The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE Church-History OF BRITAIN.

KING HENRY the eighth, though dying excommunicate in the Church of Rome, had notwithstanding His Obsequies solemnly performed at Paris in France, by the command of Francis the Frencha King, presu∣ming so much on His own power, and the Pope's pa∣tience, otherwise such courtesie to His friend might have cost Him a curse to Himself. Then began King Ed∣ward His Son, to reign, scarce ten years old, full of as much worth, as the model of His age could hold. No pen passeth by Him without praising Him, though none praising Him to His full deserts. Yea, Sanders himself, having the stinch of his railing tongue, over-sented with the fragrant ointment of this Prince's memory, though jeering His for His want of age, which was God's pleasure, and not King Edward's fault; and mock∣ing Him for His Religion, the others highest honour, alloweth Him in other re∣spects large commendations.

2. No sooner was He come to the Crown, but a peaceable dew refreshed Gods inheritance in England, formerly patched with persecution: and this good Angel struck off the fetters from many Peters in prison, preserving those who were ap∣pointed to die. Onely Thomas Dobbie, Fellow of S. Johns in Cambridge, com∣mitted to the Counter in Bread street, and condemned for speaking against the Masse, died of a natural death, in respect of any publick punishment by Law in∣flicted on him: but, whether or no, any private impression of violence hastened his end, God alone knoweth. His speedy death prevented theb pardon, which the Lord Protectour intended to send him; Divine Providence so ordering it, that he should touch, not enter▪ see, not taste; behold, not reap benefit on earth of this Reformation. Other Confessours which had fled beyond sea, as John Hooper, Milesc Coverdale, &c. returned with joy into their Countrey: and all Prote∣stants, which formerly for fear had dissembled their religion, now publickly pro∣fessed the same. Of these Archbishop Cranmer was the chiefest; who, though willingly he had done no ill, and privately many good offices for the Protestants, yet his cowardly compliance hitherto with Poperie, against his conscience, can∣not

not be excused; serving the times present in his practice, and waiting on a future alteration in his hopes, and desires.

3. Edward Semaure, the King's Uncle, lately made Lord Protectour, and Duke of Somerset, ordered all in Church, and State. He, by the King's power, or, if you please, the King, in his protection, took speedy order for Reformation of Religion. And being loth that the people of the Land should live so long in er∣rour, and ignorance, till a Parliament should be solemnly summoned (which for some Reasons of State could not so quickly be call'd) in the mean time, by His own Regall power and authority, and the advise of His wise, and honourable Counsell, chose Commissioners, and sent them with Instructions into severall parts of the Kingdome, for the rooting out of superstition: the substance whereof (thirty six in number) we have here presented:

The King's Injunctions.

• 1. That all Ecclesiasticall persons observe the Lawes for the abolishing the pretended and usurped power of the Bishop of Rome, and confirmation of the Kings authority and supremacie.
• 2. That once a Quarter at least they sincerely declare the Word of God, dis∣swading their people from superstitious fancies of Pilgrimages, praying to I∣mages, &c. exhorting them to the works of faith, mercy, and charitie.
• 3. That Images abused with Pilgrimages, and offerings thereunto, be forth∣with taken down and destroyed, and that no more wax-Candles or Tapers be burnt before any Image; but onely two lights upon the high Altar before the Sacrament shall remain still, to signifie that Christ is the very light of the world.
• 4. That every Holy day, when they have no Sermon, the Pater noster, Credo, and Ten Commandements shall be plainly recited in the Pulpit to the Parishioners.
• 5. That Parents and Masters bestow their Children and Servants either to learning, or some honest occupation.
• 6. That such who in Cases exprest in the Statute are absent from their Be∣nefices, leave learned and expert Curates.
• 7. That within three Months after this Visitation, the Bible of the larger volume in English, and within twelve Months Erasmus his Paraphrase on the Gospel be provided, and conveniently placed in the Church for people to read therein.
• 8. That no Ecclesiasticall persons haunt Ale-houses, or Taverns, or any place of unlawfull gameing.
• 9. That they examine such who come to confession to them in Lent, whe∣ther they can recite their Creed, Pater noster, and ten Commandements in English before they receive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, or else they ought not to presume to come to Gods board.
• 10. That none be admitted to preach, except sufficiently licensed.
• 11. That if they have heretofore extolled Pilgrimages, Reliques, wor∣shipping of Images, &c. they now openly recant and reprove the same as a common errour groundlesse in Scripture.
• 12. That they detect and present such who are Letters of the Word of God in English, and Fautours of the Bishop of Rome his pretended power.
• 13. That a Register-Book be carefully kept in every Parish for Weddings, Christnings, and Burialls.
• 14. That all Ecclestasticall persons not resident upon their Benefices, and able to dispend yearly twenty pounds, and above, shall in the presence of the Church-Wardens, or some other honest men, distribute the fourtieth part of their revenues amongst the poor of the Parish.
• 15. That every Ecclesiasticall person shall give competent exhibition to so

• many Schollers in one of the Universities, as he hath hundred pounds a year in Church promotions.
• 16. That the fift part of their Benefices be bestowed on their Mansion-houses, or Chancells, till they be fully repaired.
• 17. That he readeth these Injunctions once a Quarter.
• 18. That none bound to pay Tithes detain them by colour of Duty omitted by their Curates, and so redoub one wrong with another.
• 19. That no person henceforth shall alter any Fasting-day that is comman∣ded, or manner of Common Prayer or Divine Service (otherwise then speci∣fied in these Injunctions) untill otherwise ordered by the Kings authority.
• 20. That every Ecclesiasticall person under the degree of Batchelour of Di∣vinity, shall, within three Months after this Visitation, provide of his own the New Testament in Latine and English, with Erasmus his Paraphrase thereon. And that Bishops by themselves, and their Officers shall examine them how much they have profited in the study of holy Scripture.
• 21. That in the time of High Masse be that sayeth or singeth a Psalm, shall read the Epistle and Gospel in English, and one Chapter in the New Testa∣ment, at Mattens, and another at Evensong, and that when nine Lessons are to be read in the Church, three of them shall be omitted with Responds. And at Evensong the Responds, with all the Memories.
• 22. That to prevent in Sick persons the damnable vice of Despair, They shall learn, and have alwaies in readinesse such comfortable places and sentences of Scripture, as doe set forth the mercy, benefits, and goodnesse of God Almighty, towards all penitent and believing persons.
• 23. To avoid all contention and strife which heretofore have risen amongst the Kings subjects, by challenging of Places in Procession, no Procession hereafter shall be used about the Church, or Church-yard, but immediately before high Masse the Letany shall be distinctly said or sung in English, none departing the Church without just cause, and all ringing of Bells (save one) utterly forborne.
• 24. That the Holy-day at the first beginning, Godly instituted and or∣dained, be wholly given to God, in hearing the Word of God, read and taught in private and publick prayers, in acknowledging their offences to God, and amendment, in reconciling themselves to their Neighbours, receiving the Communion, visiting the sick, &c. Onely it shall be lawfull for them in time of harvest to labour upon Holy and Festival-daies, and save that thing which God hath sent, and that scrupulosity to abstain from working upon those daies, doth grievously offend God.
• 25. That no Curate admit to the Communion such who are in ranchor and malice with their neighbours, till such controversies be reconciled.
• 26. That every Dean, Arch-Deacon, &c. being a Priest, preach by him∣self personally twice a year at least.
• 27. That they instruct their people, not obstinately to violate the Ceremo∣nies of the Church by the King commanded to be observed, and not as yet ab∣rogated. And on the other side, that whosoever doth superstitiously abuse them, doth the same to the great perill of his souls health.
• 28. That they take away and destroy all Shrines, covering of Shrines, Tables, Candlesticks, Trindills, or rolls of Wax, Pictures, Paintings, and other Monuments of fained Miracles, so that no memory of them remain in Walls, or Windows, exhorting their Parishioners to doe the like in their seve∣rall houses. And that a comely Pulpit be provided in a convenient place.
• 29. That a strong Chest be provided with a hole in the upper part thereof, (with three Keyes thereunto belonging) be provided to receive the charity of people to the poor, and the same at convenient times distributed unto them in the presence of the Parish.
• 30. That Priests be not bound to go to visit Women lying in Child-bed,

• except in times of dangerous sicknesse, and not to fetch any Coarse except it be brought to the Church yard.
• 31. That to avoid the detestable sin of Simonie, the Seller shall lose his right of Patronage for that time, and the Buyer to be deprived, and made unable to receive Spirituall promotion.
• 32. That because of the lack of Preachers, Curats shall read Homilies, which are or shall be set forth, by the Kings Authority.
• 33. Where as many indiscreet persons doe uncharitably contemn and abuse Priests, (having small learning:) his Majesty chargeth his Subjects that henceforth they be reverently used, for their Office and Ministration sake.
• 34. That all persons, not understanding Latine, shall pray on no other Primmer but what lately was set forth in English by K. Henry the eighth, and that such who have knowledge in Latine use none other also, and that all Craces before and after meat be said in English, and no Grammer taught in Schools but what is set forth by Authority.
• 35. That Chantery Priests teach youth to read and write.
• 36. That when any Sermon or Homily shall be had, the Prime and Houres shall be omitted.

❧The form of bidding the Common Prayers.

YOu shall pray for the whole Congregation of Christs Church, and spe∣cially, for this Church of England and Ireland: wherein, first, I commend to your devout prayers, the Kings most excellent Majesty, Supreme Head immediately under God, of the spirituality and temporalty of the same Church: And for Queen Katharine Dowager, and also for my Lady Mary, and my Lady Elizabeth, the Kings sisters.

Secondly, You shall pray for my Lord Protectors grace, with all the rest of the Kings Majesties Councell: for all the Lords of this Realm, and for the Clergie, and the Commons of the same: beseeching Almighty God, to give every of them in his degree, grace to use themselves in such wise, as may be to Gods glory, the Kings honour, and the weal of this Realm.

Thirdly, You shall pray for all them that be departed out of this world in the faith of Christ that they with us, and we with them at the Day of Judgment may rest both body and soul, with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the king∣dome of heaven.

Observations on the Kings Injunctions.

Let us here admire Gods wisdome in our first Reformers, who proceeded so mode∣rately in a matter of so great consequence: To reform all at once, had been the ready way to reform nothing at all. New wine must be gently powred into old bottles, lest the strenght of the liquor, advantaged with the violence of the infusion, break the vessel. Iacob could not keep pace with Esau (presumed fleet on foot as used to hunting) whilest he had in his company, the tender children and flocks with young, which if over driven one day, would die. And though no doubt he himself was foot-man enough to go along with his Brother, yet he did lead on softly according as the cattle and children were able to endure. Thus our wise Re∣formers reflected discreetly on the infirmities of people, long nouzled in igno∣rance and superstition, and incapable (of a sudden and perfect alteration.)

On this account (in the third Injunction) they reduced Candles formerly sans number in Churches to two, upon the high Altar, before the Sacrament; these being termed lights, shews they werenot luminacaeca, but burning. Know also that

at this time there was an universall dilapidation of Chancells, and men had seen so many Abbey-Churches pluckt down, that they even left Parish-Churches to fall down on themselves; now to repair them all at once, would have stopt the holes in the Chancells, and made one in the states of the Ministers. It was therefore in the sixteenth Injunction ordered, That a fift part of their means should be imployed therein, whereby the work was effectually done without any great dammage to the Repairers.

By Memories appointed to be omitted, [Injunction 21.] we understand, the Obsequia for the dead, which, some say, succeeded in the place of the [Heathen] Roman Parentalia.

The abolishing Processions is politickly put on a civil account, [Injunction 23.] to avoid contention about places. Indeed, peoples pride herein, consisted in pre∣tended humility, which the Injunction at large, termeth a fond Courtesie. For in a mock-practise of the Apostles precept, in honour preferring one another, they strained courtesie to goe last. Where, by the way, I conceive that accounted the highest place, which was next the Crosse bearer, or next the Priest carrying the Host.

Quaere, whether in the 24 Injunction, labouring in time of Harvest on Holy∣daies, and Festivals, relateth not onely to those of Ecclesiasticall constitution, (as dedicated to Saints) or be inclusive of the Lords day also.

Mr. Calvin in his Letter to the Lord Protector, disliketh the praying for the dead: and this is one of those things, which he termed, tolerabiles ineptias, En∣glished by some, tolerable fooleries; more mildly by others, tolerable unfitnesses. In requital whereof, Bishop Williams was wont to say, That Master Calvin had his tolerabiles morositates.

And thus moderately did our first Reformers begin, as the subject they wrote on would give them leave; for as carefull Mothers and Nurses on condition they can get their Children to part with knives, are contented to let them play with raitles: So they permitted ignorant people still to retain some of their fond and foolish Customes, that they might remove from them the most dangerous and destructive Superstitions.

Come we now to give in a List of such principall Books which in the Reign of this King and His Father, as Preparatory to, and Introductive of Reformation; And to bring them high enough, we will begin with

HEN: 7th.

Prayers printed by the Commandements of the moost hye and vertuous Prin∣cesse our lyege Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Quene of England and of France, and also of the right hye and moost noble Princesse Margarett mother to our Soveraign Lord the King, &c. without the year when printed.

HEN: 8th.

The Institution of a Christian man contayneng the Exposition of the Com∣mune Crede, of the seaven Sacraments, of the ten Commandements, and of the Pater noster, and the Ave Maria, Justification and Pur∣gatory.

London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1537.

A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christen man, set furthe by the Kynges Majestie of England, &c.

London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1543.

HEN: 8th.

Henry the eighth his Epistle to the Emperour, Christen Princes, and all true Christen men, desiring peace and concord amonges them. Against the power of the Pope, and concerning a Generall Councell.

London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1538.

A Protestation made for the most mighty and most redoubted King of Eng∣land, &c. and his hole Counsell and Clergie, wherein is declared, that neither His Highnesse, nor His Prelates, neyther any other Prince or Prelate is bound to come or send to the pretended Councell, that Paul Bishop of Rome, first by a Bull indicted at Mantua a Citie in Italy, and now alate by an other Bull, hath proroged to a place no man can telle where.

London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1537.

Articles devised by the Kinges Highnes Majestie to stablishe Christen quietnes and unitie amonge us, and to avoyde contentious opinions, which Articles be also approved by the consent and determination of the hole Clergie of this Realme.

Lond: Tho: Barthelet, 1536.

Injunctions to the Clergie.

1536. M. Sc.

Articles devised by the holle consent of the Kinges most honourable Coun∣sayle, His Graces licence opteyned thereto, not only to exhorte, but also to enfourme His loving Subjects of the trouth.

London, Tho: Barthelet, 1533.

Orarium seu libellus Precationum per Regiam Majestatem & Clerum Latinè editus.

Ex officina Richard Graftoni, 1545.

Pia & Catholica Christiani hominis institutio.

Londini apud Thomam Barthelet, 1544.

Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarū ex authoritate primum Regis Hen: 8. inchoata, deinde per Regem Edw: 6. provecta &c.

Londini, ex officina Jo: Day, 1571.

EDW: 6th.

Injunctions given by the most excellent Prince, Edward the sixt, by the grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland: Defendor of the Fayth, and in yearthe under Christ, of the Church of England and of Ireland the Supreeme Hedde, to all and singuler His loving Subjects, aswell of the Clergie as of the Laietie.

By R. Grafton, 1547.

Articles to be enquired of in the Kynges Majesties visitation.

By Rich: Grafton, Cum privilegio.

Communion book translated into French for Jersey and Garnesey. 1553.

EDW: 6th.

The Booke of Common-Prayer and Administration of Sacraments, &c.

London, 1549. & 1552.

The forme and manner of making and consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.

1552, & 1549.

The Copie of a Letter sent to all those Preachers which the Kings Majestie hath licensed to preach, from the Lord Protectors Grace, and others of the Kinges Majesties most Honourable Councell.

The 23 of May, 1548.

Catechismus brevis, Christianae disciplinae summam continens, omnibus ludimagistris authoritate Regiâ commendatus.

Londini, 1553.

Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, 1552. ad tollenda•• opinionum dissensionem & consensum verae religionis firmandum, inter Epi∣scopos & alios eruditos atque pios viros-convenerat: Regia simi∣liter authoritate promulgati.

Londini.

The Primer or Booke of Prayers, (translated out of Hen: the 8^ths Orarium.)

London by Rich: Grafton, 1547.

Certain Sermons, (viz: the first part of the Church Homilies) appointed by the Kinges Majestie to be read everie Sonday and Holy day, &c.

1549, & 1547.

A Primer or Booke of private Prayer, &c. in the 7 yeare of Ed: 6.

Ex officina Wilhelmi Seres, 1552.

The order of the Communion, with the Proclamation.

London, by Rich: Grafton, 1548.

Q. MARIE.

The Primer in Latin and English, after the use of Sarum.

London, 1555.

Edm: Bonners Catechisme, 1555. with Homelies composed by H. Pendle∣ton, and Jo: Harpesfield.

London, 1555.

These are the principall State-books which that Age produced, (not mentioning such, (as numberlesse) which private persons set forth) onely I cannot as yet reco∣ver the Lord Cromwell's Catechisme, except it be concealed under another name, amongst the Books aforementioned.

4. Come we now to the Liturgie, which in the Reign of K. Henry the eighth, was said or sung all in Eatine, save only the Creed, Pater noster, and ten Commande∣ments, put into English by the Kings command, Anno 1536. Nine years after, viz: 1545, the Letanie was permitted in English, and this was the farthest pace

which the Reformation stept in the Reign of King Henry the eighth. But under His son King Edward the sixt, a new form of Divine worship was set forth in the vul∣gar Tongue, which passed a threefold purgation.

The first Edition of the Liturgie or Common-Prayer.	The 2d Edit. of the Liturgy or Com∣mon-Prayer.	The 3d Edit. of the Liturgy or Com∣mon-Prayer.
In the first year of King Edward the sixt, it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops, and others, (assembled by the King at His Castle at Windsor) and when by them compleated, set forth in Print, 1548, with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give authority there∣unto; being also recommended un∣to every Bishop by especiallc Letters from the Lords of the Councell to see the same put in execution. And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such which should deprave or neglect the use thereof.	Some exceptions being taken by Mr. Calvin abroad, and some Zealots at home, at the former Litur∣gie, the Booke was brought under a re∣view, and by ab Sta∣tute in Parliament it was appointed, That it should be faithfully and godly perused, ex∣plained, and made fully perfect.	In the first of Qu. Elizabeth, 1559, it was committed by the Queen to the care of some learned men by whom it was altered in some few passages, and so pre∣sented to the Parlia∣ment, and by them received and estab∣lished.

Persons imployed therein. 1. Tho: Cramer Archbishop of Can∣terbury. 2. George Day Bishop of Chiche∣ster. 3. Tho: Goodrich Bishop of Ely. 4. Johan Skip Bishop of Hereford. 5. Hen: Holbeach Bishop of Lin∣colne. 6. Nicholas Ridley Bishop of Ro∣chester. 7. Tho: Thileby Bishop of West∣minster. 8. Doctor May Dean of S. Pauls. 9. John Tailer then Dean (after∣wards Bishop of Lincolne. 10. Doctor Haines Dean of Exe∣ter. 11. Doctor Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham. 12. Doctor John Redman Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge. 13. Doctor Richard Cox then Al∣moner to the King, afterwards Bi∣shop of Ely.

Persons imployed therein. Wee meet not with their particular names, but may pro∣bably conceive they were the same with the former, for the main, though some might be superad∣ded by Royal appoint∣ment.

Persons imployed therein. 1. Master Whitehead once Chaplaine to Queen Anna Bullen. 2. Matthew Par∣ker afterwards Arch∣bishop of Canterbu∣ry. 3. Edmund Grindall afterwards Bishop of London. 4. Richard Cox af∣terwards Bishop of Ely. 5. James Pilkin∣ton afterwards Bi∣shop of Durham. 6. Doctor May Deane of St. Pauls, and Master of Tri∣nity Coll: in Cam∣bridge. 7. Sir Tho: Smith principall Secretary of Estate.

As for the fourth and last Edition of the Liturgie, in the first of King James, 1603, with some small alterations in the Rubrick, after the Conference at Hampton-Court, thereof (God willing) in due time hereafter.

5. The Book of Books still remains, I mean, the Bible it selfe. Know then that some exceptions being taken at Tindalls Translation, the Bishops (then generally Popish) complied so farre in a Conference with the desires of King Henry the eighth, that on condition the people would give in Tindalls [pretended false] Tran∣slation, they would set forth another, better agreeing with the Originall. And al∣though this took up some time to effect, the work being great in it self, and few workmen, as yet, Masters of the Mysterie of PRINTING; yet at last, it was ac∣complished, but more purely and perfectly done in after Ages, as by the ensuing parallels will appear.

The first Traslation of the Bible.	The second Tran∣slation of the Bible.	The third Tran∣slation of the Bible.
Set forth in the Reigne of K. Henry the eighth, An. 1541. countenanced with a grave & pious Preface of Archbishop Cranmer, and authorized by the Kings Proclamation, dated May the 6. Seconded also with c Instructions from the King, to prepare people to receive benefit the better from so hea∣venly a treasure, it was called, The BIBLE of the greater Vo∣lume, rather commended than commanded to people. Few Countrey-Parishes could go to the cost of them, though Bi∣shop Bonner caused six of them to be chained in the Church of S. Pauls, in conveni∣ent places.	Set forth in the Reign of K. Edward the sixt, and not onely suffered to be read by particular persons, but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation, as a principall part of Di∣vine Service. Two se∣verall Editions I have seen thereof, one set forth 1549, the other 1551, but neither of them divided into ver∣ses.	Set forth in the se∣cond of Qu. Elizabeth, the last Translation, was again review'd by some of the most learned Bi∣shops (appointed there∣unto by the Queens Commission) whence it took the name of the Bishops BIBLE: and by the Queens sole com∣mandement reprinted, and left free and open to all Her well affected Subjects.

As for the last and best Translation of the Bible in the Reign of King James, by a select company of Divines imployed therein, in due time, (by Gods assistance) largely thereof.

6. And now we shall come to small game, rather than shut out, not caring how low we descend, so be it we may satisfie the Reader, and inform posterity, pre∣senting a Catalogue of such Proclamations which the King set forth in the foure first years, having any tendency or relation to Ecclesiasticall matters.

• 1. A Proclamation concerning the effectuall payment of Pensions, due out of the Court of Augmentations, to any late Abbot, Prior, &c. which it seemeth lately were detained. Anno 1^o Edvardi sexti, Septem. 18.
• 2. A Proclamation concerning the irreverent Talkers of the Sacrament: For, after the Transubstantiation, and the superstition of the Corporall presence was removed, many persons (no lesse ignorant than violent) fell from adoring to contemning of the holy Elements, till retrenched by this Procla∣mation, set forth, 1^o Edvardi sexti, Decemb. 27.
• ...

• 3. A Proclamation for abstaining from flesh in Lent-time, Anno 1^o Edvardi sexti, Januarii 16.
• 4. A Proclamation against such as innovate a Ceremony, or Preach without licence, Anno 2^o Evardi sexti, Febr. 6.
• 5. A Proclamation inhibiting Preachers, Anno 2^o Edvardi sexti, April. 24. Whereof this was the occasion: certain Popish Preachers disaffected to the Kings Government, endevoured in their Sermons to possesse people of scandalous reports against the King, as if He intended to lay strange ex∣actions on the people, and to demand Half-a-Crown a piece of every one who should be Married, Christned, or Buried. To prevent further mis∣chief, the King ordered by Proclamation, That none should Preach ex∣cept licensed under the Seals of the Lord Protector, or Archbishop of Can∣terbury.
• 6. A Proclamation for the Inhibition of all Preachers: the second of Edward the second. Sept. 23.

Because this Proclamation is short, hard to be come by, and (if I mistake not) conducing much to acquaint us with the character of those times, it may be acceptable here to exemplifie the same.

WHereas of late, by reason of certaine contro∣versious and seditious Preachers, the Kinges Majestie, moved of tender zeale, and love, which He hath to be quiet of His Subjects, by the advise of the Lord Protectour, and other His High∣nesse Councell, hath by Proclamation, inhibited and commanded, That no manner of person, except such as was licenced by His Highnesse the Lord Prote∣ctour, or by the Archbishop of Canterbury, should take upon him to preach in any open audience, upon pain in the said Proclamation contained; and that upon hope and assurance, that those being chosen and elect men, should preach and set forth onely to the people such things as should be to Gods honour, and the be∣nefit of the Kinges Majesties subjects. Yet neverthe∣lesse, His Highnesse is advertised, that certain of the said preachers, so licenced, not regarding such good

admonitions as hath been by the said Lord Prote∣ctour and the rest of the Councell on His Majesties behalf by Letters, or otherwise given unto them, hath abused the said authority of preaching; and behaved themselves irreverently, and without good order in the said preachings, contrary to such good instructi∣ons and advertisements, as was given unto them, whereby much contention and disorder might rise and insue, in this his Majesties Realm: wherefore his Highnesse, minding to see very shortly, one uniforme order, throughout this his Realm, and to put an end to all controversies in Religion, so farre as God shall give grace (for which cause at this time, certain Bishops, and notable learned men, by his hignesse commandement are congregate) hath by th' advise aforesaid thought good, although certain and many of the said preachers so before licenced, have beha∣ved themself very discretly and wisely, and to the honor of God and his highnesse contentation, yet at this present, and untill such time, that the said Order shall be set forth generally, throughout this His Majesties Realme, to inhibit, and by these presents doth inhibit generally as well the said Preachers so be∣fore licenced, as all manner of persons whosoever they be, to preach in open audience in the pulpit or other∣wise, by any sought colour or fraud, to the disobeying of this commandement, to the intent that the whole Clergie in this mean space, might apply themself to prayer to Almighty God, for the better atchieving of the same most Godly intent and purpose, not doubt∣ing but that also His loving Subjects in the mean time will occupie themself to Gods honour, with due prayer in the Church, and patient hearing of the Godly Ho∣melies, heretofore set forth by His Highnesse Injun∣ctions unto them, and so endevour themself, that they may be the more ready with thankefull obedience to

receive a most quiet, godly, and uniform order, to be had throughout all His said Realms and Dominions. And therefore, hath willed all His loving Officers, and Ministers, as well Justices of peace, as Majors, She∣riffs, Bailiffs, Constables, or any other His Offi∣cers, of what estate, degree, or condition soever they be, to be attendant upon this Proclamation and com∣mandement, and to see the infringers or breakers thereof to be imprisoned; and His Highnesse, or the Lord Protectors grace, or His Majesties Coun∣cell, to be certified thereof immediately, as they tender His Majesties pleasure, and will answer to the con∣trary at their perill.

16. Some Preachers perusing the aforesaid Proclamation, will complain of persecution, that all the Pulpits in England should be universally silenced at once, and will conclude it summum jus, That the Righteous, should be condemned with the Wicked: the mouthes of good Ministers stopt with Railers. Well might the souls of weak Christians be faint and feeble, having no warm meat, but the cold Homi∣lies allowed them. But Statesmen easily excuse the matter, finding the juncture of time falling out when many Popish Pulpits sounded the Alarum to Ket his Re∣bellion, and the Devon-shire Commotion, whereof hereafter. Besides, this prohi∣bition of preaching lasted but for few weeks, and we read of a silence for about the space of half an hour even in heaven it self.

7. A Proclamation for the payment of the late Incumbents of Colledges, and Chanteries, lately dissolved, Anno 3^o Edvardi sexti, Octob. 31.

17. The Pulpit thus shut and silent by Proclamation, the Stage was the more open and vocall for the same, the Popish Priests (which though unseen) stood be∣hinde the hanging, or lurked in the tyring-bouse, removed their invectives from Sermons to Playes, and a more proper place indeed for the venting thereof. Here it made old sport, to see the New Religion (as they term it) made ridiculous, with the prime Patrons thereof, which caused the insuing Proclamation for the prohi∣bition.

8. A Proclamation for the inhibition of Players, Anno 3 Edvardi 6. Aug: 6. And some perchance will not grudge the time to read the form thereof.

FOrasmuch, as a great number of those that be common Players of Enterludes and Plaies, as well within the City of London, or elsewhere, within the Realm, doe for the most part play such Interludes, as contain matter, tending to sedi∣tion, and contemning of sundry good orders and laws; where∣upon are grown, and daily are like to grow and ensue much dis∣quiet, division, tumults, and uprores in this Realm: the Kings Majestie, by the advise and consent of his dearest Uncle, EDWARD Duke of Somerset, Governour of His Person, and Protectour of His Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and the rest of His Highnesse privie Councell, straitly chargeth and commandeth all, and every His Maje∣sties subjects, of whatsoever state, order, or degree they be, that from the ninth day of this present Month of August, untill the Feast of All-Saints next comming, they, nor any of them, openly, or secretly, play in the English Tongue, any kinde of Interlude, Play, Dialogue, or other matter, set forth in form of play, in any place, publick or private, within this Realm, upon pain that whosoever shall play in English any such Play, Interlude, Dialogue, or other matter, shall suffer imprisonment, and further punishment, at the pleasure of His Majestie.

For the better execution whereof, His Majesty, by the said advise and consent, straitly chargeth and commandeth all and singular Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, Head∣boroughs, Tythingmen, Justices of Peace, and all other His Majesties head Officers, in all the parts throughout the Realm, to give order, and speciall heed, that this Proclama∣tion be in all behalfs, well and truly kept and observed, as they and every of them tender His Highnesse pleasure, and will avoid His indignation.

18. The Proclamation being but temporary, did not take down, but only clear the stage for a time, reformed Enterludes (as they term them) being afterward permitted; yea, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, Scripture-plaies were acted even in the Church it self, which in my opinion, the more pious, the more profane, stoop∣ing faith to fancy, and abating the majestie of Gods Word. Such Pageants might inform, not edifie, though indulged the ignorance of that Age: For, though chil∣dren may be played into Learning, all must be wrought into Religion, by Ordinan∣ces of Divine institutions, and the means ought to be as serious, as the end is secret.

REx omnibus ad quos praesentes &c. salutem. Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia & mero motu nostris dedimus & concessimus ac per praesentes damus & concedimus dilecto servienti nostro Thomae Barthelet Im∣pressori nostro quandam annuitatem sive quendam annualem redditum quatuor librarum sterlingorum, Habendum & an∣nuatim percipiendum praedictam annuitatem sive annualem redditum quatuor librarum eidem Thomae Barthelet à Festo Paschae, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo primo, durante vita sua de Thesauro nostro ad receptum Scaccarii nostri per manus Thesaurarum & Camerarii nostrorum ibidem pro tempore existendo ad Festa Sancti Michaelis Archangeli & Paschae per equales portiones &c. quod expressa mentio &c.

❧In cujus &c. testimonium rei apud Westminsterien∣sem vicesimo secundo die Februarii, Anno Regni HENRICI Octavi vicesimo primo.

Per Breve de privato Sigillo.

19. An ample Commission was granted to Iohn Dudley Earl of Warwick, and eight more, any seven, six, five, four, three, two, or one of them, to visit in capite, & membris, the whole Diocesse, but especially the University of Oxford. The effects of this Visitation doe not appear, save onely that they so clearly purged the Uni∣versity from all Monuments of superstition, that they left not one Book of many goodly Manuscripts, wherewith it was furnished by the munificence of severall Be∣nefactors. Thus covetousness and ambition are such active vices, they are seldome off the Theater, though not appearing with their own faces, but the borrowed masks of publick good of Church or State. Such Robbers deserve not the benefit of the Cler∣gie to be saved by their book, who feloniously, (not to say sacrilegiously) purloined a publick Library from an University.

20. The blame is commonly cast on Doctor Cox, who, as one saith (but it is but one who saith it) being then Chancellour of the University. so cancelled the Books thereof, they could never since recover them. Indeed, I findeb another Au∣thor charging him therewith, but with this Parenthesis (tis said) and my charity would fain believe Fame a false report therein, finding him otherwise a deserving person, very well qualified; and it is strange to me, that he who at this present, was the Kings Almoner to dispense his charity in giving to others, should be so cruell and covetous, and to deprive an University of so pretious a treasure so long and justly belonging unto them.

21. The King's affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil stood now in a probable posture of success, gliding on with a faire and full current, when both on a sodain were unexpectedly obstructed with domestical dissentions of his own Subjects. Dis∣tempers not considerable, if singly considered in themselves, but very dangerous in their concurrence, as if all in severall Counties, at one instant were acted with the same Spirit of Rebellion. My Author imputeth it to Midsommer-Moon, and the Sun now in Cancer, though surely it proceeded from a deeper cause, as will ap∣pear to the perusers of these two contemporary Treasons:

Devon Commotion.

Norfolk Rebellion.

1. It began on Whiteson-monday at Sampford-Courtney, where the People tumultuously compelled the Priest (whose secret compliance is suspected by some covertly to court their compul∣sion) to say Masse, and officiate in La∣tine, as best pleased with what they least understood. 2. Henry Arundle Esquire, Governor of the Mount in Cornwall (one whose abilities might have been better imploy∣ed) Winnslade a man of worship, and one Coffin Gentleman, were their princi∣pall Conducters. Otherwise (though assuming to themselves the high style of the Commons of Devonshire and Corn∣wall) they were but an heap of mean Mechanicks, though many in number, and daily increasing, so that at last they were reputed to exceed ten thousand, all stout and able persons. 3. Sir Pierce Courtney Sheriffe of De¦von shire appear'd very loyal and active for their seasonable suppressing. But o∣thers of the County Gentry, (whose names I had rather the Reader should learn from my Authors pen, than mine own) by their privie connivance, and in effect concurrence, much advantaged their proceedings. Many were taken Prisoners by them, because they would be taken, and found favour thereupon. And now the seditious march in a full body to Exeter, and on the Citizens re∣fusall to admit them in, resolve sudden∣ly to besiege it, boasting they would shortly measure the Silks and Sattins therein by the length of their Bowes. 4. Exeter is a round City on a rising Hill, most capable of fortification both for the site and forme thereof. Her walls (though of the old Edition) were com∣petently strong and well repaired. John Blackallar Major of Exeter, though a

meer Merchant, little skilled in Politick, lesse in Military affairs, had wisdome to know, who were wiser than himself, and willingly to be directed by them. And now the Seditious having taken ordnance at Topsham, set down before Exeter, pre∣suming quickly to conquer the same. 5. But first they are consulting about Articles to be sent to the King. Some would have no Justices (can you blame Offenders if desiring to destroy their e∣nemies?) others no Gentlemen, all no English service: Masse must be resto∣red, the six Articles (lately repealed) they would have put in execution, and Popery re established. Concluding all with this close, (the gilded paper to wrap up poisonous Treasons at the beginning thereof) We pray God save King ED∣WARD, for we be His, both body and goods. Whose unreasonable demands were justly rejected by the King, yet pardon proclaimed to such as would accept thereof: which the Seditious (mistaking the Kings favour, to be His fear utterly refused. 6. Mean time Exeter was not so much frighted with her foes without, as with famine and faction within the walls thereof Great was the want of victu••als and bread especially. Now Plebs nescit jejuna timere. Where there is the barking of the belly, there no other commands will be heard, much lesse obeyed. But this was in some sort qualified by proportioning all pro∣visions in the City to all alike, and mean folke will be the better pleased with course and short diet, when eating out of the same dish with their betters. When in successfull sallies they recove∣red any cattle from the Rebels, the poor had the principall share thereof. 7. Faction in the City was of most dangerous consequence, the generality thereof favouring Popery, and cordial Protestants but few in comparison of the other party. However, this was a good help to the Protestants, that such who severed from them in the Church, joyned with them in the Town house. Rich Pepists feared their goods would be condemned as heretical even by the Rebels of their own Religion, which made them persist in their loyalty to their Soveraign.

8. John Russell, Lord privie Seal, was sent down with small Forces to sup∣presse the Commotion. A person very proper for that service, as of a stout spirit, and richly landed in this County. He stayed some time at Honyton in vain expecting promised supplies, either be∣cause this Lord was lookt on as of the Protectors party, whose Court-interest did much decline, or because Norfolke Rebellion, as nearer London, engrossed all warlike provisions. Thus was this Lord in deep distresse, having nothing (save his Commission) strong about him, and his few forces, for fear, and want of pay, began daily to forsake him. 9. And now following the advice of the Dorset-shire Gentry, he was ready to return, when three Princely Merchants (for so may I term them, both for great interest, and loyal intentions) viz: Tho∣mas Prestwood, Thomas Bodly, and John Periam, so improved their credits with Bristoll, Lime, and Taunton, that they furnished the Lord Russell with necessa∣ries to march forward. Animated here∣with, they advance, and gave the Re∣bels such a blow at Fenington-bridge, that they left three hundred of their bo∣dies dead on the place. 10. Soon after the Lord Gray of Wil∣ton, (whose slownesse may be excused, as busied by the way in suppressing Tu∣mults in Buckingham and Oxford shire) came with a company of Horsmen, and 300 Italian Shot, under Baptist Spinola their Leader, to recruit the Lord Russell. Here one would wonder to behold the native English fighting in the mainte∣nance of the Masse, opposed by Italians, untill he considereth, that these foraig∣ners, being Souldiers of Fortune, con∣sulted the Coine, not the Cause of such as entertained them. And now the Kings Army advanceth towards Exe∣ter, a word or two of which Cities sad condition. 11. The Rebels had often attempted to fire the Gates of the City, till at last the Citizens found the Paradox true, that the onely way to keep their City shut was to set their Gates open, making ram∣pires more defensible behinde them. As for the Enemies intent to undermine and blow up the Walls, it was first dis∣covered, then defeated by John New∣combe

a Tinner of Teingmouth. For ta∣king advantage of the declivity of the City on that side, he countermin'd the Re∣bels work, and then deriv'd into it all the kennels and water-courses (falling down with a great precipice) and so drowned the vault intended with powder to blow up the Walls. Besides, at the same in∣stant set an impetuous showre which added to the Deluge. Thus in vain doth Hell seek to kindle that Fire, when Hea∣ven intendeth to poure water for the quenching thereof. 12. Famine raged most extremely, insomuch as they were fain to bake bran and meal moulded up in cloathes, for otherwise it would not stick together. Nor must the worthy resolution of a loyall Citizen be forgotten, publickly professing, That rather than he would surrender the City to the Rebels, he would fight with one arm, and feed on the other. And now were they reduced to utmost extremity when the seasonable ap∣proach of Lord privie Seale put a period to their Miseries. For at the winde-mill of S. Mary Clist after a bloody Battle, (wherein Sir William Francis was slain on the King's side) the Rebels were routed and sorced to flie, leaving a thousand of their corps dead on the place. Miles Coverdail gave publick thanks to God for the victory in the view of Exeter, and soon after was made the Bishop thereof. 13. Then the Lord caused S. Mary Clist to be burnt to the ground, though it was his own Town, as knowing full well, Traytours to their King, would never make good Tenants to their Landlord. And on Clist-heath a second fight was begun, where the Rebels were finally overcome. The Lord privie Seal marched into Exeter, and was there (as he well deserved) welcomed with all possible expressions of joy. Sir William Herbert with 1000 Welsh came too late to fight, but soon enough to be an ho∣nourable Witnesse of the victory. 14. This sixt of August, the day of their deliverance, is an high festival in the Almanack of Exeter. Good cheer,

and (thereby I justly guesse) their great gratitude being annually observed, with a publick Sermon to perpetuate the me∣mory of Gods mercy unto them. Yet such Solemnities doe daily decay, every new Generation being removed one degree farther from the deliverance The King conferred the Manour of Exetland, (formerly belonging to the City, but wrested from it by the Earls of Devon-shire) on their Corporation, in reward of their loyalty and valour. 15. Humphrey Arundle, Winslade, Bery, and Coffi were executed, and as this Commotion began, it ended at Sampford-Courtney, where their last remnant was defeated. Six Popish Priests were hanged, with Welsh the Vi∣car of St. Thomas, though all this was but mercy to the cruelty of Sir Anthony Kingston Provost-Marshall in trussing up many mean offenders.

1. It began about the 20th of June at Attilborrough about the laying open of Commons, pretended lately inclosed to the prejudice of the Poor. Much increa∣sed on the 6•• of July at Windham Play, where there was a great confluence of idle people repairing from all parts of the County. 2. Robert Ket, Tanner of Windham, one of more wealth than common folk of his craft, yet of more wit than wealth, confidence than either, was chosen their Captain. He with two Assistants, chosen out of every hundred, kept his Kings Bench, Chancery, and all other Courts, under a Tree, termed the Oake of Refor∣mation, where he did justice, (be it wrong or right) to all such as were summo∣ned before him. In short time they in∣creased to be more than twenty thou∣sand. 3. Sir Edmond Windham Sheriffe of Northfolke, commanded them in the King's name peaceably to depart. But had not his Horsemanship been better than his Rhetorick, himself had not de∣parted the place. Yea now the Rebels began to play their pranks, threatning to burn the House, and defacing the Dovecoat, (formerly a Chappel before it was turned of an House of Prayer into a Den of Thieves) of Master Corbets of Sprowston, and committing many out∣rages, layed all Pastures rather waste than open, where they came. Yea, now they march towards Norwich the chief place in the County. 4. Norwich is like a great volume with a bad cover, having at best but parchment walls about it. Nor can it with much cost and time be effectually fortified, because under the frowning brow of Moushold Hill, hanging over

it. The River Yere so wanton, that it knoweth not its own minde which way to goe, such the involved flexures there∣of within a mile of this City, runneth partly by, partly through it, but con∣tributeth very little to the strengthning thereof. 5. The Rebels encamped, or rather enkennelled themselves on Moushold-Hill, (whereon Mount-Surry a fair House of the Dukes of Northfolk) whence they had free egresse and regresse into Nor∣wich as oft as they pleased. One Coi¦gniers, a Vicar in the City, they had for their Chaplain, and were so religi∣ously rebellious, that prayers Morning and Evening were read amongst them. Mean time, so intolerable was their in∣solence that now they sent up such De∣mands to the King, to which He neither would in honour, nor could in justice con∣descend. Yet the King constantly che∣quered His comminations with Proclama∣tians of pardon, which the Rebels scorn'd to accept. 6. As for Thomas Cod Major of Nor∣wich, and others of the Gentry, detained prisoners in Ket's camp, they were ad∣mitted to the counsels of the Rebels for the better credit thereof. If Ket were present, they were no better than herbe John in the pottage, and had no influ∣ence on their consultations. But if he happily chanced to be absent, then they were like S. Johns wort, (so soveraign for soars, and against the plague it self) and did much mitigate the fury of their mischievous Decrees. Mean time great plenty was in Kets camp, (where a fat sheep was sold for a groat) but penury and misery in all other places. 7. Doctor Matthew Parker (after∣wards Archbishop of Canterbury) get∣ting up into the Oake of Reformation, preached to their Rebels of their duty and allegiance. But the Oake as soon as the Auditory would embrace his Do∣ctrine, yea his life was likely to be ended before his Sermon (Arrows being shot at him) had not Coigniers, Kets Chap∣lain, seasonably, yet abruptly, set the Te Deum, during the singing whereof the Dr. withdrew to sing his part at home, and thank God for his great deliverance.

8. William Par Marquesse of North∣hampton, but more acquainted with the witty, than the warlike part of Pallas, (as compleat in Musick, Poetry, and Court∣ship) with many persons of honour, as the Lords Sheffield, and Wentworth, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir Ralph Sadlier, Sir Thomas Paston, &c. is sent to quell this Rebellion. They were assisted with a band of Italians, under Malatesta their Captain, whereof the Rebels made this advantage to fill the Countrey with complaints, that these were but an hand∣full of an armfull to follow driving on the designe, to subject England to the insolence of Foraigners. 9. Now, though neither wisdome nor valour was wanting in the Kings Soul∣diers, yet successe failed them, being too few to defend Norwich, and oppose the Rebels. Insomuch that the Lord Shef∣field was barbarously butcher'd, Sr Tho: Corwallis taken prisoner, and the City fired by the Rebels: which probably had been burnt to ashes, had not the clouds commiserating the Cities calamity, and melting into tears, quenched the flames: and thus the Marquesse fain to quit the service, returned to London. 10. Then was John Dudley Earle of Warwick, with such Forces as were in∣tended for Scotland, sent to undertake the Task. The Marquesse of North∣hampton attended him to trie whether he could be more fortunate in follow∣ing than he had been in leading. Com∣ing to Norwich he easily entred the Ci∣ty, and entertained the Rebels with ma∣ny sallies with various successe, here too long to relate, but generally the Earle of Warwick came off with the better. 11. Now the Rebels impregnable in some sort, if still keeping Moushold-Hill, (whereon the Earles Horse could doe small service) deserted it of their own accord, and came down into Dussin∣dale. Here their superstition fancied themselves sufficiently fenced by the virtue of an old prophecie.

Hob, Dick, and Hick, with clubs and clouted shoon, Shall fill up Dassin-dale with blood of slaughtered bodies soon. It hath ever been charged on the En∣glish, as if they alwaies carried an old Prophesie about with them in their pock∣ets, which they can produce at pleasure to promote their designes, though oft mistaken in the application of such e∣quivocating Predictions, as here these silly folke were deluded. For, it being believed, that Dussin dale must make a large and soft pillow for Death to rest thereon, these Rebels apprehended them∣selves the Upholsters to make, who pro∣ved onely the stuffing to fill the same. 12. The Earle glad that the enemy had quitted the Hill, fell with all his forces upon them, and here happened a most bloody Battle. The Rebels di∣sputed the ground, with their naturall Logick (as I may term it) down-right blows, without much military Disci∣pline. Here one might have seen young Boyes (timely Traytours) plucking the arrows wherewith they were wounded out of their own flesh, and giving them to those of their owne party to shoot them back againe. Here some thrust through with spears, wilfully engaged their Bodies the deeper thereon, onely striving to reach out their revenge on those who wounded them. But at last rage was conquered by courage, number by valour, Rebellion by Loyalty, and in the fight and pursuit two thousand at the least were slain. 13. Remarkable was Divine Provi∣dence in preserving the captive Gentle∣men of the Countrey, whom the Rebels coupled together and set them in the front of the Fight. Now, although it be true what David saith, The sword de¦voureth one as well as another: yet so discreetly did Captaine Druery charge the Van of the Rebels, that most of these innocent Prisoners made their escape. The last litter of Kets kennell stifly stan∣ding out and fortifying themselves, ac∣cepted of pardon on the Earls promise it should be assured unto them. 14. On the nine and twentieth of Au∣gust a solemn Thanks-giving was made in Norwich for their deliverance, and is

annually continued. Indeed, this City being betwixt weaknesse and strength ••s taxed for wavering at the time betwixt Loyalty and Revolt, though to give the Citizens their due, many expressed their fidelity to their Prince as farre as they durst for fear of destruction. Yet better had it been had Norwich been weaker to be quitted, or stronger to be defended, whose mongrell strength exposed it to the greater misery. 15. Robert Ket was hanged on Nor∣wich Castle, William his brother on Windham Steeple, Nine others on the Oake of Reformation, which never till then brooked the name thereof. A∣mongst these, Miles, a cunning Can∣noneer, was much lamented, because re∣morse kept him from doing much mis∣chief to which his cunning did enable him.

Thus by Gods blessing on Mans endevours both these Rebellions were seasonably supprest. That of Devon-shire did openly avouch the advancing of Popery; the other was suspected secretly fomented by some Papists, who stood behinde the curtain, but ready to step on the stage, had Successe of the Designe but given them the Cue of Entrance. As for the Rebellion at the same time in York shire, which from a small pustle might have proved a painfull bile, yea, a fistulated ulcer if neg∣lected, it was quickly quelled on the execution of Omler and Dale, the chief pro∣moters thereof.

22. By the favour of Sir Thomas Cotton, having obtained to make use of his Library (our English Vatican, for Manuscripts) I shall transcribe King Edwards Diurnall, written with His own hand, of the transactions in His Reigne. True it is His Observations, for his two first years, are short, and not exactly expressing the notation of time, but His Notes as the Noter, got perfection with His age. They most belong to Secular affairs, out of which we have selected such as respect Ec∣clesiasticall matters. May the Reader be pleased to take notice, that though my Observations, as printed, goe a-breast in parallel Columes with those of His High∣nesse, it is my intention they should observe their distance, in their humble atten∣dance thereupon.

Text Royall.

THe Lord Protectour by his owna agreement, and sub∣mission, lost hisb Protectourship, Treasurership, Marshalship, all his Moveables, and neer 2000 li. Land by Act of Parliament.

The Bp. ofc Chichester before a vehement affirmer of Transub∣stantiation, did Preach against it at Westminster in the Preaching∣place.

My Lord Somerset taken into the Counsel.

Order taken, that whosoever hadd Benefices given them, should preach before the King, in or out of Lent, and every Sun∣day there should be a Sermon.

Masse for the Lady Mary denied to the Emperourse Am∣bassadour.

It is granted that my Lord of Somerset should have all his mo∣veable Goods, and Leases, except those that be alreadyf given.

Joaneg Bocher, otherwise cal∣led Joane of Kent, was burnt for holding, that Christ was not incar∣nate of the Virgin Mary, being condemned the year before, but kept in hope of conversion. The Bishops of London and Ely were to perswade her, but she with∣stood them, and reviled the Prea∣cher that preached at her death.

The Lord Cobham and Sir Wil∣liam Peter came home from their journy, delivering both the Oath, and the Testimonial of the Oath, witnessed by divers Noblemen of France, and also theh Treaty sea∣led with the great Seal of France,

and in both was confessed that I wasi supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland.

The Duke of Somerset, Mar∣quesse of North-hampton, Lord Treasurer Bedford, and the Se∣cretary Peter, went to the Bishop of Winchester to know to what he wouldk stick. He made Answer, that he would obey, and let forth all things set forth by Me, and My Parliament; and if he were troubled in conscience, he would reveal it to the Councell, and not reason openly against it.

The Books of My Proceed∣ings were sent to the Bishop of Winchester to see whether hee would set his hand to it, or pro∣mise to set it forth to the people.

The Duke of Somerset, with five others of the Councell, went to the Bp. of the Winchester; to whom he made this Answer: I having deliberately seen the Book of Com∣mon-Prayer, although I would not have made it so my self, yet I finde such things in it as satisfieth my conscience, & therefore both I will execute it my self, and also see other myl Parishioners to doe it. This was subscribed by the a∣foresaid Counsellours, that they heard him say these words.

The Earl of Warwick, the Lord Treasurer, Sir William Herbert,

and Secretary Peter, went to the Bishop of Winchester with certain Articles, signed by Me and the Councel, containing the Confes∣sing of his Fault, the Supremacy, the establishing of Holy-daies, the abolishing of the six Articles, &c. whereunto he put his hand, saving to the Confession.

Sir William Herbert, and the Secretary Peter, were sent to him to tell him, That I marvelled that he would not put his hand to the Con∣fession: To whom he made An∣swer, That he would not doe it, be∣cause he wasm innocent.

The Bishop of London, Secre∣tary Peter, Mr. Cecil, and Goode∣rich, were commanded to make certain Articles according to the Laws, and to put them in the Sub∣mission.

It was appointed that under the n shadow of preparing for Sea-mat∣ters, there should be sent 5000 lib. to the Protestants to get their good wills.

The Bishop of Winchester de∣nied theo Articles, which the Bi∣shop of London and others had made.

The Bishop of Winchester was p sequestred from his fruits for three months.

The Lady Mary, after long Communication was content to

come to Lees, to the Lord Chan∣cellours, and then to Hunsdon, but She utterly denied to come to the q Court, or Oking, at that time.

The Lord Chancellor fell sore sick, with 40 more of hisr house, that the Lady Mary came not thither at this time.

There were Letters sent to e∣very Bishop to pull downe the Altars.

There were Letters sent for the taking of certains Chaplains of the Lady Mary, for saying Masse, which She denied.

Whaley was examined for per∣swading divers Nobles of the Realm to make the Duke of So∣merset t Pro••ector at the next Par∣liament, stood to the Denial, the Earle of Rutland affirmed it ma∣nifestly.

The Bishop of Winchester after a long triall was deposed his Bi∣shoprick.

It seems some legall formalities were pretended wanting in Gardiner his depriva∣tion. For in my memory a Suit was commenced, to overthrow a long Lease made by Bishop Poinet (Gardiner's successour in Winchester) on this point, that Gardiner still remained lawfull Bishop, but nothing therein was effected.

23. Come we now to the saddest difference that ever happened in the Church of England, if we consider either the time how long it continued, the eminent per∣sons therein ingaged, or the dolefull effects thereby produced. It was about matters of conformity. Alas! that men should have lesse wisdome than locusts; which, when sent on God's errand, Did not thrust one another: whereas here such shoving, and shouldring; and hoising, and heavings, and justleing, and thronging, betwixt Clergie-men of the highest parts, and places. For now non∣conformity in the daies of King Edward was conceived, which afterward in the Reign of Queen Mary (but beyond Sea at Frankford) was born; which in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth was nursed, and weaned; which under King James grew up a young youth, or tall stripling; but towards the end of King Charles His Reign, shot up to the full strength, and stature of a man, able, not onely to coap with, but conquer the Herarchie its adversary.

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24. Two opposite parties now plainly discovered themselves, driving on diffe∣rent interests, under their respective Patrones;

Founders of Conformity. 1. Such as remained here all the Reign of King Henry the eighth, and weathered out the tempest of His tyrannie at open Sea, partly by a politick compliance, and partly by a cautious con∣cealment of themselves. 2. These, in the daies of King Ed∣ward the sixt, were possessed of the best preferments in the land. 3. And retained many ceremonies practiced in the Romish Church, conceiving them to be antient, and decent in themselves. 4. The authority of Cranmer, and activity of Ridley headed this party; the former being the highest, the latter the hottest in defence of conformity.

Founders of Non-conformity. 1. Such as fled hence beyond the Seas, chiefly into Germany, where, living in States, and Cities of popular Re∣formation, they suck'd in both the aire, and discipline of the place they lived in. 2. These, returning late into England, were at a losse for meanes, and maintenance, onely supported with the reputation of being Confessors, rendring their patience to the praise, and their persons to the pity of all conscientious people. 3. And renounced all ceremonies pra∣cticed by the Papists, conceiving, that such ought not onely to be clipt with the sheers, but to be sha∣ved with a raizor; yea, all the stumps thereof to be pluckt out. 4. John Rogers, Lecturer in S. Pauls, and Vicar of S. Sepulchres, with John Hooper, afterwards Bishop of Glo∣cester, were Ring-leaders of this party.

This Iohn Hooper was bred in Oxford, well skill'd in Latine, Greek, and Hebrew, (a little of the last would go farre in this Age) and afterwards travelled over into Switzerland. Yea, he seemed to some to have brought Switzerland back with him, in his harsh, rough, and unpleasant behaviour, being grave into rigour, and severe into surliness. Yet to speak truth, all Hoopers ill nature consisted in other mens little acquaintance with him. Such as visited him once, condemned him of over-austerity; who repaired to him twice, onely suspected him of the same; who conversed with him constantly, not onely acquitted him of all mo∣rosity, but commended him for sweetness of manners: which, saith my Author, (Godwin in the Bishops of Glocester) endeared him to the acquaintance of Bullin∣ger. This Hooper was preferred to be Bishop of Glocester, by the special favour of his Patrone, Iohn Earl of Warwick, afterward Duke of Northumberland.

25. The worst was, when Hooper came to be consecrated Bishop of Glocester, he scrupled the wearing of certain Episcopall ornaments (Rochet, Chimere, Square-cap, &c.) producing a Letter from the Earl of Warwick (omniprevalent then at Court, in the declining of his Corrival, the Duke of Somerset) that he might be favourably dispensed with therein, according to the tenour ensuing, to Archbishop Cranmer.

AFter my most hearty commendations to your Grace, these may be to desire the same, that in such reasonable things, wherein this be••rer, my Lord Elect of Glocester craveth to be born withall at your hands, you would vouch safe to shew him your Graces favour; the rather at this my instance. Which thing partly I have taken in hand by the Kings Majesties own motion. The matter is weighed by His Highnesse, none other, but that your Grace may facilely condescend thereunto. The principall cause is, that you would not charge this said Bearer with an Oath burdenous to his conscience. And so for lack of time I commit your Grace to the tuition of Almighty God.

Your Graces most assured loving friend. John Warwick.

What this Oath was, (because not expressed) is variously conjectured. Parsons, to render Hooper more odious, will have it the Oath of Supremacy; which, in my opinion, is improbable, it being utterly unlikely, that the King would dispense with any from taking Oath, wherein His owne Dignity was so neerly con∣cern'd. I conceive it the Oath of Canonical obedience to the Archbishop, which consequentially commanded such ceremonies, which Hooper was willing to de∣cline. For, in the Kings next Letter, wrote thirteen daies after to the same pur∣pose, there is mention onely of offensive Rites, and Ceremonies, and of no Oath at all, as coincident with the former, and obligatory to such Canonical observances. But see the Letter.

RIght Reverend Father, and right trusty, and well-beloved, We greet you well. Whereas We, by the ad∣vice of Our Councel, have called & chosen Our right well-beloved, and well-worthy Mr. John Hooper, Professor of Divinity, to be Our Bishop of Glocester, as well for his great learning, deep judgment, and long study, both in the Scriptures, and other profound learning; as also for his good discretion, ready utterance, and honest life for that kinde of vocation, &c. From consecrating of whom, We understand you doe stay, because he would have you omit, and let passe certain Rites and Ceremonies offen∣sive to his conscience, whereby ye thinke, you should fall in Praemunire of Laws: We have thought good by ad∣vise aforesaid, to dispense, and discharge you of all man∣ner of dangers, penalties, and forfeitures you should run into, and be in any manner of way, by omitting any of the same. And these Our Letters shall be your sufficient warrant, and discharge therefore.

¶Given under Our Signet, at our Castle of Windsor, the fourth year of Our Reign.

All would not doe. Resolute Ridley stood stifly to his tackling, and here was old bandying of the businesse betwixt them, and Arguments urged on both sides.

Pro. 1. The Ornaments were indifferent of themselves, and of antient use in the Church. 2. Being enjoyned by lawfull au∣thority, they became necessary, not to salvation, but to Church-unity; and it was scandalous to decline them. 3. It would bring the Papist over to our Church, beholding all things by them used, not totally abolished by a spirit of contra∣diction, but some decent cor∣respondencies still moderately continued. 4. It would cast a slurre on the cre∣dit of such Bishops, who for∣merly had used those Orna∣ments, as more remisse in Reli∣gion, than such as refused them. 5. Those that have stubborn wills, pretend too often to tender con∣sciences; nor ought a private person to be indulged, with the disturbance of the publick uni∣formity of the Church.

Con. 1. The best thing that could be said of them was, that they were uselesse, being otherwise ridiculous, and su∣perstitious. 2. Cursed be he that removes the bound∣marks. Grant them indifferent in themselves, and left so by Divine Wisdome, it was presumption in man to stamp necessity upon them. 3. Too much of the Serpent, nothing of the Dove herein, to offend those within, to invite those without to the Church, driving Protestants thence, to draw Papists thither. 4. The credits of some good men were not to be preserved, by destroying the consciences of others. 5. Hooper put himself upon the triall of the Searcher of hearts, that no ob∣stinacie, but meer conscience made him refuse those Ornaments.

In a word, all those Arguments, which later Ages have more amply enlarged, more clearly explained, more cunningly improved, more violently enforced, were then and there first solidly propounded, and solemnly set down on both sides. Posterity in this matter having discovered no new Mine, but onely refined, what formerly was found out in this Controversie.

26. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field, to shift for himself. Indeed, he had higher things in his head, than to attend such trifles: not so much to procure a Mitre for his Chaplain, as a Crown for himself, even then secretly laying a design to derive the Scepter into his own family. Yea, Hooper was sent to prison, and kept some daies in durance, till at last he conde∣scended to conform himselfe in his habit, to the rest of his brethren, and so was consecrated Bishop of Glocester.

27. But that, which most opens the mouthes of Papists, and other adversaries against Hooper, is, because he, who scrupled the poor Bishoprick of Glocester, afterward held the wealthy Bishoprick of Worcester in Commendam with it. We read of ab wedge of gold, and little wedges (say they) widen mens consciences for the receiving of greater: yea, thus the haters of marriage, first become guilty of bigamie. But let such know, First, that the Dioceses of Glocester, and Worcester, lie both contiguous together. Secondly, many single Bishopricks in England, are larger than both for extent in Land, and number of Parishes. Thirdly, no worse a man than S. Dunstan himself, had the Bishoprick of Worcester, and London with it, at the same time, being farre more distant, and remote. Fourthly, it is not the having of two Bishopricks together, but the neglecting of one is the sin; whereas

Hooper in preaching, and visiting, afforded double diligence in his double Diocess.

28. The mention of Hooper his holding of the Bishoprick of Worcester in Com∣mendam, mindes me of a difficulty, which (though I cannot answer) I must not omit. It is this, Seeing that Latimer was outed of that Bishoprick in the daies of King Henry the eighth, on the account of the Six Articles, why was he not re∣stored to the same under King Edward the sixt? especailly, seeing Nicholas Heath, his successour, was legally deprived, and the place actually void. Whereas on the contrary Hugh Latimer continued Hugh Latimer, without any addition of pre∣ferment. Here first we must largely trade in negatives. It was not for any want of favour from the King, seeing he stood rectus in Curia, in relation to His Ma∣jesty. Nor was it because his down-right Sermons disobliged the Courtiers who generally delight in soft preaching, as inc soft cloathing. Nor was it out of sullen∣nesse, because he would not be bedded again with that wife, which (though un∣willingly) had in his absence embraced another. Nor have we any cause to su∣spect Latimer of Hoopers opinion, as distasting Ceremonies, and so obstructing his advancement. But we impute it, either to his conscience (oft-times sharpest in the bluntest men) because he would not be built on the ruines of another; especially knowing Heath, one of a meek, and moderate nature: Or to his age, who, Bar∣zillai d like, was superannuated for earthly honour: Alas! what needed a square cap over the many night-caps, which age had multiplied on his Reverend head? Or, because he found himself not so fit for government, better for preaching, than ordering Ecclesiastical affairs. Or lastly, because he propherically foresaw, that the ingratitude of the English Nation would shorten their happinesse, and King Edwards life; and he was loth to come into a place, onely to goe out thereof. Sure I am, it was a loud lie, which Parsons tells, that Latimer was kept bare, who kept himself bare, living, not in the want, but neglect, yea contempt of all worldly wealth. He was Confessour-General to all Protestants troubled in minde; yea, he was the Corban, or treasurie, into which restored-ill-gotten-goods were cast, to be bestowed on the poor, according to his discretion. And Latimer by the courtesie of England (once a Bishop, and ever a Bishop) was in civility saluted Lord, and honoured by all good people that knew him. This I conceive the true cause, why Hooper would not be translated to Worcester, but held it in Commendam with Glou∣cester, because Latimer, and Heath, were both surviving, each accounted a lawfull Bishop by those of their own Religion.

29. But, when Hooper unwillingly willing wore those Episcopal Ornaments, he put on with them a great grudge against Ridley, who enforced him thereunto. Yea, when those his clothes may be presumed half worn out, his anger was new, and fresh, as at the beginning: nor were they fully reconciled till their death, in the daies of Queen Mary. High time then to period their passion, before the Sun [of their life] went down in their wrath. Strange that their heart-burnings could not be quenched, till the fire was kindled, which was to burn both their bodies. But it matters not what is the cause, if amendment be the effect. The Jesuite challengeth the credit of this reconciliation to the Catholicks, bragging, that they made them friends. But we know, their cruell intention was not to make friends, but ashes of them. Let the thanks be paid to that Divine Power, and Providence, which sanctified their sufferings into an agreement, besides, beyond, above, against the designe, and desire of those, which inflicted them. Thus, when froward children fall out, and fight, a good parent, and a good rod, doe quickly make them friends. See the Letters at large in Master Fox, which passed betwixt them in prison; wherein, as Hooper had the honour first to offer agreement, let Ridley receive his praise, that he did fast embrace it. For, as the second blow makes the fray: so, it is not the tender, but acceptance of peace, makes the reconciliation. As for their observation, that of all the Marian-Martyrs, Hooper, and Ridley suf∣fered with most torture, and impute this to a Divine punishment, justly inflicted on them, for this their dissention: there is somewhat of curiosity in the observa∣tion, and nothing of charity in the application.

30. We must not forget, that this earnest contest, was not about the calling, but clothes; not the vocation, but onely about the vestments of Bishops. Where∣upon the juditious Reader will distinguish three Ranks, (or if the word be better liked) three Classes of Non-conformists, according to their severall dates, and de∣signes:

• 1. Antient Non-conformists, here in King Edward's daies, who desired onely to shake down the leaves of Episcopacy, misliking onely some garments about them.
• 2. Middle Non conformists, in the end of Queen Elizabeth, and beginning of King James, who struck at the branches thereof; Chancellours, and Officialls, and other appendant limbs, which they endeavoured to re∣move.
• 3. Modern Non-conformists, who did lay the axe to the root of the tree, to cut down the function it self, as unlawfull, and Antichristian.

Thus after-Ages still made new additions, as if it would be accounted idlenesse in them, if the strong, and active legs of the sons, and nephews, should not goe fa∣ster, and farther, than the old, and feeble feet, of their fathers, and grand-fathers.

31. About this time, David's Psalms were translated into English meeter, and (if not publickly commanded) generally permitted to be sung in all Churches. The work was performed by Thomase Sternhold, (an Hampshire man, Esquire, and of the Privie Chamber to King Edward the sixt, who for his part translated thirty seven selected Psalms) John Hopkins, Robert Wisedome, &c. men, whose piety was better than their poetry; and they had drank more of Jordan, than of He∣licon. These Psalms were therefore translated, to make them more portable in peoples memories (Verses being twice as light, as the self-same bulk in Prose) as also to raise mens affections, the better to enable them to practice the Apostles precept,f Is any merry? let him sing Psalms. Yet this work met afterwards with some frowns in the faces of great Clergy-men, who were rather contented, than well pleased, with the singing of them in Churches. I will not say, because they misliked so much liberty should be allowed the Laitie (Rome only can be guilty of so great envy) as to sing in Churches: rather, because they conceived these singing Psalms erected in corrivality, and opposition, to the reading-Psalms, which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches: or else, the childe was disliked for the mothers sake; because, such Translatours, though branched hither, had their root in Geneva.

32. Since, later men have vented their just exceptions against the baldnesse of the translation, so that sometimes they make the Maker of the Tongue to speak little better than barbarisme, and have in many Verses such poor rhime, that two hammers on a Smith's anvill would make better musick. Whilst others (rather to excuse it, than defend it) doe plead, that English poetry was then in the non∣age, not to say, infancy thereof: and that, match these Verses for their age, they shall goe a breast with the best Poëms of those times. Some, in favour of the Translatours, alledge, that to be curious therein, and over-descanting with wit, had not become the plain song, and simplicity of an holy style. But these must know, there is great difference between painting a face, and not washing it. Many since have farre refined these Translations, but yet their labours therein never generally received in the Church: principally, because un-book-learn'd people have conn'd by heart, many Psalms of the old Translation, which would be wholly disinherited of their patrimony, if a new Edition were set forth. How∣ever, it is desired, and expected by moderate men, that, though the fabrick stand unremoved for the main, yet some bad contrivance therein may be mended, and the bald rhimes in some places get a new nap, which would not much discom∣pose the memory of the people.

33. On the twenty fourth of July, King Edward, by His Letters patent, at the request of John à Lasco, free Baron of Lasco in Poland, did, by the consent of His Counsell, give, and grant the whole Church of S. Augustine's, neer Broad-stree•• in London (the Quire excepted, formerly possessed by Marquesse Pawlet) unto the Superintendent, and Ministers of the Dutch-Church, and other strangers in Lon∣don, to have, and to hold for them, their heirs, and successours in Frank Almo∣nage, to be a meeting-place for them, therein to attend God's Word, and Sacra∣ments. He ordered also, that hereafter it should be called by the new name of the Church of the Lord IESUS; and incorporated the said Superintendent, Mini∣sters, and Congregation, to be a body politick, for all purposes, and intents; empowering them from time to time, in the vacancy of a Superintendent, to chuse, name, and substitute, any able, and fit person in that place: provided, that the person so chosen be first presented to the King, His Heirs, and Successours, to be approved, and confirmed by them in the Office of the Ministerie, enjoyn∣ing all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Officers, Quòd permittant praefatisg Su∣perintendenti, & Ministris, & Sucessoribus suis, liberè, & quietè frui, gaudere, uti, & exercere ritus, & ceremonias suas proprias, & disciplinam Ecclesiasticam propriam & peculiarem, non obstante, quòd non conveniant cum ritibus, & ceremo∣niis in Regno nostro usitatis: That they permit the foresaid Superintendent, and Mi∣nisters, and their Successours, freely, and quietly to hold, enjoy, use, and exercise their own proper rites, and ceremonies, and their proper, and peculiar Church-disci∣pline, notwithstanding that they agree not with the rites, and ceremonies used in Our Kingdome.

34. Now followed the fatall tragedy of the Duke of Somerset, and we must re∣coile a little, to fetch forward the cause thereof. Thomas Seymour Baron of Sudely, and Lord Admirall, the Protectours younger Brother, had married the Lady Katharine Parre, the Relict of King Henry the eighth. A contest arose betwixt their Wives about place, the Protectresse (as I may call her) refusing to give it to the Kings Dowager. Yet was their precedencie no measuring cast, but clear in the view of any unpartiall eye. Nor needed other Herauld to decide the contro∣versie than the Kings own Injunctions,a wherein after prayer for His own Royall person, Ministers were commanded to pray for the Queen Dowager even before the Kings Sisters, Mary, and Elizabeth, the Protectour (under whom his Lady must claim place) being placed last in the List of their Devotions.

35. The Womens discords derived themselves into their Husbands hearts. Whereupon, not long after followed the death of the Lord Thomas Seymour, ar∣raigned for designing to traslate the Crown to himself, though having neither Title to pretend unto it, nor effectual Interest to atchieve the same. Letb Adonijah, and this Lord's example deterre Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns, left in the same match they espouse their own danger and de∣struction. This Lord thus cut off, the Protectour stood alone on his own bot∣tome at which his enemies daily endevoured to undermine.

36. Soon after the Lords of the Councel resolved to accuse him of many high offences. Of these Lords, some were Lawyers, as the Lord Wriothesley, lately, the Lord Rich, then Lord Chancellour; Sir Edward Montague Chief Justice, &c. some Martialists, as S^r Ralph Sadler Treasurer to the Army, and some meer States∣men, as William Pawlet Lord Treasurer, and their accusations participated of the severall conditions of the Accusers. The Lawyers charge him for bringing West∣minster-hall into Somerset-house, keeping there a Court of Request, and therein determining Titles of Land to the apparent injury of the Subject. Military men taxed him for his Sumptuous buildings, having their Morter tempered with the tears of Souldiers Wives and Children, whose wages he detained; and for be∣traying Bolloigne, and other places in France to the Enemy. States-men chiefly insisted on his engrossing all power to himself, that whereas by the constitution of the Protectourship he was to act nothing without the advice of King Henry's Executours, he solely transacted matters of the highest consequence without their privity.

37. Here I must set John Dudley Earl of Warwick (as a Transcendent) in a form by himself, being a competent Lawyer, (Son to a Judge) known Soldier, and able States man, and acting against the Protector, to all these his capacities. Indeed, he was the very soul of the Accusation, being all in all, in every part thereof And seeing the Protector was free spirited, open hearted, humble, hard to distrust, easie to forgive: The other proud, suttle, close, cruell, and revengefull; it was impar congressus betwixt them, almost with as much disadvantage as betwixt a naked and an armed person.

38. Hereupon, he was imprisoned at Windsor, in a place antiently calledc Beau∣champ's Tower, it seems by a sad Prolepsis, but never verified till now when this V••count Beauchamp by his original honour) was therein consined, and hence was he removed to the Tower of London. However, although all this happened in the worst juncture of time, viz: in the disjuncture of his best Friend (the Lord Russell Privie Seal) then away in the West, yet by his own innocence, his other Friends endeavour, the Kings interposing, and Divine Providence, he was acquitted, and though outed his Protectorship, restored and continued Privie Counsellour, as in the King's Diarie was formerly observed.

39. But after two years and two months, his enemies began afresh to assault him, hoping that as the first stroak shak'd, the next would fell him to the ground. Indeed, Warwick (who had too powerfull an influence upon all the Lords) could not erect his intended Fabrick of Soveraignty except he first cleared the ground work from all obstructive rubbish, whereof this Duke of Somerset was the Prin∣cipall: In whose absence the Lords met at the Councell Table, where it was con∣trived how all things should be ordered in relation to his Arraignment.

40. R. Rich Lord Chancellor (then living in great S. Bartholomews) though outwardly concurring with the rest, began now secretly to favour the Duke of Somerset, and sent him a Letter, therein acquainting him with all passages at the Councell Board, superscribing the same (either out of haste, or familiarity) with no other direction save, To the Duke: enjoying his Servant a raw attendant, as newly entred into the family, safely to deliver it. The man madee more haste than good speed, and his Lord wondring at his quick return, demanded of him where the Duke was when he deliver'd him the Letter: In Charter-house (said his Servant) on the same token that he read it at the window, and smiled thereat. But the Lord Rich smiled not at his relation, as sadly sensible of the mistake and delivery of the Letter to the Duke of Norfolke, no great friend of his, and an utter enemy to the Duke of Somerset.

41. Wonder not if this Lord rose early up the next morning, who may be pre∣sumed not to have slept all night. He higheth to the Court, and having gotten admittance into the Bed Chamber before the King was risen up, fell down on his knees, and desired that his old age might be eased of his burthensome Office: pleading, That there ought to be some preparatory interval in States men betwixt their Temporall businesse and their Death; in order to which, he desired to retire into Essex, there to attend his own Devotions. Nor would he rise from the ground till the King had granted his request. And thus he saved himself from being stript by others by first putting off his own clothes, who otherwise had lost his Chancel∣lours place for revealing the secrets of the Councell Board. Some daies after the Scale was solemnly fetcht from him, and conferred on Doctor Goodrich Bishop of Elie.

42. The Impeachment of the Duke went on neverthelesse, and two Nets were laid to catch him, that if one brake the other might hold. He was indicted of Treason, and Fellonie; the former was onely to give the report, the latter to dis∣charge the bullet. So great a Peer could not be accused of lesse than High Treason, that the offence might appear proportionable to the Offender. However, he was acquitted of Treason, whereat the people in Westminster-hall gave such a shout, that though the same was intercepted and circumscribed by the house, it is reported to be heard as farref as Long-Acre.

43. But this sound was seconded with a sad silence when he was condemned for Felony, by a new made Statute, for plotting the death of a Privie Counsellour; namely, the Earle of Warwick. Here a strange oversight was committed, that he craved not the benefit of the Clergie, which could not legally be denied him; on the granting whereof, the ensuing punishment had certainly been remitted: and not long after he was beheaded on Tower-hill, with no lesse praise for his piety and patience, than pity and grief of the Beholders.

44. Posterity is much unsatisfied in the justnesse of his suffering, and generally doe believe, That he himselfe was the sheep who was here condemn'd for the slaughter. A good Author tells us, That he lost his life for a small crime, and that upon a nice point, subtilly devised and packt by his enemies. And yet that the good King Himselfe was possessed of his guilt, may appeare by His ensuing Letter written with His own hand to a dear Servant of His, as followeth:

To Our well-beloved servant Barnaby Fitz-Patricke, one of the Gentlemen of Our Chamber.

EDWARD.

LIttle hath been done since you went, but the Duke of Somerset's arraignment for felonious Treason, and the Musters of the new-erected Gendarmery. The Duke, the first of this Moneth was brought to VVest∣minster-hall, where sate as Judge, or High Steward, my Lord Treasurer, twenty six Lords of the Parliament went on his Triall, Indictments were read; which were severall; some for Treason, some for trayterous Felony. The Lawyers read how Sir Thomas Palmer had con∣fessed that the Duke, once minded, and made him pri∣vie, to raise the North, after to call the Duke of Nor∣thumberland, the Marquesse of Northampton, and the Earle of Pembroke, to a Feast, and so to have slain them. And to doe this thing (as it was to be thought) had levied men a hundred at his house at London, which was scanned to be Treason, because unlawfull Assemblies for such purposes, was Treason by an Act made the last Sessions. Also how the Duke of Somerset minded to stay the Horses of the Gendarmery, and to raise London. Crane confessed also the murdering of the Lords in a Banquet. Sir Miles Partridge also confessed the rai∣sing of London. Hamman his man having a Watch at Greenwich of twenty weaponed men to resist, if he had been arrested, and this confessed both Patridge and

Palmer. He answered, That when he levied men at his House, he meant no such thing, but onely to defend him∣self. The rest very barely answered. After debating the matter from nine of the clock till three, the Lords went together, and there weighing that the matter seemed only to touch their lives, although afterward more inconveni∣ence might have followed, and that men might think they did it of malice, acquitted him of High Treason, and condemned him of Felony, which he seemed to have con∣fessed. He hearing the Judgment, fell down on his knees, and thanked them for his open Triall. After he asked pardon of the Duke of Northumberland, the Mar∣quesse, &c. whom he confessed he meant to destroy, al∣though before he swore vehemently to the contrary. Thus fare you well.

¶From Westminster the 20^th of December, Anno Domini 1551.

Hereby it plainly appeareth, that the King was possessed with a perswasion of His Uncles guiltiness: whether or no so in truth, God knoweth; and generally Men believe Him abused herein. And it seemeth a wonder to me that six weeks (from December the 1, to January the 22.) interceding betwixt the Dukes condemnation and execution, no means were made during that time to the King for his pardon. But, it is plain, that his foes had stopped all accesse of his friends unto the King.

45. The Duke of Somerset was religious himself, a lover of all such as were so, and a great Promoter of Reformation. Valiant, fortunate, witnesse his victory in Musleborrough field, when the Scots filled many carts with emptinesse, and loaded them with what was lighter than vanity it self, Popish Images, and other Trinkets, wherein they placed the confidence of their Conquest. He was generally beloved of Martiall men, yet no marvell if some did grumble against him, seeing there is no Army, save that of the Church Triumphant, wherein the Souldiers at some time or other doe not complain against their Generall. Nor is the wonder great if he sometimes trespassed in matters of State, seeing the most conscientious Polititian will now and then borrow a point of Law (not to say, take it for their due) even with an intent never to pay it. He was better to perform than plot, doe than design. In a word, his self-hurting innocence declined into guiltinesse, whose soule was so farre from being open to causlesse suspitions, that it was shut against just jealou∣sies of danger.

46. He built Somerset-house, where many like the workmanship better than ei∣ther the foundation or materials thereof: For the Houses of three Bishops, Landaffe, Coventry and Litchfield, and Worcester, with the Church of St. Mary le Strand, were pluckt down to make room for it. The stones and timber were fetcht from the Hospitall of S. Johns. This Somerset house is so tenacious of his name, that it would not change a Dutchie for a Kingdome, when solemnly proclaimed by King James, Denmarke-house from the King of Denmarke's lodging therein, and His Sister Queen Anne her repairing thereof. Surely it argueth, that this Duke was

wel belov'd, because his name made such an indelible impression on this his house, whereof he was not full five years peaceably possessed.

47. We lately made mention of Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, to whom the King di∣rected His Letter, as who was bred and brought up with Him from His infancy, though somewhat the older. He was Prince Edward's PROXIE for COR∣RECTION, though we may presume seldome suffering in that kinde, such the Princes generall innocence and ingenuity to learn His book. Yet when such execution was done, as Fitz-Patrick was beaten for the Prince, the Prince was beaten in Fitz-Patrick, so great an affection did He bare to His Servant. Towards the end of His Reign He maintained him in the Court of France both to learn fashions there, and send intelligence thence. And it will not be amisse to insert the King's private Instructions unto him how he should behave himself in the French Court, partly for the rarity, partly for the certainty thereof, having it transcribed out of the Originall of the King's own hand, as followeth:

• 1. First, he shall goe in the Lord Admirals Company, and at the same Lords departing he shall have a Letter to the French King. which the Lord Admirall shall deliver, and present him to the French King; and if it shall chance that the French King will give him any Pension, entertainment, or reward at his being there for the time he tarrieth there, he shall receive it, and thank His Majesty for it, and shall serve when he shall be appointed. Neverthelesse, when he is out of the Court he shall be most conversant with Mr. Pickering.
• 2. And at his setting forth shall carry with him four Servants, and if the wages amount to any great summe (more than I give him) that the French King giveth him, to live there after that proportion, advertising Me of the same.
• 3. Also all this Winter he shall study the Tongue, and see the manner of the Court, and advertise Me of the occurrences he shall hear, and if he be desirous to see any place Notable, or Town, he may goe thither, asking leave of the King. And shall behave himself honestly, more following the company of Gentlemen, than pressing into the company of the Ladies there, and his chief pastime shall be Hunting and Riding.
• 4. Also his Apparell he shall wear it so fine as shall be comely, and not much superfluous. And the next Sommer, when either the King goeth or sendeth any man of name into the Warres to be His Lieutenant, or to lead an Army, he shall desire to goe thither, and either himself, or else shall will Mr. Pickering to declare to the French King, how he thinketh not himself to have fully satisfied nor recompensed neither His Majesties good entertain∣ment nor Mine expectation who had sent him over if he should return, ha∣ving so delicately and idlely almost spent the time, without he did at this time of service be desirous to goe himself into the Warres, by the which thing he might at this time doe His Majesty service, and also learn to doe Me service hereafter, yea, and His Majesty to if the case so required. And therefore see∣ing this Nobleman shall now goe that his request is to have leave to goe with him.
• 5. Having said this to the French King, he shall depart into the Warres, waiting on this Nobleman that shall be sent, and there he shall mark the di∣vers fortifications of places, and advantages that the enemy may take, and the ordering and conduct of the Armies. As also the fashion of the skirmishes, battles, and assaults, and the plats of the chief Towns where any enterprises of weight have been done, he shall cause to be set out in black and white, or other∣wise, as he may and shall send them hither to Me, with advertisement of such things as have passed.
• 6. Furthermore, he shall at all times when he taketh money advertise Me of it, and I shall send him. And so the next year being well spent, upon further advertisement, and taking leave of the French King, he shall return.
• ...

• 7. And if there arise or grow any doubt in any matter hereafter, in the which be shall need advise: he shall advertise by the Post, and shall have Anser thereof.

This Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, after his return out of France, was created by the King, Baron of upper Ossery in Ireland, and died a most excellent Protestant, as hereafter we shall shew in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.

48. On the 15^th of April, the Parliament ended which had sate three Moneths at Westminster, though therein nothing of Church-matters determined, save a Pe∣nalty imposed on such who should strike or draw weapon in Church, or Church∣yard, with the abolishing of the generall Holy daies of S. Mary Magdalen, and S. Geroge: yet so, that it should be lawfull for the latter to be solemnly celebrated by the Knights of the Right honourable Order of the Garter. The Orders of which Order were about this time reformed and purged from some antient su∣perstitions.

49. Sixk Dolphins were taken in the Thames (three neer Quinborough, and three above Greenwich, where the Thames is scarce tainted with brackishnesse) in so much that many grave men dispensed with their wisdome, and beheld them with wonder, as not seen before on our shores. A fish much loving man and musick, swifter than all other fishes, and birds too: yea, than the Swallow it self (if Pliny l say true) though all their celerity besteaded them not here to escape the nets of the fisher-men. Their coming up so farre was beheld by Mariners as a presage of fowl weather at Sea; but by States-men, as a prodigious omen of some tempestu∣ous mutations in our Land. And particularly, they suspected the Kings death, though for the present He was very pleasant and merry in His progresse about the Countrey, as by his ensuing Letter to His former favourite, written in the next August, doth appear.

EDWARD.

THE cause why we have not hitherto written unto you have partly been the lack of a convenient Messenger, partly because we meant to have some thing worthy writing ere VVe would write any thing. And therefore being now al∣most in the midst of Our journey which VVe have undertaken this Sommer, VVe have thought good to advertise, now since Our last Letters dated at Greenwich, VVe departed from thence towards a thing farre contrary to that wherein as VVe perceive by your diligent advertisement you and all the Coun∣trey you are in are occupied; for whereas you all have been oc∣cupied in killing of your enemies, in long marchings, in pain∣full journeys, in extreme heat, in sore skirmishings, and divers assaults; We have been occupied in killing of wilde Beasts, in pleasant journeys, in good fare, in viewing of faire Coun∣treys, and rather have sought how to fortifie Our own, than to spoil another mans. And being this determined came to Gil∣ford, from thence to Petworth, and so to Coudray (a goodly House of Sir Anthony Brownes) where we were

marvellously, yea rather excessively banquetted. From thence VVe went to Halvenaker (a pretty House besides Chiche∣ster.) From thence VVe went to Warblington (a faire House of Sir Richard Cottons.) And so to VValthan (a faire great old House, in times past the Bishop of VVinche∣sters, and now my Lord Treasurers house.) In all these pla∣ces, VVe had both good hunting, and good cheer. From thence we went to Portsmouth Town, and there viewed not onely the Town it selfe and the Haven, but also divers Bulwarks, as Chatertons, VVaselford, with other; in viewing of which VVe finde the Bulwarks chargeable, massey, well ram∣pared, but ill-fashioned, ill-flanked, and set in unmeet places, the Town weak in comparison of that it ought to be, too huge great (for within the Walls are faire and large Closes, and much vacant room) the Haven notable great, and standing by nature easie to be fortified. And for the more strength thereof We have devised two strong Castles on either side of the Haven at the mouth thereof: For at the mouth the Ha∣ven is not past ten score over, but in the middle almost a mile over, and in length for a mile and a half able to beare the greatest ship in Christendome. From thence We went to Tichfield (the Earl of South-Hampton's House) and so to South-Hampton Town. The Citizens had bestowed for Our coming great cost in painting, repairing, and rampairing of their VValls. The Town is handsome, and for the bignesse of it as fair houses as be at London. The Citizens made great cheer, and many of them kept costly tables. From South-Hampton we came to Bewly a little Village in the middle of the new Forrest, and so to Christ-Church (an∣other little Town in the same Forrest) where VVe now be. And having advertised you of all this, VVe thinke it not good to trouble you any farther with news of this Countrey, but onely that at this time the most part of England (thanks be to God) is clear of any dangerous or infectious sicknesse. VVe have received all your Letters of the 26 of May, of the 19 of June, and the first of August. Thus fare you well.

❧From Christ-Church the 22 of August.

But leaving the King in His Progresse, we come to behold the Bishops in their Vi∣sitations, and finde them divided into three sorts:

• 1. Zealous Protestants, as Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Ridley, Hooper, Farrer.
• Zealous Papists, as Gardner, Tunstall, Bonner: which three alone, were deprived of their Bishopricks, and confined.
• 3. Papists in heart, but outwardly conforming to the Kings Lawes, as Heath Archbishop of York, and many other Bishops.

Here it is worthy our inquiry why this latter sort, which so complied under King Edward the sixt, should be so stubborn and obstinate under Queen Elizabeth, whereof I can give but this reason assigned: That growing older and nearer their graves, they grew more conscientious and faithfull to their own (though erroni∣ous) principles, it being in vain to dissemble now death did approach, though their younger years had been guilty of such prevarications.

SECTION II.

DIGNISSIMO VIRO CAROLO CHENEY De Comitatu BVCK: Armigero, Mecoenati suo munificentissimo.

ETHELSTANUS, Saxonum Monarcha, decre∣to sanxivit, si massere ascenderet, ut ter, Magnum mare transfretaret, per proprium negotium suum, fuit deinde TAINI dignus rectitudine. In qua lege enuclenda, mihi aliquantillum immorandum; quum licet tibi (ut alia omnia) expedita, aliis forsitan aliquid nodi ei subesse vi∣deatur.

• 1. Massere) Mercatorem designari in confesso est.
• 2. Magnum mare) Mediterraneum intenditur, quo nomine Sacrae Scripturae sepiûs innotescit.
• 3. Proprium negotium) quâ clausulâ excluditur servile genus, (FACTORES dicimus) qui non sui ju∣ris, sed Dominis rationem reddituri.
• ...

• 4. Taini) intelligimus melioris notae Generosum.
• 5. Dignus rectitudine) Olet hoc saeculi barbariem.

Sed his verbis voluit Rex, ut censeatur Iso-Tainus, at{que} eundem honoris gradum sortiatur.

Quod si, Vir clarissime, illi seculo tanta contigisset fe∣licitas, ut tu tunc temporis vixisses, quibus titulis te deco∣randum Rex ille censuisset? qui, ortu tuo Nobilis, Mare parvum, medium, magnum, omnia, (multis aquarum terra∣rumque montibus superatis) transivisti. Id{que} non turpis lucri causa, ut navem mercibus; sed scientiae ergo, ut men∣tem dotibus instructam reportares.

Te igitur in ipfissimo Libri mei umbilico (quantum paginas scriptas, nondum impressas, aestimare potui) collo∣candum curavi, eo consilio, quo provida natura Soli inter Planetas medium locum assignavit, ut ex aequo, utrinque totum opus nomine tuo illustraetur.

Deus Te, tuamque Conjugem (non magis natalium splendore, quam propriis virtutibus spectabilem) eousque protegat, dum in dubium venerit, longiorve an beatior vestra vita sit reputanda.

LAtely information was given to the Kings Councell, that much costly furniture, which was embezelled, might very sea∣sonably (such the Kings present occasi∣ons) and profitably be recovered. For, private mens halls were hung with Af∣tar-cloathes; their tables and beds, cove∣red with copes, instead of carpets, and co∣verlets. Many drank at their daily meals in chalices; and no wonder, if in propor∣tion it came to the share of their Lorses to be watered in rich coffins of marble. And, as if first laying of hands upon them were sufficient title unto them, sei¦zing on them was generally the price they had payed for them. Now, although four years were elapsed, since the destruction of Colledges & Chanteries, and much of the best Church ornaments was transported beyond the Seas, yet the Privie Coun∣cel thought, this very gleaning in the stubble, would richly be worth the while, and that, on strict inquisition, they should retrive much plate in specie, and more mo∣ney for moderate fines of offenders herein. Besides, whereas Parish Churches had still many rich Ornaments left in the custody of their Wardens, they resolved to convert, what was superfluous, or superstitious, to the Kings use. To which purpose, Commissions were issued out, to some select persons in every County, according to the tenour following:

Instructions given by the King's Majestie to His right trusty and right wel beloved Cousin and Counsellour the Marquesse of Northampton, and to the rest of His Highness Comissioners appointed for the Survey of Church-goods within His Majesties County of Northampton.

EDVVARD.

FIrst, Upon the receipt of the same Commission by any one of the same Com∣missioners, he that so shall first receive the Commission, shall forthwith with all convenient speed, give knowledge to the rest named in the same Comission, and with them shall agree to meet and assemble with that speed they can for the execution of the same Commission and these Instructions. And if any of the said Commissioners shall be dead, sick, or otherwise, be so absent out of the Countrey for the service of the King, that he cannot with speed attend the same in that case; The rest of the same Commissioners, so that they be to the Number appointed, by the Commission, shall not make any delay from the pro∣ceeding in the same Commission, but shall forthwith allot their sittings, Assem∣blies and meetings for the same Commission, as in like cases hath been, or shall be meet to be used.

Item, For their better and more certain proceeding, the said Commissio∣ners shall in such cases, where none of the Commissioners be Custos Rotulo∣rum of that County, ne hath been since the beginning of Our Reign, command the said Custos Rotulorum, or their Deputy, or the Clerk of the Peax of those parts, to bring or send unto them such Books, Registers, and Invento∣ries, as hath heretofore any wise come to their hands, by Indenture, touching the Summes, Numbers and Values of any Goods, Plate, Iewels, Vestments, and Bells, or Ornaments of any Churches, Chappels, and such like. And like∣wise the said Commissioners shall send to the Bishops of every Diocese where∣in the said County is Situate, or to their Chancellours, Commissaries, or other Ecclesiasticall Officers in whose hands, or custody, the like of the aforesaid Inventories and Registers have command of them, and every of them, They shall receive and take the said Books, Registers, and Inventories. And that done, the said Commissioners shall compare both the same Inventories, (that is

to say) as well such as they shall receive and take of the Custos Rotulorum, or their Deputy, or the Clerk of the Peax, as of the Bishops, or other under-Officers, and according to the best, richest, and greatest Inventories of the said Commissioners shall proceed to make their survey and enquirie. And by the same make the searches of the defaults and wants that shall be found. And generally the same Commissioners shall not onely by the view of the said Regi∣sters and Inventories, but also by any other means they can better devise, pro∣ceed to the due search and inquisition of the wants and defaults of any part of the said Goods, Plate, Iewels, Vestments, Bells, or Ornaments.

Item, For the more speedy obtaining of the said Registers and Inventories, the said Commissioners shall receive speciall Letters of commandement from our Privie Councell for the deliverie thereof, which Letters the said Com∣missioners shall deliver as they shall see occasion.

Item, The said Commissioners shall upon their view, and survey taken, cause due Inventories to be made by Bills or Books indented, of all manner of Goods, Plate, Iewels, Bells, and Ornaments, as yet remaining, or anywise forth coming, and belonging to any Churches, Chappels, Fraternities, or Gilds, and the one part of the same Inventories to send and return to Our Privie Councell, and the other to deliver to them in whose hands the said Goods, Plate, Iewels, Bells, and Ornaments shall remain to be kept preserved. And they shall also give good charge and order that the same goods and every part thereof be at all times forth coming to be answered, leaving neverthe∣lesse in every Parish Church or Chappell of common resort, one, two, or more Chalices or Cups, according to the multitude of the People in every such Church or Chappell, and also such other Ornaments as by their discretion shall seem requisite for the Divine Service in every such place for the time.

And, because We be informed, that in many places great quantities of the said Plate, Iewels, Bells, and Ornaments be imbecilled by certain private men contrary to Our expresse commandements in that behalf; The said Com∣missioners shall substantially and justly enquire and attain the knowledge thereof; by whose default the same is, and hath been, and in whose hands any part of the same is come. And in that point the said Commissioners shall have good regard, that they attain to certain names, and dwelling-places of every person and persons, that hath sold, alienated, imbezilled, taken or carried a∣way, and of such also as have councelled, advised, and commanded any part of the said Goods, Plate, Iewels, Bells, Vestments, and Ornaments to be taken or carried away, or otherwise imbezilled. And these things they shall as certainly and duly as they can cause to be searched and understand.

Upon a full search and enquiry whereof, The said Commissioners, four or three of them shall cause to be called before them. Also the persons by whom any of the said Goods, Plate, Iewels, Bells, Ornaments, or any other the pre∣misses, have been alienated, embezilled, or taken away, or by whose means or procurement the same, or any part thereof hath been attempted, or to whose hands or use any of the same or any profit for the same hath grown. And by such means as to their discretions shall seem best, cause them to bring into their the said Commissioners hands to Our use the said Plate, Iewels, Bells, and other the premisses so alienated, or the true and just value thereof, certi∣fying unto Our Privie Councell the names of all such as refuse to stand to, or obey their Order touching the re-delivery, and restitution of the same, or the just value thereof. To the intent that as cause and reason shall require, every man may answer to his doings in this behalf.

Finally, Our pleasure is, that the said Commissioners in all their doings shall use such sober and discreet manner of proceeding as the effect of this Commission may goe forward with as much quiet and as little occasion of trouble or disquiet of the multitude as may be, using to that end, such wise per∣swasions

in all places of their Sessions as in respect of the place, and disposition of the People may seem to their wisdomes most expedient. Giving also good and substantiall order for the stay of the inordinate and greedy covetousnesse of such disordered people, as have or shall goe about the alienating of any the premisses, So as according to reason, and order such as have, or shall contem∣ptuously offend in this behalf may receive reformation, as for the quality of their doings shall be requisite.

In pursuance of these their Instructions, the Kings Commissioners in their respe∣ctive Counties, recovered much, and discovered more of Church-wealth and Or∣naments: For, some were utterly imbeziled by persons not responsible, and there the King must lose his right. More were concealed by parties not detectable, so cunningly they carried their stealths, seeing every one who had nimmed a Church-Bell, did not ring it out for all to hear the sound thereof. Many potent persons well known to have such goods, shufled it out with their greatnesse, mutually connived at therein, by their equalls, fellow-offenders in the same kinde. How∣ever, the Commissioners regained more than they expected, confidering the di∣stance of time, and the cold scent they followed so many years after the Dissolu∣tion. This Plate, and other Church-Utensils, were sold▪ and advanced much money to the Exchequer. An Authour telleth us, That (amongst many which they found) they left but one silver Chalice to every Church, too narrow a pro∣portion to populous Parishes, where they might have left two at the least, seeing for expedition sake, at great Sacraments, the Minister at once delivereth the wine to two Communicants. But they conceived one Cup enough for a small Parish, and that greater and richer were easily able to purchase more to themselves.

2. All this Income rather stayed the stomack, than satisfied the hunger of the Kings Exchequer: For the allaying whereof, the Parliament, now sitting, con∣ferred on the Crown, the Bishoprick of Durham. This may be called the English Herbipolis, or Wirtz-burge, it being true of both,

Dunelmia sola, judicat Ense & Stola.

The Bishop whereof was a Palatine, or Secular Prince, and his Seal in form resem∣bleth Royalty in the Roundnesse thereof, and is not Oval, the badge of plain Epi∣scopacy. Rich, and entire the revenues of this See, such as alone would make a considerable addition to the Crown, remote the scituation thereof, out of Sou∣thern sight, and therefore, if dissolved, the sooner out of mens mindes. Besides, Cuthbert Tunstall the present Bishop of Durham, was in durance, and deprived for his obstinacy, so that so stubborn a Bishop gave the State the fairer quarrell with so rich a Bishoprick, now annexed to the Kings revenue.

3. Well it was for this See, (though dissolved) that the lands thereof were not dispersed by sale unto severall persons, but preserved whole and entire (as to the main) in the Crown. Had such a dissipation of the parts thereof been made, no lesse than a State miracle had been requisite for the recollection thereof. Whereas now within two years after, Queen Mary restored Tunstall to this Bishop∣rick, and this Bishoprick to it self, re-setling all the lands on the same.

4. By this time, such Learned men as were employed by the King, to reform the Ecclesiastical Laws, had brought their work to some competent perfection. Let me enlarge my self on this subject of concernment, for the Readers satisfacti∣on. When the Pope had ingrossed to his Courts the cognizance of all causes, which either looked, glanced, or pointed in the least degree, at what was reduce∣able to Religion, he multiplied Laws, to magnifie himself▪ Whose principal de∣signe therein, was not to make others good, but himself great, not so much to direct, and defend the good, to restrain and punish the bad, as to ensnare and entangle both. For, such the number of their Clementines, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Intrd. & Extravagants, Provincialls, Synodalls, Glosses, Sentences, Chapters, Summaries, Rescripts, Breviaries, long and short Cases, &c. that none could carry themselves so cautiously, but would be rendred obnoxious, and caught within the compasse

of offending. Though the best was, for money they might buy the Popes pardon, and thereby their own innocence.

5. Hereupon, when the Popes power was banished out of England, his Canon-Law, with the numerous Books and branches thereof, lost its authority in the Kings Dominions. Yet, because some gold must be presumed amongst so much drosse, grain amongst so much chaffe, it was thought fit, that so much of the Canon Law should remain as was found conformable to the Word of God, and Laws of the Land. And therefore King Henry the eighth was impowred by Act of Parliament, to elect two and thirty able persons, to reform the Ecclesiastical Laws, though in His Reign very little to good purpose was performed therein.

6. But the designe was more effectually followed in the daies of King Edward the sixth, reducing the number of two and thirty to eight, thus mentioned in His Letters Patents dated at Westminster, the last year, Novemb: 11.

• Bishops
  • Thomas Cranmer, of Canterbury.
  • Thomas Goodrich, of Elie.
• Divines
  • Peter Martyr.
  • Richard Cox.

• Civilians, and Canonists
  • Dr. William May.
  • Dr. Rowland Taylor, of Hadley.
• Common Lawyers
  • John Lucas.
  • Rich: Good∣rick
• ...
  • Esquires.

It was not onely convenient, but necessary, that Common Lawyers should share in making these Church Constitutions, because the same were to be built, not onely sure in themselves, but also symmetricall to the Municipall Lawes of the Land. These Eight had power by the Kings Patents, to call in to their assistance what persons they pleased, and are said to have used the pens of Sir John Cheeke, and Walter Haddon, Dr. in Law, to turn their Lawes into Latine.

7. However, these had onely a preparing, no concluding power; so that, when they had ended their work, two things were wanting, to make these Ecclesiastical Canons (thus by them composed) have the validity of Laws. First, an exact re∣view of them by others, to amend the mistakes therein. As where they call the Common Prayer Book then used in England, proprium & perfectum omnis divini cultus judicem, & magistrum: a title truly belonging onely to the Scripture. Secondly, a Royall ratification thereunto; which this King, prevented by death, nor any of His Successours ever stamped upon it. Indeed, I finde in an Author, (whom I am half-ashamed to alledge) that Doctor Haddon Anno 12 or 13 Eliza∣beth. delivered in Parliament a Latine Book, concerning Church-Discipline, written in the daies of King Edward the sixt, by Mr. Cranmer, Sir John Cheek, &c. which could be no other than this lately mentioned. Which Book was committed by the House, unto the said Mr. Haddon, Mr. George Bromley, Mr. Norton, &c. to be translated, I conceive into English again, and never after can I recover any men¦tion thereof, save that some thirteen years since it was printed in London.

8. A Parliament was called in the last of this Kings Reign, wherein no Church-matter was medled with, save that therein a Subsidie, granted by the Clergy, was confirmed. Such moneys being the Legacie of course, which all Parliaments (fairly coming to a peaceable end) bequeath to their Sovereign. As for the Re∣cords of this Convocation, they are but one degree above blanks, scarce affording the names of the Clerks assembled therein. Indeed, they had no Commission from the King to meddle with Church-businesse, and every Convocation in it self, is born deaf, and dumb, so that it can neither hear complaints in Religion, nor speak in the redresse thereof, till first Ephata, be thou opened, be pronounced unto it by Commission from Royall Authority.

9. Now, the true reason why the King would not intrust the diffusive body of the Convocation, with a power to meddle with matters of Religion, was a just

jealousie which He had of the ill affection of the major part thereof: who under the fair rinde of Protestant profession, had the rotten core of Romish superstition. It was therefore conceived safer for the King to relie on the ability and fidelity of some select Confidents, cordiall to the cause of Religion; than to adventure the same to be discussed, and decided by a suspitious Convocation.

10. However, this barren Convocation is intituled the parent of those Articles of Religion, (fourty two in number) which are printed with this Preface, Articuls de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, Anno Domini 1552. inter Episcopos, & alios eru∣ditos viros convenerat. With these was bound a Catechisme, younger in age (as bearing date of the next year) but of the same extraction, relating to this Convo¦cation, as authour thereof. Indeed, it was first compiled (as appears by the Kings Patent prefix'd) by a single Divine, ( charactred pious and learned) bu•• afterwards perused and allowed by the Bishops, and other learned men, (understand it, the Convocation) and by Royall Authority commended to all Subjects, commanded to all School Masters to teach it their Scholars.

11. Yet very few in the Convocation ever saw it, much lesse, explicitly consen∣ted thereunto: but these had formerly (it seems) passed over their power (I should be thankfull to him, who would produce the originall instrument there∣of) to the select Divines appointed by the King, in which sense they may be said to have done it themselves by their Delegates, to whom they had deputed their authority. A case not so clear but that it occasioned a cavill at the next Convo∣cation in the first of Queen Mary, when the Papists therein assembled, renoun∣ced the legality of any such former transactions.

Pretious King Edward the sixt now changed his Crown of Gold for one of Glory: we will something enlarge our selves, to give posterity His true Cha∣racter, never meeting more virtues in so few years. For His Birth, there goeth a constant tradition, that Caesar-like, He was cut out of the belly of His Mother, Jane Seymour: though a great person of Honour▪ (deriving her Intelligence me∣diately from such as were present at Her Labour) assured me of the contrary. In∣deed, such as shall read the calm, and serene style of that Letter, which I have seen written, (though not by) for that Queen, and signed with Her own Signet after Her delivery, cannot conjecture thence, that any such violence was offered unto Her. But see the Letter.

RIght trusty and welbeloved,

We greet you well; and forasmuch as by the inestimable goodnesse, and grace of Almighty God, We be delivered and brought in Childe-bed of a PRINCE, conceived in most lawfull Matrimony, between my Lord the Kings Majestie, and Vs. Doubting not, but that for the love and affection which you bear unto Vs, and to the Common-wealth of this Realm, thi•• knowledge shall be joyous, and glad tidings unto you: We have thought good to certifie you of this Iame: To the intent ye might not onely render unto God condigne thanks and praise for so great a benefice, but also continually pray for the long continuance, and preservation of the same here in this

life, to the honour of God, joy, and pleasure of my Lord the KING and Vs, and the universall weal, quiet, and tranquility of this whole Realm.

a

¶Given under our Signet at my Lords Manour of Hampton-Court, the 22 day of October.

And although this Letter was soon after seconded withb another of a sadder subject, here inserted, subscribed by all the Kings Physitians; yet neither doth that so much as insinuate any impression of violence on Her person, as hastening Her death, but seems rather to cast the cause thereof on some other distemper.

THese shall be to advise your Lordships of the Queens estate: Yesterday afternoon She had a natural Lax, by reason whereof She began to lighten, and (as it appeared) to amend, and so continued till towards night. All this night She hath been very sick, and doth rather appare, than amend. Her Con∣fessour hath been with Her Grace this morning, and hath done that to his of∣fice appertaineth, and even now is preparing to minister to Her Grace the Sa∣crament of Unction.

¶At Hampton-Court this Wednesday morning at eight a clock.

Your Lordships at Commandement,

• Thomas Cutland.
• Robert Karhold.
• Edward Bayntam.
• John Chambers, Priest.
• William Butts.
• George Owen.

Impute we here this Extreme Unction administred to Her, partly to the over∣officiousness of some superstitious Priest; partly, to the good Ladies inability; perchance insensible what was done unto her, in such extremity: otherwise we are confident, that Her judgment, when in strength, and health, disliked such pra∣ctices, being a zealous Protestant. Which Unction did her as little good, as the twelve Masses said for Her soul in the City of London, at the Commandement of the Duke of Norfolk; whether he did it to credit their Religion with the coun∣tenance of so great a Convert, or did it out of the Nimiety of his own Love and Loyaltie to the Queen, expressing it according to his own judgment, without the consent, (if not against the will) of the Queens nearest kindred.

12. But leaving the Mother, let us come to the Son, who, as he saith of himself in the Manuscript of His Life, was for the first six years bred and brought up amongst the Women, and then consigned to masculine Tuition under Doctor Richard Cox, and Sir John Cheekè, who taught Him Latine; and John Belmain, who instructed Him in the French Tongue. How great and sudden His proficiency in Learning was, will appear by this Letter, written with His own hand to His Father, when about eight years old. And although some may cavill this Letter not to be the Princes, but Cheeke's or Cox's in the Prince, yet the very matter and style will attest it the genuine Issue of His infant-Genius.

LIterae meae semper habent unum•• Argumentum, Rex Nobilissime, at{que} Pater Illustrissime, id est, in omnibus Epistolis ago tibi gratias pro beneficentia tua erga me maxima; si enim saepius multo ad te literas exararem, nullo tamen quidem modo potui pervenire of∣ficio literarum ad magnitudinem benignitatis tuae erga me. Quis enim potuit compensare beneficia tua erga me? Nimirum nullus qui non est tam magnus Rex ac nobilis Princeps, ac tu es, cujusmodi ego non sum. Quam∣obrem Pietas tua in me, multo gratior est mihi, quod fa∣cis mihi, quae nullo modo compensare possim, sed tamen adnitar, & faciam quod in me est, ut placeam Majesta∣ti, atque praecabor Deum, ut diù te servet incolumem. Vale Rex Nobilissime atque Pater Illustrissime.

Hatfeldiae, vicessimo septimo Septemb:

Majestati tuae observantissimus Filius, EDVARDUS Princeps.

With the increase of His Age, His Writing was improved, both in the Letter, Matter, and Phrase thereof, as appeareth by what He wrote in Latine some moneths after, to His Mother-in-Law, Queen Katherine Parre: in thankfulnesse for the New-yeares-gift (the Kings and Her own Picture) She had sent unto Him; One may charitably believe that so Learned a Lady, understood the Let∣ter without an Interpreter; but sure it is, She communicated the same to the King, who joyfully accepted thereof.

d QVod non ad te jamdiu scripserim Regina illustris∣sima, atque Mater charissima, in causa fuit, non negligentia, sed studium.

Non enim hoc feci, ut nunquam omnino scriberem, sed ut accuratiùs scriberem. Quare spero te futuram contentam & gavisuram, quod non scripserim. Tu enim velles me proficere in omni honestate & Pietate, quod est signum insignis & diu••urni tui Amoris erga me, atque hunc amorem multis beneficiis mihi declarasti, & praecipuè hac strena, quam proximè ad me misisti, in qua Regiae Majestatis, & tua effigies ad vivum expressa continetur. Nam plurimum me delectat ve∣stras Imagines Abscentium contemplari, quos lubentis∣simè

videre cupio praesentes, ac quibus maximè tum Naturâ, tum Officio devinctus sum. Quamobrem ma∣jores tibi gratias ago, ob hanc strenam, quàm si misisses ad me preciosas vestes, & Aurum caelatum, aut quidvis aliud Eximium. Deus tuam Celsitudinem, quam me brevi visurum spero, servet incolumem.

Hartfordiae, decimo Januarii.

Filius Celsitudini tuae obsequentissimus, EDVARDUS Princeps.

Now our hand is in, but one Letter more (but in date some moneths before the last) to His Unckle, Earl of Hartford, and we have done. For if Papists super∣stitiously preserve the Fingers, Teeth, yea Locks of Haire of their pretended Saints; wonder not if I prize the smallest Reliques of this gracious Prince, never as yet presented to publique view.

NAtura movet me ut recorder tui Avuncule Charissi∣me, etsi negotia tua impediunt te ne videas me, ideo de literas ad te, quae literae forent testimonium Recorda∣tionis meae, quam habeo de te. Quòd si haberem ullum melius monumentum Benevolentiae meae erga te, quam literae sunt, illud ad te mitterem. Puto autem te acce∣pturum literas meas bene non pro bonitate literarum, sed pro Benevolentia scriptoris. Et tu non eris adeo lae∣tus in accipiendis literis à me, ut ego gaudebo, si intellexe∣ro te in bonam partem accepisse illas, quod puto te factu∣rum. Optimè valeas in Christo Jesu.

Hunsdoniae, octavo Novemb:

E. Princeps.

Such was the Piety of this young Prince, that being about to take down some∣thing, which was above his reach, one of His Play-fellows proffered Him a bos∣sed plated Bible to stand upon, and heighten Him to take what He desired. Per∣ceiving it a Bible, with holy Indignation, He refused it, and sharply reproved the Offerer thereof; it being unfit, He should trample that under His feet, which He was to treasure up in His head and heart. How many now adaies, unable in themselves to atchieve their own wicked ends, make Gods Word their Pedestall, that standing thereon, they may be (not the holier, but) the higher, and the better advantaged, by abusing a piety, to attain their own designes.

13. When Crowned King, His goodnesse increased with His greatnesse, constant in His private devotions, and as successfull, as fervent therein, witnesse this parti∣cular: Sir John Cheeke, His School-Master, fell desperately sick; of whose condi∣tion

the King carefully enquired every day: At last his Physitians told Him, That there was no hope of his life, being given over by them for a dead man. No, saith King Edward, he will not die at this time, for this morning I begg'd his life from God in my Prayers, and obtained it: which accordingly came to passe; and he soon after, against all expectation, wonderfully recovered. This was attested by the old Earle of Huntingdon, bred up in his Childhood with King Edward, unto Sir Thomas Cheeke, still surviving about 80 years of age.

14. He kept an exact Account, written with His own hand, (and that a very Legible one) of all Memorable accidents, with the accurate Date thereof. No high Honour was conferred, Bishoprick bestowed, State Office disposed of, no old Fort repaired, no new one erected, no Bullion brought in, no great Summes sent forth of the Land, no Ambassadours dispatched hence, none entertained here: in a word, no matter of moment transacted, but by Him, with His own hand it was recorded: Whose Notes herein, though very particular, are nothing triviall, though short, not obscure, as formerly we have made use of some of those which concern our History.

15. Whilst in health, His body was no lesse active in exercise, than His minde quick in apprehension. To give one Instance of both together. One day being shooting at Butts, (a manfull, and healthfull Pastime, wherein He very much de∣lighted) He hit the very mark. The Duke of Northumberland, being present, (and, as I take it, betting on His Side) Well shot my Liege, quoth he. But you shot nearer the mark, (returned the King) when you shot off my good Unkle Somerse's head. And it is generally conceived that grief for his death caused K. Edwards Con∣sumption, who succeeded not to any Consumptive Inclination, as hereditary from His Extraction, from a Father but little past, and a Mother just in the strength of Their Age.

16. However, I finde in a Popish Writer, that it was said, That the Apothecary who poisoned him, (for the horrour of the offence, and the disquietnesse of his consci∣ence▪ drowned himself. And that the Landresse who washed His shirt, lost the skin off her fingers. But if his History be no better than his Divinity, we that justly con∣demn the one, can doe no lesse than suspect the other.

17. We will conclude this Kings most Pious life with that His most devout Prayer on His Death-Bed, which God heard and graciously answered, for the good of the Church of England.

d LOrd God, deliver Me out of this miserable, and wretched life, and take Me among thy chosen. Howbeit, not my will, but thy will be done. Lord, I commit my spirit to thee. O Lord, thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee; yet for thy chosens sake send me life and health, that I may truly serve thee. Oh my Lord God, blesse thy people, and save thine inheritance. Oh Lord God, save thy chosen People of England. Oh my Lord God, defend this Realm from Papistry, and maintain thy true Religion, that I and my People may praise thy holy Name, for Jesus Christs sake.

17. One of the last Sermons King Edward heard, was preached before Him by Hugh Latimer, at what time their party began to spread and increase, who op∣posed the Liturgie, witnesse this passage in his Sermon: I have heard say, when that the good Queen that is gone, had ordained in her House daily Prayer, both before Noon, and after Noon; the Admirall getteth him out of the way, like a Mole digging in the earth. He shall be Lots Wife to me as long as I live. He was, I heard say, a Covetous man, a covetous man indeed: I would there were no more in Eng∣land. He was, I heard say, an Ambitious man: I would there were no more in England. He was, I heard say, a Seditious man, a Contemner of Common-Prayer: I would there were no more in England. Well! he is gone, I would he had left none behinde him. A passage so informative to the Church History of that Age, must not passe without some observation thereon.

The good Queen is gone:] this was Queen Katharine Par, (the Relict of King Henry the eighth who some two years since died in Child-bed.

The Admirall:] This was Thomas Lord Seymour her Husband.

Getteth himself out of the way:] Here is the question, on what terms he ab∣sented himself, whether on

Popish,	or	Non Conformist.
In proof whereof he is compared to Lots Wife, which importeth a looking back, and reflexion on for∣mer practise.		Being termed herein Seditious, and not Superstitious; it intimates, that a factious Principle made him distast the Common-Prayer.

A Contemner of the Common Prayer, I wish there were no more:] This probably relates unto a potent Party disaffected to the Liturgie, which now began to be very considerable in England, but (if the premisses be rightly collected) much too blame in the judgment of godly Master Latimer.

18. The dislikers of the Liturgie, bare themselves high upon the judgment of Master Calvin, in his Letter (four year since) to the Duke of Somerset Lord Protectour, now no longer a privacie, because publickly printed in his E∣pistles.

And yet Master Calvin is therein very positive for a set Forme, whose words deserve our Translation and observation.

Formulam precums, & rituum Ecclesiasticorum valde probo, ut certa illa extet. A quâ ne Pastoribus discedere in functione sua liceat. 1. Ut consulatur quorundam simplicitati & imperitiae. 2. Ut certius constet omnium inter se Ecclesiarum consen∣sus. 3. Ut obviam ineatur desulto∣riae quorundam levitati, qui novationes quasdam affe∣ctant. Sic igitur, statum esse Catechis∣mum oportet, statam Sacramen∣torum administrationem, pu∣blicam item precum formu∣lam.

I doe highly approve that there should be a certain Form of Prayer and Eccle∣siasticall Rites. From which it should not be lawfull for the Pastors themselves to discede. 1. That provision may be made for some peoples ignorance and unskil∣fulnesse. 2. That the consent of all Churches a∣mongst themselves may the more plainly appear. 3. That order may be taken against the desultorie levity of such who delight in innovations. Thus there ought to be an established Ca∣techisme, an established Administra∣tion of Sacraments, as also a publick Form of Prayer.

So that it seems not a Form, but this Form of Prayer did displease, and excepti∣ons were taken at certain passages still in the Liturgie, though lately reviewed by the Bishops, and corrected.

19. Whilst mutuall animosities were heightned betwixt the Opposers and As∣sertors of the Liturgie, Providence put a period for a time to that Controversie in England. Such who formerly would not, soon after durst not use the Common Prayer, Masse and Popery being set up by Queen Mary in the room thereof. Thus when Children fall out and fight about the candle, the Parents comming in and taking it away, leave them to decide the differences in the dark.

The end of the Reign of King EDWARD the sixt.

Notes

• Jan. 28.
• The hopefull beginning of King Edward.
• 1546. 7.
• a

  Godwin in Edvardo ••exto, pag. 158.
• Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 1.
• Ann. Dom.
• Peace and prosperity to the Protestants in England.
• b

  Fox, Acts & Mon. Vol. 2. pag. 655.
• c

  Senders de Schis. Anglic. lib. 2. pag. 230.
• Ann. Dom. 1546-47.
• Ann Reg. Ed. 6 1.
• Commission∣ners sent into several Coun∣ties with In∣structions to reform.
• Jan. 28.
• The wisdome of our Refor∣mers.
• Gen. 33. 13.
• Onely two lights left.
• What meant by Memories.
• Good policie.
• Rom. 12. 12.
• pag. 187, & 188.
• Mr. Calvin dis∣sents.
• Moderation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 farre.
• The Protestant Library.
• Ann. Dom. 1547.
• c

  See a form of them in Fox's Acts & Mon. ••ol. 1491.
• b

  5 & 6 of Ed∣ward the sixt, cap. 1.
• set down at large in the Register of Archbishop Warbam.
• c

  Extant in Sir Thomas Cotions Library.
• 1548.
• 2.
• Ann. Dom. 1548
• Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 2.
• Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 2.
• Ann. Dom. 1548.
• A Pannick si∣lence of Pul∣pits.
• Revel. 8. 1.
• 3.
• 1549.
• A Proclama∣tion against Stage-plaies.
• Ann. Dom. 1549.
• Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 3.
• Oxford Library reformed of all its antient Ma∣nuscripts.
• Loath to be∣lieve.
• Sir Jo Har∣ring. in the Bi∣shops of Ely.
• b

  In his Pre∣face to the Li••e of Sir Io. Che••k, printed at Ox∣ford, An. 1641.
• An Epidemi∣cal distemper of disloyalty.
• June 10.
• July 2.
• The Rebels send p••oud de∣mands to the King.
• Exeter resi∣steth, Norwich yeildeth to the Rebels.
• Philip Comi∣neus.
• Two solemne yearly festivals▪
• The beginning of two Rebel∣lions.
• Their Ring-leaders, and number.
• The Sheriffs endevours suc∣ceed not.
• Hooker (alias Vowell) in Hol∣lingshed, p. 1015, & 1017.
• Idem p. 1029.
• The description of Exeter and Norwich.
• Aide sent to suppresse the Rebels.
• The Lord Rus∣sell conqueror. Lord Marquiss conquered.
• The Lord Gray and Earle of Warwick come with new sup∣plies.
• July 27.
• 2 Sam. 11. 25.
• Aug. 6.
• The legal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Rebels.
• 1550.
• Abstracts of Church mat∣ters out of K. Edwards own Diary.
• Observations thereon.
• a

  Thus the Pilot to save the Ship from sinking, casts out the rich lading into the Sea.
• April 2.
• b

  This lay void ever after, whilst the Treasurership was pre∣sently conferred on Will: Powlet Marquesse of Winchester, and the Marshalship on John Dudley Earle of Warwick.
• c

  Namely, George Day, who (notwithstanding this Sermon) remained a zealous Papist, and on that score, was deprived of his Bishoprick.
• Ann. Dom. 1650.
• April 4.
• 10.
• 13.
• d

  Understand it, not by Pri∣vate Patrones, but either presen∣ted by the King, or Lord Chan∣cellour.
• e

  These ingaged Archbishop Cranmer, and Bishop Ridlye, to presse the King with politick Reasons for the permission ther∣of. He unable to answer their Arguments fell a weeping.
• 19.
• 27.
• f

  Courtiers keep what they catch, and catch what ever they can come by.
• May 2.
• g

  An obstinate Heretick, main∣taining, That Christ assumed no∣thing of the Virgin Mary, but passed through Her, as a Con∣duit-pipe. She with one or two Arians were all, who (and that justly) died in this Kings Reign for their Opinions.
• 20.
• h

  Advantageous enough for the French, and dishonourable too much to the English, whose covetousnesse was above their sense of Honor, selling Bologne, bought with blood, for a summe of money.
• i

  The Controversie about this Title lying not betwixt the Crowns of England and France, but betwixt England and Rome, no wonder if the French yeilded to any Style in a Treaty so gain∣full to themselves.
• Ann. Dom. 1550.
• June 9.
• k

  For as yet this subtile-Sta∣tist scarce knew his own mind, often receding from his Re∣solves, whose inconstancy in this kinde, incensed the King and Councell against him.
• 10.
• 14.
• l

  Parish in the Dialect of a Bishop is notoriously known to be his Diocese. Yet I deny not but that the numerous Parishi∣oners of Saint Mary Overies, (wherein Winchester-House) are herein particularly intended.
• July 9.
• July 10.
• m

  If conscious of no crime, he is not to be condemned for ju∣stifying his own integrity.
• 11.
• n

  Such Umbrages of Simula∣tion presumed lawful by all Po∣liticians. Quaere, whether the Protestants in the Netherlands, or France, (those of High Ger∣many being beyond the line of probability) were here intended.
• 12.
• o

  They were drawn up in so punctual expressions, the other had neither compasse for evasion, nor covert for equivocation.
• 14.
• p

  A Rod formerly in fashion, but never so soundly layd on, as of late.
• 19.
• 28.
• Ann. Dom. 1549
• q

  She loved to deale with the King her Brother eminus by Letters, but in no wise comminus by discourse. Besides, she hated coming to the Court, suspect∣ing some harsh usage to her Per∣son, and jealous of being put in∣to Restraint.
• Aug. 13.
• r

  Lees in Essex, a County [ge∣nerally] not very healthfull, where Agues sit as close (and sometimes last as long) as a new suit.
• Nov. 19.
• s

  Of these Francis Mallet (last Master of Michael House in Cambridge) was the chief. He having leave from the Councell to officiate Masse, onely in the presence of the Lady Mary, pre∣sumed on the same liberty in her absence. Whereupon, he was (notwithstanding his Ladies re∣fusall to surrender him) fetcht from her by force and commit∣ted to prison.
• Sceletos Cant. MS.
• Dec. 15. Edw. sex••i. 4.
• t

  Now where the seeds sown, and the foundation laid, of the Protectours overthrow, which en∣sued not long after.
• Febr. 6.
• 17.
• The concepti∣on of non-con∣formity.
• Joel 2. 8.
• The favourers and opposers thereof.
• Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 4.
• Ann. Dom. 1550.
• Hooper refuseth to wear the E∣piscopal habit.
• July 23.
• Aug. 5.
• But is forced at last.
• His impri∣sonment not mention'd in M••. Fox, but in the T••oubles of Frankford, pag. 35.
• Defended for keepi••g Wor∣cester in Com∣mendam.
• b

  Jos. 7. 21.
• Why Ca••imer was not resto∣red to the Bi∣shoprick of Worsester.
• c

  Mat, 11. ••.
• d

  2 Sam. 19. 35.
• In the Exa∣men of Fox's Martyrs, Month of Feb. pag. 306.
• Hooper, and Ridley recon∣ciled by affli∣ctions.
• Parsons ut supra, pag. 31••.
• Three sorts of Non-confor∣mists.
• The Psalmes translated into meeter.
• e

  Ballcius Cent. 9. pag. 728.
• f

  Jam. 5. 13.
• The meanness of the Tran∣slation endea∣voured to be excused.
• The first legal election of the Dutch-Con∣gregation in London.
• g

  The Letters are kept in the Dutch Church, and exempli∣fied in Iohannes Utenbovius in his narration of the Dutch Congregation, pag. 13. &c.
• Womens brawles, Mens thralles.
• a

  Vide supra, in the first of this King.
• Lord Thomas ••eymour execu∣ted for Trea∣son.
• b

  1 King. 2.
• A tripartite accusation.
• Earle of War∣wick the Pro∣ectors grand enemy.
• Ann. Dom. 1551.
• Ann Reg. Ed 6▪ 5.
• The Protector accused, and imprisoned, yet restored.
• c

  Fox, Acts & Mon. pag.
• Accused the second time.
• Lord Rich his Servants dan∣gerous mistake.
• e

  This story at∣tested to me by his great grand childe the Earl or Warwick.
• The Lord Rich resigneth his Chancellors place.
• The Duke of Som••rse•• im∣peached of Treason.
• Dec. 1.
• f

  Stowes An∣nals, p. 606.
• Sad silence.
• A Quae for poster••••y.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Brit. in Somer••et∣s••ire.
• T••••nscribed out of the O••i∣ginall.
• 1551.
• Dec. 10.
• The Dukes character.
• His great buil∣dings.
• Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 6.
• Ann. Dom. 1552.
• The Kings In∣structions to Fitz-Patrick for his behavi∣our in France.
• Afterwards Knighted, and supposed su••••er to Q••liz.
• Little Church∣work in this Parliament.
• April 15.
• An ill presage.
• k

  Bishop God∣wins Annals in this year.
• l

  Nat. Hist. l. 9. cap. 8.
• Aug. 22.
• A threesold di∣vision of Bi∣shops.
• Regius Co dex fol. 143. col. 4. Spel∣manni Con∣cilia, p. 406.
• Num. 34. 6. Josh. 1. 4. & 15. 12.
• Commissio∣ners sent to enqui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Church. O¦naments.
• June 10.
• The originall under the King's hand was ••ent me by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thomas Tres••am la••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ge••••••ngton 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nortam∣pton-shire.
• Ann. Dom. 1552.
• Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 6.
• Sir John Hayward.
• Durham Bisho∣prick dissol∣ved.
• yet the Duke of Northum∣berland, either was, or was to be possessour thereof.
• Afterwards re∣stored by Qu. Mary.
• A wood, rather a wildernesse, of the Popes Canons.
• Two and thir∣ty Regulatours of the Canon-Law.
• Contracted to eight by King Edward the 6.
• Laws no Laws not stamped with Royall Authority.
• Titulo de Di∣vinis Offici••s, cap. 6.
• Iohn 〈◊〉〈◊〉, at the end of his Preface to his Book, intituled, [Reformation no enemy to Her Majesty.]
• Anno 1640. A silent Con∣vocation.
• The true rea∣son thereof.
• Ann. Dom. 1553.
• Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 7.
• Forty two Ar∣ticles of Reli∣gion, and the Kings Cate∣chisme.
• •• pio quodam & crudito viro conscipto, in the Kings Pa∣tent. Consented, and not consented to by the Con∣vocation.
• See more thereof in the next year:
• July 6.
• The death of K. Edward the sixt, who was not cut out of His Mothers belly, as is com∣monly repor∣ted.
• Queen Ianes Letter after Her Delivery to the Lords of the Coun∣cell.
• a

  Extant in Sir Tho. Cottons Library, sub Ner. cap. 10.
• b

  Extant, ibid.
• A sadder Let∣ter of Her Physitians un∣to them.
• Prince Edw. towardlinesse in learning.
• His 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his King-F••ther.
• See it in Sir Tho. Cottons Libr.
• Another to Qu. Katharine Parre.
• d

  in Sir Tho. Cotton's Libra∣ry, whence I transcribed it.
• A Letter to the Earle of Hart∣ford.
• An instance of His piety.
• And an extra∣ordinary one of the preva∣lency of His Prayer.
• His exact Diary.
• His good A••∣chery and quick wit.
• An uncertain report.
• Image of both Churches, page 423.
• The Prayer of K. Edward on his death-bed.
• d

  Fox Acts & Mon. p. 13••5.
• Opposers of the Liturgie grow a strong.
• Latimers Semons, printed An∣no 1607. pag. 83.
• Mr. Calvin's 3 Reasons for a set Form of Prayer.
• Libro Epist: pag. 69.
• Wanton f••o∣wardnesse j••st¦ly punished