The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

Observations on the Kings Injunctions.

Let us here admire Gods wisdome in our first Reformers,* 1.1 who proceeded so mode∣rately in a matter of so great consequence: To reform all at once, had been the ready way to reform nothing at all. New wine must be gently powred into old bottles, lest the strenght of the liquor, advantaged with the violence of the infusion, break the vessel. Iacob could not keep pace with Esau (presumed fleet on foot as used to hunting) whilest he had in his company, the* 1.2 tender children and flocks with young, which if over driven one day, would die. And though no doubt he himself was foot-man enough to go along with his Brother, yet he did lead on softly according as the cattle and children were able to endure. Thus our wise Re∣formers reflected discreetly on the infirmities of people, long nouzled in igno∣rance and superstition, and incapable (of a sudden and perfect alteration.)

On this account (in the third Injunction) they reduced Candles formerly sans number in Churches to two,* 1.3 upon the high Altar, before the Sacrament; these being termed lights, shews they werenot luminacaeca, but burning. Know also that

at this time there was an universall dilapidation of Chancells, and men had seen so many Abbey-Churches pluckt down, that they even left Parish-Churches to fall down on themselves; now to repair them all at once, would have stopt the holes in the Chancells, and made one in the states of the Ministers. It was therefore in the sixteenth Injunction ordered, That a fift part of their means should be imployed therein, whereby the work was effectually done without any great dammage to the Repairers.

By Memories appointed to be omitted,* 1.4 [Injunction 21.] we understand, the Obsequia for the dead, which, some say, succeeded in the place of the [Heathen] Roman Parentalia.

The abolishing Processions is politickly put on a civil account,* 1.5 [Injunction 23.] to avoid contention about places. Indeed, peoples pride herein, consisted in pre∣tended humility, which the Injunction at large, termeth a fond Courtesie. For in a mock-practise of the Apostles* 1.6 precept, in honour preferring one another, they strained courtesie to goe last. Where, by the way, I conceive that accounted the highest place, which was next the Crosse bearer, or next the Priest carrying the Host.

Quaere, whether in the 24 Injunction, labouring in time of Harvest on Holy∣daies, and Festivals, relateth not onely to those of Ecclesiasticall constitution, (as dedicated to Saints) or be inclusive of the Lords day also.

Mr. Calvin in his Letter to the Lord* 1.7 Protector,* 1.8 disliketh the praying for the dead: and this is one of those things, which he termed, tolerabiles ineptias, En∣glished by some, tolerable fooleries; more mildly by others, tolerable unfitnesses. In requital whereof, Bishop Williams was wont to say, That Master Calvin had his tolerabiles morositates.

And thus moderately did our first Reformers begin,* 1.9 as the subject they wrote on would give them leave; for as carefull Mothers and Nurses on condition they can get their Children to part with knives, are contented to let them play with raitles: So they permitted ignorant people still to retain some of their fond and foolish Customes, that they might remove from them the most dangerous and destructive Superstitions.

Come we now to give in a List of such principall Books which in the Reign of this King and His Father,* 1.10 as Preparatory to, and Introductive of Reformation; And to bring them high enough, we will begin with

HEN: 7th.

Prayers printed by the Commandements of the moost hye and vertuous Prin∣cesse our lyege Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Quene of England and of France, and also of the right hye and moost noble Princesse Margarett mother to our Soveraign Lord the King, &c. without the year when printed.

HEN: 8th.

The Institution of a Christian man contayneng the Exposition of the Com∣mune Crede, of the seaven Sacraments, of the ten Commandements, and of the Pater noster, and the Ave Maria, Justification and Pur∣gatory.

London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1537.

A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christen man, set furthe by the Kynges Majestie of England, &c.

London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1543.

HEN: 8th.

Henry the eighth his Epistle to the Emperour, Christen Princes, and all true Christen men, desiring peace and concord amonges them. Against the power of the Pope, and concerning a Generall Councell.

London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1538.

A Protestation made for the most mighty and most redoubted King of Eng∣land, &c. and his hole Counsell and Clergie, wherein is declared, that neither His Highnesse, nor His Prelates, neyther any other Prince or Prelate is bound to come or send to the pretended Councell, that Paul Bishop of Rome, first by a Bull indicted at Mantua a Citie in Italy, and now alate by an other Bull, hath proroged to a place no man can telle where.

London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1537.

Articles devised by the Kinges Highnes Majestie to stablishe Christen quietnes and unitie amonge us, and to avoyde contentious opinions, which Articles be also approved by the consent and determination of the hole Clergie of this Realme.

Lond: Tho: Barthelet, 1536.

Injunctions to the Clergie.

1536. M. Sc.

Articles devised by the holle consent of the Kinges most honourable Coun∣sayle, His Graces licence opteyned thereto, not only to exhorte, but also to enfourme His loving Subjects of the trouth.

London, Tho: Barthelet, 1533.

Orarium seu libellus Precationum per Regiam Majestatem & Clerum Latinè editus.

Ex officina Richard Graftoni, 1545.

Pia & Catholica Christiani hominis institutio.

Londini apud Thomam Barthelet, 1544.

Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarū ex authoritate primum Regis Hen: 8. inchoata, deinde per Regem Edw: 6. provecta &c.

Londini, ex officina Jo: Day, 1571.

EDW: 6th.

Injunctions given by the most excellent Prince, Edward the sixt, by the grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland: Defendor of the Fayth, and in yearthe under Christ, of the Church of England and of Ireland the Supreeme Hedde, to all and singuler His loving Subjects, aswell of the Clergie as of the Laietie.

By R. Grafton, 1547.

Articles to be enquired of in the Kynges Majesties visitation.

By Rich: Grafton, Cum privilegio.

Communion book translated into French for Jersey and Garnesey. 1553.

EDW: 6th.

The Booke of Common-Prayer and Administration of Sacraments, &c.

London, 1549. & 1552.

The forme and manner of making and consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.

1552, & 1549.

The Copie of a Letter sent to all those Preachers which the Kings Majestie hath licensed to preach, from the Lord Protectors Grace, and others of the Kinges Majesties most Honourable Councell.

The 23 of May, 1548.

Catechismus brevis, Christianae disciplinae summam continens, omnibus ludimagistris authoritate Regiâ commendatus.

Londini, 1553.

Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, 1552. ad tollenda•• opinionum dissensionem & consensum verae religionis firmandum, inter Epi∣scopos & alios eruditos atque pios viros-convenerat: Regia simi∣liter authoritate promulgati.

Londini.

The Primer or Booke of Prayers, (translated out of Hen: the 8^ths Orarium.)

London by Rich: Grafton, 1547.

Certain Sermons, (viz: the first part of the Church Homilies) appointed by the Kinges Majestie to be read everie Sonday and Holy day, &c.

1549, & 1547.

A Primer or Booke of private Prayer, &c. in the 7 yeare of Ed: 6.

Ex officina Wilhelmi Seres, 1552.

The order of the Communion, with the Proclamation.

London, by Rich: Grafton, 1548.

Q. MARIE.

The Primer in Latin and English, after the use of Sarum.

London, 1555.

Edm: Bonners Catechisme, 1555. with Homelies composed by H. Pendle∣ton, and Jo: Harpesfield.

London, 1555.

These are the principall State-books which that Age produced, (not mentioning such, (as numberlesse) which private persons set forth) onely I cannot as yet reco∣ver the Lord Cromwell's Catechisme, except it be concealed under another name, amongst the Books aforementioned.

4. Come we now to the Liturgie, which in the Reign of K. Henry the eighth, was said or sung all in Eatine, save only the Creed, Pater noster, and ten Commande∣ments, put into English by the Kings command, Anno 1536. Nine years after, viz: 1545, the Letanie was permitted in English, and this was the farthest pace

which the Reformation stept in the Reign of King Henry the eighth.* 1.11 But under His son King Edward the sixt, a new form of Divine worship was set forth in the vul∣gar Tongue, which passed a threefold purgation.

The first Edition of the Liturgie or Common-Prayer.	The 2d Edit. of the Liturgy or Com∣mon-Prayer.	The 3d Edit. of the Liturgy or Com∣mon-Prayer.
In the first year of King Edward the sixt, it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops, and others, (assembled by the King at His Castle at Windsor) and when by them compleated, set forth in Print, 1548, with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give authority there∣unto; being also recommended un∣to every Bishop by especiallc 1.12 Letters from the Lords of the Councell to see the same put in execution. And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such which should deprave or neglect the use thereof.	Some exceptions being taken by Mr. Calvin abroad, and some Zealots at home, at the former Litur∣gie, the Booke was brought under a re∣view, and by ab 1.13 Sta∣tute in Parliament it was appointed, That it should be faithfully and godly perused, ex∣plained, and made fully perfect.	In the first of Qu. Elizabeth, 1559, it was committed by the Queen to the care of some learned men by whom it was altered in some few passages, and so pre∣sented to the Parlia∣ment, and by them received and estab∣lished.

Persons imployed therein. 1. Tho: Cramer Archbishop of Can∣terbury. 2. George Day Bishop of Chiche∣ster. 3. Tho: Goodrich Bishop of Ely. 4. Johan Skip Bishop of Hereford. 5. Hen: Holbeach Bishop of Lin∣colne. 6. Nicholas Ridley Bishop of Ro∣chester. 7. Tho: Thileby Bishop of West∣minster. 8. Doctor May Dean of S. Pauls. 9. John Tailer then Dean (after∣wards Bishop of Lincolne. 10. Doctor Haines Dean of Exe∣ter. 11. Doctor Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham. 12. Doctor John Redman Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge. 13. Doctor Richard Cox then Al∣moner to the King, afterwards Bi∣shop of Ely.

Persons imployed therein. Wee meet not with their particular names, but may pro∣bably conceive they were the same with the former, for the main, though some might be superad∣ded by Royal appoint∣ment.

Persons imployed therein. 1. Master Whitehead once Chaplaine to Queen Anna Bullen. 2. Matthew Par∣ker afterwards Arch∣bishop of Canterbu∣ry. 3. Edmund Grindall afterwards Bishop of London. 4. Richard Cox af∣terwards Bishop of Ely. 5. James Pilkin∣ton afterwards Bi∣shop of Durham. 6. Doctor May Deane of St. Pauls, and Master of Tri∣nity Coll: in Cam∣bridge. 7. Sir Tho: Smith principall Secretary of Estate.

As for the fourth and last Edition of the Liturgie, in the first of King James, 1603, with some small alterations in the Rubrick, after the Conference at Hampton-Court, thereof (God willing) in due time hereafter.

5. The Book of Books still remains, I mean, the Bible it selfe. Know then that some exceptions being taken at Tindalls Translation, the Bishops (then generally Popish) complied so farre in a* 1.14 Conference with the desires of King Henry the eighth, that on condition the people would give in Tindalls [pretended false] Tran∣slation, they would set forth another, better agreeing with the Originall. And al∣though this took up some time to effect, the work being great in it self, and few workmen, as yet, Masters of the Mysterie of PRINTING; yet at last, it was ac∣complished, but more purely and perfectly done in after Ages, as by the ensuing parallels will appear.

The first Traslation of the Bible.	The second Tran∣slation of the Bible.	The third Tran∣slation of the Bible.
Set forth in the Reigne of K. Henry the eighth, An. 1541. countenanced with a grave & pious Preface of Archbishop Cranmer, and authorized by the Kings Proclamation, dated May the 6. Seconded also with c 1.15 Instructions from the King, to prepare people to receive benefit the better from so hea∣venly a treasure, it was called, The BIBLE of the greater Vo∣lume, rather commended than commanded to people. Few Countrey-Parishes could go to the cost of them, though Bi∣shop Bonner caused six of them to be chained in the Church of S. Pauls, in conveni∣ent places.	Set forth in the Reign of K. Edward the sixt, and not onely suffered to be read by particular persons, but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation, as a principall part of Di∣vine Service. Two se∣verall Editions I have seen thereof, one set forth 1549, the other 1551, but neither of them divided into ver∣ses.	Set forth in the se∣cond of Qu. Elizabeth, the last Translation, was again review'd by some of the most learned Bi∣shops (appointed there∣unto by the Queens Commission) whence it took the name of the Bishops BIBLE: and by the Queens sole com∣mandement reprinted, and left free and open to all Her well affected Subjects.

As for the last and best Translation of the Bible in the Reign of King James, by a select company of Divines imployed therein, in due time, (by Gods assistance) largely thereof.

6. And now we shall come to small game, rather than shut out, not caring how low we descend, so be it we may satisfie the Reader, and inform posterity, pre∣senting a Catalogue of such Proclamations which the King set forth in the foure first years, having any tendency or relation to Ecclesiasticall matters.

• 1. A Proclamation concerning the effectuall payment of Pensions, due out of the Court of Augmentations, to any late Abbot, Prior, &c. which it seemeth lately were detained. Anno 1^o Edvardi sexti, Septem. 18.
• 2. A Proclamation concerning the irreverent Talkers of the Sacrament: For, after the Transubstantiation, and the superstition of the Corporall presence was removed, many persons (no lesse ignorant than violent) fell from adoring to contemning of the holy Elements, till retrenched by this Procla∣mation, set forth, 1^o Edvardi sexti, Decemb. 27.
• ...

• 3. A Proclamation for abstaining from flesh in Lent-time, Anno 1^o Edvardi sexti, Januarii 16.
• 4. A Proclamation against such as innovate a Ceremony,* 1.16 or Preach without licence,* 1.17 Anno 2^o Evardi sexti, Febr. 6.
• 5. A Proclamation inhibiting Preachers, Anno 2^o Edvardi sexti, April. 24. Whereof this was the occasion: certain Popish Preachers disaffected to the Kings Government, endevoured in their Sermons to possesse people of scandalous reports against the King, as if He intended to lay strange ex∣actions on the people, and to demand Half-a-Crown a piece of every one who should be Married, Christned, or Buried. To prevent further mis∣chief, the King ordered by Proclamation, That none should Preach ex∣cept licensed under the Seals of the Lord Protector, or Archbishop of Can∣terbury.
• 6. A Proclamation for the Inhibition of all Preachers: the second of Edward the second. Sept. 23.

Because this Proclamation is short, hard to be come by, and (if I mistake not) conducing much to acquaint us with the character of those times, it may be acceptable here to exemplifie the same.

WHereas of late, by reason of certaine contro∣versious and seditious Preachers, the Kinges Majestie, moved of tender zeale, and love, which He hath to be quiet of His Subjects, by the advise of the Lord Protectour, and other His High∣nesse Councell, hath by Proclamation, inhibited and commanded, That no manner of person, except such as was licenced by His Highnesse the Lord Prote∣ctour, or by the Archbishop of Canterbury, should take upon him to preach in any open audience, upon pain in the said Proclamation contained; and that upon hope and assurance, that those being chosen and elect men, should preach and set forth onely to the people such things as should be to Gods honour, and the be∣nefit of the Kinges Majesties subjects. Yet neverthe∣lesse, His Highnesse is advertised, that certain of the said preachers, so licenced, not regarding such good

admonitions as hath been by the said Lord Prote∣ctour and the rest of the Councell on His Majesties behalf by Letters,* 1.18 or otherwise given unto them,* 1.19 hath abused the said authority of preaching; and behaved themselves irreverently, and without good order in the said preachings, contrary to such good instructi∣ons and advertisements, as was given unto them, whereby much contention and disorder might rise and insue, in this his Majesties Realm: wherefore his Highnesse, minding to see very shortly, one uniforme order, throughout this his Realm, and to put an end to all controversies in Religion, so farre as God shall give grace (for which cause at this time, certain Bishops, and notable learned men, by his hignesse commandement are congregate) hath by th' advise aforesaid thought good, although certain and many of the said preachers so before licenced, have beha∣ved themself very discretly and wisely, and to the honor of God and his highnesse contentation, yet at this present, and untill such time, that the said Order shall be set forth generally, throughout this His Majesties Realme, to inhibit, and by these presents doth inhibit generally as well the said Preachers so be∣fore licenced, as all manner of persons whosoever they be, to preach in open audience in the pulpit or other∣wise, by any sought colour or fraud, to the disobeying of this commandement, to the intent that the whole Clergie in this mean space, might apply themself to prayer to Almighty God, for the better atchieving of the same most Godly intent and purpose, not doubt∣ing but that also His loving Subjects in the mean time will occupie themself to Gods honour, with due prayer in the Church, and patient hearing of the Godly Ho∣melies, heretofore set forth by His Highnesse Injun∣ctions unto them, and so endevour themself, that they may be the more ready with thankefull obedience to

receive a most quiet,* 1.20 godly,* 1.21 and uniform order, to be had throughout all His said Realms and Dominions. And therefore, hath willed all His loving Officers, and Ministers, as well Justices of peace, as Majors, She∣riffs, Bailiffs, Constables, or any other His Offi∣cers, of what estate, degree, or condition soever they be, to be attendant upon this Proclamation and com∣mandement, and to see the infringers or breakers thereof to be imprisoned; and His Highnesse, or the Lord Protectors grace, or His Majesties Coun∣cell, to be certified thereof immediately, as they tender His Majesties pleasure, and will answer to the con∣trary at their perill.

16. Some Preachers perusing the aforesaid Proclamation,* 1.22 will complain of persecution, that all the Pulpits in England should be universally silenced at once, and will conclude it summum jus, That the Righteous, should be condemned with the Wicked: the mouthes of good Ministers stopt with Railers. Well might the souls of weak Christians be faint and feeble, having no warm meat, but the cold Homi∣lies allowed them. But Statesmen easily excuse the matter, finding the juncture of time falling out when many Popish Pulpits sounded the Alarum to Ket his Re∣bellion, and the Devon-shire Commotion, whereof hereafter. Besides, this prohi∣bition of preaching lasted but for few weeks, and we read of a silence for about* 1.23 the space of half an hour even in heaven it self.

7. A Proclamation for the payment of the late Incumbents of Colledges,* 1.24 and Chanteries,* 1.25 lately dissolved, Anno 3^o Edvardi sexti, Octob. 31.

17. The Pulpit thus shut and silent by Proclamation,* 1.26 the Stage was the more open and vocall for the same, the Popish Priests (which though unseen) stood be∣hinde the hanging, or lurked in the tyring-bouse, removed their invectives from Sermons to Playes, and a more proper place indeed for the venting thereof. Here it made old sport, to see the New Religion (as they term it) made ridiculous, with the prime Patrons thereof, which caused the insuing Proclamation for the prohi∣bition.

8. A Proclamation for the inhibition of Players,* 2.1 Anno 3 Edvardi 6. Aug: 6. And some perchance will not grudge the time to read the form thereof.* 2.2

FOrasmuch, as a great number of those that be common Players of Enterludes and Plaies, as well within the City of London, or elsewhere, within the Realm, doe for the most part play such Interludes, as contain matter, tending to sedi∣tion, and contemning of sundry good orders and laws; where∣upon are grown, and daily are like to grow and ensue much dis∣quiet, division, tumults, and uprores in this Realm: the Kings Majestie, by the advise and consent of his dearest Uncle, EDWARD Duke of Somerset, Governour of His Person, and Protectour of His Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and the rest of His Highnesse privie Councell, straitly chargeth and commandeth all, and every His Maje∣sties subjects, of whatsoever state, order, or degree they be, that from the ninth day of this present Month of August, untill the Feast of All-Saints next comming, they, nor any of them, openly, or secretly, play in the English Tongue, any kinde of Interlude, Play, Dialogue, or other matter, set forth in form of play, in any place, publick or private, within this Realm, upon pain that whosoever shall play in English any such Play, Interlude, Dialogue, or other matter, shall suffer imprisonment, and further punishment, at the pleasure of His Majestie.

For the better execution whereof, His Majesty, by the said advise and consent, straitly chargeth and commandeth all and singular Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, Head∣boroughs, Tythingmen, Justices of Peace, and all other His Majesties head Officers, in all the parts throughout the Realm, to give order, and speciall heed, that this Proclama∣tion be in all behalfs, well and truly kept and observed, as they and every of them tender His Highnesse pleasure, and will avoid His indignation.

18. The Proclamation being but temporary, did not take down, but only clear the stage for a time, reformed Enterludes (as they term them) being afterward permitted; yea, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, Scripture-plaies were acted even in the Church it self, which in my opinion, the more pious, the more profane, stoop∣ing faith to fancy, and abating the majestie of Gods Word. Such Pageants might inform, not edifie, though indulged the ignorance of that Age: For, though chil∣dren may be played into Learning, all must be wrought into Religion, by Ordinan∣ces of Divine institutions, and the means ought to be as serious, as the end is secret.

REx omnibus ad quos praesentes &c. salutem. Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia & mero motu nostris dedimus & concessimus ac per praesentes damus & concedimus dilecto servienti nostro Thomae Barthelet Im∣pressori nostro quandam annuitatem sive quendam annualem redditum quatuor librarum sterlingorum, Habendum & an∣nuatim percipiendum praedictam annuitatem sive annualem redditum quatuor librarum eidem Thomae Barthelet à Festo Paschae, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo primo, durante vita sua de Thesauro nostro ad receptum Scaccarii nostri per manus Thesaurarum & Camerarii nostrorum ibidem pro tempore existendo ad Festa Sancti Michaelis Archangeli & Paschae per equales portiones &c. quod expressa mentio &c.

❧In cujus &c. testimonium rei apud Westminsterien∣sem vicesimo secundo die Februarii, Anno Regni HENRICI Octavi vicesimo primo.

Per Breve de privato Sigillo.

19. An ample Commission was granted to Iohn Dudley Earl of Warwick,* 3.1 and eight more, any seven, six, five, four, three, two, or one of them, to visit in capite, & membris, the whole Diocesse, but especially the University of Oxford. The effects of this Visitation doe not appear, save onely that they so clearly purged the Uni∣versity from all Monuments of superstition, that they left not one Book of many goodly Manuscripts, wherewith it was furnished by the munificence of severall Be∣nefactors. Thus covetousness and ambition are such active vices, they are seldome off the Theater, though not appearing with their own faces, but the borrowed masks of publick good of Church or State. Such Robbers deserve not the benefit of the Cler∣gie to be saved by their book, who feloniously, (not to say sacrilegiously) purloined a publick Library from an University.

20. The blame is commonly cast on Doctor Cox,* 3.2 who, as one saith (but it is but one who saith it) being then Chancellour of the University. so* 3.3 cancelled the Books thereof, they could never since recover them. Indeed, I findeb 3.4 another Au∣thor charging him therewith, but with this Parenthesis (tis said) and my charity would fain believe Fame a false report therein, finding him otherwise a deserving person, very well qualified; and it is strange to me, that he who at this present, was the Kings Almoner to dispense his charity in giving to others, should be so cruell and covetous, and to deprive an University of so pretious a treasure so long and justly belonging unto them.

21. The King's affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil stood now in a probable posture of success,* 3.5 gliding on with a faire and full current, when both on a sodain were unexpectedly obstructed with domestical dissentions of his own Subjects. Dis∣tempers not considerable, if singly considered in themselves, but very dangerous in their concurrence, as if all in severall Counties, at one instant were acted with the same Spirit of Rebellion. My Author imputeth it to Midsommer-Moon, and the Sun now in Cancer, though surely it proceeded from a deeper cause, as will ap∣pear to the perusers of these two contemporary Treasons:

Devon Commotion.

Norfolk Rebellion.

1. It began on Whiteson-monday at Sampford-Courtney,* 3.6 where the People tumultuously compelled the Priest (whose secret compliance is suspected by some covertly to court their compul∣sion) to say Masse, and officiate in La∣tine, as best pleased with what they least understood. 2. Henry Arundle Esquire, Governor of the Mount in Cornwall (one whose abilities might have been better imploy∣ed) Winnslade a man of worship, and one Coffin Gentleman, were their princi∣pall Conducters. Otherwise (though assuming to themselves the high style of the Commons of Devonshire and Corn∣wall) they were but an heap of mean Mechanicks, though many in number, and daily increasing, so that at last they were reputed to exceed ten thousand, all stout and able persons. 3. Sir Pierce Courtney Sheriffe of De¦von shire appear'd very loyal and active for their seasonable suppressing. But o∣thers of the County Gentry, (whose names I had rather the Reader should learn from my Authors pen, than mine own) by their privie connivance, and in effect concurrence, much advantaged their proceedings. Many were taken Prisoners by them,* 3.7 because they would be taken, and found favour thereupon. And now the seditious march in a full body to Exeter, and on the Citizens re∣fusall to admit them in, resolve sudden∣ly to besiege it, boasting they would shortly measure the Silks and Sattins therein by the length of their Bowes. 4. Exeter is a round City on a rising Hill, most capable of fortification both for the site and forme thereof. Her walls (though of the old Edition) were com∣petently strong and well repaired. John Blackallar Major of Exeter, though a

meer Merchant, little skilled in Politick, lesse in Military affairs, had wisdome to know, who were wiser than himself, and willingly to be directed by them. And now the Seditious having taken ordnance at Topsham, set down before Exeter, pre∣suming quickly to conquer the same. 5. But first they are consulting about Articles to be sent to the King.* 3.8 Some would have no Justices (can you blame Offenders if desiring to destroy their e∣nemies?) others no Gentlemen, all no English service: Masse must be resto∣red, the six Articles (lately repealed) they would have put in execution, and Popery re established. Concluding all with this close, (the gilded paper to wrap up poisonous Treasons at the beginning thereof) We pray God save King ED∣WARD, for we be His, both body and goods. Whose unreasonable demands were justly rejected by the King, yet pardon proclaimed to such as would accept thereof: which the Seditious (mistaking the Kings favour, to be His fear utterly refused. 6. Mean time Exeter was not so much frighted with her foes without,* 3.9 as with famine and faction within the walls thereof Great was the want of victu••als and bread especially. Now Plebs nescit jejuna timere. Where there is the barking of the belly, there no other commands will be heard, much lesse obeyed. But this was in some sort qualified by proportioning all pro∣visions in the City to all alike, and mean folke will be the better pleased with course and short diet, when eating out of the same dish with their betters. When in successfull sallies they recove∣red any cattle from the Rebels, the poor had the principall share thereof. 7. Faction in the City was of most dangerous consequence, the generality thereof favouring Popery, and cordial Protestants but few in comparison of the other party. However, this was a good help to the Protestants, that such who severed from them in the Church, joyned with them in the Town house. Rich Pepists feared their goods would be condemned as heretical even by the Rebels of their own Religion, which made them persist in their loyalty to their Soveraign.

8. John Russell, Lord privie Seal, was sent down with small Forces to sup∣presse the Commotion. A person very proper for that service, as of a stout spirit, and richly landed in this County. He stayed some time at Honyton in vain expecting promised supplies, either be∣cause this Lord was lookt on as of the Protectors party, whose Court-interest did much decline, or because Norfolke Rebellion, as nearer London, engrossed all warlike provisions. Thus was this Lord in deep distresse, having nothing (save his Commission) strong about him, and his few forces, for fear, and want of pay, began daily to forsake him. 9. And now following the advice of the Dorset-shire Gentry, he was ready to return, when three Princely Merchants (for so may I term them, both for great interest, and loyal intentions) viz: Tho∣mas Prestwood, Thomas Bodly, and John Periam, so improved their credits with Bristoll, Lime, and Taunton, that they furnished the Lord Russell with necessa∣ries to march forward. Animated here∣with, they advance, and gave the Re∣bels such a blow at Fenington-bridge, that they left three hundred of their bo∣dies dead on the place. 10. Soon after the Lord Gray of Wil∣ton, (whose slownesse may be excused, as busied by the way in suppressing Tu∣mults in Buckingham and Oxford shire) came with a company of Horsmen, and 300 Italian Shot, under Baptist Spinola their Leader, to recruit the Lord Russell. Here one would wonder to behold the native English fighting in the mainte∣nance of the Masse, opposed by Italians, untill he considereth, that these foraig∣ners, being Souldiers of Fortune, con∣sulted the Coine, not the Cause of such as entertained them. And now the Kings Army advanceth towards Exe∣ter, a word or two of which Cities sad condition. 11. The Rebels had often attempted to fire the Gates of the City, till at last the Citizens found the Paradox true, that the onely way to keep their City shut was to set their Gates open, making ram∣pires more defensible behinde them. As for the Enemies intent to undermine and blow up the Walls, it was first dis∣covered, then defeated by John New∣combe

a Tinner of Teingmouth.* 3.10 For ta∣king advantage of the declivity of the City on that side, he countermin'd the Re∣bels work, and then deriv'd into it all the kennels and water-courses (falling down with a great precipice) and so drowned the vault intended with powder to blow up the Walls. Besides, at the same in∣stant set an impetuous showre which added to the Deluge. Thus in vain doth Hell seek to kindle that Fire, when Hea∣ven intendeth to poure water for the quenching thereof. 12. Famine raged most extremely, insomuch as they were fain to bake bran and meal moulded up in cloathes, for otherwise it would not stick together. Nor must the worthy resolution of a loyall Citizen be forgotten, publickly professing, That rather than he would surrender the City to the Rebels, he would fight with one arm, and feed on the other. And now were they reduced to utmost extremity when the seasonable ap∣proach of Lord privie Seale put a period to their Miseries. For at the winde-mill of S. Mary Clist after a bloody Battle, (wherein Sir William Francis was slain on the King's side) the Rebels were routed and sorced to flie, leaving a thousand of their corps dead on the place. Miles Coverdail gave publick thanks to God for the victory in the view of Exeter, and soon after was made the Bishop thereof. 13. Then the Lord caused S. Mary Clist to be burnt to the ground, though it was his own Town, as knowing full well, Traytours to their King, would never make good Tenants to their Landlord. And on Clist-heath a second fight was begun, where the Rebels were finally overcome. The Lord privie Seal marched into Exeter, and was there (as he well deserved) welcomed with all possible expressions of joy. Sir William Herbert with 1000 Welsh came too late to fight, but soon enough to be an ho∣nourable Witnesse of the victory. 14. This sixt of August,* 3.11 the day of their deliverance, is an high festival in the Almanack of Exeter. Good cheer,

and (thereby I justly guesse) their great gratitude being annually observed, with a publick Sermon to perpetuate the me∣mory of Gods mercy unto them. Yet such Solemnities doe daily decay, every new Generation being removed one degree farther from the deliverance The King conferred the Manour of Exetland, (formerly belonging to the City, but wrested from it by the Earls of Devon-shire) on their Corporation, in reward of their loyalty and valour. 15. Humphrey Arundle, Winslade, Bery, and Coffi were executed, and as this Commotion began, it ended at Sampford-Courtney, where their last remnant was defeated. Six Popish Priests were hanged, with Welsh the Vi∣car of St. Thomas, though all this was but mercy to the cruelty of Sir Anthony Kingston Provost-Marshall in trussing up many mean offenders.

1. It began about the 20th of June at Attilborrough about the laying open of Commons,* 3.12 pretended lately inclosed to the prejudice of the Poor. Much increa∣sed on the 6•• of July at Windham Play, where there was a great confluence of idle people repairing from all parts of the County. 2. Robert Ket,* 3.13 Tanner of Windham, one of more wealth than common folk of his craft, yet of more wit than wealth, confidence than either, was chosen their Captain. He with two Assistants, chosen out of every hundred, kept his Kings Bench, Chancery, and all other Courts, under a Tree, termed the Oake of Refor∣mation, where he did justice, (be it wrong or right) to all such as were summo∣ned before him. In short time they in∣creased to be more than twenty thou∣sand. 3. Sir Edmond Windham Sheriffe of Northfolke,* 3.14 commanded them in the King's name peaceably to depart. But had not his Horsemanship been better than his Rhetorick, himself had not de∣parted the place. Yea now the* 3.15 Rebels began to play their pranks, threatning to burn the House,* 3.16 and defacing the Dovecoat, (formerly a Chappel before it was turned of an House of Prayer into a Den of Thieves) of Master Corbets of Sprowston, and committing many out∣rages, layed all Pastures rather waste than open, where they came. Yea, now they march towards Norwich the chief place in the County. 4. Norwich is like a great volume with a bad cover,* 3.17 having at best but parchment walls about it. Nor can it with much cost and time be effectually fortified, because under the frowning brow of Moushold Hill, hanging over

it. The River Yere so wanton, that it knoweth not its own minde which way to goe, such the involved flexures there∣of within a mile of this City, runneth partly by, partly through it, but con∣tributeth very little to the strengthning thereof. 5. The Rebels encamped, or rather enkennelled themselves on Moushold-Hill, (whereon Mount-Surry a fair House of the Dukes of Northfolk) whence they had free egresse and regresse into Nor∣wich as oft as they pleased. One Coi¦gniers, a Vicar in the City, they had for their Chaplain, and were so religi∣ously rebellious, that prayers Morning and Evening were read amongst them. Mean time, so intolerable was their in∣solence that now they sent up such De∣mands to the King, to which He neither would in honour, nor could in justice con∣descend. Yet the King constantly che∣quered His comminations with Proclama∣tians of pardon, which the Rebels scorn'd to accept. 6. As for Thomas Cod Major of Nor∣wich, and others of the Gentry, detained prisoners in Ket's camp, they were ad∣mitted to the counsels of the Rebels for the better credit thereof. If Ket were present, they were no better than herbe John in the pottage, and had no influ∣ence on their consultations. But if he happily chanced to be absent, then they were like S. Johns wort, (so soveraign for soars, and against the plague it self) and did much mitigate the fury of their mischievous Decrees. Mean time great plenty was in Kets camp, (where a fat sheep was sold for a groat) but penury and misery in all other places. 7. Doctor Matthew Parker (after∣wards Archbishop of Canterbury) get∣ting up into the Oake of Reformation, preached to their Rebels of their duty and allegiance. But the Oake as soon as the Auditory would embrace his Do∣ctrine, yea his life was likely to be ended before his Sermon (Arrows being shot at him) had not Coigniers, Kets Chap∣lain, seasonably, yet abruptly, set the Te Deum, during the singing whereof the Dr. withdrew to sing his part at home, and thank God for his great deliverance.

8. William Par Marquesse of North∣hampton, * 3.18 but more acquainted with the witty, than the warlike part of Pallas, (as compleat in Musick, Poetry, and Court∣ship) with many persons of honour, as the Lords Sheffield, and Wentworth, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir Ralph Sadlier, Sir Thomas Paston, &c. is sent to quell this Rebellion. They were assisted with a band of Italians, under Malatesta their Captain, whereof the Rebels made this advantage to fill the Countrey with complaints, that these were but an hand∣full of an armfull to follow driving on the designe, to subject England to the insolence of Foraigners. 9. Now,* 3.19 though neither wisdome nor valour was wanting in the Kings Soul∣diers, yet successe failed them, being too few to defend Norwich, and oppose the Rebels. Insomuch that the Lord Shef∣field was barbarously butcher'd, Sr Tho: Corwallis taken prisoner, and the City fired by the Rebels: which probably had been burnt to ashes, had not the clouds commiserating the Cities calamity, and melting into tears, quenched the flames: and thus the Marquesse fain to quit the service, returned to London. 10. Then was John Dudley Earle of Warwick,* 3.20 with such Forces as were in∣tended for Scotland, sent to undertake the Task. The Marquesse of North∣hampton attended him to trie whether he could be more fortunate in follow∣ing than he had been in leading. Com∣ing to Norwich he easily entred the Ci∣ty, and entertained the Rebels with ma∣ny sallies with various successe, here too long to relate, but generally the Earle of Warwick came off with the better. 11. Now the Rebels impregnable in some sort, if still keeping Moushold-Hill, (whereon the Earles Horse could doe small service) deserted it of their own accord, and came down into Dussin∣dale. Here their superstition fancied themselves sufficiently fenced by the virtue of an old prophecie.

Hob, Dick, and Hick, with clubs and clouted shoon, Shall fill up Dassin-dale with blood of slaughtered bodies soon. It hath ever been charged on the En∣glish, as if they alwaies carried an old Prophesie about with them in their pock∣ets, which they can produce at pleasure to promote their designes, though oft mistaken in the application of such e∣quivocating Predictions, as here these silly folke were deluded. For, it being believed, that Dussin dale must make a large and soft pillow for Death to rest thereon, these Rebels apprehended them∣selves the Upholsters to make, who pro∣ved onely the stuffing to fill the same. 12. The Earle glad that the enemy had quitted the Hill, fell with all his forces upon them, and here happened a most bloody Battle. The Rebels di∣sputed the ground, with their naturall Logick (as I may term it) down-right blows, without much military Disci∣pline. Here one might have seen young Boyes (timely Traytours) plucking the arrows wherewith they were wounded out of their own flesh, and giving them to those of their owne party to shoot them back againe.* 3.21 Here some thrust through with spears, wilfully engaged their Bodies the deeper thereon, onely striving to reach out their revenge on those who wounded them. But at last rage was conquered by courage, number by valour, Rebellion by Loyalty, and in the fight and pursuit two thousand at the least were slain. 13. Remarkable was Divine Provi∣dence in preserving the captive Gentle∣men of the Countrey, whom the Rebels coupled together and set them in the front of the Fight. Now, although it be true what David saith,* 3.22 The sword de¦voureth one as well as another: yet so discreetly did Captaine Druery charge the Van of the Rebels, that most of these innocent Prisoners made their escape. The last litter of Kets kennell stifly stan∣ding out and fortifying themselves, ac∣cepted of pardon on the Earls promise it should be assured unto them. 14. On the nine and twentieth of Au∣gust a solemn Thanks-giving was made in Norwich for their deliverance,* 3.23 and is

annually continued. Indeed, this City being betwixt weaknesse and strength ••s taxed for wavering at the time betwixt Loyalty and Revolt, though to give the Citizens their due, many expressed their fidelity to their Prince as farre as they durst for fear of destruction. Yet better had it been had Norwich been weaker to be quitted, or stronger to be defended, whose mongrell strength exposed it to the greater misery. 15. Robert Ket was hanged on Nor∣wich Castle,* 3.24 William his brother on Windham Steeple, Nine others on the Oake of Reformation, which never till then brooked the name thereof. A∣mongst these, Miles, a cunning Can∣noneer, was much lamented, because re∣morse kept him from doing much mis∣chief to which his cunning did enable him.

Thus by Gods blessing on Mans endevours both these Rebellions were seasonably supprest. That of Devon-shire did openly avouch the advancing of Popery; the other was suspected secretly fomented by some Papists, who stood behinde the curtain, but ready to step on the stage, had Successe of the Designe but given them the Cue of Entrance. As for the Rebellion at the same time in York shire, which from a small pustle might have proved a painfull bile, yea, a fistulated ulcer if neg∣lected, it was quickly quelled on the execution of Omler and Dale, the chief pro∣moters thereof.

22. By the favour of Sir Thomas Cotton,* 3.25 having obtained to make use of his Library (our English Vatican,* 3.26 for Manuscripts) I shall transcribe King Edwards Diurnall, written with His own hand, of the transactions in His Reigne. True it is His Observations, for his two first years, are short, and not exactly expressing the notation of time, but His Notes as the Noter, got perfection with His age. They most belong to Secular affairs, out of which we have selected such as respect Ec∣clesiasticall matters. May the Reader be pleased to take notice, that though my Observations, as printed, goe a-breast in parallel Columes with those of His High∣nesse, it is my intention they should observe their distance, in their humble atten∣dance thereupon.

Text Royall.* 4.1

THe Lord Protectour by his owna 4.2 agreement,* 4.3 and sub∣mission, lost hisb 4.4 Protectourship, Treasurership, Marshalship, all his Moveables, and neer 2000 li. Land by Act of Parliament.

The Bp. ofc 4.5 Chichester before a vehement affirmer of Transub∣stantiation, * 4.6 did Preach against it at Westminster in the Preaching∣place.* 4.7

My Lord Somerset taken into the Counsel.* 4.8

Order taken,* 4.9 that whosoever hadd 4.10 Benefices given them, should preach before the King, in or out of Lent, and every Sun∣day there should be a Sermon.

Masse for the Lady Mary denied to the Emperourse 4.11 Am∣bassadour.* 4.12

It is granted that my Lord of Somerset should have all his mo∣veable Goods,* 4.13 and Leases, except those that be alreadyf 4.14 given.* 4.15

Joaneg 4.16 Bocher, otherwise cal∣led Joane of Kent, was burnt for holding, that Christ was not incar∣nate of the Virgin Mary, being condemned the year before, but kept in hope of conversion. The Bishops of London and Ely were to perswade her, but she with∣stood them, and reviled the Prea∣cher that preached at her death.

The Lord Cobham and Sir Wil∣liam Peter came home from their journy,* 4.17 delivering both the Oath, and the Testimonial of the Oath, witnessed by divers Noblemen of France, and also theh 4.18 Treaty sea∣led with the great Seal of France,

and in both was confessed that I wasi 4.19 supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland.* 4.20

The Duke of Somerset,* 4.21 Mar∣quesse of North-hampton, Lord Treasurer Bedford, and the Se∣cretary Peter, went to the Bishop of Winchester to know to what he wouldk 4.22 stick. He made Answer, that he would obey, and let forth all things set forth by Me, and My Parliament; and if he were troubled in conscience, he would reveal it to the Councell, and not reason openly against it.

The Books of My Proceed∣ings were sent to the Bishop of Winchester to see whether hee would set his hand to it,* 4.23 or pro∣mise to set it forth to the people.

The Duke of Somerset,* 4.24 with five others of the Councell, went to the Bp. of the Winchester; to whom he made this Answer: I having deliberately seen the Book of Com∣mon-Prayer, although I would not have made it so my self, yet I finde such things in it as satisfieth my conscience, & therefore both I will execute it my self, and also see other myl 4.25 Parishioners to doe it. This was subscribed by the a∣foresaid Counsellours, that they heard him say these words.

The Earl of Warwick,* 4.26 the Lord Treasurer, Sir William Herbert,

and Secretary Peter, went to the Bishop of Winchester with certain Articles, signed by Me and the Councel, containing the Confes∣sing of his Fault, the Supremacy, the establishing of Holy-daies, the abolishing of the six Articles, &c. whereunto he put his hand, saving to the Confession.

Sir William Herbert, and the Secretary Peter,* 4.27 were sent to him to tell him, That I marvelled that he would not put his hand to the Con∣fession: To whom he made An∣swer, That he would not doe it, be∣cause he wasm 4.28 innocent.* 4.29

The Bishop of London, Secre∣tary Peter, Mr. Cecil, and Goode∣rich, were commanded to make certain Articles according to the Laws, and to put them in the Sub∣mission.

It was appointed that under the n 4.30 shadow of preparing for Sea-mat∣ters, * 4.31 there should be sent 5000 lib. to the Protestants to get their good wills.

The Bishop of Winchester de∣nied theo 4.32 Articles,* 4.33 which the Bi∣shop of London and others had made.

The Bishop of Winchester was p 4.34 sequestred from his fruits for three months.* 4.35

The Lady Mary,* 4.36 after long Communication was content to

come to Lees,* 4.37 to the Lord Chan∣cellours, and then to Hunsdon, but She utterly denied to come to the q 4.38 Court, or Oking, at that time.

The Lord Chancellor fell sore sick,* 4.39 with 40 more of hisr 4.40 house, that the Lady Mary came not thither at this time.

There were Letters sent to e∣very Bishop to pull downe the Altars.* 4.41

There were Letters sent for the taking of certains 4.42 Chaplains of the Lady Mary,* 4.43 for saying Masse, which She denied.

Whaley was examined for per∣swading divers Nobles of the Realm to make the Duke of So∣merset t 4.44 Pro••ector at the next Par∣liament,* 4.45 stood to the Denial, the Earle of Rutland affirmed it ma∣nifestly.

The Bishop of Winchester after a long triall was deposed his Bi∣shoprick.* 4.46

It seems some legall formalities were pretended wanting in Gardiner his depriva∣tion. For in my memory a Suit was commenced, to overthrow a long Lease made by Bishop Poinet (Gardiner's successour in Winchester) on this point, that Gardiner still remained lawfull Bishop, but nothing therein was effected.

23. Come we now to the saddest difference that ever happened in the Church of England,* 4.47 if we consider either the time how long it continued, the eminent per∣sons therein ingaged, or the dolefull effects thereby produced. It was about matters of conformity. Alas! that men should have lesse wisdome than locusts; which, when sent on God's errand, Did not* 4.48 thrust one another: whereas here such shoving, and shouldring; and hoising, and heavings, and justleing, and thronging, betwixt Clergie-men of the highest parts, and places. For now non∣conformity in the daies of King Edward was conceived, which afterward in the Reign of Queen Mary (but beyond Sea at Frankford) was born; which in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth was nursed, and weaned; which under King James grew up a young youth, or tall stripling; but towards the end of King Charles His Reign, shot up to the full strength, and stature of a man, able, not onely to coap with, but conquer the Herarchie its adversary.

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24. Two opposite parties now plainly discovered themselves,* 4.49 driving on diffe∣rent interests,* 4.50 under their respective Patrones;* 4.51

Founders of Conformity. 1. Such as remained here all the Reign of King Henry the eighth, and weathered out the tempest of His tyrannie at open Sea, partly by a politick compliance, and partly by a cautious con∣cealment of themselves. 2. These, in the daies of King Ed∣ward the sixt, were possessed of the best preferments in the land. 3. And retained many ceremonies practiced in the Romish Church, conceiving them to be antient, and decent in themselves. 4. The authority of Cranmer, and activity of Ridley headed this party; the former being the highest, the latter the hottest in defence of conformity.

Founders of Non-conformity. 1. Such as fled hence beyond the Seas, chiefly into Germany, where, living in States, and Cities of popular Re∣formation, they suck'd in both the aire, and discipline of the place they lived in. 2. These, returning late into England, were at a losse for meanes, and maintenance, onely supported with the reputation of being Confessors, rendring their patience to the praise, and their persons to the pity of all conscientious people. 3. And renounced all ceremonies pra∣cticed by the Papists, conceiving, that such ought not onely to be clipt with the sheers, but to be sha∣ved with a raizor; yea, all the stumps thereof to be pluckt out. 4. John Rogers, Lecturer in S. Pauls, and Vicar of S. Sepulchres, with John Hooper, afterwards Bishop of Glo∣cester, were Ring-leaders of this party.

This Iohn Hooper was bred in Oxford, well skill'd in Latine, Greek, and Hebrew, (a little of the last would go farre in this Age) and afterwards travelled over into Switzerland. Yea, he seemed to some to have brought Switzerland back with him, in his harsh, rough, and unpleasant behaviour, being grave into rigour, and severe into surliness. Yet to speak truth, all Hoopers ill nature consisted in other mens little acquaintance with him. Such as visited him once, condemned him of over-austerity; who repaired to him twice, onely suspected him of the same; who conversed with him constantly, not onely acquitted him of all mo∣rosity, but commended him for sweetness of manners: which, saith my Author, (Godwin in the Bishops of Glocester) endeared him to the acquaintance of Bullin∣ger. This Hooper was preferred to be Bishop of Glocester, by the special favour of his Patrone, Iohn Earl of Warwick, afterward Duke of Northumberland.

25. The worst was,* 4.52 when Hooper came to be consecrated Bishop of Glocester, he scrupled the wearing of certain Episcopall ornaments (Rochet, Chimere, Square-cap, &c.) producing a Letter from the Earl of Warwick (omniprevalent then at Court, in the declining of his Corrival, the Duke of Somerset) that he might be favourably dispensed with therein, according to the tenour ensuing, to Archbishop Cranmer.

AFter my most hearty commendations to your Grace, these may be to desire the same, that in such reasonable things, wherein this be••rer, my Lord Elect of Glocester craveth to be born withall at your hands, you would vouch safe to shew him your Graces favour; the rather at this my instance. Which thing partly I have taken in hand by the Kings Majesties own motion. The matter is weighed by His Highnesse, none other, but that your Grace may facilely condescend thereunto. The principall cause is, that you would not charge this said Bearer with an Oath burdenous to his conscience. And so for lack of time I commit your Grace to the tuition of Almighty God.

Your Graces most assured loving friend.* 5.1 John Warwick.

What this Oath was, (because not expressed) is variously conjectured. Parsons, to render Hooper more odious, will have it the Oath of Supremacy; which, in my opinion, is improbable, it being utterly unlikely, that the King would dispense with any from taking Oath, wherein His owne Dignity was so neerly con∣cern'd. I conceive it the Oath of Canonical obedience to the Archbishop, which consequentially commanded such ceremonies, which Hooper was willing to de∣cline. For, in the Kings next Letter, wrote thirteen daies after to the same pur∣pose, there is mention onely of offensive Rites, and Ceremonies, and of no Oath at all, as coincident with the former, and obligatory to such Canonical observances. But see the Letter.

RIght Reverend Father, and right trusty, and well-beloved, We greet you well. Whereas We, by the ad∣vice of Our Councel, have called & chosen Our right well-beloved, and well-worthy Mr. John Hooper, Professor of Divinity, to be Our Bishop of Glocester, as well for his great learning, deep judgment, and long study, both in the Scriptures, and other profound learning; as also for his good discretion, ready utterance, and honest life for that kinde of vocation, &c. From consecrating of whom, We understand you doe stay, because he would have you omit, and let passe certain Rites and Ceremonies offen∣sive to his conscience, whereby ye thinke, you should fall in Praemunire of Laws: We have thought good by ad∣vise aforesaid, to dispense, and discharge you of all man∣ner of dangers, penalties, and forfeitures you should run into, and be in any manner of way, by omitting any of the same. And these Our Letters shall be your sufficient warrant, and discharge therefore.

¶Given under Our Signet, at our Castle of Windsor,* 5.2 the fourth year of Our Reign.

All would not doe. Resolute Ridley stood stifly to his tackling, and here was old bandying of the businesse betwixt them, and Arguments urged on both sides.

Pro. 1. The Ornaments were indifferent of themselves, and of antient use in the Church. 2. Being enjoyned by lawfull au∣thority, they became necessary, not to salvation, but to Church-unity; and it was scandalous to decline them. 3. It would bring the Papist over to our Church, beholding all things by them used, not totally abolished by a spirit of contra∣diction, but some decent cor∣respondencies still moderately continued. 4. It would cast a slurre on the cre∣dit of such Bishops, who for∣merly had used those Orna∣ments, as more remisse in Reli∣gion, than such as refused them. 5. Those that have stubborn wills, pretend too often to tender con∣sciences; nor ought a private person to be indulged, with the disturbance of the publick uni∣formity of the Church.

Con. 1. The best thing that could be said of them was, that they were uselesse, being otherwise ridiculous, and su∣perstitious. 2. Cursed be he that removes the bound∣marks. Grant them indifferent in themselves, and left so by Divine Wisdome, it was presumption in man to stamp necessity upon them. 3. Too much of the Serpent, nothing of the Dove herein, to offend those within, to invite those without to the Church, driving Protestants thence, to draw Papists thither. 4. The credits of some good men were not to be preserved, by destroying the consciences of others. 5. Hooper put himself upon the triall of the Searcher of hearts, that no ob∣stinacie, but meer conscience made him refuse those Ornaments.

In a word, all those Arguments, which later Ages have more amply enlarged, more clearly explained, more cunningly improved, more violently enforced, were then and there first solidly propounded, and solemnly set down on both sides. Posterity in this matter having discovered no new Mine, but onely refined, what formerly was found out in this Controversie.

26. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field,* 5.3 to shift for himself. Indeed, he had higher things in his head, than to attend such trifles: not so much to procure a Mitre for his Chaplain, as a Crown for himself, even then secretly laying a design to derive the Scepter into his own family. Yea, Hooper was sent to prison, and kept some daies in* 5.4 durance, till at last he conde∣scended to conform himselfe in his habit, to the rest of his brethren, and so was consecrated Bishop of Glocester.

27. But that, which most opens the mouthes of Papists,* 5.5 and other adversaries against Hooper, is, because he, who scrupled the poor Bishoprick of Glocester, afterward held the wealthy Bishoprick of Worcester in Commendam with it. We read of ab 5.6 wedge of gold, and little wedges (say they) widen mens consciences for the receiving of greater: yea, thus the haters of marriage, first become guilty of bigamie. But let such know, First, that the Dioceses of Glocester, and Worcester, lie both contiguous together. Secondly, many single Bishopricks in England, are larger than both for extent in Land, and number of Parishes. Thirdly, no worse a man than S. Dunstan himself, had the Bishoprick of Worcester, and London with it, at the same time, being farre more distant, and remote. Fourthly, it is not the having of two Bishopricks together, but the neglecting of one is the sin; whereas

Hooper in preaching, and visiting, afforded double diligence in his double Diocess.

28. The mention of Hooper his holding of the Bishoprick of Worcester in Com∣mendam, * 5.7 mindes me of a difficulty, which (though I cannot answer) I must not omit. It is this, Seeing that Latimer was outed of that Bishoprick in the daies of King Henry the eighth, on the account of the Six Articles, why was he not re∣stored to the same under King Edward the sixt? especailly, seeing Nicholas Heath, his successour, was legally deprived, and the place actually void. Whereas on the contrary Hugh Latimer continued Hugh Latimer, without any addition of pre∣ferment. Here first we must largely trade in negatives. It was not for any want of favour from the King, seeing he stood rectus in Curia, in relation to His Ma∣jesty. Nor was it because his down-right Sermons disobliged the Courtiers who generally delight in soft preaching, as inc 5.8 soft cloathing. Nor was it out of sullen∣nesse, because he would not be bedded again with that wife, which (though un∣willingly) had in his absence embraced another. Nor have we any cause to su∣spect Latimer of Hoopers opinion, as distasting Ceremonies, and so obstructing his advancement. But we impute it, either to his conscience (oft-times sharpest in the bluntest men) because he would not be built on the ruines of another; especially knowing Heath, one of a meek, and moderate nature: Or to his age, who, Bar∣zillai d 5.9 like, was superannuated for earthly honour: Alas! what needed a square cap over the many night-caps, which age had multiplied on his Reverend head? Or, because he found himself not so fit for government, better for preaching, than ordering Ecclesiastical affairs. Or lastly, because he propherically foresaw, that the ingratitude of the English Nation would shorten their happinesse, and King Edwards life; and he was loth to come into a place, onely to goe out thereof. Sure I am, it was a loud lie, which* 5.10 Parsons tells, that Latimer was kept bare, who kept himself bare, living, not in the want, but neglect, yea contempt of all worldly wealth. He was Confessour-General to all Protestants troubled in minde; yea, he was the Corban, or treasurie, into which restored-ill-gotten-goods were cast, to be bestowed on the poor, according to his discretion. And Latimer by the courtesie of England (once a Bishop, and ever a Bishop) was in civility saluted Lord, and honoured by all good people that knew him. This I conceive the true cause, why Hooper would not be translated to Worcester, but held it in Commendam with Glou∣cester, because Latimer, and Heath, were both surviving, each accounted a lawfull Bishop by those of their own Religion.

29. But, when Hooper unwillingly willing wore those Episcopal Ornaments,* 5.11 he put on with them a great grudge against Ridley, who enforced him thereunto. Yea, when those his clothes may be presumed half worn out, his anger was new, and fresh, as at the beginning: nor were they fully reconciled till their death, in the daies of Queen Mary. High time then to period their passion, before the Sun [of their life] went down in their wrath. Strange that their heart-burnings could not be quenched, till the fire was kindled, which was to burn both their bodies. But it matters not what is the cause, if amendment be the effect. The* 5.12 Jesuite challengeth the credit of this reconciliation to the Catholicks, bragging, that they made them friends. But we know, their cruell intention was not to make friends, but ashes of them. Let the thanks be paid to that Divine Power, and Providence, which sanctified their sufferings into an agreement, besides, beyond, above, against the designe, and desire of those, which inflicted them. Thus, when froward children fall out, and fight, a good parent, and a good rod, doe quickly make them friends. See the Letters at large in Master Fox, which passed betwixt them in prison; wherein, as Hooper had the honour first to offer agreement, let Ridley receive his praise, that he did fast embrace it. For, as the second blow makes the fray: so, it is not the tender, but acceptance of peace, makes the reconciliation. As for their observation, that of all the Marian-Martyrs, Hooper, and Ridley suf∣fered with most torture, and impute this to a Divine punishment, justly inflicted on them, for this their dissention: there is somewhat of curiosity in the observa∣tion, and nothing of charity in the application.

30. We must not forget,* 5.13 that this earnest contest, was not about the calling, but clothes; not the vocation, but onely about the vestments of Bishops. Where∣upon the juditious Reader will distinguish three Ranks, (or if the word be better liked) three Classes of Non-conformists, according to their severall dates, and de∣signes:

• 1. Antient Non-conformists, here in King Edward's daies, who desired onely to shake down the leaves of Episcopacy, misliking onely some garments about them.
• 2. Middle Non conformists, in the end of Queen Elizabeth, and beginning of King James, who struck at the branches thereof; Chancellours, and Officialls, and other appendant limbs, which they endeavoured to re∣move.
• 3. Modern Non-conformists, who did lay the axe to the root of the tree, to cut down the function it self, as unlawfull, and Antichristian.

Thus after-Ages still made new additions, as if it would be accounted idlenesse in them, if the strong, and active legs of the sons, and nephews, should not goe fa∣ster, and farther, than the old, and feeble feet, of their fathers, and grand-fathers.

31. About this time,* 5.14 David's Psalms were translated into English meeter, and (if not publickly commanded) generally permitted to be sung in all Churches. The work was performed by Thomase 5.15 Sternhold, (an Hampshire man, Esquire, and of the Privie Chamber to King Edward the sixt, who for his part translated thirty seven selected Psalms) John Hopkins, Robert Wisedome, &c. men, whose piety was better than their poetry; and they had drank more of Jordan, than of He∣licon. These Psalms were therefore translated, to make them more portable in peoples memories (Verses being twice as light, as the self-same bulk in Prose) as also to raise mens affections, the better to enable them to practice the Apostles precept,f 5.16 Is any merry? let him sing Psalms. Yet this work met afterwards with some frowns in the faces of great Clergy-men, who were rather contented, than well pleased, with the singing of them in Churches. I will not say, because they misliked so much liberty should be allowed the Laitie (Rome only can be guilty of so great envy) as to sing in Churches: rather, because they conceived these singing Psalms erected in corrivality, and opposition, to the reading-Psalms, which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches: or else, the childe was disliked for the mothers sake; because, such Translatours, though branched hither, had their root in Geneva.

32. Since,* 5.17 later men have vented their just exceptions against the baldnesse of the translation, so that sometimes they make the Maker of the Tongue to speak little better than barbarisme, and have in many Verses such poor rhime, that two hammers on a Smith's anvill would make better musick. Whilst others (rather to excuse it, than defend it) doe plead, that English poetry was then in the non∣age, not to say, infancy thereof: and that, match these Verses for their age, they shall goe a breast with the best Poëms of those times. Some, in favour of the Translatours, alledge, that to be curious therein, and over-descanting with wit, had not become the plain song, and simplicity of an holy style. But these must know, there is great difference between painting a face, and not washing it. Many since have farre refined these Translations, but yet their labours therein never generally received in the Church: principally, because un-book-learn'd people have conn'd by heart, many Psalms of the old Translation, which would be wholly disinherited of their patrimony, if a new Edition were set forth. How∣ever, it is desired, and expected by moderate men, that, though the fabrick stand unremoved for the main, yet some bad contrivance therein may be mended, and the bald rhimes in some places get a new nap, which would not much discom∣pose the memory of the people.

33. On the twenty fourth of July,* 5.18 King Edward, by His Letters patent, at the request of John à Lasco, free Baron of Lasco in Poland, did, by the consent of His Counsell, give, and grant the whole Church of S. Augustine's, neer Broad-stree•• in London (the Quire excepted, formerly possessed by Marquesse Pawlet) unto the Superintendent, and Ministers of the Dutch-Church, and other strangers in Lon∣don, to have, and to hold for them, their heirs, and successours in Frank Almo∣nage, to be a meeting-place for them, therein to attend God's Word, and Sacra∣ments. He ordered also, that hereafter it should be called by the new name of the Church of the Lord IESUS; and incorporated the said Superintendent, Mini∣sters, and Congregation, to be a body politick, for all purposes, and intents; empowering them from time to time, in the vacancy of a Superintendent, to chuse, name, and substitute, any able, and fit person in that place: provided, that the person so chosen be first presented to the King, His Heirs, and Successours, to be approved, and confirmed by them in the Office of the Ministerie, enjoyn∣ing all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Officers, Quòd permittant praefatisg 5.19 Su∣perintendenti, & Ministris, & Sucessoribus suis, liberè, & quietè frui, gaudere, uti, & exercere ritus, & ceremonias suas proprias, & disciplinam Ecclesiasticam propriam & peculiarem, non obstante, quòd non conveniant cum ritibus, & ceremo∣niis in Regno nostro usitatis: That they permit the foresaid Superintendent, and Mi∣nisters, and their Successours, freely, and quietly to hold, enjoy, use, and exercise their own proper rites, and ceremonies, and their proper, and peculiar Church-disci∣pline, notwithstanding that they agree not with the rites, and ceremonies used in Our Kingdome.

34. Now followed the fatall tragedy of the Duke of Somerset,* 5.20 and we must re∣coile a little, to fetch forward the cause thereof. Thomas Seymour Baron of Sudely, and Lord Admirall, the Protectours younger Brother, had married the Lady Katharine Parre, the Relict of King Henry the eighth. A contest arose betwixt their Wives about place, the Protectresse (as I may call her) refusing to give it to the Kings Dowager. Yet was their precedencie no measuring cast, but clear in the view of any unpartiall eye. Nor needed other Herauld to decide the contro∣versie than the Kings own Injunctions,a 5.21 wherein after prayer for His own Royall person, Ministers were commanded to pray for the Queen Dowager even before the Kings Sisters, Mary, and Elizabeth, the Protectour (under whom his Lady must claim place) being placed last in the List of their Devotions.

35. The Womens discords derived themselves into their Husbands hearts.* 5.22 Whereupon, not long after followed the death of the Lord Thomas Seymour, ar∣raigned for designing to traslate the Crown to himself, though having neither Title to pretend unto it, nor effectual Interest to atchieve the same. Letb 5.23 Adonijah, and this Lord's example deterre Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns, left in the same match they espouse their own danger and de∣struction. This Lord thus cut off, the Protectour stood alone on his own bot∣tome at which his enemies daily endevoured to undermine.

36. Soon after the Lords of the Councel resolved to accuse him of many high offences.* 5.24 Of these Lords, some were Lawyers, as the Lord Wriothesley, lately, the Lord Rich, then Lord Chancellour; Sir Edward Montague Chief Justice, &c. some Martialists, as S^r Ralph Sadler Treasurer to the Army, and some meer States∣men, as William Pawlet Lord Treasurer, and their accusations participated of the severall conditions of the Accusers. The Lawyers charge him for bringing West∣minster-hall into Somerset-house, keeping there a Court of Request, and therein determining Titles of Land to the apparent injury of the Subject. Military men taxed him for his Sumptuous buildings, having their Morter tempered with the tears of Souldiers Wives and Children, whose wages he detained; and for be∣traying Bolloigne, and other places in France to the Enemy. States-men chiefly insisted on his engrossing all power to himself, that whereas by the constitution of the Protectourship he was to act nothing without the advice of King Henry's Executours, he solely transacted matters of the highest consequence without their privity.

37. Here I must set John Dudley Earl of Warwick (as a Transcendent) in a form by himself,* 5.25 being a competent Lawyer,* 5.26 (Son to a Judge) known Soldier,* 5.27 and able States man, and acting against the Protector, to all these his capacities. Indeed, he was the very soul of the Accusation, being all in all, in every part thereof And seeing the Protector was free spirited, open hearted, humble, hard to distrust, easie to forgive: The other proud, suttle, close, cruell, and revengefull; it was impar congressus betwixt them, almost with as much disadvantage as betwixt a naked and an armed person.

38. Hereupon,* 5.28 he was imprisoned at Windsor, in a place antiently calledc 5.29 Beau∣champ's Tower, it seems by a sad Prolepsis, but never verified till now when this V••count Beauchamp by his original honour) was therein consined, and hence was he removed to the Tower of London. However, although all this happened in the worst juncture of time, viz: in the disjuncture of his best Friend (the Lord Russell Privie Seal) then away in the West, yet by his own innocence, his other Friends endeavour, the Kings interposing, and Divine Providence, he was acquitted, and though outed his Protectorship, restored and continued Privie Counsellour, as in the King's Diarie was formerly observed.

39. But after two years and two months,* 5.30 his enemies began afresh to assault him, hoping that as the first stroak shak'd, the next would fell him to the ground. Indeed, Warwick (who had too powerfull an influence upon all the Lords) could not erect his intended Fabrick of Soveraignty except he first cleared the ground work from all obstructive rubbish, whereof this Duke of Somerset was the Prin∣cipall: In whose absence the Lords met at the Councell Table, where it was con∣trived how all things should be ordered in relation to his Arraignment.

40. R. Rich Lord Chancellor (then living in great S. Bartholomews) though outwardly concurring with the rest,* 5.31 began now secretly to favour the Duke of Somerset, and sent him a Letter, therein acquainting him with all passages at the Councell Board, superscribing the same (either out of haste, or familiarity) with no other direction save, To the Duke: enjoying his Servant a raw attendant, as newly entred into the family, safely to deliver it. The man madee 5.32 more haste than good speed, and his Lord wondring at his quick return, demanded of him where the Duke was when he deliver'd him the Letter: In Charter-house (said his Servant) on the same token that he read it at the window, and smiled thereat. But the Lord Rich smiled not at his relation, as sadly sensible of the mistake and delivery of the Letter to the Duke of Norfolke, no great friend of his, and an utter enemy to the Duke of Somerset.

41. Wonder not if this Lord rose early up the next morning,* 5.33 who may be pre∣sumed not to have slept all night. He higheth to the Court, and having gotten admittance into the Bed Chamber before the King was risen up, fell down on his knees, and desired that his old age might be eased of his burthensome Office: pleading, That there ought to be some preparatory interval in States men betwixt their Temporall businesse and their Death; in order to which, he desired to retire into Essex, there to attend his own Devotions. Nor would he rise from the ground till the King had granted his request. And thus he saved himself from being stript by others by first putting off his own clothes, who otherwise had lost his Chancel∣lours place for revealing the secrets of the Councell Board. Some daies after the Scale was solemnly fetcht from him, and conferred on Doctor Goodrich Bishop of Elie.

42. The Impeachment of the Duke went on neverthelesse,* 5.34 and two Nets were laid to catch him,* 5.35 that if one brake the other might hold. He was indicted of Treason, and Fellonie; the former was onely to give the report, the latter to dis∣charge the bullet. So great a Peer could not be accused of lesse than High Treason, that the offence might appear proportionable to the Offender. However, he was acquitted of Treason, whereat the people in Westminster-hall gave such a shout, that though the same was intercepted and circumscribed by the house, it is reported to be heard as farref 5.36 as Long-Acre.

43. But this sound was seconded with a sad silence when he was condemned for Felony,* 5.37 by a new made Statute, for plotting the death of a Privie Counsellour; namely, the Earle of Warwick. Here a strange oversight was committed, that he craved not the benefit of the Clergie, which could not legally be denied him; on the granting whereof, the ensuing punishment had certainly been remitted: and not long after he was beheaded on Tower-hill, with no lesse praise for his piety and patience, than pity and grief of the Beholders.

44. Posterity is much unsatisfied in the justnesse of his suffering,* 5.38 and generally doe believe, That he himselfe was the sheep who was here condemn'd for the slaughter. A good Author tells us, That he lost his life for a small crime, and that upon a nice* 5.39 point, subtilly devised and packt by his enemies. And yet that the good King Himselfe was possessed of his guilt, may appeare by His ensuing Letter * 5.40 written with His own hand to a dear Servant of His, as followeth:

To Our well-beloved servant Barnaby Fitz-Patricke, one of the Gentlemen of Our Chamber.

EDWARD.

LIttle hath been done since you went, but the Duke of Somerset's arraignment for felonious Treason, and the Musters of the new-erected Gendarmery. The Duke, the first of this Moneth was brought to VVest∣minster-hall, where sate as Judge, or High Steward, my Lord Treasurer, twenty six Lords of the Parliament went on his Triall, Indictments were read; which were severall; some for Treason, some for trayterous Felony. The Lawyers read how Sir Thomas Palmer had con∣fessed that the Duke, once minded, and made him pri∣vie, to raise the North, after to call the Duke of Nor∣thumberland, the Marquesse of Northampton, and the Earle of Pembroke, to a Feast, and so to have slain them. And to doe this thing (as it was to be thought) had levied men a hundred at his house at London, which was scanned to be Treason, because unlawfull Assemblies for such purposes, was Treason by an Act made the last Sessions. Also how the Duke of Somerset minded to stay the Horses of the Gendarmery, and to raise London. Crane confessed also the murdering of the Lords in a Banquet. Sir Miles Partridge also confessed the rai∣sing of London. Hamman his man having a Watch at Greenwich of twenty weaponed men to resist, if he had been arrested, and this confessed both Patridge and

Palmer. He answered, That when he levied men at his House, he meant no such thing, but onely to defend him∣self. The rest very barely answered. After debating the matter from nine of the clock till three, the Lords went together, and there weighing that the matter seemed only to touch their lives, although afterward more inconveni∣ence might have followed, and that men might think they did it of malice, acquitted him of High Treason, and condemned him of Felony, which he seemed to have con∣fessed. He hearing the Judgment, fell down on his knees, and thanked them for his open Triall. After he asked pardon of the Duke of Northumberland, the Mar∣quesse, &c. whom he confessed he meant to destroy, al∣though before he swore vehemently to the contrary. Thus fare you well.

¶From Westminster the 20^th of December,* 6.1 * 6.2 Anno Domini 1551.

Hereby it plainly appeareth, that the King was possessed with a perswasion of His Uncles guiltiness: whether or no so in truth, God knoweth; and generally Men believe Him abused herein. And it seemeth a wonder to me that six weeks (from December the 1, to January the 22.) interceding betwixt the Dukes condemnation and execution, no means were made during that time to the King for his pardon. But, it is plain, that his foes had stopped all accesse of his friends unto the King.

45. The Duke of Somerset was religious himself,* 6.3 a lover of all such as were so, and a great Promoter of Reformation. Valiant, fortunate, witnesse his victory in Musleborrough field, when the Scots filled many carts with emptinesse, and loaded them with what was lighter than vanity it self, Popish Images, and other Trinkets, wherein they placed the confidence of their Conquest. He was generally beloved of Martiall men, yet no marvell if some did grumble against him, seeing there is no Army, save that of the Church Triumphant, wherein the Souldiers at some time or other doe not complain against their Generall. Nor is the wonder great if he sometimes trespassed in matters of State, seeing the most conscientious Polititian will now and then borrow a point of Law (not to say, take it for their due) even with an intent never to pay it. He was better to perform than plot, doe than design. In a word, his self-hurting innocence declined into guiltinesse, whose soule was so farre from being open to causlesse suspitions, that it was shut against just jealou∣sies of danger.

46. He built Somerset-house,* 6.4 where many like the workmanship better than ei∣ther the foundation or materials thereof: For the Houses of three Bishops, Landaffe, Coventry and Litchfield, and Worcester, with the Church of St. Mary le Strand, were pluckt down to make room for it. The stones and timber were fetcht from the Hospitall of S. Johns. This Somerset house is so tenacious of his name, that it would not change a Dutchie for a Kingdome, when solemnly proclaimed by King James, Denmarke-house from the King of Denmarke's lodging therein, and His Sister Queen Anne her repairing thereof. Surely it argueth, that this Duke was

wel belov'd,* 6.5 because his name made such an indelible impression on this his house, whereof he was not full five years peaceably possessed.* 6.6

47. We lately made mention of Barnaby Fitz-Patrick,* 6.7 to whom the King di∣rected His Letter, as who was bred and brought up with Him from His infancy, though somewhat the older. He was Prince Edward's PROXIE for COR∣RECTION, though we may presume seldome suffering in that kinde, such the Princes generall innocence and ingenuity to learn His book. Yet when such execution was done, as Fitz-Patrick was beaten for the Prince, the Prince was beaten in Fitz-Patrick, so great an affection did He bare to His Servant. Towards the end of His Reign He maintained him in the Court of France both to learn fashions there, and send intelligence thence. And it will not be amisse to insert the King's private Instructions unto him how he should behave himself in the French Court, partly for the rarity, partly for the certainty thereof, having it transcribed out of the Originall of the King's own hand, as followeth:

• 1. First, he shall goe in the Lord Admirals Company, and at the same Lords departing he shall have a Letter to the French King. which the Lord Admirall shall deliver, and present him to the French King; and if it shall chance that the French King will give him any Pension, entertainment, or reward at his being there for the time he tarrieth there, he shall receive it, and thank His Majesty for it, and shall serve when he shall be appointed. Neverthelesse, when he is out of the Court he shall be most conversant with Mr. Pickering* 6.8.
• 2. And at his setting forth shall carry with him four Servants, and if the wages amount to any great summe (more than I give him) that the French King giveth him, to live there after that proportion, advertising Me of the same.
• 3. Also all this Winter he shall study the Tongue, and see the manner of the Court, and advertise Me of the occurrences he shall hear, and if he be desirous to see any place Notable, or Town, he may goe thither, asking leave of the King. And shall behave himself honestly, more following the company of Gentlemen, than pressing into the company of the Ladies there, and his chief pastime shall be Hunting and Riding.
• 4. Also his Apparell he shall wear it so fine as shall be comely, and not much superfluous. And the next Sommer, when either the King goeth or sendeth any man of name into the Warres to be His Lieutenant, or to lead an Army, he shall desire to goe thither, and either himself, or else shall will Mr. Pickering to declare to the French King, how he thinketh not himself to have fully satisfied nor recompensed neither His Majesties good entertain∣ment nor Mine expectation who had sent him over if he should return, ha∣ving so delicately and idlely almost spent the time, without he did at this time of service be desirous to goe himself into the Warres, by the which thing he might at this time doe His Majesty service, and also learn to doe Me service hereafter, yea, and His Majesty to if the case so required. And therefore see∣ing this Nobleman shall now goe that his request is to have leave to goe with him.
• 5. Having said this to the French King, he shall depart into the Warres, waiting on this Nobleman that shall be sent, and there he shall mark the di∣vers fortifications of places, and advantages that the enemy may take, and the ordering and conduct of the Armies. As also the fashion of the skirmishes, battles, and assaults, and the plats of the chief Towns where any enterprises of weight have been done, he shall cause to be set out in black and white, or other∣wise, as he may and shall send them hither to Me, with advertisement of such things as have passed.
• 6. Furthermore, he shall at all times when he taketh money advertise Me of it, and I shall send him. And so the next year being well spent, upon further advertisement, and taking leave of the French King, he shall return.
• ...

• 7. And if there arise or grow any doubt in any matter hereafter, in the which be shall need advise: he shall advertise by the Post, and shall have Anser thereof.

This Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, after his return out of France, was created by the King, Baron of upper Ossery in Ireland, and died a most excellent Protestant, as hereafter we shall shew in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.

48. On the 15^th of April,* 6.9 the Parliament ended which had sate three Moneths at Westminster,* 6.10 though therein nothing of Church-matters determined, save a Pe∣nalty imposed on such who should strike or draw weapon in Church, or Church∣yard, with the abolishing of the generall Holy daies of S. Mary Magdalen, and S. Geroge: yet so, that it should be lawfull for the latter to be solemnly celebrated by the Knights of the Right honourable Order of the Garter. The Orders of which Order were about this time reformed and purged from some antient su∣perstitions.* 6.11

49. Sixk 6.12 Dolphins were taken in the Thames (three neer Quinborough, and three above Greenwich, where the Thames is scarce tainted with brackishnesse) in so much that many grave men dispensed with their wisdome, and beheld them with wonder, as not seen before on our shores. A fish much loving man and musick, swifter than all other fishes, and birds too: yea, than the Swallow it self (if Pliny l 6.13 say true) though all their celerity besteaded them not here to escape the nets of the fisher-men. Their coming up so farre was beheld by Mariners as a presage of fowl weather at Sea; but by States-men, as a prodigious omen of some tempestu∣ous mutations in our Land. And particularly, they suspected the Kings death, though for the present He was very pleasant and merry in His progresse about the Countrey,* 6.14 as by his ensuing Letter to His former favourite, written in the next August, doth appear.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The wisdome of our Refor∣mers.
• * 1.2

  Gen. 33. 13.
• * 1.3

  Onely two lights left.
• * 1.4

  What meant by Memories.
• * 1.5

  Good policie.
• * 1.6

  Rom. 12. 12.
• * 1.7

  pag. 187, & 188.
• * 1.8

  Mr. Calvin dis∣sents.
• * 1.9

  Moderation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 farre.
• * 1.10

  The Protestant Library.
• * 1.11

  Ann. Dom. 1547.
• c 1.12

  See a form of them in Fox's Acts & Mon. ••ol. 1491.
• b 1.13

  5 & 6 of Ed∣ward the sixt, cap. 1.
• * 1.14

  set down at large in the Register of Archbishop Warbam.
• c 1.15

  Extant in Sir Thomas Cotions Library.
• * 1.16

  1548.
• * 1.17

  2.
• * 1.18

  Ann. Dom. 1548
• * 1.19

  Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 2.
• * 1.20

  Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 2.
• * 1.21

  Ann. Dom. 1548.
• * 1.22

  A Pannick si∣lence of Pul∣pits.
• * 1.23

  Revel. 8. 1.
• * 1.24

  3.
• * 1.25

  1549.
• * 1.26

  A Proclama∣tion against Stage-plaies.
• * 2.1

  Ann. Dom. 1549.
• * 2.2

  Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 3.
• * 3.1

  Oxford Library reformed of all its antient Ma∣nuscripts.
• * 3.2

  Loath to be∣lieve.
• * 3.3

  Sir Jo Har∣ring. in the Bi∣shops of Ely.
• b 3.4

  In his Pre∣face to the Li••e of Sir Io. Che••k, printed at Ox∣ford, An. 1641.
• * 3.5

  An Epidemi∣cal distemper of disloyalty.
• * 3.6

  June 10.
• * 3.7

  July 2.
• * 3.8

  The Rebels send p••oud de∣mands to the King.
• * 3.9

  Exeter resi∣steth, Norwich yeildeth to the Rebels.
• * 3.10

  Philip Comi∣neus.
• * 3.11

  Two solemne yearly festivals▪
• * 3.12

  The beginning of two Rebel∣lions.
• * 3.13

  Their Ring-leaders, and number.
• * 3.14

  The Sheriffs endevours suc∣ceed not.
• * 3.15

  Hooker (alias Vowell) in Hol∣lingshed, p. 1015, & 1017.
• * 3.16

  Idem p. 1029.
• * 3.17

  The description of Exeter and Norwich.
• * 3.18

  Aide sent to suppresse the Rebels.
• * 3.19

  The Lord Rus∣sell conqueror. Lord Marquiss conquered.
• * 3.20

  The Lord Gray and Earle of Warwick come with new sup∣plies.
• * 3.21

  July 27.
• * 3.22

  2 Sam. 11. 25.
• * 3.23

  Aug. 6.
• * 3.24

  The legal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Rebels.
• * 3.25

  1550.
• * 3.26

  Abstracts of Church mat∣ters out of K. Edwards own Diary.
• * 4.1

  Observations thereon.
• a 4.2

  Thus the Pilot to save the Ship from sinking, casts out the rich lading into the Sea.
• * 4.3

  April 2.
• b 4.4

  This lay void ever after, whilst the Treasurership was pre∣sently conferred on Will: Powlet Marquesse of Winchester, and the Marshalship on John Dudley Earle of Warwick.
• c 4.5

  Namely, George Day, who (notwithstanding this Sermon) remained a zealous Papist, and on that score, was deprived of his Bishoprick.
• * 4.6

  Ann. Dom. 1650.
• * 4.7

  April 4.
• * 4.8

  10.
• * 4.9

  13.
• d 4.10

  Understand it, not by Pri∣vate Patrones, but either presen∣ted by the King, or Lord Chan∣cellour.
• e 4.11

  These ingaged Archbishop Cranmer, and Bishop Ridlye, to presse the King with politick Reasons for the permission ther∣of. He unable to answer their Arguments fell a weeping.
• * 4.12

  19.
• * 4.13

  27.
• f 4.14

  Courtiers keep what they catch, and catch what ever they can come by.
• * 4.15

  May 2.
• g 4.16

  An obstinate Heretick, main∣taining, That Christ assumed no∣thing of the Virgin Mary, but passed through Her, as a Con∣duit-pipe. She with one or two Arians were all, who (and that justly) died in this Kings Reign for their Opinions.
• * 4.17

  20.
• h 4.18

  Advantageous enough for the French, and dishonourable too much to the English, whose covetousnesse was above their sense of Honor, selling Bologne, bought with blood, for a summe of money.
• i 4.19

  The Controversie about this Title lying not betwixt the Crowns of England and France, but betwixt England and Rome, no wonder if the French yeilded to any Style in a Treaty so gain∣full to themselves.
• * 4.20

  Ann. Dom. 1550.
• * 4.21

  June 9.
• k 4.22

  For as yet this subtile-Sta∣tist scarce knew his own mind, often receding from his Re∣solves, whose inconstancy in this kinde, incensed the King and Councell against him.
• * 4.23

  10.
• * 4.24

  14.
• l 4.25

  Parish in the Dialect of a Bishop is notoriously known to be his Diocese. Yet I deny not but that the numerous Parishi∣oners of Saint Mary Overies, (wherein Winchester-House) are herein particularly intended.
• * 4.26

  July 9.
• * 4.27

  July 10.
• m 4.28

  If conscious of no crime, he is not to be condemned for ju∣stifying his own integrity.
• * 4.29

  11.
• n 4.30

  Such Umbrages of Simula∣tion presumed lawful by all Po∣liticians. Quaere, whether the Protestants in the Netherlands, or France, (those of High Ger∣many being beyond the line of probability) were here intended.
• * 4.31

  12.
• o 4.32

  They were drawn up in so punctual expressions, the other had neither compasse for evasion, nor covert for equivocation.
• * 4.33

  14.
• p 4.34

  A Rod formerly in fashion, but never so soundly layd on, as of late.
• * 4.35

  19.
• * 4.36

  28.
• * 4.37

  Ann. Dom. 1549
• q 4.38

  She loved to deale with the King her Brother eminus by Letters, but in no wise comminus by discourse. Besides, she hated coming to the Court, suspect∣ing some harsh usage to her Per∣son, and jealous of being put in∣to Restraint.
• * 4.39

  Aug. 13.
• r 4.40

  Lees in Essex, a County [ge∣nerally] not very healthfull, where Agues sit as close (and sometimes last as long) as a new suit.
• * 4.41

  Nov. 19.
• s 4.42

  Of these Francis Mallet (last Master of Michael House in Cambridge) was the chief. He having leave from the Councell to officiate Masse, onely in the presence of the Lady Mary, pre∣sumed on the same liberty in her absence. Whereupon, he was (notwithstanding his Ladies re∣fusall to surrender him) fetcht from her by force and commit∣ted to prison.
• * 4.42.1

  Sceletos Cant. MS.
• * 4.43

  Dec. 15. Edw. sex••i. 4.
• t 4.44

  Now where the seeds sown, and the foundation laid, of the Protectours overthrow, which en∣sued not long after.
• * 4.45

  Febr. 6.
• * 4.46

  17.
• * 4.47

  The concepti∣on of non-con∣formity.
• * 4.48

  Joel 2. 8.
• * 4.49

  The favourers and opposers thereof.
• * 4.50

  Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 4.
• * 4.51

  Ann. Dom. 1550.
• * 4.52

  Hooper refuseth to wear the E∣piscopal habit.
• * 5.1

  July 23.
• * 5.2

  Aug. 5.
• * 5.3

  But is forced at last.
• * 5.4

  His impri∣sonment not mention'd in M••. Fox, but in the T••oubles of Frankford, pag. 35.
• * 5.5

  Defended for keepi••g Wor∣cester in Com∣mendam.
• b 5.6

  Jos. 7. 21.
• * 5.7

  Why Ca••imer was not resto∣red to the Bi∣shoprick of Worsester.
• c 5.8

  Mat, 11. ••.
• d 5.9

  2 Sam. 19. 35.
• * 5.10

  In the Exa∣men of Fox's Martyrs, Month of Feb. pag. 306.
• * 5.11

  Hooper, and Ridley recon∣ciled by affli∣ctions.
• * 5.12

  Parsons ut supra, pag. 31••.
• * 5.13

  Three sorts of Non-confor∣mists.
• * 5.14

  The Psalmes translated into meeter.
• e 5.15

  Ballcius Cent. 9. pag. 728.
• f 5.16

  Jam. 5. 13.
• * 5.17

  The meanness of the Tran∣slation endea∣voured to be excused.
• * 5.18

  The first legal election of the Dutch-Con∣gregation in London.
• g 5.19

  The Letters are kept in the Dutch Church, and exempli∣fied in Iohannes Utenbovius in his narration of the Dutch Congregation, pag. 13. &c.
• * 5.20

  Womens brawles, Mens thralles.
• a 5.21

  Vide supra, in the first of this King.
• * 5.22

  Lord Thomas ••eymour execu∣ted for Trea∣son.
• b 5.23

  1 King. 2.
• * 5.24

  A tripartite accusation.
• * 5.25

  Earle of War∣wick the Pro∣ectors grand enemy.
• * 5.26

  Ann. Dom. 1551.
• * 5.27

  Ann Reg. Ed 6▪ 5.
• * 5.28

  The Protector accused, and imprisoned, yet restored.
• c 5.29

  Fox, Acts & Mon. pag.
• * 5.30

  Accused the second time.
• * 5.31

  Lord Rich his Servants dan∣gerous mistake.
• e 5.32

  This story at∣tested to me by his great grand childe the Earl or Warwick.
• * 5.33

  The Lord Rich resigneth his Chancellors place.
• * 5.34

  The Duke of Som••rse•• im∣peached of Treason.
• * 5.35

  Dec. 1.
• f 5.36

  Stowes An∣nals, p. 606.
• * 5.37

  Sad silence.
• * 5.38

  A Quae for poster••••y.
• * 5.39

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Brit. in Somer••et∣s••ire.
• * 5.40

  T••••nscribed out of the O••i∣ginall.
• * 6.1

  1551.
• * 6.2

  Dec. 10.
• * 6.3

  The Dukes character.
• * 6.4

  His great buil∣dings.
• * 6.5

  Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 6.
• * 6.6

  Ann. Dom. 1552.
• * 6.7

  The Kings In∣structions to Fitz-Patrick for his behavi∣our in France.
• * 6.8

  Afterwards Knighted, and supposed su••••er to Q••liz.
• * 6.9

  Little Church∣work in this Parliament.
• * 6.10

  April 15.
• * 6.11

  An ill presage.
• k 6.12

  Bishop God∣wins Annals in this year.
• l 6.13

  Nat. Hist. l. 9. cap. 8.
• * 6.14

  Aug. 22.