The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

CENT. XVI.

1.* 1.1 KIng Edward,* 1.2 tender in yeers, and weak with sicknesse,* 1.3 was so practiced on by the impor∣tunitie of others, that,* 1.4 excluding His two Sisters, he conveyed the Crown to the Ladie Jane His Kinswoman, by that which we may we call the Testament of King Edward, and the Will of the Duke of Northumberland. Thus, through the piousintents of this Prince, wishing well to the Reformation; the Religi∣on of Queen Marie, obnoxious to excepti∣on; the ambition of Northumberland, who would do what he listed; the simplicity of Suffolke, who would be done with as the other pleased; the dutifulnesse of the Ladie Jane, disposed by her Parents; the fearfulnesse of the Judges, not daring to oppose; and the flattery of the Courtiers, most willing to comply, matters were made as sure, as mans policy can make that good which is bad in it self. But the Commons of England who for many yeers together had conn'd loyalty by-heart, out of the Statute of Succession, were so perfect in their lesson, that they would not be put out of it by this new started designe: so that every one proclaimed Mary next Heir in their con∣sciences: and, few daies after King Edwards death, all the project miscarried: of the plotters whereof some executed, more imprisoned, most pardoned, all conquered, and Queen Mary crowned. Thus, though the streame of Loy∣alty for a while was violently diverted, (to runne in a wrong channell,) yet with the speediest opportunitie it recovered the right course again.

2. But now in what manner this Will of King Edwards was advanced,* 1.5 that the greatest blame may be laid on them who had the deepest guilt, the following answer of Sr. Edward Mountagu, Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas (accused for drawing up the Will, and committed by Queen Mary to prison for the same) will truly acquaint us. The original whereof under his own hand, was com∣mnuicated unto me, by his great grandchilde, Edward Lord Mountagu of Bough∣ton, and here faithfully exemplified;

SR. Edward Mountagu, Knight, late Chief-Justice of the Common Pleas, received a letter from Greenwich, dated the eleventh day of June last past, signed with the hands of the Lord Treasurer, the Duke of Northumberland; John Earl of Bedford, Francis Earl of Shrewsburie, the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Clynton, the Lord Darcie, John Gate, William Peter, William Cecill, John Cheke: whereby he was comman∣ded to be at the Court on the morrow by one of the clock at after-noon, and to bring with him Sr. John Baker, Justice Bromley, the Attorney, and Solicitour General, and according to the same, all they were there at the said hour of one of the clock. And, after they were brought to the pre∣sence of the King, the Lord Treasurer the Marquesse of Northampton, Sr. John Gate, and one or two more of the Councill, whose names he doth not now remember, were present.

And then and there the King by His own mouth said, that now in His sicknesse he had considered the state of this His Realm and Succession, which, if He should decease without Heir of His body, should go to the Lady Mary, who was unmarried, and might marry a stranger-borne, whereby the Law•• of this Realm might be altered and changed, and His Highnesse proceedings in Religion might be altered. Wherefore His pleasure was, that the state of the Crown should go in such forme, and to such persons as His Highnesse had appointed in a Bill of Articles not signed with the Kings hand, which were read, & commanded them to make a Book thereof accordingly with speed. And they, finding divers faults not onely for the incertainty of the Articles, but also declaring unto the King, that it was directly against the Act of Successi∣on, which was an Act of Parliament which would not be taken away by no such devise. Notwithstanding His Highnesse would not otherwise, but that they should draw a Book according to the said Articles, which he then took them, and they required a reasonable time of His Highnesse for the doe∣ing thereof, and to consider the Laws and Statutes made for the Succession, which indeed were and be more dangerous then and of them, they did con∣sider and remember, and so they departed commanding them to make speed.

And on the morrow all the said persons met, and, perusing the said Statutes there grew this question amongst them, whether it were presently treason by the words of the Statute of Anno primo Edvardi Sexti, or no treason till it were put in execution after the Kings death? because the words of the Statute are, the King His Heirs, and Successours, because the King can have no Successours in His life; but to be sure they were all agreed that it were the best and surer way to say to the Lords, that the execution of this devise after the Kings decease was not onely treason, but the making of this devise was also presently treason, as well in the whole Councell as in them, and so agreed to make their report without doing any thing for the execution thereof.

And after Sr. William Peter sent for the said Sr. Edward. to Eely-place, who shewed him that the Lords required great speed in the ma∣king of the said Book, and he told him, there were none like to be made for them for the danger aforesaid. And after that, the said S. Edward, with the rest of his company, went to the Court, and before all the Coun∣cil, (the Duke of Northumberland being not in the Council-chamber,) made report to the Lords, that they had considered the Kings Articles, and also the Statutes of Succession, whereby it appeared manifestly, that if they should make any Book according to the Kings commandment, they should not onely be in danger of treason, but also their Lordships all, wherefore they thought it their bounden duties to declare the danger of the Laws unto them, and for avoiding of the danger thereof they had nothing done therein, nor in∣tended to doe, the Laws being so dangerous and standing in force.

The Duke of Northumberland, having intelligence of their answer,

either by the Earle of Huntington, or by the Lord Admiral, cometh into the Council-Chamber before all the Council there, benign in a great rage and fury, trembling for anger, and amongst his ragious talk called the said Sr. Edward Traitour; and further said, that he would fight in his shirt with any man in that quarrel (as all the whole Council being there will report) whereby the said Sr. Edward, with the rest were in great fear and dread, in special Mr. Bromley, and the said Sr. Edward, for Mr. Bromley told the said after, that he dread then that the Duke would have striken one of them: and after they were commanded to go home, and so departed in great fear, without doing any thing more at that time, wishing of God they had stood to it, as they did then, unto this time.

And after the said Sr. Edward received another letter dated at Greenwich the 14^th. of June last past, signed with the hands ••f the Lord Treasurer, the Earl, of Bedford, the Marquesse of Northampton, the Earle of Shrewsburie, the Lord Clynton, the Lord Cobham, the Lord Darcy, William Peter, John Gate, John Cheeke, whereby he was commanded to bring with him Sr. John Baker, Justice Bromley and Mr. Gosnolde, and to be at the Court on the morrow by one of the clock at after-noon, where all they were at the same houre, and conveyed into a cham∣ber behinde the Dining-Chamber there, and all the Lord looked upon them with earnest countenance, as though they had not known them. So that the said Sr. Edward, with the other, might perceive there were some earnest determination against them: and at length they were brought before the King Himself, there, being present all the whole Council.

And the King demanded of them why they had not made His Book, ac∣cording to His commandment, and refused that to doe? with sharp words and angry countenance; and the said Sr. Edward opened unto His High∣nesse the cause why they did it not; and he and other had before declared and opened to the Councill, that if the writings were made, they were of no effect nor force, but utterly void when the King should decease, and the Sta∣tute of Succession not impaired nor hurted, for these will not be taken away, but by the same authority they were made, and that was by Parliament. To that said the King we minde to have a Parliament shortly, not telling when, which was the first time that the said Sr. Edward heard of any Parliament to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Whereunto he said, if His pleasure were so, all might be deferred to the Parlia∣ment, and all dangers and perils saved. Whereunto the King said he would have this done, and after ratifie it by Parliament. And after commanded them very sharply upon their allegiance to make it; and there were divers of the Lords, that stood behind the said Sr. Edward, said, and if they refused to do that▪ they were traitours. And the said Sr. Edward was in great fear as ever he was in all his life before, seeing the King so earnest and sharpe, and the said Duke so angry the day before, who ruled the whole Councill as it pleased him and were all affraid of him (the more is the pitty) so that such cowardnesse and feare was there never seen amongst honourable men, as it hath appeared.

The said Sr. Edward▪ being an old weak man and without comfort, began to consider with himself, what was best to be done for the safeguard of his life, which was like to chance in that fury and great anger presently. And, remembring that the making of the said writing was not presently treason by the Statute of Anno primo, because this word Successour would take no place while the King was living, and determined with him∣self not to meddle nor execute any thing concerning the same, after the death of the King, which he hath truly kept hereunto. And also remem∣bring that the Queens Highnesse that now is should come by Act of Suc∣cession, as a purchaser by the law, might not lawfully punish treason or contempt committed in the Kings life, he said unto the King, that he had served His most noble Father many yeers, and also His Highnesse during His

time,* 1.6 and loth he would be to disobey His commandment;* 1.7 for his own part he would obey it, so that His Highnesse would grant to them His command∣ment, license and commission under His great Seal, for the doing, making, and executing of all things concerning the same, and, when the things were done, that they might have a general pardon. All which Commission and pardon was as much as the said Sr. Edward could invent to help this danger over, and besides the things above remembred; which Commission and pardon the King granted them, saying, it was but reason that they should have them both, and the Commission is passed the Great Seal, and the Pardon was signed, and (as far as he knew) sealed.

All the said matters considered, the said Sr. Edward said, for his part he would obey the Kings commandment, and so did M. Bromley say the same; and the King said to Sr. John Baker, what say you? you said never a word today; who (as I take it) agreed to the same. Mr. Gosnold required a respite, for he was not yet perswaded to do the thing required. How the said Duke and the Earl of Shrewsburie handled him, he can tell best himself. And after upon the said Sr. Edwards motion the King gave him licence to be advised untill upon the morrow, who of himself being in great fear was content to obey the Kings commandment; and so the doers and makers of the said Book, with sorrowfull hearts, and with weeping eyes, in great fear and dread devised the said Book, according to such Arti∣cles as were signed with the Kings proper hand, above and beneath, and on every side. And their said Commission, with Articles so signed with the Kings hand, and the Book drawn in paper, were conveyed from the Court to the Lord Chancelors, to be ingrossed in parchment and to passe the great Seal, which was done accordingly.

And on the morrow next after the last Terme ended, the said Sr. Edward and all the Judges were sent for; he puts his hand to the Book in parchment sealed with the Great Seal, and so did many others. The said Book of Articles so signed remaineth with the Lord Chancellour, Bishop of Eely; but, who conveyed the said Paper Book into the Chancery, or who wrot them, or who set their hands to the same Book, the said Sr. Edward till he see them he cannot tell: but he will not denie but he was privie to the making of them, as he hath before said: and that he came to the knowledge of the matter by the Articles unsigned, and by the Articles signed, with the Kings hand, and both delivered unto him by the Kings own hands. Who put the King in minde to make the said Articles; or whowrote them, or any of them; or by whose procurement or counsell they were made: or by what means he and others were called unto this matter: he knoweth not, but he thinks in his conscience the King never invented this matter of Himself, out by some wonderfull false compasse: he prayeth God the truth may be known, as he doubts not it will be.

And further, he and all his company, as well before the King as before the Lords at all times, said, that their writings (before they were made, and after they were made) were of no value, force, nor effect, to any intent, constitution, or purpose, after the Kings death, and there is no remedy to help this but by Parliament. And that after the said Thursday, being the morrow after the Terme last past, that he by any writing, printing, overt, deed or act, never did any thing sithence the same day, in the Kings life, ne sithence the death of the King, for he determined with himself to be no executour of the said devise, whatsoever should chance of it: nor ever medled with the Councill in any thing, nor came amongst them, un∣till the Queens Grace that now is, was proclaimed Queen in London, nor never executed Commission, Proclamation, or other commandment from the Ladie Jane nor Her Councill, but commanded my son to serve the Queens Grace that now is, and to go to Sr. Thomas Tresham, and

Buckingham-shire-men that went to her Grace to defend Her, which he so did to my no little cost.

The case thus stated, these notes follow written with the same hand.

Now that it is to be considered the great fear the said Sr. Edward was in, as well by the Duke of Northumberland on the one day, as by the King on the other day.

Also it is to be considered the Kings commandment upon their allegiance, by His own mouth, and the Articles signed with His Highnesse own hand, and also His Commission, license, and commandment under His Great Seal to the said Sr. Edward and others, for the making of the said Booke.

Also the Kings pardon signed with His Highnesse hand.

Also it is to be considered, that the said Books were made in the Kings life, seaven or eight dayes before His death: and the Queens Highnesse being Successour, by Act of Parliament, to the Crown, and having the same, as a Purchaser, may not lawfully by the Laws of the Realme punish the said offence done in the Kings time.

Also the said Sr. Edward hath humbly submitted himself to the Queen Highnesse, and to the order of the Commissioners: Which Commissioners have ordered the said Sr. Edward to pay to Her Highnesse a thousand pounds, who hath already paid thereof five hundred pounds, and the other five hundred pounds are to be paid at the Feast of All-Saints come Twelve-moneth. And also to surrender his letters Patents of lands to the yeerly va∣lue of fifty pounds called Eltyngton, which he had of the gift of King Ed∣ward the Sixth, which was all the reward he had of the said King Edward for his service, costs and expences.

Also, it is to be considered, that the said Sr. Edward is put from his office of the Chief Justice-ship of the Common-Pleas, being of the yeerly value of six hundred marks, which office the most noble King of famous memorie King Henry the Eighth gave him in consideration of his long ser∣vice, and also had six weeks imprisonment.

Also it is to be considered, that the same Sr. Edward hath seaventeen children, viz. eleven Daughters, and six Sons: whereof one of the said Sons had his legge striken off by the knee in Scotland at Muscleborough∣field, the Duke of Sommerset being there. And his Son and Heire, by his commandment, served the Queens Highnesse with twenty men, to the cost of the said Sr. Edward of one hundred pounds, as the Gentlemen of Buckingham-shire can report.

SO far the late Judge with his own hand: Wherein he affirmeth that he medled not with the Councell in any thing afterward, as may appear by his not subscribing the letter of the Lords to Queen Mary (enjoying, shall I say? or) advising Her to desist from claiming the Crown, whereto all the Privie* 2.1 Councellours subscribed, onely the hand of Sr. Edward Mountagu is wanting. And, seeing in the whole transaction of this matter, the obedi∣ence rather then invention of Judge Mountagu was required, not to devise, but draw things up according to Articles tendred unto him, I cannot believe his* 2.2 report report relating, that the King used the advise of Justice Mountagu in drawing up the Letters Patents, to furnish the same with reasons of Law, as Secretary Cicil with arguments from Policie.

3. Some will wonder that no mention herein of Sr. Roger Cholmley,* 2.3 Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, and in dignity above Sr. Edward Mountagu (at this time but Judge of the Common-Pleas,) that he was not em∣ployed to draw up the Book. But it seems Judge Mountagu his judgement was more relied on, who had been formerly Lord Chief Justice of the Kings-Bench, and deserted it. Yet the said Sr. Roger Cholmley was imprisoned for bare subscribing this Will, and (as it seems) lost his place for the same. For Justice Bromley, though equally guilty with the rest (so far favour ex∣tends in matters of this nature) was not onely pardoned, but, from an inferiour Judge,* 2.4 advanced to be successour to Sr. Roger Cholmly, and made Judge of the Kings-Bench.

4. Whereas Sr. Edward saith that all the Judges were sent for and that many put their hands to the Book, it intimateth that all did not but that some refu∣sed the same, it being eminently known to the everlasting honour of Sr. James Hales that no importunity could prevail with him to underwrite this will as against both law and conscience.

5. Eight weeks and upwards passed between the proclaiming of Mary Queen,* 2.5 and the Parliament by her assembled: during which time two religions were together set on foot, Protestantisme and Poperie, the former hoping to be continued, the later labouring to be restored, And as the Jews Children a 2.6 after the captivity spake a middle language betwixt Hebrew and Ashdod, so during the aforesaid interim the Churches and Chappels in England had mon∣grell celebration of their Divine services betwixt Reformation and Superstition. For the Obsequies for King Edward were held by the Queen in the Tower August the seaventh,* 2.7 with the Dirige sung in Latin, and on the morrow a masse of Requiem, and on the same day his Corps were buried at Westminster with a sermon service, and Communion in English. No small iustling was there be∣twixt the zealous Promoters of these contrary Religions. The Protestants had possession on their side, and the Protection of the Laws lately made by King Edward and still standing in free and full force unrepealed. Besides, seeing by the fidelity of the Suffolk and Norfolke Protestant Gentry, the Queen was much advantaged for the speedy recovering of her Right, they conceived it but reason, that as she by them had regained the Crown, so they under her should enjoy their Consciences. The Papists put their Ceremonies in Executi∣on, presuming on the Queen her private practice and publique countenance, especially after she had imprisoned some Protestant, and enlarged some Popish Bishops: advancing Stephen Gardiner to be Lord Chancelour. Many which were Newters before conceiving which side the Queen inclined would not expect, but prevent her authority in Alteration: So that Superstition ge∣nerally got ground in the Kingdome. Thus it is in the Evening Twi-light, wherein light and darknesse at first may seem very equally matcht, but the later within little time doth solely prevail.

6. What impressions the Comming in of Queen Mary made on Cambridge,* 2.8 shall, God willing be presented in our particular History thereof. The sad and sudden alterations in Oxford, thereby are now to be handled. Ma. John Jewel was chosen to pen the first Gratulatorie Letter to the Queen, in the Name of the Vniversity; an office, imposed on him, by his enemies, that either the refusall thereof should make him incurre danger from his foes, or the performance expose him to the displeasure of his friends; Yet he so wari∣ly penned the same in Generall termes, that his Adversaries missed their marke. Indeed all, as yet, were confident, that the Queen would maintain the Protestant Religion according to her solemne promise, to the Gentry of Norfolke, and Suffolke, though (she being composed of Courtship and Popery,) this her unperformed promise was the first Court-holy-water, which she sprink∣led amongst the People.

7. And, because ever one was counted a Truant in Popery, who did not

out-run the Law, Dr. Tresham, an active Papist, and a Van-Currier before Authority, repaired the great Bell in Christ Church, which he new nam'd, and baptized MARY. And whilst Mr. Jewel was reading the Letter he had penned, to Dr. Tresham, for his approbation thereof, presently that bell tol'd to Masse, (a Parenthesis which was not in the Letter) and Tresham breaking off his Attention to what was written, exclaimed in a zealous Exta∣sie. Oh sweet Mary! how musically, how melodiously doth she sound.e 2.9 This Bell then rung the knell for that time to the truth in Oxford, henceforward fill'd with Protestant Tears, and Popish Triumphs.

8. Then Stephen Gardiner visitor of Maudlins,* 2.10 (as successour to William Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester founder thereof) sent Commissioners to the Col∣ledge, (whereof Sr. Richard Read the chief, and Dr. Wright Arch-Deacon of Ox∣ford,) whereby strange effects were produced.

• 1. Walter Haddon, thena 2.11 President of the Colledge, (though omitted by Brian Twine for what cause I know not, in their Catalogue) willingly quitted his place.
• 2. Thomas Bentham (that yeer Censor) being required to Correct the Schollers for their absence from Popish Prayers, ingenuously confessed his sorrow for his Complyance in the Reign of King Henry the 8^th and constantly professed that he would not accumulate sin on sin, adding more∣over, that he accounted it not equall, to punish that in others, which he him∣self did willingly and wittingly commit, and thereon was outed of his place.
• 3. Thomas Bickley was served in the same manner. This was be who for∣merly snatching the Host out of the Pixe at evening Prayer, first rent it with his hands, then trampled it under his feet, and now expelled, with great difficulty escaped into France.
• 4. Henry Bull, who about the same time openly in the quire snatched the Censer out of his hands, who was about to offer Idolatrous Incense therein, was likewise by the visitors put out of his Fellowship.

What shall I speak of learned Laurence Humphery, painfull John Fox, studious Michael Re••niger, sweet natur'd John Molins, Arch-Deacon of Pauls, Arthur Saul, Peter Morvin, Hugh Kirke, and Luke Purisie, dear brethren in Christ, all at this time forced to forsake their Colledge: So that then Magdalen wept indeed for the losse of so many worthies. All this extremity was execu∣ted by these visitors, not as yet impowred by law, the statutes of King Edward, standing hitherto unrepealed. But some are so desirous to Worship the rising Sun, that, to make sure work, they will adore the dawning day: And ma∣ny of the Oxford Schollers thought Prolepsis the best figure in their Grammer to foresee what the Queen would have done, and to ingratiate themselves by an∣tedating the doeing thereof.

9. Of all the visitors in Magdalen Colledge,* 2.12 Arch-Deacon Wright was most mo∣derate, seeking to qualifie the cruelty of the rest, as farre as he could or durst appear. Blinde he was in one eye, but acute and clear-sighted in his minde, and though his compliance for the present cannot be excused, yet commendable was his forwardnesse, that presently on the Crowning of Queen Elizabeth, he confessed his errours, and with a weak voice but strong Arguments in his Sermon preached in All-hallows, solidly confuted the maine of Popish opinions; This was his last Will and Testament, being at the present much decayed in his Body, his strength onely serving him, to give a solemn account of his Faith. For soon after he fell sick, and at the end of eight dayes, in perfect* 2.13 minde and memory, peaceably departed this life. Wherefore lying* 2.14 Sanders is not to be listned to, when reporting that this Wright dyed raving and distracted. It being usuall with him, to account all those staring mad,* 2.15 who are not strake blinde with ignorance and superstition: Let not Sanders be too busie in traducing Gods dying Servants, lest what he

wrongfully chargeth on others, justly befall himself, as it came to passe accordingly. For a learned* 2.16 Pen tells us, that he died in Ireland, Mente motus, which if it amounts not to a Madnesse, I understand not the propriety of that expression.

10. Passe we now from Maudlins to Corpus Christi Colledge,* 2.17 where behold a sudden Alteration; Masse being presently brought up in the place of the Communion. It may seem a wonder, seeing so many Superstitious Vtensils are required thereunto, where the Papists got attiring Cloaths for the Theatricall Pompe thereof; yet so it was, that they who to day [visibly] had nothing, next day wanted nothing for the Celebration of the Masse. Surely these Trinkets were never dropt down from Heaven; but such who formerly had been cunning in concealing, were now forward in producing their wicked Wardrobe; and one Colledge afforded enough, not onely to suffice it self, but for the present to supply the whole Vniversity.

11. But how well soever any Colledge kept their superstitious Trifles,* 2.18 sure I am Corpus Christi Colledge lost an essentiall Ornament thereof, namely Mr. John Jewel, fellow therein, who, on his refusall to be present at Masse, and other Popish Solemnities, was driven out of the Colledge, and retyred him∣selfe to Broadgates Hall; where he continued for a short time in great Danger.

12. It was now high time for Mr. Peter Martyr seasonably to provide for his own security,* 2.19 who being by Birth a stranger, and invited over hither, and placed here by King Edward the sixth, to be Professour of Divinity in Ox∣ford, had the Warrant of the Publique faith, and the Law of Nations, for his safety. Whereupon he solicited for leave to return, which was granted unto him. Well it was that he had protection of proof; otherwise such was the enmity of the Papists, and so sharp set were the Teeth of some persecuting Bishops against him, that they would have made this Martyr brook his own name, and have sacrificed his life to their fury.

13. About the time of his Departure,* 2.20 (pardon a short digression) the Dutch congregation in London was also dissolved, gaining Licence with much a∣doe to transport themselves. These taking the opportunity of two Danish Ships, then lying in Thames mouth, adventured themselves therein even in the beginning of Winter, uncertain were to get any habitation. One hun∣dred seaventy and five were embarqued in one vessell, from which the other was divided with Tempest, and with much danger got at last to* 2.21 Elsinore in Denmarke. Had they sai'd longer in England, untill the Queens marriage with King Philip of Spaine (being most of them his Native Subjects in the Netherlands) it had been difficult, if not impossible for them to have procured their safe, and publique departure.

14. As for Mr. Jewell,* 2.22 he continued some weeks in Broad-Gates Hall, whither his Schollers repaired unto him, whom he constantly instructed in Learning, and Religion. Of all his Pupils, Edward* 2.23 Year in this one respect was most remarkable, who by his tutour being seasoned with the love of the Truth, made a double Copie of Verses, against the Superstition of the Masse, which so enraged Mr. Welsh, the Censor, as I take it of Corpus Christi Colledge, against him, that he publikely and cruelly whipt him, laying on one lash, for every verse he had made, which I conceive were about eighty in all: Part of them, I have here thought fit to insert; and blessed be God I may Translate, and the Reader peruse them without any pain and perill, and not at the dear rate, whereat the Authour composed them. I have the rather presented them, because they proved as well Prophetical as Poetical, comfortably foretelling, what afterwards certainly came to passe.

Supplex oro Patris veniant coelestis ad aures Ex animo paucae quas recitabo preces: Ecce patent aditus, patet alti januae Coeli Ad summum votis am penetrabo Deum. Summe Pater, qui cuncta vides, qui cuncta gubernas, Qui das cuncta tuis, qui quoque cuncta rapis, Effice ne maneat longaevos Missaper Annos: Effice ne fallat decipiatve tuos; Effice ne coecos populorum reddat ocellos Missa, docens verbo dissona multa tuo: Effice jam rursus Stgias descendat ad Vndas, Vndè trahit fontem principiumquè suum. Respondet Dominus spectans de sedibus Altis, Ne dubites recte Credere parve puer: Olim sum passus mortem, nunc occupo dextram Patris, nunc summi sunt mea regna poli: In coelis igitur toto cum corpore versor, Et me Terrestris nemo videre potest; Falsa Sacerdotes de me mendacia fingunt, Missam quique colunt, hi mea verba negant: Durae Cervicis populus me mittere Missam Fecit, & è medio tollere dogma sacrum; Sed tu crede mihi, vires Scriptura resumet, Tolleturque suo tempore Missa nequam.

Accept O heavenly Father I request These few Devotions from my humble Breast: See ther's Accesse, Heaven's gate open lyes, Then with my Prayers I'le penetrate the skyes; Great God, who all things feest, dost all things sway, And All things giv'st, and all things tak'st away, Let not the present Masse long-lived be, Nor let it those beguile belong to thee: Thy peoples eyes keep it from blinding quite, Since to thy word it is so opposite, But send it to the Stygian Lakes below: From whence it's rise and source doth spring and flow. The Lord, beholding from his Throne, reply'd, Doubt not, young Youth, firmly in me confide I dy'd long since, now sit at the right hand Of my bless'd Father, and the world command My body wholy dwels in heavenly light, Of whom no earthly Eye can gain a sight: The shamlesse Priests of me forge truthlesse lies And he that worships Masse, my word denyes A stiffeneck'd people for their sins did make Me send them Masse, my word away to take But trust me, Scripture shall regain her sway, And wicked Masse in due time fade away.

15. But to return to Mr. Jewel:* 2.24 he had not lived long in Broadgates Hall, when, by the violence of the Popish Inquisitors being assaulted, on a sudden, to subscribe, he took a pen in his hand, and, smiling, said, have you a minde to see how well I can write? and thereupon under-writ their Opinions. Thus the most orient Jewel on earth Hath some flawes therein. To conceal this his Fault, had been partiality; to excuse it, flattery; to defend it, impi∣ety; to insult over him, Cruelty; to pitty him, Charity; to admire God, in permitting him, true devotion; to be wary of our selves, in the like occa∣sion, Christian discretion.

16. Such as go out when God openeth them, a Doore to escape,* 2.25 do peaceably depart; But such who break out at the window, either stick in the passage, or bruise themselves by falling down on the out-side. Jewell may be an instance hereof, whose cowardly compliance, made his foes no fewer without him; and one the more (a guilty Conscience) within him. The Papists neither loved, nor honoured, nor trusted him any whit the more, for this his Subscription, which they conceived not Cordiall; for∣ced from him by his feare: Yea thereby he gained not any degree of more safety: and his life being way-laid for, with great difficulty, he got over into Germanie.

17. Rejoyce not over me O mine Enemy,* 2.26 for though I fall, yet shall I rise again, as here it came to passe: Comming to Francfort, he had Dr. Edwin Sandys, (afterwards Arch-Bishop of Yorke,) for his Board, and Bedfellow, who counselled Mr. Jewell, with the joynt advice of Mr. Chambers, and Mr. Sampson, his bosome friends, to make a publicke Confession of his sorrow for his former Subscription: whereupon on a Sunday, after his fore-noons Sermon, in the Congregation of Francfort, he bitterly bewailed his fall, and heartily requested pardon from God and his People, whom thereby he had offended. Wet were the eyes of the Preacher, and those not drie of all his Auditors: what he fairely requested was freely given: and hence forward

all embraced him, as a Brother in Christ, yea as an Angell of God. Yea who∣soever seriously considereth the high Parts Mr. Jewell had in himselfe, and the high opinion others had of him, will conclude his Fall necessary for his Humiliation.

18. But to return to Oxford,* 2.27 whither, about this time, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were brought to be baited in Disputation, by the fiercest Papists of both Vniversities; Which worthy Bishops, restrained in Liberty, debarred from Books, depriv'd of Friends, and streightned for time, were brought out of the Prison, to dispute, and after the end thereof thither remanded. Here it is sad to recount those Legiens of Taunts, which were passed upon them: They who had three Logicall termes in every Syllogisme, had far more railing ones after it, in following their Argument, and opprobrious improving thereof against the Prisoners. Wherefore when Weston, the Prolocutor (or Obloquutor rather) closed all with his vain glorious brag, Vicit veritas, many of the unpartiall Auditors conceived, that Vicit vanitas, was a truer Conclusion of the Disputation; though indeed there could be no proper victory, where there was no fair Fight: things not being methodized with Scholasticall Forma∣lity, but managed with tumultuous Obstreperousnesse. See all at large in Mr. Fox: to transcribe which would be tedious, excribe something, imperfect, Contract all, obscure: may the reader therefore be remitted thither, for his perfect Satisfaction. Onely, I will adde; this Disputation was but a prepara∣tive, or Prologue to the Tragedy of these Bishops Deaths: as it were to drie their Bodies, the more afore-hand, that afterwards they might burn the brighter, and clearer for the same.

19. But we leave the prosecution hereof with the impression made by the Alteration of Religion on every severall Colledge in Oxford,* 2.28 to some learned men of that Vniversity, as an office proper for them to performe, having as their education therein, so their advantage thereby in consulting the Registers of their severall Colledges. I have hitherto, and shall hereafter be the shorter in Matters of this Vniversity, remembring two profitable Precepts, for this purpose; the one Minus notis, minus diu insistendum: the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Being a stranger be not over-busie: Who confesse my selfe bred in another Seminary of learning. Wherefore if my tongue, long acquainted with CAMBRIDGE Siboleth, have or shall chance to faulter in pronouncing the termes of Art, or Topicall Titles, proper to this Vniversity, I hope the Readers Smile shall be all the writers Punishment. For as I hearti∣ly protest the fidelity of my Affections to my Aunt, and humbly request that my Weaknesse or want of Intelligence, may no way tend to her Prejudice, so I expect that my Casuall mistakes should meet with a Pardon of Course: And if any of her own Children (which is much to be desired) Will hereafter write a particular History of Oxford, I should be joyfull if the best Beames I can bring will but make him Scaffolds, and the choicest of my Corner-stones, but serve to fill up the Walls of his more beautifull Building.

20. We have something trespassed on time to make our Story of Oxford intire,* 2.29 and must now go a little backward. The Queen being crowned on the first of October, her first Parliament began the fifth day following, where∣in Godwot a poor appearance of Protestant Bishops. For Cranmer of Cant. was in the Tower for treason. Ridley of London, and Poynet of Winchester were displaced on the restitution of Bonner and Gardiner, Holegate of Yorke, Bush of Bristoll, Bird of Chester, Hooper of Worcester and Gloucester, Barlow of Bath and Wells, Scory of Chicester, Ferrar of St. Davids, Coverdale of Exeter were already deprived either for being married, or delivering some displeasing do∣ctrines. Onely two Protestant Bish os, viz. Johna 2.30 Taylour of Lincolne and John Harley of Hereford (on what score I know not) found the favour to be last undone, as remaining un-deprived at the beginning of the Parliament, where they presented themselves according to their duty, & took their place amongst

the Lords. But presently began solemne Masse after the Popish manner, which these two good Bishops not abiding withdrew themselves, and shortly both of them died their naturall deaths; Providence graciously preventing their violent destructions.* 2.31

21. All the rest of the Bishops present in Parliament,* 2.32 as Samson of Coventry, and Litchfield, Capon of Salsbury, Thirleby of Norwich, Bulkley of Bangor, Par∣few of St. Asaphb 2.33 Kitchin of Landaffe, though dissembling themselves Pro∣testants in the dayes of King Edward, now returned to their Vomit, and the ad∣vancing of Popery. No wonder then if all things were acted according to their pleasure, the Statute of Premunire made by King Henry the Eight, and ma∣ny other goodlaws of Edward the Sixth repealed. Masse and Latine service with the maine of Popery reestablished.

22. But in the Convocation which began few dayes after,* 2.34 amongst all the Clergy therein assembled there were found but six which opposed the Reduction of Popery, Viz.

• 1. Walter Philips Dean of Rochester.* 2.35
• 2. Iames Haddon Dean of Exeter.
• 3. Iohn Philpot Archdeacon of winchest.
• 4. Richard Cheyney Archdeacon of Hereford.
• 5. Iohn Ailmer Archdeacon of Stow.
• 6. One whose name is not recorded.

Of these Mr. Philpot one of a fervent spirit (but not to any distemper as some suspect) was so zealous against Transubstantiation, that he offered to maintain the negative by Gods word, and confound any six who should withstand him in that point,* 2.36 or else saith he,c 2.37 let me be burned with as many fagots as be in London before the Court gates.

23. But Weston the Prolocutor in the Convocation threatened him with the Prison,* 2.38 adding that he was a mad man, meeter to be sent to Bedlam then con∣tinue there. Philpot returned he would think himself happy to be out of that company. Nay, lest you slander the house said Weston, and say we will not suffer you to declare your minde, we are content you come into the house as formerly on two conditions. First, that you be apparelled in a long gown and Tippet as we are.* 2.39 Secondly, that you speak not but when I command you. Then said Philpot, I had rather be absent altogether; and so it seems departed the place, and soon after the Convocation ended, having concluded all things to the hearts desire of the Papists therein.

24. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation.* 2.40 In vain did he plead the Priviledge of the Place, commonly reputed a part of Parliament, alledging also how Weston the Prolocutor once and again assured them, that the Queen had given them leave and liberty, fully and freely to debate of matters of Religion according to their own con∣science. Once at his Examination the Lord Richd 2.41 affirmed, that the Convoca∣tion was no part of the Parliament House, and we must believe him herein, because a Lawyer, and a Lord Chauncelour: Otherwise we have the Statute 8. Hen. 6. That the Clergy of the Convocation shall have such liberty as they that come to the Parliament. In fine Philpot, in defence of the Truth acted the vali∣ant part of a Martyr according to his promise, though the Scene was altered from the Court-gates to Smithfield.

25. The match of Queen Mary with Philip King of Spain was now as com∣monly talked of as generally distasted.* 2.42 To hinder the same Sr. Thomas Wyat a Kentish Knight took Armes with a great party assisting him.* 2.43 Saunders faith,* 2.44 and that very truly, that he was Vir maguae potentiae, being indeed well borne, well allied, well learned, well landed, and well loved, wanting neither wit, wealth, nor valour, though at present all were ill imployed by him. Indeed this his Treason may be said to fall in labour, some weeks before the full time thereof (occasioned by a sudden fright) and therefore no wonder if the issue thereof proved abortive. For Wyat hearing that one of his Dear Friends was cast into the Fleet (though for a cause unrelating to this Plot, to which the

Partie was privy) suspected,* 2.45 as guilt is ever jealous, that this his Friend had betrayed the designe, which made Wyat anticipat the due date thereof, and break our the sooner into open hostility.

26. The Queen,* 2.46 hearing of his commotion, sent an Herauld unto him to de∣sist, which Herauld came to Sr. Tho. his house deeply moated round about, the Bridge being drawn up, yet so that a place like a Ford pretended a safe passage thereunto. On the inside thereof walked the proper case of a man well habited, and his face carrying no despair of wisdome therein. The He∣rauld asked him whether he might safely go over there, to whom the other slightly answered, Yea, Yea; but had not the strength of his Horse been more then ordinary, he either had been drowned in the water, or buried in the mudde.

27. The Herauld hardly escaping fills all the House with complaints,* 2.47 that being an Officer sent from the Queen under the protection of the publike faith (having his coate, his conduct upon him) he should be so wilfully abu∣sed by false directions to the danger of his life by one of Sr. Tho. his servants. The Knight highly offended at the fault (as Gentleman enough, and enemy to actions of basenesse) summons all his Servants to appear before the He∣rauld, vowing that the Offendour should be sent Prisoner to the Queen with his leggs bound beneath his Horse belly, to receive from her the reward of his wickednesse.

28. The Herauld challengeth the party at the first sight of him.* 2.48 Alasse said Sr. Tho. he is a meer Naturall, as will appear, if you please to examine him. Why Sirrah said the Herauld did you direct me to come over where it was almost impossible to passe without drowning? To whom the other an∣swered, the Duckes came over not long before you, whose leggs were shorter then your horses. Hereat the Herald smiled out his anger, adding with∣all, Sr. Thomas, hereafter let your Foole wear the Badge of his Profession on him, that he may deceive no more in this kinde. But passe we to matters of more moment; Wyat courteously dismissed the Herauld, but denying to desist, marched to Rochester to meet his Complices out of the West of Kent, who came short unto him, as intercepted and routed, with Sr. Henry Ilsley their Con∣ductour, by the Lord Abergaveny, though this losse was presently repaired.

29. For when Thomas Duke of Norfolke marched down with five hun∣dred Londoners,* 2.49 in white Coats to resist Wyat,* 2.50 and was now come to Stroud, on the other side of Rochester, the Londoners revolted to Wyat. Thus the most Valiant Leader cannot make his Followers Loyall. Yet these Londoners false to forsake the Duke were faithfull not to betray his person, which they might easily have done if so disposed. Wyat is much elated with this supply, as more in the omen then in it self, who concluding all Londoners of the same lump, hereby promised himself easie enterance into that City, and hearty entertain∣ment therein.

30. His insolency is said to rise with his successe,* 2.51 so that having a Treatie with some of the Privie Councellours in his passage to London, he de∣manded unreasonable conditions, affirming that he would rather be trusted then trust, and therefore requiring the person of the Queen, the Tower of Lon∣don to be committed unto him, with power to displace evill Councellours not propounded with more pride, but that with as much scorne they were refused.* 2.52 Mean time, Queen Mary came to Guild-Hall, and there made a long oration, and indeed if on just occassion she could not speak confidently and pertinently, She was neither Daughter to her Father, nor to her Mother. Mr. Foxee 2.53 addeth that she seemed to have perfectly conned her speech without book; which if so, sounds nothing to her disgrace, some being for extem∣pory prayers, but none to my knowledge for extempory pollicy. This her oration secured the affections of the Citizens unto her, as by the sequell will appear.

31. Entring Southwarke he enjoyneth his Souldiers to offer no violence,* 2.54 or take any thing without payment, yet Winchester House soon felt their fury, though such by his command (a Generall can but proclaini and punish the Breakers of his Proclamation) were made exemplary for their rapine. Then were the Prisons (and Southwarke is well stored with houses of that kinde) set open for such who were guilty onely of pretended heresie, not Felionte and murther. But some who thanked him for his curtesie, refused the accep∣tance thereof, (a tender conscience is a stronger obligation then a Prison) because as they were legally committed they would be legally discharged.

32. But now all the Towers of the Tower,* 2.55 and the topps of the square Steeples neer the Bridge-Foot, on the otherside were planted with Ordnance (so that both Church and State threatened his ruine) ready to be discharged into Southwarke, either to beat down the Burrough, or to force Wyat to de∣part, who perceiving it impossible to force his passage into London over the Bridge, and moved with the miserable moans of the Southwarkers, left their Burrough,* 2.56 and though towards the evening marched swiftly, silently, secret∣ly to Kingston upon Thames. Speed begets speed, quicknesse causeth successe in matters of execution, as here in Wyat his comming to Kingston before any almost had notice of his motion.

33. But Wyat was not so much advantaged with his own expedition,* 2.57 as with the coincident oversights of the Queens party (whose carelessenesse and cowardise met together) enough to destroy her cause, had not Divine Providence resolved with finall successe to rectifie all humane mistakes. First, such set to order Kingston Bridge did their work by halves, breaking and not breaking it down, so that the substantialls standing, the rest were easily repaired for Wyat his safe passage over. Secondly, two hundred men set to defend the opposite banke quitted their Stationa 2.58, the very sight of two pieces of Ordnance planted against them. Thirdly, the Queens Scouts lost their eyes, (and deserved to lose their Heads) who could not discover a Body of four thousand men marching with a large train of Artillery so that the Queen had notice thereof, by the Kentish Fugitives sooner then by her own Scouts.

34. But time soon gained by Wyat was as soon lost,* 2.59 on the accident of a piece of Ordnance breaking its carriage. Now whilst the Army waited the leasure of bringing up this broken piece (an houre to Wyat being of greater consequence then the greatest Gun) he came short of the time prefixed to such Citizens as were Fautours of his cause. Otherwise he had been at London in the night (taking his enemies napping before they dreamt of him) and all terrour is most active in the darke, when the lesse men see, the more they suspect, whereas now it was break of day before they had gotten to Knights-Bridge.

35. Wyat had a double designe,* 2.60 and performed them both alike. One violently to take White-Hall, the other peaceably to be taken into London. Captain Vaughan with five hundred Welsh-men (and one would wonder how they should straggle into Kent) embraced the right-hand way towards Westminster, and then wheeled away to White-Hall, his men shooting their arrows (regardlesse where they lighted) into the windows of the Court, but could not force their passage into it. Wyat went directly to Charing-Crosse, where he met with some opposition, but continued his resolution for London.

36. Here one might have observed,* 2.61 that within three hours the tongue of the multitude in London thrice altered their tunes. First they cryed,

• 1. A Wyat, a Wyat, every mouth giving the alarme to the next man he met. The next note was
• 2. Treason, Treason, all suspecting that the Earle of Pembroke the Queens Generall had revolted, because hovering aloofe in the fields he

suffered Wyat his Van and main Battell (cutting off some of the Reare) to march undisturbed save with one shot,* 2.62 from Knights-Bridge to Charing Chrosse.* 2.63 Their next tune was

3. Downe with the Draggle tails, Downe with the Draggle-tails. And indeed no wonder if these Kentish-men marching in the darke, to avoid discovery in the depth of winter through durty wayes were richly landed in their cloaths, and well fringed with mire and mud about them.

37. Wyat himself marched directly up the Strand and Fleetstreet with the losse of lesse then twenty men,* 2.64 and comming to Ludgate promised himself entrance into the City. But there he found nothing forbid his admission save a strong gate close shut and well fortified against him with men and Amuni∣tion. From that minuite he went backward both in motion and successe. Returning to Fleetstreet He sate down on a Bench over against the Bell Savage (an Inne so called, because given by one Isabell* 2.65 Savage to the Company of Cutlers) and there too late began to bemoan and accuse his own rashnesse. Retreating to Temple-Barre he was faced with some horse, and after a fight being moved by a Herauld to submit himself. Then will I yeeld saith he to a Gen∣tleman, and so submitted himselfe (saya 2.66 most) to Sr. Maurice Berkley, say b 2.67 others to Sr. Clement Parton being in neither of them mistaken for their Gentle extraction.

38. Hence was he carried to White-Hall to be examined,* 2.68 thence to the the Tower to be committed; Entring therein Sr. John Bridges Livetenant thereof taking him by the collar with his Dagger in his hand;c 2.69 Ah Traitour, saith he, I would stab thee my self, but that I know thou wilt be executed, to whom the other calmly replied, Sr, now it is no mastery. Some dayes after he suffe∣red penitently and patiently on the Scaffold, condemning his own act, and therefore we have spoken the lesse against him, for speaking so much against himself. Fiftly, of his Complices were hanged four hundred, led with ropes about their necks,* 2.70 pardoned by the Queen, and all things stilled and quieted.

39. Long since had Queen Mary sent for Cardinall Poole in Italie,* 2.71 to come over into England. But Charles the Emperour by the Popes power, secretly retarded his return, fearing it might obstruct the propounded marriage be∣twixt King Philip his Son and Queen Mary. Indeed the Queen bare Poole an unfeighned affection; and no wonder to him that considereth

• 1. Their age. He being about tenn yeers older, the proportion allow∣ed by the Philosopher betwixt Husband and Wife.
• 2. Parentage. She being Daughter to King Henry the eighth. He (by his Mother Margaret, Daughter to George Duke of Clarence) Grandchild to Edward the Fourth.
• 3. Education. Both when young brought up together, the aforesaid Lady Margaret being Governesse of Queen Mary in her infancy.
• 4. Religion. Both zealous Catholicks, and suffering, the Queen con∣finement, the Cardinall exile for the same.

His person also and nature was such as might deserve love, and though a Cardinall Deacon, yet that shallow character might easily be shaved off by the Popes dispensation, so that there was some probability of their marriage: and Oh how Royally Religious would their Ofspring have been extracted from a Crown and a Cardinalls Cap.

40. But now when the marriage with Prince Philip was made up;* 2.72 Poole at last got leave for England, and to wipe away all superstition of Luthera∣nisme wherewith he was formerly taxed, he became a Cruell, that he might be beleeved a Cordiall Papist. For meeting in Brabant with Emanuel tremelli∣us, requesting some favour from him, he not onely denyed him relief, but also returned him railing termes, though formerly he had been his familiar Friend. Yea his Godfatherd 2.73 giving him his name at the Font, when Tremellius from a Jew first turned Christian.

41. Arrived in England,* 2.74 he was first ordained Priest (being but Deacon before) and then consecrated Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by Heath,* 2.75 Arch-Bishop of Yorke,* 2.76 and sixe other Bishops the Queen her selfe being present thereat, in the Franciscan Church at Greenwich, one of those Bankrupt Covents which her grace had set up again, Three dayes after he was dedicated in Bow Church in Cheapside, where rich in costly-robes and sitting on a gulded Throne his Pall was presented unto him. Adorned herewith, Poole presently mounts the Pulpit and makesa 2.77 a drie Sermon of the use and honour of the Pall without good language or matter therein (may they all make such who take for their Text what is not in Scripture) many much admiring the jejunenesse of his dis∣course, as if putting off his parts when putting the Pall upon him.

42. Now sate the second Parliament in this Queens Reigne,* 2.78 wherein she parted with her Supremacy to the Pope, and Poole by his power Legatine solemnly reconciled England to the Church of Rome, that is, set it at open oddes and enmity with God and his Truth. Then did he dispense with much irregularity in severall persons, confirming the Institution of Clergie-men in their Benefices, legitimating the Children of forbidden marriages, ratifying the Processes, and Sentences in matters Ecclestasticall, and his Dispensations were confirmed by Acts of Parliament, as in the Statutes at large appear. Then was Anthonie Brown, Vicount Mountacute, Thirleby Bishop of Eli, and Sr. Edward Carne sent on a gratulatorie Embassie to Pope Paul the fourth to tender Englands thanks for his great favours conferred thereon: A sad and certain presage of heavie persecution which immediately did ensue.

Notes

• * 1.1

  July 6.
• * 1.2

  Queen Mary in despight of the Duke of Northumber∣land's opposition, crowned.
• * 1.3

  Anno Regin Mar. 1.
• * 1.4

  Anno Dom. 1553
• * 1.5

  The truth of the carriage of Sr. Edward Mountagu in his drawing up the Will of King Edw. the sixth.
• * 1.6

  Anno Dom. 1553
• * 1.7

  Anno Regin Mar. 1.
• * 2.1

  See them exant in Mr. Fox. Act. & Mon-Anno 1553.
• * 2.2

  Sr. John Heywood. in his Edward 6
• * 2.3

  Sr. R. Chomley comes off with losse.
• * 2.4

  See Sr. H. Spelman. Glossary in Justiciarius p. 417. Sr. Jam's Hales his honesty.
• * 2.5

  Contest be∣twixt two Religions
• a 2.6

  Neh. 13. 24.
• * 2.7

  Aug. 7.
• * 2.8

  Mr. Jewell pens the first Congratula∣tory letter to the Queen.
• e 2.9

  Mary the ••ew Baptized masse Bell in Christs Church.
• * 2.10

  Alteration by Gardiners visi∣tors in Maud∣lin Colledge.
• a 2.11

  Laurence Humphery in his Lattin life of Dr. Jewel. p. 71.
• * 2.12

  Arch-Deac. Wright a mo∣derate visitor who after∣wards recan∣ted his er∣rours and died peaceably.
• * 2.13

  Laurence Humph. ut prius p. 76.
• * 2.14

  In defence of the Popes monarchy.
• * 2.15

  Camb. Brit. in the yeer. 1583.
• * 2.16

  Camb. Brit. in the yeer. 1583.
• * 2.17

  Masse set up in Corpus Christi Colledge.
• * 2.18

  Iewel driven ou•• of Corpus Christi Colledge.
• * 2.19

  Peter Martyr departs the Realme.
• * 2.20

  The Dutch Congregation depart into Denmarke.
• * 2.21

  John 〈…〉〈…〉 cap. 2.
• * 2.22

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Copie 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 2.23

  So I con∣ceive his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 whom Laurence Humphery in Jewell life p 〈◊〉〈◊〉 calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Annum.
• * 2.24

  Mr. Jewell his great fall.
• * 2.25

  Carnall Com∣pliance never profits.
• * 2.26

  Mr. Jewels seasonable and sincere Recovery.
• * 2.27

  The Issu-lesse issue of a dis¦putation at Oxford.
• * 2.28

  Some Oxford man invited to undertake a proper task.
• * 2.29

  Protestant Bishops with∣draw them∣selves from the Parlia∣ment.
• a 2.30

  Fox Acts & Mon pag. 1410.
• * 2.31

  Octob 1. 5.
• * 2.32

  Popery resto∣red by the rest.
• b 2.33

  Ely and Ox∣foord I con∣ceive void at this time.
• * 2.34

  18.
• * 2.35

  Sixe Prote∣stant Cham∣pions in the Convocation.
• * 2.36

  25.
• c 2.37

  Foxe Acts & Mon pag. 1413.
• * 2.38

  Weston his railing on Mr. Philpot.
• * 2.39

  30. Decē. 13.
• * 2.40

  Philpot feal∣eth the truth with his blood.
• d 2.41

  Foxe Acts & Mon. pag. 1806.
• * 2.42

  Janu. 20.
• * 2.43

  1553-1554.
• * 2.44

  Wyats rising to hinder the Spanish match.
• * 2.45

  Anno Dom. 1553-1554.
• * 2.46

  The Queens Herauld sent unto him.
• * 2.47

  Almost drowned with false directi∣ons.
• * 2.48

  But all ends in merriment.
• * 2.49

  The Londo∣ners revolt to Wyat.
• * 2.50

  Janu 29.
• * 2.51

  Wyats inso∣lence, and Q, Mary her oration.
• * 2.52

  Febr. 1.
• e 2.53

  Act. & Mon pag. 1419.
• * 2.54

  Southwark•• entred and Prisons open∣ed.
• * 2.55

  Southwarke left, Kingston marched to.
• * 2.56

  Feb. 6.
• * 2.57

  The carelesse∣nesse of the Queene her Souldiers.
• a 2.58

  B. Godwins annalls of England in Q. Mary pag. 394
• * 2.59

  Wyat his march how retarded.
• * 2.60

  His double designe.
• * 2.61

  Three tunes of London in three hours.
• * 2.62

  Anno Dom. 1554
• * 2.63

  Anno Regin Mar. 3.
• * 2.64

  Wyat stopped at Ludgate.
• * 2.65

  Stows sur∣vey of London.
• a 2.66

  Hallinshed. Stow, Speed.
• b 2.67

  Fox. pag. 1419.
• * 2.68

  Penitent at his execution
• c 2.69

  Holinshed.
• * 2.70

  April 11. Q. Mary. 2.
• * 2.71

  The Empe∣rour why jea∣lous of Car∣dinall Poole.
• * 2.72

  Poole at last gets leave for England.
• d 2.73

  Antiq Brit. in Polo pag. 351.
• * 2.74

  Anno Regin Mar. 2. Marc. 22. 1555
• * 2.75

  Anno. Dom. 4. 1554-1555.
• * 2.76

  Is ordained Priest, and consecrated Arch Bishop.
• a 2.77

  Ant. Brit. in Polo pag. 353.
• * 2.78

  England re∣conciled to Rome.