The historie of the holy vvarre by Thomas Fuller ...

The History of the HOLY VVARRE.

Book III.

Chap. 1.

Conrade of Montferrat valiantly defendeth Tyre, and is chosen King.

IN this wofull estate stood the Christian af∣fairs in the Holy land,* 1.1 when Conrade Mar∣quesse of Montferrat arrived there.* 1.2 His worth commandeth my penne to wait on him from his own countrey till he came hither. Sonne he was to Boniface Marquesse of Montferrat, and had spent his youth in the service of I∣saacius Angelus the Grecian Emperour. This Isaacius, fitter for a Priest then a Prince, was alwayes bred in a private way; and the confining of his body seemeth to have brought him to a pent and narrow soul. For he suffered rebells to affront him to his face, never sending any army against them, but commend∣ing all his cause to a company of bare-footed Friars whom he kept in his Court, desiring them to pray for him, and by their pious tears to quench the combustions in the Empire. But our Conrade plainly told him, he must use as well the weapons of the* 1.3 left hand as of the right; meaning the sword as well as prayers: And by the advice of this his Generall, he quickly sub∣dued all his enemies. Which his great service found small re∣ward: * 1.4 onely he was graced to wear his shoes of the Imperiall fashion; a low matter, but there (forsooth) accounted an high honour. But soon after Isaac was sick of this Physitian who had cured his Empire. If private debters care not for the company of their creditours, much lesse do Princes love to see them to whom they ow themselves and their Kingdome: so unwelcome are courtesies to them when above their requi••all. Now it is an

ancient policy, to rid away high spirits by sending them on some plausible errand into remote parts, there to seek for themselves an honourable grave. To this end Isaacius by the perswasions of some spurred on Conrade (free enough of himself to any noble action) to go into Palestine, there to support the ruinous affairs of the Christians. Conrade was sensible of their plot, but suf∣fered himself to be wrought on, being weary of the Grecians bas••nesse; and came into the Holy land with a brave company of Gentlemen furnished on their own cost.

For a while we set him aside, and return to Saladine: Who by this time had taken Askelon, on condition that King Guy, and Gerard Master of the Templars should be set at liberty. Not long after was the castle of Antioch betrayed unto him by the * 1.5 Patriarch; and the city, scarce got with eleven moneths siege, was lost in an instant, with five and twenty strong towns more which attended the fortune of Antioch: and many provinces thereto belonging came into the possession of the Turks. Must not the Christians needs be bankrupts if they continue this trade, buying dear and selling cheap, gaining by inches and losing by ells?

With better successe those in Tripoli (which city the wife of* 1.6 Earl Reimund after his death delivered to the Christians) de∣fended themselves against Saladine. For shame they would not forgo their shirts, though they had parted with their clothes. Stark-naked from shelter had the Christians been left, if strip∣ped out of Tripoli and Tyre. Manfully therefore they defend∣ed themselves; and Saladine having tasted of their valour in Tripoli, had no mind to mend his draught, but marched away to Tyre.

But Conrade of Montferrat, who was in Tyre with his army, so used the matter, that Saladine was fain to flie, and leave his tents behind him, which were lined with much treasure: And the Christians had that happinesse to squeeze that sponge which formerly was filled with their spoil. They in Tyre in token of gratitude chose this Conrade King of Jerusalem; swearing them∣selves his subjects who had kept them from being the Turks slaves. To strengthen his title, he* 1.7 married Elisa or Isabella (Authours christen her with either name) formerly espoused to Humfred of Thoron, sister to Baldwine the fourth, daughter to Almerick King of Jerusalem.

By this time King Guy was delivered out of prison,* 1.8 having sworn never more to bear arms against Saladine: which oath by the Clergie was adjudged void, because forced from him when he was detained in prison unjustly against promise. The worst was, now he had gained his liberty he could not get his King∣dome. Coming to Tyre, they shut the gates against him, own∣ing

no King but Conrade. Thus to have two Kings together, is the way to have neither King nor Kingdome.

But Guy following the affront as well as he might, and pie∣cing up a cloth of remnants, with his broken army besieged Ptolemais. The Pisanes,* 1.9 Venetians, and Florentines, with their sea-succours came to assist him. But this siege was Churchwork, and therefore went on slowly; we may easier perceive it to have moved then to move, especially if we return hither a twelve-moneth hence.

Chap. 2.

The Church-story in the Holy land to the end of the warre; The use and abuse of titular Bishops.

VVE must now no longer look for a full face of a Church in the Holy land; it is well if we find one cheek and an eye. Though Jerusalem and Antioch were wonne by the Turks, the Pope ceased not to make Patriarchs of both. We will con∣tent our selves with the names of those of Jerusalem, finding lit∣tle else of them remarkable.

After Heraclius, Thomas Agni was Patriarch,† 1.10 present in the Laterane Council under Innocent the third.

Geraldus succeeded him, who† 1.11 sided with the Pope against Frederick the Emperour.

Albertus, Patriarch in Jerusalem when the Christians lost their land in Syria. He prescribed some rules to the† 1.12 Car∣melites.

After him, Antonie Beak Bishop of Duresme, the most tri∣umphant Prelate of the English militant Church except Car∣dinall Wolsey. He founded and endowed a Colledge for Prebends at† 1.13 Chester in the Bishoprick of Duresme: Yet no doubt he had done a deed more acceptable to God, if in stead of sacrifice he had done justice, and not defrauded the Lord Vessie's heir, to whom he was guardian. Let those who are delighted with Sciographie, paint out (if they please) these shadow-Patriarchs, as also those of Antioch, and deduce their succession to this day: For this custome still continueth, and I find the Suffragans to severall Archbishops and Bishops in Germany and France,* 1.14 style themselves Bishops of Palestine: for example; The Suffragans of 1 Tornay, 2 Munster, 3 Mentz, 4 Utrecht, 5 Sens, 6 Triers, write themselves

Bishops of 1 Sarepta, 2 Ptolemais, 3 Sidon, 4 Hebron, 5 Cesarea, 6 Azotus. But well did one in the Council of Trent give these titular Bishops the title of figmenta humana,* 1.15 mans de∣vices; because they have as little ground in Gods word and the ancient Canons for their making, as ground in Palestine for their maintenance: Yea, a titular Bishop soundeth a contradiction: for a Bishop and a Church or Diocese, are relatives, as a husband and his wife. Besides, these Bishops by ascending to so high an honour, were fain to descend to many indecencies and in∣dignities to support themselves, with many corruptions in selling of Orders they conferred, the truest and basest Simonie.

However the Pope still continueth in making of them. First, because it is conceived to conduce to the state and amplitude of the Romane Church to have so many Bishops in it, as it is the credit of the Apothecarie to have his shop full, though many outside-painted pots be emptie within. Secondly, hereby his Holinesse hath a facile and cheap way both to gratifie and en∣gage ambitious spirits, and such Chameleons as love to feed on air. Yea,* 1.16 the Pope is not onely free of spirituall dignities, but also of temporall titular honours; as when in the dayes of Queen Eli∣sabeth he made Thomas Stukely (a bankrupt in his loyalty as well as in his estate) Marquesse of Lemster, Earl of Weisford and Caterlogh, Vicount Murrough, Baron Rosse and Hydron in Ireland: The best is, these honours were not heavie nor long worne, he being slain soon after in Barbarie, else the number of them would have broken his back. Lastly, there is a reall use made of these nominall Bishops: for these cyphres joyned with figures will swell to a number, and sway a side in a generall Council, as his Holinesse pleaseth; so that he shall truly cogere concilium, both gather and compell it. Of the four Archbishops which were at the first session in the Council of Trent two were meerly titular,* 1.17 who never had their feet in those Churches whence they took their honour. But enough hereof; Now to matters of the common-wealth.

Chap. 3.

Frederick Barbarossa his setting forth to the Holy land; Of the tyrannous Grecian Empe∣rour.

MAtters going thus wofully in Palestine, the Christians sighs there were alarms to stir up their brethren in Europe to go to help them, and chiefly Frederick Barbarossa the Ger∣mane Emperour. Impute it not to the weaknesse of his judge∣ment, but the strength of his devotion, that at seventy years of age, having one foot in his grave, he would set the other on pil∣grimage. We must know that this Emperour had been long tied to the stake, and baited with seven fresh successive Popes; till at last not conquered with the strength, but wearied with the con∣tinuance of their malice, he gave himself up to be ordered by them; and Pope Clement the third sent him on this voyage into the Holy land.

Marching through Hungarie with a great army of one hun∣dred and fifty thousand valiant souldiers,* 1.18 he was welcomed by King Bela.* 1.19 But changing his host, his entertainment was changed; being basely used when he entred into the Grecian Empire.

Of the Emperours whereof we must speak somewhat. For though being to write the Holy warre, I will climbe no hedges, to trespasse on any other story; yet will I take leave to go the high-way, and touch on the succession of those Princes which lead to the present discourse.

When Conrade Emperour of Germany last passed this way, Emmanuel was Emperour in Greece: Who having reigned thir∣ty eight years, left his place to Alexius his sonne; a youth, the depth of whose capacity onely reached to understand pleasure; governed by the factious nobility, till in his third year he was strangled by Andronicus his cousin.

Andronicus succeeded him; a diligent reader and a great lover of† 1.20 S. Pauls epistles, but a bad practi••er of them: Who rather observing the Devils rule, That it is the best way for those who have been bad, to be still worse, fencing his former villanies by committing new ones, held by tyranny what he had gotten by usurpation; till having lived in the bloud of others, he died in his own, tortured to death by the headlesse multitude; from whom he received all the cruelties which might be expected from ser∣vile natures when they command.

Then Isaacius Angelus, of the Imperiall bloud, was placed

in his throne; of whom partly† 1.21 before. Nero-like, he began mildly, but soon fell to the trade of tyranny: no personall, but the hereditary sinne of the Emperours. He succeeded also to their suspicions against the Latines, as if they came through his countrey for some sinister ends. This jealous Emperour reign∣ed when Frederick with his army passed this way; and many bad offices were done betwixt these two Emperours by unfaithfull† 1.22 Embassadours, as such false mediums have often deceived the best eies. But Frederick finding perfidious dealings in the Greeks, was drawn to draw his sword; taking as he went,† 1.23 Philippople, Adrianople, and many other cities,* 1.24 not so much to get their spoil, as his own security. Isaac understanding hereof, and see∣ing these Pilgrimes would either find or make their passage, left all terms of enmity, and fell to a fair complying,* 1.25 accommoda∣ting them with all necessaries for their transportation over the Bosporus, pretending to hasten them away because the Christi∣ans exigencies in Palestine admitted of no delay: doing it indeed for fear,* 1.26 the Grecians loving the Latines best when they are furthest from them.

Chap. 4.

The great victories and wofull death of Frederick the worthy Emperour.

FRederick entring into the territories of the Turkish Sultan of Iconium, found great resistance, but vanquished his enemies in four severall set battels. Iconium he took by force,* 1.27 giving the spoil thereof to his souldiers, in revenge of the injuries done to his uncle Conrade the Emperour by the Sultan of that place. The citie of Philomela he made to sing a dolefull tune, ra••ing it to the ground, and executing all the people therein as rebells against the law of nations, for killing his Embassa∣dours: and so came with much difficulty and honour into Syria.

Saladine shook for fear, hearing of his coming; and fol∣lowing the advice of† 1.28 Charatux his counseller (counted one of the wisest men in the world, though his person was most contemptible; so true it is none can guesse the jewel by the casket) dismantled all his cities in the Holy land save some frontier-places, rasing their walls and forts, that they were not tenable with an army. For he feared if the Dutch wonne these places, they would not easily be driven out:

whereas now being naked from shelter, he would weary them with set battels, having men numberless, and those near at hand; and so he would tame the Romane Eagle by watching him, gi∣ving him no rest nor respite from continuall fighting. It is there∣fore no Paradox to say, That in some case the strength of a King∣dome doth consist in the weaknesse of it. And hence it is, that our English Kings have suffered Time, without disturbing her meals, to feed her belly full on their in-land castles and citie-walls; which whilest they were standing in their strength, were but the nurseries of rebellion. And now, as† 1.29 one observeth, be∣cause we have no strong cities, war in England waxeth not old, (being quickly stabbed with set battels) which in the Low-countreys hath already outlived the grand climactericall of threescore and ten years.

But Frederick the Emperour, being now entring into the Holy land, was to the great grief of all Christians suddenly taken away, being drowned in the river of Saleph; a river (such is the envie of Barbarisme obscuring all places) which cannot accurately be known at this day, because this new name is a stranger to all ancient maps. If he went in to wash himself, as some write, he neither consulted with his health nor honour: Some say, his horse foundred under him as he passed the water; others, that he fell from him. But these severall relations, as variety of instruments, make a dolefull con••ort in this, that there he lost his life: and no wonder, if the cold water quickly quenched those few sparks of naturall heat left in him at seven∣ty years of age.† 1.30 Neubrigensis conceiveth that this his sudden death was therefore inflicted on him, because in his youth he fought against the Popes and Church of Rome: But I wonder that he seeing an Emperour drowned in a ditch, durst adventure into the bottomlesse depths of Gods counsels. Let it content us to know that oftentimes heaven blasteth those hopes which bud first and fairest; and the feet of mighty Monarchs do slip, when they want but one step to their enemies throne.

After his death Frederick Duke of Suevia, his second sonne, undertook the conduct of the army. Now the Turks conceiving grief had steeped and moistened these Pilgrimes hearts, gave them a sudden charge, in hope to have overthrown them. But the valiant Dutch, who though they had scarce wiped their eyes had scoured their swords, quickly forced them to retire. Then Frederick took the citie of Antioch,* 1.31 which was easily delivered unto him, and his hungry souldiers well refreshed by the citizens, being as yet for the most part Christians. Marching from hence in set battel, he overthrew Dordequin Generall of Saladines forces, slew four thousand,

and took a thousand prisoners with little losse of his own men; and so came to the city of Tyre, where he buried the corpse of his worthy father in the Cathedrall Church, next the tomb of the learned Origen; and Guilelmus Tyrius the worthy Archbi∣shop preached his funerall sermon. We may hear his sorrowfull army speaking this his Epitaph unto him;

Earth scarce did yield ground enough for thy sword To conquer, how then could a brook afford Water to drown thee? brook, which since doth fear (O guilty conscience) in a map t'appear. Yet blame we not the brook, but rather think The weight of our own sinnes did make thee sink. Now sith 'tis so, wee'l fetch a brackish main Out of our eyes, and drown thee once again.

From hence by sea they were conveyed to the Christians ar∣my before Ptolemais, where young Frederick died of the plague: and his great army which at first consisted of an hundred and fif∣ty thousand at their setting forth out of Germany, had now no more left then† 1.32 eighteen hundred armed men.

Chap. 5.

The continuation of the famous siege of Ptole∣mais; The Dutch Knights honoured with a Grand Master.

WE have now at our leisure overtaken the snail-like fiege of Ptolemais, still slowly creeping on. Before it the Christians had not onely a Nationall but an Oecumenicall ar∣my; the abridgement of the Christian world: Scarce a state or populous city in Europe but had here some competent number to represent it.

How many bloudy blows were here lent on both sides, and repayed with interest? what sallies? what assaults? what encounters? whilest the Christians lay betwixt Saladine with his great army behind them and the city before them. One memorable battel we must not omit. It was agreed betwixt Saladine and the Christians to try their fortunes in a pitched field:* 1.33 and now the Christians were in fair hope of a con∣quest, when an† 1.34 imaginary causelesse fear put them to a reall flight; so ticklish are the scales of victory, a very mote will turn them. Thus confusedly they ran away, and boot would have been given to change a strong arm for a swift leg. But

behold, Geoffrey Lusignan King Guy's brother (left for the guarding of the camp) marching out with his men, confuted the Christians in this their groundlesse mistake and reinforced them to fight; whereby they wonne the day, though with the losse of two thousand men and Gerard Master of the Tem∣plars.

It was vainly hoped, that after this victory the city would be sur••endred: but the Turks still bravely defended it, though most of their houses were burnt and beaten down, and the city redu∣ced to a bare sceleton of walls and towers. They fought as well with their wits as weapons, and both sides devised strange de∣fensive and offensive engines: so that Mars himself, had he been here present, might have learned to fight, and have taken notes from their practice. Mean time famine raged amongst the Chri∣stians; and though some provision was now and then brought in from Italy, (for so far they fetched it) yet these small showers after good droughts parched the more, and rather raised then abated their hunger.

Once more we will take our farewell of this siege for a twelve-moneth: But we must not forget that at this time, be∣fore the walls of Ptolemais, the Teutonick order or† 1.35 Dutch Knights (which since the dayes of Baldwine the second lived like private pilgrimes) had now their order honoured with Henry of Walpot their first grand Master, and they were en∣riched by the bounty of many Germane benefactours: These though slow, were sure, they did hoc agere, ply their work; more cordiall to the Christian cause then the Templars, who sometimes to save their own stakes would play booty with the Turks. Much good service did the Dutch Knights in the Ho∣ly warre; till at last (no wise Doctour will lavish physick on him in whom he seeth faciem cadaverosam, so that death hath ta∣ken possession in the sick mans countenance) finding this warre to be desperate and dedecus fotitudinis, they even fairly left the Holy land, and came into Europe, meaning to lay out their valour on some thing that would quit cost. But hereof hereafter.

Chap. 6.

Richard of England and Philip of France set forward to the Holy land; The danger of the interviews of Princes.

THe miseries of the Christians in Syria being reported in Europe, made Richard the first, King of England, and Phi∣lip the second surnamed Augustus, King of France, to make up all private dissensions betwixt them, and to unite their forces against the Turks.

Richard was well stored with men, the bones, and quickly got money, the sinews of warre; by a thousand Princely skills gathering so much coin as if he meant not to return, because looking back would unbow his resolution. To Hugh Bishop of Duresme, for his life, he sold the County of Northumberland; † 1.36 jesting he had made a new Earl of an old Bishop: He sold Bar∣wick and Roxburgh to the Scottish King for ten thousand pounds: Yea, he protested he would sell his city of† 1.37 London (if any were able to buy it) rather then he would be burthen some to his subjects for money. But take this as he spake it, for a flourish: for pretending he had lost his old, he made a new seal, where∣with he squeezed his subjects, and left a deep impression in their purses; forcing them to have all their† 1.38 instruments new-sealed, which any way concerned the Crown.

Having now provided for himself, he forgot not his younger brother John Earl of Morton▪ who was to stay behind him; an active man, who if he misliked the maintenance was cut for him, would make bold to carve for himself: Lest therefore straitned for means he should swell into discontent, King Richard gave him many Earldomes and honours, to the yearly value of four thousand marks. Thus he received the golden saddle, but none of the bridle of the Common-wealth: honour and riches were heaped upon him, but no place of trust and command. For the King deputed William Bishop of Ely his Viceroy; choosing him for that place rather then any lay-Earl, because a Coronet per∣chance may swell into a Crown, but never a Mitre: For a Cler∣gie-mans calling made him uncapable of usurpation in his own person.

Thus having settled matters at home, he set forth with many of our nation, which either ushered or followed him. Of these the prime were, Baldwine Archbishop of Canter∣bury, Hubert Bishop of Salisbury, Robert Earl of Leicester, Ralph de Glanvile late chief Justice of England, Richard de

Clare, Walter de Kime, &c. The Bishops of Dures••e and Norwich, though they had vowed this voyage, were dispen∣sed with by the court of Rome († 1.39 quae nulli deest pecuniam largienti) to stay at home. His navie he sent about by Spain, and with a competent number took his own journey through France.

At Tours he took his Pilgrimes scrip and staff from the Arch∣bishop. His staff at the same time† 1.40 casually brake in pieces; which some (whose dexterity lay in sinister interpreting all acci∣dents) construed a token of ill successe. Likewise, when he and the French King with their trains passed over the bridge of Ly∣ons, † 1.41 on the fall of the bridge this conceit was built, That there would be a falling out betwixt these two Kings; which accord∣ingly came to passe, their intercourse and familiarity breeding hatred and discontent betwixt them.

Yea, the interviews of equall Princes have ever been observed dangerous. Now Princes measure their equality not by the ex∣tent of their dominions, but by the absoluteness of their power; so that he that is supreme and independent in his own countrey, counteth himself equall to any other Prince how great soever. Perchance some youthfull Kings may disport and solace them∣selves one in anothers company, whilest as yet pleasure is all the elevation of their souls: But when once they grow sensible of their own greatnesse, (a lesson they will quickly learn, and shall never want teachers) then emulation will be betwixt them; because at their meeting they cannot so go in equipage, but one will still be the foremost: Either his person will be more pro∣per, or carriage more courtlike, or attendance more accom∣plished, or attire more fashionable, or something will either be or conceived to be more majesticall in one then the other: And corrivalls in honour count themselves eclipsed by every beam of state which shineth from their competitour. Where∣fore the best way to keep great Princes together, is to keep them asunder, accommodating their businesse by Embassa∣dours, lest the meeting of their own persons part their af∣fections.

Chap. 7.

King Richard conquereth Sicilie and Cyprus in his passage to the Holy land.

AT Lyons these two Kings parted their trains, and went severall wayes into Sicilie. King Richard in his passage,

though within fifteen miles of Rome, wanting (forsooth) either devotion or manners, vouchsafed not to give his Ho∣linesse a visit: yea, plainly told† 1.42 Octavian Bishop of Ostia the Popes Confessour, that having better objects to bestow his eyes on, he would not stirre a step to see the Pope: Be∣cause lately without mercy he had simoniacally extorted a masse of money from the Prelates of England. At Messana in Sicilie these two Kings met again: where to complete King Richards joy, behold his Navie there safely arriving, which with much difficulty and danger had fetched a compasse about Spain.

And now King Richard by his own experience grew sensible of the miseries which merchants and mariners at sea underwent, being alwayes within few inches, often within an hairs breadth of death. Wherefore now touched with remorse of their piti∣full case, he resolved to revoke the law of Wracks, as a law so just that it was even unjust. For formerly both in England and Normandie, the† 1.43 Crown was intituled to shipwrackt goods, and the King jure gentium made heir unto them; which other∣wise jure naturali were conceived to be in bonis nullius, pertain∣ing to no owner. But now our Richard refused to make advan∣tage of such pitifull accidents, and to strip poore mariners out of those rags of their estates which the mercy and mode∣sty of the waves and winds had left them. And therefore on the moneth of October, at Messana, in the presence of many Archbishops and Bishops, he for ever† 1.44 quitted the claim to Wracks: So that if any man out of the ship cometh alive to the shore, the property of the shipwrackt goods is still preser∣ved to the owner. Yea, this grant was so enlarged by our suc∣ceeding Kings, that† 1.45 if a dog or a cat escaped alive to land, the goods still remained the owners, if he claimed them within a yeare and a day.

Tancred at this time was King of Sicilie; a bastard born: and no wonder if, climbing up the throne the wrong way, he shaked when he sate down. Besides, he was a Tyrant; both de∣taining the dowrie and imprisoning the person of Joan wife to William late King of Sicilie, and sister to King Richard. But in what a case was he now, having two such mighty Monarchs come unto him! To keep them out, was above his power, to let them in, against his will. Well he knew it was wofull to lie in the rode where great armies were to passe: For power knoweth no inferiour friend; and the land-lord commonly lo∣seth his rent, sometimes his land, where the tenant is too potent for him.

At last he resolved (how wisely or honestly let others judge) openly to poise himself indifferent betwixt these two

Kings, secretly applying himself to the French: which King Richard quickly discovered, as dissembling goeth not long in∣visible before a judicious eye.

Mean time the citizens of Messana did the English much wrong, if not by the command, with the consent of the King. For though it be unjust to father the base actions of unruly people on their Prince; yet Tancred not punishing his people for injuring the English, when he might and was required thereunto, did in effect justifie their insolencies, and adopt their deeds to be his. Wherefore King Richard to avenge himself, took Messana by assault, seized on most forts in the Island, demanding satisfaction for all wrongs done to him and his sister. Tancred though dull at first, now pricked with the sword, came off roundly with many thousand ounces of gold; and seeing, as the case stood, his best thrift was to be prodigall, gave to our King what rich conditions soever he demanded.

Worse discords daily encreased betwixt the King of France and England; King Richard slighting the King of France his sister whom he had promised to marry, and expressing more affection to Beringaria daughter to the King of Navarre. Some Princes interposing themselves in this breach, rather asswaged the pain then removed the malady: So dangerous are ruptures betwixt great ones, whose affections perchance by the mediation of friends may be brought again to meet, but never to unite and incorporate. King Philip thinking to forestall the market of ho∣nour, and take up all for himself, hasted presently to Ptolemais: Richard followed at his leisure, and took Cyprus in his way. Isaac (or Cursac) reigned then in Cyprus; who, under Andro∣nicus the Grecian Emperour (when every factious Noble-man snatched a plank out of that shipwracked Empire) seized on this Island, and there tyrannized as a reputed King. Some falsely conceived him a Pagan: and his faith is suspected, because his charity was so bad; killing the English that landed there, not ha∣ving so much man as to pity a woman, and to suffer the sea-sick Lady Beringaria to come on shore. But King Richard speedily overran the Island, honoured Isaac with the magnificent capti∣vity of silver fetters; yet giving his daughter liberty and prince∣ly usage. The Island he pawned to the Templars for ready mo∣ney. And because Cyprus by antiquity was celebrated as the seat of Venus, that so it might prove to him, in the joyous moneth of May he solemnly took to wife his beloved Lady Be∣ringaria.

Chap. 8.

The taking of the city Ptolemais.

VVHilest King Richard stayed in Cyprus,* 1.46 the siege of Pto∣lemais went on: and though the French King thought with a running pull to bear the city away, yet he found it staked down too fast for all his strength to stirre.

Mean time, the plague and famine raged in the Christians camp; which the last year swept away fifty Princes and Pre∣lates of note: Who, no doubt, went hence to a happy place; though it was before Pope Clement the sixth† 1.47 commanded the angels (who durst not but obey him) presently to convey all their souls into Paradise which should die in their pilgrimage.

This mortality notwithstanding, the siege still continued. And now the Christians and Turks, like two fencers long play∣ing together, were so well acquainted with the blows and guards each of other, that what advantage was taken betwixt them was meerly casuall, never for want of skill, care, or va∣lour on either side. It helped the Christians not a little, that a concealed Christian within the citie, with letters unsubscribed with any name, gave them constant and faithfull intelligence of the remarkable passages amongst the Turks.

No Prince in this siege deserved more then Leopoldus Duke of Austria; who fought so long in assaulting this city, till his ar∣mour was all over gore bloud, save the place covered with his belt.† 1.48 Whereupon he and his successours the Dukes of Austria, renouncing the six Golden larks, their ancient arms, had assigned them by the Emperour a fesse Argent in a field Gules, as the pa∣ternall coat of their family.

By this time King Richard was arrived,* 1.49 (taking as he came a dromond, or Saracen ship, wherein were fifteen hundred soul∣diers, and two hundred and fifty† 1.50 scorpions, which were to be imployed in the poysoning of Christians) and now the siege of Ptolemais more fiercely prosecuted. But all their en∣gines made not so wide a breach in that cities walls, as en∣vie made betwixt the French and English Kings. Yet at last the Turks despairing of succour,* 1.51 their victuals wholly spent, yielded up the city by Saladines consent, on condition to be themselves safely guarded out of it: all Christian prisoners Sa∣ladine had were to be set free, and the Crosse to be again re∣stored.

The houses which were left, with the spoil and prisoners, were equally divided betwixt Philip and Richard. Whereat many Noble-men, partners in the pains, no sharers in the gains,

departed in† 1.52 discontent. Some Turks for fear embraced the Christian faith, but quickly returned to their† 1.53 vomit: as re∣ligion died in fear, never long keepeth colour, but this dayes conver••s will be to morrows apostates. Hereupon it was com∣manded that none hereafter should be baptized against their wills.

Here the English cast down the ensignes of Leopoldus Duke of Austria, which he had advanced in a principall tower in Ptolemais; and as some say, threw them into the jakes. The Duke, though angry at heart, forgot this injury till he could remember it with advantage; and afterwards made King Richard pay soundly for this affront. It is not good to exasperate any, though farre inferiour: for, as the fable telleth us, the beetle may annoy the eagle, and the mouse befriend the lion.

When the city was taken, it grieved the Christians not a little that their faithfull† 1.54 correspondent, who advised them by his letters, could no where be found: Pity it was that Rahabs red lace was not tied at his window. But indeed it was pro∣bable that he was dead before the surrendring of the city. Greater was the grief that the Crosse did no where appear, either carelessely lost, or enviously concealed by the Turks. Whilest the Christians stormed hereat, Saladine required a longer respite for the performance of the conditions. But King Richard would not enlarge him from the strictnesse of what was concluded; conceiving that was in effect to forfeit the victory back again. Besides, he knew he did it onely to gain time to fetch new breath: and if he yielded to him, his boun∣ty had not been thanked, but his fear upbraided, as if he durst not deny him. Yea, in anger King Richard commanded all the Turkish captives which were in his hands,† 1.55 seven thou∣sand in number, to be put to death (except some choice per∣sons) on that day whereon the articles should have been but were not performed. For which fact he suffered much in his re∣pute, branded with rashnesse and cruelty, as the murderer of many Christians: For Saladine in revenge put as many of our captives to death. On the other side the moderation of the French King was much commended, who reserving his prisoners alive, exchanged them to ransome so many Christians.

Chap. 9.

The unseasonable return of the King of France.

MEan time the Christians were rent asunder with faction: Philip the French King, Odo Duke of Burgundy, Leopold Duke of Austria, most of the Dutch, all the Genoans and Tem∣plars siding with King Conrade; King Richard, Henry Count of Champaigne, the Hospitallers, Venetians, and Pisans taking part with King Guy. But King Conrades side was much weaken∣ed with the sudden departure of the French King; who eigh∣teen dayes after the taking of Ptolemais returned home,* 1.56 preten∣ding want of necessaries, indisposition of body, distemper of the climate, though the greatest distemper was in his own passions. The true cause of his departure was, partly envie, because the sound of King Richards fame was of so deep a note that it drowned his; partly† 1.57 covetousnesse, to seize on the dominions of the Earl of Flanders lately dead; Flanders lying fitly to make a stable for the fair palace of France. If it be true what† 1.58 some report, that Saladine bribed him to return, let him for ever for∣feit the surname of Augustus, and the style of the most Christi∣an Prince.

His own souldiers disswaded him from returning, beseech∣ing him not to stop in so glorious a race, wherein he was new∣ly started: Saladine was already on his knees, and would pro∣bably be brought on his face, if pursued. If he played the un∣thrift with this golden occasion, let him not hope for another to play the good husband with. If poverty forced his de∣parture, King Richard† 1.59 profered him the half of all his pro∣visions.

All would not do, Philip persisted in his old plea, How the life of him absent would be more advantagious to the cause, then the death of him present; and by importunity got leave to depart, solemnly swearing not to molest the King of Englands dominions.

Thus the King of France returned in person, but remained still behind in his instructions, which he left (with his army) to the Duke of Burgundy; to whom he prescribed both his path and his pace, where and how he should go. And that Duke moved slowly, having no desire to advance the work where King Richard would carry all the honour. For in those acti∣ons wherein severall undertakers are compounded together, commonly the first figure for matter of credit maketh ciphres of all the rest. As for King Philip, being returned home, such was the itch of his ambition, he must be fingering of the King

of Englands territories, though his hands were bound by oath to the contrary.

Chap. 10.

Conrade King of Ierusalem slain: Guy ex∣changeth his Kingdome for the Island of Cyprus.

ABout the time of the King of France his departure,* 1.60 Conrade King of Jerusalem was murdered in the* 1.61 market-place of Tyre; and his death is variously reported. Some charged our King Richard for procuring it: And though the beams of his in∣nocency cleared his own heart, yet could they not dispell the clouds of suspicions from other mens eyes. Some say Hum∣phred Prince of Thoron killed him, for taking Isabella his wife away from him. But the generall voice giveth it out that two Assasines stabbed him; whose quarrell to him was onely this, That he was a Christian. These murderers being instantly put to death,† 1.62 gloried in the meritoriousnesse of their suffering: and surely were it the punishment not the cause made martyrdome, we should be best stored with Confessours from gaols, and Martyrs from the gallows.

Conrade reigned five years, and left one daughter, Maria Iole, on whom the Knight-Templars bestowed princely educa∣tion. and this may serve for his Epitaph,

The Crown I never did enjoy alone; Of half a Kingdome I was half a King. Scarce was I on, when I was off the throne; Slain by two slaves me basely murdering. And thus the best mans life at mercy lies Of vilest varlets, that their own despise.

His faction survived after his death, affronting Guy the anti∣ent King, and striving to depose him. They pleaded that the Crown was tyed on Guy's head with a womans fillet, which be∣ing broken by the death of his wife Queen Sibyll (who deceased of the plague with her† 1.63 children at the siege of Ptolemais) he had no longer right to the Kingdome; they objected he was a worthlesse man, and unfortunate. On the other side, it was al∣ledged for him, that to measure a mans worth by his successe, is a ••quare often false, alwayes uncertain. Besides, the courtesie of the world would allow him this favour, That a King should be semel & semper, once and ever.

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Whilest Guy stood on these ticklish terms, King Richard made a seasonable motion, which well relished to the palate of this hungry Prince; To exchange his Kingdome of Jerusalem for the Island of Cyprus, which he had redeemed from the Templars, to whom he had pawned it: And this was done ac∣cordingly to the content of both sides.* 1.64 And King Richard with some of his succeeding English Kings wore the title of† 1.65 Jerusa∣lem in their style for many years after. We then dismisse King Guy, hearing him thus taking his farewell;

I steer'd a state warre-tost against my will: Blame then the storm, not th' Pilots want of skill, That I the Kingdome lost, whose empty style I sold to Englands King for Cyprus Isle. I pass'd away the land I could not hold; Good ground I bought, but onely air I sold. Then as a happy Merchant may I sing, Though I must sigh as an unhappy King.

Soon after, Guy made a second change of this world for an∣other. But the family of the Lusignans have enjoyed Cyprus some hundred years: and since by some transactions it fell to the state of Venice; and lately by conquest, to the Turks.

Chap. 11.

Henry of Champaigne chosen King; The noble at∣chievements and victories of King Richard.

COnrade being killed and Guy gone away, Henry Earl of Champaigne was chosen King of Jerusalem by the especi∣all procuring of King Richard his uncle. To corroborate his election by some right of succession, he married Isabella, the widow of King Conrade and daughter to Almerick King of Jerusalem. A Prince (as writers report) having a sufficient stock of valour in himself, but little happy in expressing it; whether for want of opportunity, or shortnesse of his reign, being most spent in a truce. He more pleased himself in the style of Prince of Tyre then King of Jerusalem; as counting it more honour to be Prince of what he had, then King of what he had not.

And now the Christians began every where to build: The Templars fortified Gaza; King Richard repaired and walled Ptolemais, Porphyria, Joppa, and Askelon. But alas! this short prosperity, like an Autumne-spring, came too late and was gone too soon to bring any fruit to maturity.

It was now determined they should march towards Jerusalem: for all this while they had but hit the but; that Holy City was the mark they shot at. Richard led the vantguard of English; Duke Odo commanded in the main battel over his French; James of Auvergne brought on the Flemings and Brabanters in the rere. Saladine, serpent-like, biting the heel, assaulted the rere, not far from Bethlehem; when the French and English wheel∣ing about, charged the Turks most furiously. Emulation, for∣merly poyson, was here a cordiall, each Christian nation striving not onely to conquer their enemies, but to overcome their friends in the honour of the conquest. King Richard seeking to put his courage out of doubt, brought his judgement into que∣stion, being more prodigall of his person then beseemed a Gene∣rall. One† 1.66 wound he received, but by losi••g his bloud he found his spirits, and laid about him like a mad-man. The Christians got the victory, without the losse of any of number or note, save James of Auvergne, who here died in the bed of honour: But more of the Turks were slain then in any battel for fourty years before.

Had the Christians presently gone to Jerusalem, probably they might have surprised it, whilest the Turks eyes were muffled and blindfolded in the amazement of this great over∣throw. But this opportunity was lost by the backwardnesse and unwillingnesse of King Richard and the English, say the † 1.67 French writers. To cry quits with them, our† 1.68 English au∣thours impute it to the envie of the French; who would have so glorious an action rather left undone, then done by the English. They complain likewise of the treachery of Odo Duke of Burgundie, who more carefull of his credit then his conscience, was choked with the shame of the sinne he had swallowed, and died for grief, when his intelligence with the Turks was made known. This cannot be denyed, that Saladine sent (term them bribes or presents) both to our King and the French Duke, and they received them: no wonder then if nei∣ther of them herein had a good name, when they traded with such familiars. But most hold King Richard attempted not Jeru∣salem, because as a wise architect, he would build his victories so as they might stand, securing the countrey as he went; it being senselesse to besiege Jerusalem a straggling city, whilest the Turks as yet were in possession of all the sea-ports and strong forts thereabout.

About this time he intercepted many camels loaded with rich commodity, those Eastern wares containing much in a little. And yet of all this, and of all the treasures of England, Sicilie, and Cyprus which he brought hither, King Richard carried home nothing but one† 1.69 gold-ring: all the rest of his

wealth melted away in this hot service. He wintered in Aske∣lon, intending next spring to have at Jerusalem,

Chap. 12.

The little-honourable peace King Richard made with Saladine; Of the value of Reliques.

BUt bad news out of Europe shaked his steadiest resolutions, hearing how William Bishop of Ely, his Vice-roy in En∣gland, used unsufferable insolencies over his subjects: So hard it is for one of base parentage to personate a King without over∣acting his part, Also he heard how the King of France and John Earl of Morton his own brother, invaded his dominions; ambi∣tion, the Pope in their belly, dispensing with their oath to the contrary. Besides, he saw this warre was not a subject capable of valour to any purpose; the Venetians, Genoans, Pisans and Florentines being gone away with their fleets, wisely shrinking themselves out of the collar, when they found their necks wrung with the hard imployment. Hereupon he was forced first to make the motion of (in plain terms, to begge) peace of Saladine.

Let Saladine now alone to winne, having all the game in his own hand. Well knew he how to shoot at his own ends, and to take aim by the exigencies wherein he knew King Richard was plunged. For he had those cunning gypsies about him, who could read in King Richards face what grieved his heart; and by his intelligencers was certified of every note-worthy passage in the English army. Upon these terms therefore or none (beg∣gers of peace shall never be choosers of their conditions) a truce for three (some say, five) years might be concluded, That the Christians should demolish all places they had walled since the taking of Ptolemais; which was in effect to undo what with much charge they had done. But such was the tyranny of King Richards occasions, forcing him to return, that he was glad to embrace those conditions he hated at his heart.

Thus the voyage of these two Kings, begun with as great con∣fidence of the undertakers as expectation of the beholders, con∣tinued with as much courage as interchangeablenesse of suc∣cesse, baned with mutuall discord and emulation, was ended with some honour to the undertakers, no* 1.70 Profit either to them or the Christian cause. Some farre-fetched dear-bought honour they got; especially King Richard, who eternized his memory in Asia: whom if men forget, horses will remember; the Turks

using to say to their horses when they started for fear, Dost thou think King Richard is here? Profit they got none, losing both of them the hair of their heads in an acute disease; which was more, saith† 1.71 one, then both of them got by the voyage.

They left the Christians in Syria in worse case then they found them: as he doeth the benighted traveller a discourtesie rather then a kindnesse, who lendeth a lantern to take it away, leaving him more masked then he was before.

And now a little to solace my self and the reader with a merry digression, after much sorrow and sad stories; King Richard did one thing in Palestine which was worth all the cost and pains of his journey, namely, He redeemed from the Turks a chest full of holy Reliques (which they had gotten at the taking of Jerusalem) so great, as† 1.72 four men could scarce carry any way. And though some know no more then Esops cock how to prize these pearls, let them learn the true value of them from the Romane jewel∣lers. First, they must carefully distinguish between publick and private Reliques: In private ones some forgery may be suspect∣ed, lest quid be put for quo; which made S.† 1.73 Augustine put in that wary parenthesis, Si tamen Martyrum, If so be they be the Re∣liques of Martyrs. But as for publick ones approved by the Pope, and kept in Churches (such no doubt as these of King Ri∣chards were) oh let no Christian be such an infidel as to stagger at the truth thereof! If any object, That the head of the same Saint is shewed at severall places; the whole answer is by a † 1.74 Synecdoche, That a part is put for the whole. As for the com∣mon exception against the Crosse, That so many severall pieces thereof are shown, which put together would break the back of Simon of Cyrene to bear them; it is answered, Distrahitur, non diminuitur, and like the loaves in the Gospel, it is miraculously multiplied in the dividing. If all these fail,† 1.75 Baronius hath a ra∣sour shaveth all scruple clear away: For, saith he, Quidquid sit, fides purgat facinus; So that he worshipeth the false Reliques of a true Saint, God taketh his good intention in good worth, though he adore the hand of Esau for the hand of Jacob. But enough of thesefooleries.

Chap. 13.

King Richard taken prisoner in Austria; sold and sent to the Emperour; dearly ransomed, returneth home.

KIng Richard setting sail from Syria,* 1.76 the sea and wind favour∣ed him till he came into the Adriatick; and on the coasts of Istria he suffered shipwrack: Wherefore he intended to pierce through Germany by land, the next way home. But the near∣nesse of the way is to be measured not by the shortnesse but the safenesse of it.

He disguised himself to be one Hugo a merchant, whose onely commodity was himself, whereof he made but a bad bargain. For he was discovered in an Inne in Austria, because he disguised his person not his expenses; so that the very policy of an hostesse, finding his purse so farre above his clothes, did detect him:* 1.77 Yea, saith mine Authour, Facies orbiterrarum nota, ignorari non potuit. The rude people flocking together, used him with insolencies un∣worthy him, worthy themselves: and they who would shake at the tail of this loose Lion, durst laugh at his face now they saw him in a grate. Yet all the weight of their cruelty did not bow him beneath a Princely carriage.

Leopoldus Duke of Austria hearing hereof, as being Lord of the soil, seised on this Royall stray;* 1.78 meaning now to get his penny-worths out of him, for the affront done unto him in Pa∣lestine.

Not long after the Duke sold him to Henry the Emperour, for his harsh nature surnamed Asper, and it might have been Saevus, being but one degree from a tyrant. He kept King Ri∣chard in bands, charging him with a thousand faults committed by him in Sicilie, Cyprus, and Palestine. The proofs were as slender as the crimes grosse; and Richard having an eloquent tongue, innocent heart, and bold spirit, acquitted himself in the judgement of all the hearers. At last he was† 1.79 ransomed for an hundred and fourty thousand marks, Colein weight. A summe so vast in that age, before the Indies had overflowed all Europe with their gold and silver, that to raise it in England they were forced to sell their Church-plate to their very chalices. Whereupon out of most deep Divinity it was concluded, That they should not celebrate the Sacrament in† 1.80 glasse, for the brit∣tlenesse of it; nor in wood, for the sponginesse of it, which would suck up the bloud; nor in alchymie, because it was sub∣ject to rusting; nor in copper, because that would provoke vo∣miting;

but in chalices of latine, which belike was a metall without exception. And such were used in England for some † 1.81 hundred years after: untill at last John Stafford Archbishop of Canterbury, when the land was more replenished with sil∣ver, inknotteth that Priest in the greater excommunication that should consecrate Poculum stanneum. After this money† 1.82 Peter of Blois (who had drunk as deep of Helicon as any of that age) sendeth this good prayer, making an apostrophe to the Emper∣our, or to the Duke of Austria, or to both together:

Bibe nunc, avaritia, Dum puteos argenteos Larga diffundit Anglia. Tua tecum pecunia Sit in perditionem.

And now, thou basest avarice, Drink till thy belly burst, Whil'st England poures large silver showre▪ To satisfie thy thirst. And this we pray, Thy money may And thou be like accurst.

The ransome partly payed, the rest secured by hostages, King Richard much befriended by the Dutch Prelacy, after eighteen moneths imprisonment returned into England. The Arch∣bishop of Colein in the presence of King Richard, as he passed by, brought in these words in saying masse, Now I know that God hath sent his angel, and hath delivered thee out of the hand of He∣rod, and from the expectation of the people, &c. But his soul was more healthfull for this bitter physick, and he amended his manners; better loving his† 1.83 Queen Beringaria, whom he slighted before: As souldiers too often love women better then wives.

Leave we him now in England, where his presence fixed the loyalty of many of his unsetled subjects; whilest in Austria the Duke with his money built the walls of Vienna: So that the best stones and morter of that bulwark of Christendome are beholden to the English coin. We must not forget how Gods judgements overtook this Duke, punishing his dominions with fire and wa∣ter, which two elements cannot be Kings but they must be ty∣rants; by famine, the ears of wheat turned into worms; by a gangrene, seising on the Dukes body, who cut off his leg with his own hand, and died thereof: Who by his testament (if not by his will) caused some thousand crowns to be restored again to King Richard.

Chap. 14.

The death of Saladine; His commendation, even with truth, but almost above belief.

SOn after, Saladine the terrour of the East ended his life,* 1.84 ha∣ving reigned sixteen years. Consider him as a man, or a Prince, he was both wayes admirable.

Many Historians (like some painters, which rather shew their skill in drawing a curious face then in making it like to him whom it should resemble) describe Princes rather what they should be then what they were; not shewing so much their good∣nesse as their own wits. But finding this Saladine so generally commended of all writers, we have no cause to distrust this his true character.

His wisdome was great, in that he was able to advise; and greater, in that he was willing to be advised: Never so wedded to his own resolves, but on good ground he would be divorced from them. His valour was not over-free, but would well an∣swer the spurre when need required. In his victories he was much beholden to the advantage of season, place, and number; and seldome wrested the garland of honour from an arm as strong as his own. He ever marched in person into the field, remembring that his predecessours, the Caliphs of Egypt, brake themselves by using Factours, and imploying of Souldans. His temperance was great, diet sparing, sleep moderate, not to pam∣per nature, but to keep it in repair. His greatest recreation was variety and exchange of work. Pleasures he rather sipped then drank off; sometimes, more to content others then please him∣self. Wives he might have kept sans number, but stinted him∣self to one or two; using them rather for posterity then wan∣tonnesse. His justice to his own people was remarkable; his promise with his enemies generally well kept. Much he did tri∣umph in mercy: Fierce in fighting, mild in conquering; and having his enemies in his hand, pleased himself more in the power then act of revenge. His liberality would have drained his treasure, had it not had a great and quick spring, those Eastern parts being very rich. Serviceable men he would pur∣chase on any rate; and sometimes his gifts bare better propor∣tion to his own greatnesse then the receivers deserts. Vast bribes he would give to have places betrayed unto him, and often effected that with his gold which he could not do with his steel. Zealous he was in his own religion, yet not violent ••gainst Christians quà Christians. Scholarship cannot be ex∣spected

in him who was a Turk by his birth (amongst whom it is a sinne to be learned) and a souldier by breeding. His humility was admirable; as being neither ignorant of his greatnesse, nor over-knowing it. He provided to have no solemnities at his fu∣nerals; and ordered that before his corpse a black cloth should be carried on the top of a spear, and this proclaimed,† 1.85 Saladine Conquerour of the East had nothing left him but this black shirt to attend him to the grave.

Some entitle him as descended from the Royall Turkish bloud: Which flattering Heralds he will little thank for their pains; counting it most honour, that he being of mean parentage, was the first founder of his own Nobility. His stature (for one of that nation) was tall. His person rather cut out to strike fear then winne love; yet could he put on amiablenesse when occasi∣on required, and make it beseem him. To conclude; I will not be so bold, to do with him as an Eastern† 1.86 Bishop doth with Pla∣to and Plutarch, whom he commendeth in a Greek hymn to Christ, as those that came nearest to holinesse of all untaught Gentiles: (Belike he would be our Saviours remembrancer, and put him in mind to take more especiall notice of them at the day of judgement.) But I will take my farewell of Saladine with that commendation I find of him,† 1.87 He wanted nothing to his eternall happinesse, but the knowledge of Christ.

Chap. 15.

Discords amongst the Turks; The miserable death of Henry King of Ierusalem.

SAladine left nine (some say, twelve) sonnes,* 1.88 making Saphra∣dine his brother overseer of his will: Who of a tutour turned a traitour, and murdered them all excepting one, called also Sa∣phradine, Sultan of Aleppo; who, not by his uncles pity, but by the favour and support of his fathers good friends was preser∣ved. Hence arose much intestine discord amongst the Turks; all which time the Christians enjoyed their truce with much quiet and security.

Not long after,* 1.89 Henry King of Jerusalem, as he was† 1.90 walking in his palace to solace himself, fell down out of a window, and brake his neck. He reigned three years. But as for the particular time he died on, I find it not specified in any Authour.

Chap. 16.

Almerick the second, King of Ierusalem; The great armie of the Dutch adventurers doth lit∣tle in Syria.

AFter his death, Almerick Lusignan, brother to King Guy, was in the right of his wife crowned King of Jerusalem: For he married Isabella the Relict of Henry the last King. This Lady was four times married: first, to Humphred Prince of Thorone; then to the three successive Kings of Jerusalem, Con∣rade, Henry, and this Almerick. He was also King of Cyprus; and the Christians in Syria promised themselves much aid from the vicinity of that Island. But though he was near to them, he was far from helping them, making pleasure all his work; being an idle, lazy, worthlesse Prince. But I trespasse on that po∣litick rule, Of Princes we must speak the best, or the least; if that be not intended, when the truth is so late that danger is en∣tailed upon it.

In his time, Henry Emperour of Germany, indicted by his conscience for his cruelty against King Richard, seeking to per∣fume his name in the nostrils of the world, which began to be unsavourie, set on foot another voyage to the Holy land.* 1.91 Pope Celestine the third sent his Legates about to promote this ser∣vice, shewing how God himself had sounded the alarm by the dissention of the Turks: Jerusalem now might be wonne with the blows of her enemies; onely an army must be sent, not so much to conquer as to receive it. Generall of the Pilgrimes was Henry Duke of Saxony; next him, Frederick Duke of Au∣stria, Herman Landtgrave of Thuringia, Henry Palatine of Rhene, Conrade Archbishop of Mentz, Conrade Archbishop of Wurtzburg, the Bishops of Breme, Halberstadt, and Regenspurg, with many more Prelates; so that here was an Episcopall army, which might have served for a nationall Synod: Insomuch that one truly might here have seen the Church Militant. We have no ambition, saith* 1.92 one of their countrey-men, to reckon them up; for they were plurimi & nulli, many in number, none in their actions.

Some of these souldiers were imployed by Henry the Em∣perour (who knew well to bake his cake with the Churches fuel) to subdue his rebells in Apulia. This done, they passed through Grecia, and found there better entertainment then some of their predecessours. Hence by shipping they were con∣veyed into Syria: Here they brake the* 1.93 truce made by King

Richard, (it seemeth by this, it was the last five years) the Pope dispensing therewith; who can make a peace nets to hold others, but a cobweb for himself to break through. The city Berytus they quickly wanne, and as quickly lost. For Henry the Empe∣rour suddenly died, the root which nourished this voyage, and then the branches withered. Henry also Duke of Saxony, Ge∣nerall of this army, was slain. And Conrade Archbishop of Mentz, one of the Electours, would needs return home to the choice of a new Emperour; knowing he could more profitably use his voice in Germany then his arms in Syria. Other Captains secretly stole home; and when the souldiers would have fought, their* 1.94 Captains ran away. And whereas in other Expeditions we find vestigia pauca retrorsum, making such clean work that they left little or no reversions; of this voyage many safely re∣turned home with whole bodies and wounded credits.

The rest that remained fortified themselves in Joppa. And now the feast of S. Martin was come, the Dutch their Arch-Saint. This man being a Germane by birth, and Bishop of Tours in France, was eminent for his* 1.95 hospitality; and the Dutch bad∣ly imitating their countrey-man, turn his charity to the poor in∣to riot on themselves, keeping the eleventh of November (I will not say holy-day, but) feast-day. At this time the spring∣tide of their mirth so drowned their souls, that the* 1.96 Turks co∣ming in upon them, cut every one of their throats, to the number of twenty thousand: and quickly they were stabbed with the sword that were cup-shot before. A day which the Dutch may well write in their Kalendars in red letters died with their own bloud; when their camp was their shambles, the Turks their butchers, and themselves the Martinmasse-beeves: from which the beastly drunkards differ but a little.

The citie of Joppa the Turks rased to the ground; and of this victory they became so proud, that they had thought without stop to have driven the Christians quite out of Syria. But by the coming of* 1.97 Simon Count of Montford (a most valiant and ex∣pert Captain,* 1.98 ••ent thither by Philip the French King with a re∣giment of tall souldiers, at the instance of Innocent the third, that succeeded Celestine in the Papacy) and by civil discord then reigning amongst the Turks themselves for sovereignty, their ••ury was repressed, and a peace betwixt them and the Christians concluded for the space of* 1.99 ten years: during which time the Turks promised not to molest the Christians in Tyre or Ptolemais.* 1.100 Which peace so concluded, the worthy Count returned with his souldiers into France.

Chap. 17.

A Crusado for the Holy land diverted by the Pope* 1.101 to Constantinople; They conquer the Grecian Empire.

THis truce notwithstanding, another army of Pilgrims was presently provided for Syria: The Tetrarchs whereof were Baldwine Earl of Flanders, Dandalo the Venetian Duke, Theo∣bald Earl of Champaigne, Boniface Marquesse of Montferrat, with many other Nobles.

Leave we them a while taking the city of Jadera in Istria for the Venetians. Mean time if we look over into Greece, we shall find Isaac Angelus the Emperour deposed, thrust into prison, his eyes put out, (the punishment there in fashion) so that he ended his dayes before he ended his life, by the cruelty of Alexius An∣gelus his brother, who succeeded him.

But young Alexius, Isaac Angelus his sonne, with some Gre∣cian Noble-men, came to the courts of most Western Princes to beg assistance to free his father and expell the tyrant. He so deported himself, that each gesture was a net to catch mens good will; not seeking their favour by losing himself, but though he did bow, he would not kneel: so that in his face one might read a pretty combat betwixt the beams of majesty and cloud of adversity. To see a Prince in want, would move a mi∣sers charity. Our Western Princes tendered his case, which they counted might be their own; their best right lying at the mercy of any stronger usurper. Young Alexius so dressed his meat, that he pleased every mans palate; promising for their succours to disingage the French from their debts to the Vene∣tian; promising the Venetian satisfaction for the wrongs done them by the Grecians; and bearing the Pope in hand he would reduce the Eastern Churches into his subjection: things which he was little* 1.102 able to perform. But well may the statute of Bankrupt be sued out against him who cannot be rich in promi∣ses. These his fair profers prevailed so farre, that the Pope commanded, and other Princes consented, that this army of Pilgrimes levied for the Holy land, should be imployed against the usurping Grecian Emperour. Many taxed his Holinesse for an unjust steward of the Christian forces, to expend them a∣gainst the Grecians, which were to be laid out against the Infi∣dels: Especially now when Palestine, through the dissension of the Turks, offered it self into the Christians arms to be regain∣ed. Others thought the Pope took the right method; because

he which should winne Jerusalem must begin at Constanti∣nople: And by this warre the Grecian Empire, which was the bridge to Syria, would be made good, and secured for the pas∣sage of Pilgrimes. The souldiers generally rejoyced at the ex∣change of their service: for the barren warres in Syria starved the undertakers; and a cook himself cannot lick his fingers where no meat is dressed. There nothing but naked honour was to be gotten, here honour clothed with spoil; the usurpers treasure would make brave scrambling amongst them: And it was good plowing up of that ground which had long laien fallow.

Setting sail from Jadera (which city they had subdued to the Venetian, forcing them to pay three thousand* 1.103 cony-skins yearly for tribute to that State) like good fensers they strook at the head, and made for Constantinople: Which they quickly took,* 1.104 after some hot skirmishes. Alexius Angelus the usurper, with his wife, whores, and treasure, fled away. Blind Isaac Angelus was fetched out of prison; he and young Alexius his sonne saluted joynt Emperours. Which brittle honour of theirs was quickly broken: For soon after the father died, being brought into an open place, kept before in a close pent dun∣geon; and having long fasted from good air, he now got his death by surfeiting on it. His sonne was villanously strangled by Alexius Ducas, called from his beetle brow Mur••iphlus: One of base parentage, who was tumultuously chosen Emperour by the people. This Ducas offered some affronts to the Latines which lay before Constantinople in their ships.* 1.105 Wherefore, and also because they were not payed for their former service, they the second time assaulted the city, and took it by main force; killing none, but robbing all; ravishing women, and using a thousand insolencies. Some fled for their succour to the shrines of Saints: But the Sanctuaries needed sanctuaries to protect themselves, the souldiers as little respecting place, as formerly age or sex: not standing on any reverence to the Saints, they stood upon them, making footstools of their images and statues.

Nicetas Choniates, hitherto an historian, now a plaintiff, (writing so full of ohs and exclamations as if the while pinch∣ed by the arm) rather without measure then cause bemoaneth the outrages the Latines here committed. Poore man! all the miseries our Saviour speaketh off in a siege, met in him: His flight from Constantinople was in winter, on the* 1.106 Sabbath∣day, his wife being great with child. But when the object is too near the eye, it seemeth greater then it is: and perchance he amplifieth and aggravateth the cruelty of these Pilgrimes, be∣ing nearly interessed therein himself; especially when the rheto∣rick

of grief is alwayes in the Hyperbole. Nor is it any news for souldiers to be so insolent when they take a citie by assault: which time is their* 1.107 Saturnalia, when servants themselves do command, acknowledging no other leader or captain then their own passions.

Within a twelve-moneth all Greece was subdued save onely Adrianople:* 1.108 Baldwine Earl of Flanders chosen Emperour; Thomas Maurocenus elected first Latine Patriarch in Constan∣tinople; Boniface Marquesse of Montferrat made King of Thes∣salie; Geoffrey of Troy, a Frenchman, Prince of Achaia and Duke of Athens: the Venetians got many rich Islands in the Aegean and Ionian seas: So that one could not now see the Grecian Em∣pire for Empires. It was now expected that they should have advanced hence into Palestine: But here having well feathered their nests, they were loth to flie any further. And now no wonder if the Christians affairs in Palestine were weak and lean, the Pope diverting the meat that should feed them another way.

Chap. 18.

The Pope sendeth an army of Croises against the Albingenses. Three severall opinions concern∣ing that sect.

POpe Innocent the third having lately learned the trick of imploying the army of Pilgrimes in by-services,* 1.109 began now to set up a trade thereof. For two years after he levied a great number of them, whom he sent against the Albingenses in France. These were reputed hereticks, whom his Holinesse in∣tended to root out with all cruelty; that good shepherd know∣ing no other way to bring home a wandring sheep then by worrying him to death. He fully and freely promised the undertakers the self-same Pardons and Indulgences as he did to those who went to conquer the Holy land; and very conscio∣nably requested their aid onely for fourty dayes, hoping to chop up these Albingenses at a bit. Though herein he was de∣ceived, and they stuck in his and his successours teeth for fifty years together. The place being nearer, the service shorter, the work lesse, the wages the same with the voyage into Syria, many entred themselves in this imployment, and neglected the other.

We will trace this army by their footsteps, and our penne

must wait on their swords. And I hope that his Holinesse, who absolved many of their vows from Palestine, and commuted them into a journey into France, will also of his goodnesse dis∣pense with my veniall digression herein, in prosecuting their actions. Yea indeed, I need not his dispensation, being still re∣sident on my own subject, this also being styled, The Holy War, The warre for the Crucifix, The army of the Church; the souldiers also bearing the badge of the Crosse on their coat∣armour.

But first let us throughly examine what these Albingenses were, and what they held: a question that will quit the cost in studying it.

They were a younger house of the Waldenses, and branched from them; not different in doctrine, but later in time, and di∣stant in place: so called from the countrey Albigeois in France, where they lived.

I find three grand different opinions of Authours concerning them.

First,* 1.110 Some make them to have been very monsters in life and doctrine; so that the heaviest punishment was too light for them. And this is the generall voice of most writers in that age, and all Romanists in our dayes.

Secondly, Others clean contrary hold, That these Walden∣ses (for I make them and the Albingenses Synonyma, as* 1.111 others have done) were onely the true Church of God in that age, whilest all others being corrupted with abominable superstition, were no true Church at all. These alone were Gods Virgins, his Witnesses in sackcloth, his Woman in the wilderness, his sealed ones, his seven thousand whose knees were not suppled with the Baalisme of that age. This is the expresse opinion of some strict Protestants; and of some who speak it not out, yet mutter it to themselves.

Thirdly, A third sort* 1.112 explode this opinion, as trespassing on Divine providence; that God who neither slumbereth nor sleepeth, should be in so long a lethargie as to suffer hell to eat up his heaven on earth for so many years together, leaving no true Church but so small a company of such simple people. They conceive that the maintainers hereof engage themselves in a labyrinth of difficulties, hanging too great a weight on so slender a string, in making such an handfull of men the onely Church for so long continuance. More moderately therefore they hold, That these Albingenses were a purer part of the Church; and though guilty of some errours, (as there must be a dawning before the day) and charged with more, yet they maintained the same * doctrine in ore, which since Luthers time was refined: So that the main body of the Church visible at

this time was much in dilapidations, whilest the Albingenses, as an innermost chapell thereof, was best in repair.

Let the Reader choose the probablest opinion when he hath perused the evidences of all sides; which we will now produce, deducing the history of these Albingenses from their first ori∣ginall.

Chap. 19.

The beginning of the Albingenses; Their disper∣sion, persecution, increase, names, and nick∣names.

ABout the year 1160, Peter Waldo a merchant of Lyons, rich in substance and learning (for a lay-man) was walking and talking with his friends, when one of them suddenly fell down dead. Which lively spectacle of mans mortality so im∣pressed the soul of this Waldo, that instantly he resolved on a strict reformation of his life: Which to his power he performed; translating some books of the Bible; instructing such as resorted to him in godlinesse of life; teaching withall, That Purgatory, Masses, dedication of Temples, worshipping of Saints, prayers for the dead, were inventions of the devil, and snares of avari••••, That Monkery was a stinking carrion, the Church of Rome the whore of Babylon, the Pope that Antichrist Paramount: He sharply lanced the vitious ulcers of Clergie-mens lives, repro∣ving their pride and luxury. Soon got he many followers, both because novelty is a forcible loadstone, and because he plentiful∣ly relieved his poor disciples; and those that use that trade shall never want custome.

The Archbishop of Lyons hearing such doctrines broched as were high treason against the Triple crown, ferreted Waldo and his sectaries out of Lyons and the countrey thereabouts. But per∣secution is the bellows of the Gospel, to blow every spark into a flame. This their division proved their multiplication. Some fled into the Alpes, living there on so steep hills, and in so deep holes, that their enemies were afraid to climbe or dive after them. Here they had the constant company of the snow: And as it by the height of the hils was protected from the sun-beams, so they from the scorching of persecution, even to Luthers time. Others fled into Picardy, Flanders, England, Alsatia, Bohemia, * 1.113 Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungaria, and whither not? the perfume of the Popes presence not keeping this supposed vermine out of

Italy it self. Many of them were cruelly massacred, five and thir∣ty Burgesses of Mayence burned at Bingen in one fire, eighteen at Mayence, fourscore at Straesburg at the instance of the Bishop thereof. But Martyrs ashes are the best compost to manure the Church: for others were wonne to their opinion, by behold∣ing their constancy and patience. Strange that any should fall in love with that profession, whose professours were so miserable! But truth hath alwayes a good face, though often but bad clothes.

They were called by sundry names: Sometimes from the pla∣ces where they lived: As from Albigeois, Tholouse, Lyons, Pi∣cardy, Bohemia; Albingenses, Tholousians, Lyonists, Picards, Bohemians. Sometimes from their principall pastour: As from Waldo, Joseph, Henry, Esperon, Arnold; Waldenses, Jofe∣phists, Henricians, Esperonites, Arnoldists. In England they were termed Lolards, from* 1.114 Lolard their teacher; not as some Friar descanteth, quasi Lolium in area Domini. It appeareth not whether they were thus called of others, or called themselves. But grant the latter: and if any object, That they seemed ashamed of Christ theirfirst godfather, who gave them the name of Christians, thus to denominate themselves from their teach∣ers; I answer, It is the same the Papists do, calling themselves Benedictines, Dominicans, Franciscans, &c. from the foun∣ders of their Orders.

They had also nick names; called, First, Poor men of Ly∣ons: not because they chose to be poor, but could not choose but be poor, being stripped out of all their goods: And why should the Friars glory be this peoples shame? they mocking at poverty in others, which they count meritorious in themselves. Secondly, Patarenians; that is, Sufferers, whose backs were an∣vils for others to beat on. Thirdly, Turlupins; that is, Dwel∣lers with wolves, (and yet might they be Gods sheep) being forced to flee into woods. Fourthly, likewise they were called Sicars; that is, Cut-purses. Fifthly, Fraterculi; that is, Shifters. Sixthly, Insabbatae; that is, Observers of no Sabbath. Seventh∣ly, Pasagenes; that is, Wanderers. As also Arians, Manicheans, Adamites (how justly will appear afterwards.) Yea, scarce was there an arrow in all the quiver of malice which was not shot at them.

Chap. 20.

The Albingenses their answer, confessing some, denying most crimes laid to their charge; Com∣mendations their adversaries give them.

COme we now to the full and foul indictment wherewith these Albingenses are charged: That they gave no reverence to* 1.115 holy places; rejected the baptisme of infants; held that temporall power was grounded in grace; that it was a meritori∣ous work to persecute the Priests of Rome and their subjects: with the Adamites they went naked (an affront to nature;) with the Manicheans they made two first causes, God of good, the devil of evil; held community of all things, even of wives amongst them; were* 1.116 sorcerers and conjurers; (pretending to command the devil, when they most obeyed him) guilty of in∣cest, buggery, and more unnaturall sins, whereby men (as it were) run backward to hell.

No whit affrighted with this terrible accusation, many late writers dare by their advocates to defend them, though confes∣sing them guilty of some of these, but not in so high and hainous a manner as they are accused.

True it is, because most of that age ranne riot in adoring of Churches, (as if some inherent sanctity was seeled to their roof, or plaistered to their walls; yea, such as might more ingratiate with God the persons and prayers of people there assembled) the Waldenfes (out of that old errour not yet worn out, That the best way to straighten what is crooked, is to over-bow it) denied Churches that relative holinesse and fit reverence due unto them. Baptisme of infants they refused not (though* 1.117 Saint Bernard, taking it rather from the rebound then first rise, char∣geth them therewith) but onely deferred it till it might be ad∣ministred by one of their own Ministers; their tender consci∣ences not digesting the Popish baptisme, where clear water by Gods ordinance, was by mans additions made a salve or plaister. That dominion was founded in grace, seemeth to be their ve∣ry opinion: Yea, it hangeth as yet in the Schools on the file, and is not taken off, as a thing disputable, finding many favourers. But grant it a great errour (for wicked men shall be arraigned before God, not as usurpers, but as tyrants; not for not having right, but not right using the creatures) yet herein they proceed∣ed not so far as the Papists now-a-dayes, to unthrone and de∣pose excommunicated Princes: So that they who do most, have least cause to accuse them. That they spoke too homely

and coursely of the Romish Priests, inveighing too bitterly and uncharitably against them, condemning all for some, may per chance be proved: And no wonder if they speak ill of those from whom they felt ill. But take their speeches herein, as the words of men upon the rack, forced from them by the extremity of cruel usage.

In these errours the Albingenses hope to find favour, if men consider, First, the ignorance of the age they lived in: It is no news to stumble in the dark. Secondly, the frailty (that squire of the body) attending on mans nature; yea, he shall be im∣mortall who liveth till he be stoned by one without fault. Thirdly, the errours themselves, which are rather in the out∣limbs then vitalls of religion. And it may be conceived they might have been reclaimed, if used with gentle means, not cate∣chised with fire and fagot; it being a true rule, That mens con∣sciences are more moved with leading then dragging or drawing.

But the sting of the indictment is still behind in the tail or end thereof; charging them with such hainous errours in do∣ctrine, and vices in life: All which the patrones for the defen∣dants* 1.118 deny and defie, as coined out of the mint of their enemies malice.

It will be objected, If denying the fact might serve the turn, we should have no male factours: This therefore is but a poore plea, barely to deny, when that such clouds of witnesses are a∣gainst them. And grant they have a few stragling writers, or some sleeping records which may seem to acquit them, what are one or two men (though suppose them giants) against a whole army?

To this I find it answered for the Albingenses, That it hath been the constant practice of the Romish writers, alwayes to de∣fame those that differ from them, especially if they handle too roughly the Noli me tangere of the Popes supremacy. In later times what aspersions, as false as foul, have* 1.119 Cochleus and * 1.120 Bolsecus laid on Luther and Calvine? Now how fearlesse will they be ••osteal at midnight, who dare thus rob men of their good name at noon-day? When such Authours as these lie with a witnesse, yea, with many* 1.121 witnesses, who could disprove them; no wonder if they take liberty falsely to accuse the Albingenses, conceiving themselves out of the reach of confutation, writing in such an age when all the Counsel is on their own side, being plaintiffs, and none assigned for the defendants.

Secondly, I find they produce the authenticall copies (such as are above their enemies calumnies) of the Catechismes, Apo∣logies, Remonstrances of these Albingenses; wherein the di∣stilled doctrine of the Protestants is delivered free from

Manicheisme, or any other heresie fathered upon them.

Thirdly, their enemies slanders plainly appear in some parti∣culars; which justly shaketh the credit of the whole accusation. For whereas they are charged with the Adamites willingly to haue gone naked, we find them rather nudati then nudi, forced thereunto by the Popes Legate: Who being about to take the city of Carcassone in France, where these people most swarmed, he would not grant them their lives but on this condition, That both males and females should go forth, and passe by his army† 1.122 stark-naked. Argued it not a very foul stomach in him who could feed his eies with contentment on such a sight, which otherwise would more deeply have wounded the modesty of the beholder then of the doers, who did it by compulsion? See now how justly these innocents are charged! As well may the Is∣raelites be blamed for cruelty to themselves, in putting out their own eies, when they were commanded to do it by the merciless Ammonite.

Lastly, they are cleared by the testimonies of their very ene∣mies; and who knoweth not, but such a witnesse is equivalent to a generall consent? For those, who, when bemadded with anger, most rave and rage against them, yet per lucida intervalla, in their cold bloud, when their words are indicted from their judgements not passions, do most sufficiently acquit them from these accusations.

Reinerius, a Jacobine Monk, and a cruel inquisitour of the Waldenses, testified,† 1.123 That they lived justly before men, and believed all things well of God, and held all the articles contain∣ed in the Creed; onely they blasphemed the Romish Church, and hated it.

Claudius de Seissell Archbishop of Turin confesseth, as touching their life and manners they were sound and unre∣proveable, without scandall amongst men, giving themselves (to their power) to the observation of the commandments of God.

King Lewis the twelfth of France being throughly informed of the faith and life of the Waldenses in his time, bound it with an oath, That they were better men then he or his people. The same King having killed many of those poore people, and having called the place where they lived, Vallis meretricia, for their painted and dissembled piety, upon better instructions changed the name, calling it from himself,† 1.124 The vale of Lewis.

William de Belai Lieutenant of Piemont gave this commen∣dation of the Merindolites (a sprig which some hundred years after sprouted from the Waldenses)† 1.125 That they were a labori∣ous people, averse from suits, bountifull to the poore, duly paying their Princes tributes and Lords dues, serving God

with daily prayers, and shewing forth much innocency in man∣ners.

Thuanus, one that writeth truth with a steady hand, jogged neither by Romanists nor Huguenots, thus charactereth the † 1.126 Con-waldenses, a stemme of that stock we speak of; They used raw pelts clapped about them for their clothes, the foure fect whereof served instead of buttons; all equall in poverty, having no beggars amongst them; their diet on deer and milk: yet was there scarce any amongst them but could read and write hand∣somely, understand the Bible, and sing psalms; scarce a boy, but could presently or by heart give an account of his faith: Tribute they payed very religiously, &c.

More might be added; but I end with Gamaliels words, † 1.127 If this work be of men, it will come to nought; but if it be of God, yè cannot overthrow it. It argueth the goodnesse of their cause, in that all their enemies cruelty (unwise to think to spoil the growth of chamomill by trampling on it) could never suppresse them; but they continued till the dayes of Luther, when this morning-starre willingly surrendred his place to him a brighter sun. But enough of their life and manners. And if any condemn me for superfluity herein, I guard my self with† 1.128 S. Austines shield, Non est multiloquium, quando necessaria di••untur, quant ali∣bet sermonum multitudine ac prolixitate dicantur.

Chap. 21.

The Holy armie advance against the Albingenses; The cities of Besier and Carcassone taken.

POpe Innocent the third having now gathered together an ar∣my of one hundred thousand Pilgrimes, set forwards for the finall exstirpation of the poor Albingenses. The best cham∣pions for his Holinesse herein, were the Duke of Burgundy, the Earls of Nevers, St. Paul, Auxerre, Geneva, Poictiers, with Si∣mon Earl of Montfort; O•• the Clergie, Milo the Popes Le••∣gate, The Archbishops of Sens, Rovan; the Bishops of Cler∣mont, Nevers, Lisieux, Bayeux, Charters, with divers others; every Bishop with the Pilgrimes of his jurisdiction: To whom the Pope promised Paradise in heaven, but not one peny on earth. Their work was to destroy the Albingenses, which were in great numbers in Daulphine, Province, Narbonne, Tholouse, and other parts of France. Their Commission also extended to the rooting out of all their friends and favourers, whether

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detected, or onely suspected; such as were Reimund Earl of Tholose, Reimund Earl of Foyx, the Vicecount of Besiers, Gaston Lord of Berne, the Earl of Bigorre, the Lady of la Vaur, with divers others. See here a new gate to heaven never opened before, for men to cut their way thither through the throats of their innocent brethren! Behold the holy Ghost, who once came down in the form of a Dove, now counterfeited in the shape of a Vulture!

But we must not forget how just before the warre began, the Pope pretending to reclaim them by reasons to the Church of Rome: To which end he gave order for a disputation with them. The parties, place, and time were agreed on; who, where, when they should dispute: but in fine nothing was effected. Yea, who ever knew conferences in so great oppositions to ripen kindly, and bring any fruit to perfection? For many come rather for faction then satisfaction, resolving to carry home the same opinions they brought with them: An upright moderatour will scarce be found, who bangeth not to one side: The place will be subject to suspicion, and hinder liberty: Boldnesse and readinesse of speech with most (though not most judicious) auditours, will bear away the bell from solidity of arguments: The passages in the disputing will pe partially reported, and both sides will brag of the conquest; so that the rent will be made worse, and more spirits conjured up then allayed.

But now words ended in blows; the Pope onely entertaining them in* 1.129 conferences, that in the mean time he might prepare his great armies more suddenly to suppresse them.

The first peice of service his souldiers performed, was in sack∣ing the city of Besiers, and burrough of Carcassone: In which many Catholicks, stedfast in the Romish faith, did dwel, and pro∣miscuously were slain with the Albingenses; yea, Priests them∣selves were cut in pieces in their priestly ornaments, and under the banner of the Crosse: So that the swallowing of their foes made their friends also go down glib through their throats, without danger of choking. As for the city of Carcassone which was not far from the burrough; to the inhabitants thereof those immodest conditions were propounded, whereof formerly: which they refused; and God better provided for them: For whilest the city was besieged, they escaped out by the benefit of a vault under ground, and so shifted abroad for themselves.

Chap. 22.

Simon Earl of Montfort chosen Captain of the Holy warre; He conquereth the King of A∣ragon, prevaileth against the Albingenses, and at last is killed by a woman.

HItherto this warre was managed by the Popes Legate:* 1.130 but now it was concluded that a secular captain should be ad∣joyned to him, in whose person the chief command should reside over Martiall affairs; and for his pains, by the Popes donation, he was to enjoy all countreys that should be conquered from the Albingenses or their favourers. The place was offered to the Duke of Burgundy, who refused it, saying, He had lands and Lordships enow of his own, without spoiling others of their goods. It was waved also by the Earls of St. Paul, and Nevers, whether out of conscience or policie;* 1.131 because though the Pope gave them the bears skin, they must first kill and flay him them∣selves. At last Simon of Montfort, nigh Paris, accepted of it, swearing to vex the Lords enemies. And for a breakfast to be∣gin with, he was seised of the Vicecounty of Besiers, proceeding from hence to take many castles and cities.

One grand inconvenience attended on this army of Pil∣grimes: For when their quarantine, or fourty dayes service, was expited, (the term the Pope set them to merit Paradise in) they would not stay one whit longer: Like post-horses they would runne to their set stage, but could not be spurred one foot further; contenting themselves they had already purcha∣sed heaven, and fearing they should be put in possession thereof too soon, by losing their lives in that service. And though the Bishops perswaded some few to stay, that so the surplusage of their merits might make up the arterages of their friends which wanted them, yet could they not prevail to any purpose. Nor could they so cast and contrive their matters, the tide of peo∣ples devotion being uncertain, but that betwixt the going out of the old and coming in of the new store of Pilgrimes, there would be a low ebbe, wherein their army was almost wasted to nothing: whereof the Albingenses made no small advan∣tage.

However, the Earls of Tholouse, Foix, and Comminge, and Prince of Berne, the patrones of the Albingenses, finding they were too weak for this Holy army, sheltered themselves under Peter King of Aragon; whose homagers they were, re∣ceiving

investiture from him, though their dominions lay on this side of the Pyrenean hills. This King had the greatnesse of the Earl of Montfort in suspicion; fearing lest these severall Principalities, which now were single arrows, should be bound in one sheaf, conquered and united under Earl Simon. Where∣fore he fomented a faction in them against the Holy armie; publickly protesting against the proceedings of Earl Simon; charging him to have turned the bark of Gods Church into a pirates ship, robbing others and inriching themselves under the pretence of Religion, seizing on the lands of good Catho∣licks for supposed hereticks, using Gods cause as hunters do a stand, in it the more covertly to shoot at what game they please: Otherwise, why was the Vicecount of Beziers, who lived and died firm in the Romish faith, lately trained into the Legates hand, and against oaths and promises of his safe return, kept close prisoner till his death, and his lands seized on by Earl Simon?

At last the King of Aragon taking the Earl of Montfort on the advantage (shooting him as it were betwixt wind and water, the ending of the old and beginning of new Pilgrimes) forced him to a battel. The King had thirty thousand foot and seven thousand horse; but the Earl, of both foot and horse not above two thousand two hundred. They closed together near the castle of Moret: And the King, whether out of zeal of con∣quest and thirst of honour, or distrust of under officers, or de∣sire to animate others, or a mixture of all, ranne his curver so openly, and made his turns and returns in the head of the army, that so fair a mark invited his enemies arrows to hit him; by whom he was wounded to death, and fell from his horse: to lesson all Generals to keep themselves, like the heart, in the body of the army, whence they may have a virtuall omnipresence in every part thereof; and not to expose their persons (which, like crystall vials, contain the extracted spirits of their souldiers spilled with their breaking) to places of imminent danger. With his body fell the hearts of his men:* 1.132 And though the Earls of Tholouse, Foix, and Comminge, perswaded, entreated, threat∣ned them to stay, they used their oratorie so long till their audience ran all away, and they were fain to follow them, re∣serving themselves by flight to redeem their honour some other time.

Simon improving this victory, pursued them to the gates of Tholouse, and killed many thousands. The Friars imputed this victory to the Bishops benediction, and adoring a piece of the Crosse, together with the fervency of the Clergies prayers, which remaining behind in the castle of Moret, batter∣ed heaven with their importunity. On the other side, the Al∣bingenses

acknowledged Gods justice in punishing the proud King of Aragon; who, as if his arm had been strong and long enough to pluck down the victory our of heaven without Gods ••eaching it to him, conceived that Earl Simon came rather to cast himself down at his feet then to fight. But such reckonings without the host are ever subject to a rere-account.

Yet within few years the face of this warre began to alter: (With writers of short-hand we must set a prick for a letter, a letter for a word, marking onely the most remarkables.) For young Reimund Earl of Tholouse, exceeding his father in valour and successe, so bestirred himself, that in few moneths he regain∣ed what Earl Simon was many years in getting: And at last Earl Simon besieging Tholouse,* 1.133 with a stone which a woman let flie out of an engine, had his head parted from his body.

Men use not to be niggards of their censures on strange acci∣dents: Some paralleled his life with Abimelech that tyrant-Judge; who with the bramble (fitter to make a fire then a King of) accepted of the wooden Monarchie, when the vine, olive, figge-tree declined it. They paired them also in their ends, death disdaining to send his summons by a masculine hand, but arresting them both by a woman. Some perswaded themselves they saw Gods finger in the womans hand; that because the greater part of his cruelty lighted on the weaker sex, (for he had buried the Lady of la Vaur alive, respecting neither her sex nos nobility) a woman was chosen out to be his executioner: though of himself he was not so prone to cruelty, but had those at his elbow which prompted him to it. The time of his death was a large field for the conceits of others to walk in; because even then when the Pope and three Councils, of Vaur, Montpelier, and Laterane, had pronounced him sonne, servant, favourite of the faith, the in∣vincible defender thereof: And must he not needs break, being swoln with so many windie titles▪ Amongst other of his styles he was* 1.134 Earl of Leicester in England, and father to Simon Mont∣fort the* 1.135 Catiline of this Kingdome, who under pretence of cu∣ring this land of some grievances, had killed it with his physick, had he not been killed himself in the battel of Eveshold in the reigne of Henry the third.

And here ended the storm of open warre against the Albin∣genses, though some great drops fell afterwards. Yea, now the Pope grew sensible of many mischiefs in prosecuting this people with the Holy warre: First, the incongruity betwixt the Word and the Sword; to confute hereticks with armies in the field, opened clamorous mouths. Secondly,* 1.136 three hundred thousand of these Croised Pilgrimes lost their lives in this expe∣dition, within the space of fifteen years; so that there was nei∣ther citie nor village in France, but by reason here of had widows

and orphanes cursing this expedition. And his Holinesse, after he had made allowance for his losse of time, bloud, and credit, found his gain de clare very small. Besides, such was the chance of warre, and good Catholicks were so intermingled with here∣ticks, that in sacking of cities they were slain together. Where∣upon the Pope resolved of a privater way, which made lesse noise i•• the world, attracted lesse envy, and was more effectuall; To prosecute them by way of Inquisition. Hereby he might single them out by retail, rooting out the tares without hurting the corn, and overthrowing them by piece-meal whom he could ne∣ver stagger in grosse.

Dominick a Spaniard was first authour hereof. Well did his mother, being with child of him, dream that she had a dog* 1.137 vo∣miting fire in her wombe. This ignivomous curre (sire of the litter of Mendicant Friars called Dominicanes) did bark at and deeply bite the poore Albingenses. After his death, Pope Ho∣norius for his good service bestowed a Saintship on him: For he dreamed he saw the Church of Rome falling, and Domi∣nick holding it up with his shoulders; wherefore he canonized this Atlas of their religion. The proceedings of this Inquisiti∣on were the abridgement of all cruelty, turning the sword of Justice into the butchers ax. But no doubt God, when he ma∣keth * 1.138 inquisition for bloud, will one day remember this bloudy Inquisition. And who can but admire at the continuance of the doctrine of the Albingenses to this day, maugre all their enemies▪ Let those privy-counsellers of Nature, who can tell where swallows lie all winter, and how at the spring they have a resurrection from their seeming deadnesse, let those, I say, also inform us in what invisible sanctuaries this doctrine did lurk in spite of persecution, and how it revived out of its ashes at the coming of Luther. To conclude; it is observed, That in those parts of France where the Albingenses were most cruelly handled, now the Protestants (heirs to most of their tenets) flourish most: as in the countreys of Gascongne, Daulphine, and Languedoc.

Chap. 23.

King Almerick for his lazinesse deposed by the Pope.

WElcome the Holy land, welcome Ptolemais: How shal∣low and almost quite dry is the stream of Pilgrimes grown here, since the Pope hath drained it with so large a by∣chanel into France!

As for Almerick the idle King of Jerusalem, we find him as we left him, drowning his cares constantly in wine: his hands being lazier then those that are printed in the margent of a book, which point what others should read; whilest he would neither do, nor order what should be done: So true was it of him, what is said* 1.139 of another, Titularis non tutelaris Rex; defuit non praesuit Reipublicae.

And now the warre betwixt Noradine Saladines sonne and Saphradine his uncle, about the sovereignty, lasting nine years, ended with Saphradines death; and Noradine contented him∣self with the government of Aleppo, whilest Saphradines two sonnes shared his dominions, Coradine commanding in Damas∣cus and Syria, and Meledine in Egypt.

The former of these without any resistance built a fort in mount Tabor, to the great annoyance of the Christians. To pre∣vent farther mischief arising from Almericks negligence, the Pope (who would have a finger in every Crown, and a hand in this) deposed him from the Kingdome. This Almerick, grieved to lose what he was never carefull to keep, soon after died for sorrow. But how doth this agree with Marinus Sanutus, who maketh him to die of a surfet of* 1.140 gilt-heads five years sooner, and saith there was five years interregnum in Palestine, wherein the Christians had no King at all?

Chap. 24.

Iohn Bren made King of Ierusalem. A most promising voyage into Palestine of new Pil∣grimes; which remove the seat of the warre into Egypt.

IN the place of Almerick the Pope appointed John de Bren,* 1.141 a private French Gentleman, to be King. Who, to twist his title with another string, married Maria Iole the sole daughter of Conrade late King of Jerusalem. This John had behaved him∣self right valiantly amongst other Latine Princes in the voyage against the Greeks, and was a most martiall man, as all do wit∣nesse: Onely one calleth him* 1.142 imbellem hominem; why I know not, except he be of that humour to delight to be one of the An∣tipodes,* 1.143 treading opposite to a world of writers besides. In the beginning of his reigne this accident (whether monstrous or mi∣raculous) fell out: in France, a boy (for his years) went about singing in his own tongue,

Iesus Lord, repair our losse; Restore to us thy holy Crosse.

Numberlesse children ranne after him, and followed the same tune their captain and chanter did set them. No bolts, no barres, no fear of fathers or love of mothers could hold them back, but they would to the Holy land to work wonders there; till their merry musick had a sad close, all either perishing on land, or drowned by sea. It was done (saith my ••* 1.144 authour) by the in∣stinct of the devil, who, as it were, desired a cordiall of childrens bloud to comfort his weak stomach long cloyed with murdering of men.

Soon after began the Lateranè Councel under Innocent the third:* 1.145 Wherein many things were concluded for the recovery of the Holy land; as, That the Crosse should every where be preached with zeal and earnestnesse to procure Pilgrimes; That all* 1.146 tiltings in Christendome for three years should be forbid∣den, that so the spears of Christians might onely be broken against Infidels; That Clergie-men that went this voyage might (if need were) morgage their Church-livings for three years to provide themselves with present necessaries; That all debters, during their Pilgrimage (though bound by oath in conscience, the strongest specialty) should be dispenced with to pay no use to their creditours; who if Christians, by excommunications; if Jews, were to be forced by the secular power to remit their interest; That all Priests should contribute the twentieth part of their revenues for three years, to advance this designe. And lest (saith his Holinesse) we should soem to lay heavy burdens on others which we will not touch with our least finger, we as∣signe a ship at our own cost to carry our Pilgrimes of the citie of Rome; and disburse for the present what can be spared from our necessary expences, to the summe of thirty thousand pounds, to further the project: and for three years to come, we and our brethren the Cardinals of Rome, will fully pay the tenth of our Church-profits.

Hereupon next spring a numerous armie set forward to Pale∣stine,* 1.147 conducted by Pelagius the Popes Legate, Andrew King of Hungarie (who having washed himself in the river of Jor∣dan, would stay no longer, but instantly returned home) the three Electorall Archbishops, with those of Liege, Wurtzburg, Bamberg, Straesburg, Paris, &c. Lewis Duke of Bavaria, Leo∣pold of Austria, a navie of our English, besides Florentines, Ge∣noans, and many other nations. The Autumne they spent in the fruitlesse besieging of the fort of mount Tabor; whilest King John Bren wonne from the Turks the castle of Pilgrimes,* 1.148 a piece of great consequence on the sea-side.

Then was it debated on both sides of translating the warre* 1.149

into Egypt. Which many advised to be done: For that countrey afforded the Turks their vict•••••• and munition; and the best way to draw them low, was to stop them in the fountain. It was also most honour to rouze the Lion in his own denne. And Palestine was so forraged, that there was nothing to be gleaned in the stubble; whereas Egypt was so rich and fruitfull, it cared not for the frowns of heaven, so it might have the favour of Nilus; and there was no fear to want bread in that the granary of the world. That, according to the rule, Plus animi est infe∣renti periculum, quam propulsanti; the Christians would be heartned, but the Egyptians discouraged in the invasion of Egypt. The sad spectacle of their countreys vastation would di∣sturb their minds, make them diffident of their own worth, and unsufficient to maintain their cause. Lastly, the Christians might leave when they list, reserving at all times Ptolemais to enter∣tain them, in case fortune should crosse their designes.

But the reasons to the contrary wanted not weight but weighing. They considered not (what was objected) That to invade a strong entire countrey without having a partie within it to side with them, was to endeavour to cleave a tree with a beetle without a wedge. Besides, Egypt was an exception from the rules of all other countreys, and had certain locall maximes of leading of an army appropriated to it alone. That Valour must needs have the fall, when it wrastleth with Nature it self, and fighteth against bogs, rivers, and inundations. That it was more agreeable to reason, first to recover and defend what once was their own, before they attempted other mens possessions. That these their forces afforded little hope of victory in another King∣dome, which were not able to clear their own countrey, and the forts in Syria, from so dangerous an enemy. Lastly, That the Egyptians fighting for their fathers, wives, and children, would raise their valour to the highest point of resolution. These argu∣ments notwithstanding, the watch-word was given for Egypt; whither all addressed themselves.

And here began the discords betwixt King John and the Popes Legate, who challenged not onely an influence but a predominancy in every thing, and would dictate to the G••ne∣rall what he should do in martiall affairs: He presumed on his book-learning to controll the practice of experienced Captains by his military speculations. The King stormed hereat, shew∣ing there were some mysteries in the Captain-craft not com∣municable to any which had not served the trade, and which the heart of a Scholar was too narrow to contain; That though Scholarship was a stock fit to graff any profession on, yet some good time is requisite thereunto; and that they must not think to proceed military Masters at their first admission in a camp; That

though the Legate might conceive himself to know the Latitude of warlike principles, yet he knew not the use of distinctions, exceptions, and cautions of application; and might easily be misled by disproportion and dissimilitude of examples, the varia∣tion of circumstances, the infinitenesse of punctuall occurrences: Wherefore he forbad him to meddle with martiall matters, challenging them to belong to his own disposall. But Pelagius the Legate highly opinioned of his own sufficiencie, as if his place made him infallible in every thing, and loth to confesse himself besides the cushion whilest he sat in the chair, would have an oar in all actions. He held this conclusion, That the ge∣nerall rules of warre were easily known; and as for the qualifi∣cation of them pro exigentia hic & nunc, herein reason was the key of the work, which scholars having most perfected by learn∣ing, were thereby the most competent judges what should be done on all occasions. How dearly the Christians payed for this his errour, and how this discord, smothered for a while, brake out, we shall see hereafter. Mean time, hoising up sails, the Pilgrimes navie safely arrived at Damiata.

Chap. 25.

Damiata besieged and taken; The Christians un∣advisedly refuse honourable conditions.

DAmiata is a chief haven of Egypt, anciently Pelusium;* 1.150 seated on the Eastern-most stream of Nilus. Here the East and West world met together to exchange their wares; she grudging for trade to give the upper hand to Alexandria it self.* 1.151 At their landing* 1.152 the moon was almost totally eclipsed: whence the Christians conceited (guesse the frailnesse of the building by the unconstancy of the foundation) that the overthrow of the Mahometanes (whose ensigne was the* 1.153 Half-moon) was por∣tended. But the calculations of after-chances seldome hit right. In the siege of this citie they were to encounter with a foure∣fold difficulty, besides Damiata it self:

First, with a great chain crossing the harbour: which with in∣defatigable pains, and art mingled with labour, they brake asunder; industry in action b••eing as importunity in speech, by continuall inculcation forcing a yielding beyond the strength of reason.

Secondly, the river Nilus did much annoy them. This river (the height of whose flowing is the Egyptian Almanack, where∣by they prognosticate future plenty or penury) now out of

time and beyond measure drowned the countrey. Bold fishes swamme into the Christians tents, who took them with their hands,* 1.154 though willingly they could have wanted such dainties; for the sauce was more then the meat. Against this mischief they fensed themselves with prayer, and a publick fast enjoyned by the Legate; whereby the water soon abated. And lest Gods mercy herein, when gotten, should be forgotten, a publick thanksgiving was proclaimed, that this favour obtained by pray∣er might be kept by praises.

Thirdly, they were to grapple with the fort of Pharia, a seeming-impregnable place, betwixt them and Damiata. To check this fort, the Christians built a towre on ships: which sud∣denly falling, brained many, bruised more of their own men; and all who felt not the blow, were stricken with the fright. King John comforted his souldiers discouraged hereat, desiring them to apprehend actions by their true causes; and as not to vaunt of blind victories, so not to be dismaied at casuall mishaps, so purely accidentall, that there was no guard against them in the schools of defence,* 1.155 either of wisdome or valour. By his advice a more substantiall towre was built, the rarest piece in that kind the world ever saw; by the manning whereof, after many blou∣dy assaults, they mastered the fort of Pharia.

Fourthly, they had to do with Meladine King of Egypt, who lay besides them, constantly furnishing the citie with men and victuals, and exercising the Christians with continual skirmishes. In one,* 1.156 with his wild-fire he did them much harm, and King John was dangerously scorched. But seeing that the Christians hewed their way through the rocks of all difficulties, he pro∣pounded peace unto them by the mediation of Noradine his brother, King of Damascus; profering them, if they would de∣part, to restore them the true Crosse, the citie of Jerusalem, and all the land of Palestine.

* 1.157 The English, French, and Italians would have embraced the conditions, pleading. That honourable peace was the centre of war, where it should rest; That they could not satisfie their conscience to rob these Egyptians of their lands without a spe∣ciall command from God; That it was good wisdome to take so desperate a debt whensoever the payment was tendred; other∣wise, if they would not be content with their arms full, they might perchance return with their hands empty.

But the Legate would no wayes consent, alledging this voy∣age was undertaken not onely for the recovery of Palestine, but for the exstirpation of the Mahometane superstition. And here∣in no doubt he followed the instructions of his master, whose end in this warre was, That this warre should have no end, but be alwayes in doing though never done. He knew it was dan∣gerous

to stop an issue which had been long open; and would in no case close up this vent of people by concluding a finall peace. Besides an old prophesie, ••* 1.158 That a Spaniard should win Jerusa∣lem, and work wonders in those parts, made Pelagius that coun∣trey-man more zealous herein. Coradine angry his profer was refused, beat down the walls of Jerusalem and all the beautiful buildings therein, save the tower of David and the temple of the Sepulchre. Not long after, Damiata having been besieged one year and seven moneths, was taken without resistance;* 1.159 a plague and famine had made such a vastation therein. The Christians entred with an intent to kill all; but their anger soon melted into pity, beholding the city all bestrawed with corpses. The sight was bad, and the sent was worse; for the dead killed the living. Yea, Gods sword had left their sword no work: Of ••* 1.160 three-score and ten thousand but three thousand remained; who had their lives pardoned on condition to cleanse the city: which im∣ployed them a quarter of a year. Hence the Christians march∣ed and took the city of Tanis; and soon after the Pope substitu∣ted ••* 1.161 John de Columna, a Cardinall, Legate in the place of Pelagius.

Chap. 26.

New discords betwixt the King and the Legate; They march up to besiege Cairo.

GReat was the spoil they found in Damiata: wherein,* 1.162 as in strong barred chests, the merchants of Egypt and India had locked up their treasure. A full yeare the Christians stayed here, contented to make this Inne their home. Here arose new discords betwixt the King and the new Legate, who by virtue of his Legation challenged Damiata for his Holinesse, which by publik agreement was formerly assigned to the King. Bren in anger returned to Ptolemais, both to puff out his discontents in private, and to teach the Christians his worth by wanting him: For presently they found themselves at a losse; neither could they stand still without disgrace, nor go on without danger. The Legate commanded them to march up; but they had too much spirit to be ruled by a Spirituall man, and swore not to stir••e a step except the King was with them. Messengers there∣fore were sent to Ptolemais to fetch him. They found him of a steelie nature; once through hot, long in cooling: yet by pro∣mising him he should have his own desires, they over-perswa∣ded him not to strave an armie by feeding his own humours.

Scarce after eight moneths absence was he returned to Da∣miata, but new divisions were betwixt them: the Legate per∣swaded the armie to march up and besiege Cairo; he promised, if they would obey him, they should quickly command all Egypt, by present invading it. Let defenders lie at a close game, and offer no play. Delayes are a safe shield to save, but celerity the best I word to winne a countrey. Thus Alexander conquered the world before it could bethink it self to make resistance. And thus God now opened them a doore of victorie, except they would barre it up with their own idlenesse.

But the King advised to return into Syria; That Cairo was difficult to take, and impossible to keep; That the ground whereon they went, was as treacherous as the people against whom they fought; That better now to retire with honour, then hereafter flie with shame; That none but an empirick in warre will deny, but that more true valour is in an orderly well grounded retreat, then in a furious rash invasion.

But the Legate used an inartificiall argument drawn from the authority of his place, thundering excommunication against those that would not march forward: And now needs must they go when he driveth them.

The crafty Egyptians (of whom it is true, what is said of the Parthians, Their flight is more to be feared then their fight) ran away, counterfeiting cowardlinesse. The Christians triumphed hereat; as if the silly fish should rejoyce that he had caught the fisherman, when he had swallowed his bait. The Legate hug∣ged himself in his own happinesse, that he had given so successe∣full advice. And now see how the garland of their victory pro∣ved the halter to strangle them.

Chap. 27.

The miserable case of the drowned Christians in Egypt. Damiata surrendred in ransome of their lives.

EGypt is a low level countrey, except some few advantages which the Egyptians had fortified for themselves. Through the midst of the land ran the river Nilus; whose stream they had so bridled with banks and sluces, that they could keep it to be their own servant, and make it their enemies master at plea∣sure. The Christians confidently marched on; and the Turks perceiving the game was come within the toil, pierced their

banks, and unmuzzling the river, let it runne open mouth upon them; yet so, that at first they drowned them up but to the middle, reserving their lives for a further purpose, thereby in exchange to recover Damiata and their countreys liberty.

See here the land of Egypt turned in an instant into the Egy∣ptian sea! See an army of sixty thousand, as the neck of one man, stretched on the block, and waiting the fatall stroke! Many cur∣sed the Legate, and their own rashnesse, that they should follow the counsel of a gowned man (all whose experience was clasped in a book) rather then the advice of experienced captains. But too late repentance, because it soweth not in season, reapeth no∣thing but unavoidable miserie.

Meladine King of Egypt seeing the constancy and patience of the Christians, was moved with compassion towards them. He had of himself strong inclinations to Christianity, wearie of Mahometanisme, and willing to break that prison, but for watchfull jaylers about him. He proferred the Christians their lives on condition they would quit the countrey and restore Da∣miata. They accepted the conditions, and sent messengers to Da∣miata to prepare them for the surrendring of it. But they with∣in the citie, being themselves safe on shore, tyrannized on their poore brethren in shipwrack; pretending, That this armie of Pilgrimes deserved no pity, who had invited this misfortune on themselves by their own rashnesse; That if they yielded up this citie for nothing, which cost so many lives, they should betray themselves to the derision of the whole world; That if these perished, more men might be had, but no more Damiata's; be∣ing a place of such importance, it would alwayes be a snaffle in the mouth of the Egyptian King. On the other side, the friends of the distressed Christians confessed, That indeed their voyage was unadvised and justly to be blamed; yet worse and more inconsiderate projects have armies oft undertaken, which, if crowned with successe, have been above censure, yea, have passed not onely without questioning but with commendati∣ons: But this is the misery of misery, that those who are most afflicted of God, shall be most condemned of men. Wherefore they requested them to pity their brethren, and not to leave them in this forlorn estate. How clamorous would their inno∣cent bloud be in the court of Heaven, to sue for revenge on those who forsook them in this distresse! And grant Damiata a citie of great consequence; yet cities in themselves were but dead things, and men were the souls to enliven them: so that those souldiers which wonne Damiata, if preserved alive, might haply recover as strong a citie afterwards.

But finding their arguments not to prevail, they betook themselves to arms, by force to compell the adverse party to

resigne the citie. King John also threatned, in case they denied to surrender it, to give up to Meladine Ptolemais in Syria in exchange for Damiata. At last, according to the agreement, Damiata was restored to the Turks, and the Christian army let out of the trap wherein it was taken. Meladine out of his prince∣ly goodnesse furnished them with ••* 1.163 victuals, and with horses to carry their feeble persons upon. And thus the Christians had the greatest blow given them without a blow given them; the Egyptians obtaining their victory not by bloud but by water.

Chap. 28.

Iohn Bren resigneth the Kingdome of Ierusalem to Frederick the second, Germane Emperour.

THere was also concluded a peace with the Turks for eight years. And now matters being settled as well as they might be in Syria, King John took a journey to Rome; where he was bountifully feasted, and honourably entertained by the Pope. Here it was agreed (whether at the first by his volunta∣ry offer, or working of others, it appeareth no••) that he should resigne the Kingdome of Jerusalem to Frederick the second, Germane Emperour, who was to marry Iole the sole daughter of King John by his first wife; though by a second he had ano∣ther, Martha, married to Robert Emperour of Constantinople: so that he was father in law both to Emperour of East and West.

Some condemned his resignation as an unadvised act; as if he had first parted from his wits, who would willingly part from a Kingdome; whilest others commend his discretion: For first, his wife was dead, in whose right he held his Kingdome, and thereby a door was opened for other litigious pretenders to the Crown. Secondly, it was policie, fugere ne fugaretur; yea, this was no flight, but an honourable departure. Well he knew the Turks power to invade, and his own weaknesse to defend what was left in Syria: So that finding the weight too heavy for himself, he did well to lay it on stronger shoulders. Third∣ly, before his resignation he had little more then a title: and after it he had nothing lesse; men having so tuned their tongues to salute him King of Jerusalem, that he was so called to the day of his death. Lastly, what he wanted in the statelinesse of his bed, he had in the soundnesse of his sleep; and though his commons perchance were shorter, yet he battled better on them.

He got now more in a twelve-moneth then in seven years before, going from countrey to countrey: And yet the farther this stone rolled, the more mosse he gathered. In France, be∣sides rich gifts left to himself, he had the managing of sixty thousand crowns; the legacie which Philip Augustus the King on his death-bed* 1.164 bequeathed to the Templars and the Holy warre. In England he received from Henry the third many great presents; though afterwards he proved but* 1.165 unthankfull for them. In Spain he got a rich wife, Beringaria, the daugh∣ter of the King of Castile. In Italie he tasted very largely of the Popes liberali••ie, and lived there in good esteem. But he went off the stage without an applause, because he lost himself in his last act; perfidiously raising rebellions against Frederick his sonne in law, at the instigation of his Holinesse. Nor re∣covered he his credit, though after he went to his sonne Robert to Constantinople, and there did many good offices. He died anno 1237.

Chap. 29.

The true character of Frederick; How the histo∣ry of his life is prejudiced by the partiality of Authours on both sides.

THe nuptiall solemnities of Frederick with the Lady Iole were performed at Rome, in the presence of the Pope, with all ceremonies of majesty; and Frederick promised to prosecute in person his title in Palestine within two years. Little hope have I to content the reader in this Kings life, who cannot satisfie my self; writers of that age are so possessed with * 1.166 partiality. The faction of the Guelfes and Gibellines discover∣eth not it self more plainly in the Camp then in the Chronicles: Yea, Historians turn Schoolmen in matters of fact, arguing them pro & con. And as it is in the Fable of the man that had two wives; whilest his old wife plucked out his black hairs, the evidence of his youth, his young one ungray-haired him, that no standards of antiquity might remain, they made him bald betwixt them: So amongst our late writers; whilest Prote∣stants cut off the authority from all Papized writers of that age, and Romanists cast away the witnesse of all Imperialized au∣thours then living (such as Urspergensis is, and generally all Germanes) counting them testes domesticos, and therefore of no validitie, betwixt them they draw all historie of that time

very slender,* 1.167 and make it almost quite nothing. We will not engage our selves in their quarrels; but may safely believe, that Frederick was neither saint, nor devil, but man. Many virtues in him his foes must commend, and some vices his friends must confesse. He was* 1.168 very learned, according to the rate of that age, especially for a Prince, who onely baiteth at learning, and maketh it not his profession to lodge in. Wise he was in pro∣jecting; nor were his thoughts ever so scattered with any sudden accident, but he could instantly recollect himself. Valiant he was, and very fortunate; though this tendeth more to Gods praise then his: Wondrous bountifull to scholars and souldiers; whose good will he enjoyed, for he payed for it.

But this Gold had its allay of Cruelty; though this was not so much bred in him as he brought to it: Treasons against him were so frequent, he could not be safe but he must be severe, nor severe without incurring the aspersion of crueltie. His Pride was excessive; and so was his Wantonnesse: A Nunnes vail was but a slender shield against his lust: This sinne he was given to, * 1.169 which was besides the custome of the Dutch, saith one, who though great friends to Bacchus, are no favourites of Venus; which is strange, that they should heap up so much fewel, and have no more fire.

In a word, he was a better Emperour then a man, his vices be∣ing personall, most hurting himself; his virtues of a publick na∣ture, and accomplishing him for government.

Chap. 30.

Mines and countermines betwixt the Emperour and the Pope, seeking to blow up, or at leastwise to stay the projects each of other.

IT is verily conceived that the Pope provided this match for Frederick to imploy him in Palestine, whilest he at home might play his game at pleasure. For as provident Nature in marshalling the elements, assigned fire a place in the verge and border of this lower world farre from the rest, lest otherwise the activity thereof might set the others in combustion: so the Pope disposed this hot violent-spirited Emperour farre off, and engaged him in a distant and dangerous warre out of the borders of Europe.

Frederick smelt the project of his Holinesse, being also ma∣ster in the art of dissembling, though he must acknowledge the

Pope his senior i•• that faculty: Wherefore he deferred the per∣formance of his promise and his voyage into Palestine from moneth to moneth, and yeare to yeare, wisely gaining time by losing.

The truth was, he was not yet ripe for such an expedition.

The Pope was afraid of his valour, he of the Popes treache∣ry, and more feared him behind his back then the Turk before his face. He was loth to let go the Eagle he had in hand, to catch the little bird that was in the bush. Wherefore as yet he refused to go, pleading that the eight years truce, which King Bren had made with the Turks, was not yet expired; before which time to fight against them, was to fight against God and conscience: and that it was no way to propagate the Faith by breach of faith.

Pope Honorius continued still to put him in mind of his promise: Yea, he rubbed his memory so roughly, he fetched off the skinne, with his threats and menaces. But before Fre∣dericks journey began, Honorius his life ended,* 1.170 and Gregory the ninth succeeded him; who at the first dash excommunicated the Emperour for his delay.

Know by the way, that his name-sake Gregory the seventh (otherwise Hildebrand) first handselled his excommunication on Henry the fourth. Before his time the Imperiall majesty (what is observed of the Seal, that it is never hit with thunder) was never fulminated against with excommunication: afterward nothing more usuall; till the commonnesse of those thunder∣bolts caused their contempt, and the Emperours natures were so used to this physick it would not work with them. Of late his Holinesse is grown more advised, very sparingly using them, especially against Protestant Princes; counting it policie to hold that weapon within the scabbard, which hath no other edge but what is given it by the opinion of those against whom it is used.

Frederick at last cometh forth of Germany with his army, marcheth through Italy, cometh to Brindisi, where the plague seizeth on his men,* 1.171 whereof died the Landtgrave of Thuringia, and others. Soon after he fell very desperately sick himself, which stayed his journey many moneths.

It went near to the Pope, that the Emperour was so near to him: His case now was worse then formerly. For he had rouzed the Lion out of his denne, but could not get him into the net. His sicknesse must either be more or lesse to do good. And the Pope having no variety of weapons, excommunica∣ted him afresh, pretending Fredericks disease was onely the cramp of lazinesse, and that he was sick to do good, but sound to do mischief; as appeared by his unjust seizing on the

goods of Lewis Landtgrave of Thuringia late deceased.

The Emperour protested his innocency, accused the Popes injustice,* 1.172 putting himself on the triall of all Christian Princes•• to whom he wrote letters. At last health came, and Frederick departed, bearing up with his navy for Palestine. The Pope hearing thereof, be-libelled him more fouly then ever before, because like an undutifull sonne he departed without his Fathers blessing, being not absolved and reconciled to his Mother the Church.

Chap. 31.

Frederick recovereth all Palestine and Ierusalem without expence of time or bloud.

SEe how Gods blessing goeth along with the Popes curses! The fame of Fredericks valour and maiden fortune, never as yet spotted with ill successe, like an harbinger hastening before, had provided victorie to entertain him at his arrival; yea, this Emperour, swifter then Cesar himself, overcame before he came over into Palestine.

At this time the state of the Turks in Syria was very aguish, and Fredericks coming put them into a shaking fit.* 1.173 Coradine was dead, his children in minority, the Turkish Souldans facti∣ous, boiling in enmity one against another. Whereupon the Sultan of Babylon, who was of chiefest authority, and governed Syria, profered Frederick so honourable conditions as he might desire, but could never hope for▪ namely, To restore unto him Jerusalem and all Palestine, in as full and ample a manner as it was possessed by Baldwine the fourth, before Saladine subdued it; To set all Christian captives at liberty; provided, that the Turks might have accesse to the Sepulchre, (though not lod∣ging in the citie but suburbs, and that in small numbers at a time) there to do their devotions, they also having a knowledge of, and giving an honour to Christ, though no better then ignorance and dishonour of him.

Frederick before he ratified any thing by oath, sent to have the Popes approbation:* 1.174 who ill intreated and imprisoned his messengers, denied them audience, and contemptuously tore the Emperours letters. Wherefore Frederick without, yea, a∣gainst his Holinesse consent, concluded a ten years truce with the Sultan; and on* 1.175 Easter-day triumphantly entring Jerusa∣lem, crowned himself King with his own hands.* 1.176 For Gerard Patriarch of Jerusalem, and Oliver master of the Templars,

with all the Clergie, absented themselves; neither was there any* 1.177 masse sung in the citie as long as the Emperour being ex∣communicated remained there.

See that produced as it were in an instant which the succession of many years could not perform, all the Holy land recovered! Some gallants perchance (whose curious palates count all con∣quests drie meat which are not juiced with bloud) will dispraise this Emperours victory for the best praise thereof, because it was so easily gotten without drawing his sword for it. But they deserve to go naked who scorn to wear good clothes if they cost not dear.

The Templars were vexed at heart that they had no partner∣ship in the glory of this action; yea, this touched their copy∣hold: Had they lived lazie thus long in Palestine, sucking the * 1.178 sweet of Christendome to no purpose? See, Frederick with few men, little money, lesse time, as master of his craft, had fi∣nished that which these bunglers had so long in vain been fum∣bling about!

Wherefore they wanting true merit to raise themselves to the pitch of Fredericks honour, sought by false detraction to depresse him to the depth of their own basenesse; defaming him, as if he conspired with the Sultan to the ruine of all Christianity. In the mean time the Christians every where built and repaired the cities of Palestine, being now resigned into their hands. Joppa and Nazareth they strongly fortified: the walls of Jerusalem were repaired, the Churches therein adorned, and all publick edifices either wholly cast their skin with the snake, or at least∣wise renewed their bill with the eagle, having their fronts either built or beautified. But new tackling to an old rotten keel will never make serviceable ship. Short were the smiles of this citie, which groning under Gods old curse, little joyed her self in this her new bravery.

The end of the third Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Dom.
• * 1.2

  1187
• * 1.3

  Nicetas, in Isaacio Ange∣lo▪ lib. 1. Sect. 7
• * 1.4

  Nicera••, in Isaacio Ange∣lo, lib. 2. Sect. 1 Mobvov 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.5

  Sabell. ••nn. 9. lib. 5. p. 377
• * 1.6

  Hoveden.
• * 1.7

  ••e••oldus, ex Ritio De Reg. p. 293.
• * 1.8

  1188
• * 1.9

  Aug.
• † 1.10

  Centur. Cent. 13. cap. 9.
• † 1.11

  Matth. Paris, in anno 1229.
• † 1.12

  Centur. ut prius.
• † 1.13

  Cambden, Brit. pag. 601. Godwin, in Episc. Du∣nelm. See this cata∣logue of Pa∣triarchs al∣tered and per∣f••ct••d in the Chronologie.
• * 1.14

  Adri••omius, in Te••ra sancta.
• * 1.15

  History of Trent, li••. 8. pag. 7.
• * 1.16

  ••amd. Brit. in his descript. of Dublin.
• * 1.17

  History of Trent, lib. 2. pag. 140.
• * 1.18

  Arnoldus Lub••censis.
• * 1.19

  Iune 29.
• † 1.20

  Nicetas Choniates, in fi••e vitae Andronici.
• † 1.21

  In the first chapter of this book.
• † 1.22

  Nicetas Choniates, in Isaaci••, lib. 2. pag. 436.
• † 1.23

  Baronius, Annal.
• * 1.24

  Aug. 25.
• * 1.25

  1190
• * 1.26

  Mar. 28.
• * 1.27

  May 19.
• † 1.28

  Amilius, in Phil. Augusto, pag. 178, & 179.
• † 1.29

  Barklay, Bellum in Anglia non senescit.
• † 1.30

  Lib. 4. cap. 13.
• * 1.31

  Iune 21.
• † 1.32

  Aemylius, in Phil. 2. pag. 175.
• * 1.33

  1188
• † 1.34

  Fuga ima∣ginario metu o••ta, Sabell. Enn. 9. l••b. 5. pag. 377.
• † 1.35

  Munster, d•• Germania, lib. 3. pag. 778.
• † 1.36

  Matthew Paris, Rich. 1. pag. 207.
• † 1.37

  Martinus, in Richard•• 1.
• † 1.38

  Speed, in Richard the first,
• † 1.39

  Matthew Paris, ••n ••i∣chardo 1, pag. 2••7.
• † 1.40

  Roger Hoveden, in Richard•• 1, pag. 666.
• † 1.41

  Idem, ibi∣dem.
• † 1.42

  H••vede••▪ i•• Rich. 1. pag. 668. & Matth. Taris••n eo∣dem, pag. 213.
• † 1.43

  Bractōn, lib. 2. cap. 5.
• † 1.44

  Quietum clamavit Wreck, &c. Roger Hove∣den, in Rich. 1. pag. 678.
• † 1.45

  Sir. Ed. Coke, v••l. 6. fol. 107
• * 1.46

  1191
• † 1.47

  Chemnitius, ex Weselo, Exam. ••onc. Trid. tract. De Indulg.
• † 1.48

  Pantal. De illustribus Germaniae, part. 2. pag. 201.
• * 1.49

  Iune 8.
• † 1.50

  Matth. Paris. in an∣no 1191.
• * 1.51

  Iuly 13.
• † 1.52

  Roger Hove∣den, in Rich. 1. p. 696.
• † 1.53

  Fox, Mar∣tyrol. pag. 245
• † 1.54

  Hoveden, in Rich. 1. pag. 694.
• † 1.55

  P. Aemili∣us, in Philipp•• August••, p. 174. But Matthew Paris saith but 26▪ ••.
• * 1.56

  Iuly 31.
• † 1.57

  Matthew Paris. p. 220.
• † 1.58

  Speed, out of Hoveden, in Rich. 1.
• † 1.59

  Matth. Paris. in Ri∣chard•• 1. p. 219.
• * 1.60

  Apr. 27.
• * 1.61

  Roger Hove∣den in Rich. 1. p. 716. saith, on the Calends of May; but Sabellicus putteth it sooner.
• † 1.62

  Aemylius, in Phil. Augusto, p. 179.
• † 1.63

  Reger Hove∣den▪ in Rich. 1. p. 685.
• * 1.64

  1192 Sept. Calvi∣sius.
• † 1.65

  Sabell. Enn. 9. lib. 5. pag. 378.
• † 1.66

  P. Aemyl. in Phil. Au∣gusto, p. 180.
• † 1.67

  P. Aemyl. ibidem.
• † 1.68

  Matth. Pa∣ris. in Rich. 1. p▪ 216.
• † 1.69

  P. Aemyl. pag. 181. Excepto hoc annulo nu∣dus in••psque.
• * 1.70

  P. Aemyl. p. 181. Tanto duo∣rum regum conatu nihil actum.
• † 1.71

  Daniel, p. 100.
• † 1.72

  Matth. Pa∣ris. in Rich. 1. p. 222.
• † 1.73

  In lib. De oper. Mon. ••. 28.
• † 1.74

  Bellarm. De Reliq. cap. 4.
• † 1.75

  Annal. Eccl. in anno 226.
• * 1.76

  Octo. 8.
• * 1.77

  Dec. 20.
• * 1.78

  Dec. 20.
• † 1.79

  Matth. Pa∣ris. in Rich. 1.
• † 1.80

  Lindwood, lib. 1. De summ•• Tri. fol. 6.
• † 1.81

  Eulogium; •• Chronicle cited by Fox, Martyrol. in Rich. 1.
• † 1.82

  Epist. 57.
• † 1.83

  Speed, in Rich▪ 1.
• * 1.84

  1193 Febr. 16.
• † 1.85

  Sabell. Enn. 9. lib. 5. p. 378
• † 1.86

  Ioan▪ Eu∣chait••nsis, jampridem E••oniae Graec•• editus.
• † 1.87

  Sabell. Enn. 9. l. 5. p. 378▪
• * 1.88

  1194
• * 1.89

  1196
• † 1.90

  Continuator Ursp. in anno 1196. Et M. Paris. in co∣dem.
• * 1.91

  1197
• * 1.92

  ••rsp. Chron. in anno 1197. pag. 304.
• * 1.93

  Vrsp. ut prius.
• * 1.94

  Baron. An∣nal. Eccl. i•• anno. 1197.
• * 1.95

  Pantal. De vi. illustr. Germ. in vit•• S. Martini.
• * 1.96

  Knolls, Turk. Hist. pag. 74.
• * 1.97

  Magdebur∣genses, Cent. 12. cap. 1••. sub finem.
• * 1.98

  1198
• * 1.99

  Knolls, ut pri••s.
• * 1.100

  1199
• * 1.101

  1202
• * 1.102

  Nicetas.
• * 1.103

  Blondus, l. 6. Decad. 2. p. 270.
• * 1.104

  1203 Iuly 17.
• * 1.105

  1204 Apr. 21.
• * 1.106

  In libello cu••titulus, Status Con∣stantinopolis Sect. 1. p, 637.
• * 1.107

  Servorum hic di••s est. Lips. lib. 1. Satur. cap. 2.
• * 1.108

  Apr. 24. crowned May 16.
• * 1.109

  1206
• * 1.110

  Io. Paul. Perin. De Albing. lib. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.111

  Dr. Field of the Church. lib. 3. cap. 8. We acknow∣ledge them (viz. Wick∣liff, Husse, Hierome of Prague, &c. to have been the wo••••y servants of God, and ho∣ly Martyrs & Confessours, suffering in the cause of Christ against Antichrist; yet do we not think that the Church of God was found onely in them.
• * 1.112

  Dr. White, in his Reply to Fisher, pag. 104. 105. The Wal∣denses main∣tained the same doctrine in substance with the mo∣dern Prote∣stants.
• * 1.113

  Matth. Pa∣ris. in Hen. 3. in anno 12 13.
• * 1.114

  Io. Paul. Perin. Hist. Waldens. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.115

  Reinerius, fol. 22. art. 32.
• * 1.116

  Claudius Rubis, History of Lyons, pag. 269.
• * 1.117

  In his 66. ••••omily on the Canticles.
• * 1.118

  Bishop Iew∣cl, Apol. part. 1. chap. 2. divis. 1 Waldo and the rest, for ought we know, and I believe (set∣ting m••lice aside) for ought you know, were godly men. Their great∣est errour was that they complained of the disso∣lute and vi••••∣ous lives of the Clergy.
• * 1.119

  In vita Lutheri.
• * 1.120

  In vita Calvini.
• * 1.121

  Solidly con∣futed by D. Whitaker, De notis Ec∣clisiae, cap. 15. Out of Me∣lan••hthon, Sleidan, Gry∣neus, Beza, eye-witnesses
• † 1.122

  So witnes∣seth Peter De valle Sarnen∣si, being him∣self a Monk, and lately printed (anno 1615) in Paris. See Rivet On Genesis, pag. 138.
• † 1.123

  Cited by Fox in his Martyr••l. p. 232.
• † 1.124

  Thuanus. tom. 2. lib. 27. pag. 15.
• † 1.125

  Idem, tom. 10. lib. 6. pag. 188.
• † 1.126

  Tom. 2. lib. 27. pag. 16.
• † 1.127

  Acts 5. 38, 39.
• † 1.128

  In his pre∣face to his Retractat.
• * 1.129

  Io. Paul. Peri••. De Al∣bing, lib. 1. cap. 2.
• * 1.130

  See the sub∣stance of this following sto∣ry, in Io. Paul Perin. lib. 1. cap. 6. & dein••eps.
• * 1.131

  1210
• * 1.132

  1212
• * 1.133

  1118
• * 1.134

  See Cambd. in L••icester-shire.
• * 1.135

  Also in Worcester-shire.
• * 1.136

  Peri••, Of the Albingen ses, lib. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.137

  Martyrol. in vita Domi∣nici.
• * 1.138

  Psal. 9. 12.
• * 1.139

  Of Chilpe∣rick King of France.
• * 1.140

  A fish called Aurata, or Aurella.
• * 1.141

  1209
• * 1.142

  Theod. à Niein, De privileg. im∣per. cap. De Expedit. Hic∣rosol.
• * 1.143

  1213
• * 1.144

  Matth. Pa∣ris. in anno 1213 pag. 324. Pr••i••i∣gio diabolico penitus infa∣tuati.
• * 1.145

  1215
• * 1.146

  Centuri••t. Cent. 13. cap. 9.
• * 1.147

  1216
• * 1.148

  Nov.
• * 1.149

  1217
• * 1.150

  1218
• * 1.151

  Iuly 9.
• * 1.152

  Matth. Pa∣ris. in Ioan. pag. 401.
• * 1.153

  Munster.
• * 1.154

  Illis tamen deliciis carere malu••ssent Matth. Pa∣ris. pag. 405.
• * 1.155

  Aug. 24.
• * 1.156

  1219 Febr.
• * 1.157

  P. Aemyl. pag. 201.
• * 1.158

  Magdeburg. Cent 13. cap. 16. col. 692.
• * 1.159

  Nov. 5.
• * 1.160

  P. Aemil. pag. 203.
• * 1.161

  Magdeburg. pag. 693.
• * 1.162

  1220
• * 1.163

  P. Aemyl. pag. 205.
• * 1.164

  P. Aemyl. in Phil. 2. pag. 205.
• * 1.165

  Matth. Pa∣ris. pag. 617.
• * 1.166

  Blondus, Fazellus, &c. for the Pope. Ursperg. Pe∣trus de Vineis (till corrupted with bribes) &c. for the Emperour. Matth. Paris, a moderate man, whom we follow most.
• * 1.167

  1227
• * 1.168

  Pantal. De viris illustr. Germ. part. ••. pag. 121.
• * 1.169

  Praetet gen∣tis morem, Egnatius.
• * 1.170

  Mar. 19.
• * 1.171

  Sept. 13.
• * 1.172

  1228 Aug. 11.
• * 1.173

  Centuriat.
• * 1.174

  Centuriat.
• * 1.175

  Matth. Pa∣ris. in anno 1229. pag. 480.
• * 1.176

  1229
• * 1.177

  Matth. Pa∣ris. in anno 1229. pag. 479.
• * 1.178

  Idem, ibi∣dem.