The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

SECTION.* 1.1 III.

To the right worshipfull Sr. HENRY WROTH Knight.

SIr, it is my desire fitly to suite my dedications to my respective Patrons, that what is wanting in the worth of the present, may be partly supplied in the propernes thereof, which made me select this parcell of my History for your Patronage. I finde Sr. Thomas Wroth your great-grandfather of the Bedchamber, and a favourite, to King Edward the 6^th who (as I am informed) at his death, passed out of the armes of him, his faithfull Servant, into the em∣braces, of Christ, his dearest Saviour. Soon after Sr. Thomas found a great change in the English Court, but no alteration, (as too many did to their shame) in his own conscience, in preservation whereof he was fain to fly beyond the Seas. To be a fugitive is a Sin and shame, but an honour to be a voluntary Exile, for a good cause. Hence it is that I have seen, in your ancient House at Durance, the* 2.1 crest of your Armes, with the extraordinary ad∣dition of Sable vvings somewhat alluding to those of Bats, to denote your ancestours dark and secret flight for his safety. However God brought him home again, on the silver vvings of the Dove, when peaceably restoring him, in the dayes of Q. Elizabeth to his large Possessions. In a word, I may wish you and yours less mediate trou∣ble then he had in the course of his Life, but cannot desire you more fi∣nal happines in the close thereof. T F.

ABout this time M^r. John Knox came from Geneva,* 2.2 and was chosen by the Congregation of Frankford, for their con∣stant Minister. Let none account it incongruous, that among so many able, and eminent English Divines, a Scotch∣man should be made Pastour of the English Church, seeing M^r. Knox his reputed merit did naturalize him (though a forrainer) for any Protestant Congregation, At which time also M^r. Chambers, and M^r. Edmond Grindal came thither as Agents, with a letter from the Congregation of Strasburgh. This Strasburgh, as in the position thereof, it is almost seated in the just midd∣way betwixt Zurich and Frankford: so the English there residing, embraced a moderate, and middle expedient, betwixt the extremities of the two fore∣said Congregations. These made a motion, that they might have thea 2.3 sub∣stance and effect of the Common prayer-book, though such ceremonies, and things, which the Countrie could not bear, might well be omitted. Knox and Whitingam asked them, what they meant by the substance of the Book: and whilest the

other wanted commission to dispute the point, the motion for the present came to no perfection.

2. However it gave occasion that Mr. Knox,* 2.4 and others in Frankford, drew up in Latine a platforme, or description of the Liturgie, as used in Eng∣land under King Edward, and tendered the same to the judgement of M^r. John Calvin in Geneva, to pass his sentence thereon. This is that M^r. Calvin whose care of all the Churches is so highly commended by some, and as much censured is he by others, as boasting himself in another mans line, and medling with for∣raine matters which did not belong unto him. Take M^r. Calvins judgment herein from his own letter bearing date the 20^th. of January following, In the Liturgie of England, I see there are many tolerable foolish things; by these words I mean, that there is not that purity which were to be desired. These vices, though they could not at the first day be amended, yet, seeing there was no manifest impiety, they were for a season to be tolerated. Therefore it was lawfull to begin of such rudiments, or abcedaries, but so, that it behooved the learned, grave, and godly Ministers of Christ, to enterprize further, and to set forth some thing more filed from rust, and purer. This struck such a stroke, especially in the Congregati∣on of Frankford, that some therein, who formerly partly approved, did afterward wholy dislike; and moe, who formerly dislik'd did now detest the English Liturgie.

3. In this case stood matters in Frankford,* 2.5 when D^r. Richard Cox, with some of his friends out of England, arrived there. This Doctour was a man of an high spirit, deep learning, unblameable life, and of great credit amongst his Countrie-men; for, he had been Tutour unto Edward the 6^th. And well may the nurse herself be silent, whilest the well battleing of the babe pleads aloud for her care, and diligence: as here the piety and preg∣nancie of his Prince-pupill, added much to D^r. Cox his deserved reputation. He, with others, coming into the Congregation March 13. discomposed the model of their service; first, answering aloud after the Minister; and, on the Sunday following, one of his company, without the consent and know∣ledge of the Congregation, got up into the pulpit, and there read all the a 2.6 Letanie. Knox, highly offended hereat, in the afternoon, preaching in his course out of Genesis, of Noahs nakednesse in his tent, took occasion sharp∣ly to tax the authours of this disorder, avowing many things in the English Book to be superstitious, impure, and imperfect; and, that he would never con∣sent they should be received into the Congregation.

4. Here I omit many animosities,* 2.7 and intermediate bickerings betwixt the opposite parties; especially at one conference, wherein D^r. Cox is charg∣ed to come with his inartificial argument ab authoritate, Egob 2.8 volo habere, I will have it so. In fine, Knox his party finding themselves out-voted, by D^r. Cox his new recruits out of England, got one voice on his side, which, was louder, and stronger then all the rest; I mean the authority of the Se∣nate of Frankford, interposing on his behalf: and, M^r. Iohn Glauberg (prin∣cipal procurer of their Congregation, as is aforesaid) publiquely professed, that if the reformed order of the congregation of Frankford were not therein observed,c 2.9 As he had opened the Church-door unto them, so would ••e shut it againe.

5. The wringing of the nose (saith wised 2.10 Agur) bringeth forth blood; so the forcing of wrath bringeth forth strife.* 2.11 See here, the Coxan party depressed, embrace a strange way to raise themselves, and accuse Knox to the State, for no less than high treason against the Emperour in an English book of his intitled, An admonition to Christians; first, privately preached in Bucking∣ham-shire, and now publiquely printed to the world. Eight places therein were laid to his charge: the seven last may well be omitted, the first was so effectuall to the purpose, wherein he called the Emperour, no less an enemy to Christ then was Nero. Strange, that words spoken some yeers since, in

another land, and language, against the Emperour, to whom Knox then ow∣ed no natural allegiance (though since a casual, and accidental one, by his removall into an imperiall City) should, in this unhappy juncture of time, be urged against him, by exiles of his own religion, even to no lesse than the indangering of his life. But, what said Rachel of Leah?a 2.12 With great wrestlings have I wrestled with my sister, and I have prevailed: with great, ra∣ther than good wrestlings. Such, too often, is the badnesse of good people; that in the heat of passion, they account any play to be fair play, which tends to the overturning of those with whom they contend. Hereupon, the State of Frankford (as an Imperial Town, highly concerned to be ten∣der of the Emperours honour) willed Knox to depart the City; who on the 25^th. of March,* 2.13 to the great grief of his friends,* 2.14 and followers, left the Congregation.

6. After the departure (or rather the driving away) of M^r. Knox;* 2.15 D^r. Cox, and his adherents clearly carried all, and proceeded to the election of officers in their Congregation. But first for fit title for him that was to take charge of their souls, then for a proper person for that title.

• 1. Bishop (though first in nomination) wasb 2.16 declined, as improper, because here he had no inspection over any Diocess, but onely a cure of a Congregation, on which very account M^r. Scorie (though formerly Bishop of Chicester when preacher to the Congregation of Emden, took upon him the title of Superintendent.
• 2. Superintendent was here also waved, as the same in effect, onely a bad Latine word, instead of a good Greek.
• 3. Minister also was mislik'd, for the principal Preacher (though ad∣mitted to signifie his assistants perchance as a terme of too much complyance, with the opposite party.
• 4. Pastour at last was pitched upon, as freest from exception, most expressive of the office, and least obnoxious to offence.

Then was M^r. Whiteheadc 2.17 chosen their Pastour, yet so, as two Ministers, foure Elders, and foure Deacons, were joyned to assist him. And, because this was then aswell an Universitie, as a congregation of the English, M^r. Horne was chosen Reader of the Hebrew, M^r. Mullings of the Greek, and M^r. Traherne was made Lecturer of Divinity. In this-new modell'd Con∣gregation, I finde no office by name assigned unto D^r. Cox (more honour for him to make all, than to be any officer) who was vertually influent upon all, and most active (though not in the doctrinal) in the prudential part of Church-government.

7. As for the oppressed Congregation (so their opposites stile themselves) it was headed by William Whittingham,* 2.18 one (though of less authority, yet) of as much affection to the cause, as Knox himself. This partie continued their dislike of the Liturgie, calling it thed 2.19 Great English Book, offended (it seems) with the largeness thereof. And they affirmed (may the report lie on the reporters to avouch it) how Cranmer Arch-Bishop of Canterbury did pre∣sent a book of prayer,* 2.20 an hundred times moree 2.21 perfect than the Liturgie used in King Edwards dayes, yet the same could not take place, because he was matched with so wicked a Clergie, in Convocation with other enemies. Besides this their old grudge against the Common Prayer, they were grieved afresh in this electi∣on of new officers in the English Congregation, that their old officers were neither legally continued, nor fully discharged, nor friend-like consulted with, nor fairely asked their consent, but no notice at all taken of them. In a word, never arose there a greater murmuring of the Grecians against the f 2.22 Hebrews, because their widdows were neglected in their daily ministration; than here an heart-burning in the Wittingamian against the other party, for the af∣front offered to their old officers,* 2.23 in this new election.

8. Here a moderate motion was made that the difference might be com∣premised,

* 2.24 and referr'd to Arbitrators,* 2.25 which should be equally chosen on both sides. To this, D^r. Cox his party would in no wise consent. Whe∣ther because those pretended Arbiters would be no Arbiters, but parties, and widen the wound by dressing of it; or because, being already posesd of the power, they would not divest themselves of the whole to receive but part again from the curtesie of others. However this party lost much repu∣tation by the refusall. For in all controversies, that side recusant to submit it self to a fair arbitration, contracts the just suspition, either that their cause is faulty, or the managers thereof froward, and of a morose disposition. In fine, as when two swarmes of bees daily fight in the same hive, the weak∣est grow so wise, as to seek themselves a new habitation: so here, Whitting∣am, and his adherents resolve to depart, and to seek their severall providences in another place.

9. But alas these two sides had a sad parting-blow.* 2.26 The oppress'd Con∣gregation complained, that instead of their Vale, they had a volley of ill words discharged at them; amongst which none so mortal to their reputation, as the word Schismatick, wherewith the Coxians branded them at their depar∣ture. Much fending, and proving there was betwixt them, whether Schis∣matick was properly applyable to such, who agreeing in doctrine, dissented onely in [superfluous] ceremonies. In conclusion, nothing was conclu∣ded amongst them as to agreement. And now, no pitty shewed at their de∣parture, no sending of sighes, or shedding of tears on either side; the one being as glad of the room they left, as the other were desirous of their own removall.

10. If any be curious to know the names of such,* 2.27 who separated them∣selves from this Congregation of Frankford, this ensuing cataloguea 2.28 will ac∣quaint him therewith,

• William
• William
• Anthonie
• Christopher
• Thomas
• Iohn
• Williams.
• Whittingham.
• Gilby.
• Goodman.
• Cole.
• Fox.
• Thomas
• William
• Iohn
• Iohn
• Christopher
• Nicolas
• Wood.
• Keth••.
• Kelke.
• Hilton.
• Soothous
• Purfote.
• Iohn
• Thomas
• William
• Laurence
• Iohn
• Anthonie
• Escot.
• Grafton.
• Walton.
• Kent.
• Hellingham.
• Carier.

Of these M^r. Fox, with a few moe, went to Basil, the rest settled themselves at Geneva, where they were all most courteously entertained. And now who can expect less, but, that those still remaining at Frankford, as the same in opinion, should be the same in affection, and live in brotherly love together. But alas; man, while he is man will be man; and Sathan the sower of tares,* 2.29 did set a sad dissention betwixt them, which we come now to relate.

11. There was an eminent member of the Congregation in Frankford,* 2.30 M^r. Ashley by name, one of a worshipfullb 2.31 degree, and (as it seems) of a Spirit (not to say Stomack) no whit beneath his extraction.* 2.32 Now there happened some high words at Supper betwixt Him and M^r. Horn (then Pastor of the Congregation) yet so that all the difference by the seasonable mediation of the Guests was then seemingly composed. But two dayes after M^r. Ashley was convented before the Elders, where it was laid to his charge, that at time and place aforesaid, he had spoken words slanderous to them and their Ministry. Ashley appealed from them, as an adversary Part against Him, (and therefore no competent Judges) unto the whole Congregation. (as men of estimation with both Parties) to hear and determine the difference betwixt them.

12. Hereat M^r. Horn and the Elders were highly offended,* 2.33 pleading that they had received authority from the whole Church, to hear and decide

such Cases,* 2.34 and were resolved not to depart with the power, so legally dele∣gated unto them. And whereas many meetings were made of M^r. Ashleys friends to debate his businesse, M^r. Horne and the Elders condemned them, as tending to schism, accounting their own presence so of the Quorum to any lawful assembly, that without it, all conventions, were conventicles. Yea M^r. Horne and the Elders, perceiving that M^r. Ashleys friends (being most numerous in the Congregation) would bring his Cause to be determined by the diffusive Church,* 2.35 fully and freely forsook their Ministry and Service there∣in. Preferring rather willingly to un-Pastor, and dis-Elder themselves than to retain the place, without the power, Title without the Authority due thereunto.

13. This deserting of their Duty,* 2.36 was by others interpreted an high con∣tempt of the Congregation. Especially, when two dayes after, a full Church, met with an empty Pulpit,* 2.37 wherein none to teach the people. The Ashleyans (being far the major part) took exception that Horne and the Elders should so slightly, and suddenly quit; what before they had so seriously, and solemn∣ly, accepted; as if their Pastoral charges were like their cloaths or upper gar∣ments, to be put off at pleasure, to coole themselves in every heat of Passion. Besides, these men being married in a manner to their Ministeriall Functions, could not legally divorce themselves without mutual consent, and the Churches approbation thereof.

14. Soon after the State of the controversie was altered,* 2.38 M^r. Ashleys businesse being laid aside, and another of an higher concernment taken up in the room thereof; namely how the Congregation should proceed against the Pastor and Elders, in case they were accused for misdemeanour. For hitherto no provisions were made, in the constitutions of this Church, to regulate this case if chancing to occur. Whether because the compilers of those constitu∣tions charitably presumed on the integrity of all such Officers, or omitted the making any law against them, in favour to themselves (as most probable to obtain such places) or because no canons can at once be compleated,* 2.39 but a reserve must be left for the additions of others to perfect the same. But now eight were appointed to regulate the manner of the proceeding of the Congregation against Pastor and Elders if peccant, who were without (or ra∣ther above censure, according to the old Discipline which still inflamed the anger of M^r. Horne and his Party.

15. A Party much advantaged by M^r. Chambers siding therewith,* 2.40 be∣cause He was keeper of the charity conferred on, and contributions collected for the Congregation. Now where goeth the Purse, there goeth the Poor, most in want were of Hornes side, in hope of the larger relief. This made others complain of Chambers, as an unjust Steward of the Churches treasure, too free to such as He affected, and bountifull only of Taunts and ill Terms to those of a different Judgement, making neither Mens Need, or Deserts, but only his own fancy the direction of his Distributions.

16. Now began their brawls to grow so loud,* 2.41 that their next neighbours over-heard them, I mean the State of Frankford took notice thereof, to the shame of all, and grief of all good in the English Nation. For how scanda∣lous was it that exiles of the same Country, for the same Cause could not agree together. But man in misery (as well as man in honour) hath no understanding. Yea they began to fear, lest many Dutch-men, hitherto their bountifull Be∣nefactours, should for the future withdraw their benevolences, conceiving these exiles wanted no mony, who had such store of animosities, and probably poverty would make them more peaceable amongst themselves. Their dis∣cords were the worse, because the Vernali mart at Frankford did approach, and it would be welcome ware, and an usefull commodity for Popish Merchants meet∣ing there, to carry over into England, and all the world over, the news of their distractions.

17. Hereupon the Magistrate of Frankford interposed to arbitrate their differences,* 2.42 but whether of his own accord,* 2.43 or by the secret solicitation of others in uncertain.* 2.44 Sure it is both parties solemnly disavowed any secret practise to procure the same. The Magistrate interposed his counsels rather then commands, appearing very upright, and unbiased to either party. For though at the first He seemed to favour Horne and his Complices (out of that general Sympathy which a Magistrate beareth to all publick Officers yet after∣wards quitting their Cause, he bent all his endeauours to make a Reconcilia∣tion. By this Edict it was ordered, that the former Pastors were put out of the functions, and made private men. That new ones, or the same again, (if the Church so pleased) were to be chosen in their roomes. That the trea∣sure of the Congregation should be kept joyntly and distributed by the Dea∣cons, who at an appointed Time should account for the same to the Minister and ••ld••rs. And the day after, leave was given them to devise a new Discipline (with convenient speed) amongst themselves,* 2.45 and tender the same, when drawn up, to the Magistrate for his Ratification. In fine all seemingly were made friends, in token whereof they (both Parties) joyned hands together.

18. Soon after fifteen were appointed,* 2.46 to draw up a forme of new di∣scipline. But this new discipline, occasioned new grudges, or rather revived the old ones. Though short the Book, it was long before fully finished, be∣cause such as were concerned therein drew the Sheets thereof severall wayes. Some would have the old discipline stand still in full force, others would have it only altered, others totally abolished. When the Discipline was new drawn up, some required moneths, and the most moderate more dayes of delibera∣tion before they would subscribe it. In conclusion, whereas the whole Con∣gregation of Frankford,* 2.47 consisted then but of Sixty two (understand them ma∣sters of families, besides women, children, and servants) forty two subscribed this new Discipline, and the rest refused.

19. Presently they proceeded to the Election of new Pastors and mi∣nisters, * 2.48 when M^r. Horne issuing into the Church with his party, cast a bundle of Paper-bills on the Table standing in the middle of the Church. A Table surely set there (not for the inflaming of discords, but) the celebration of that Sacrament, which should cement them all in a comfortable communion. Those Bils contained their refusals to concur in this Election, because they could not in their consciences allow the Discipline whereby it was made. However the rest went on with their Choice, and no one (saving M^r. Wilford beeing formerly of the Ministry, was now again elected. Whereof this reason was rendred, because they with M^r. Horne had willingly relinquished their functions, and it was but just to take that from them, which they cast away from themselves. Besides it is said, that some of them gave it out, that if they should be re-elected they would not accept thereof.

20. Hitherto we have had no mention for a long time of D^r. Cox,* 2.49 and it may seem much, that the activity of his Spirit should be so long concealed, which makes some presume him absent all the while. But let such know, that Dr. Cox engaged in the former controversie, in defence of the liturgy, set forth in K. Edwards Raigne, as concerning his Soveraigns Honour and generall Interest of the English Church concerned therein. Whereas he hitherto stood neuter in this difference of M^r. Horns and his complices, as beholding it of narrower extent and less consequence, betwixt particular persons. Whereupon the Magistrate of Frankford, (not a leasure himself, because of the business of the Mart, to examine the matter, appointed Him, with D^r. Sandys, and Richard Berty, Esq (as men of estimation with both par∣ties) to hear and determine the difference betwixt them.

21. By the powerful mediation of which Vmpires,* 2.50 they were perswa∣ded into some tolerable agreement, though it was no better than a Palliate∣cure.

But I am weary of their dissentions, and therefore proceed to some more acceptable subject. Only let me add that this whole story of their dis∣cords, with the causes and circumstances thereof, is taken out of the Troubles of Frankford, a book composed in favour of the opposers of the English Disci∣pline; And when the Writer is all for the Plantif, the discreet Reader will not only be an unpartial Judge, but also somewhat of an Advocate for the Defendant.

22. It is no less pleasant to consider,* 2.51 then admirable to conceive, how these exiles subsisted so long, and so far from their native country, in so com∣fortable a condition. Especially seeing Gardiner Bp. of Winchester solemnly vowed, so to stop the sending of all supplies unto them, that for very hun∣ger they should eat their own nailes, and then feed on their fingers ends. But threatned folke live long, and before these banished men were brought to that short Bil of fare, the Bishop was first all eaten up of wormes himself. To re∣duce their subsistence, within compass of belief, let the following particulars be put together.

23. Most of these Clergy-Exiles,* 2.52 were men well preferred in King Edwards raigne. These as they were disswaded by the due consideration of their ever-living God, from being solicitously over-carking for the future, so were they advised by their daily beholding of their consumptionish, and ever∣dying King, to be providentially careful for the time to come: This made them make hay in the Sun-shine, and then got they good feathers, wherewith after∣wards they did flye beyond the Seas.

24. Some persons of much worship and wealth were amongst them,* 2.53 who bountifully communicated to the necessities of others. Of these the principall.

• Sir
  • ...Johna 2.54 Cheeke, of whom largely hereafter.
  • Richard Morisin of Caishobury in Hertford-shire.
  • Francis Knollys, afterward-pri∣vy-counscelour to Q. Elizabith.

• Sir
  • Anthony Cook, (father in Law to Cecil after L^rd. Burgeley and famous for his learned daughters.
  • Peter Carew, renowned for his valour in Ireland where He died, Anno 1576.
  • Thomas Wroth, richly landed at and nigh Durance in Mid∣dlesex.

• Dame Dorothy Stafford afterwards of the Bed-Chamber to Queen-Elizabeth.
• Dame Elizabeth Berkley.

These accounting all their fellow-sufferers, their fellows, forgot themselves, to remember the afflictions of Joseph, being advanced so much the higher in the esteem of all, who were wise and virtuous, by how much they degra∣ded themselves in their helpefull condescention to their inferiours.

25. Many Pious Persons residing in England,* 2.55 but chiefly in London (which commonly counter-poiseth the charity of all the land besides) were very free towards their relief. Some of these, conscious to themselves of cowardly compliance with the Superstitions of the Times, hoped in some degree to lessen their offence, by their liberality to such Exiles, as were more constant and couragious than themselves in the cause of the Truth. And although great the distance betwixt London and Zurich, yet Merchants have long armes, and by their Bils of Exchange, reach all the world over. Richard Springham and John Abel Merchants of London gave much, and sent more to their support, as being entrusted to make over the gifts of many good people, utterly unknown to such as received them. That is the best charity, which Nilus-like, hath the severall streams thereof seen, but the fountain concea∣led. Such silent and secret bounty, as good at all times, to avoid vain-glory,

is best in bad times, to prevent danger. As for Thomas Eaton a London Merchant, but living in Germany he was (saith mya 2.56 author) communis hospes, the host-general of all English Exiles, thanks, (and that forced on him, against his will) being all the Shot, his Guests, paied at their departure.

24. The King of Denmark,* 2.57 Henry Prince Palatine of Rhene, Christopher Duke of Wirtenburge, Woulfgange Duke of Bipont, &c. with all the States and free cities wherein the English sojourned, were very bountifull unto them. So were the Dutch Divines, especially those of Zurich, and take them in order as my foresaid Author nameth them, Bullinger, Pellican, Bibliander, Simler, Wolphius, Lavator, Zuinglius, whose short stipends would scarce reach to main∣tain themselves, and yet their thrift and charity stretched them so, as there∣with also to relieve others. Nor let learned Ges••er be forgotten, that great natural Historian, and no less loving of men, then knowing in beasts, foule, and fishes. As for Peter Martyr, he had a petty colledge in his house at Strash∣burge, (whereof M^r. Jewel was the vice-master wherein most of the clergy paied (if any) easie rates for their diet therein.

27. Some of the English Schollars,* 2.58 subsisted partly by their own pains, the making of Books, the Copies whereof were very beneficiall unto them. Say not this argued salable souls (savouring more of the Stationer then the Scholler to sell their Books, yea that it was a kinde of Simony in them, to make profit of those their parts which God had freely bestowed upon them. For as it betrayeth a mercenary minde, in those who having plenty themselves, will sordidly contract for their Copies, so much Authors, who are in want, are faulty in being wanting to their own just relief, if neglecting moderate bene∣fit by their own endeavours. Thus John Bale much advantaged him self, by his folio edition of his Centuries. M^r. Fox gained by his first (and least Latine Book of Martyrs. M^r. Laurence Humphrey, was no loser by his making and setting forth his three books de Nobilitate, which he intituled Optimates, as by translating Philo de Nobilitate, and Origen de recta fide out of greek. O∣thers imployed themselves, in overseeing and correcting the Press, especially about the English Eible, with the Geneva notes thereon.

28. Such sums attained by their own Industry,* 2.59 though small in bulke, were great in blessing, a divine benediction being alwayes invisibly breathed on painful and lawful diligence. Thus the Servant imployed in making and blowing of the fire, (though sent away thence as soon as it burneth cleare) oft-times getteth by his pains a more kindly and continuing heat, then the Master himself, who sitteth down by the same; and thus persons industri∣ously occupying themselves, thrive better on a little of their own honest getting, the lazy Heirs on the large revenues left unto them.

29. One thing much kept up the credit of the English Exiles,* 2.60 with the Merchants and Bankers beyond the Seas, namely the certain and constant report of Queen Maries decaying condition, daily consuming, though increa∣sing, wasting, though swelling, with an Hydropicall distemper, which could not be kept so close under the key of Confession, but that it became the publike discourse at home, and abroad. And although many reports of Queen Maries death were shot out at random (whereof one, some moneths after hit the mark and the same were proved to be false, yet thereby the news of her sickness gained a general belief. This gave reputation to such English in Germany as were known to be possessed of estates in their own country, ena∣bling them with Trust to borrow convenient summs from any creditours, who would make probable adventures for their advantage, beholding the English, very responsible in an approaching reversion.

30. So much of our English Exiles,* 2.61 whom our Pen will shortly han∣dle under a better notion. Return we to S^r. John Cheek, lately mentioned, with a promise to enlarge his story, though so sad in it self, we would willing∣ly (but for wronging of the truth) have buried the same in silence. Well,

and welcome,* 2.62 loved and respected was this Knight at Strasburge, when He would needs return for Brabant ut uxorem duceret, to marry a wife, saith the printed Sleidan, but by mistake, (for He was marryed some yeers before, to a Lady which long survived him) instead of ut uxorem educeret, that He might fetch forth, and bring home his wife, lately (it seems) come out of England into the Low-Countries.a 2.63 He is said first to have consulted the Starrs, (would He had not gone so high, or else gone higher for his advice) being too much addicted to judicial Astrologie. Now whether here the Errour was in the Art it self, as false and frivolous, or in his misapplying the rules thereof, (not well understanding the language of the Stars more sure it is, his journy had sad success. For in his return from Bruxels to Antwerpe, no whit secu∣red by his own innocence, nor by the promise of the Lord Paget, nor by the pledging of S^r. John Mason, for his publick protection, nor by the inter∣cession of his friend Fecknam (Abbot of Westminster to Q. Mary, He (with S^r. Peter Carew was beaten from his Horse, tied hand and foot to the bottom of a cart, thence conveyed hoodwinkt to the next Haven, and so shipt over un∣der hatches unto the Tower of London.

31. Here all arts were used on Him (which might prevaile to drive,* 2.64 or draw, an easie Soule surpris'd on a suddain) to make him renounce his Religion, untill hard usage in prison, joyned with threatnings of worse, and fair promises on his submission, drew from his mouth an abrenuntiation of that Truth, which He so long had professed and still believed, and there∣upon was restored to his liberty, but never to his contentment. For such is the tyranny of Papists, that they are not satisfied to take mens Consciences captive by their cruelty, except also they carry them about in publike tri∣umph, as here Bonnera 2.65 got S^r. John Cheek unawares to sit in the place where godly Martyrs were condemned. And although He then did nothing, but sit still, sigh, and be silent, yet shame, for what He had done, Sense of what others suffered, and sorrow that his presence should be abused to counte∣nance cruelty, brought him quickly to a comfortable end, of a miserable life,* 2.66 as carrying Gods pardon, and all good mens pitty along with him.

32. Since his Death,* 2.67 his Memory hath done some pennance (I say not to satisfy the failings in his life) being wronged in his Parnetage, abused in his Parts, and mistaken in his Posterity. For the first, a learned Pen* 2.68 (but too free in dealing disgracefull characters on the subjects thereof) stileth him a Man of mean Birth, and generally he is made, only the Son of his own Deserts. Whereas M^r. Peter Cheek, S^r. Johns Father, living in Cambridge, (where S^r. John was borne, over against the Cross in the market-place, and where by the advantage of his Nativity, He fell from the wombe of his Mother, into the lap of the Muses) was descended of the family of the Cheeks of Moston in the Isle of Wight, (where their estate was about 300^li a yeer, never increased nor diminished till sold outright some 20. yeers since) out of which Richard Cheek, in the raigne of King Richard the Second, married a Daughter of the Lord Mountagu. As for Duffield his Mother, she was a discreet and grave Matrone, as appeared by the goodd 2.69 counsel, and christian charge She gave this her Son, when comming to take his farewell of her, and betake himself to Prince Edward his Tuition. For his Parts, the foresaid Author, with the same breath, termeth Him, So far as appears by the books He wrote, Pedantick enough, that is too much, to such as understand his Miosis. But had He perused all his works, and particularly, His True Subject to the Rebel, He would have bestowed a better character upon him. Another Writer e 2.70 can finde no issue left of his body, saving one Son bearing his Fathers name, whereas he had three Sons by his wife, (as appears on her Monument in S^t. Martins in the Fields) 1. Henry the Eldest, Secretary to the Councel in the North, (who one Francis Ratliffe Sister to the last Earle of Sussex of that fa∣mily, begat S^r. Thomas Cheek of Pyrgo in Essex, blessed with an happy issue)

John a valiant Gentle man, and Edward, both dying without any posterity, But these things belong to Heraulds, not Historians.

33. The sufferings of Katherine Dutchess of Suffolk,* 2.71 Baroness Willowgby of Eresby, late widow of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolke, since wife to Richard Berty Esq must not be forgotten. A Lady of a sharpe wit, and sure hand to drive her wit home, and make it pierce, where She Pleased. This made Bp. Gardiner to hate her much for her Jests on Him, but more for her earnest to∣wards God, the Sincerity of Her Religion, and thereupon she was forced with her Husband and infant-Daughter to fly beyond the Seas.

34. It would tire our Pen to trace their Removals,* 2.72 from their House (the Barbican in London to Lions-Key, thence to Leigh, thence over Seas (beeing twise driven back again) into Brabant thence to Santon a City of Cleveland, thence to Wesel, one of the Hanse-Towns, thence to Windhein in the Palatinate, thence to Frankford thence (by many intermediate Stages) into Poland. Every removall ministred them matter, of new Difficulties, to improve their Patience, new Dangers to imploy their Prayers, and new Deliverances, to admire Gods providence. Especially in theira 2.73 Passage from Santon to Wesel, in a cold February, and a great thaw, after a long frost, on foot, in a dark night, and rainy weather, thorow wayes unknown, without guide to direct, or company to defend them, leaving certain Foes behinde, and having but suspected friends before them. The end of their journy, was worse then their journy it self, finding first at Wesel, no Inn to entertain them, able to speak little high-Dutch for themselves, and other will∣ing to speak in comfort to them. In a word, it would trouble ones Head to invent more Troubles then they had all at once▪ and it would break ones Heart, to undergo but halfe so many, seeing their real sufferings out, Romanced the fictions of many Errant Adventures.

35. No English Subject had like f••rrain relations with this Lady,* 2.74 and yet they rather afflicted then befriended Her. She had been wife to Him, who had been Husband to a Queen of France, yet durst not go into that country. By the confession of Bp. Gardiner himself, She and Queen Mary, were the only English Ladies of Spanish extraction and alliance yet was it unsafe for Her to stay in any part of the Spanish Dominions. The Emperour owed her, (as Executrix to her Husband Duke Charles great sums of mony, yet durst she not demand payment, lest the credetrix should be made away, and so the debt satisfied.

36. Yet an higher Emperour,* 2.75 even God himself, seemed in some sort indebted unto Her (He that giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord for her boun∣ty at Home, in the height of her Honour, forrainers, Protestants especially, in distress.

37. And now that good debtour,* 2.76 God his providence, made full pay∣ment thereof, by inciting the King of Poland, at the mediation of the Pala∣tine of Vilna (as He at the instance of John Baron Alasco, who formerly in England had tasted of this Ladyes liberality) to call this Dutchess with her Husband and family to a place in Poland of Safety, Profit, Credit, and Com∣mand, where they comfortably continued till the death of Queen Mary. During these their Travels, Peregrine Berty (carrying his forrain nativity in his name) was born unto them, afterwards the valiant Lord Willowgby of Eresby. To conclude, let this virtuous Lady her example, incourage all to be good to all Godly in distress, seeing Hospes hodie, cras•• Hospes, the Entertainers to day, may want Entertainment to morrow.

38. My Pen hath been a long Time an Exile from England.* 2.77 and now is willing to return to its native soile,* 2.78 though finding little comfort to invite it thither, and less to welcome it there. Only I finde a Parliament called, solely commendable on this account, that it did no more mischief in Church matters. Indeed the two former Parliaments had so destroyed all things

in Religion, they gave a writ of ease to the rest in the Queens Reign to do nothing.

39. The same reason may be rendred of the silence in the convocation where John Harpefield Archdeacon of London,* 2.79 and Prolocutor preached also the Latin Sermon.a 2.80 His Text, (how suiting to the occasion, let him answer it) Matt. 21. 2. Ite in castellum quod contra vos est &c. where Christ sends two Disciples to fetch Him the Ass and the Ass colt.

40. The Clergy gave the Queen a subsidie of eight-shillings in the Pound,* 2.81 (confirmed by Act of Parliament to be paid in four yeers. In re∣quital whereof, by Pools procurement, the Queen priviledged them from shewing their Horses with the Laytie; yet so as they should ••uster them up for the defence of the Land under Captains of their own choosing.

41. Here we meet with a piece of valour in Q. Mary,* 2.82 daring to oppose the Pope, and shewing that her mother Q. Katherin's devotion, had not drowned in her all the Spirit of K. Henry her Father Pope Paul the fourth, wholy favouring the French Faction, and perfectly hating Cardinal Poole, (whom he beheld as the principal Promoter of the late Warrs in France sent Cardinal William Peito (borne of an antient Family atb 2.83 Chesterton in Warwick∣shire to ease him in England of his Legative Power. But the Queen so orde∣red the matter, that by her Prerogative she prohibited Pe••to entrance into England, and got the aforesaid Power established and confirmed on Cardi∣nal Poole.

42. Somewhat before we saw a great wonder,* 2.84 viz. the death of Ste∣phen Gardiner Bp. of Winchester, not that He aied (being past sixty) but that He, who lived so zealous a Papist should die more then halfe a Protestant, as wholy one in the point of mansc 2.85 Justification by the free mercies of God, and merits of Christ. Iohn White borne in Winchester Diocess; first Schoolma∣master, then Warden of Winchester School was by the Premises so tempted to be also Bp. there, that it made him digest the Symony to succeed Gardiner; though on condition to pay, a thousand pounds a yeer, out of that Bishoprick to Cardinal Poole for his better support.

43. But the most pleasant object to entertain us at this time in England,* 2.86 is the beholding of two fair and fresh Foundations in Oxford. The one Tri∣nity Colledge, built by S^r. Thomas Pope, in the place, (where long since Tho∣mas Hatfield Bishop, and Robert Walworth, Prior of Durham, had built a Col∣ledge for Durham Monks which at the present much decayed and ruinated, was by S^r. Thomas reedified and endowed. I finde this M^r. Pope (as yet unknighted principald 2.87 Visitor, at the dissolution of Abbeys, into whose hand the Seal of S^r. Albans it self was first surrendred. Now as none were Losers employed in that service, so we finde few refunding back to charitable uses; and perchance this man alone the thankfule 2.88 Samaritan who made a publique Acknowledgement.

Presidents	Bishops	Benefactours	Learned Writers
Thomas Sleithurst.		Dame Elizabeth Powlet.
Arthur Yeldard.
Ranulph Kettle.
Dr. Potter.
Dr. Harris.

Insomuch that therein is at this present a President, twelve Fellows, twelve Scholars, besides officers and servants of the Foundation, with many other Students, the whole Number being an hundred thirty three.

44. The other,* 2.89 S^r. Iohns Colledge erected by S^r. Thomas White,* 2.90 (borne at Rickmansworth in Hertford-shire a bottomlesse fountain of Bounty if we consider the ponds which He filled,* 2.91 and besides the running streams, which flowed from Him. Of the first Kind, were the Cities of London, Bristol and Coventry, on which He severally bestowed great summs of mony to purchase Lands therewith. His running stream, I account that his gift which I may call the Circulation of charity, being a legacy of 100. pounds delivered out of Merchant Taylors Hall on S^t. Bartholemews day, and lent gratis to 4. poore cloathiers for 10. yeers, in 23. severall Corporations. Thus as a wise Merchant He conceived it safest to adventure his Bounty in sundry Bottoms.

45. But the master-piece thereof was his founding of S^t. Johns Colledge in Oxford.* 2.92 Indeed his liberality baited first at Glocester-Hall, which place He reedified. But so small a Hall was too little to lodge so large a soul in, which sought for a subject of greater Receipt. A Tradition goes of his Dreame, that he should in time meet with a Place, wherea 2.93 two Elmes grew, of the same height, and where his further purpose should take effect. Come we from what he dreamt to what he did, who finding belike that Tree-marke; by it he built and endowed S^t. Johns Colledge. And being himself free of the Com∣pany of Merchant-Taylors in London (where he was Lord Maior; he ordered that that School should be a prime Nursery to his Colledge; and out of it the most pregnant Schollers are annually elected into this his Foundation. It is now lately enlarged with Addition of a new Court, and other Benefactions, by the liberality of William Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, whose Body though it be obscurely buried at Alhallows Barking, gratefull Posterity will deservedly behold this Building as his lasting Monument.

Presidents

• Alex. Belcher.
• Will. Elie.
• Will. Stoke.
• Jo. Robinson.
• Tob. Matthew.
• Fra. Willis.
• Ran. Hutchinson.
• Io. Buckerdig.
• Will. Laud.
• Will. Juxon.
• Rich. Baily.
• Fra. Cheynell.
• Faith. Owen.

Bishops

• Toby Matthew
• Arch B. of York.
• Joh. Buckerdig.
• Bishop of Ely.
• Row. Searchfield.
• Bishop of Bristol.
• Will. Laud Arch.
• B. of Canterbury
• Will. Juxon B. of London.
• D^r. Boile BP. of Corke.

Benefactours

• S^r. Will. Craven Knight.
• S^r. Will. Paddie Knight D^r. of Physick Commo∣ner of the Col∣ledg. He gave freely towards the building, & furnishing of their liberary, purchased to the Colledge two perpetual Patronages; and much beautified the Chappel.

Learned Writers

• Edm. Campian
• Grego. Martin
• Humph. Ely
• Hen. Holland.
  • * 2.94 fellows of this house and violent Papists.
  • JOHN CASE D^r. of Physick.
  • WILLIAM LAVDE in his learned book against Fisher.

The above mentioned D^r. Case, sometimes Fellow of this Colledge, marri∣ed a Wife, kept House in Oxford, and Schollers in his house, teaching many youth Logick, Ethicks, and Philosophy. The University was so farr from beholding this as an infringing of their priviledges, that out of honour to this Doctors abilities, his schollers by special grace were so farr favoured, that they were made as capable of Degrees, as if admitted Gremials in the

University.* 2.95 At this day S^t. Iohns hath a President,* 2.96 fifty Fellows, and Schol∣lars, a Chaplain and a Clarke; besides Servants, Commoners and other stu∣dents, being in all an hundred and twenty.

46. Queen Mary every day waxed more and more melancholy,* 2.97 where∣of several causes are assigned. Some conceive her Sorrowing, that by neg∣ligence the Key of France, [Calis] was slipt from her girdle, which her pre∣decessours wore by their sides more then two hundred yeers. But, now it is gone, let it Goe, it was but a beggerly Town, which cost England ten times yearly more then it was worth in keeping thereof, as by thea 2.98 accounts in the Exchequer doth plainly appear.

47. Others ascribe her sadness to her Husbands absence, which had ma∣ny (and made more) occasions to go and stay beyond the Seas, after he had found England and not so usefull as he expected, as having neither power therein, nor profit thereby, (though as much as on the Articles of marriage was pro∣mised Him) halfe so much, as He had promised to himself. Besides Queen Mary her Person, was no gainer, (scarce a saver of Affection, having her Fathers feature, a face broad and big, with her mothers colour, a somewhat swarthy complexion.

48. As Queen Mary was not over fair,* 2.99 King Philip was not over-fond, especially after he began to despair of Issue from her.* 2.100 Indeed her Physitians hoped her to be with Childe, till her misconceived pregnancy proved a Dropsy, at the last, whereof she died, having reigned five years and odd moneths. As for the suggestion of Osorius the Spaniard, that the English Protestants attempted to poison her, a learnedb 2.101 Author returns, Nihil hujusmodi di∣ctum, nec scriptum, fictum, nec pictum, being the bare Inventions of his scandalous Tongue.

49. Within few howres after her death,* 2.102 died Cardinal Poole Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. One who the longer He lived in England, the less He had of an English-man, daily more and more Italianating Himself, and conversing most with the Merchants of that country. Practising the principles of Italian thrift, his Pompe was rather gawdy then costly, and attendance ceremo∣nious, more than expensive. By Bils of Exchange, He made over much mony to Venice and Rome, and fearing a banke in England, (if Queen Mary should faile) provided Himself a banke beyond the Seas. He procured of the Queen the Patronage ofc 2.103 nineteen Benefices unto his Sce, promised and intended to repair the Palace at Canterbury. He was buried in His own Cathedral with this short and modest Epitaph on his plain Monument, DEPO∣SITVM CARDINALIS POLI.

50. He alwayes had a favourable inclination to Protestants,* 2.104 though (to wipe off the aspersion of Lutheranisme at last he grew somewhat severe against them, but expressing it rather in wronging the Dead, (whose bones He burnt) than hurting the Living. The Papists accuse him, for too much Indulgence to the married Clergy, because only parting them from their Wives, and depriving them from their Livings: But soon afterwardsd 2.105 prefer∣ring the same persons to Benefices of farr better Revenue. He was an abso∣lute Protestant in the point of justification, much offended with the Proud errour of Osorius therein; thus expressing himself,e 2.106 non potest viribus humanis nimium detrahi, nec addi Divine Gratiae. Too much cannot be taken away from mans power, nor given to Gods Grace.

51. He left Aloisius Priol,* 2.107 a Gentleman of Venice, his sole execu∣tor, to dispose of his estate to pious uses, chiefly on the relief of forrai∣ners, In England He had no want of neer Kindred, and some of them (for all their high birth) neer a kin to want; yet He passing them by, ordered that his whole Estate should be conferred on Italians; Some con∣demning, some commending him for the same, as a deed of Gratitude, because those of that Nation had formerly for many yeers relieved his

necessities. His Executor so honestly discharged his Trust therein, that he freely disposed the whole estate to the True Intent of the Testator, In so much that he left not any thing thereof unto himself; save onely two small Books, viz. aa 2.108 Breviary and a Diurnall, for a meer Memoriall. Thus died Cardinall Poole, neither of Italian Physick willfully taken by himself, as an Englishb 2.109 Author insinuats, nor of Poison given to him by the Prote∣stants, as ac 2.110 Spanish writer suggests,* 2.111 but of a quartan feaver then epidemicall in England, and malignant above the ordinary nature of that Disease.

52. The Funerals of Queen Mary were performed with much So∣lemnity and true sorrow of those of her own religion.* 2.112d 2.113 White Bishop of Winchester preached the Sermon, taking for his Text Ecclesiastes 9. 4. A living Dog is better then a dead Lion. One not present at the Place might easi∣ly tell whom he made the Lion, and whom the Dog. Indeed he strawed all the flowers of his Rhetorique on Queen Mary deceased, leaving not so much as the stalkes to scatter on her surviving sister. This White being a Tolerable Poet, (for so* 2.114 one charactereth him) was an Intollerable Fatterer, and made use of his Poetical Licence, in the praise of Popery. More modest and moderate was the Sermon of Feckenham Abbot of Westminster, taking for his Text. Ecclesiastes 4. 2. I praise the Dead rather then the Living, who preached also the •• Obsequies of Queen Mary; either that he did it as an act of Supeerrogation, or because it was conceived the more state for so great a Prince to have a Duplicate of such solemnities. The best is, the Protestants of that Age, cared not how many (so it be Funeral) Sermons were preached for her.

3. However,* 2.115 take Queen Mary in her self abstracted from her Opinions, and by her self, secluded from her bloody councellours, and her Memory will justly come under Commendation. Indeed she knew not the Art of being popular, and never cared to learn it, and generally (be∣ing given more to her Beads then her Book had less of learning, (or Parts to get it) then any of her Fathers children. She hated to equivocate in her own Religion, and alway was what she was, without dissembling her judgement or Practise, for fear or flattery; Little beloved of her sub∣jects, to whom though once she remitted an intire Subsidie, yet it little moved their affections, because though liberall in this Act, she had been unjust in another, her Breach of promise to the gentry of Norfolke and Suffolk. However she had been a worthy Princesse, had as little Cruelty been done under her, as was done by her. Her De∣votion alwayes commanded her Profit, and often times did fill the Church with the emptying of her own Exchequer.

54. Take one instance of many;* 2.116 The Hospitall of the Savoy in the Strand, founded by her grandfather King Henry the seventh, and since Dissolved, was by her Erected again. And whereas the Uten∣sells thereof had lately been Embezelled (the house being left as bare as the poore people which were brought therein) her maids of Honour, out of their own Wardrope furnished it with* 2.117 Beds, Blankets, and Sheets. Were any of those Ladies still alive, I would pray for them in the language of the* 2.118 Psalmist, The Lord make all their bed in their sicknesse. And he is a good Bed-maker indeed, who can and will make it fit the per∣son, and please the patient. But seeing such long since are all deceas∣ed, it will be no Superstition to praise God for their piety, and Commend their practise to the imitation of Posterity.

55. Her Body was enterred in the Chappell of King Henry the seventh,* 2.119 In the Isle on the North-side thereof, and after∣wards the Corps of her sister Queen Elizabeth were buried in the same Vault. Over Both, King James afterwards erected a most sumptuous monument; though the Epitaph inscribed thereon, taketh noe notice

at all of Queen Mary, as destined, and designed soly to the memory of Queen Elizabeth. But Maryes name still surviveth in many [Roman] Catholick fami∣lies, being (though never mother her self) Godmother to many of her Ser∣vants Sons, giving her own, [Anthony Maria, Edward Maria &c.] as an ad∣dition to their Christian names.

56. Many great persons,* 2.120 (chiefly of the Clergy) followed her into another world;* 2.121 whether out of a politick Sympathic that being raised by her, they would fall with her, or that fore seeing alteration of religion, and their own ruine, they died, to prevent death, heart-broken with sorrow. Be∣sides, at this time, there was a strange mortality, different from other infecti∣ons, not sweeping but choosing, which did principally single out men of wealth and quality. Whil'st such as make uncharitable applications, parallel this to the plague of the Israelites,b 2.122 which slew the wealthest of them, we will onely conceive, that God intending to plant in Queen Elizabeth, first cleared the ground, by removing such, as probably would oppose her. Neither was it a small advantage unto her, that the Parliament sat at her sisters death; after which they onely continued so long, as joyntly and publiquely to proclaim Elizabeth Queen,* 2.123 and then they werec 2.124 dissolved. Now though her Title was free from doubt, yet it it was not so clear from cavils, but that one conside∣ring the power of the English Papists, at this time, and their activity at all times, will conclude they might have, though not hurt, troubled, and though not hindred, disturb'd her succession. Whereas now being so solemnly pro∣claimed, it gave much countenance, and some strength to her right, being done by the whole State in so weighty a manner, that it crush't in pieces all hopes of private oppositions. Thus those whom God will have to rise, shall never want hands to lift them up.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Dom. 1556.
• * 2.1

  viz. a Li∣ons Head erazed.
• * 2.2

  Mr. Knox chosen con∣stant Minister at Frankford.
• a 2.3

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 24.
• * 2.4

  The Liturgie of England tendred to Mr. Calvin. and his cen∣sure thereof.
• * 2.5

  Dr. Cox, and others a••tive at Frankford.
• a 2.6

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 38.
• * 2.7

  The Senate of Frankford interp••se for Knox.
• b 2.8

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 40.
• c 2.9

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 43.
• d 2.10

  Pro. 30. 33.
• * 2.11

  Mr. Knox ac∣cused of high treason, and departs from Frankford.
• a 2.12

  Gen. 30. 8
• * 2.13

  March 25.
• * 2.14

  1556.
• * 2.15

  Officers cho∣sen in the new modell Congrega∣tion.
• b 2.16

  Troubles of Frankford pag. 31.
• c 2.17

  Ibid. pag. 52.
• * 2.18

  Whittingam heads the opposite par∣tie.
• d 2.19

  Ibid. pag. 40.
• * 2.20

  Q. Marie 4.
• e 2.21

  Ibid pag. 43
• f 2.22

  Acts 6. 1.
• * 2.23

  Arbitration refused by the party of Dr. Cox.
• * 2.24

  Anno Dom. 1556.
• * 2.25

  Anno Regin Mar. 4.
• * 2.26

  The two par∣ties put asunder.
• * 2.27

  The names of such as went to Geneva.
• a 2.28

  Taken out of their sub∣scription to a letter in the Troubles of Frankford pag. 47.
• * 2.29

  6. 155. 7.
• * 2.30

  The sad diffe∣rence betwixt Mr. Ashley and Mr. Horne.
• b 2.31

  Troubles of Frankford pag. 55.
• * 2.32

  Jan. 14. 16.
• * 2.33

  Horne and the Elders in dis∣countent quit their places.
• * 2.34

  Ann. Dom. 6. 155-7.
• * 2.35

  Feb. 2.
• * 2.36

  Where at the Church is highly offen∣ded.
• * 2.37

  4.
• * 2.38

  Inquiry how to proceed against the Pastor and El∣ders if accused
• * 2.39

  14.
• * 2.40

  Mr. Chambers accused of in∣justice.
• * 2.41

  The scandal of this dissen∣tion.
• * 2.42

  〈…〉〈…〉 short friends.
• * 2.43

  Anno Dom. 1557.
• * 2.44

  Anno Regin Mar. 4. Feb. 28.
• * 2.45

  March 1.
• * 2.46

  New disci∣pline ••akes new distracti∣ons.
• * 2.47

  30.
• * 2.48

  Mr. Horne and his party pro∣test against it.
• * 2.49

  The matters put to mode∣rators.
• * 2.50

  A kinde of Agreement made.
• * 2.51

  The wonder∣ful provi∣dence in the maintenance of these poor Exiles.
• * 2.52

  Yet some thing they carried over with them.
• * 2.53

  The bounty of the banish∣ed Gentry to their fellow-Sufferers.
• a 2.54

  Humphery in His large latin life of Jewel. pag. 88.
• * 2.55

  And of the Londoners unto them.
• a 2.56

  Hamphrey ut prius.
• * 2.57

  Forrain li∣berality unto them.
• * 2.58

  Improved by their own industry.
• * 2.59

  And God his blessing above all.
• * 2.60

  Q Mary her sickness be∣lieved enli∣vens the cre∣dit of English Exiles.
• * 2.61

  Sr. John Cheek his unprospe∣rous return.
• * 2.62

  Anno Regin Mar. 5.
• a 2.63

  Fox Acts & Mon. tom. 3. pag. 701.
• * 2.64

  Recanteth (orally) and died for grief thereof.
• a 2.65

  Fox ibidem
• * 2.66

  Sept. 13.
• * 2.67

  History recti∣fied in his parentage, parts and posterity.
• * 2.68

  Sr. John Hayward in the life of Edward the 6. pag. 8.
• d 2.69

  The Mother of my aged and worthy friend Mr. Jackson of Histons was with many o∣thers present thereat.
• e 2.70

  One that set forth his life in Oxford Anno 1641.
• * 2.71

  The Pilgri∣mage of the Dutchess of Suffolk.
• * 2.72

  True, and sad Errantry.
• a 2.73

  See it at large in Fox tome 3. pag. 928.
• * 2.74

  The vanity of Relations.
• * 2.75

  God the best detter.
• * 2.76

  Makes just payment.
• * 2.77

  Why the Parliament so silent in Church-mat∣ters.
• * 2.78

  Janu. 21.
• * 2.79

  As also the Convocation.
• a 2.80

  Register of Can••. in Car∣dinal Poole.
• * 2.81

  A grand sub∣sidie granted.
• * 2.82

  Queen Mary somewhat front, though more devout.
• b 2.83

  Caub. Brit. in Warwick∣shire.
• * 2.84

  The death of Stephen Gar∣diner.
• c 2.85

  Fox Acts & Mon.
• * 2.86

  Trin. Col. in Oxford foun∣ded by Sr. Thomas Pope.
• d 2.87

  Weavers fu∣neral. Mon. pag. 112.
• e 2.88

  Luke 17. 16
• * 2.89

  S^t. Johns Colledg in Oxford found∣ed by Sr. Thomas White.
• * 2.90

  Anno Dom. 1557.
• * 2.91

  Anno Regin Mar. 4.
• * 2.92

  The occasion ut aiunt thereof.
• a 2.93

  Stows survey of London. pag. 91.
• * 2.94

  Pitzaeus de scriptor. Angli∣cis.
• * 2.95

  Anno Regin Mar. 6.
• * 2.96

  Anno Dom. 1558.
• * 2.97

  Calis lost, the Queen me∣lancholy.
• a 2.98

  and in a manuscript of Sr. Robert Cottons own making. Her grief at her husbands absence.
• * 2.99

  And death of a Dropsie.
• * 2.100

  Nov. 17.
• b 2.101

  Haddon contra Osorium lib. 1. fol. 25.
• * 2.102

  The death of Cardinal Poole.
• c 2.103

  Ant. Brit. in vita Poli.
• * 2.104

  His good in∣clinations to be a Prote∣stant.
• d 2.105

  Sanders de schis. Ang. lib. 2. pag. 307.
• e 2.106

  Haddon con∣tra Osorium. lib. 2. fol. 58.
• * 2.107

  Leaveth all his Estate to Italians.
• a 2.108

  Antiq. Brit. in vita Poli.
• b 2.109

  Mr. Fox Acts & Mon. pag. 2102.
• c 2.110

  Pitzaeus de scrip. Ang. Cent. pag.
• * 2.111

  Paul Osori∣ns.
• * 2.112

  Queen Ma∣ries double funeral ser∣mons.
• d 2.113

  Pitz de scrip. Ang. Cent. pag.
• * 2.114

  Camb. in his Eliz. in Anno 1559. p. 23.
• * 2.115

  Her deserved Praise.
• * 2.116

  Her, and her Ladies Boun∣ty to the Hos∣pitals of the Savoy.
• * 2.117

  Stow in his survey of London. pag. 491.
• * 2.118

  Psal. 41. 3.
• * 2.119

  The place of her Burial.
• * 2.120

  Q. Eliz. 1.
• * 2.121

  God paveth the way for Q. Elizabeths coming to the crown. a communis quaedam lues ex ardore fe∣brium per uni∣versos Angliae ordines ••erme∣abat & in illis maxime divi∣tes, & hono∣rantes perso∣nas de popula∣batur. Haddon contra Osorium fol. 25.
• b 2.122

  Psal. 71. 32.
• * 2.123

  Nov. 18.
• c 2.124

  Holinshed pag. 1170.