because God hath solemn∣ly disclaimed the acceptance of any such donations; which, when and where it was done, will be hardly produced. If this their position be true, we have cause, first, to rejoyce in regard that God and his members are now adays growen so rich, that they need not addition of humane gra∣tuities to be bestowed upon them. Secondly, we may congratulate the felicity of ours above former ages, being not in a capacity of committing the sin of sacriledge, to which those were subject, who lived before the time of our Saviour. Lastly, we may silently smile, to see how Satan is

defeated, having quite lost one of his an••ient baites, and old temptati∣ons; men now adays being secured from this sin, and put past a possi∣bility to be guilty thereof. But, before we goe thus far, let us first be sure, we goe on a good ground, otherwise it is the highest sacriledge, to steal away sacriledge it self, and to deny that (which formerly was a grie∣vous) in our days to be any transgression.

§ 7. To come now to the finall, and fatall dissolution of this Temple, with the dissipation, at least wise transportation of all the Utensils thereof.

Three gradations herein may be observed.

Nebu∣chad∣nezzar

1 In the 11 year of Iehojakim 2 In the 4 month of Iehojackin 3 In the 11 year of Zedekiah

caried

Of thek 1.896 vessels of the house of the Lord The goodlyl 1.897 vessels of the house of the Lord All the vesselsm 1.898 of the house of the Lord great and small.

to Ba∣bylon.

Here we will not observe the eleventh year of wicked kings, climacte∣ricall to their kingdomes, seeing any year is equally fatall to a nation, when the measure of their sins is made up. Rather we will take notice, how God, twice as it were in mercy, clipt the treasures of the Temple with the cisers, and (neither working repentance) the third time in justice shaved all away, with the hiredn 1.899 razor of Babylon. And it is my opinion, that though the outward Courts, and chambers of the Tem∣ple had formerly been frequently plundred, yet the Holy, and Holy of Holies remained entire, and untouched, till all was destroyed at the ca∣ptivity of Babylon.

Here the Map of Zorobabels Temple is to be inserted.

[illustration]

THE TEMPLE as it was in CHRISTE time.

Iohn Goddard sculpsit.

ZOROBABELS TEMPLE, REBUILT BY HEROD.

CHAP. I. The mean preparations for building this Temple.

§ 1. THe seventy years of the Babylonish captivity expi∣red, God moved the spirit of Cyrus* 1.900 (whose name the Propheta 1.901 mentioneth two hundred years be∣fore his birth) not onely by hisb 1.902 proclamation to permit Gods people, to return to their native Countrey, and thereby to encourage others to contribute necessaries unto them; but also restored the vessels of Solomons making, and furnished them with provisions out of his own Exchequer, for the erection of a second Temple, which came after the former, not moe years in time, then degrees in magnificence. A thing no whit strange, if the disparity betwixt the builders be seriously considered.

§ 2. First,* 1.903 Solomon was an absolute Prince, full of wealth and power, in his peaceable Countrey, where no dog durst bark against him (save two c 1.904 or three whapping curs toward the end of his reign) whilest the buil∣ders of this second Temple were but raw captives, newly returned to their native land, where they met with much disturbance, and con∣stant opposition from their enemies. Wherefore, no such (almost mi∣raculous) silence observed at the second Temple, like that in the first, whereind 1.905 no tool of iron was heard, it being probable, here was knocking of hammers, and (certain) here was clashing of malicious foes agains•• the faithfull Israelites.

§ 3. Secondly,* 1.906 Solomon (though alternately) employed seven scoree 1.907 and ten thousand hewers and burden-bearers, besides three thousand three hundred over∣seers at the building of his Temple; whereas the totall sum, and whole company of this Remnant, or rather, Reversion of the Iews, with their

servantsf 1.908 and maids, exceeded not fifty thousand, not amounting to a full third of the former number. As few the men: so were they ill furni∣shed with all kinde of cattell. And whereas Camels had been necessary creatures to be used by them, for bearing of burdens at this structure, so meanly were they provided therewith, thatg 1.909 Iob a private man, had six times (and after his restoration twelve times) more Camels, then all the whole nation of the Iews had in their possession, when returning from captivity.

§ 4. Thirdly,* 1.910 Solomon had (besides other vast in-comes, and a bank provided by David his Father) the gold of Ophir swimming unto him in the shipsh 1.911 of Tarshish, making their trienniall returns. Whereas no such golden fleet arrived to the building of this second Temple. As for silver, in Solomons time it wasi 1.912 in Ierusalem as stones in abundance; but, in Zorobabels time, silver was as silver in scarcity, and esteem, and the exchange of all coin ran very high in valuation. And, whereas the cost expended by Solomon on his Temple amounted to many thousands ofk 1.913 Talents, unto which are added tenl 1.914 thousand drams of gold (onely as a supernumerary fraction, or odde sum above the entire Talents) the free-will-offering to the second Temple is not at all computed by Talents, which would have disgraced their poor provisions, but (to stick to our new translation) is onely summed up bym 1.915 drams (as the silver not by Talents, but pounds) for the greater grace and credit of their contribution, so small in it self, but large (no doubt) in proportion unto their poor estates.

§ 5. Lastly,* 1.916 here was not (as in the making of the Tabernacle) any Bezaleel, or Aholiab, filled with then 1.917 Spirit of God in all manner of workmanship; no Hiram (as at the building of the Temple)o 1.918 filled with wisedome, and un∣derstanding, and cunning to work all works in brass; no extraordinary artificer specified by name, employed therein. Yet, probably, they entertained the best workmen that age did afford, their purses or credit could pro∣cure, to polish, and adorn the building. And therefore the ingenuous p 1.919 Romanists acknowledge a gross errour in their vulgar Latine, where they readq 1.920 ordines de lapidibus impolitis tres, three rows of unpolished stone, which should be polished stone. For, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eben Gelal in the originall, is a stone turned, rolled, and tossed about, to smooth, and levigate every side there∣of, and byr 1.921 Iosephus is rendred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.922 of sha∣ved, hewed or carved stone. However, our last translation (following Tre∣mellius therein) reades it GREAT STONES, as if the state consisted, rather in their bigness, then beauty; amplitude, then art bestowed up∣on them.

§ 6. Timber they fetched fromt 1.923 mount Libanus (the magazeen of Cedars) brought thence in ships to Ioppa,* 1.924 and thence conveyed by land∣carriages to Ierusalem. But, we may be assured, that Solomon long agoe had flitted the cream of the choicest trees in that mountain, this second generation being lesser, lower, and fewer, then those before them. Yea,

in process of time, Cedars were so rarified in Libanus, thatu 1.925 modern travellers saw but four and twenty in their passage over this mountain, and heard but of a few moe (and they all in one place) extant there at this day.

§ 7. Some will object,* 1.926 all these defects were eminently supplyed by the favour of Cyrus, who in his Charta Magna for the building of the Temple, had privided, that the expences bew 1.927 given out of the Kings house; and water may sooner be wanting at the well-head, then they lack accom∣modations, who commanded the coffers of so mighty a Monarch. But, such must take notice of the great space of ground, betwixt Ierusalem and Babylon; and the bounty of Kings (especially at so great a distance) maketh more noise in the mouths of the reporters, then it brings profit into the hands of the receivers. So that all things considered, whilest So∣lomons Temple, like the eldest son, and heir, went away with the solid inheritance of a world of wealth; this latter, like the younger brother, was contented with a poor pension of the peoples bounty allotted unto it, especially at the inconsiderable beginning thereof.

§ 8. Wherefore at the foundation of this Temple,* 1.928 the old menx 1.929 wept at the laying thereof, who could call to minde the greatness, and gallan∣try of the former. How great was the griefe of our first parents after their expulsion ou•• of paradise, when comparing their present with their primitive condition, and what was lost, with what was left unto them? Enough to drown them in despair, if not supported with certain expectation of the promised Seed.

§ 9. But the youngsters,* 1.930 being moe in number, and greater in strength, shouted for joy, conceiving the foundations newly laid a matchless fabrick for magnificence, having never seen better, nor other in that place. Thus, such as have been bred in the dark, when first brought into the twilight, admire at the incomparable lustre thereof. But, what saith our proverbe? Better children weep, then old folk: and it had been happy, if here (by a transposition of their passions) whilest the young folk sorrowed, the old men had rejoyced: the former thinking themselves to have just occasion of mirth, the latter knowing they had too much reason for mourning.

§ 10. But, what saith the Prophet,* 1.931 in reference to this mean fabrick? Who hath despised the day of small things?y 1.932 God, who is all in all, delights to improve such things, as are next to nothing. He that loved the Iews best, who werez 1.933 the fewest of all people; who made Gedeon a Judge, who was thea 1.934 least in his Fathers house; Saul a King, whose family was theb 1.935 least of all in his Tribe▪ Paul a preacher, thec 1.936 least of the Apostles; who delighted in d 1.937 little Benjamin their ruler, the little hill of Hermon, thee 1.938 lowliness of his hand∣maiden; who multiplyeth mustard-seed thef 1.939 least of all grains into a tree, did cherish and hatch this weak building under the wings of his protection, bringing it from feeble beginnings; by faint proceedings, to full per∣fection.

CHAP. II. The dimensions of the Temple, and the foundations thereof laid.

§ 1. BE it premised for an undeniable truth,* 1.940 that this Temple fell short of Solomons in the dimensions thereof. Which plainly appears, first, by the question the Prophet propoundeth;a 1.941 Who is le••t among you, that saw this house in her first glory? and how doe you see it now? Is it not in your eies, in comparison of it, as nothing? Secondly, by the tears the old menb 1.942 shed, when thec 1.943 foundation thereof was laid, whilest they beheld the meanness of the one with their eyes, and recollected the magnificence of the other in their memories.

§ 2. But here we meet with (almost) an inextricable difficulty.* 1.944 For, notwithstanding the premises so plain to the contrary, the dimen∣sions of Cyrus his Temple appear larger then those of Solomons, if the en∣suing parable be seriously perused.

1 King. 6. 2.

And the house which King Solomon built for the Lord, the length thereof was threescore cubits, and the breadth thereof twenty cubits, and the height thereof thirty cubits.

Ezra 6. 3.

Let the foundations thereof be strongly laid, the height thereof threescore cubits, and the breadth thereof three∣score cubits.

Behold here, how Cyrus his Temple was thirty Cubits higher (just as high again) and forty cubits broader (thrice as broad) as Solomons. And, although the length of this second Temple is not expressed, yet an ordi∣nary judgement will infer by the symmetrie of building, that the length thereof must needs be much greater, to manage such a breadth in any due proportion of Architecture. This so strong an evidence to the con∣trary, would almost have perswaded one to beleeve, that their old men were either deceived with their dim eyes, or mistaken in their fraile memories, and that this Temple was greater then the former, did not the infallible testimonies of thed 1.945 Prophets so peremptorily avouch the comparative smalness thereof, in respect of Solomons.

§ 3. Many are the solutions,* 1.946 which the learned produce in satis∣faction of this difficulty. But, first, as for their conjecture, that Zorobabel, at the building of this Temple, purposely abated of those dimensions assigned by Cyrus (as too great for him to compass) contenting him∣self with a less scantling, but more proportionable to the weak power of his people: I can in no wise concur with them therein. For, in such de••alcation of measures by Cyrus allotted, he shewed little courtship to his master the Emperour, (in distrusting the performance of his pro∣mises) and less religion to the Lord his God, in not beleeving, that he, who miraculously had stirred up the spirit of Cyrus to appoint, would also vigorously inable him (or his successours) to effect the aforesaid assignment, in building of his Temple.

§ 4. Some suspect a mistake of numbers in Cyrus his Grant,* 1.947 which notwithstanding will very hardly be admitted. For, seeing the laws of the Medes and Persians coulde 1.948 never be altered, they were highly concerned to be accurate, and exact, in their entering, and inrolling all Deeds on Record. O••hers justly make a difference in the measures, and whilest Solomons were sufficiently known to have been of thef 1.949 first measure,g 1.950 they conceive Cyrus his cubits to be common ones, but half as large as the former. And thus this second Temple, though sixty cubits high, was for the main body thereof, but just even with Solomons Temple. Mean time it came far short of Solomons in this respect, because Solomons had amost beautifull Porch, in nature of a Tower-steeple,h 1.951 one hundred and twenty cubits high (that was double the body of the Temple) whilest no such aspiring building graced the second Temple, being all of one uniforme height.

§ 5. This difficulty in the height thus satisfied,* 1.952 by the difference of cubits, let none be troubled at the breadth of this second Temple, tripling that of Solomons, seeing here breadth is taken (as elsewhere in Scripture) for the full extent of a thing on every side. Thus in thei 1.953 Revelation, Saint Iohn speaking of the numberless army of Gog and Magog, describes them to goe upon the breadth of the earth, that is, on the whole space of the surface thereof. Nor is the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rekbo (which properly signifieth his breadth, and is used. 1 King. 6. 2.) used in Ezra, but the Chaldee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which (ask 1.954 Ribera observeth) importeth the expansion, or spreading of a thing, quaquaversum, on every side. On which consideration, it is judi∣ciously rendered by Tremellius, not latitudine, but amplitudine ejus, not the breadth, but the largeness thereof. So that Cyrus gave order, that the bigness of this Temple (length and breadth put together) should not exceed threescore cubits (perchance forty in length, and twenty in breadth) and so, both when first founded, and when fully finished, it came far short of the dimensions of Solomons.

CHAP. III. After many obstructions, finished at last.

§ 1. NOw went the building hopefully on,* 1.955 probable in some com∣petent time to come to perfection; when the Samaritans (the envious enemies of Israel) first by fraud, then force, endevour to obstruct their proceedings. First, they tendera 1.956 their service to be fellow-builders with the Iews, (claiming a joynt-interest in their Tem∣ple, as serving the same God) which by Zorobabel, and the Elders of Israel was wisely refused, as knowing, such seeming helpers would prove reall hinderers. Thus, whenb 1.957 Satan transformes himself into an Angel of light,

as pretending to sing Gloria in excelsis, with the rest of those heavenly Spirits, it is onely out of design to disturbe their harmony, and (if pos∣sible) to put that celestiall Quire out of ••une.

§ 2. Their first project failing,* 1.958 the Samaritanes accuse the City of Ie∣rusalem in the Court of Artaxerxes King of Persia, to have been formerly ac 1.959 rebellious city, referring themselves to the Court-rolls for the proof there∣of. See what it is to be a Rebell on record, their posterity may fare the worse for it, many years after. Indeed, it cannot be denied, but that Zedekiah King in Ierusalem, though sworn by God to the contrary,d 1.960 rebelled against King Nebuchadnezzar, so that this suggestion of the Samaritans, had too much of truth, though more of malice therein. For, hence they in∣ferred, were the place rebuilt, the people would return to their former stubbornness, whereby, in process of time, the Persian Monarchy would be deprived of all command, ande 1.961 revenue on this side the river of Iordan.

§ 3. Power,* 1.962 and Profit are the two apples of Princes eyes, woundable with the least touch thereof. No wonder therefore if upon the premises, a Prohibition was presently from Artaxerxes sent, and served upon the Iews, commanding them to desist from building till farther order should bef 1.963 given them. Thus the work ceased till the second of Darius. Mean time private palaces in Ierusalem were finished, and garnished withg 1.964 ceiled work, whilest Gods Temple lay waste. Did not those priva••e houses blush at their own bravery, as serving-men may be justly asha∣med, to see themselves finer then their Masters?

§ 4. Then arose Haggai,* 1.965 and Zachary, andh 1.966 encouraged the people to build again. What, must the Pulpit be obeyed before the Throne? i 1.967 In the word of a King there is power, but is there more in the mouth of a Prophet? Oh! a greater then Artaxerxes was here, these Prophets being warranted by divine inspiration. On goes the Temple afresh, whilest the enemies of Israel seek in vain to hinder it the second time. For, upon search, the originall grant of Cyrus is produced from amongst the Re∣cords of thek 1.968 Medes, in pursuance whereof, Darius did not onely give leave, and liberty to the Iews to build their Temple, with a penalty on such as refused it, but also enjoyned Tatnai,l 1.969 Shethar-Boznai, and others beyond the river (which sided with the Samaritans) to contribute all necessaries towards the finishing, and furnishing thereof. No doubt the Iews (formerly refusing their persons) accepted their purses to build with, as knowing, though the men were false, their money might be made faithfull towards the farthering of the work.

§ 5. As for the many chronologicall differences,* 1.970 wherewith the building of this Temple is encumbred, we utterly decline them as alien from our subject. He that medleth (saithm 1.971 Solomon) with strife belonging not to him, is like one that taketh a dog by the eares. Chronology (all know) is a surly, churlish Cur, and hath bit many a mans fingers, who have cause∣lesly medled therewith. Blame me not therefore, if willing to keep

mine own hands whole. Onely I will adde, that such are much trou∣bled, who apply to this Temple those words of the Iews to our Savi∣our,n 1.972 Forty and six years was this Temple in building, and wilt thou rear it up in three days? So that all their endevours can not conform those numbers to Zorobabels Temple, which had not so many years spent in the erection thereof. Wherefore for the main they plead, that malice hath a wide mouth, and loves to outlash in her relations. So that the Iews stood not exact∣ly on the particulars of years, whilest the totall sum of their intent was to cast a greater odium on Christ, by widening the disproportion between so many years, and so few days. Yea, seeing at the same time they wilfully mistook the meaning of our Saviours words, no wonder if withall they corrupted the computation of the building of the Temple, adding moe years thereunto, then were in the true account thereof.

§ 6. But be the years moe or less,* 1.973 at last after many stops, stays; demurs, delays; suspensions, relaxations; desertions, resumptions thereof, the building was compleated, and a solemn sacrifice at the dedication there∣of, but far inferiour to Solomons, on the same occasion.

1 King. 8. 63.

And Solomon offered a sacrifice of peace-offerings, which he offered unto the Lord, two and twenty thousand oxen, and an hundred and twenty thousand sheep.

Ezra 6. 17.

And they offered at the dedication of this house of God, an hundred bullocks, two hundred rams, four hundred lambes; and for a sin-offering for all Israel twelve hee-goats, according to the number of the Tribes of Israel.

See here a great fall, but the second sacrifice was suitable to their small substance: of a little they gave a little to that God, who, where there is o 1.974 first a willing minde, accepteth it according to that a man hath, and not according to that a man hath not. However, we must congratulate the hopefull men∣tion of the twelve Tribes of Israel. Welcome happy name, and number, well met in holy writ, seeing so long since last we parted from you, some hundred years agoe, when Elias offered his sacrifice on mount p 1.975 Carmell. A strong presumption, that some of each Tribe were now pre∣sent, at the finishing of this Temple, whereof largely before.

§ 7. This Temple was afterwards miserably defaced,* 1.976 and profaned by wicked Antiochus, untill some years after, Iudas Maccabeus cleansed the Sanctuary, repaired the breaches of the Temple, renewed the gates and chambers about it, and deckt theq 1.977 forefront thereof with crowns of gold. He ordained also in the moneth Casleu anr 1.978 annuall festivall by the space of eight days to be kept with mirth and gladness. Some will say, this was but a ceremonious supererogation of Maccabeus, in making such an or∣dinance; seeing, neither Hezekiah, when purging the Temple from the profanation of Ahaz; nor Iosiah, cleansing it from the idolatrous pol∣lutions of Manasses and Ammon, instituted any such yearly solemnity in memoriall thereof. But, let such know, that under Antiochus there was not onely a suspension, and interdiction of the Temple from pious uses, but a totall alienation thereof from piety, and diversion to profaneness:

and by Maccabeus the old Altar was not (as by Hezekiah, and Iosiah) re∣conciled to Gods service, but as 1.979 new one erected (hence perchance the feast was called Encaenia, or the Renewing) in the place thereof▪ And what, if in this particular point Maccabeus was more pious then either Hezeki∣ah, or Iosiah, let not his memory fare the worse, for endevouring the better to preserve Gods favours in the memories of others.

§ 8. Just (no doubt) were the considerations moving Maccabeus to make this annuall festivall,* 1.980 seeing our Saviour in the Gospellt 1.981 graced this feast of the dedication with his presence. Although it appears not in Scripture, that Christ went up purposely to Ierusalem for the observation thereof (as he did to the Passeover, which was of divine appointment) but there might be a casuall coincidence of this feast, and his presence at Ierusaem. However, seeing Christ with his company adorned au 1.982 marriage∣feast at Cana in Galilee, being a meeting of meer civil concernment, founded on no divine command, but onely the commendable custome of the Countrey, no wonder if he honoured the feast of Dedication with his person, wherein the Temple was at first in some sort remarried to the proper use thereof, from which by the profaneness of persecutours it had formerly been divorced.

§ 9. Here I must not omit the Rhemists note,* 1.983w 1.984 Christ (say they) vouch∣safed to honour, and keep that feast instituted by Iudas Maccabeus, Lib. 1 cap. 4. and now Hereticks vouchsafe not to pray, and sacrifice for the dead,x 1.985 used and appro∣ved by him. But, Christ his presence at this feast of Maccabeus his institu∣tion, doth no more oblige us to an universall observation of all the actions of Maccabeus, without farther examination of them, how well they agree with Gods word; then his eating of bread in the house, and at the invitation of Simon they 1.986 Pharisee, engageth us to avouch all the opi∣nions, or practise all the traditions, which the said Simon might erroni∣ously maintain.

CHAP. IV. Of the Utensils in Solomons, wanting in this Temple.

§ 1. AS for bulk of fabrick,* 1.987 and beauty of frame: so also for varie∣ty, and richness of furniture, this Temple fell short of Solo∣mons. Indeed, great was divine providence in preserving the Utensils of the Temple, during the captivity in Babylon. Though Bel∣shazzar a 1.988 drank in the holy vessels, yet his sacrilegious swallow was not so wide, as to devoure the metall thereof. These remained in the treasury, and were afterwards restored to the Iews at their return, even vessels of gold and silver, to the full number ofb 1.989 five thousand and four hundred. And yet notwithstanding the restitution of them, this widow-Temple, as I may

••erm it, fell in beauty short of the Virgin-Temple, wanting many eminent ornaments which were found in Solomons.

§ 2. First, it is probable,* 1.990 that the statelyc 1.991 scaffold of brass, with the Kingsd 1.992 pillar (which some conceive set thereupon) in nature of a roy∣all throne, was not in the second Temple; so glorious a Sphere being needless, when there was no Sun to shine therein. Certainly this wan∣ted

• 1 The two fair pillars of Iachin and Boaz▪e 1.993 broken in pieces by Ne∣buchadnezzar, to make them the more portable to Babylon, other∣wise such mountains of massie brass, were unmanageable, till par••elled into many fragments, past possibility of being rejointed together, whilest all the lesser vessels were preserved whole and entire. Thus, greatness oft-times exposeth eminent persons to their own destruction, whilest poverty carrieth its own protecti∣on, and inferiour people are preserved by their meanness.
• 2 The greatf 1.994 Molten Sea, which being guilty of the same crime (its own overgreatness) suffered the same execution with the brasen pillars.
• 3 The fire from heaven, which, as in theg 1.995 Tabernacle, so in Solomons Templeh 1.996 came down from heaven, and consumed the burnt-offerings, and the sacrifices, and the glory of the Lord filled the house. No spark of this fire appeared in the second Temple.
• 4 The Pot ofi 1.997 Manna, spilt, broken, or lost by some accident un∣expressed in Scripture.
• 5 Thek 1.998 Rod of Aaron which budded, but now was withered away (by some casualty unrecorded) during the cap••ivity of Babylon.
• 6 The Ar••e of the Covenant. Not, that we give any heed to Ieremy his Apocryphalll 1.999 hiding thereof in mount N••••o; but, wheresover it was, it was not in the second Temple.
• 7 The t••o tables of them 1.1000 Law written by Gods own finger, and put formerly into the Arke of the Covenant.

Here for the main we may observe, that the Holy of ••olies in this second Temple, was left altogether empty, and unfurnished. Such avoidance of the Utensils thereof being purposely made to make room for the coming of our Saviour the true High-priest, who with his gracious pre∣sencen 1.1001 filleth all in all.

§ 3. As for the Oracle,* 1.1002 if it were present in this Temple in substance, it was absent in effect, because dumbe, and speechless, aso 1.1003 Iosephus both ingenuously 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and conscienciously rendereth a reason thereof; affirming that the stones therein ceased to send forth their wonted splen∣dour (by which formerly answers were returned) two hundred years befo••e he wrote his book, God being angry ••ith his people for their pre••ari••ati∣on from his law. And thus this second Temple was, ••s in her struc••ure, so in her ornaments much 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to that first of Solomo•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

§ 4. All these defects notwithstanding,* 1.1004 in one eminent respect this Temple equalled, yea excelled Solomons; according to thep 1.1005 Prophets pre∣diction, The glory of this latter house shall be greater then of the former, saith the Lord of hosts: and in this place will I give peace, ••aith the Lord of hosts; so that in a mysticall respect, the pavement of this, was higher then the roof of the other. For, hereon our Saviour, when a child, was presented to the Priests; when a youth, disputed with the Doctours; when a man, wrought many miracles, preached many Sermons; teaching with∣in, and tempted without the Temple, on a pinnacle thereof. In a word, Solomons Temple, like Mans originall creation in purity, and perfection, was most glorious in it self: this latter, like our state of regeneration, which, though full of faults, failings, wants, weak∣nesses, in comparison of the former, yet outstrips it in Gods gra••ious ac∣ceptance thereof, crowning it with perseverance here, and happiness hereafter.

§ 5. So much for the Temple it self,* 1.1006 which also was guarded with Courts attending the same. Witness Nehemiah reporting, how, at the feast of Tabernacles, the people, to testifie their joy, made themselves booths, or arbours, in theq 1.1007 Courts of the house of God. But, whereas Ez••a mentioneth the r 1.1008 street of the house of God, (whither all the people repaired, being about to reforme their strange marriages) I take this to be no part, or parcell of the structure of the Temple, but some fair street in Ierusalem, leading thereunto: as Temple-gate, and street in Bristol, so termed, because in passage to the fair Church called the Temple therein.

§ 6. Let not the Reader here expect from me, a draught of Zorobabels Temple.* 1.1009 For, besides that already I have dipped my fingers deep enough in holy mortar, (when describing Solomons Temple) we have nothing out of Scripture, for the particular fashion thereof. To frame it therefore ac∣cording to conjecturall fancies, would be as much offensive to any con∣sciencious writer, as little satisfactory to the judicious Reader thereof. Onely in lieu of Zorobabels we present here the Herodian Temple, and all the Courts thereof (the same in all essentials with Zorobabels) as Herod rebuilt it, although the story thereof be incumbred with many impro∣babilities, which we come now to relate.

CHAP. V. Herod (saith Josephus) plucked down, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 built Zorobabels Temple.

§ 1. IT is strange,* 1.1010 how the worst of Tyrants sometimes stumble on eminent actions, doing such works as might beseem be••ter men to be the authours thereof. Either, out of the love of variety, that being

long wearied with a constant course of wickedness, they adventure on some commendable deeds, meerly for recreation. Or else, onely se de∣fendendo, for their own security, to fence themselves against the too just as∣sault of peoples tongues, hoping in vain, by one good, to make amends for many evill deeds they have committed. Some such consideration put Herod the King upon the building of the Temple, who (asa 1.1011 Iosephus reports) plucked down Zorobabels Temple to the ground, and erected a new one in the room thereof, of greater art, and larger dimensions.

§ 2. But someb 1.1012 Authors of very good account, are very loth to give credence hereunto, utterly denying Herod to have built, and lanched a new vessell of a Temple, although allowing him, to have carined, new rigged, and repaired the old, and especially the south-porch thereof. They conceive this third Temple meerly modelled, and made by the fancy of Iosephus, as which never had other then paper-wals, inke-mortar, and quil-timber in his book-description thereof. Yea are bold to call it commentum, figmentum; fabulam, and in downright terms mendacium, the flat lie of Iosephus.

§ 3. For mine own part,* 1.1013 after very much reluctancy, I am at last con∣tented to credit Iosephus herein, though willingly I could have wished, that some other ancient Authour of his own age had avouched the same, that so in the mouth of two witnesses thisc 1.1014 truth might have been established. For, this is that same Iosephus whom the greatd 1.1015 Scaliger charactereth Diligentissimum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 omnium Scriptorum, cujus fides & eruditio in omnibus elucet. And, although we come not just up to this so high a commendation of him, yet we will not suspect him of falshood in such passages, wherein he dissenteth not from Scripture.

§ 4. For,* 1.1016 first herein he himself could not be deceived in a matter no∣toriously known, some being alive who could remember Herods buil∣ding thereof. And Iosephus himself had often personally officiated in this Temple, in his Priestly function. Nor, would he deceive others by such a report; for, cui bono, what could he gain thereby? Nothing could be gotten by flattering the dust, or ghost of Herod; especially none of his linage (when Iosephus wrote) being in power, or place to reward him. How can we then in charity conceive, that he did transgress without a cause? Seeing there were so many of his own countreymen, living in all lands, ready to confute so lowd a lie, if avouched by him.

§ 5. Secondly,* 1.1017 the words of the Disciples to our Saviour,e 1.1018 Master, see what stones, and what buildings are here, must in probability relate to some new, sp••cious, eye-pleasing fabrick. And, if any should say, that the Disciples, being poor fisher-men, and untravelled into forein parts, might be priviledged to wonder at a fabrick, not so admirable in it self; let such know, we collect the magnificence of this Temple, not so much from their admiration, as from Christ his concession; who (though reproving the Apostles carnall affections) alloweth the stateli∣ness thereof in that sharp return,f 1.1019 Seest thou 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

these great buildings? Now, this could not well agree with Zorobabels Temple, being little curious when new, & almost contemptible when old (if standing in Christs time, weather-beaten after four hundred years continuance) and therefore undoubtedly relates to the Herodian Tem∣ple, as then in the prime, and perfection thereof.

§ 6. Adde hereunto,* 1.1020 that Herod his wholly taking down, and re∣building this Temple, is embraced, and beleeved, by most ancient, and learned writers,g 1.1021 Hegesippus,h 1.1022 Saint Hierome,i 1.1023 Rupertus, and many other Christian Authours.* 1.1024 And that some Talmudists acknowledge Herods Temple, a learned Critick hath sufficiently cleared the same. Yea, which is much materiall (even by the confession of suchk 1.1025 as lately have opposed it) mille quingentis annis nemo vocavit in dubium, nemo non credidit; for fifteen hundred years (since Iosephus wrote it) none ever doubted, or questioned the truth thereof.

CHAP. VI. Objections to the contrary answered.

§ 1. HAving thus brought our beliefe (not over forward in it self) to answer the spur,* 1.1026 in what Iosephus reports, we confess not∣withstanding, many shrewd objections may be alleadged to the contrary, which we shall endevour to satisfie in order, as fol∣loweth.

§ 2. Ob. It is utterly improbable,* 1.1027 that God who refused Davids tender to build him a Temple, meerly because he was a mana 1.1028 of bloud, would ac∣cept of such a Tyrant as Herod was, for the same purpose. Who had murthered Hircanus his patron, Ioseph his own uncle, Aristobulus his bro∣ther-in-law, Mariamme his wife, Aristobulus the younger, Alexander, and Antipater his sons. In a word, unlikely it is, his service should be employ∣ed in building the Temple of God, who endevoured to destroy theb 1.1029 God of that Temple.

§ 3. Ans.* 1.1030 Gods ways are in the deep, past mans finding, or fathoming out: who, to shew the fulness of his power, and freedome of his pleasure, useth variety in his own working. That shall be sometimes a bar to one, which otherwhiles shall be no hinderance to another. Who knowes not, but Cyrus was a cruell man, the manager of mighty wars, who came to a wofull and violent death? Witness, whenc 1.1031 Tomyris the Scythian Queen, having cut off his head, and put it into a vessell of bloud, Satia te (saith she) sanguine quem semper sitisti, Cloy thy self with bloud which thou hast always thirsted after. And yet God accepted of the service of Cyrus, not onely to be a benefactour unto, but founder of his Temple, thed 1.1032 expences thereof being given out of his own house. Why then might not the same God make use of Herod, for the rebuilding of his Temple, when in continuance of time, much run into dilapidations?

§ 4. Ob.* 1.1033 The Temple extant in our Saviours time, was forty six years in building, as thee 1.1034 Iews did avouch; now, this cannot be applied to He∣rods Temple, who reigned in all but thirty seven years; it must there∣fore belong to Zorobabels, the building whereof was so long suspended, through the frequent opposition of their enemies.

§ 5. Ans.* 1.1035 It cannot well be applyed to Zorobabels, but exactly fits Herods Temple; for Zorobabels it falls out too large, which makes expositours take refuge at severall shifts, as we have formerlyf 1.1036 observed. It is ade∣quate unto Herods Temple, the Greek being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the first Aorist passive, that is, it hath been in building. For, from the time that the first foundation was laid by Herod, untill the present instant of the Iews their speech, the sum of forty six years was exactly compleated, all which time (though the main of the fabrick was finished in the first eight years, and an half) workmen were constantly employed in trimming, polishing, and perfecting the out-buildings thereof.

§ 6. Ob.* 1.1037 The Prophetg 1.1038 Haggai foretold, that the glory of the second Temple should be greater then the first, which was accordingly accom∣plished in the coming of our Saviour, gracing it with hish 1.1039 presence, and preaching therein. Now, if the Temple extant in our Saviours time, were not the same numericall, individuall Temple, which Zoro∣babel built, but another new one of Herod his erection, the Prophesie of Haggai took no effect, and missed of the due performance thereof.

§ 7. Ans.* 1.1040 Haggai his prophesie found the full accomplishment thereof, in our Saviours preaching in Herods Temple, which was no distinct, but in all essentialls the self same with Zorobabels. The holy riddle in the Revelation is very hard to be understood, how the beasti 1.1041 was the eight, and yet one of the seven. But here it is obvious to any apprehension, that this was the third, and yet the second Temple, set up in the same place of the for∣mer.

§ 8. Ob. Zorobabels,* 1.1042 or the second Temple may as properly be termed the first, and avouched the same with Solomons, as this third of Herods building may be called the second Temple, and maintained the same with Zoroba∣bels. For, it was erected on the same Area, or floor, and had, though less limbs (smaller dimensions) the self same vitals, all the essentiall Utensils of the first Temple, restored unto it.

§ 9. Ans.* 1.1043 Not so, for, not a foot of stone, or inch of timber used in Solo∣mons, was found in Zorobabels, which being all utterly destroyed, new materials were fetched from mountk 1.1044 Lebanon. Whereas no doubt He∣rod made use of whatsoever was firm, sound, and undecayed in Zoro∣babels Temple. Besides, there was an interstitium, or distance of seven∣ty years, between the destruction of Solomons, and erection of Zorobabels Temple; whereas here no vacancy at all, the service, and sacrifices to God being continued without any interruption. As therefore that man, who, out of a desperate consumption, by Gods blessing, physick, and

good diet, recovers new flesh, remains still the same man: so Zoroba∣bels Temple, acquiring by Herods bounty more beauty, and bigness, continued the same Temple, Gods unintermitted service (the life and soul thereof) preserving the individuity, or oneness of this Temple with the former.

§ 10. Iosephus himself elsewhere confesseth (as learnedi 1.1045 Grotius doth observe) that the Temple was never but twice demolished,* 1.1046 first by Ne∣buchadnezzar, and finally by the Romans.

§ 11. Understand him (to reconcile him to himself) never but twice demolished in anger from enemies,* 1.1047 whereas Herod destruebat animo re∣struendi, destroyed it with intent to rebuild it. As the Chirurgion, who, not out of cruelty, but pity, breaks an ill set bone, with full intent to set it better. Hence it was, that this third Temple, in some sense, is always accounted, reputed, and esteemed by the Jewish Rabbins, the same with the second.

CHAP. VII. Generall observables in Herods building.

§ 1. THus satisfied for the main,* 1.1048 that Herod rebuilt Zorobabels Temple, come we to some memorable observables therein, gathered out of Iosephus, whose single band if the Reader shall refuse to accept, we can tender him no better, yea, no other securi∣rity. It is not therefore expected, that all which Iosephus relates, should be credited in the full latitude thereof, it is enough if the judicious Rea∣der (witha 1.1049 Saint Paul in another case concerning the reports of the Corinthians) doth partly beleeve it.

§ 2. First, to satisfie, and content the Iews (half suspecting his power, or pleasure to rebuild the Temple) he plucked not down the old Temple, till all necessaries for the new one were perfectly provided, and brought in place, ready to be set up, lest otherwise be∣tween two Temples, none at all should be left. Such as take down one Church, before fully furnished for the setting up of a new, make a dan∣gerous breach for profaneness, and Atheisme to enter in thereat. No such regnum for Satan, as in the interregnum between two religions.

§ 3. As for the dimensions of Herods Temple in relation to Solomons, the ensuing parallel thus presents them unto us,

1 King. 6. 2.

And the house which King Solomon built for the Lord, the length thereof was threescore cu∣bits, and the breadth thereof twenty cubits, and the height thereof thirty cubits—[after the first b 1.1050 measure] the porch therein was anc 1.1051 hundred and twenty cubits high.

Iosephus Anti. Iud. lib. 15. cap. 14.

Her••d removed the old foundations, and laying new ones, built the Temple an hundred cubits long, so many and twenty more, in height; as for the breadth (omitted by Flavi•••••• Ios••phus) Ben-Gori••n addeth, it was an hundred cu∣bits.

Not that the whole body of Herods Temple was an hundred and twe••ty

cubits high, but onely the middle thereof, as Iosephus confesse••h, the sides round about being lower. Thus whilest Solomons Temple was builded long ways, with the porch, or to wer at the east end, Herods ap∣pears more round, with a tower in the middle thereof.

§ 4. Now,* 1.1052 though the length, and breadth of Herods Temple exceeds Solomons, (as they make it) yet certainly, no•• cubits of the first measure, but common ones are meant by Iosephus, as may appear by the vast pro∣portion of firme stones employed in this building, being twenty five cubits long, eight high, and twelve broad. Oh! with what art, or engines were they brought hither? If the stones on Sarisbury plain, in a levell and flat Coun∣trey, and not above twenty miles from the sea, are recounted amongst the wonders of England, for their conveyance thither (though the biggest of them called Corse stones are fard 1.1053 less) I say, if they be beheld with such admiration, that judicious men resolve them not reall, but factitious stones, of grit cemented with some unctuous matter, how can we con∣ceive that these solid stones (four of them being the ful length of the Tem∣ple) were managed hither, farther off from the sea, over a mountainous Countrey? However, that great, and goodly stones were here, the e 1.1054 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Disciples observation,f 1.1055 doth sufficient∣ly prove.

§ 5. The Holy of Holies had the inside thereof made onely by the Priests (others not presuming to come on the ground) whereof a thou∣sand were found very cunning in building.* 1.1056 Now, although Saint Paul was a Pharisee, and ag 1.1057 tent-maker (the principles of that sect annexing some trade to their profession) it is strange, so many Priests, though skilfull in the Mathematicall, should be so dexterous in the manual part thereof. The pinnacles of the Temple (saith Iosephus) were made so sharp, that a bird could not sit on them, to prevent the defiling thereof. Wherefore when the Devill set our Saviour onh 1.1058 a pinnacle of the Temple, (where no doubt his feet stood fast without any miracle, which the Devill could not, and Christ would not causlesly work, as presumption against the will of his Father) we understand thereby, not such a sharp pinnacle, but some bartlement, wing, or brink, of building, higher then the rest of the fabrick.

§ 6. It was finished (of all the days of the year) on Herods birth-day,* 1.1059 and therefore (saith Iosephus) the joy was the greater, two such eminent causes thereof meeting together. In very good time no doubt. Indeed the memories of Philip and Iacob; or, of Simon & Iude, have been anciently celebrated on the same day, being paires of pious persons well agreeing a∣mongst themselves. But,i 1.1060 What communion hath light with darkness? Hea∣ven, with hell; God with Herod, that they should be coupled together, in the same solemnity? However, the finishing of the Temple on He∣rods birth-day, was a better deed then what his grand-child Herod 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did many years after, on his* 1.1061 birth-day, beheading Iohn the B••ptist. The

same authour reports they had it by tradition, that it never rained on the day-time, but onely by night, during the building of the Temple, that so the labour of the workmen might not be interrupted.

§ 7. But a more improbable passage falls from the pen of Iosephus, * 1.1062 when he reports, that the Temple when finished, sunk down twenty cubits in the foundation, which the skilfull in Architecture will hiss at as an untruth. For,

• 1 Strange that all parts thereof (as if by mutuall consent) should at once equally sink directly down, such an even, and eminent proportion; the same weight above meeting with just the same weakness beneath, and no more in one place, then another. And grant, the walls all agreed to sink together, it is much, the beams were not broken with the sudden subsidency of the building.
• 2 Such a sinking fabrick would have frighted the Priests from offi∣ciating therein, and death hanging over their heads disturbed their devotion.
• 3 The same authour reports, that the Holy of Holies in Herods Tem∣ple was just twenty cubits high. If so, then by the sinking of this fabrick, it was wholly swallowed in the earth, turned into a cel∣lar, so that the High-Priest, in Scripture phrase, must not go up, but go down unto it.
• 4 The Disciples, when gazing on thel 1.1063 greatness of the stones, might better have bestowed their wonder, that so firm a fabrick should stand on so fleeting a foundation.

Wherefore with the sinking of his Temple, Iosephus his cred it sinkes twenty cubits in my estimation, enough almost to make one un-believe whatsoever he hath formerly reported therein.

§ 8. But admit it done,* 1.1064 not suddenly, but leasurely, and by insensi∣ble degrees, sinking some cubits more or less, was not the hand of God more immediately therein? Partly to punish Herods pride; shewing, he rather permitted, then approved, such a wretched Tyrant should build his Temple. Partly, to prognosticate the future ruine of this fa∣brick, not standing full fourscore years, before it was destroyed. How∣ever, in a spirituall sense, the true Zion, and Church of God hath the m 1.1065 foundations thereof in the holy mountains—The highest himself shall establish her, God is in then 1.1066 midst of her, she shall not be moved.

CHAP. VIII. Herods Temple many degrees short of Solomons.

§ 1. BUt here we must have an abominable falshood of Ioseph Ben∣Gorion, * 1.1067 posted, and pillored, impudently affirming, that the Herodiana 1.1068 Temple was a more gorgeous structure, then that of Solomons;

flatly against the Scripture it self, which presenteth Solomons as a None∣such, or peerless structure, (admitting no equall, much less a superiour) exceedingb 1.1069 magnificall, of fame, and of glory throughout all countreys. But let us put the builders, and their buildings into the ballance, whilest the Rea∣der is requested to hold the beam with an unpartiall hand.

1 Solomon was a mighty Monarch, subordi∣nate to God alone, having many tributa∣ry Kings homagersc 1.1070 unto him. 2 He had wealth at will, God promising there should notd 1.1071 be any amongst the Kings like unto him all his days; and had his ships from Tarshish, and Ophir, bringing him abundance of treasure. 3 He employede 1.1072 an hundred forty three thousand three hundred for seven years in the building of the Temple.

1 Herod was a King by the Courtesie of Rome, and accountable unto Augustus the Emperour. 2 Herod (whilest Solomon was a Mer∣chant royall) was so poor a Pedler, that he turned the basest of theeves, and (as Iosephus reporteth) robbed the sepulchre of David f••r treasure hid therein. 3 Herod used eleven thousand men, and a thousand carts, eight years and an half, in the erection of his building.

Whosoever seriously considers the premisses, and remembers the words off 1.1073 Zalmunna to Gideon, for as the man is, so is his strength, (actions bear pro∣portion to the power of their actours) will conclude; Herod, though ••urnamed the great, was too little to match, and far less to surpass Solomon in such undertakings.

§ 2. As for Ioseph Ben-Gorion extolling the Herodian,* 1.1074 above Solomons Temple for sumptuousness, his judgement is lighter then vanity it self. In al controver∣sies Gods law provided, that theg 1.1075 cause of both parties should come before the Iudges. But, Ioseph Ben-Gorion (no news for them who know least to censure most) never saw either Temple, and yet is bold to pass censure on both. Indeed the aged Fathers thath 1.1076 wept, saw two Temples, Solomons before the destruction, and Zorobabels at the foundation thereof. Flavius Iosephus the Iew saw one (Zorobabels rebuilt by Herod) in his time rased by the Romans; Ben-Gorion beheld no pinnacle of either being a late authour, living some hundreds of years since our Saviour. Yea (what the maid said to Saint Peter)i 1.1077 his speech agreeth thereunto, discovering himself a more modern writer, by mentioning the name, and nation of the* 1.1078 Franks, a word not appearing in the world till some hundreds of years after our Saviour. Besides, the book of Ben-Gorion like Geryon (the famous mon∣ster amongst the Poets) consisteth of three bodies confounded into one; pieces of Hegisippus, parcels of Russinus, and patches of his own fancying, so jumbled together, that little truth, and less certainty can be extracted from it.

§ 3. Here we must know,* 1.1079 that such as advance Herods above Solomons Temple, for the beauty thereof, drive on a dangerous Iewish design. Late•• anguis in herba, there is a pad in the straw, and invisible mischief lurking therein. Hoping hereby literally to verifie the Prophesie of Haggai, of the glory of the second Temple, in that carnall, materiall bravery, which Heroa bestowed upon it, so to frustrate, and defeat the spirituall sense of those predictions, mystically accomplished in the coming of Christ. Where∣fore,

all Christians are highly concerned to be zealous, to detect and de∣test an opinion, so destructive to the truth of Scripture, and derogatory to the glory of God.

§ 4. However,* 1.1080 we deny not, but that this Herodian Temple in it self considered, without relation to Solomons, was a magnificent structure, (ask 1.1081 Tacitus, an heathen, and no friend to the Jewish nation, doth confess;) and I beleeve that the Courts on all sides thereof took up a greater com∣pass and circuit of gronnd, then those of Solomons, the Mount of the house (narrow in his days) being afterwards much enlarged. Therein we take principall notice of two eminent braveries. First, the Golden Vine ornamentall thereunto, which had clusters thereon as big as the stature of a man, as if corrivals in greatness to those bunches ofl 1.1082 grapes, the spies anciently brought as a sample of the fruitfulness of the land of Canaan: This Vine Ben-Gorion makes of massie gold, whilest a learnedm 1.1083 authour, out of Flavius Iosephus, proves it to have been onely woven of gold threed, which much abateth the price thereof. But, whilest Iews gaze with admiration on the cost, and curiosity of this Golden Vine, Christian eyes may better behold another, of more grace, and glory, often to be seen in the same Temple, even Him that said,n 1.1084 I am the true Vine, and my Father is the husbandman.

§ 5. The other was that Goldeno 1.1085 Eagle,* 1.1086 set over the entrance of the Temple, which afterwards proved a Bird of prey to the poor Iews, occasi∣oning a grievous slaughter amongst them. Who conceiving their Tem∣ple profaned by this Image, brake forth into a mutiny thereupon, where∣in they were slain in great numbers. Threefold was the offence, the Iews took at the making thereof, because

• 1 Scandalous, to set up any image in the Temple, as introductory to Idolatry.
• 2 Unbeseeming the state of Gods house, like an Inne to have a sign hung out of it.
• 3 The Eagle being the Roman Armes minded them of their sub∣jection.

An ungratefull spectacle to the Jewish nation (so constant a pretender to freedome) to be daily upbraided with their loss of liberty.

§ 6. To conclude, and give Herod his due, this third-second Temple (as I may term it) though far short of Solomons, may be believed more ma∣gnificent then Zorobabels. So that, what Hezekiah ingenuously confessed of the Kings of Assyria, may as justly be affirmed of Herod, Of a truth he hath done great matters. Though, who had not rather have one line of Iosiahs Epitaph, written truly on his tombe,p 1.1087 The rest of his acts, and his goodness, then all the popular applause Herod received, for erecting this magni∣ficent structure.

CHAP. IX. The Actions of Christ in the Temple.

§ 1. WE have tendered to the view of the reader,* 1.1088 in our lastmap, the draught of Zorobabels Temple as repaired & enlarged by Herod, so as the learned, and pious Ludovicus* 1.1089 Capellus hath presented it, who exactly took his instructions therein, from the pen of Iosephus, an eye-witness hereof. Wherefore I justly disingage my self from all objections against this Map, which are properly chargeable upon Capellus his account. I confess, herein I proceed not with that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with that boldness and assurance, which I could desire; because the divisions and dimensions of the Courts, and cham∣bers, as exhibited in this Temple, rely not (as Solomons) on Gods word, but onely on humane fallible testimony. Oh it is excellent, when, with Theophilus, we may know thea 1.1090 certainty of those things wherein we are instructed out of Scripture it self.

§ 2. Come we now to the actions of our Saviour in the Temple;* 1.1091 having first premised this usefull, yea necessary distinction. What our English tongue, for want of another proper word, promiscuously cal∣leth the Temple, the originall carefully expresseth by two names, ade∣quate to two severall parts thereof,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.This properly was the covered part of the Temple (from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to inhabite, God peculi∣arly dwelling there) consisting of the P••rch, Holy, and Holy of Holies, with the chambers about them. Into this Christ never came, (though Zachariah in his course did, to ••ffer c 1.1092 incense) nor by the law (under which he was made, as not coming to destroy, butd 1.1093 fulfill it) might he enter thereinto; proper onely for the Priests to officiate therein. Yet though not his person whilest living, his power when dying, penetrated this Temple, namely, when he rent theg 1.1094 vaile, thereby mystically opening an entrance into heaven by the merit of his passion.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.Containing all the verge and com∣pass of the Courts about the Tem∣ple, and within the outward Sept thereof. Christ constantly came hi∣ther, I ever taught (saith he) inb 1.1095 the Temple: understand him, that he ne∣ver wilfully affected Conventicles, as ashamed of his doctrine, or willingly declined the Temple, when affor∣ded convenient entrance therein∣to. Otherwise, he taught also on thee 1.1096 Mount, in thef 1.1097 Ship, in Syna∣g••gues, in private houses; but never so properly in his center, as when in the Temple.

This distinction of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 holds current, clean through the new Testament; save that once 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is taken for the whole circumference of the Temple, when Iudas cast down the pieces of silverh 1.1098 therein: though he stayed not long there, as out of his own element, but desperately made haste, that he mighti 1.1099 goe unto his own place.

§ 3. This distinction premised,* 1.1100 we will waite on the Reader into the Temple. First requesting him to carry competent money, and a

charitable minde along with him. For as we shall enter in at the eastern gate, (commonly called Beautifull) we shall be sure there to meet with many creeples, and beggers of all sorts, as proper objects of his liberality. Here daily lay thatk 1.1101 lame man, on whom Saint Peter, though moneyless, bestowed the bestalmes he could give, or the other receive, even the use of his limbs.

§ 4. But now we come to the memorable passages concerning our Saviour in the Temple. These were either done on him,* 1.1102 when an infant; or by him, when arrived to mans estate. Of the former was his presentation by his parents to the Priest, and when anl 1.1103 oblation for his mother was made, a paire of Turtle-doves, and two young Pigeons.

§ 5. Hereat in-springs old Si••••eon into the Temple.* 1.1104 God always per∣formes his promises with advantage. He had a revelation that he should not die before he saw Christ, who here both saw and felt him. Oh how he hugges him (though faster by his Faith, then) with his weake armes, which seem the stronger for the Burden, as his dim eyes the clearer for this sight! Yea, he petitions heaven for a Gaole-delivery,m 1.1105 Lord let thy ser∣vant depart in peace. Longer life would be but longer loss, and therefore fain would he flye from Christ in his armes, to the armes of Christ, before his refined joy were allayed with any worldly woe. Then he addresseth himself, with bitter-sweets, to Christs parents, neither frighting nor flat∣tering, but plainly foretelling them, their child should be for the fall and rise of many in Israel. Particularly, he tells Mary, that an 1.1106 sword should pierce through her, and Christ (though borne) should not die without the pain of his mother. As if the throws, suffered by other women at the birth, were reserved for her to endure at the death of her Son.

§ 6. Simeon is seconded by Anna,* 1.1107 a prophetess of an hundred years old, (temperance is the best prolonger of the candle of life) and herein she exceeded Simeon. He came buto 1.1108 into the Temple, shep 1.1109 departed not from the Temple, but served God therein with fasting and prayer. She also spake of Christ to all that looked for redemption. And thus Christ was proclaimed in the Temple by two Heralds of different sexes, whilest his Parents carefully kept the copies of their severall Proclamations, as trusting them in no other Cabinet then their own hearts.

§ 7. Now seeing it is said of Anna (pardon a short digression) that she departed not from the Temple,* 1.1110 it will be enquired whether any women were constantly Leigers to live therein. Were any of the weaker sex (be∣ing prohibited to speak in the Church) permitted to live in the Temple? For, as for the nurse of King Ioash, hid with him in theq 1.1111 house of God, the case was extraordinary, and her clandestine condition nothing per∣tinent to the present question. In answer whereunto: By never departing thence, we understand her daily repairing thither. It was Davids wish, that he mightr 1.1112 dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of his life, i. e. that he might have free access thither upon any occasion. Thus the sacrifice, though onely morning, and

ing, is called a ••continuall Burnt-offe••ing. And thus Anna daily frequenting the Temple, was continually there, as formerly those persons, who every day might be found in saint. Pauls Church at walking-houres▪ might in some sort be said never to depart thence.

§ 8. To return to our Sa••iour,* 1.1113 who hitherto appeared onely passive in the Temple, but afterwards acted miraculously therein First, when found sitting in the middest of the Doctours, botht 1.1114 bearing them, and asking them questions. He, who himself was theu 1.1115 Word, would notwith∣standing hear, before he did speak•• and attentively listned to the po∣sitions of those Doctours, before he began his opposition against them.

§ 9. Arrived at mans estate,* 1.1116 we first fix our eyes on hisw 1.1117 purging of the Temple, from Dove-mongers, Mony-changers, and such as ••old sheep and oxen therein▪ Had such Merchants, kept themselves in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or▪x 1.1118 sheep-market, Christ had never distu••bed them, who now, with a scourge of small cords, drave them out of the Temple. Say not it was as lawfull to sell as sacrifice cattell therein: the one being the main use thereof, according to Gods command, the oth••r a notorious abu•••• of the Temple, turning it by fraudulent bargains into a den of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉

§ 10. Saint Hierome reports,* 1.1119 that certain fiery* 1.1120 rayes, or beams, darting from Christ•• eyes, drove out these Merchants from this place. A c••ncei••, which we dare not presently avouch for fear those 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Christs scourge flie also in our faces thereupon. For if he whipped out those Merchants, for setting up their ware-houses in the Temple, surely he will lend a lash to such as adde traditions to the Text. This sure we are (because recorded in Scripture) that Christ so earnestly pursued this reformation, that the y 1.1121 zeal of his Fathers house did eate him up. Understand it, that our Saviour being truly Carneus though not Carnalis, of a fleshy, though no fleshly constitution, had his body wearied out with faintness, not able in its performances, to keep pace with the desires of his mind.

§ 11. After this time,* 1.1122 many were those hea••enly Sermons; Christ made in the Temple: which here we forbear to relate Onely we take notice of that he preached in Solomons Porchz 1.1123 (which afterwards deser∣ved rather the name of Christs-porch, seeing a greater then Solomon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 here) when the people (mysteries are blasphemies to 〈…〉〈…〉) took up a 1.1124 stones to stone him. Some will a••ke, whence had they those stones? It be∣ing unlikely that any were let to lie loose in so holy a place. But we may be confident, if there were any to be had above ground▪ their ma∣lice would finde them out▪ And probably they pl••cked them off from the pavement: their furious zeal counting it a meritorious act, rathe•• to ••end the•• out of the ground, then suffer a supposed blasphemer to escape▪ Surely such stones would rather haveb 1.1125 spoken in his praise, then done any thing to his prejudice, especially before his ••oure was come.

§ 12. And as he spake woll,* 1.1126 so he did as well therein.c 1.1127 The blind and the lame came to him in the Temple, and he healed them. See here, those with 〈◊〉〈◊〉

might come to him in the Temple, not those with Insections: the lame, but not the leprous might enter therein. Thus whilest sufferings and afflictions do not hinder us, sinfull pollutions do debar our access to Gods gracious presence.

§ 13. We must not forget,* 1.1128 that a little before his passion, Christ the second time purged the Temple Threed 1.1129 years since he cast all Merchants and their appurtenances out of Gods house, which now notwithstanding that ejection, had again gotten unlawful possession therein. Devils he cast out of men so finally, that they entred no more into them; but wicked men, once thrown out of the Temple, recovered their stations therein again. Abu∣ses in the Church depart not till they are driven, and then go away un∣willingly, animo revertendi, with full intent to embrace the next op∣portunity to return. What need hath Reformation it self to be frequently reformed, seeing corruptions will so quickly creep thereinto? Christ, the second time, cast those vermine out of the Temple.

§ 14. Now,* 1.1130 just before he took his farewell of his Fathers house, he beheld the Pharisees casting their money into the treasury. So that the g 1.1131 Widowes mites, was the last object (no small credit unto her) which in the Temple entertained our Saviours eyes on earth, and no doubt long since hath been rewarded by him in heaven. For presently he departed to mount Olivet, and there foretold, yea thence denounced the destructi∣on of the Temple, which followed not many years after.

CHAP. X. The acts of the Apostles in the Temple.

§ 1. CHrist,* 1.1132 after his ascension, resigned the Temple to his Apostles, to supply his absence by their preaching to the people. Here on the day of Pentecost Saint Peter made that memorable Ser∣mon, wherein he vindicated both himself and company from the asper∣sion of drunkenness, avouched the truth of Christs resurrection, & charged the Iews so home, for shedding his innocent bloud, that by the sharpness of his reproof (a 1.1133 the words of the wise are as goads, and as nails fastned by the masters of the assemblies) such as heard him were pricked in theirb 1.1134 heart; cry∣ing out to Peter, and to the rest of the Apostles; Men and brethren, what shall we doe?

§ 2. Here,* 1.1135 by the peoples equall applications, and addresses to the rest of the Apostles, it appeareth, that they were all fellow helpers, and joint Commissioners with Saint Peter, (all in the Iury besides the Foreman are not cyphers) though he for order sake, and regularity, to avoid con∣fusion, was made the mouth for the rest. Yea, such their sobriety and

discretion, though at that instant inabled with the gift of tongues, that they onely made use of seasonable silence (such as best know how to speake, know best when to hold their peace) with their tacite suffrages concurring to the truth of what Saint Peter delivered: who further gave his Auditory counsellc 1.1136 TO REPENT.

§ 3. But was this well done of him to adde grief to grief?* 1.1137 What, more re∣pentance still? Why further pain, to such as were pricked to their hearts? Was this any valour, to beat them with more blows, who already cryed out for fair quarter, WHAT SHALL WE DOE? But know, Peter herein ad∣vised them to join to their former legall sorrow, an evangelicall repen∣tance; such as is attended with desire, hope, & some assurance of Pardon. He prescribes them the same receipt, he lately took himself; having found the good fruit thereof, when, on his heartyd 1.1138 sorrow, he obtained pardon for denying his Master. No Sermons so soveraign, as those which proceed from the Ministerse 1.1139 comfortable experience. Nor did he barely advise them to repent, but also tof 1.1140 be baptized every one of thē, in the name of Iesus Christ &c.

§ 4. See the success of his counsell,g 1.1141 about three thousand were added to the Church that same day. O high holy-day in heaven! This Many-Saints∣day was a festivall of great solemnity therein, where there ish 1.1142 joy over one sinner that repenteth, singing on their golden viols, Peter and the Apostles have saved their three thousand. His Sermon (as set down) contained not so many words, as it converted souls. Though surely, what we read in Saint Luke was onely the breviate, sum, and abridgement of his Sermon, see∣ing, with many* 1.1143 other words did he tes••ifie and exhort.

§ 5. Many advantages concurred to render his Sermon the more effectuall. First,* 1.1144 the suffering of our Saviour was so near in place, and late in time, that his wounds were (as I may say) still fresh bleeding in the guilty memories of the people assembled. Secondly, the present mi∣racle of tongues bestowed on Peter and his ••••mpanions, did wonderfully make way for the Word he delivered. Thirdly, such to whom he spake, werei 1.1145 devout men, blindly pious (like Saint Paul before his conversion) but desirous of information; zeal not being to be wrought, but regulated, not to be new gotten, but right guided in them. Last∣ly, and chiefly, the Spirit of God invisibly wrought on their souls. Thus when thek 1.1146 door of utterance, or thel 1.1147 opened mouth of the Minister meets with the m 1.1148 door of Faith or entrance, in then 1.1149 opened hearts of the people, the Word makes miraculous improvement.

§ 6. And now our Saviour had plentifully performed his promise: He that beleeveth on me,* 1.1150 the works that I doe, shall he doe also, and greatero 1.1151 works then these shall be doe, for I goe to my Father; as then put into a capacity more effectually to assist them, (as formerly but with his prayers) then au∣thoritatively with his power. The Disciple, (by his Masters permission, yea procurement) proved above his Master in success. Christ, all his life long, was angling for a few fishes, but ap 1.1152 hundred and twenty, whilest

Peter comes with his Drag-net, and catcheth about three thousand in one day. Amongst the reasons whereof, consider

• 1 Christ was properly, not to be the builder, but the Foundation it self: and therefore others were more happy in edification.
• 2 He was to be humbled (as with hunger, thirst, weariness, shame, and pain, so) with the heavy afflictions of long unprofitable preaching, because of peoplesq 1.1153 unbeliefe.
• 3 During his life, the kingdome of heaven was butr 1.1154 at hand, which after his death, and Ascension was in hand. The broad gates of grace being then opened for multitudes to enter, where few by especiall favour got in before by the Wicket.

We have insisted the longer on Saint Peters Sermon, because it is the be∣ginning of Ecclesiasticall History after Christs ascension, which, in Gods due time, we are in some hope to finish by his assistance. And that the foresaid Sermon was made in the Temple, appears by the passage of theirs 1.1155 continuing daily with one accord in the Temple. Intimating that they were formerly assembled in the same place.

§ 7. Pass we by the other acts of the Apostles in the Temple,* 1.1156 onely we must not omitt 1.1157 Solomons porch where they made their aboad. And it is worth our inquiry where the same was placed.

§ 8. First,* 1.1158 negatively, it was not that porch of Solomons (nor any other afterwards built of the same dimensions on the same floor) mentioned in thea 1.1159 Old Testament; because

• 1 That was a part (being the entrance) of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Covered Temple: Into which, the disciples (being no Priests) might not enter.
• 2 That porch had butb 1.1160 twenty cubits in length, and ten in breadth, being so small, that it could not contain the disciples, and their company, being above three thousand persons.
• 3 That by the Septuagint, is called UIam (retaining always the He∣brew word) not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as this Porch is called in the Greek tongue.

Rather therefore, by this Porch, we understand, one side, square, or cloister of the great Court about the Temple.

§ 9. Now seeing the same was surrounded with Courts on all sides, the question is,* 1.1161 on which side thereof Solomons Porch was placed. Here we had been utterly at a loss, but for the seasonable help ofc 1.1162 Iosephus; The people (saith he) perswaded the King [Agrippa the younger] to repair the east Porch or Cloister: Now this Cloister was of the outward Temple, standing over an exceeding deep valley, raised upon a wall of four hundred cubits, which was made of square white stones of twenty cubits long, and six cubits high a piece, the work of King Solomon, who first built the Temple. Whereby it appears, that this Porch respected the east, and was on each side of the entrance into the Temple.

§ 10. But the greatest difficulty remains.* 1.1163 How came it to be called Solomons Porch? did not he equally build all the first Temple? Why there∣fore did this Porch (as his darling) beare his name above all the rest? And (which increaseth the difficulty) seeing all that Temple was razed by the Babylonians (following no doubt the cruell counsell of the Edo∣mites, d 1.1164 Down with it, down with it, even to the ground) how came this cloister, of the second Temple in Christs time, to retain the name of Solomons?

§ 11. Some conceive this part stood undemolished by the Babylonians: seeing that curse,* 1.1165 there shall not be lefte 1.1166 here one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down, was denounced against the second Temple, not against Solomons, some parcell whereof might be left standing. But un∣der favour, I conceive, it was particularly called Solomons-Porch,. because the very bottome, or floor thereof (being forced ground) was by much expence made by Solomon, and gained with great art and industry, from thef 1.1167 valley beneath; so that (even when the superstructure thereon was by the Babylonians levelled to the earth) the admirable foundation, that master-piece of art, still remained, preserved the memory, and imparted the name of Solomon, the founder thereof, to that Cloister, which in the second Temple, was erected upon the same.

§ 12. If any demand why the disciples made choice of this Porch,* 1.1168 above any other, to make their residence therein; severall considerations might move them thereunto:

• 1 Because formerly handselled with our Saviours heavenly Sermon therein.
• 2 Because of great capacity, conveniently to receive them, without prejudice to other peoples passage into the Temple.
• 3 Because it was the first place that offered it self unto them, at their entrance into the Temple.

Herein they observed some Analogy of Christs counsell, Ing 1.1169 what place so∣ever yee enter into a house, there abide untill yee depart from that place. Thus Solo∣mons-porch, being (as I may say) the first house in the house of God, into which the disciples entered; there they fixed themselves, as no starters and fugitives, but such as would stand to the doctrine they delivered.

§ 13. So much of Solomons-porch;* 1.1170 onely let me adde; that Capellus (herein contrary to otherh 1.1171 learned men) placeth Solomons-porch on the south side of the Temple;* 1.1172 mistaking it, as we believe, with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the Cloister Royall: which out of Iosephusi 1.1173 indeed appears, to have been largely built and beautified on the south-side of the Temple. However we would not innovate or alter any thing in our map from the minde of Capellus, though here, in our description, we presume to ••nter our dis∣senting from his opinion.

§ 14. Pass we by many other intermediate acts of the Apostles and Disciples in the Temple.* 1.1174 Amongst all which none might lawfully avouch his entrance so far therein, as ••arnabas, being a Levite by his extraction,

andk 1.1175 therefore legally priviledged in his approaches to the Altar it self. Come we now to the last passage of Saint Paul in the Temple. Last in∣deed it was likely to prove unto him, and he lose his life therein, on this occasion.

§ 15. At the instance of some godly people,* 1.1176 he was perswaded to pu∣rifie himself: thereby, partly to gain on the affections of the beleeving Iews, as yet zealous for the Law; partly to confute their falshood, who traduced him for an Antinomian, against all ceremonious observances. Here∣upon he came intol 1.1177 the Temple to signifie the accomplishment of the days of purifi∣cation, untill that an offering should be offered for him and his companions. If any grudge that after the coming of the Gospel, so much cost should be bestow∣ed on the Law, and sullenly say, with Iudas Iscariot, To what purpose is this m 1.1178 wast? Might not the Law truly answer with our Saviour, in the same case, n 1.1179 He did it for my buriall, and for the more solemn interment thereof.

§ 16. But Saint Pauls devotion in performing these Obsequies was in∣terrupted by the people,* 1.1180 who accused him for defiling the Temple, ha∣ving o 1.1181 seen Trophimus, and Ephesian, with him in the City, whom they supposed he had brought into the Temple. Malicious jealousie never makes good Logician, so strange are the inferences thereof. In vain might Saint Paul deny the consequence of their syllogisme, whilest they were ready to prove it by an inartificiall argument, from the Authority, or prevalency rather of a popular uproare,p 1.1182 Some cryed one thing, some another, and those, no doubt, that knew least railed loudest, and no certainty could be known for the tumult, the many-headed multitude speaking a Language, whereof none can be an in∣terpreter, to understand them, which understand not themselves.

§ 17. Suppositive was the offence of Saint Paul,* 1.1183 (onely on their bare surmise) but positive must be his punishment, drawing him out of the Temple, whom certainly they had killed, had not the seasonable inter∣posing of the Captain, rescued him from them. Who hence conveyed him safe into theq 1.1184 Castle, no doubt, of Antonia hard by, and not the Castle on Mount Sion, built out of the ruines of the Palace of David, though formerly (following the authority of others) we made that place the Theater of Saint Pauls future actions on this occasion.

CHAP. XI. Of the vast wealth of the second Temple.

§ 1. WE have cause to conceive, that the Corban or Treasury of the second Temple was about our Saviours time,* 1.1185 welnigh as well lined with wealth, as in the reign of Solomon, flowing from three principall springs,

• 1 Meer Gentiles.
• 2 Proselytes.
• 3 Native Iews.

The first of these were very bountifull to the Temple, and constantly

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§ 4. Native Iews were the last,* 1.1186 and best benefactours to the Temple, especially if all contributed thereunto in proportion to the poor widow who cast in twoz 1.1187 mites being all her substance. Now, had one been present when the Scribes and Pharisees cast in their offerings into the treasury, it had been pleasant to behold the conflict, betwixt their covetousness, and vainglory, and how the latter prevailed in them. For, though they were a 1.1188 covetous, yet when people beheld them, they were content to part with their money, or rather to let it out for the interest of popular applause▪ But, besides free-will-offerings at any time, that Gods service might not be lest arbitrary, the Iews were injoyned thrice a yearb 1.1189 at the solemn festi∣valls with their men children (when able, saith the Rabbih, led in their Fathers hands, to climbe up the mountain whereon the Temple was built) to appear before God; where none, who hoped to return with their hearts ful of joy, came with their hands empty of money For seeing the Iews held their estates of no mean Lord, but all by tenure in capi••e from the God of Heaven, these were the three solemn payments of their head rent to their high Land lord. Besides these in the days of our Saviour, vast were the sums which were advanced to the treasury, by that gainfull Di∣vinity current amongst the people, though stamped onely with Pharisai∣call traditions, of which, this one that followeth, was the most re∣markable.

§ 5. It plainly appears,* 1.1190 that all children, if of ability, should maintain their parents, if by age or accident grown weak and impotent to subsist c 1.1191 of themselves, according to Gods command, Honourd 1.1192 thy father and mother Qamp;c. Notwithstanding which obligation, the Scribes and Pharisees did preach, & teach, that in case any children were pleased to compound with e 1.1193 Corban, &c to pay a round sum proportionable to their estates, unto pious uses, thereby they were disingaged in conscie••de, from making any far∣ther provision for their poor parents▪ Going on this ground, that one debt was to be but once satisfied, and if they paid it in to the service of God the grand-father to all mankinde, thereby they were discharged from duty to their immediate, and subordinate parents.

§ 6. This commutation-money (as I may term it) amounted to a Nem••∣scit of revenue,* 1.1194 but withall made a dearth of dutifull children in the land, who counted it the more frugall way, once for all to fine to the Temple, then to pay the constant rent of daily relief to their parents. But can an Acquittance of humane, ••••adition, be valid, against a debt of Specialty▪ by Gods command? Oh! had the hole in the cover of Corban been a mouth to speak, as well as to take in, how zealously would it have protested a∣gainst such proceedings? And we may conceive this one cause of hasten∣ing the wofull ruine of the Temples wealth, such ill gotten money poi∣soning the Corban, making it suddenly swell, and then break in pieces, when swept away by the Romans, which we come now to relate.

CHAP. XII. The finall abolition of the Utensils of the second Temple.

§ 1. GReat houses commonly crack before they fall,* 1.1195 to give the dwel∣lers therein notice to depart. Thus before the Temple was fi∣nally ruined, and her vessels taken away, two grand warnings were gi∣ven the Iews, seasonably to amend, and prevent farther mischief. The first in that famous year wherein Tully and Mark Antony were Consuls, some sixty years before our Saviours birth, whens 1.1196 Pompey the great, ha∣ving taken the City and Temple, entred the Holy of Holies with some of his souldiers, the floor whereof had formerly felt no other feet, but those of the high Priests, and those but once a year. Here he saw mysterious ornaments, understanding (not the meaning but) the matter thereof to be pure gold; a shroud bait to tempt his hungry souldiers to sacriledge, besides two thousand talents of silver in the treasury of the Temple. On all which he onely feasted his, and his officers eies, whilest their hands did fast, not diminishing the least mite thereof, in veneration of that deity to whom they did belong; Onely he took on him to restore Hircanus to be high Priest, a presage that the Jewish Priesthood would shortly fall down, which already did so shake, that the high Priest needed to take a Presentation, ad corroborandum, from the hands of Pompey a Pagan Patron.

§ 2. Secondly,* 1.1197 when Crassus that rich churl, and Roman Generall mar∣ching with his Army into Syria, and through Ierusalem, flayed, what Pompey did not fleece, spoiling the Temple to the value of eight thousand talents. Indeed,g 1.1198 Eleazar keeper of the holy treasures, gave, or rather pay∣ed to Crassus a wedge of gold weighing three hundred pounds, to ran∣some the rest from his rapine. But the golden wedge did but widen the covet ousness of Crassus, and like a break-fast did inable him to encoun∣ter a dinner with a greater appetite; so that, notwithstanding his oath to the contrary, he added sacriledge to his perjury. But seeing theeves give whatever they take not away, we have rather cause to comend his boun∣ty, that the golden table, candlesticks, and other ornaments escaped his fingers; except, they were either hid from him by the carefull providence of others, or left by him out of his own politick covetousnes, like nest-egs to encourage others again to lay up more wealth in the same place. And no doubt he hoped, though now he had mowed down the Temples trea∣sure to the bare roots, shortly, when grown up again, to return to the after-share thereof; but all in vain, for, marching with his Army into Parthia, there his money perished with him, losing the principle of his stoln wealth, and paying his own life for interest. Thus, those who on a sudden grow rather foggy, then fat, by feeding on sacrilegious morsels, do pin•• away by degrees, and die at last of incurable consumptions.

§ 3. Here we cannot but take notice,* 1.1199 how profoundly shallow

the Scribes and Pharisees were, in that their superstitious Criticisme, and leaden distinction, how he that swore by the Temple, was left at liberty, whilest he that swore by theh 1.1200 gold of the Temple, was bound up and concluded in conscience to the performance of his oath. Whereas our Sa∣viour demonstrateth, that the Temple was greater then the gold, as the sanctifier thereof. Besides, in common sense, he should seem faster tyed, whose faith by oath was staked down to the Temple, as to a fixt, firme, stable structure, then he whose truth was tyed onely to the gold thereof, a more fading, flitting, moveable matter, as appears by Crassus and others carying so much of it away with him into forein countreys. But indeed (as our Saviour teacheth) the main obliging power of those oaths, con∣sisted in the presence of God, before whom they were made, who alone is immoveable and immutable, whereas in process of time, the Temple it self, as well as the gold thereof, came to destruction.

§ 4. For,* 1.1201 Vespasian and Titus his son, Roman Emperours, Anno Dom. 72. razed the Temple, and utterly confounded all the Utensils thereof. In∣deed they were first carried in triumph to Rome, but what afterward be∣came of them is altogether unknown. It is no sin to conceive that their property was altered; and they either converted to coin, or turned to plate for the use of the Emperour, or his favorites. Sure none are known to re∣main in specie at this day: and one may wonder, that no impudent Relick∣monger hath produced a golden feather of a Cherubims wing, or a knop, flower, bowle, or almond of the seven-branched candle-stick, having pretended since Christs time, to improbabilities of as high a nature. Strange that no Pope hath gotten a piece of Aarons Mitre, or breast-plate, to grace his wardrobe, or a parcell of the manuscript-commandements written by Gods finger, to adorn his Vatican. But divine providence hath utterly ra∣zed all foundation for superstition to build upon, in the totall abolition of these holy ornaments. And if those reasonable Witnesses of Gods truth, were by his permission overcome, and killed by the Beast, when they had finished theiri 1.1202 testimony, no wonder if these sensless and inanimate types, having served their generation, the truth being come, were finally extinguished▪ Nor have I ought else to observe of those holy Utensils, save that all were made of pure gold, and yet the Apostle is bold to tearm them, and all other legall ceremoniesk 1.1203 beggerly elements, so debasing them in compari∣son of Christ, the authour of grace, and giver of eternall life.

Finis Libri Tertii.

Notes

• a 1.1

  2 Cor. 11. 26.
• b 1.2

  Gen. 13. 17.
• c 1.3

  2 Chr. 25. 19.
• * 1.4

  John 4. 39.
• d 1.5

  Ruth 2. 16.
• e 1.6

  Acts 17. 11.
• * 1.7

  Colos. 2. 19.
• e 1.8

  Psal. 119. 96.
• f 1.9

  1 Sam. ••7. 51.
• g 1.10

  2 Sam. 2. 23.
• h 1.11

  2 Sam. 17. 23.
• i 1.12

  2 Sam. 14. 25.
• k 1.13

  Deut. 31. 26.
• a 1.14

  Isa. 4. 1.
• b 1.15

  Gen. 14. 18.
• c 1.16

  Gen. 22▪ 13.
• * 1.17

  Judg. 19. 10.
• * 1.18

  It is of the du∣al number in Hebrew, be∣cause first con∣sisting of two principal parts▪ Zion and the Lower City.
• d 1.19

  Gen. 22. 14.
• e 1.20

  Psal. 76. 2.
• f 1.21

  Euseb. li. 9. pr••par. evange. ••••ge••ippus. l. 5. ca. 9. & Niceph. calixt. l. 10. cap. 33.
• g 1.22

  Absurdum esse peregrinae linguae mixtura demonstrat. Hi∣eronymus Eva∣gr••.
• h 1.23

  2 Sam. 10. 4.
• i 1.24

  Statius sylvar. li. 5. in protr••∣ptico ad Crispi∣num.
• k 1.25

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. z••ta, & Odyss. Beta.
• l 1.26

  Sands Trav. li. 3. pag. 155.
• m 1.27

  Isa. 1. 21.
• n 1.28

  Mat. 5. 35.
• o 1.29

  Mat. 27. 53.
• p 1.30

  De bell•• Iud. lib. 3. cap. 4.
• q 1.31

  Ezek. 5. 5.
• r 1.32

  Eusebius saith that Ieru∣salem was cal∣led anciently, Algariza, that is, The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mountain.
• s 1.33

  In perap. E∣vang lib. 12. cap. 27.
• a 1.34

  Nu••▪ 36. 9.
• b 1.35

  Iosephus con∣tra Appi••n. lib▪ prim••.
• c 1.36

  Iosep. ibid.
• d 1.37

  Exod. 34, 23.
• e 1.38

  I••sep. B••l. Iuda. ca. gr. 45. lat. 17.
• f 1.39

  Luk. 8. 45.
• * 1.40

  Aboth. R. Nat••••n per. 34
• * 1.41

  Psal. 80. 9.
• g 1.42

  Mat. 23. 37.
• h 1.43

  Psal. 122. 3.
• i 1.44

  Deut. 22. 8.
• k 1.45

  Ier. 19. 13. & Ier. 32. 29.
• l 1.46

  Isa. 26. 1.
• m 1.47

  Ioan. Mena Poeta Mercat. pag. 118. in Atlante.
• n 1.48

  Zech. 2. 5.
• o 1.49

  Ioseph. lib. 6. B••ll▪ I••d. ••a. 6.
• p 1.50

  Con. App. lib. 1.
• q 1.51

  Geogr. li. 16. pag. 762.
• r 1.52

  Idem ibid••••.
• s 1.53

  Psal. 48. 12.
• * 1.54

  Four sort•• of Gates in Ieru∣salem.
• a 1.55

  Act. 12. 10.
• b 1.56

  Act. 3. 2.
• c 1.57

  2 Chr. 23. 15.
• * 1.58

  The Sheep∣gate.
• d 1.59

  Nehem. 3. 1.
• * 1.60

  The Golden∣gate.
• e 1.61

  Br••c. it••. 6. Sal. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 9. c. 4. Breid. 14. Iul▪ Pasch. d. 184.
• f 1.62

  See Adricho. Theatrum Terr. sanct. p••. ••67.
• g 1.63

  Act. 11. 9, 10.
• h 1.64

  Luk. 19. 00.
• * 1.65

  The Horse-gate.
• b 1.66

  Ier. 31. 40.
• i 1.67

  Nhem. 3. 28.
• k 1.68

  Compare▪ 2 King. 11. 16. with •• Chr. 23. 1••.
• * 1.69

  The Water∣gate.
• l 1.70

  Neh. 12. 37.
• m 1.71

  Neh. 6. 15.
• n 1.72

  Jer. 19. 2.
• * 1.73

  Why no gates on the south of Ierusalem.
• * 1.74

  The Fountain-gate.
• o 1.75

  Nehem 3. 15.
• p 1.76

  Neh. 12. 37.
• q 1.77

  Nehem. 3. 15.
• * 1.78

  The Dung-gate.
• r 1.79

  1 Cor. 12. 22.
• s 1.80

  Nehem. 3. 4.
• * 1.81

  The Valley-gate.
• t 1.82

  P••al. 125. 2.
• u 1.83

  Neh. 2. 13. 15.
• w 1.84

  Neh. 3. 13.
• * 1.85

  The Corner∣gate.
• a 1.86

  2 Chr. 25. 23.
• b 1.87

  2 Chr. 26. 9.
• * 1.88

  Why not re∣paired in Ne∣hemiahs time.
• c 1.89

  For this gate is mentioned Zech. 14. 10.
• * 1.90

  The gate of Ephraim.
• d 1.91

  1 Chr. 9. 3.
• e 1.92

  Stows survey of London. pag. 448.
• * 1.93

  The Old-gate.
• * 1.94

  Nehem. 3. 6.
• * 1.95

  The Fish-gate.
• f 1.96

  Nehe. 13. 16.
• g 1.97

  Nehem. 3. 3.
• * 1.98

  The gate of Benjamin.
• h 1.99

  Jer. 20. 2.
• i 1.100

  Jer. 37. 13.
• * 1.101

  Arias Monta∣nus, Adricho••i∣us, & M. Moor.
• * 1.102

  A strange mis∣take in learned men.
• k 1.103

  M. william Sommer in his Antiquitles of Canturbury pa. 16. & 17.
• l 1.104

  Zech. 14. 10.
• * 1.105

  The Needles∣eye.
• m 1.106

  Mat. 19. 24.
• n 1.107

  Mark. 10. 24.
• o 1.108

  Camden. in York-shire pag. 700.
• * 1.109

  The Tower of M••••••.
• t 1.110

  Nehem. 3. 1. & 12. 39.
• u 1.111

  Nehem. 3. 1.
• * 1.112

  The tower of furnaces.
• w 1.113

  Neh. 3. 11▪
• * 1.114

  The tower of Hananeel.
• d 1.115

  Nehem. 3. 1.
• e 1.116

  Nehem. 3. 25.
• * 1.117

  The tower that lyeth out.
• f 1.118

  Nehem. 3. 27.
• * 1.119

  The great tower that lyeth out.
• g 1.120

  Nehem. 3. 19.
• * 1.121

  The tower of David.
• h 1.122

  Cant. 4. 4.
• * 1.123

  The tower of Siloe.
• * 1.124

  Luk. 13 4.
• h 1.125

  Mat. 21. 44.
• * 1.126

  The tower of Ophel where the Nethinims dwelt.
• i 1.127

  Nehem. 3. 26.
• k 1.128

  Ezra 2. 70.
• * 1.129

  Their service, and priviledges
• l 1.130

  Josh. 9 27.
• m 1.131

  2 Sam. 21. 2.
• n 1.132

  Ezra 8. 20.
• o 1.133

  Ezra 2. 62.
• p 1.134

  Ezra 2. 43.
• q 1.135

  Psal▪ 133. 2.
• r 1.136

  Ezra 7. 24.
• * 1.137

  The Tower of women.
• m 1.138

  Ioseph. Bel. Iud. li. 6. c. 2. 5.
• n 1.139

  Ca••d. Brit. in Dorset. shire. And another so called in York••••ire.
• * 1.140

  The high Priest begins the building.
• a 1.141

  Nehem. 3. 1.
• * 1.142

  People of all sorts second them.
• d 1.143

  Nehem. 3. 12.
• * 1.144

  Why after the captivity, two governours to one city.
• e 1.145

  Vid•• ejus Annot. in Nehem. 3. 12.
• f 1.146

  Ibid. ver. 14.
• * 1.147

  Ibid. ver. 15.
• h 1.148

  Ibid. ver. 16.
• i 1.149

  Ibid. ver. 17.
• k 1.150

  Ibid. ver. 18.
• * 1.151

  The builders of one gate.
• l 1.152

  Nehem. 3. 6▪
• m 1.153

  Camd. B••it. in the descrip. of York-shire.
• * 1.154

  The founder of the Dung-gate conce••∣ved by so••e a R••chabite.
• n 1.155

  Villalpandus in locum.
• o 1.156

  Ier. 35. 6.
• p 1.157

  Ibid. ver. 19.
• * 1.158

  Younger be∣fore the elder in goodness.
• q 1.159

  Neh. 3. 30.
• * 1.160

  Baruch repai∣red earnestly.
• r 1.161

  Neh. 3. 20.
• * 1.162

  Persons repa••∣ring against their own houses.
• s 1.163

  Ibid. ver. 28. 29. &c.
• t 1.164

  Ibid. ver. 30.
• * 1.165

  Doublers with credit in the work.
• u 1.166

  Phil. 4. 16.
• w 1.167

  Nehem. 3. 5.
• * 1.168

  The degene∣rous nobles of Tekoah.
• * 1.169

  Quaere concer∣ning Nehemiah.
• x 1.170

  Mat. 23. 4.
• * 1.171

  Answer, with his privative and po••••tive bounty to this buil∣ding.
• * 1.172

  The conclusi∣on of the work.
• y 1.173

  Nehem. 3. 3••.
• * 1.174

  Ierusalem em∣ptied of inha∣bitants, when rebuilded by Nehemiah.
• z 1.175

  Neh. 11. 1.
• a 1.176

  Ibid. ver. 2.
• b 1.177

  B••terus.
• * 1.178

  Why men loth to live in Ie∣rusalem.
• * 1.179

  Nogrea•• ••vers near I••rus••lem.
• * 1.180

  Three sorts of waters.
• a 1.181

  In the Land of Moriah.
• b 1.182

  •• Neh. 2. 14.
• c 1.183

  Nehem. 3. 16.
• d 1.184

  2 Kin. 18. 17.
• e 1.185

  Iosephus ex∣pr••sly called the first Sole∣••••••s pool.
• f 1.186

  Eccl••••. 2. 6.
• * 1.187

  Vzziah a dea∣ler in water wo••ks.
• g 1.188

  2 Chr. 26. 10.
• h 1.189

  2 Chr. 26. 19.
• * 1.190

  The Iews bu∣sie about drains and trenches.
• i 1.191

  Isa. 7. 1.
• k 1.192

  Isa. ••2. 9.
• * 1.193

  Three faults taxed herein.
• l 1.194

  Iob 38. 28.
• m 1.195

  Psal. 87. 7.
• * 1.196

  Hez••kiah stops out the water.
• n 1.197

  2 Chr. 32. 4.
• o 1.198

  Psal. 64. 3.
• p 1.199

  Isa. 37. 33.
• * 1.200

  Gihon brook meant hereby.
• q 1.201

  Gen. 22. 2.
• * 1.202

  Reopeneth and improveth it.
• r 1.203

  2 King. ••0. 20.
• s 1.204

  2 Chr. 32. 30.
• t 1.205

  2 King. 20. 20.
• * 1.206

  Such altering rivers not un∣lawfull.
• * 1.207

  H••z••ki•••• sup∣plies Solo••ons omission.
• b 1.208

  Eccles. 2. 6.
• c 1.209

  Nehem. 2. 13.
• * 1.210

  The Dragon fo••••tain.
• d 1.211

  Dragon gate in Sarisbury.
• * 1.212

  Pool of Siloah a Type of Christ.
• l 1.213

  Neh. 3. 15.
• m 1.214

  Joh. 9. 7.
• n 1.215

  Gal. 4. 4.
• o 1.216

  Isa. 8. 6.
• p 1.217

  Mat. 12. 19.
• q 1.218

  1 Kin. 19. 12.
• r 1.219

  John 9. 7.
• * 1.220

  The blind man cured there∣with.
• s 1.221

  Joh. 9. 22. & 34.
• t 1.222

  Joh. 5. 2.
• * 1.223

  The pool of Bethesda.
• * 1.224

  Tremellius on Nchem. 3. 1.
• * 1.225

  God and mans charity well met.
• u 1.226

  Joh. 5. 2.
• w 1.227

  Joh. 5. 9.
• * 1.228

  Two ancient parts of Ieru∣salem.
• a 1.229

  Psal. 87. 2.
• b 1.230

  2 Sam. 5. 11. & 1 Chr. 1 4. 1.
• c 1.231

  Act. 21. 37.
• d 1.232

  Act. 21. 40.
• e 1.233

  Act. 22. 2.
• f 1.234

  2 Chr. 33. 24.
• g 1.235

  2 Chr. 33. 20.
• * 1.236

  In the Gar∣den of Vzzah.
• h 1.237

  2 Chr. 21. 1••.
• i 1.238

  2 Chr. 21. 16.
• k 1.239

  2 Chr. 26. 23.
• l 1.240

  2 Chr. 13. 15.
• m 1.241

  2 Chr. 15. 17.
• n 1.242

  2 Chr. 17. 6.
• * 1.243

  2 Chr. 22. 2.
• o 1.244

  2 Chr. 24. 2.
• p 1.245

  2 Chr. 25. 21.
• q 1.246

  2 Kin. 15. 35.
• r 1.247

  2 Chr. 27. 22.
• s 1.248

  2 Chr. 34. 27.
• t 1.249

  Ier. 22. 19.
• u 1.250

  2 Chr. 24. 16.
• w 1.251

  Zach. 14. 10.
• x 1.252

  Neh. 7. 16.
• y 1.253

  Joh. 8. 13. & 24.
• z 1.254

  Joh. 18. 22.
• a 1.255

  Joh. 18. 25.
• b 1.256

  Luk. 22. 12.
• c 1.257

  Act. 2. 3.
• d 1.258

  Act. 2. 13.
• e 1.259

  Col. 3. 3.
• f 1.260

  Ier. 38. 6.
• g 1.261

  Ier. 38. 9.
• h 1.262

  Ier. 38. 15.
• i 1.263

  Ier. 37. 20.
• k 1.264

  Ier. 37. 21.
• l 1.265

  Ier. 39. 11.
• m 1.266

  Psal. 76. 2.
• n 1.267

  2 Sam. 6. 16.
• o 1.268

  2 Sam. 6. 17.
• p 1.269

  2 Sam. 7. 12.
• a 1.270

  Greg. Greg. in Lex. sanc. n••me∣ro 603.
• b 1.271

  2 Sam. 5. 9.
• c 1.272

  1 King. 9. 24.
• d 1.273

  1 Kin. 11. 27.
• e 1.274

  2 Kin. 12. 20.
• f 1.275

  Vid. Tremel. annot. in locum.
• * 1.276

  The house of the forest of Lebanon.
• a 1.277

  1 King. 7. 2▪
• * 1.278

  The dimensi∣ons of this house.
• b 1.279

  2 Chron. 3. 4.
• c 1.280

  1 Kin. 10. 17.
• d 1.281

  1 King. 14. 26.
• * 1.282

  Solomons wives house.
• e 1.283

  1 King. 7. 1.
• f 1.284

  1 King. 7. 8.
• g 1.285

  1 Kin. 11. 5. 7.
• h 1.286

  Psal. 45. 10.
• i 1.287

  1 King. 1. 37.
• k 1.288

  1 Mac. 1.
• * 1.289

  The stately palace of Herod
• l 1.290

  1 Mac. 13. 52.
• m 1.291

  Joh. 10. 41.
• n 1.292

  Joh. 2. 4.
• o 1.293

  Luke 23. 12.
• * 1.294

  Peters prison.
• p 1.295

  Act. 12. 7.
• * 1.296

  The palace of Pilate.
• q 1.297

  Joh. 19. 13.
• r 1.298

  Joh. 18. 28.
• * 1.299

  Ierusalem an Academy for education of youth.
• a 1.300

  Vid. Grotii annot. in Act. Apost. cap. 6. vers. 9.
• b 1.301

  2 Kin. 22. 14.
• * 1.302

  The Grecian colledge.
• c 1.303

  1 Mac. 1. 15. & 2 Mac. 4. 12.
• d 1.304

  2 Sam. 1. 18.
• e 1.305

  See the Gen••∣va note on 2 Mac. 4. 12.
• f 1.306

  1 Mac. 1. 15.
• g 1.307

  Act. 6. 9.
• * 1.308

  Five Synago∣gues against Saint Steven.
• h 1.309

  Gal. 5. 13.
• i 1.310

  1 Pet. 2. 16.
• k 1.311

  Act. 4. 15.
• l 1.312

  Act. 5. 18.
• m 1.313

  Act. 6. 15.
• * 1.314

  The house of Mary the mo∣ther of Iohn-Mark.
• a 1.315

  Act. 12. 14.
• b 1.316

  Ioh. 18. 17.
• * 1.317

  The house of Ananias and Veronica.
• c 1.318

  Act. 23. 3.
• d 1.319

  Ioh. 12. 3.
• * 1.320

  The accurate ranging of streets in Ieru∣salem at the best but con∣jecturall.
• c 1.321

  Ier. 5. 1. & 7. 17. & 11. 6. &c.
• f 1.322

  Mat. 11. 15.
• g 1.323

  Mat. 20. 3.
• h 1.324

  Mat. 23. 7.
• i 1.325

  Neh. 8. 16.
• k 1.326

  Neh. 8. 1.
• * 1.327

  The Amphi∣theatre, Castle Antony, ••nd Hippodrome.
• l 1.328

  Iosep. ant. Iud. li. 15. c. 10.
• m 1.329

  1 Cor. 15. 32.
• n 1.330

  Tit. 1. 12.
• * 1.331

  The dolorous way.
• a 1.332

  Heb. 13. 13.
• * 1.333

  The wild justice of Pilate.
• b 1.334

  Ioh. 19. 16.
• * 1.335

  Reasons of Christs fain∣ting under the Cross.
• * 1.336

  Simon of Cyrene bearing Christs Cross.
• c 1.337

  Mat. 26. 35.
• * 1.338

  Mount Calvary why so called.
• d 1.339

  Ier. 31. 39.
• * 1.340

  The length of Christs passion.
• e 1.341

  Joh. 19. 32.
• * 1.342

  The breadth thereof.
• f 1.343

  Mat. 23. 39.
• g 1.344

  Mat. 27. 49.
• h 1.345

  Joh. 19. 30.
• * 1.346

  The depth thereof.
• * 1.347

  Gen. 38. 28.
• * 1.348

  The height thereof.
• i 1.349

  1 Pet. 1. 19.
• k 1.350

  Ephes. 3. 18.
• * 1.351

  The sevenfold division of Christs goods.
• l 1.352

  Ioh. 13. 29.
• m 1.353

  Ioh. 14. 27.
• n 1.354

  Luk. 23. 34.
• o 1.355

  Ioh. 19. 26.
• p 1.356

  Luk. 23. 52.
• q 1.357

  Luk. 23. 46.
• r 1.358

  Col. 1. 24.
• s 1.359

  Io••. 19 30.
• * 1.360

  Dead corps may be wron∣ged, but not hurt.
• t 1.361

  Luk. 12. 4.
• * 1.362

  Christ buried in Iosephs se∣pulchre.
• n 1.363

  1 Pet. 1. 24.
• w 1.364

  Luk. 23. 53.
• x 1.365

  Mat. 27. 60.
• * 1.366

  Christs resur∣rection.
• y 1.367

  M••t. 28. 2.
• z 1.368

  Ioh. 20. 26.
• * 1.369

  Endevoured in vain to be si∣lenced.
• a 1.370

  Ioh. 8. 44.
• b 1.371

  Mat. 28. 15.
• * 1.372

  The Potters-field.
• a 1.373

  •• King. 10. 21.
• b 1.374

  Ibld. ver. 27.
• c 1.375

  Rom. 9. 21.
• * 1.376

  Bought for a burying place.
• d 1.377

  Mat. 27. 7.
• e 1.378

  Ibid. ver. 60.
• f 1.379

  Sands his Tr••. pag. 187. with legions of other Au∣thours.
• * 1.380

  Called Acelda ma.
• g 1.381

  Act. 1. 19.
• h 1.382

  Joh. 12. 6.
• i 1.383

  Adricho. in Theatr. ••••••∣sanc.
• * 1.384

  The manner of Iudas his death.
• * 1.385

  Fullers-field.
• k 1.386

  Isa. 7. 3. 12.
• l 1.387

  Judg. 6. ••7.
• m 1.388

  Isa. 38. 22.
• n 1.389

  Luk. 1. 18.
• o 1.390

  Mat. 16. 1.
• p 1.391

  Luk. 23. 8.
• * 1.392

  Tophet why so called.
• q 1.393

  In his com∣ment on Ier. 7.
• r 1.394

  2 King. 23. 13.
• f 1.395

  Ma••. 5. 29.
• * 1.396

  Place of Saint Stevens Mar∣tyrdome.
• t 1.397

  1 Sam. 30. 25.
• u 1.398

  Act. 7. 60.
• * 1.399

  Preface to the ensuing dis∣course.
• * 1.400

  Prepara••••ons made for the Temple.
• a 1.401

  1 Chr. 26. 28.
• b 1.402

  Ibidem.
• * 1.403

  Davids double oblation.
• c 1.404

  Luk. 14. 30.
• d 1.405

  1 Chr. 29. 16.
• * 1.406

  The value of a Jewish talent.
• e 1.407

  2 King. 5. 23.
• f 1.408

  2 Sam. 12. 30.
• g 1.409

  1 Chr. 29. 7.
• h 1.410

  Exod. 38. 26. demonstrated by Brerewood d•• num. Iud. c. 4
• i 1.411

  Idem ca. 5.
• * 1.412

  Talent some∣times taken for a smaller sum.
• k 1.413

  2 King. 7. 19.
• l 1.414

  Iliad. lib. 23.
• m 1.415

  1 Kin. 10. 23.
• n 1.416

  Joh. 21. 25.
• o 1.417

  See Ludovi∣cus de Aleaser de mensuris sacris.
• p 1.418

  1 Chr. 29. 9.
• * 1.419

  A talent after∣wards a vast sum.
• q 1.420

  2 King. 23. 35.
• * 1.421

  Davids holy complement.
• r 1.422

  1 Chr. 22. 14.
• * 1.423

  Why no re∣straint of p••o∣ples bounty in building the Temple.
• s 1.424

  Exod. 36. 6.
• t 1.425

  1 Cor. 2. 9.
• * 1.426

  Modell of the Temple made Iure divino.
• u 1.427

  1 Chron. 28. 11, 12. 19.
• * 1.428

  Obs••rve the notes in the Geneva tran∣sl••tion.
• * 1.429

  Solomon was not so pattern-bound as Moses
• w 1.430

  Exod. 25. 40. Act. 7. 44. Heb. 8. 5.
• * 1.431

  The ••loor of the Temple purchased by David.
• x 1.432

  Gen. 22 2. & 12.
• y 1.433

  2 Sam. 24. 16.
• * 1.434

  An Altar here first built by David.
• z 1.435

  1 Chr. 22. 1.
• a 1.436

  1 Chr. 21. 29.
• * 1.437

  Why David prohibited to build the Temple.
• b 1.438

  1 Chr. 28. 3. & 1 Chr. 22. 8.
• c 1.439

  1 King. 2. 29.
• d 1.440

  2 Cor. 8. 12▪
• * 1.441

  The Halcyon days of Solo∣mon.
• * 1.442

  The multitude of workmen.
• a 1.443

  1 Kin. 5. 15. & 2 Chr. 2. 18.
• b 1.444

  1 King. 5. 14.
• c 1.445

  2 Chr 2. 10.
• * 1.446

  Two invincible gulfes to swal∣low mens la∣bours.
• d 1.447

  Ioh. 3. 9.
• * 1.448

  Objection a∣bout the im∣possibility thereof.
• * 1.449

  Severall an∣swers thereun∣to.
• * 1.450

  Rather S••ha∣mir. vid. Text•••• Eber. Lyran. Ezech. 3. 9.
• e 1.451

  Psal. 74. 6.
• * 1.452

  Solomon con∣sulteth not with thri••t.
• * 1.453

  Seven years spent in buil∣ding the Tem∣ple.
• f 1.454

  1 King. 6. 38.
• * 1.455

  1 King. 7. 1.
• h 1.456

  Ant. Iud. li. 8. cap. 2.
• i 1.457

  Ruth. 3. 18.
• a 1.458

  1 King. 6. 2.
• * 1.459

  The dimensi∣ons of the Temple.
• b 1.460

  Act. 5. 29.
• * 1.461

  Ant. Iud. li. 10. cap. 8.
• d 1.462

  2 King. •• 4. 9.
• e 1.463

  2 Chr. 36. 9.
• * 1.464

  Two sorts of Cubits.
• f 1.465

  2 Chr. 3. 3.
• * 1.466

  This no breach of the law.
• g 1.467

  Deut. 25. 13.
• * 1.468

  Objection; Temple a z••ar or little one.
• h 1.469

  Plin. Nat. hist. li. 36. ca. 14.
• * 1.470

  Answ. It was a vast edif••ce well considered with the appur∣tenances
• i 1.471

  Luk. 1. 10.
• * 1.472

  Temple bigger then Taber∣nacle, and why.
• k 1.473

  De templi fabrica. l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.474

  The Temple stood East and West.
• l 1.475

  1 King 6. 3.
• * 1.476

  The dimensi∣ons of the porch.
• a 1.477

  1 King. 6. 3.
• b 1.478

  2 Chr. 3. 4.
• * 1.479

  The flying ••oll. Zach. 5. 2. was just ad••∣quate to this porch, in length and breadth twenty Cubits long and ten borad.
• c 1.480

  2 Chron. 3. 4.
• * 1.481

  Such a tower not useless.
• d 1.482

  Ma••. 26. 8. & Ioh. 12. 4.
• * 1.483

  The Temple not so high as the Porch.
• c 1.484

  Reckoned up by Ribera de Templo. li 1. c. 2. with whom he seemethto con∣cur.
• f 1.485

  Cant. 4. 2.
• g 1.486

  1 King 6. 2.
• * 1.487

  Bede his con∣ceit.
• h 1.488

  In lib. qu••st. in lib. Regum quaest. 12.
• * 1.489

  Luk. 23. 45.
• * 1.490

  The porch how overlaid with gold.
• k 1.491

  2 Chr. 3. 4.
• l 1.492

  1 Chr. 29. 4.
• m 1.493

  Num. 11. 29.
• * 1.494

  The names and dimensions thereof.
• n 1.495

  2 Chr. 3. 5.
• o 1.496

  1 King. 6. 17.
• * 1.497

  The foundati∣on of the Temple.
• p 1.498

  1 King. 5. 17.
• q 1.499

  Revel. 21. 19.
• * 1.500

  1 Tim. 6. 19.
• * 1.501

  The thickness of the walls.
• s 1.502

  In Ezek. cap. 41. ver. 5.
• * 1.503

  The threefold matter of the wall.
• t 1.504

  1 Kings 6. 18. & 29.
• * 1.505

  The severall shapes of Che∣rubims.
• u 1.506

  Ant. Iud. lib. 8. cap. 2.
• w 1.507

  Ezek. 1. 5.
• x 1.508

  Luk. 20. 36.
• * 1.509

  The door lead∣ing into the Temple.
• y 1.510

  1 King. 6. 35.
• z 1.511

  Ibid. ver. 33.
• * 1.512

  The gorgeous floor thereof.
• * 1.513

  1 King. 6. 16.
• b 1.514

  Ibid. ver. 30.
• c 1.515

  Vid. ejus an∣not. in locum.
• * 1.516

  Plain but of pure gold.
• d 1.517

  Rom. 16. 20.
• * 1.518

  Windows in the Temple.
• e 1.519

  1 Tim. 6. 16.
• * 1.520

  The•• fashion, matter, and position.
• f 1.521

  Vid. annot. in 1 King 6. 4.
• g 1.522

  On Ezek. 41.
• h 1.523

  De bello Iud. lib. 7. cap. 10.
• * 1.524

  The roof and covering there∣of.
• i 1.525

  Mat. 10. 27.
• k 1.526

  In Ezek. tom. 2. par. 2. cap. 40.
• l 1.527

  1 King. 22. 11.
• m 1.528

  1 Chr. 22. 14.
• n 1.529

  Pet. Hcylyn. Micr. pa. 326.
• * 1.530

  The dimension of the Holy of Holies.
• o 1.531

  1 King. 6. 20.
• * 1.532

  Homil. 14. in. Ezek.
• q 1.533

  See Ribera de Templo. li. 1. cap. 6. p. 28.
• * 1.534

  The vacuity a∣bove the Ora∣cle how im∣ployed.
• r 1.535

  2. King. 4. 27.
• s 1.536

  Iohn 6. 12.
• * 1.537

  Wh••ther any windows in the O••acle.
• t 1.538

  Villalp. in Ezek cap. 41. tom. 2 par. 2. cap. 4.
• * 1.539

  Revel. 22. 5.
• u 1.540

  1 King 6. 4.
• x 1.541

  In Ezek. cap. 41.
• y 1.542

  Judg. 16. 21.
• * 1.543

  The doors of the Holy of Holies.
• * 1.544

  Gold of Par∣vaim.
• z 1.545

  2 Chr. 3. 6.
• a 1.546

  Ibidem.
• * 1.547

  The nailes of the Holy of Holies.
• b 1.548

  2 Chr. 3. 9.
• c 1.549

  ••ccles. 12. 11.
• * 1.550

  The curious Vaile.
• d 1.551

  2 Chr. 3. 14.
• e 1.552

  Exod. 26. 31.
• f 1.553

  2 Cor. 5. 17.
• * 1.554

  How the Holy of Holies was in the midst of the Temple.
• g 1.555

  1 King. 6. 19.
• h 1.556

  Psal. 101. 7.
• i 1.557

  Hab. 3. 2.
• k 1.558

  1 King. 6 5.
• * 1.559

  Chambers how round about.
• l 1.560

  Ibidem.
• m 1.561

  Psal. 137. 1.
• * 1.562

  Their dimen∣••ions.
• n 1.563

  1 King. 6. 6.
• o 1.564

  lbid. ver. 10.
• p 1.565

  1 King. 6. 6.
• * 1.566

  The vessels of the Tabernacle kept in these chambers.
• q 1.567

  2 Chr. 5. 5.
• * 1.568

  Fancy runs riot when spurred with supersti∣tion.
• r 1.569

  Lib. 7^•.
• f 1.570

  1 King. 6. 31
• t 1.571

  1 Cor. 7. 12.
• u 1.572

  Ibid. ver. 10.
• * 1.573

  The difficulty of the present subject, with the causesthere∣of.
• * 1.574

  Ill consequen∣ces of confoun∣ding the two Temples.
• a 1.575

  Gen. 30. 36.
• * 1.576

  The fashion of a Court.
• b 1.577

  1 King. 6. 36.
• c 1.578

  2 Chr. 4. 9.
• d 1.579

  1 King. 6. 36.
• e 1.580

  Vid. Lyram in locum.
• f 1.581

  Gen. 37. 3.
• g 1.582

  2 Sam. 13. 18.
• * 1.583

  D••grees in this Court.
• * 1.584

  People 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pressin into the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Court.
• * 1.585

  2 Chr. 24. 21.
• i 1.586

  Mat. 23. 35.
• k 1.587

  2 Chr. 24. 22.
• l 1.588

  ••oel 2. 17.
• * 1.589

  The severall names of this Court.
• * 1.590

  2 Chr. 4. 9.
• * 1.591

  Certainly large, how large un∣certain.
• m 1.592

  Iohn 6. 7.
• * 1.593

  This Court bettered by suc∣ceeding Kings.
• n 1.594

  2 King. 18. 16.
• o 1.595

  Eccles. 2. 12.
• * 1.596

  Hez••kiah en∣cused from in∣novation.
• p 1.597

  1 Chr. 28. 11. 12. 19.
• q 1.598

  2 King. 18. 16.
• * 1.599

  Private passage from the Kings house into the Temple.
• r 1.600

  1 King. 10. 5.
• s 1.601

  2 Chr. 9. 11.
• t 1.602

  1 King. 10. 1.
• u 1.603

  2. King. 16. 18.
• w 1.604

  Vide ejus an∣not. in locum.
• x 1.605

  2 Kin. 16. 18.
• * 1.606

  A Rabbinicall Tradition.
• * 1.607

  Four principall gates.
• * 1.608

  Mat. 7. 14.
• a 1.609

  1 Chr. 26. 14.
• b 1.610

  2 Kin. 15. 35. & 2 Chr. 27. 3. Vide Tremel. in locos.
• c 1.611

  1 Chr. 26. 14.
• d 1.612

  1 Chr. 26. 15.
• e 1.613

  Ibidem.
• f 1.614

  1 Chr. 26. 16.
• g 1.615

  Gen. 19. 11.
• h 1.616

  2 King. 11. 6.
• i 1.617

  2 Chr. 23. 5.
• k 1.618

  Ier. 26. 10. & 36. 10.
• l 1.619

  1 Chr. 26. 18.
• * 1.620

  The number and office of the Porters.
• m 1.621

  1 Chr. 23. 5.
• n 1.622

  1 Chr. 25. 32.
• o 1.623

  1 Chr. 24. 18.
• p 1.624

  Revel. 4. 4.
• q 1.625

  Psal. 134. 1.
• * 1.626

  A treble quere concerning the Porters places.
• r 1.627

  1 Chr. 26. 14.
• s 1.628

  Psal. 84. 10.
• * 1.629

  Intruders into the Temple without the Porters leave.
• t 1.630

  Psal. 84. 3.
• u 1.631

  2 Chr. 28. 24.
• * 1.632

  Chambers and Treasuries over the Porch.
• * 1.633

  The Chamber of Gemariah wherein Iere∣miahs book was read.
• a 1.634

  Ier. 36. 10.
• b 1.635

  Vers. 24.
• c 1.636

  Vers. 32.
• d 1.637

  2 King. 23. 11
• * 1.638

  Chamber of Nathan Melech.
• e 1.639

  Psal. 19. 5.
• f 1.640

  Xenophon li. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• g 1.641

  Fastor. 1.
• * 1.642

  The chamber of the Sons of Hanan.
• h 1.643

  Ier. 35. 4.
• i 1.644

  Ier. 35. 10.
• * 1.645

  No moe then two outward Courts made by Solomon.
• a 1.646

  2 King. 21. 5.
• b 1.647

  Ioseph. de Bel. Iud. lib. 6. ca. 6. Edit. lat. sed graec. cap. 13.
• c 1.648

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.649

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• e 1.650

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.651

  Object.
• * 1.652

  David at least prescribed three Courts.
• f 1.653

  1 Chr. 28. 12.
• g 1.654

  Lib. 1. de Caelo. cap. 1.
• h 1.655

  1 Chr. 28. 12.
• * 1.656

  Court on the west.
• * 1.657

  Some make a womans Court.
• i 1.658

  Zec••. 12. 13.
• * 1.659

  The womans Court not grounded on Scripture.
• k 1.660

  2 Chr. 20. 5. Ibid. ver. 13.
• * 1.661

  Ezekiels Tem∣ple had moe Courts.
• * 1.662

  But was not the same with So∣lomons.
• m 1.663

  Ant. Iud. l. 8. cap. 2.
• * 1.664

  Some collect another Court out of Iosephus.
• n 1.665

  Ezra 3. 12.
• * 1.666

  A third Court might after∣wards be added
• o 1.667

  2 Chr. 20. 5.
• p 1.668

  2 Chr. 23. 6.
• q 1.669

  Ibid. ver. 5.
• r 1.670

  Ezra 2. 62.
• * 1.671

  The expressive utensils of the Temple.
• a 1.672

  1 Cor. 14. 10.
• * 1.673

  The different dimensions of the Pillars re∣conclled.
• b 1.674

  1 King. 7. 15.
• c 1.675

  Ier. 52. 21.
• d 1.676

  1 King. 7. 16.
• e 1.677

  Ribera de iis qua erant in Temp. l. 2. ca. 11.
• * 1.678

  Their chapiters how adorned.
• f 1.679

  Prov. 25. 11.
• g 1.680

  1 King. 1. 19.
• h 1.681

  Luk. 12. 27.
• i 1.682

  Iudg. 16. 29.
• k 1.683

  Mat. 20. 6.
• l 1.684

  Iohn 7. 4.
• * 1.685

  The meaning of the Pillars names.
• m 1.686

  1 Kin. 7. 21.
• n 1.687

  Mat. 8. z.
• * 1.688

  What they my∣ftically repr••∣sented.
• o 1.689

  Gal. 2. 9.
• p 1.690

  Revel. 3. 12.
• q 1.691

  Revel. 2. 10.
• * 1.692

  Ten Candl••∣sticks in the Temple.
• a 1.693

  Exod. 37. 17.
• b 1.694

  1 King. 7. 49.
• c 1.695

  Anti. lib. 8. c. 2.
• d 1.696

  1 Chr. 28. 15.
• e 1.697

  Luk. 10. 1.
• f 1.698

  1 King. 7. 48.
• * 1.699

  The Table of Shew-bread.
• g 1.700

  1 Chr. 28. 16.
• h 1.701

  Psal. 50. 12.
• i 1.702

  Ioh. 6. 41.
• k 1.703

  Hist. Bel. v. 7.
• * 1.704

  The Altar of incense.
• l 1.705

  Exod. 30. 2.
• m 1.706

  1 Chr. 28. 18.
• n 1.707

  1 King. 6. 20.
• o 1.708

  Ibid. ver. 22.
• p 1.709

  1 King. 7. 48.
• q 1.710

  2 Chr. 4. 1.
• * 1.711

  Placed in the Holy
• r 1.712

  Exod. 40. 26.
• s 1.713

  Exod. 30. 7.
• t 1.714

  1 Chr. 24. 10.
• * 1.715

  Luk. 1. 5.
• * 1.716

  Luk. 1. 9. & 11.
• u 1.717

  Heb. 9. 3.
• * 1.718

  Scripture to the contrary an∣swered.
• w 1.719

  See and en∣devour to un∣derstand him, Parall. lib. 3. pa 275.
• x 1.720

  Di••dati in. locam.
• y 1.721

  Num. 16. 18. & 46.
• z 1.722

  Levit. 16. 12.
• a 1.723

  De iis quae e∣rant in Templo. lib. 2. cap. 8.
• b 1.724

  Exod. 30. 10.
• * 1.725

  No staves on the Altar in the Temple.
• c 1.726

  Exod. 25. 27. & ••0. ver. 5.
• d 1.727

  Exod. 12. 11.
• e 1.728

  Yet disused••in Christs time.
• * 1.729

  Why Solomon made no alte∣ration in the Utensils of the Holy of Holies.
• a 1.730

  Levit. 24. 8.
• * 1.731

  Solomons addi∣tionall Cheru∣bims.
• b 1.732

  Exod. 37. 6, 7.
• c 1.733

  1 Kin. 6. 23. 30
• d 1.734

  Eoxd. 39. 6.
• e 1.735

  1 King. 6. 25▪
• f 1.736

  E••ra 1. 9.
• * 1.737

  Aseeming con∣tradiction star∣ted.
• * 1.738

  And the same satisfied.
• f 1.739

  De iis quae e∣rant in Templo. lib. 2. cap. 2.
• g 1.740

  In his paral∣lels on Heb. 9.
• * 1.741

  One onely Altar.
• a 1.742

  2 Chr. 4. 1.
• b 1.743

  1 King. 8. 5.
• c 1.744

  St••ws Survey of London. p. 340.
• * 1.745

  Unwondred if the nature of the fire be con∣sidered.
• d 1.746

  2 Chr. 7. 1.
• e 1.747

  1 King 18. 38.
• f 1.748

  Isa. 29. 1.
• * 1.749

  The brazen Sea.
• g 1.750

  1 King. 7. 23.
• * 1.751

  1 King. 7. 26.
• † 1.752

  2 Chr. 4. 5.
• * 1.753

  How supplyed with water.
• h 1.754

  Eccles. 1. 7.
• i 1.755

  Maimony in Biat•• Mikdash. per 5. & Talm. I••rus. in Ioura per. 3. sol. 41.
• k 1.756

  1 Chr. 4. 32.
• l 1.757

  Iudg. 15. 11. & 19.
• m 1.758

  Icsh. 9. 27.
• n 1.759

  Ezek. 47. 1.
• o 1.760

  2 Chr. 4. 6.
• p 1.761

  Ibidem.
• * 1.762

  The ten Lavers.
• * 1.763

  Utensils of the outward court.
• q 1.764

  2 Chr. 6. 13.
• r 1.765

  2 Chr. 23. 13.
• s 1.766

  Gen. 13. 6.
• * 1.767

  Rooms for the keeping of Salt.
• a 1.768

  Mark 9. 49.
• b 1.769

  Iosh. 15. 62.
• * 1.770

  And for seve∣rall musicall instruments.
• c 1.771

  Psal. 22.
• * 1.772

  Others apply it to Christ.
• d 1.773

  Psal. 46.
• e 1.774

  Ainsworth Annot. ibidem.
• f 1.775

  Psal. 8. 81. 84.
• g 1.776

  2 Sam. 6. 10.
• h 1.777

  1 Chr. 15. 21.
• i 1.778

  Psal. 56.
• k 1.779

  Isa. 38. 14.
• l 1.780

  Psal. 53.
• m 1.781

  Psal. 98.
• n 1.782

  Ainsworth in locum.
• o 1.783

  Psal. 9.
• p 1.784

  2 Sam. 12. 19.
• q 1.785

  Psal. 61.
• r 1.786

  1 Sam. 19 9.
• s 1.787

  Psal. 4.
• t 1.788

  Psal. 5.
• u 1.789

  Isa. 5. 12.
• w 1.790

  Psal. 12.
• x 1.791

  Isal. 30. 2. 144. 9.
• y 1.792

  Psal. 45.
• z 1.793

  Psal. 60.
• a 1.794

  1 Sam. 16. 23.
• b 1.795

  1 King. 3. 15.
• c 1.796

  Mat. 11. 17.
• d 1.797

  Gen. 4. 21.
• c 1.798

  1 Chr. 23. 29.
• f 1.799

  Wisd. 11. 20.
• g 1.800

  Prov. 16. 11.
• * 1.801

  Measures of Application
• h 1.802

  Ier. 52. 21.
• i 1.803

  Exod. 28. 16.
• k 1.804

  Ezek. 40. 5.
• l 1.805

  Psal. 16. 6.
• * 1.806

  Of Capacity for dry things.
• m 1.807

  2 King. 6. 25.
• n 1.808

  Ibid.
• o 1.809

  Exod. 16. 16.
• p 1.810

  Ruth 2. 17.
• q 1.811

  Zech. 5. 7.
• r 1.812

  Ruth 2. 16.
• s 1.813

  Isa. 5. 10.
• t 1.814

  Hosea 3. 2.
• u 1.815

  Godwin in Moses & Aaron. lib. 6. ca. 9.
• w 1.816

  2 King. 7. 1.
• * 1.817

  For liquids.
• x 1.818

  Numb. 15. 9.
• y 1.819

  Ibid. ver. 6.
• z 1.820

  Numb. 28. 5.
• a 1.821

  Ezek. 9. 11.
• b 1.822

  Ez••k. 45. 14.
• * 1.823

  2. Chr. 4. 5.
• * 1.824

  Ez••k. 45. 14.
• † 1.825

  Luk. 16. 7.
• c 1.826

  Ez••k. 45. 14.
• d 1.827

  1 Kin. 18. 33.
• * 1.828

  Barrels and Coins.
• e 1.829

  Iohn 2. 6.
• f 1.830

  Exod. 38. 24.
• g 1.831

  In Descrip. of Solomons Temple.
• h 1.832

  Amos 8. 5.
• * 1.833

  Book of the Law where kept.
• i 1.834

  Deut. 31. 26.
• k 1.835

  Ainsworth in locum.
• l 1.836

  1 King. 22. 4.
• m 1.837

  Psal. 119. 72
• n 1.838

  1 King. 22. 8.
• * 1.839

  Other books in the Temple.
• o 1.840

  Iob. 19. 23.
• p 1.841

  Iosh. 18. 9.
• * 1.842

  Refectories for the Priests.
• q 1.843

  Levit. 24. 8.
• r 1.844

  Iosh. 9. 12.
• s 1.845

  Mat. 4. 4.
• * 1.846

  An Armory in the Temple.
• t 1.847

  Mat. 6. 20.
• u 1.848

  Chr. 23. 9.
• w 1.849

  Ibidem.
• * 1.850

  The Chest which I••hoiada the Priest••ade.
• * 1.851

  How the Tem∣ple so much ruined in so short a time.
• a 1.852

  2 Chr. 24. 7.
• b 1.853

  2 Chr. 22. 12.
• * 1.854

  Levites why backward in repairing the Temple.
• c 1.855

  2 King. 12. 7.
• d 1.856

  2 King. 12. 5.
• * 1.857

  The fashion and placing of C••rban.
• c 1.858

  2 King. 12. 9.
• f 1.859

  Ibidem.
• g 1.860

  Mat. 6. 3.
• h 1.861

  Mar. 7. 11.
• * 1.862

  Ahaz his Dial.
• k 1.863

  2 King. 20. 9.
• l 1.864

  Mat. 16. 3.
• * 1.865

  Adrichomius his conceit concerning this Dial.
• m 1.866

  In quar••a parte Templi.
• n 1.867

  Fecit ex altari Holoca••stiaen••o
• o 1.868

  2 King. 16. 17.
• * 1.869

  Two eminent supplies of ho∣ly instruments.
• p 1.870

  Exod. 3. 3.
• q 1.871

  Deut. 29. 5.
• r 1.872

  2 Chr. 24. 14.
• * 1.873

  Idolatrous u∣tensils justly omitted.
• s 1.874

  2 King. 16. 3.
• t 1.875

  2 Chr. 33. 7.
• * 1.876

  The Temple pillaged by Shishak King of Egypt, & Io••sh King of Israel.
• u 1.877

  Luk. 10. 30.
• w 1.878

  1 Kin. 14. 26.
• x 1.879

  Ibidem.
• y 1.880

  2 Chr. 25. 24.
• z 1.881

  2 Chr. 22. 12.
• * 1.882

  The Taberna∣cle never plu••∣d••red, and why?
• * 1.883

  The Temple spoyled by her own Kings.
• a 1.884

  2 Chr. 16. 2.
• b 1.885

  2 King. 12. 18.
• c 1.886

  2 King. 16. 8.
• d 1.887

  2 Kin. 18. 16.
• c 1.888

  2 Chr. 24. 7.
• * 1.889

  Reasons for the law fulness of such sacriledge
• * 1.890

  Such argumēts answered.
• f 1.891

  2 Chr. 28. 21.
• g 1.892

  2 King. 18. 15, 16.
• h 1.893

  Ibid. ver. 17.
• i 1.894

  Luk. 16. 9.
• * 1.895

  No sacriledge, say some, under the Gospell.
• k 1.896

  2 Chr. 36. 7.
• l 1.897

  Ibid. ver. 10.
• m 1.898

  Ibid. ver. 18.
• n 1.899

  Isa. 7. 20.
• * 1.900

  Cyrus his pro∣clamation.
• a 1.901

  Isa. 44. 28.
• b 1.902

  Ezra 1. 1.
• * 1.903

  Difference in power.
• c 1.904

  1 King. 11. 14. 23.
• d 1.905

  1 King 6.7.
• * 1.906

  In number.
• e 1.907

  1 King 5. 15.
• f 1.908

  Ezra 2. 64. 65.
• g 1.909

  Compare Iob 1. 3. with Ezra 2. 67.
• * 1.910

  In wealth.
• h 1.911

  1 King. 9. 28. & 10. 22.
• i 1.912

  1 King. 10. 27.
• k 1.913

  1 Chr. ••2. 14. & 1 Chr. 29. 4.
• l 1.914

  1 Chr. 29. 7.
• m 1.915

  Ezra 2. 69.
• * 1.916

  No eminent ar••izan.
• n 1.917

  Exod. 31▪ 3.
• o 1.918

  1 King. 7. 14.
• p 1.919

  Ribera de Temp. sabr. li.••. cap. 27.
• q 1.920

  Ezra 6. 4.
• r 1.921

  Anti. Iul. lib. cap.
• * 1.922

  ••n. some copies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as Ri∣bera ci••es it.
• t 1.923

  Ezra. 3. 7.
• * 1.924

  Cedars fetched from 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• u 1.925

  B••ddulphs Travel••. pag 40.
• * 1.926

  Great promises ill performed.
• w 1.927

  Ezra 6. 4.
• * 1.928

  The old men weep.
• x 1.929

  Ezra 3. 12.
• * 1.930

  The youngmen shout for joy.
• * 1.931

  God delight∣eth in minims.
• y 1.932

  Zech 4 10.
• z 1.933

  D••ut. 7. 7.
• a 1.934

  Iudg. 6. 15.
• b 1.935

  1 Sam. 9. 21.
• c 1.936

  1 Cor. 15. 9.
• d 1.937

  Psal. 68. 27.
• e 1.938

  Luk. 1. 48.
• f 1.939

  Mat. 13. 32.
• * 1.940

  This far less then Solomons Temple.
• a 1.941

  Hagg. 2. 3.
• b 1.942

  Ezra 3. 12.
• c 1.943

  Ibidem.
• * 1.944

  Objection to the contrary.
• d 1.945

  ••••gga. 2. 3. Zech▪ 4. 10.
• * 1.946

  A Salv•• re∣jected.
• * 1.947

  Others••end••••d.
• e 1.948

  Dan. 6. 8.
• f 1.949

  2 Chr. 3. ••.
• g 1.950

  Tremellius in locum Ezrae.
• h 1.951

  2 Chr. 3. 4.
• * 1.952

  Breadth how ••aken in Scri∣pture.
• i 1.953

  Revel. 20. 9.
• k 1.954

  De Templi ••abrica. lib. 1. cap. 27.
• * 1.955

  Samaritanes the••r false friendship.
• a 1.956

  Ezra. 4. 15.
• b 1.957

  2 Chr. 11. 14.
• * 1.958

  Their open enmity.
• c 1.959

  Ezra. 4. 15.
• d 1.960

  2 Chr. 36. 13.
• e 1.961

  Ezra 4. 13. 16.
• * 1.962

  The I••ws for∣bidden to build the Temple.
• f 1.963

  Ezra 4. 21.
• g 1.964

  Haggai 1. 4.
• * 1.965

  Fall a building it again encou∣raged by the Prophets.
• h 1.966

  Ezra 5. 1.
• i 1.967

  Eccles. 8. 4.
• k 1.968

  Ezra 6. 2.
• l 1.969

  Ibid. ver. 8.
• * 1.970

  Chronologi∣call difficulties justly declined.
• m 1.971

  Prov. 26. 17.
• n 1.972

  Iohn 2. 20.
• * 1.973

  Sacrifice at the Dedication.
• o 1.974

  2 Cor. 8. 12.
• p 1.975

  1 King. 18. 31.
• * 1.976

  Repaired by Maccabeus.
• q 1.977

  1 Mac. 4. 57.
• r 1.978

  Ibid. ver. 59.
• s 1.979

  Ibid. ver. 47.
• * 1.980

  Christ at this Feast of Dedi∣cation.
• t 1.981

  Ioh. 10. 22.
• u 1.982

  Ioh. 2. 2.
• * 1.983

  The Rhemists their wilde note.
• w 1.984

  Pag. 29••. on Iohn 10. 22.
• x 1.985

  2 Mac. 12.
• y 1.986

  Luk. 7. 36.
• * 1.987

  Most of the ••••ensils resto∣red.
• a 1.988

  Dan. 5. 3.
• b 1.989

  Ezra 1. 11.
• * 1.990

  But many wan∣ting.
• c 1.991

  2 Chr. 6, 13.
• d 1.992

  2 Chr. 28. 13.
• e 1.993

  2 King. 25. 13.
• f 1.994

  Ibidem.
• g 1.995

  Levi••. 9. ••4.
• h 1.996

  2 Chr. 7. 1.
• i 1.997

  Exod. 16. 33.
• k 1.998

  Num. 17. 10▪
• l 1.999

  2 Ma••. 2. 5.
• m 1.1000

  Exod. 34. 1.
• n 1.1001

  Ephes. 1. 23.
• * 1.1002

  The Oracle speech••ess.
• o 1.1003

  Anti. Iud. li. 3. ca. 10. pag. 90.
• * 1.1004

  Wherein it ex∣celled Solomons.
• p 1.1005

  Hagg. 2. 9.
• * 1.1006

  The Courts of the Temple.
• q 1.1007

  N••hem. 8. 16.
• r 1.1008

  Ezra 10. 9.
• * 1.1009

  Why no draught of Zorobabels Temple.
• * 1.1010

  Wicked men sometimes do good.
• a 1.1011

  Anti. Iud. lib. 15 cap. 14. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of which all our ens••ing history is taken. Some deny Herods rebuil∣ding of the Temple.
• b 1.1012

  Ekius first, and after him Villalpandus in ••zech tom. 2 part 2. lib 5. d••••p. 4. cap. 68. & sequentibus.
• * 1.1013

  Iosephus to be believed herein.
• c 1.1014

  Deut. 17. 6.
• d 1.1015

  In Proleg in librum de E∣mend. it. Tempo∣rum.
• * 1.1016

  Could not be deceived, would not deceive.
• * 1.1017

  Answers b••st to the Disciples▪ admiration.
• e 1.1018

  M••••k 13. 1.
• f 1.1019

  Ibid. ver. ••.
• * 1.1020

  Beleeved by many good au∣thours.
• g 1.1021

  Lib. de.
• h 1.1022

  In cap. 11. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fere ini∣tio.
• i 1.1023

  In cap. 2. Haggai.
• * 1.1024

  Constantine l. Empe. in praesatione in Middoth.
• k 1.1025

  Villalpandus ut prius.
• * 1.1026

  Much may be alledged against Herods buil∣ding.
• * 1.1027

  1. Objection.
• a 1.1028

  2 Chr. 28. 3.
• b 1.1029

  Mar. 2. 20.
• * 1.1030

  Answer.
• c 1.1031

  Instine lib. 1.
• d 1.1032

  Ezra 6. 4.
• * 1.1033

  ••Objection.
• e 1.1034

  Ioh. 2. 20.
• * 1.1035

  Answer.
• f 1.1036

  Above cap. 3. § 5.
• * 1.1037

  3 Objection.
• g 1.1038

  Haggai 29.
• h 1.1039

  Mat. 3. 1.
• * 1.1040

  Answer.
• i 1.1041

  Revel. 17. 11.
• * 1.1042

  The same ob∣jection rein∣••orced.
• * 1.1043

  And answered.
• k 1.1044

  Ezra 3. 7.
• i 1.1045

  Vid. ejus annot. in Mat. 24. 1. & Iohn 2. 20.
• * 1.1046

  4 Objection.
• * 1.1047

  Answered.
• * 1.1048

  Full credit not required to Io∣sephus.
• a 1.1049

  1 Cor. 11. 18.
• b 1.1050

  2 Chr. 3. 2.
• c 1.1051

  Ibid. ver. 4.
• * 1.1052

  Common cu∣bits meant by Iosephus, ap∣pearing by the bigness of the ••tones.
• d 1.1053

  As but 24 foot high, 7 broad, and 16 in compass, Camdens Brit. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• e 1.1054

  Mark. 13. 1.
• f 1.1055

  Luk, 21. 5.
• * 1.1056

  Priests builders
• g 1.1057

  Act 18. 3.
• h 1.1058

  Mat. 4. 5.
• * 1.1059

  Finished on Herods birth∣day.
• i 1.1060

  2 Cor. 6. 14.
• * 1.1061

  Mat. 14. 6.
• * 1.1062

  An incredible report.
• l 1.1063

  Mark 13. 1.
• * 1.1064

  What ••se may be made there∣of, if true.
• m 1.1065

  Psal. 87.1.
• n 1.1066

  Psal. 46. 5.
• * 1.1067

  An impudent lie of Ben-G••∣rions.
• a 1.1068

  In his book of the Herodi∣ans pag. 103.
• b 1.1069

  1 Chr. 22. 5.
• c 1.1070

  1 King. 4. 24.
• d 1.1071

  1 King.3.13.
• e 1.1072

  1 King. 5. 15, 16.
• f 1.1073

  Iudge. 8. 21.
• * 1.1074

  Ben-Gorion an incompetent Iudge.
• g 1.1075

  Exod. 22. ••.
• h 1.1076

  Ezra 3.12.
• i 1.1077

  Mark 14.67.
• * 1.1078

  Lib. 6. cap. 1. sol. 53. Editio∣nis Cracovi••nsis.
• * 1.1079

  A dangerous Iewish design.
• * 1.1080

  The golden Vine in the H••∣rodian Temple.
• k 1.1081

  Historiaru••. lib. 5.
• l 1.1082

  Numb. 18. 23.
• m 1.1083

  Villalpandus.
• n 1.1084

  Iohn 15.1.
• o 1.1085

  Iosep••us An∣ti. Iud. lib. 17. cap. 8.
• * 1.1086

  The golden bloudy Eagle.
• p 1.1087

  2 Chr. ••5. 26.
• * 1.1088

  The Map taken out of Capellus.
• * 1.1089

  In his Com∣pendiu•• Hi∣storia Iudaic••, lent m•• by that learned and in∣dustrious Gen∣tleman M. Ed∣ward L••igb Esq.
• a 1.1090

  Luk. 1. 4.
• * 1.1091

  The difference betwixt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c 1.1092

  Luke 1. 9.
• d 1.1093

  Mat. 5. 17.
• g 1.1094

  Mat. 27. 51.
• b 1.1095

  Ioh. 18. 2c.
• e 1.1096

  Mat. 5. 1.
• f 1.1097

  Mat. 13. 2.
• h 1.1098

  Mat. 27. 25.
• i 1.1099

  Act. 1. 25.
• * 1.1100

  Beautifull gate full of begge••••.
• k 1.1101

  Act. 3. 2.
• * 1.1102

  Christ presen∣ted in the Temple.
• l 1.1103

  Luk. 2. 24.
• * 1.1104

  Sim••o••s testi∣mony of Christ
• m 1.1105

  Luk. 2. 29.
• n 1.1106

  Luk. 2. 35.
• * 1.1107

  And is secon∣ded by Anna.
• o 1.1108

  Luk. 2. 27.
• p 1.1109

  Luk. 2. 37.
• * 1.1110

  How Anna de∣parted not out of the Temple.
• q 1.1111

  2 King. 11. 3.
• r 1.1112

  Psal. 27. 4.
• * 1.1113

  Christs first act in the Temple.
• t 1.1114

  Luk. 2. 46.
• u 1.1115

  Iohn 1. 1.
• * 1.1116

  He pu••geth it.
• w 1.1117

  Iohn 2. 14.
• x 1.1118

  Iohn 5. 2.
• * 1.1119

  Sa••nt Hieromes conceit.
• * 1.1120

  Igneum enim quidd••m & s••dc∣••eum ••adiabat
• y 1.1121

  Ioh. 2. 17.
• * 1.1122

  Christs Sermon in Solomons porch.
• z 1.1123

  Ioh. 10. 23.
• a 1.1124

  Ioh. 10. 31.
• b 1.1125

  Luk. 19. 40.
• * 1.1126

  Lame & b'ind cured in the Temple.
• c 1.1127

  Mat. 21. 14.
• * 1.1128

  Christs second purging of the Temple.
• d 1.1129

  Ioh. 2. 15.
• * 1.1130

  His farewell to the Temple.
• g 1.1131

  Mark 12. 42. & Luk. 21. 2.
• * 1.1132

  Saint Peters remarkable Sermon.
• a 1.1133

  Eccles. 12. 11.
• b 1.1134

  Act. 2. 37.
• * 1.1135

  The Apostles joint-commis∣sioners.
• c 1.1136

  Act. 2. 38.
• * 1.1137

  Evangelicall r••pentance pre∣scribed to the people.
• d 1.1138

  Mat. 26. 75.
• e 1.1139

  2 Cor. 1. 4.
• f 1.1140

  Act. 2. 38.
• g 1.1141

  Act. 2. 41.
• h 1.1142

  Luk. 15. 7.
• * 1.1143

  Act. 2. 40.
• * 1.1144

  Four advanta∣ges of Peters Sermon.
• i 1.1145

  Act. 2. 5.
• k 1.1146

  1 Cor. 16. 9. & Colos. 4. 3.
• l 1.1147

  2 Cor. 6. 11.
• m 1.1148

  Act. 14. 27.
• n 1.1149

  Act. 16. 14.
• * 1.1150

  Christs promise plentifully per∣formed.
• o 1.1151

  Ioh. 14. 12.
• p 1.1152

  Act. 1. 15.
• q 1.1153

  Mat. 23. 58.
• r 1.1154

  Mat. 4. 17.
• s 1.1155

  Act. 2. 46.
• * 1.1156

  What properly was Solomons porch.
• t 1.1157

  Act. 3. 11. & 5. 12.
• * 1.1158

  Not Solomons porch properly so called.
• a 1.1159

  1 King. 6. 3. & 2 Chr. 3. 4.
• b 1.1160

  Ibidem.
• * 1.1161

  Seated on the east side.
• c 1.1162

  Lib. Anti. 20. cap. 8.
• * 1.1163

  Quest. Why called Solomons porch?
• d 1.1164

  Psal. 137. 7.
• * 1.1165

  Answer there∣unto.
• e 1.1166

  〈…〉〈…〉
• f 1.1167

  Compare ••o∣sephus as afore¦cited, with himself, de Bel. Iud. li. 5. c. 14.
• * 1.1168

  Why Solomons porch chosen by the disciples.
• g 1.1169

  Mar. 6. 10.
• * 1.1170

  Wherein we decline Capellus his judgement.
• h 1.1171

  Constantine
• * 1.1172

  l. Empereur in Middoth. p. 53. & Ludovic. de Dicu in Act. Apost p. 39. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• i 1.1173

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.1174

  The last pas∣sage of Saint Paul in the Temple.
• k 1.1175

  Act. 4. 36.
• * 1.1176

  Who almost lost his life therein.
• l 1.1177

  Act, 21. 26.
• m 1.1178

  Mat. 26. 8.
• n 1.1179

  Mat. 26. 12.
• * 1.1180

  A popular mu∣tiny.
• o 1.1181

  Act. 21. 29.
• p 1.1182

  Act. 21. 34.
• * 1.1183

  Saint Paul rescued.
• q 1.1184

  Act. 21. 37.
• * 1.1185

  The wealth of the Corbar ar••∣sing from pure Pagans.
• * 1.1186

  Native Iews their liberality.
• z 1.1187

  Mark 12. 44.
• a 1.1188

  Luk. 16. 14.
• b 1.1189

  Exod. 14. 23.
• * 1.1190

  The gainfull doctrine of Corban.
• c 1.1191

  1 Tim. 5. 16.
• d 1.1192

  Exod. 20. 12.
• e 1.1193

  Mar. 15. 5. & Muk 7. 11.
• * 1.1194

  The ill in••lu∣ence of this doctrine.
• * 1.1195

  Pompey his moderation in sparing the treasure of the Temple.
• s 1.1196

  Iosephus Ant. Iud. ••••. 14. 6. 8.
• * 1.1197

  Crassus his sa∣criledge.
• g 1.1198

  Ios••phus Ant. Iud. li. 4. c. 12.
• * 1.1199

  The fond Cri∣ticisme of the Scribes.
• h 1.1200

  Mat. 23. 16.
• * 1.1201

  The finall abo∣lit••on of the utensils of the Temple.
• i 1.1202

  Revel. 11. 7.
• k 1.1203

  Gal. 4. 9.