The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

SECTION. II.* 1.1

To Mr. THOMAS BOWYER of the Old Jury Merchant.* 2.1

YOu may with much joy peruse this sad story of Persecution presented unto you, whose Grandfather Francis* 2.2 Bowyer brought no fewel to these flames, but endeavoured to quench them. The Church is indebted to him for saving reverend Dr. Alexander Nowel, (then School master of Westminster, designed to Death, by Bonner) and sending him safe beyond the Seas. Thus he laid a good foundation, to which I impute the firm-standing of your family, it being rare, to see, (as in yours) the third Gene∣ration in London living in the same Habitation. May many more of the stock, succeed in the same, the desire of your obliged friend T F.

1. WE come now to set down those particular Martyrs that suffered in this Queens Reigne.* 2.3 But this point hath been handled already so curiously, and copiously by Mr. Fox, that his industry herein hath starved the endeavours of such as shall succeed him, leaving no∣thing for their penns, and pains to feed upon.a 2.4 For, what can the man doe that cometh after the King? even that which hath been already done, saith Solomon. And Mr. Fox appearing sole Emperour in this subject, all posterity may despair to adde any remarkable discoveries, which have escaped his observation. Wherefore to handle this subject after him, what is it, but to light a candle to the Sunn? or rather (to borrow a metaphor from his book) to kindle one single stick to the burning of so many faggots? However, that our pains may not wholy be wanting to the Reader herein, we will methodize these Martyrs, according to the several Diocesses, and make on them some brief observations.

2. In the Diocesse of Exeter (containing Cornwall and,* 2.5 Devonshire) I finde but one Martyr, namely Agnesb 2.6 Priest, condemned by William Stan∣ford then Judge of the Assise of Lanceston, but burned at Exeter. The tran∣quility of these parts is truly imputedc 2.7 to the good temper of James Tur∣bervile the Bishop; one, as gentilely qualified, as extracted; and not so cruel to take away the lives from others, as carefull to regain the lost livings to his Church: and indeed he recovered to him and his successours, the Fee∣farme of the Manour of Crediton. Yet to shew his sincerity in Religion, that he might not seem to do nothing, he dipp'd his fingers in this poor womans blood, but did not afterwards wash his hands in the persecution of any other Protestant for ought we can finde in any history.

3. The like quiet disposition of Gilbert Bourn,* 2.8 Bishop of Bath and Wells secured Somerset shire. Indeed, he owed his life under God, to the protection of a Protestant (for Mr. Bradford at Pauls-crosse, saved him from a dagger thrown at him in a tumult) and this perchance, made him the more tender to Protestants lives. Yet in the Register of his Church, we meet with onea 2.9 Richard Lash condemned by him, though his execution doth not appear, and yet it is probable, that this poor Isaac, thus bound to the Altar, was afterward sacrificed, except some intervening Angel staied the stroak of the sword.

4. So also the Diocess of Bristol,* 2.10 made up of Dorset-shire, and part of Glocester-shire, enjoyed much quietnesse, John Holyman the Bishop did not for ought I can finde, prophane himself with any barbarous cruelty. But Mr. Dalbyb 2.11 his Chancellour (as an active Lieutenant to a dull Captain) sent three, namely, Richard Sharpe, Thomas Benton, and Thomas Hale, to the stake at Bristol, for the testimony of the truth. This Dalby knowing himself to be low in parts and learning, and despairing otherwise to appear in the world, thought, the onely way to recommend himself to mens notice, was, to do it by his cruelty.

5. More sparks of persecution flew into the Diocess of Sarisbury,* 2.12 in Wiltshire and Barkshire, under John Capon the Bishop, and Dr. Geffray his Chancellour, for, this D••eg was worse then Saul himself. At Nubery he sent three Martyrs to heaven in the same charriot of fire,c 2.13 Jalius Palmer, John G••in, and Thomas Askin. Yea, this was but a light flourish, in re∣spect of that great blow he intended, had not heaven prevented him, and many others of his bloody crew, by the death of Queen Mary; whereby, to use Davids phrase, God smote themd 2.14 on the cheek-bone, and brake the teeth of the ungodly.

6. In the Diocess of Winchester,* 2.15 consisting of Hantshire, and Surrey, I finde no great impression from Stephen Garainer the Bishop, and much mar∣vell thereat. It may be this politician, who managed his malice with cun∣ning, spared his own Diocess, fox-like preying farthest from his own den. Indeed he would often stay behind the traverse, and send Bonner upon the stage (free enough of himself without spurring to do mischief) to act what he had contrived. Yea, I may say of Gardiner, that he had an head, if not an hand, in the death of every eminent Protestant; plotting, though not acting, their destruction. And, being Lord Chancellour of England, he counted it his honour, to flie at stout game indeed, contriving the death of the Ladie Elizabeth, and using to say, that it was vain to strike at the branch∣es, whilest the roote of all Hereticks doth remain. And this good Lady was appointed for the slaughter, and brought to the shambles, when the seasona∣ble death of this butcher, saved the sheep alive.

7. However (as bloody as he was) for mine own part,* 2.16 I have particu∣lar gratitude to pay to the memory of this Stephen Gardiner, and here I so∣lemnly tender the same. It is on the account of Mrs. Clarke my great Grand∣mother by my mothers side, whose husband rented Farnham-Castle, a place whither Bishop Gardiner retired, in Surrey, as belonging to his Sea. This Bishop, sensible of the consumptionous state of his body, and finding physick out of the Kitchin more beneficiall for him, then that out of the Apotheca∣ries shop, and speciall comfort from the Cordialls she provided him; did not onely himself connive at her Heresie, as he termed it, but also protected her during his life, from the fury of others. Some will say, this his curtesie to her, was founded on his kindenesse to himself. But however, I am so far from detaining thanks from any, deserved on just cause, that I am ready to pay them, where they are but pretended due on any colour.

8. Sussex smarted more than all the forenamed Counties together,* 2.17 under John Christopherson Bishop of Chichester. This man was well learned,

and had turned Eusebius his Ecclesiasticall History into latine,* 2.18 with all the persecutions of the Primitive Christians. What he translated in his youth, he practised in his age, turning Tyrant himself, and scarce was he warme in his Bishoprick, when he fell a burning the poor Martyrs. Ten in one fire ata 2.19 Lewis, and seaventeen others at severall times in sundry places.

9. In the Diocess of Canterbury,* 2.20 Cardinal Poole appeared not perso∣nally active in the prosecution of any to death. Whilest others impute this to his statelinesse, not stooping to so small matters; we more charitably ascribe it to his favouring of the Protestant party, having formerly lost the Papacy under that imputation. But, seeing it is a true Maxime, which an heathen man layeth down; it is enough for a private man, that he himself do no wrong; but a publique person must provide, that those under him do no injury to others; I see not, how the Cardinal can be excused, from the guilt of that innocent blood, which Thornton his Suffragan, and Harpsfield his Arch-Deacon, shed like water, in, and about the City of Canterbury.

10. The Diocess of Rochester (containing the remainder of Kent) was of small extent.* 2.21 But, that stock must be very little indeed, out of which the ravenous Wolfe cannot fetch some prey for himself. Morris the Bishop play∣ed the tyrant therein, being the first in Queen Maries dayes that condemned a woman (Margery Polley by name) to be burnt for religion; with many moe who at Dartford, or Rochester, sealed the truth with their lives.

11. Crosse we the Thames to come into Middlesex,* 2.22 and Essex, the Dio∣cess of London under Bishop Bonner, whom all generations shall call Bloody. St. Paulb 2.23 mentioneth his fighting with beasts at Ephesus after the manner of men, which some expound, his encountering with people, men for their shape, and sex; but beasts for their cruell mindes, and manners. In the same sense we may say, that Lion, Tiger, Wolfe, Bear; yea, a whole forest of wilde beasts met in Bonner, killing two hundred in the compasse of three yeers. And, as if his cruelty had made him Metropolitan of all England, he stood not on distinction of Diocesses, but martyred all, wheresoever he met them. Thus Mr. Philpot belonged to Gardiners Jurisdiction, and often pleaded in vain, that Bonner was none of his Ordinary, yet Bonner (Ordina∣ry, or Extraordinary) dispatch'd him, who cared not whence men came, but onely whither he sent them. No sex, quality, or age, escap'd him, whose fury reached from John Fetty a lad of eight yeers old, by him scourged to death; even unto Hugh Laverock, a Creeple, sixty eight yeers old, whom he caused to be burnt.

12.* 2.24 Dr. Story Dean of Pauls must not be forgotten,* 2.25 being under Bonner a most cruell persecutour. Was not this false Herauldry, cruelty on cruelty? Well; So it seemed good to Divine Providence, as conducing most to the peace of the Church, that one place rather then two, should be trou∣bled with such damnable Tyrants. Bonner persecuted by whole-sale, Story by Retail; the former enjoyned, the later attended the execution; What Bonner bade, Story beheld to be performed. Yea, sometimes he made cruel addi∣tions of his own invention; As, when he caused a faggot to be tossed in the face of Mr. Denlie the Martyr, when he was ready to be burnt. How he was rewarded afterwards for his cruelty, by Gods blessing in due place.

13. Under the same Torrid Zone of persecution (but a little more temperate) lay Norfolke,* 2.26 and Suffolke, in the Diocess of Norwich. Bishop Hopton was unmercifull in his Visitations; but Downing the Chancellour plai'd the Devill himself; enough to make wood deare in those parts, so many did he consume to ashes, whose several examinations are at large set down in the Book of Martyrs.

14. Elie Diocess [Cambridge-Shire] succeeds,* 2.27 whose Bishop Dr. Thyrlby was a learned, discreet, and moderate man; witnesse his meek behaviour at the degrading of Arch-Bishop Cranmer, shedding plentifull

tears thereat. But, can water, and fire, weeping, and burning, come from the same person? Surely so it did here; for afterwards he singled out John Hullier (as the Representative for all the Protestants in his Diocess) whom he caused to be burnt at Cambridge. The shedding his blood was as giving car∣nest of his zeal in the Popish cause, though afterward he made no farther payment in this kinde; justly offending the Protestants for doing so much, yet scarcely pleasing the Papists, because he did no more. As for the exe∣cution of William Woolsey, and Robert Pigot, in this Diocess: Thurlby was no whit interested therein, but the guilt thereof must be shared, betwixt Dr. Fuller the Chancellour, and other Commissioners.

15. In Peterborough Diocess (consisting of North-hampton-shire,* 2.28 and Rutland) I finde but one, John Kurde, a Shooe-maker, burnt at North∣hampton. But, this his death I cannot charge on the account of David Poole the Bishop, as consenting thereunto, because William Binsley Batchelour of law, and Chancellour of Peterborough, was onely his active Prosecutor.

16. Lincolne Diocess is next,* 2.29 the largest of the whole Kingdome, con∣taining Lincolne, Leicester, Huntington, Bedford, and Buckingham, besides parts of Hartford and Warwick-shires. Now, according to the rules of propor∣tion, who could expect otherwise, but, the moe men, the moe Martyrs? The greater the Province, the more grievous the persecution? But, it fell out the clean countrary, finding but one Martyr in all that space of ground (a* 2.30 Merchants servant burnt at Leicester.) Frivolous is their reason, who impute this to the disposition of White, Bishop of this Diocess (the first half of Queen Maries Reign) whom they behold, as poetically given; of more phansie, then fury, which vented it self in verses; more pleased to lash the Hereticks with a Satyr, then suck their blood by destructive courses. As little credit is to be given to their conceit, who ascribe the following tranquil∣lity of this Diocess to Bishop Watson, Whites successour therein; because he was a man so buried in the speculations of School-Divinity, that it unactiv'd him to be practical in persecution. I say again, both these reasons amount not to any partiall cause, of the peace of this Diocess. For we know full well, that after the coming in of Queen Elizabeth, this White, and this Watson discovered keenness, and fiercenesse of spirit against Her, more then any other Bishops; in so much, that they threatned Her with an excommuni∣cation. I conceive the true cause was this; Lincolne Diocess, in the Reign of Henry the eighth, had borne the heat of the day, when Buckingham-shire alone (as we have formerlya 2.31 observed) afforded more Martyrs then all England beside. God therefore thought it fit, that other Diocesses should now take their turnes; that this of Lincolne, harraged out before, should now lie fallow, whi∣lest other Countries, like rest-ground, should suffer persecution, whereon in∣deed the plowers plowed, and made long furrows.

17. The Diocesses of Oxford,* 2.32 Glocester, Hereford, and Worcester, under their respective Bishops, Robert Kinge, James Brook, Robert Parfew, and Richard Pates, enjoyed much quiet, It being true of them, what is said of Judea, Galilee, and Samaria, after the conversion ofb 2.33 Paul, Then hid the Churches rest throughout all those places. This principally flowed from Gods gracious goodnesse, who would not have all places at once equally embroyled. It is not fit, that all the rooms in the house, should onely be chimney, furnace, or oven, but that it should also afford some other places for quiet repose. And yet I wonder much, that we finde no fire (and very little smoke) in Glo∣cester-shire, seeing Brook, the Bishop thereof isc 2.34 charactered to be A great Persecutor of Protestants. Indeed his fury spent it self most abroad; who, either being, or accounting himself a great Scholar, stickled much at Oxford against Arch-Bishop Cranmer, pretending himself to be a Commissioner im∣mediately Delegate from the Pope, and venting his malice against that good Prelate, in two Orations, onely remarkable for their length, and bitterness.

18. Ralph Baynes was Bishop of Coventrie,* 2.35 and Lichfield, late Professour of Hebrew in Paris, who alsoa 2.36 wrote a Comment on the Proverbs, and de∣dicated it to Francis the first King of France. Sure I am, he forgat a passage of Solomons therein Prov. 14. 21. But he that hath mercy on the poor, happy is ••e. This Baines proving a blodie persecutour of Gods poor servants in his Jurisdiction. The gentile birth and breeding of Mrs. Joyce Lewes, was not too high for him to reach at, and the poor condition of Joan Wast, a blinde woman in Darbie was not too low for him to stoop to, condemning them both to death,* 2.37 with many other faithfull witnesses of the truth.

19. The Arch-Bishoprick of Yorke enjoyed much peace, and tranquil∣lity under D^r. Nicolas Heath, a meek, and conscientious man. It is enough to intimate his moderate temper, equal, and disingaged from violent extre∣mities, that Primo Elizabethae in the Disputation between the Papists, and Protestants, he was chosen by the Privie Councel, one of the Modera∣tours. And, as he shewed mercy in prosperity, he found it in adversity, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, though depos'd from his dignity, repos'd in a peacable quietnesse. So that his impotent age might rather seem seasona∣bly eased of troublesome greatnesse, than abridged of any requisites for his comfortable supportation.

20. D^r. Cotes was Bishop of Chester,* 2.38 who washed his hands in the blood of M^r. George March burnt at Chester. At whose execution, I understand not the addition of a pitch'd barrell placed above his head, certainly to en∣flame the flame; but, whether out of kindnesse, to hasten his death; or cruelty, to encrease his pain, I dare not decide. Sure I am, Cotes died soon after, and Cuthberi Scot succeeded in his Bishoprick, one very busie about the burning of Bu••••rs body in Cambridge, but otherwise I finde no persecution rai∣sed by him in his own Diocess.

21. The Bishoprick of Durham had Halcyon dayes of ease,* 2.39 and quiet, un∣der God, and good Cuthbert Tonstall the Bishop thereof. A learned man, of a sweet disposition, rather devout to follow his own, than cruel to persecute the conscience of others. Indeed, he being present in London at the exami∣nation of divers Martyrs, would sometimes flie out in base and unbeseeming language (as when he called Bishop Hooper beast for being married) yet his passion herein may the rather be pardoned, because politickly presumed, to barke the more, that he might bite the lesse, as appeared by his courteous carriage in his own Diocess. For, I meet with the marginal note inb 2.40 M^r. Fox, which indeed justly deserved even in the fairest letters, to be inserted in the body of his book. Note that Bishop Tonstall in Queen Maries time was no great bloody persecutor. For, M^r. Russel a Preacher was before him, and D^r. Himner his Chancellour would have had him examined more particularly. The Bishop slayed him, saying, Hitherto we have had a good report among our neigh∣bours, I pray you bring not this mans blood upon my head. But more of this Cuthbert Tonstall hereafter.* 2.41

22. The Diocess also of Carlile was not molested with any great troubles under Owen Oglethorp, the Bishop thereof, one qualified with a moderate temper. It argueth no lesse, because afterward he crowned Queen Eliza∣beth, an office which all other Bishops, then stiffly denied to performe. But, to speak plain English, though the peaceableness of these northerne Bishopricks, procceded partly from the mildeness of those that sate in the Episcopal chairs thereof; yet it must be remembred, that even want of matter for persecu∣tion to work on, conduced much to the peace of those places. The beams of the Gospel being neither so bright, nor so hot in these parts, where ignorance, and superstition generally prevailed.

23. The same may be said of all Wales,* 2.42 where casting over our eye, we discover no considerable persecution, under the Bishops of Asaph, and Bangor. But, as for the Bishop of Landaffe, his proceedings against good

Raulins White (whom he caused to be burnt at Cardiffe) was remarkable, as standing alone without precedent. For, He caused his Chaplain to say a mass (the first I beleeve, that found out, and last that used that way) for the conversion of the said Rawlins, though the same proved in∣effectuall.

24. But D^r. Morgan,* 2.43 Bishop of S^t. Davids, is paramount for his cruelty, passing the sentence of condemnation on Robert Farrar, his imme∣diate predecessour, whom he caused to be burnt at Carmarthen. We know whose counsell it was;a 2.44 This is the heire, come let us kill him, that the inhe∣ritance may be ours. And Morgan never thought himself in quiet possession of his Bishoprick, whilest Farrar was as yet in possession of his life. However, herein, Morgan, Out-Bonnered even Bonner himself, who (though not out of pitty, of pollicy) did not himself condemne Ridley his Predecessour, but procured him to be sent to Oxford, to be sentenced by others; whereas this Bishop himself pronounced the sentence on Farrar; an act which no good man could, and no wife man would have done. Thus have we briefly sur∣veyed all the Diocesses in England; The Universities of Cambridge, and Ox∣ford onely excepted; which, being Peculiars, and exempt from Episcopal Jurisdiction, are reserved for a particular description, by Gods blessing, at the end of this book. Nor do we forget, (though acted out of the Conti∣nent of England) that cruel murder in the Isle of Garnsey; where, the infant bursting out of the mothers wombe (the cruell fire being so mercifull, as to be the midwife, to separate, and tender the innocent babe, from the con∣demned mother, to the charity of the beholders) was first taken out of the b 2.45 fire, and then cast in again, and burnt with the mother thereof.

25. In all this Army of Martyrs,* 2.46 M^r. John Rogers, burnt in Smithfield Februarie the 4^th. 1555. led the Vann; and five Martyrs burnt at Canterbury, November the 10^th. 1558. (namely John Cornford, Christopher Browne, John Herst, John Snoth, and Katharine Knight) brought up the Rere, accord∣ing to their own prayer (not to say prophesie) at the stake, that they might be the last, as by Gods mercy it so proved. All these were executed in the foure last years of Queen Maries Reigne, none suffering in the first yeer there∣of. In which time, the Butchers under Her, did onely prepare their sham∣bles for slaughter, whet their knives, and make ready their instruments of cruelty. Comparisons, I know, are odious, and the more, when made betwixt persons of eminencie. However, to such as peruse the whole story, these proportions will appear true. Of all the Marian Martyrs, M^r. Philpot was the best borne Gentleman; Bishop Ridley the profoundest Scholar; M^r. Bradford the holiest, and devoutest man; Arch-Bishop Cranmer of the mildest, and meekest temper; Bishop-Hooper of the sternest, and austerest nature; D^r. Taylor had the merriest, and pleasantest wit; M^r. Latimer had the plain∣est and simplest heart; &c. Oh the variety of these several instruments! Oh their joynt harmony in a consort to Gods glory!

26. It is observable,* 2.47 that the Sacrament of the Altar was the main touch∣stone, to discover the poor Protestants. Many indeed, are the differences betwixt us and the Romish Church, but on this point the examiners pinch∣ed most. Haply, because in other controversies, Protestants (hunted after by those blood-hounds) might take covert under some tolerable distinction, and thereby evade the danger. Whereas this point of the real, corporal presence of Christ in the Sacrament, the self same body that was crucified, was such downe-right falsehood, it was incapable of any palliation, and was the compendious way to disover those of the contrary opinion. This neck-que∣stion (as I may terme it) the most dull and duncicall Commissioner was able to aske; and thanks be to God, the silliest Protestant-soule brought before them, was able to answer, first by denying it, then by dying in the de∣fence of his denyall.

27. Remarkable was their cruelty in pretorturing of many,* 2.48 whom af∣terwards they put to death. Herein akinn in their proceedings to Pilate, first scourging, then crucifying Christ. By what law did Edmond Terrill first burne the hand of Rose Allen, and her body afterwards? Even by the same that Bonner first burnt the hand of Thomas Tomkins, and then commanded him to be dispatched out of the way: By the same law, that Cuthbert Simpson was first cruelly rack'd, and then burnt, even by the law of their own might, and malice, not having otherwise any rag of legality, to cover the shame of their cruelty. Nature was mercifull in appointing that all men should oncea 2.49 die; whereas, had these Tyrants had the ordering thereof, they would have made divers to have died sundry times: yea, such was their cru∣elty, that, after once they hadb 2.50 eat up Gods servants, if possible, they would have chewed the cud upon them the second time.

28. Some Commissioners privately were courteous to the Martyrs,* 2.51 who notwithstanding publikely concurr'd to their condemnation. It is Luthers ob∣servation, that in Scripture, son of man is alwayes taken in a good sense, but sons of men generally in the worst acception. Sure I am, take some of these men sole, and single by themselves, they were well natur'd, pittifull, and compassionate; but, when in conjunction with others, they became (at least by consenting) as cruel as the rest. What favour did D^r. Fuller, Chan∣cellour of Elie, offer William Woolsey, and Robert Piggot, when alone? yet, when in complication with other Commissioners, pronounced the sentence of con∣demnation upon them.

29. Passe we now from the Judicial,* 2.52 to the Ministerial Persecutours; Sherisss, Vnder-sheriffs, Bayliffs, Promoters, Summoners &c. The locusts had tails likec 2.53 unto Scorpions, and there were stings in their tails. So here in officers, the baser, the bloodier; the meaner the more malicious; though by particular exception, some happened to be more mercifull then others. Of the Twin-Sherisss in London (M^r. Woodroffe, and Mr. Chester) the former like Esau, had his hands rough, and hairy, being rugged and surly to Gods servants; whilest Mr. Chester Jacob-like, had smooth hands, kinde, and curteous to such as suffered. Thus Amrie (as I take it) the Sheriffe of Chester, was most cruel to M^r. George Marsh, whilest the Sheriffe of Stafford-shire (pitty it is, M^r. Fox hath not recorded his name) was afterward persecuted, for shewing so much favour to Mrs. Joyce Lewes at her execution, when he said d 2.54 Amen to her prayer, desiring God to deliver this Realme from Papistrie.

30. One prison may, comparatively, be a paradise in respect of another, and generally 'tis the Jaylour puts the difference betwixt them. How passionately did poor Jeremye 2.55 plead? Cause me not to return to the house of Jonathan the Scribe lest I die there. And therefore he took it for a speciall favour to be sent to the Court of the prison. How nastie a place was the dungeon of Malchiah, into which Jeremiah was afterwardf 2.56 cast? till Ebed-melech the blackmore drew him out thence? Now, amongst the fruitfull generation of Jayles in London, there were (though never a better) some lesse bad amongst them. I take the Marshalls-see to be in those times, the best for usage of prisoners. But, oh the misery of Gods poor Saints in Newgate, under Alexander the Jaylour, more cruell than his namesake the copper-smith was to S^t. Paul; in Lollards-Tower, the Clinke, and Bonners Cole-house; a place which minded them of the manner of their death, first kept amongst coles, before they were burnt to ashes.

31. It is more then suspicious,* 2.57 that many of these silly souls were hurri∣ed to the stake, even against those laws which then stood in force in the Realm, before the Writ De Haeretico comburendo was issued out against them. For, what the Jews said tog 2.58 Pilate, It is not lawfull for us to put any man to death; The Ecclesiastical censures may say to the Secular Power in England, We have no power of life or limbe, but the inflicting punishments on both, must be devolv'd to the civill Magistrate. Yet D^r. Gefferie Chancellour

of Sarisburie stood not on such legal niceties, but hastned them to thea 2.59 stake, more minding the end to which, than the justice of the proceedings, whereby he sent them thither.

32. All who met at last in final constancy,* 2.60 manifested not equal interme∣diate chearfulness. Some were more stout, bold, and resolute; others more faint, fearfull, and timorous. Of the later was Arch-Bishop Cranmer, who first subscribed a recantation, but afterwards recanted his subscription, and valiantly burned at the stake. Thus he that stumbleth, and doth not fall down, gaineth ground thereby, as this good mans slip mended his pace to his martyrdome. It is also observable, that married people, the pa∣rents of many children, suffered death with most alacrity. M^r. Rogers, and D^r. Taylour may be the instances thereof. The former of these, if con∣sulting with flesh and blood, had eleven strong reasons to favour himself, I mean, a wife, and ten children, all which abated not his resolution.

33. Besides these who were put to death,* 2.61 some scores (not to say hun∣dreds) dyed, or rather were kill'd with stinch, starving and strait usage in prison. I am not satisfied in what distance properly to place these persons. Some, perchance, will account it too high, to rank them amongst Martyrs; and surely, I conceive it too low, to esteem them but bare Confessours. The best is, the Herauldry of heaven knows how to marshall them, in the place of dignity due unto them; where, long since, they have received the reward of their patience.

34. Miraculous was Gods providence,* 2.62 in protecting many which were condemned to the stake. It is part of the praise of his powerb 2.63. To hear the groaning of the prisoner, to loose those that are appointed to death. In Davids ex∣pression c 2.64 There was but a step between them, and death; which step also had been stepped, had not one instantly stepp'd aside, I mean the seasonable death of Queen Mary. She melancholicke in minde, unhealthfull in body, little feared of Her forraigne foes, less beloved by Her native Subjects, not over-dear to Her own Husband, unsuccessefull in Her treaties for peace, and unfortunate in Her undertakings for warr, having deceived the Gentrie of Norfolke and Suffolke, by Her false promises, was deceived Her self by a false conception, and having consumed so many of Gods Saints by fire, dyed Her self by water, an hydropicall Tympanie.

35. Observable was the mercy of the Protestants to these persecutours,* 2.65 after the power was delivered into their hands, under the Reigne of Queen Elizabeth; by whom none of the aforesaid Tyrants were prosecuted, or mo∣lested, for any act of cruelty done by them in the dayes of Queen Mary. Nor suffered they in the least degree, on their former account, except they ran on a new score of contempt against the Queen and State. As such Bishops who, in the first of Her Reigne, refused the Oath of Supremacy. Other∣wise, all such as conformed to Her Government, were not onely permitted to enjoy their old, but admitted to new preferment. Witnesse M^r. Binsley, Chancellour of Peterborough, who condemned John Kurde of Northampton, yet in Queen Elizabeths dayes had the Arch-Deaconry of Peterborough con∣ferred upon him. Thus, while Papists heap fagots on Protestants, Pro∣testants, according to Solomonsd 2.66 counsell, heap coals on them (courtesies, and civilities) to melt them if possible into remorse.

36. But, though the Protestants shewed much mercy to the Papists,* 2.67 their persecutours, yet the God of the Protestants manifested much justice, in their wofull, and wretched deaths. I confesse, Gods best servants some∣times have had sad and suddain ends; witness good Eli himself, who e 2.68 fell down, and brake his neck. I confess likewise, that some wicked men, who have liv'd like Lions, have died (to use the common countrie phrase) like Lambs; or to use the expression of the Psalmist,f 2.69 They have

no bands in their death,* 2.70 so fairly,* 2.71 and quietly do they expire. It is not good therefore to be over tampering in this particular (our Saviour himself re∣trenching the censoriousness of the Jews, for falling so heavy on the memo∣ries of those on whom the tower of Siloeg 2.72 fell and infallibly to inferr from their fatal death, their final damnation. However, when a remarkable death, suddenly follows a notorious wicked life, even such passengers, as are posting in the speed of their private affairs, are bound to make a stand, and solemnly to observe the justice of Gods proceedings therein. The rather, because Bellarmine our adversaryh 2.73 affirmeth, that Infelix exitus Adversario∣rum, the unhappy end of the Adversaries thereof, is one of the marks of the true Church. These cautions premised, take a few of many signal fatalities of these wicked persecutours.

37. Morgan,* 2.74 Bishop of S^t. Davids (who sentenced Farrar his prede∣cessour) not long after was striken in so strange a sort, that his meat would rise up, sometimes out of his mouth, sometimes out of his nose, most hor∣rible to behold, but more terrible to endure, and so continued till his death. Judge Morgan, who condemned the Ladie Jane, soon after ran mad, and sodied, having all ways in his mouth, Lady Jane, Lady Jane, Dunning, the bloody Chan∣cellour of Norwich, died suddenly, taken (as some say) sitting in his chair. Berrie, the remorsless Commissarie in Norfolk, fell down suddenly to the ground with an heavie grone, and never stirred after. Thornton, the Suffra∣gan of Dover, looking upon his men, playing at bowls, was upon a sudden strook with a palsy, had thence to his death-bed, and, being advised by some to remember God, yea, so I do (saith he) and my Lord Cardinal too. D^r. Gesserte, the bloodie Chancellour of Sarisburie, died suddenly on a Saturday, the day before he had appointed, moe than ninety persons to be examined by inquisition. M^r. Woodrosse, that cruell Sheriffe of London, be∣ing but a week out of his office, was so striken by the hand of God, that for seven yeers space, till his dying-day, he was not able to move himself in his bed. Burton the cruell Bailie of Crowland, was poisoned to death, with the stinch of a crowes dung, muting on his face. What shall I speak of Dale, the Promoter, eaten up with lice? Alexander the Keeper of Newgate, con∣sumed with offensive rottenness? Robert Balding, smitten with lightning, at the taking of William Seaman? Clarke, who hang'd himself in the Tower, with many moe? So that we may conclude with the prophecie ofa 2.75 Mo∣ses, Rejoyce O ye nations with his people, for he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries, and will be mercifull unto his land, and to his people.

38. And now,* 2.76 to take our leaves of those Martyrs, what remains? but, 1. That we glorifie God in, and for their patience;b 2.77 who had given such power unto men. 2. That we praise God, that true doctrine at this day, may be professed at an easier rate, then in that age. In Faires, and Markets, for the most part, commodities are sold dearest in the morning, which towards evening may be bought at a lower price. Sure I am, they paid most for the Protestant-Religion at the dawning of the day from Popery (life, or limbe, was the lowest price thereof) which since may be purchased at a cheaper pennie-worth. 3. That we embrace, and defend that doctrine, which they sealed with their lives; and as occasion shall be offered to vindicate, and assert their memories, from such scandalous tongues, and penns, as have, or shall traduce them.

39. It is inconsistent with our History,* 2.78 here to enter the lists, with that railing book which Parsons the Jesuite hath made against those good Martyrs. Onely be it remembred, that his Cavill-General is chiefly at their calling, be∣cause they were most Mechanicks, Weavers, Shooe-makers &c. An excep∣tion lying as well against just Joseph, a Carpenter; hospital Simon, a Tan∣ner; zealous Aquila, and Priscilla, Tent-makers; attentive Lydia, a

purple-seller. And is it not injurious to inferr their piety to be less, because their painfulness was more? If it be farther objected, that it is improba∣ble, that these fillie souls should be more illuminated with knowledge, than the great Doctours of the Romish Church: know that Christs birth was re∣vealed to thec 2.79 shepherds in their calling, watching their flocks by night, and concealed from the Priests, and Pharisees (the pretended shepheards of Israel: and, God might give more light to these industrious artificers, than to their idle Masters of Arts.

40. Behold your calling (saith the Apostle) how not manie wise men after the flesh &c.* 2.80 But God hath chosen the foolish things of this world to confound the wise.* 2.81 And, allwayes in time of persecution, the Church is like a copse, which hath in it more under-wood than oakes. For, great men consult with their safety; and, whilest the poorer sort (as having little to lose) boldly embrace religion with both armes; the rich (too often) do only behold it at distance, with a smiling countenance; but dare not adven∣ture to entertain it, except with very great secrecie. We conclude all with this observation, that such Martyrs, as were artificers by their vocation, humbly continued in the station, wherein Divine Providence had placed them, none presuming (as too many now adayes) to invade the ministe∣riall function, not adventuring to preach, save onely that their real Sermon of patience at their death.

41. So much for the first forme,* 2.82 of Christians in those dayes, which were martyr'd. A second sort succeeds of such, who, being Confessours for the Faith, fled into forrain parts from persecution. This their removall is not onely defended from cowardize, but warranted for Christian Policy by our Savioursa 2.83 precept, But when they persecute you in this City, flee into another. Had all fled, Religion had been at a losse for champions, to defend her for the present, had none fled, Religion might have been at a loss for champi∣ons, to maintain her for the future. We will give in a particular, both of such eminent persons, and of the places wherein they were entertained. Part∣ly, that such places may receive their deserved praise, for their hospitality to exiles: and partly, that our harbouring the banished Dutch (flying many yeers after from the cruelty of Duke d' Alva in London, Norwich, Canter∣bury, Colchester, and Sandwich, may appear, not so much the giving of a free, and fair curtesie; as the honest paying of a due debt, and wiping off an old score runn on trust by our great-grand-fathers.

• Som seated them∣selves at,
  • 1. Emden, in East-Frizland, a Staple-Town of English Merchants. I finde neither the names, nor number of those that harboured here; only it appears, that John Scorie, late bishop of Chi∣cester, was here Superintendent of the English Congregation in Emden.
  • 2. Weasel, then in the Dominions (as I take it) of the Duke of Cleve, but bordering on the Low-Countries, in the possession of the King of Spaine. The English meeting here, was rather a Chappel, then a Church; or, rather a Tabernacle, then a Chappel; because soon set up, and as suddenly taken down again. For they, who formerly had fled so farr from Mary, were now loth to live too neer to Philip; and, for fear of so potent a neighbour, quickly forsook this place, and disposed themselves elsewhere, in these four following Church Colonies.
  • ...

• ...
  • 3. Arrow,a 2.84 a small city in Switzerland, on the banks of the River Arrola, belonging to the Republique of Berne. The most noted men abiding here were
    • Thomas Leaver.
    • Robert poumall.
    • Richard Laughorne.
    • Thomas Turpin.
    • Boys.
    • Willford
    • Vpchaire.
  • 4. Strasburgh, where they found most courteous entertainment. The most eminent English, abiding here, as may be collected from their solemneb 2.85 joynt-subscription to a letter, were
    • James Haddon.
    • Edwin Sandys.
    • Edmond Grindal.
    • John Huntington.
    • Guido Eaten.
    • John Geoffrey.
    • John Peader.
    • Thomas Eaten.
    • Michael Reymuger.
    • Augustine Bradbridge.
    • Arthur Saule.
    • Thomas Steward.
    • Christopher Goodman.
    • Humsrey Alcocson.
    • Thomas
    • Thomas
    • Lakin.
    • Crafton.
  • 5. Zurich. This was no formed Congregation of Pastours, and peo∣ple; but rather a flock of Shepheards, and therefore the letters unto them carie this style in their superscription, To the Students at Zu∣rich. But, behold their names,
    • Robert Horne.
    • Richard Chambers.
    • Thomas Leaver.
    • Nicolas Karvile.
    • John Mullings.
    • Thomas Spenser.
    • Thomas Bentham.
    • William Cole.
    • John Parkhurst.
    • Roger Kelke.
    • Robert Beamont.
    • Laurence Humsrey.
    • Henry Cockraft.
    • John Pretio.
  • 6. Frankford on the Meine. Where they found the State very favou∣rable unto them. And this was the most visible, and conspicuous English Church beyond the seas, consisting of
    • c 2.86 Iohn Bale.
    • Edmond Sutton.
    • Iohn Makebraie.
    • William Whittingham.
    • Thomas Cole.
    • William Williams.
    • George Chidley.
    • William Hammon.
    • Thomas Steward.
    • Thomas Wood.
    • Iohn Stanton.
    • William Walton.
    • Iasper Swyft.
    • Iohn Geofric.
    • Iohn Graie.
    • Mighell Gill.
    • Iohn Samford.
    • Iohn wood.
    • Thomas Sorby.
    • Anthonie Cariar.
    • Hugh Alford.
    • George Whetnall.
    • Thomas Whetnall.
    • Edward Sutton.
    • Iohn Fox.
    • Laurence Kent.
    • William Kethe.
    • Iohn Hollingham.

Here we omit their petty Sanctuaries, having (liked 2.87 David) places, where himself, and his men were wont to haunt, Deesburgh, VVormes, &c. Where their stragling numbers amounted not to the constitution of a Church. If these Congregations be compared together, Emden will be found the richest for substance (there the Merchants which bear the bagg;) VVeasel the short∣est for continuance; Arrow the slenderest for number; Strasburgh of the most quiet temper; Zurich had the greatest scholars, and Frankford had the largest priviledges. Nor let any wonder, if some in these Catalogues, assign∣ed to one colonie, were afterwards found in another; seeing the Apostles e 2.88 expression, VVe have here no biding City, hath in it a single truth in time of peace, and at least a double one in time of persecution; men slitting from

place to place, as they were advised by their own security. Know also, that besides these (the first founders of these severall Congregations) many ad∣ditional persons, coming afterwards out of England, joyned themselves thereunto.

42. Come we now to set down the sad troubles of Frankford,* 2.89 rending these banished exiles asunder, into severall factions. This I dare say, if the Reader takes no more delight in perusing, than I in penning so dolefull a subject, he will shew little mirth in his face, and feel less joy in his heart. However we will be somewhat large, and wholy impartial in relating this sorrowfull accident; the rather, because the penn-knives of that age, are grown into swords in ours, and their writings laid the foundations of the fightings now adayes.

43. The English exiles came first to Frankford Iune the 24^th.* 2.90 and on the 14^th. of Iuly following, by the speciall favour, and mediation of M^r. Iohn Glauberg, one of the chief Senatours of that State had a Church granted unto them: yet so, as they were to hold the same in Coparcenie with the French-Protestants, they one day, and the English another; and on Sunday, alter∣nately to chuse their hours, as they could best agree amongst themselves. The Church was also granted them with this proviso,a 2.91 That they should not dissent from the French in doctrine, or ceremonie, lest thereby they should minister occasion of offence. On the 29^th. of the same moneth, our English with great joy, entred their new Church, and had two Sermons preached therein, to their singular comfort. About which time they constituted their Church, choosing a Minister, and Deacons for a time; and, out of conformity to the French, abrogated many things, formerly used by them in the Church of England, as namely,

• 1. They concluded, that the answering aloud after the Minister should not be used.
• 2. The Letanie, Surplice, and other ceremonies in Service, and Sa∣craments, they omitted, both as superstuous, and superstitious.
• 3. In place of the English Confession, they used another, adjudg∣ed by them of more effect, and framed according to theb 2.92 State and Time.
• 4. The same ended, the people sung a Psalme in meeter, in a plain tune.
• 5. That done, the Minister prayed for assistance of Gods Spirit, and so proceeded to the Sermon.
• 6. After Sermon, a generall prayer for all States, and particular∣ly for England, was devised, which was ended with the Lords prayer.
• 7. Then followed a rehearsall of the Articles of Belief, which ended, the people sung another psalme, as before.
• 8. Lastly, the Minister pronounced the blessing. The peace of God &c. or the like, and so the people departed.

What is meant by framing their Confession according to the State and Time, I understand not (must our confessions, as our clothes follow the fashions of the State, and place we live in?) except it be this, that it was made more particularly, not only for sinners, but for exiles, acknowledging their pre∣sent banishment, justly inflicted on them for their offences. The prayer de∣vised after Sermon, according to the genuine sense of the word, seems no extemporary prayer then conceived by the Minister, but a set forme former∣ly agreed upon by the Congregation. Thus have we a true account of their Service; conceive it onely of such things, wherein they differed from the English Liturgy, not of such particulars wherein they concurr'd therewith; the cause (as I conceive) why no mention of reading of psalms, and chapters in their Congregation. These certainly were not omitted, and probably

were inserted betwixt the Confession, and singing the first psalme.

44. Thus setled in their Church,* 2.93 their next care was to write letters, Dated August the first, to all the English Congregations, at Strasburgh, Zu∣rich, Weasel, Emden &c. to invite them, with all convenient speed to come, and joyne with them at Frankford. This is the Communion of Saints, who never account themselves peacably possessed of any happiness untill (if it be in their power) they have also made their fellow-sufferers, partakers there∣of. However, this their invitation found not any great entertainment amongst the other English Church-Colonies; all delaying, and some denying to come; but especially those of Zurich were most refractory, and shewed least inclinati∣on to repair to Frankford.

45. This occasioned severall reiterated letters from Frankford;* 2.94 press∣ing, and requiring those of Zurich deeply to weigh this matter of Gods calling, and the necessity of uniting themselves in one Congregation. Let none say that Frank∣ford might as well come to Zurich as Zurich to Frankford; because the English-Zurichians (though not in number) in learning, and quality equalled, if not exceeded those of Frankford. For Frankford was neerer to England, and more convenient for receiving intelligence thence, and returning it thither. Besides all Christendome met at Frankford twice a yeer (the vernal and au∣tumnal mart) and, grant there was more learning at Zurich, there were moe books at Frankford, with conveniences to advance their studies. But chiefly, at Frankford the Congregation enjoyed most ample priviledges; and it was conceived it would much conduce to the credit, and comfort of the English Church, if the dispersed handfulls of their exiles, were bound up in one sheaf, united into one congregation, where they might serve God in purity of faith, and integrity of life, having both Doctrine, and Discipline free from any mixture of superstation.

46. Notwithstanding this their importunity,* 2.95 those of Zurich made no other addresses to Frankford, than by dilatory letters excusing themselves from coming thither. Some saw no absolute necessity, that all the English should repair to one place; conceiving it rather safer, to adventure them∣selves in several bottoms, and live in distinct Colonies. Others were displea∣sed with the imperative stile of the letter from Frankford, requiring them to come thither; exceeding the bounds of counsell for convenience, into com∣mand for conscience: yea, charging recusancy herein, as a sin on the soul of the refusers. They pleaded, they were already peacably seated, and courteously used at Zurich: and, to goe away before they had the least injury offered them, was to offer an injury to those, who, so long and lovingly had entertained them. Some insisted on the material point, how they should be maintained at Frank∣ford, there being more required to their living there, than their bare coming thither. But, the main was, those of Zurich were resolved no whit to recede from the liturgie used in England under the reign of King Edward the 6^th. and, except these of Frankford would give them assurance, that comming thither they should have the full and free use thereof, they utterly refused any com∣munion with their Congregation.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno. Dom. 1555
• * 2.1

  Anno Regin Mar. 3.
• * 2.2

  Afterward Sheriffe of London Anno. 1577.
• * 2.3

  The disposing of the future matter.
• a 2.4

  Eccles. 2. 12.
• * 2.5

  Persecution in the Diocess of Exeter.
• b 2.6

  Fox. 2052.
• c 2.7

  Holinshed pag. 1309.
• * 2.8

  In the Dio∣cess of Bath and Wells.
• a 2.9

  Fox. pag. 2004.
• * 2.10

  In the Dio∣cess of Bristol.
• b 2.11

  Fox. pag. 2052.
• * 2.12

  In the Dio∣cess of Sarisburie.
• c 2.13

  Fox. pag. 1940.
• d 2.14

  Psal. 3. 7.
• * 2.15

  In the Dio∣cess of Winchester.
• * 2.16

  The Authours gratitude to Stephen Gar∣diner.
• * 2.17

  In the Dio∣cess of Chichester.
• * 2.18

  Anno. Dom. 1553-1554.
• a 2.19

  Fox. pag. 2003. & pag. 2024.
• * 2.20

  In the Dio∣cess of Canterbury.
• * 2.21

  In the Dio∣cess of Rochester.
• * 2.22

  In the Dio∣cess of London under Bonner.
• b 2.23

  1 Cor. 15. 32
• * 2.24

  quer. for he is not in B. Godwins catologue.
• * 2.25

  Under Dr. Story
• * 2.26

  In the Dio∣cess of Norwich.
• * 2.27

  In the Dio∣cess of Elie.
• * 2.28

  In the Dio∣cess of Peterborough.
• * 2.29

  In the Dio∣cess of Lincolne.
• * 2.30

  Fox. Volum. 3. pag. 706.
• a 2.31

  Lib. 4. Cent. 16. Parag. 2.
• * 2.32

  Quiet in foure Diocesses.
• b 2.33

  Acts. 9. 31.
• c 2.34

  Isaa••sons Chronologie of Bishops pag 477.
• * 2.35

  In the Dio∣cess of 〈…〉〈…〉
• a 2.36

  〈…〉〈…〉 pag 759.
• * 2.37

  In the Dio∣cess of Yorke
• * 2.38

  In the Dio∣cess of Chester.
• * 2.39

  Peace in the Bishoprick of Durham.
• b 2.40

  Volum 3. pag. 9581.
• * 2.41

  And of Car∣lile.
• * 2.42

  The singula••rity of the B. of Landaffe.
• * 2.43

  The cruelty of the B. of Bangor.
• a 2.44

  Luk. 20. 14.
• b 2.45

  Fox. Volum. 3. pag. 747.
• * 2.46

  The first and last of the Martyrs.
• * 2.47

  The Sacra∣ment of the Altar, the greatest snare to Prote∣stants.
• * 2.48

  Cruelty of Papists in pretorturing Martyrs.
• a 2.49

  Heb. 9. 27.
• b 2.50

  Psal. 14. 4
• * 2.51

  Some Cōmis∣sioners of and by themselves courteous.
• * 2.52

  Ministerial Persecutours.
• c 2.53

  Revel. 9. 10.
• d 2.54

  Mr. Fox Vol. 3. pag. 8. 9. Difference in prisons.
• e 2.55

  Jer. 37. 20.
• f 2.56

  Jer. 38. 6.
• * 2.57

  Dr. Gefferie his illeg••l proceedings.
• g 2.58

  John 18. 31.
• a 2.59

  Fox Vol. 3. pag. 896.
• * 2.60

  All the Mar∣tyrs not a like chearfull.
• * 2.61

  Of those who died in prison.
• * 2.62

  Q. Maries death life to many.
• b 2.63

  Psa 102. 20.
• c 2.64

  1 Sam. 20. 3.
• * 2.65

  Protestants mercy, for Papists ma∣lice.
• d 2.66

  Pro. 25. 22.
• * 2.67

  Gods judg∣ments must warily be dealt with.
• e 2.68

  1 Sam. 4. 18.
• f 2.69

  Psal. 73. 4.
• * 2.70

  Anno Dom. 1555.
• * 2.71

  Anno Regin Mar. 3.
• g 2.72

  Luke 13. 5.
• h 2.73

  De notis Ec∣clesiae lib. 4. cap. 17.
• * 2.74

  Gods hand visible on ma∣ny of the persecutours.
• a 2.75

  Deut. 32. 43.
• * 2.76

  What use to be made of the Martyrs sufferings.
• b 2.77

  Matth. 9. 8.
• * 2.78

  Parsons his Cavill against the Martyrs calling an∣swered.
• c 2.79

  Luke 2. 1.
• * 2.80

  Poverty and piety oft goe together.
• * 2.81

  1 Cor. 1. 26, 27.
• * 2.82

  A Catalogue of Confes∣sours, with their places of refuge.
• a 2.83

  Mat. 10▪ 23.
• a 2.84

  Troubles of Franksord printed Anno. 1575. pag 185.
• b 2.85

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 23.
• c 2.86

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 20. & 25.
• d 2.87

  1 Sam. 30. 31
• e 2.88

  Heb. 13. 14.
• * 2.89

  A brief intro∣duction to the troubles of Frankford.
• * 2.90

  A Church at Faankford first granted to the English.
• a 2.91

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 6.
• b 2.92

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 7.
• * 2.93

  Other Eng∣lish Congre∣gations invi∣ted to Frank∣ford.
• * 2.94

  Those of Zu∣rich quickned by importu∣nity.
• * 2.95

  But refuse to communicate with them.