The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITAINE.

BOOK V.

1. GOD hath always been ambitious to preserve and prefer little things,* 1.1 the Jews the least of all Nations,* 1.2 DAVID their King,* 1.3 least in his fathers family; little Benjamin the Ruler; little Hill of Herman; the Virgin Mary, the lowliness of thy hand∣maiden: Gods children severally are sti∣led his little ones, and collectively make up but a little flock, And surely it ren∣ders the work of grace more visible and conspicuous, when the object can claim nothing as due to it self. A pregnant proof hereof we have in Divine Provi∣dence, at this time preserving the inconsiderable pittance of faithful profes∣sors against most powerful opposition. This handful of men, were tied to very hard duty, being constantly to stand Sentinels against an Army of enemies, till God sent Luther to relieve them, and the work was made lighter, with more hands to do it, as in the sequel of our story, God willing, will appear. Mean time we must remember that Henry Dean succeeded in the place of Arch-Bishop Morton, lately deceased, and enjoyed his honour but two years, then leaving it to William Warham, one well qualified with learning and discretion.

2. Now it is no small praise to Buckingham-shire,* 1.4 that being one of the lesser Counties of England,* 1.5 it had more Martyrs and Confessors in it,* 1.6 before the time of Luther, then all the Kingdom besides: where William Tylsworth was burnt at Amersham, (the Rendezvous of Gods children in those dayes) and

Joan his onely daughter,* 1.7 and a faithful woman,* 1.8 was compelled with her own hands to set fire to her deara 1.9 father. At the same time sixty professors, and aboue, did bear fagots for their penance, and were enjoyned to wear on their right sleeves, for some years after, a square piece of cloath, as a disgrace to themselves, and a difference from others. But what is most remarkable, a new punishment was now found our of branding them in the cheek. The b 1.10 manner thus: Their necks were tied fast to a post with towels, and their hands holden that they might not stir; and so the hot Iron was put to their checks. It is not certain whether branded with L for Lollard, or H for He∣retick, or whether it was onely a formless print of Iron (yet nevertheless painful) this is sure, that theyc 1.11 bare in their bodies the marks of the Lord Jesus. And no doubt they had so well learned our Savioursd 1.12 precept, that rather then they would have revenged themselves, by unlawful means, to them that smit them on the one cheek, they would have turn'd the other also. Surely Ecclesi∣astical constitutions did not reach thus far, as to impose any corporal torture: and whether there be any Statute of the Land that enjoyns, (not to say per∣mits) such punishments, let the learned in the Laws decide. This I am sure, if this was the first time that they fell into this (supposed) Heresie, by the Law they were onely to abjure their errours; and if it were the second time, upon relaps into the same again, their whole bodies were to be burnt. Ex∣cept any will say, that such as by these bloudy Laws deserved death, were branded onely by the favour of William Smith Bishop of Lincoln, and one may have charity enough to encline him to this belief, when considering the same William (Founder of Brazen-nose Colledg in Oxford) was generally a lover of learning and goodness, and not cruelly disposed of himsself. How∣ever some of Gods children, though burnt, did not dread the fire. And Fathere 1.13 R••ver, aliàs Reive, though branded at the time, did afterwards suffer at a stake; so that the brand at the first did but take livery and seisin in his cheek, in token that his whole body should afterwards be in the free and full possession of the fire.

3. They who desire further information of the number and names of such as suffer'd about this time, may repair to the Acts and Monuments of M^r Fox, onely Thomas Chase of Amersham must not be here omitted,* 1.14 being barbarously butchered by bloudy hands in the Prison of Wooburne. Who to cover their cruelty, gave it out that he had hang'd himself, and in colour thereof, caused his body to be buried by the high ways side, where a stake knock't into the grave, is the monument generally erected for Felons de Se. Fear not those (saith our Saviour) who kill the body, and afterwards have no more that they can do: But these mens malice endeavoured to do more, ha∣ving kill'd his body, to murder his memory with slanderous reports; al∣though all in vain. For the Prison it self did plead for the innocence of the prisoner herein, being a place so low and little, that he could not stand up∣right. Besides the woman that saw his dead hody, (a most competent wit∣ness in this case) declared, that he was so loaden with Ma••icles and Irons, that he could not well move either hand or foot. But we leave the full discussing, and finall deciding hereof to him, who makes inquisition for bloud, at that day, when such things as have been done in secret, shall be made manifest.

4. By this time we may boldly say, that all the arrears of money due to the Pope, for Pardons in the year of Jubilee, five years since were fully col∣lected,* 1.15 and safely returned to Rome, by the officers of his Holiness, the lag∣ging money which was last sent thither, came soon enough to be received there. We wish the sellers more honesty, and the buyers more wisdom. Yet we envy Rome this payment the less, because it was the last in this kind, she did generally receive out of England. Mean time time King Henry the seventh did enter common with thef 1.16 Pope, having part allowed to connive at the rest. Thus whilest Pope and Prince shared the wooll betwixt them, the

people were finely fleeced.* 1.17 Indeed King Henry was so thristy,* 1.18 I durst call him covetous, not to say fordid, had he been a private man, who knowing what ticklish termes he stood upon, lov'd a referve of treasure, as being (besides his claims of Conquest, match, and discent) at any time, a good title ad Corroborandum. (And we may the less wonder that this money was so spee∣dely spent by his successor, a great part thereof being gotten by sin, was spent on sin:) Was it then charity or remorse, giving or resstoring, that hereupon King Henry the seventh Founded the rich Holpital of the Savoy in the Strand,* 1.19 with the finishing whereof he ended his own life.* 1.20 And it is questio∣nable whether his body lies in more magnificence in that stately and costly Tomb and Chappel of his own erecting, or whether his memory lives more lastingly in that learned and curious History, which the Lord Bacon hath written of his Reign?

5. Henry the eighth,* 1.21 his Son, succeeded him, one of a beautiful per∣son, and majestick presence, insomuch that his picture in all places is known at the first sight.* 1.22 As for the character of his minde, all the vertues and vices of all his predecessors from the Conquest, may seem in him fully represented, both to their kinde and degree, learning, wisdom, valour, magnificence, cru∣elty, avarice, fury, and lust; following his pleasures whilest he was young, and making them come to him when he was old. Many memorable altera∣tions in Church and State happen'd in his age, as God willing, hereafter shall appear.

6. On the third day of June he was solemnly Married to the Lady Ka∣tharine Dowager,* 1.23 formerly wife to his brother Prince Arthur deceased.* 1.24 Two Popes took the matter in hand to discuss and decide the lawfulness thereof, Alexander the sixth, and Pius the third; but both died before the business was fully effected. At last comes Pope Julius the second, and by the omnipotency of his dispensation,* 1.25 removed all impediments and obstru∣ctions, against the laws of God or man hindering or opposing the said mar∣riage. We leave them for the present wedded and bedded together, and twenty years hence shall hear more of this matter; onely know that this marriage was founded in covetous considerations, merely to save money, that the Kingdom might not be impoverished by restoring her Dowry back again into Spain, though hereupon a greater mass of coyn was transported out of the Land, though not into Spain, into Italy. Thus such who consult with covetousness in matters of conscience, embracing finister courses to save charges, will finde such thrist to prove expensive at the casting up of their audit; howere Divine Providence over-ruling all actions to his own glory, so ordered it, that the breaking off the Popes power, with the banishing of Superstition out of England, is at this day the onely surviving issue of this marriage.

7. The beginning of this Kings Reign was but barren (as the latter part therof,* 1.26 some will say, over-fruitful) with eminent Church-passages. And therefore we will spare when we may, and be brief in his first; that we may spend when we should, in the larger description of his latter years. Cruelty still continued and increased on the poor Lollards (as they call them) after abjuration, forced to wear the fashion of a faggot wrought in thread, or painted on their left sleeves, all the dayes of their lives; it being death to put on their cloaths without that cognizance. And indeed to poor peo∣ple it was true, Put it off, and be burned; keep it on, and be starved; seeing none generally would set them on work, that carried that badg about them.

8. On this account William Sweeting, and James Brewster were re-impri∣soned.* 1.27 In vain dida 1.28 Brewster plead, that he was commanded to leave off his badg, by the Controller of the Earl of Oxfords house, who was not to control the orders of the Bishops herein. And, as little did Sweetings plea prevail, that the Parson of Mary Magdalene's in Colchester, caused him to lay

his saggot aside.* 1.29 These,* 1.30 like Isaac, first bare their fagots on their backs, which soon after bare them, being both burnt together in Smithfield. The Papists report, that they profered at their death, again to abjure their opini∣ons, the truth whereof one day shall appear. Mean time, if true, let the unpartial but judge, which were most faulty, these poor men for want of constancy in tendring, or their Judges, for want of charity, in not accepting their abjuration.

9. Richard Hunn, a wealthy Citizen of London,* 1.31 imprisoned in Lollards Tower, for maintaining some of Wiclifss opinions, had his neck therein se∣cretly broken. To cover their cruelty, they gave it out, that he hang'd himself; but he Coroners inquest sitting on him, by necessary presump∣tions, found the impossibility thereof, and gave in their verdict, that the said Hunn was murdered. Insomuch thata 1.32 Persons hath nothing to reply, but, that the Coroners Inquest were simple men, and suspected to be infected with Wiclifsian heresies. But we remit the Reader to M^r. Fox for ssatisfaction in all these things, whose commendable care is such, that he will not leave an hoof of a martyr behinde him, being very large in the reckoning up of all sufferers in this kinde.

10. Cardinal Bainbrigg, Arch-Bishop of York, being then at Rome, was so highly offended with Rivaldus de Modena, an Italian, his Steward (Others say his Physicain, and a Priest) that he fairly cudgelled him. This his pas∣sion was highly censured, as inconsistent with Episcopal gravity, who should be nob 1.33 striker. But the Italian shewed a cast of his Countrey, and with c 1.34 poison sent the Cardinal to answer for his fact in another world, whose body was buried in the English Hospital at Rome.

11. Richard Fox Bishop of Winchester,* 1.35 Founded and endowed Corpus-Christi-Colledg in Oxford, bestowing thereon Lands, to the yearly value of fourd 1.36 hundred and one pounds eight shillings and two pence. And, whereas this Foundation is charactred by an Oxforde 1.37 man, to be Ex omnibus minimum, vel certè ex minimis unum, at this day it acquitteth it self in more then a middle equipage amongst other Foundations. Erasmus is very large in the praise thereof, highly affected with a Library, and Study of tongues, which, according to the Founders Will, flourished therein; insomuch that for some time it was termed, The Colledg of the three learned Languages;

f 1.38 Est locus Oxonii, licet appellare trilingue Musaeum, à Christi Corpore nomen habet.

Sure I am, that for all kinde of Learning, Divine and Humane, this House is paramount for eminent persons bred therein.

Presidents.	Bishops.	Benefactors.	Learned writers.
John Claymond. Robert Nerwent. William Chedsey. William Butcher. Thomas Greeneway. William Cole. John Raynolds. John Spencer. Dr. Anian. Dr. Holt. Dr. Jackson Dr. Stanton.	Cardinal Poole. John Jewel.	Hugh Oldham, Bi∣shop of Exeter. John Claymond, first President. Mr Mordent. William Frost. Mrs Moore. Dr. John Raynolds. St George Paul, Knight.	George Etheridge.* 1.39 Richard Hooker. Brian Twine, the industrious An∣tiquary of Ox∣ford. Dr. Jackson.

So that a President,* 1.40 twenty Fellows,* 1.41 twenty Scholars, two Chaplaines, two Clerks, and two Choristers, besides Officers and Servants of the Foun∣dation, are therein maintained, which with other Students, Anno 1634. made up threescore and ten.

12. This Hugh Oldham, in the front of Benefactors,* 1.42 because he was Bishop of Exeter, for names-sake, intended his bounty to Exeter Colledg. But, suffering a repulse from that Society (refusing at hisa 1.43 request to make one Atkin a Fellow) diverted his liberality to Corpus-Christi-Colledg: so boun∣tifull thereunto, that, as Founder is too much, so Benefactour is too little for him. He was one of more piety then learning, courteous in his deeds, but very harsh and rugged in his speeches, making himself but bad Orations, yet good Orators, so many eloquent men were bred by his bounty. Nor let it be forgotten, that, as Fox, the Founder of this House, was Fellow and Master of Pembroke-Hall; so Oldham also had his education in Queens b 1.44 Colledg in Cambridg; so much hath Oxford been beholding to her Nephews or Sisters Children. But as once Ephronc 1.45 said to Abraham, what is that be∣twixt me and thee? so, such their mutual affection, it matters not, what fa∣vour one Sister freely bestoweth on the other.

13. John Collet, Dean of Pauls, died this year [in the fifty third year of his age] of a pestilential sweating,* 1.46 at Shene in Surry. He was the eldest (and sole surviving) childe, of S^r, Henry Collet, Mercer, twice Lord Major of London, who with his ten Sons and as many Daughters, are depicted in a glass window, on the North-side of S^t Anthonies (corruptly S^t. Antlins) to which d 1.47 Church he was a great Benefactor. His Son John Founded the FREE∣SCHOOL of S^t Pauls, and it is hard to say whether he left better Laws for the government, or Lands for maintenance thereof.

14. A Free-School indeed to all Natives or Foraigners of what Country soever,* 1.48 here to have their education (none being excluded by their Nativity, which exclude not themselves by their unworthiness) to the number of one hundred fifty and three (so manye 1.49 fishes as were caught in the net by the Apo∣stles) whereof every year some appearing most pregnant (by unpartial exa∣mination) have salleries allowed them for seven years, or untill they get better preferment, in the Church or University.

15. It may seem false Latin, that this Collet being Dean, of S^t Pauls, the School Dedicated to S^t Paul, and distanced but the breadth of the Street from S^t Pauls. Church,* 1.50 should not be intrusted to the inspection of his successors, the Dean and Chapter of Pauls, but committed to the care of the Company of the Mercers, for the managing thereof. Butf 1.51 Erasmus rendreth a good reason, from the mouth and minde of Collet himself, who had found by ex∣perience many Lay-men as consciencious as Clergy-men in discharging this trust in this kinde, conceiving also, that whole Company was not so easie to be bowed to corruption as any single person, how publick and eminent so∣ever.

16. For my own part,* 1.52 I behold Collets act herein, not onely prudential, but something Prophetical, as foreseeing the ruine of Church-lands, and fearing that this his School, if made an Ecclesiastical Appendent, might in the fall of Church-Lands, get a bruise, if not lose a limb thereby.

17. William Lily was the first School-master thereof, by Collets own ap∣pointment. An excellent Scholar, born at Odiam, in Hampshire, and after∣ward he went on Pilgrimage as far asg 1.53 Jerusalem: In his return through Italy he applied himself to his studies, And because some perchance would be pleased to know the Lilies of Lily, (I mean his Teachers and Instructers) know that John Sulpitius and Pomponius Sabinus, two eminent Criticks, were his principal informers. Returning home into his native Country well ac∣complished with Latin, Greek, and all Arts and Sciences, he set forth a Grammer, which still goes under his name, and is universally taught all over England.

18. Many were the Editions of this Grammer,* 1.54 the first forth Anno 1513.* 1.55 (when Pauls School was Founded) as appears by that instance,* 1.56 Me∣ruit sub Rege in Galliâ, relating to Maximilian the German Emperour, who then at the Siege of Therovenne in Flanders, fought under the banner of Kings Henry the eighth, taking ana 1.57 hundred crowns a day for his pay. Another Edi∣tion Anno 1520. when audito Rege Doroberniam proficisci, refers to the Kings speedy journey into Canterbury, there to give entertainment to Charles the fifth Emperour, lately landed at Dover.

19. Formerly there were in England almost as many Grammers as School∣masters,* 1.58 children being confounded, not onely with their variety, but [some∣times] contrariety thereof, rules being true in the one, which were false in the other. Yea, which was the worst, a boy, when removed to a new School, lost all he had learned before: whereupon King Henery endeavoured an uniformity of Grammer all over his Dominions; that so youths, though changing their School-masters, might keep their learning. This was performed, and William Lilies Grammer enjoyned universally to be used Astipend of four pounds a year was allowed the Kings Printer for Printing of it; and it was penall for any publickly to teach any other. I have been told how larely Bishop Buckeridge examining a Free-School in his Diocess of Rochester, the Scho∣lars were utterly ignorant of Lilies rules, as used to others; whereat the Bi∣shop exclaimed, what, are there Puritans also in Grammer?

20. I deny not but some since have discovered blasted leaves in out Lily, observing defects and faults therein, and commendable many persons pains in amending them; however it were to be desired, that no needless variations be made, and as much left of Lily as may be; The rather, because he submit∣ted his Syntaxis to the judgment ofb 1.59 Erasmus himself, so that it was after∣ward printed amongst his works. Indeed Quae Genus was done by Thomas Robinson, and the Accidens (as some will have it) by other Authors, after Lily was dead, and Prince Edward born, of and for whom it was said Edvar∣dus is my proper name. And thus we take out leave both of Lily and Pauls-School, flourishing at this day as much as ever, under the care of M^r John Langly, the able and Religious School-master thereof.

21. King Henry had lately set forth a Book against Luther,* 1.60 endeavour∣ing the confutation of his opinions as novel and unfound. None suspect this Kings lack of learning, (though many his lack of leisure from his pleasures) for such a design; however it is probable, some other Gardner gathered the flowers (made the collections) though King Henry had the honour to wear the posie, carrying the credit in the title thereof.

22. To require his pains,* 1.61 the Pope honoured him and his successors with a specious title. A Defender of thec 1.62 Faith. Indeed it is the bounden Duty of every Christian, earnestly to contend for the faith which once was given to the Saints, but it is the Dignity of few men, and fewer Princes, to be able effectually to appear in Print in the Vindication thereof.

23. There is tradition,* 1.63 that King Henry's Fool (though more truly to be termed by another name) coming into the Court, and finding the King transported with an unusual joy, boldly asked of him the cause thereof, to whome the King answered, it was because that the Pope had honoured him with a stile more eminent then any of his Ancestours; O good Harry (quoth the Fool) let Theu and I defend one another, and let the faith alone to defend it self. Most true it is, that some of his Successors more truly deserved the Title, then he to whom it was given: who both learnedly, then solidly engaged their pens in the asserting of true Religion.

24. At this time,* 1.64 though King Henry wore the sword, Cardinal Wolsey bare the stroke, albo're the Land; being Legate de Latere, by vertue whereof he visited all Churches and Religious Houses, even the Friers Observants them∣selves, notwithstanding their stoutness and stubbornness, that firstd 1.65 op∣posed him. Papal and Royal power met in him, being the Chancellor of the

Land,* 1.66 and keeping so many Bisshopricks in Commendam,* 1.67 his yearlie income is said to equal, if not exceed the Revenues of the Crown.

25. The more the pitty, that having of his own such a flock of preferment, nothing but the poor mansa 1.68 Ewe-lamb would please him,* 1.69 so that being to Found two Colledges, he seised on no fewer then fourty small Monasteries, turning their inhabitants out of house and home, and converting their means principally to a Colledg in Oxford. This alienation was confirmed by the present Pope Clement the seventh, so that in some sort his Holiness may thank himself, for the demolishing of Religious Houses in England.

26. For the first breach is the greatest in effect:* 1.70 And Abbies having now lost their Virginity,* 1.71 (diverted by the Pope to other)* 1.72 soon after lost their Chastity, prostituted by the King to ordinary uses. And now the Cardinal was busied in building his Colledg, consisting of several Courts, whereof the principal is so fair and large, it would have equaled any Princes Palace, if findished ac∣cording to the design, all the Chambers and other Offices being intended suta∣ble to the magnificent Hall and Kitchin therein.

27. Indeed nothing mean could enter into this mans minde, but of all things his structures were most stately.* 1.73 He was the best Harbinger that ever King Henry had, not onely taking up before-hand, but building up beautiful hou∣ses for his entertainments, which when finished [as white-Hall, Hampton-Court &c.] he either freely gave them to the King, or exchang'd them on very reasonable considerations.

28. Some say he intended this his Colledg, to be an Vniversity in an Uni∣versity,* 1.74 so that it should have therin by it self professours of all Arts and Sciences: but we may believe that all there go but by guess, as not knowing the Cardinals minde, (who knew not his own) daylie embracing new de∣signs of magnificence, on the emergency of every occasion. Yet let not the greatness of his buildings swallow up in silence the memory and commendable devotion of Simon Islip Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, who Founded Canterbury Colledg, taken in with the Cardinals unfinished Foun∣dation.

29. However too tart and bitter was the expression of Rodulphus Gual∣terus a Germane, who comparing the Cardinals project with his performance,* 1.75 said of him. instituit Collegium & absolvit Popinam, he began a Colledg and built a Kitchin: For had he not been civilly defunct, before naturally dead, not a pane of glass, not peg of wood had been wanting in that Edifice.

30. More Wit then Truth was in another return, who being demanded what he thought concerning the ampleness of this Foundation,* 1.76 made this homonymous answer, Fundatione nihil amplius, there is nothing more, [or more stately] then this Foundation: whereas indeed had not he himself been unexpectedly stript of his estate, he had left more and better lands to this house, then King Henry conferr'd upon them, who conceiving Church∣means fittest for Christ-Church, exchang'd many of their best Manors for Impropriations.

31. This Colledg did thrice change its name in seven years,* 1.77 account∣ing it no small credit thereunto, that it alwayes ascended, and was advanced in every alteration,; first call'd Cardinals Colledg, then Kings Colledg, and at last Christs Church, which it retaineth at this day.

32. King Henry took just offence that the Cardinal set his ownb 1.78 Arms above the Kings,* 1.79 in the Gate-house, at the entrance into the Colledg. This was no verbal but a real Ego & Rex meus, excusable by no plea in Manners or Grammer; except onely by that (which is rather Fault then Figure) a harsh down right Hysterosis; but to humble the Cardinals pride, some afterwards set up on a window, a paintedc 1.80 Mastiff-dog, gnawing the spate-bone of a shoulder of Mutton, to minde the Cardinal of his extraction, being the Son of a Butcher, it being utterly improbable (that some have fancied) that that pi∣cture was placed there by the Cardinals own appointment, to be him a mo∣nitour of humility.

Deans.	Bishops.	Benefactors.* 1.81	Learned Writers.* 1.82
1. John Higdon. 2. Doct. Moore. 3. John Oliver. 4. Richard Cox. 5. Richard Mar∣shall. 6. George Carow. 7. Thomas Samson. 8. Thomas Good∣win. 9. Thomas Cooper. 10. John Piers. 11. Tobias Mat∣thew. 12. William James. 13. Thomas Ravis. 14. John King. 15. William Good∣win 16. Richard Corbet. 17. Brian Duppa. 18. Fell. 19. Edward Reynolds. 20. John Owen.	Richard Cox, Bi∣shop of Eley, Thomas Goodwin, Bishop of Bath and Wells. Thomas Cooper, Bi∣shop of Winche∣ster. John Piers, Arch∣Bishop of york. Herbert Westphaling Bishop of Hereford. William James, Bi∣shop of Dur∣ham. Thomas Ravis, Bi∣shop of London. John King, Bishop of London. Richard Corbet, Bi∣shop of Nor∣wich. William Piers, Bi∣shop of Bath & Wells. Brian Duppa, Bish. of Salisbury.	Otho Nicholson, one of the Exa∣miners of the Chancery, be∣stowed eight hundred pound in building and furnishing a fair Library.	Sir PHILIP SID∣NEY. Sir WALTER RAWLEY. WILLIAM CAM∣DEN. Robert Gomersall JOHN GREGORY. Cartwright.

Here I omit the many eminent Writers still surviving, D^r Merick Casaubon, and D^r George Morley, both no less eminent for their found Judgments; then patient sufferings; D^r Barton Holiday, and D^r Jasper Main, who have refreshed their severer studies with Poetry, and sallies into pleasant learning, with ma∣ny more in this numerous Foundation. Beholding, as for his wealth to King Heary the eighth, so for a great part of the Wit and Learning thereof to his Daughter Queen Elizabeth, whose School-boyes at Westminster become as good School-men here, sent hither (as to Trinity Colledg in Cambridg) by her appoint∣ment; so that lately, there were maintained therein, One Dean, Eight Canons, Three publick Professors of Divinity, Hebrew, and Greek, Sixty Students, Eight chaplains, Eight Singing-men, an Organist, Eight Choristers, Twen∣ty four Almesmen; at this present Students of all sorts, with Officers and Servants of the Foundation, to the number of two hundred twenty three.

33. Know that John Higdon,* 1.83 first Dean of this Colledg, was a great Persecutor of poor Protestants, as by the ensuing Catalogue will appear.

a 1.84 John Clark.	John Fryer.	William Betts.
John Frith.	Goodman.	Lawney.
Henry Sumner.	Nicholas Harmar.	Richard Cox.
Baley.	Michael Drumme.	Richard Taverner.

All these were questioned for their Religion,* 1.85 being cast into a prison in a deep Cave under ground, where the salt fish of the Colledg was kept, the stench

whereof made some of them to die soon after, and others escaped with great difficulty. Taverner was excellently skill'd in Musick, on which account he escaped, though vehemently accused, the Cardinal pleading for him, that he was but a Musician, though afterward he repented, to have set tunes to so many Popish ditties

34. We must not forget that all in the foresaid Catalogue,* 1.86 whose Chri∣stian names are expressed, were originallya 1.87 Cambridg men, and invited by the Cardinal on promise of preferment, to plant his new Foundation; be∣sides Florence,* 1.88 Dominican, John Akers, and many more famous for their Learning, which at this time removed to Oxford, seasonedboth with good Learning and true Religion.

35. Know also this,* 1.89 John Higdon, first Dean, was he, of whom Cardi∣nal Wolsey (when fallen into distress) did borrow two hundred pounds, there∣with to pay and reward some of his poorest servants, giving them money on this condition, that hereafter they should serve no subject, but onely the b 1.90 King himself, as if this had been suscipere gradum Simeonts, for those who so long had attended on a Lord-Cardinal. But this happened many years af∣ter; we return to this proud Prelate, while he flourished in the height of his Prosperity.

36. Their heads will catch cold,* 1.91 which wait bare for a dead Popes Tiple-Crown. Wolsey may be an instance hereof, who, on every avoi∣dance of S^t Peters Chaire, was sitting down therein, when suddenly some one or other, clapt in before him. Weary with waiting, he now resolved to revenge himself on Charles the Emperour, for not doing him right, and not improving his power, in preferring him to the Papacy, according to his promioses and pretences. He intends to smite Charles through the sides of his Aunt, Katharine Queen of England, endeavouring to alienate the Kings af∣fections from her. And this is affirmend by the generality of our Historians, though some of late have endeavoured to acquit Wolsey as not the first per∣swader of the King divorce.

37. Indeed he was beholding,* 1.92 for the first hint thereof, to the Spani∣ards themselves. For, when the Lady Mary was tendered in marriage to Philip, Prince of Spain, the Spanish Embassadours seemed to make some difficulty thereof, and to doubt her extraction, as begotten on a mother for∣merly married to her husbands elder brother. Wolsey now put this scruple into the head of Bishop Longlands, the Kings Confessour, and he insinuated the same into the Kings conscience; advising him hereafter to abstain from the company of his Queen, to whom he was unlawfully married. Adding moreover, that after a divorce procured (which the Pope in justice could not deny) the King might dispose his affections where he pleased. And here Wolsey had provided him a second Wife, viz, Margarite, Countess of Alen∣zon sister to Francis King of France; though heavens reserved that place, not for the Mistress, but her Maid, I mean Anna Bollen, who (after the re∣turn of Mary, the French Queen for England, attended in France for some time on this Lady Margarite.

38. Tunder needs no torch to light it,* 1.93 the least spark will presently set it on flame. No wonder if King Henry greedily resented the motion. Male issue he much wanted, and a young Female more on whom to beget it. As for Queen Katharine, he rather respected, then affected; rather honoured, then loved her. She had got an habit of miscarrying, scarce curable in one of her age, intimated in one of the Kings private papers, as morbus incurabilis. Yet publickly he never laid either fault or defect to her charge; that, not dislike of her person or conditions, but onely principles of pure conseience, might seem to put him upon endeavours of a Divorce.

39. The business is brought into the Court of Rome,* 1.94 there to be deci∣ded by Pope Clement the seventh. Bnt the Pope at this time was not sui juris, being a prisoner to the Emperour, who constantly kept a guard about him.

44. As for the Queens Councel,* 1.95 (which,* 1.96 though assigned to her,* 1.97 ap∣pear not dearly accepted by her, as chosen rather by others for her, then by her for her self) I finde at this present little of moment pleaded, or per∣formed by them. Onely Bishop Fisher affirmed, that no more needed to be said for the validity of the marriage, then, Whom God hath joyned together, let no man put asunder. A most true position in it self, if he could have clear∣ed the application thereof to his Royal Client, but Hoc restat probandum; the contrary, that God never joyned them together, being vehemently urged by her adversaries.

45. Notwithstanding the Queens absence,* 1.98 the Court proceeded: And first the Kings Proctors put in their exceptions against both Bull, and Breve of Pope Julius the second, dispensing with the Kings marriage with his bro∣thers wife: viz.

1. That they were not to be found amongst the Original Records in Rome.

2. That they were not extant in Chartaphylacio, amongst the King of Englands papers (most concerned therein) but found onely in Spain, amongst the writings of a State-Officer there.

3. That in them it was falsely suggested, as if the same were pro∣cured at the instance of Henry, Prince of Wales, who then, not being above thirteen years old, was not capable of such in∣tentions.

4. That the Date thereof was somewhat discrepant from the form used in the Court of Rome.

46. After this,* 1.99 many witnesses on the Kings side were deposed:* 1.100 and though this favour is by custome indulged to the English Nobility, to speak on their Honours; yet the Canon-Law taking no notice of this their muni∣cipal priviledg, and for the more legal validity of their restimonies, required the same on oath, though two Dukes, one Dutchess, one Marquess, many Lords and Ladies gave in their depositions. These attested,

1. That both were of sufficient age, Prince Arthur of fifteen years, the Lady Katharine somewhat elder.

2. That constant their cohabitation, at board, and in bed.

3. That competent the time of the same, as full five moneths.

4. That entire their mutual affection, no difference being ever ob∣serv'd betwixt them.

5. That Henry, after his Brothers death, by an instrument produced in Court, and attested by many witnesses, refused to marry her, though afterwards altered by the importunity of others.

6. That, by several expressions of Prince Arthur's, it appeared, he had carnal knowledg of the Lady Katharine.

The beds of private persons are compassed with curtaines, of Princes vailed also with canopies, to conceal the passages therein, to which modesty ad∣mitteth no witnesses. Pitty it is, that any, with Pharaoh, should discover what is exchanged betwixt Isaac and Rebekah; all which are best stifled in secrecy and silence. However, such the nature of the present cause, that many privacies were therein discovered.

47. Observe by the way,* 1.101 that, whereas it was generally alledged in favour of the Queen, that Prince Arthur had not carnal Knowledg of her;

because, soon after his marriage, his consumptionish body seemed unfit for such performances; this was retorted by testimonies on the Kings side, his witnesses deposing, that generally it was reported and believed, the Prince im∣paired his health, by his over liberal paiment of due benevolence.

48. It was expected that the Cardinals should now proceed to a defini∣tive sentence,* 1.102 according as matters were alledged, and proved unto them. The rather because it was generally reported, that Campegius brought over with him a Bull Decretal, to pronounce a nulsity of the match, if he saw just cause for the same. Which rumor (like the silken flie wherewith Anglers cheat the fishes) was onely given out to tempt King Henry to a longer pati∣ence, and quiet expectation of the event.* 1.103 But by this time Queen Katharine had privately prevailed with the Pope, to advoke the cause to Rome, as a place of more indifferency for a plea of so high concernment. Whereupon Cam∣pegius took his leave of the King, and returned into Italy.

49. The Papists tell us,* 1.104 that Cardinal Campegius sent over before him some amatorious Letters, which passed written with the Kings own hand, betwixt him and his dear Nan, as he termed her. These are said to import more familiarity then chastity betwixt them, and are carefully kept, and so∣lemnly shewn in the Vatican to strangers, especially of the English Nation, though some suspect them to be but forged. For though the King had wan∣tonness enough to write such Letters, yet Anna Bollen had wit and warmess too much, to part with them. It would more advance the Popish project, could they shew any return from her to the King accepting his offers, which they pretend not to produce. Our Authors generally agree, her de••••alls more inflamed the Kings desires. For though perchance nothing more then a woman was wish'd by his wilde sancy, yet nothing less then an husband would content her conscience. In a word, so cunning she was in her chastity, that the farther she put him from her, the nearer she fastened his affections unto her.

50. Still was the Kings cause more delaied in the Court of Rome.* 1.105 If a melancholick School-man can spin out a speculative controversie with his Pro's and Con's, to some quires of paper, where the profit is little to others, and none to himself, except satisfying his curiosity, and some popular ap∣plause; no wonder if the Casuists at Rome (those cunning Masters of Defence) could lengthen out a cause of so high concernment, and so greatly beneficial unto them. For, English silver now was current, and out gold volant in the Popes Courts, whither such masses of money daily were transported, England knew not certainly what was expended, nor Rome what received herein. Yea, for seven years was this suit depending in the Popes Court; after which Apprentiship, the Indentures were not intended to be cancelled, but the cause still to be kept on foot, it being for the interest, to have it al∣wayes in doing, and never done. For, whilest it depended, the Pope was sure of two great friends; but, when it was once decided, he was sure of one great foe, either the Emperour, or our King of England.

51. It was a Maxime true of all men,* 1.106 but most of King Henry, Omnis mora properanti nimia. He (who would have not onely what, but when he would himself) was vexed with so many delayings, deferrings, retardings, prorogations. prolongations, procrastinations, betwixt, two Popes (as one may say) Clement that was, and Wolsey that would be. So that all this while, after so much adoe, there was nothing done in his business. which now was no nearer to a final conclusion, then at the first beginning thereof. Yea, now began Cardinal Wolsey to decline in the Kings favour, suspecting him for not cordial in his cause, and ascribing much of the delay to his backwardness herein. More hot did the displeasure of Queen Katharine burn against him,

beholding him as the chief engine, who set the matter of her Divorce first in motion.

52. Be it here remembred, that in perswading the Kings Divorce,* 1.107 Wolsey drave on a double design; by the recess of the Kings love from Queen Katharine, to revenge himself of the Emperour; by the access of his love to Margaret of Alenson, to oblige the King of France. Thus he hoped to gain with both hands, and presumed, that the sharpness of his two-edged policy should cut on both sides: when God, to prevent him, did both blunt the edges, and break the point thereof. For, instead of gaining the love of two Kings, he got the implacable anger of two Queens; of Katharine decaying, and Anna Bollen increasing in the Kings affection. Let him hereafter look but for few fair dayes, when both the Sun-rising, and setting, frowned upon him.

SECT. II.

TO M^r THOMAS JAMES OF BUNTINGFORD IN Hertford-shire.

COrner Stones (two walls meeting in them) are po∣lished with the more curiosity, and placed with more carefulness. So also corner bones (as I may say) which do do double duty, and attend the service of two joynts, (in the Elbow and Knee) are rarely fixed by the providence of Nature.

This Section being in the turning of Religions, (the) going out of the Old, and coming in of the New) ought to have been done with most industry, difficultie meeting therein with dark instructions. However I have en∣deavoured my utmost, (though falling short of the me∣rits of the matter, and doubt not but you will be as) candid in the perusing, as I have desired to be careful in the writing thereof.

KKnow now in the next year,* 2.1 the Lords in Parlia∣ment put in a Bill of fourty four particulars against Wolsey.* 2.2 The most material was his exercising of power-Legative,* 2.3 without leave, to the prejudice of the Kings Crown and Dignity. The Bill is brought down into the House of Commons, where M^r Cromwel, then Servant to the Cardinal, chan∣ced to be a Burgess. Here he defended his Master with such wit and eloquence, that even those who hated the Client, yet praised the Advocate who pleaded in his behalf. This was the first time, that publick notice was taken of Cromwel his eminent parts, and advantagious starting is more then half the way in the race to pre∣ferment, as afterwards in him it came to pass. As for Wolsey, though at this time he escaped with life and liberty, yet were all his goods, of inestimable value, confiscated to the King, and he outed of most of his Ecclesia∣stical promotions.

2. Court-favourites,* 2.4 when it is once past noon,* 2.5 it is presently night with them,* 2.6 as here it fared with wolsey. His enemies, of whom no want, follow the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 given unto him. For they beheld him, rather in a Sown, then as yet dead in the Kings favour, and feared if his submission should meet with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 remembrance of his former services, they might produce his full 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to power and dignity. The rather because the Cardinal was cun∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 to improve all to his own advantage, and the King (as yet) not cruel, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 too perfect in that lesson afterwards. His enemies would not trust the Cardinal to live at London, (nor at Winchester within fifty miles thereof) but got the King to command him away to York, sending him thither, whi∣ther his conscience long since should have sent him, namely to visit his Dio∣cess, so large in extent, and reside therein.

3. Indifferent men thought that he had enough,* 2.7 his Foes that too much, onely himself that too little was left unto him. Pride accounts the greatest plenty, if without Pomp no better then Penury. Yet he had the whole re∣venues of York Arch-Bishoprick (worth then little less then four thousand pounds yearly) besides a large Pension paid him out of the Bishoprick of Winchester. Was not here suel enough, had thee not been too much fire within, such his covetousness and ambition?

4. Earthly Kings may make men humbled,* 2.8 God alone humble. Wolsey began to state it at York as high as ever before, in proportion to his contract∣ed revenues. Preparation is made in a Princely equipage for his Installation, attracting envie from such as beheld it. All is told unto the King, and all made worse by telling it, complaining Wolsey would never leave his pride, till life first left him. His old faults are revived and aggravated, and the King incensed afresh against him.

5. The Earl of Northumberland by the Commission from the King,* 2.9 Arrested him of high-Treason, in his own chamber, at Cawood, By slow and short journeys he setteth forward to London, meeting by the way with con∣trary messages from the King; Sometimes he was tickled with hopes of par∣don and preserment, sometimes pinched with fears of a disgraceful death, so that he knew not how to dispose his minde, to Mirth or Mourning. Age and anguish, brought his disease of the dysentery, the pain lying much in his guts, more in his heart. Especially aftger S^r William Kingston was sent unto him, who being Lieutenant of the Tower seemed to carry a restraint in his looks. Coming to Leicester he died, being buried almost as obscurely as he was born.

6. I know not whether or no it be worth the mentioning here,* 2.10 (how∣ever we will put it on the adventure) that Cardinal Wolsey, in his life time was inform'd by some Fortune-tellers, that he should have his end at Kingston. This his credulity interpreted of Kingston on Thames, which made him al∣wayes to avoid the riding through that Town, though the nearest way from his house to the Court. Afterwards understanding that he was to be com∣mitted by the Kings express order to the charge of S^r Anthony* 2.11 Kingston, it struck to his heart, too late perceiving himself deluded by that Father of Lies in his homonymous prediction.

7. Anna Bollen did every day look fairer and fiarer in the King's eyes,* 2.12 whilest the hopes of his marriage with her, seemed every day farther and farther from him. For, the Court at Rome meddled not with the merits of the causse, but fell upon by-points therein of lesser concernment. Yea, they divided his case into threea 2.13 and twenty particulars; whereof the first was, Whether Prince Arthur had carnal knowledg with the Lady Katharine? This bare about a years debate; so that according to this proportion, King Henry would be, not onely past marrying, but past living, before his cause should be decided. This news put him into a passionate pensiveness, the rather, because meeting with sadness here, many populous places in England, and Cambridg particularly, being at the present visited with the sickness.

8. But, it is an evil plague which brings no body profit. On this oc∣casion D^r Cranmer retired to Waltham with two of his Pupils,* 2.14 the sons of M^r Cressey (a name utterly extinct in that Town where God hath fixed my present habitation) long before the memory of any alive. But, consulting Weaversa 2.15 Funeral-Monuments of Waltham-Church (more truly then nearly by him composed) I finde therein this Epitaph,

Here lyeth Jon and Jone Cressy, On whose soulys Jesu havmercy. Amen.

It seems paper sometimes in more lasting then brass; all the ancient Epitaphs in that Church being defac'd by some barbarous hands, who perchance one day may want a grave for themselves.

9. The King coming to Waltham,* 2.16 D^r Fox his Chaplain and Almoner (af∣terwards Bishop of Hereford) is lodged in M^r Cressy's house: Discoursing about the Kings Divorce; Cranmer conceived that the speediest course was to prove the unlawfulness of his Match by Scripture; whence it would follow, that the Pope at first had no power to dispence therewith; and that the Vniversities of Christendom would sooner and truer decide the case, then the Court of Rome. This passage Fox reports to the King; who, well pleased thereat, professes that this man had theb 2.17 Sow by the right ear: An ear which the King never left worrying, till he had got it off, and effected his will therein: Cranmer being sent for, comes to the King, who very lovingly entertains him. Indeed he was a most comely person, having an amiable eye (and as the soul sees much by the eye, so is it much seen in them) and pleasing countenance, as by his livelyc 2.18 Picture doth appear. Glad was the King to see, more to hear him enlarge himself on the former subject, that it was above the Popes power to dispense with Gods work in the Kings case. And now what fitter Nurse for the Childe, then the own Mother; what person more proper to manage this matter then Cranmer himself, who first moved it. The King resolves, and Cranmer consents he should be sent to the Pope, there to make God his possiti∣on. Leave we Cranmer for a time, preparing himself for his long journey; and come briefly to state the Kings Controversie out of Gods Word, and seve∣ral Authors who have written thereof.

10. It plainly appears that a marriage with a Brothers wife is unlawful,* 2.19 because expresly forbidden.

LEVIT. 18. 16

Thou shalt not uncover the Nakedness of thy Brothers Wife, it is thy Brothers Nakedness.

Wherein we have

1. A Prohibition.

Thou shalt not uncover the Na∣kedness of thy Brothers Wife: See all these Laws are made to men; it being presumed that the weaker sex, (whose part it is to take, not tender; accept, not offer love) would be so modest, as not to adventure of themselves on any incestuous act, except first solicited by men thereunto.

2. The Reason thereof.

It is thy Brothers Nakedness. God could ac∣cording to his Dominion peremptorily have forbidden the same, without rendring a reason of his Prohibition; but that men might pay the more willing obedience to his Law, he maketh those who were to keep it, in some sort Judges of the justness there∣of, endeavouring to convince their consci∣ences, and make their souls sensible of the natural uncleanness of such an act. It is thy Brothers nakedness.

Such marriages are again forbidden in another Text.* 3.1 Nor can I render other resson of this Duplicate,* 3.2 whereas others are but once, that this should be twice prohibited; save, that God, foreseeing in his providence mens corrupt inclinations, prone here to climb over, did therefore think fit to make a dou∣ble fence.

LEVIT. 20. 21.

And if a man shall take his Brothers Wife, it is an unclean thing; he hath uncovered his Brothers Nakedness, they shall be Childless.

Here we have the Prohibition backt with a Commination of being Childless, which is variously interpreted, either that they shall never have children, or if having them, they shall not survive their Parents, or if surviving, they shall not be counted Children, but Bastards, illegitimate in the Court of Heaven. This Commination of being childless as applied ad hominem, fell heavy on King Hen∣ry the eighth; who sensible that his Queen, though happy often to conceive, was unhappy almost as often to miscarry. Henry his onely Christian son, by her, died before a full year old; a second was nameless, as never living to the honour of Baptism; and of many blasted in the bud, Mary onely survi∣ved to womans estate.

11. Such as inquire into the nature of this Law finde it founded in Na∣ture it self,* 4.1 being onely declaratory of what true reason doth dictate to man. God in making this Law did not imprint a new writing in mens hearts, but onely rub off some old rust from the same; wherefore it is added, Levit. 18. 27, 28. For all these abominations have the men of the Land done, which were before you, and the Land is defiled; that the Land spue not you out also, when ye defile it, as it spued out the Nations that were before you. Surely the Land would never have vomited out the Heathen for not observing a positive precept, never immediately delivered unto them, which plainly shews it was imprinted in nature, though partly obliterated by their corrupt customes to the contrary; and their consciences in their Lucid Intervals were apprehensive thereof. This would make one the more to admire, that any should maintain, that this Law, the breach whereof made the Country to avoid her Pagan Inhabitants, should be onelya 4.2 lex imposititia & Ecclesiastica, an imposed and Church-Law. To hear of a Church-Law amongst the Canaanites, is a strange Paradox.

12. It is objected this could not be a Law of Nature,* 4.3 because almost at the beginning of nature, men brake them by the consent and permission of the God of heaven: For Cain and Seth with the elder sons of Adam must be al∣lowed to have married their own sisters, far nearer in nature then their Brothers Wife.

13. It is answered,* 4.4 when God first created man-kinde, it was his pleasure all men should derive their original from Eve, as she from Adam. For had he made (as one may say) two distinct houses of Man-kinde, what falling out and fighting, what bickering and battleing would have been betwixt them. If men now adayes descended from the loyns of one general Father, and womb of one mother, are full of so fierce hatred, how many and keen may their differences be presumed, had they sprung from several Fountains, and then all their hatred would have been charged, not on their corruption, but on their Creation? God therefore (as the Apostle saith) Acts 17. 26. hath made of one bloud all nations. Now in the beginning of Man∣kinde absolute necessity gave Brethren liberty to marry their own sisters. Yea, God himself, interpretatively, signed and sealed the same with his own con∣sent, because, his wisdom had appointed no other means without miracle,

for the propagation of man-kinde.* 4.5 But when men began to be multiplied on the earth,* 4.6 that necessity being removed, the light of Nature dictated unto them the unlawfulness of such marriages, and of some others more remote, as coming within the compss of Incest; though the corrupt practises of Pa∣gans sometimes trespassed in that kinde. God therefore being to give his Law to the Jews, cleared and declared that light of Nature, by his positive Law unto his people, to whom his Goodness gave a Garden, and sorbad a Tree, so inconsiderable were those few prohibited, to the many persons permitted them in marriage. For whereas there came out ofa 4.7 Egypt and six hundred thousand men, besides children, fifty persons at the most (counting those forbidden, as well by consequence as expresly) were interdicted unto them; amongst whom one was the Marriage with a Brothers Wife. For although God Per∣mitted this by a judicial Law ro his own people in case ofb 4.8 raising up seed to a Brother deceased childless (the Will of God being the Law of Laws;) yet otherwise it was utterly unlawful, as whereon God had stamped (as is afore∣said) a double Note of natural uncleanness.

14. The Law then of forbidding marriage with a Brothers Wife,* 4.9 be∣ing founded in nature, it was pride, and presumption in the Pope to pretend to dispense therewith. Indeed we read that the dispensation of the Gospel (to see it dealt and distributed to several persons) was committed toc 4.10 S^t Paul (whose joynt successour, with S^t Peter, the Pope pretends to be) but a Dis∣pensation from the Law of God, to free men from the same, neither Paul nor Peter ever pretended unto. Let the Pope make relaxations of such Church Ca∣nons, which meerly Ecclesiastical Authority hath made, there he may have the specious power to remit the rigour thereof at some times, places and persons, as he apprehendeth just occasion. But let him not meddle to grant liberty for the breach of Gods Law. The first Dispensation in this kinde is what Satan in the Serpent gave our first Parents in Paradice,d 4.11 you shall not surely dye; and whether the Granter had less power therein, or the receivers less profit therby, we their woful posterity have little comfort to decide.

15. Nor doth it any thing alter the case,* 4.12 (what was so much controver∣ted in the Court of Rome) whether or no Prince Arthur had carnal knowledge of his Wife, seeing we may observe, that in the Court of Heaven Marriages bear date, not from their Copulation, but solemn Contact; And they thence∣forward are esteemed Man and Wife before God. For it ise 4.13 provided, that if a Damsel be betrothed to Husband still remaining a Virgin, and shall be layen with by another man, both of them shall be stoned to death, and she punished for an Adulteress he for humbling his Neighbours wife. Be then the Lady Katharine known or unknown by Prince Arthur, due Benevolence is the effect, not the cause of Marriage, which was completed before God, and they two made one flesh, when solemnly joyned together in the face of the Congregation.

16. Such a Marriage with a Brothers wife,* 4.14 thus appearing against the Law of God, it is strange that any should maintain that Publica honestas, publique honesty, was the onely obstacle of this marriage, which obstruction (say they) by the Popes dispensation was removed, because Publica Utilitas, the Publick Profit was greater, that redounded by permitting this match, Now suppose this all the obstacle, the Position is dangerous and unfound; For, first, Christians are not sensible of utility (as falsely so called) which stands at distance with Publick Honestie. Secondly, the publikness of the Profit was not adaequate to the publickness of the Scandal. The Profit or State-benefit thereby, onely extended to the Crowns of England and France as concerned therein; whilest the Scandal dilated it self to the People of all Christian Provinces, justly offended thereat. And although we confess, that in this respect the world is narrower to Princes then to private persons, as not affording so fit matches unto them; yet Kings have no Commis∣sion to enlarge themselves herein, by the actual breach of Gods Command∣ment.

17. Thus far the summe of the sense of Protestants and others,* 4.15 no few∣er then an hundred Authors,* 4.16 writing at this time against this Marriage,* 4.17 all which were produced by the King in the next Parliament. Yet very many Papists professed their judgments in print, on the contrary side, both English and outlandish Divines: and (to give them their due) brought very plausible Arguments. Of all these,

John Fisher Bishop of Rochester led the Front, whom some Catho∣licks call S^t John, because beheaded like the Baptist, though on con∣trary accounts: John Baptist for saying, it isb 4.18 not lawful; John Fisher for saying, it is lawful for thee to have thy Brothers Wife.

• * 4.19 John Holiman
• John Clerke
• Cuthbert Dunstall
• Nicholas West
  • Bishop of
    • Bristol.
    • Bath & Wells.
    • London.
    • Ely.
      • Thomas Abel
      • Edward Powel
      • Richard Featherstone Ridley
        • English∣men, and Canonists.

• Francis Royas
• Alphonse de Veruez
• Alphonse de Castro
• Sepulveda
  • Spaniards.
    • Cardinal Cajetan
    • Lewes Nug∣rola
      • Italians.
        • Egwinarus Baro
        • Franciscus Duarenus
        • Convanus
          • c 4.20 Celtae.
  • Alvarus Go∣metius
  • John Cochlae∣us
    • Portu∣guese.
    • High-German.
      • Ludovicus à Schora, a Low-Country∣man.

Erasmus, a greater Scholar then Divine, was very doubtful in his judgment herein. He is made by some modern Apocalyptical Commentaries to be the Angel flying 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is (as they will have it) in a middle distance betwixt Heaven and Earth which how it agrees to the Text, I know not. It alludeth well to his dubious posture betwixt different opinions in Religion, and particularly in this Controversie, sometimes being for King Henry, and sometimes against him herein.

18. Return we to Cranmer employed now in his Embassie to Rome:* 4.21 The state whereof lay on Thom. Bullen, Earl of Wilt-shire, but the strength of it (as to the disputing part) on D^r Cranmer, D^r Stokesley, D^r Carne, D^r Bennet, &c. so that a little University of Learned men went along thither. These were well armed with Arguments, being to carry a challenge to all the Cano∣nists at Rome. Coming thither, they found the Pope in his Grandetza prof∣fering his Toe to them, which none offered to kiss, save the unmannerly Spa∣niel (to say no worse of him) to the Earl of Wilt-shire, whom the Jesuit calls ad 4.22 Protestant-Dog, for biting the Popes Toe; But let him tell us what Religion those Dogs were of, which eat upe 4.23 Jezebel the harlot. The Earl presented the Pope a Book of Cranmers penning, proving Gods Law indispensable with, by the Pope: A Book as welcome to his Holiness as a prison; beholding his own power therein limited and confined. Promise was made of a publick Disputation, but never performed, Onely the Pope (who is excellent at the making of nothing something, by the solemn giving thereof) made Cranmer supreme Penitentiary (an empty Title) throughout all his Dominions; This was onely to stay his stomach for that time, in hope of a more plentiful Feast hereafter, if Cranmer had been pleased to take his repast on any Popish preferment.

19. Mean time King Henry imployed his Agents to the Universities in several parts of Christendom,* 4.24 to found their judgments in the matter of his Marriage. Some report that Reginald Poole, then living at Paris was practi∣sed

upon by promise of preferment, to act the University there in favour of the King: but he being a perfect Katharinist declined the employment. S^r Richard Morisin, a learned Knight, was used by the King in Germany; a 4.25 Edmund Bonner, afterwards Bishop of London, employed in Italy, and Wil∣liam Langée, a Native French-man, made use of in his own Countrey; so that ten of the Universities subscribed the Case, that it was above the Popes power to dispense with the positive Law of God.

• 1. Cambridg
• 2. Oxford
  • England.* 4.26
• 3.b 4.27 Paris.
• 4.c 4.28 The Faculty of Paris
• 5. Orleans
  • France.
• 6.d 4.29 Tholouss
• 7.e 4.30 Anjou
• 8.f 4.31 Bituriges 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
  • France.
• 9.g 4.32 Bononia
• 10.h 4.33 Padua
  • Italy.

Wonder not herein, at the silence of many Dutch Vniversities, Wittemberg, Heidelberg, Tubing, Bazil, that they interposed not their opinions herein; for these having formerly utterly exploded the Popes power, were concei∣ved partial, and therefore incompetent Judges in this point: Wherefore the King onely solicited such Universities in this his Case, which [as yet] re∣mained in fast and firm obedience to the See of Rome.

20. Of all the Universities declaring for the Popes inability to dispence with Gods positive command,* 4.34 most bold and daring (because largest, fullest clea∣rest) was that of Bononia, the chief City in Romandiola, a Province of Peters Patrimony, and that City the Popes retiring place. Nor can I omit the con∣clusion of their Declaration. We confidently do hold and witness, that such Mar∣riage is horrible, accursed, and to be cried out upon, and utterly abominable, not onely for a Christian man, but for an Infidel, unfaithful or heathen, and that it is prohibited under grievous pains and punishments, by the Law of God, of Nature, and of man; and that the Pope, though he may do much, unto whom Christ gave thei 4.35 Keys of the Kingdom of heaven, hath no power to give a dispensation to any man to contract such Marriage. In witness whereof we confirm this our judgment, both under the Seal of our University, as also with the Seal of our Colledg of Doctors of Di∣vinity, and have subscribed it in the Cathedral Church of Bonony, this tenth of June, in the year of our Lord, 1530.

21.k 4.36 Sanders hath little to say against so many and clear decisions of the Universities;* 4.37 onely he tels us, that all the Kings Agents had not equal success in their Negotiations: and particularly that one Hutton, the Kings instru∣ment herein could not bow those of Hamborough and Lubeck, to express themselves against the Marriage. But surely these two places were onely Gymnasia, for I finde them not mentioned amongst the Dutch Universities. Also he saith that Richard Crook, another of the Kings Emissaries, prevailed nothing on many Germane Professors, and particularly he praiseth the Univer∣sity of Colen, for their recusancy therein. As for such who subscribed on the Kings side, he pretends that Bribes bought their judgments; as if our King Henry had learnt from Kingl 4.38 Solomon, that Money recompenceth all things. The best is, the cleanly hands of the Court of Rome, had never, no doubt any bribes sticking to their fair fingers. But though that Englsh-Angels flew over to foraign Universities, yet there lieth a real distinction betwixt a Bribe and a Boon, freely bestowed, not to bow and bias their opinions; but to gratifie their pains, and remunerate their industry, in studying of the point.

22. As for our English Ambassadours at Rome,* 4.39 finding themselves onely fed with delaies; no wonder if they were sharp set to return home. All

came back again save D^r. Cranmer, who took a journey to the Emperours court in Vie••••a. Here he grew acquainted with Cornelius Agrippa, who had written a Book of the Vanity of Sciences, having much of the Sciences, but more of the vanity in himself. Here also he conversed with many great Divines, and satisfied some of them out of Scripture and Reason, which formerly were unresolved in the unlawfulness of the Kings Marriage.

23. A Parliament was now called,* 4.40 wherein the Clergie were found guilty of a Praemunire,* 4.41 because they had too much promoted the Papal interest, and acted by vertue of his power, to the damage and detriment of the Crown of England; whereupon being willing to redeem their whole estates forfeited by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, they were glad to commute it into a summe of money: the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury alone, bestowed on the King, one hundred thousand pounds, to be paid by equal portions, in the same year, say some; in four years say others, and that in my opinion with more probability.

24. But the King would not be so satisfied with the payment of the mo∣ney,* 4.42 except also they would acknowledg him to be Supreme Head of the Church. This was hard meat, and would not easily down amongst them, however being thoroughly debated in a Synodical way, both in the upper and lower houses of Convocation; they did in fine agree, on this expression, cujus (Ecclesiae Anglicanae) singularem Protectorem, unicum & supremum Domi∣num, & (quantum per Christi leges licet) supremum caput ipsius Majestatem re∣cognoscim••s.

25. This thus consented unto,* 4.43 and subscribed by the hands of the Cler∣gie, (as appears at large in the Records and Acts of the Convocation) and so presented to the King in the name of his Clergie; was afterwards con∣firmed by Parliament, and incorporated into a solemn Act for the ratifi∣cation thereof.

26. During these transactions,* 4.44 William Warham,* 4.45 Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury ended his life.* 4.46 A politick person, well learned in the Laws, gene∣rally reputed a moderate man, though (specially towards his latter end) a still and silent persecutor of poor Christians. He was first Parson of Barly in Hertford-shire (as appears by ana 4.47 inscription in that Church) thence rising by degrees to great preferment. In his Will he requested his Successour not to sue hisb 4.48 Executors for Dilapidations, as having expended some thousands of pounds in repairing his several Palaces. We verily believe his request was granted, seeing Cranmer was free from all exacting in that kinde. Sede vacante, John Stokesly Bishop of London, was President in the Con∣vocation.

27. Messengers are sent into Germany for Thomas Cranmer,* 4.49 to finde him out, and fetch him home with all possible speed, the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury waiting his acceptance thereof. The Post easily doth the first, but Cranmer prolonged his journey byc 4.50 seven weeks, at the least, hoping that in the mean time the King might forget him, and confer the place on ano∣ther, being really unwilling to imbrace the preferment, having aliquid intus, something within him, which reluctated against those superstitions through which he must wade in the way thereunto. But there lieth no Nolo Episcopa∣re against King Henry his Volo te Episcopum esse; It being as mortal to refuse favours from him, as to offer injuries to him. Cranmer therefore now come home, must in his own defence be Arch-Bishop, who, to serve the King and salve his own conscience, used the expedient of a Protestation, whereof here∣after.

28. The Philosoper gives us this note of direction,* 4.51 whereby to finde out a vertue, viz. that it is accused by both Extremes. Thus Liberality is charged by Prodigals to be Covetousness, by Covetous men to be Prodigality. By the same proportion Cranmer appears a worthy Prelate, taxed by Papists to be an Heretick, by others [no Papists] as guilty of Superstition. We will endea∣vour his just defence, conceiving the Protestants cause much concerned therein,

the Legality of his Consecration having an influence on all the Bishops made by him,* 4.52 that of the Bishops making an impression on the Priests and Deacons by them ordained,* 4.53 and their rightful ordination, deriving validity to the Sacra∣ments by them administred to all the members of the Church of England.

29. A Papista 4.54 objects,* 4.55 non fuit consecratus ab ullo Episcopo, sed à solo Rege intrusus, that he was consecrated by no Bishop, but thrust in by the King alone. The falseness whereof doth appear on publick Record, still to be seen in the Register, being solemnly consecrated by

• Johnb 4.56 Lincoln.
• John Exeter.* 4.57
• Henry S^t Asaph.* 4.58

and none that pretendeth to skill in Canon Law, can deny the number insuf∣ficient for such a performance.

30. Another urgeth him uncapable of a Bishoprick as debarr'd by Bi∣gamy, * 4.59 even by the censure of thec 4.60 Apostle, Let a Bishop be the husband of one wife, Cranmer being successively twice married. It is Answered, such suc∣cessive marriage is no Bigamy; the Apostle onely forbidding the having of ma∣ny wives at once, (a fault fashionable amongst the Jews, then and many years after, by the testimony ofd 4.61 Justine Martyr) and the same is so expounded also bye 4.62 S Hierom. praecipit ut sacerdotes singulas uno tempore habeant uxores.

31. But grant Cranmer guilty but of one wife at once,* 4.63 even that made him (as his adversaries rejoyn) uncapable of the Arch-Bishoprick, because Prohibited by the Canons, To which we answer, thatf 4.64 Spiridion,g 4.65 S^t. Hilary, h 4.66 Gregory Nazianzen, and many other Bishops, eminent for Learning and Sanctity in the Primitive times, are confessed married men by authen∣tick Authors, in the best times accounted no bar to their Episcopal function. Yea, the Romanists are concerned to allow Cranmer a lawful Arch-Bishop, because allowing such as were Consecrated by him, as Thomas Thyrlby, Bishop of Ely, Anthony Kitchin, Bishop of Landaff, for lawful Bishops, to whom he could not derive any orders, if not legally invested therein himself.

32. Pass we now to such acceptions which am 4.67 Modern writer (zea∣lous against Popery) taketh against him,* 4.68 being no fewer then nine, as if he intended what they want in weight to make up in number. 1. That he took the like Oath to the Pope which his Predecessors have done, and therefore was deeply charged of perjury by Martin a Papist.

* 4.69 33. I Answer, he took not the like Oath. His Predecessours took it absolutely and simply. Not so Cranmer. Not that he was guilty of any clandestine equivocation or mental reservation therein, but publickly entred a solemn Protestation, remaining on Record in hisn 4.70 office in manner and form following.

IN Dei nomine, Amen, Coram nobis, &c. Non est, nec erit meae volun∣tatis aut intentionis per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta, quali∣ter{que} verba in ipsis posita sonare videbuntur me obligare ad aliquid, ratione eorundem, posthac dicendum, faciendum, aut attentandum, quid erit, aut esse videbitur contra legem Dei, vel contra illustrissimum Regem nostrum Angliae, aut Rempublicam hujus sui Regni Angliae, legesve, aut praerogativa ejusdem; & quòd non intendo per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta quovis modo me obligare, quo minùs liberè loqui consulere, & consentire valeam, in omnibus & singulis reformationem Religionis Chri∣stianae, gubernationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, ac praerogativam coronae ejusdem Reipublicae! vè commoditatem quoquo modo concernentibus, & ea ubi{que} exequi & reformare, quae mihi in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ reformanda

videbuntur.* 4.71 secundum hanc interpretationem,* 4.72 & intellectum hunc, & non aliter, ne{que} alio modo dictum juramentum me praestiturum protestor, & profiteor, &c.

This Protestation he did not privately smother in a corner, but publickly in∣terposed it three several times, viz. once in the Chapter-house before authentick witnesses; again, on his bended knees at the High-Altar, many people and Bishops beholding him when he was to be consecrated; and the third time, when he received his Pall in the same place.

34. Secondly,* 4.73 he accuseth him for having a hand in the condemnation and execution of Lambert, Frith, and other Godly Martyrs. This indeed cannot be denied. For though I am loath that Cranmers head should (by the weight and violence of his causless detractors) be plucked under water, where he was innocent, I will leave him to sink or swim by himself where he was guilty. Onely adding, In many things we offend all.

35. His third accusation,* 4.74 he was a chief man in accomplishing King Hen∣ries Divorce, whicha 4.75 occasioned much trouble, dissention, and war. But he might have remembred, which also produced the peerless Princess Queen Elizabeth, who perfected the Reformation, and by her long peaceable and victorious Reign, brought much honour, wealth and renown to our Nation. Besides, that Divorce is generally defended by Protestant writers, whose judgments this accuser will rely on when it makes for his purpose.

36. Fourth accusation,* 4.76 the Lincoln-shire Rebels, in their six Articles of their grievances presented to King Heary the eighth complain, that this Arch-Bishop, and other Prelates of his Graces late promotion, hadb 4.77 subverted the Faith of Christ, &c.

37. I Answer,* 4.78 they were the Lincoln-shire Rebels that said it, and this their pretended subverting of the sath, was the reforming and confirming thereof; Cranmer serving the God of his Fathers in that way which they termed Heresie. Welltherefore might this cavil have been waved, good onely to swell the Volume.

38. Fifth Cavil,* 4.79 though Matthew Parker reports (as thisc 4.80 Delator confesses) that Cranmer opposed this act of the six Articles at first, then caused it to be moderated, and at last to be repealed in King Edwards dayes, but others seem to imply that he gave consent thereunto at first.

39. To this I Answer three things:* 4.81 First, to imply is far less then to express, and such implications are often the bare surmises of a byassed apprehensi∣on. Secondly, to seem to imply, is less then to imply, nulla videntur quae non sunt. Thirdly, the Others by him mentioned, ought to have been nomina∣ted, this Author generally giving no scant measure in such wares; so that his margin (commonly over-thronged) is here quite empty of quotations. Ino∣pem nunc copia secit. We may assure our selves he would have alledged such Other Authors, but for several substantial reasons, whereof this was one, because he had none to alledg. And shall an uncertain, un-named No body, be believed against Cranmer, before M^r Fox, and D^r Parkers clear testimonies in his behalf?

40. Seventh Cavil.* 4.82 He suffered Martyrdome, not while he was a Bishop, but when degraded and deprived. What of this? does this tend any thing to the disgrace of him or his order, seeing such an injurious and violent degradation, deprived him not of his Episcopal indeleble character, so that still in right he remained a Bishop?

41. Eight Cavil.* 4.83 He failed more in his Martyrdome, by reason of his cow∣ardly recantation, thorow hopes of life, and restitution to his former dignity, then any of his fellow Martyrs. Answer, It is confessed: But his final constancy may well cover his intermediate failings. Better it is faintly and fearfully to bear in our body the marks of our Lord Jesus, then stoutly and stubbornly to endure the brands of our own indiscretion.

42. Last Cavil.* 4.84 He was condemned for high Treason, for an act done by him as an Arch-Bishop, and Councellor of State, for which he professed both his sor∣row a 4.85 and repentance. Did he so indeed, by the confession of this his adversa∣ry? The more unworthy man his accusor, after this his sorrow and repentance to upbraid him therewith. M^r Pryn might also remember that the two Lord chief Justices were in the same Treason (whose Education made them more known in the Laws of the Land) and our Cranmer was last and least in the fault, it being long before he could be perswaded to subscribe to the disinhe∣riting of Queen Mary.

43. We appeal to the unpartial Reader, upon the perusal of the pre∣misses, whither an ordinary charity, might not, yea ought not to have past by these accusations, and whether the memory of Arch-Bishop Cramner may not justly say of M^r Pryn, as once the King ofb 4.86 Israel, of the King of Syria, wherefore consider I pray you, and see how he seeketh a quarrel against me? Indeed so great is his antipathy against Episcopacy, that if a Seraphim himself should be a Bishop, he would either finde or make some sick feathers in his wings.

44. Cranmer was now setled in his Arch-Bishoprick,* 4.87 and the first emi∣nent act of his office was exercised in the Kings Divorce. A Court is called in the Priory of Dunstable in Bedford-shire, as a favourable place, indifferent∣ly distanced, but five miles from Amphil, where Queen Katharine resided. With Cranmer were the Bishops of London, Winchester, Bath, and Lincoln, with many other great Prelates. These summoned Queen Katharine to appear be∣fore them, full fifteen dayes together, on whose refusal they not onely ad∣judged her contumacious, but also pronounced her match with the King as null and unlawful by Scripture; and soon after it was proclaimed, that hence for∣ward none should call her Queen, but the Dowager of Prince Arthur. And thus a few dayes had dispatched that Divorce, which had depended many years in the Court of Rome.

45. And now I cannot call King Henry a Batchelor,* 4.88 because once mar∣ried; nor a married man, because having no wife; nor properly a widower, because his wife was not dead. But he therefore a single, or rather a separa∣ted person, remaining so (if at all) but a very short time, as soon after so∣lemnly married to the Lady Anna Bollen, of whom largely hereafter.

46. Now began Elizbeth Barton to play her tricks,* 4.89 commonly called the holy Maid of Kent, though at this day of Kent alone is left unto her, as whose Maiden-ship is vehemently suspected, and holiness utterly denied; she was famous on a double account. First, for knowing secrets past, and indeed she could tell any thing which was told her; conversing with Fryers her fami∣liars, and other folks Confessors, who revealed many privacies unto her. Secondly, she was eminent for foretelling things to come, and some of her predictions hit in the mark, procured to the rest the reputation of pro∣phecy with credulous people. She foretold that King Henry should not be King a full twelve moneth, except he reassumed Queen Katharine to be his Wife.

47. I am heartily sorry that the gravity of John Fisher,* 4.90 Bishop of Roche∣chester should be so light, and the sharp sight of S^r Thomas More so blinde, as to give credit to so notorious an Impostrix, which plunged them both into the Kings deep displeesure. As for Elizabeth Bvrton, soon after she was exe∣cuted, with many of her complices and complotters. The Papist at this day, unable to defend her forgery, and unwilling to confess her cheating, seek to salve all by pleading her to be distracted. Thus if succeeding she had been praised (and perchance Canonized) for her devotion; now fail∣ing she must be pardoned and pittied for her distraction.

48. We may remember,* 4.91 how, not long since, the Clergie did own, and recognize King Henry the eighth, for Supreme Head of the Church, which was clearly carried by a plurality of voices in the Convocation. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was the onely eminent Clergy-man, who openly opposed

it. One obnoxious to the Kings dispeasure, on a threefold account; first, for engaging so zealously, (above the earnestness of an Advocate) against the Kings Divorce. Secondly, for tampering with that notable Impositrix, the holy maid of Kent. Thirdly, for refusing the Oath of Supremacy, for which he was now imprisoned. Indeed this Bishop lost himself (both with his friends and his ••oes) by his inconstancy at the first, seeing he who should have been as staid as the Tower, was as wavering as the Weather-cock, neither complying with the King, nor agreeing with himself; but would and would not, acknowledge the Kings Supremacy. But at last he fixed himself on the nega∣tive, and resolutely continued therein till the day of his death, of whom more largely hereafter.

49. The Clergie in the Province of York did also for a long time deny the Kings Supremacy.* 4.92 Indeed the Convocation of York hath ever since struck Ta∣lies with that of Canterbury, though not implicitly) unanimously post-concurring therewith; But here they dissented, not because more Knowing in their judg∣ments, or tender in their consciences, but generally more superstitious, and ad∣dicted to Popery. Insomuch that they sent two LETTERS to the King (I con∣ceive them written, one from the upper, the other from the lower house of Convocation) wherein they acquainted his Highness with their judgments, (in∣terlacing many expressions of general submission) and their Reasons in a large discourle, why they could not acknowledg him to be Supreme Head of the Church.

50. Give me leave to suspect Edward Lee,* 4.93 Arch-Bishop of York, for a se∣cret fomentor of this difference. He was a virulent Papist, much conceited of his own Learning, (which made him to write against Erasmus) and a per∣secutor of Protestants; witness John Bale, convented before him for suspicion of heresie, who in vain earnestly pleaded Scripture in his own defence, till at last he casually made use of a distinction out of Scotus, which the Arch-Bishop more valued, then all which he had before more pertinently alledged out of the Old and New Testament.

51. King Henry wrote a fair and large Letter to the Convocation of York,* 4.94 too long here to be inserted, (though otherwise I have a gooda 4.95 Copy there∣of) wherein the King began mildly to make the passage for his Supremacy into their consciences, by a Rational and Argumentative way. He disclaimed all design by fraud to surprize, or by force to captivate their judgments, but one∣ly to convince them of the Truth, and Equity of what he desired. Heb 4.96 decla∣vered the sence of Supreme Head of the Church, (though offensive in the sound to ignorant ears) claiming nothing more thereby, then what Christian Prin∣ces in the Primitive times assumed to themselves, in their own Dominions, so that it seems he wrought so far on their affections, that at last they consented thereunto.

52. Here I wonder at the cavil of the Papists,* 4.97 which being so causleses, should be so clamorous, accusing us to have ac 4.98 Parliament Religion, a Parlia∣ment Faith, a Parliament Gospel; andd 4.99 another addeth Parliament Bishops, and a Parliament Clergy. Whereas upon serious examination it will appear, that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion, save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations, or grounded on some Act of theirs, praecedent to it, with the advice, counsel, and consent of the Bishops and most eminent Church-men; confirmed upon the Postfact, and not otherwise, by the Civil Sanction, according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Chri∣stianity.

53. By the same proportion in the dayes of Queen Mary the Popish Re∣ligion, * 4.100 might have been stiled a Parliament Religion, because after the same had been debated on, and concluded of in the Convocation, it was confirmed by the Queen, Lords and Commons, by the Act of Parliament.

SECT. III.* 4.101

To the Right Worshipful,* 5.1 Sir RICHARD SHVGBOROVGH OF SHUGBOROUGH in Warwick-shire.

MAster Haward returned this answer to Queen Mary (demanding the causes of his coming to Court) that it was partly to see Her Highness, and partly that Her Highness should see him; an answer, which though more witty then Court-like; yea, more blunt, then witty, she took in good part.

You will not be offended at this my Dedication, partly that I may know you, partly that I may be known unto you. Besides, being informed, that you love to have your Hospi∣tal Table handsomly attended with Ancient Servitors; I presumed that this Section, containing much of memora∣ble Antiquity, would not be unwelcome unto you.

1. NOw though nothing was done in matters of Religion,* 5.2 but what was fairly and large∣ly discussed;* 5.3 first by the most Learned of the Clergy;* 5.4 yet this year the Clergy in the Convocation so submitted themselves to the King, that each one severally pro∣mised in verbo Sacerdotis, never henceforth to presume to alledg, claim, or put in ure, any new Canons, unless the Kings most Royal As∣sent might be had unto them, and this soon af∣ter the same was ratified by Act of Parlia∣ment.

2. And here it will be worth my pains,* 5.5 and the Readers perusal to observe the differences between English Synods or Convocations, which may emi∣nently be distinguished into four ranks, such as were,

• 1. Called before the Conquest.* 5.6
• 2. Called since the Conquest, but before the Statute of Praemunire was made.
• 3. Called after the aforesaid Statute, but before another made in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, wherein the Clergie were bound up, for doing ought, without the Royal assent.
• 4. Called after the twenty fifth year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth.

These did plainly differ in the several manners of their meeting, and degrees of power, of their acting in Spiritual matters.

3. As for Councels,* 5.7 called before the Conquest, whilest the Popes power, had not as yet Lorded it over the Kings of England, the Kings ever were (if not in person) in power present thereat; as by perusing S^r Henry Spelmans Councils plainly doth appear. Yea, matters both of Church and Common-wealth were often dictated and concluded in the same Meeting, Communi consensu¦tam, Cleri quama 5.8 Populi Episcoporum, procerum, comitam, nec non omnium Sapien∣tum, Seniorum populorum{que} totius Regni.

4. For the second sort (called after the Conquest,* 5.9 but before the Statute of Praemunire) the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury or York, used-upon all extra∣ordinary, and immergent cases, toties, quoties, as their own discretions adjudg∣ing necessary or convenient, to assemble the Clergie of their respective Provin∣ces, at what place they pleased, dontinuing Convocations in them so long, or dissolving them, as soon as they pleased. And this they did, either as Metro∣politans, or Primates, or as Legati Nati to the Pope of Rome, without any leave from the King afore obtained, and such Canoas, and Constitutions then and there concluded on, were in that Age (without any further Ratification) ob∣ligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction. Such were all the Synods from Lanckfranck to Thomus Arundel, in whose time the Satute of Praemunire was enacted.

5. A Third sort of Convocation succeeds: For after the Statute of Prae∣munire was made,* 5.10 (which did much restraine the Papal power, and subject it to the Laws of the Land) when Arch-Bishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command, but at the pleasure of the King, as oft as his necessities and occasions with the distresses of the Church did require it. Yea, now their meetings were by vertue of a Writ or Precept from the King, and it will not be amiss here to exemplifie the form thereof.

6. REX,* 5.11 &c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri, A. Canturiensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae primati, & Apostolicae sedis legato salutem. Quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negotiis, defensionem & securita∣tem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, ac pacem, tranquillitatem, & bonum publicum & desensionem Regni nostri, & subditorum restrorum ejusdem concernentibus, vobis in fide & dilectione, quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus, qua∣tenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis & ponderatis universos & singulos Episcopos nostrae Provinciae, ac Decanes, & Praecores Ecclesiarum Cathedra∣lium Abbates, Priores & alios Electivos Exemptos, & non Exemptos. Nec non Archidiaconos, Conventus, Capitula, & Collegia, totum{que} Clerum, cujuslibet Dioeceseos ejusdem Provinciae, ad conveniendum eorum vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London, vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis, cum omni celeritate accommoda modo debito convocari faciatis; Ad tractan∣dum, consentiendum, & concludendum, super praemissis & aliis, quae sibi clarius proponentur, tunc & ibidem exparte nostrâ. Et hoc sicut nos & statum Regni nostri, & honorem & utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Teste me ipso, &c.

7. In this Writ we may observe, first,* 5.12 that from the word Convocari faciatis, the word Convocation took its denomination, being formerly called Synods, as lately (since our Scotizing) termed Assemblies. Secondly, that clause, in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London, vel alibi prout melius expedire vide∣ritis, pointeth at a power placed, or rather a Liberty left to the Arch-Bishops, to call their Synods elsewhere, in case they adjudged it more conve∣nient. But because the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, might the better attend their business in Parliaments (henceforward commonly kept at the same time with Convocations) S^r Pauls in London was generally preferred for the place of their convention. Thirdly, this Writ was used even after the Reformation, mutatis mutan∣dis, namely, the title of Apostolical Legate to the Arch-Bishop being left out, as also the names of Priors, and Abbots are extinguished. Lastly, of this third Sort of Convocations, was all those kept by Thomas Arundel and the Arch∣Bishops of Canterbury his successors, unto Thomas Cranmer; or if you will, from the sixteenth of Richard the second, unto the twenty fifth of King Henry the eighth. These Convocations did also make Canons (as in Lynwood his Consti∣tutions do appear) which were binding, although none other, then Synodi∣cal authority did confirm them.

8. The last sort of Convocations remains,* 5.13 called since the Statute, the twenty fifth of King Henry the eighth, that none of the Clergie should presume to attempt, alledge, claim, or put in ure, any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial, or Synodals, or any other Canons, Constitutions, or Ordinances Provincial, (by what∣soever name or names they may be called) in their Convocation in time coming; (which alwayes shall be assembled by the Kings Writ) unless the same Clergie may have the Kings most Royal Assent and Licence to make, promise and execute such Canons, Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial, or Synodical, upon pain of every one of the said Clergie doing the contrary to this Act, and thereof convicted, to suffer imprison∣ment, and making Fine at the Kings will. Since this year, from Arch-Bishop Cranmer to Arch-Bishop Laud, all Convocations (so long as they lasted) are born tongue-tied, till the King did cut the string thereof with his Letters Pa∣tent, allowing them leave to debate on matters of Religion. Otherwise, what they conclude, are arrows without piles; daggers without points; too blunt to pierce into the practise of others, but sharp enough to wound them∣selves, and bring them within the compass of a Praemunire. Yea, even such Convocations with the Royal assent, subject not any (for recusancy to obey their Canons) to a civil penalty in person or property, until confirmed by Act of Parliament

9. This I humbly conceive to be the difference betwixt the three kindes of Convocations,* 5.14 submitting what I have written to the censure and correction of the Learned in the Law, conscious of my own ignorance therein, as indeed such skill neither is to be expected or required in one of my profession, who am ready with willingness, yea, with cheerfulness, yea, with thankfulness to God and man, publickly to recall, and retract what any such convince me to have mistaken herein; hoping that my stumbling in so dark a subject, may prevent the failing of others.

10. There goeth a tradition (taken up by many without examination) that anciently the Clergie sat as one body with the Parliament,* 5.15 and were not divided till in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, as a* 5.16 modern Author hath written in a Tract. But when I asked of Him, where he had read the same, he cited a French Letter of Cardinal Sadolets. Strange that a Foraigner should be more seeing herein, then any of our Native Authors and Records that I ever could behold. But it may be, the Error had its Original hence, because anciently Bishops sitting in the Parliament, did not alwayes appear personally, or by the proxie of men of their own order, but sometimes sent one or more of the infe∣riour Clergie to represent them, if it be true what I have read in a small En∣glish book, bearing the name of M^r Selden (but I question whether avowed by him) of the proceedings in Parliament.

11. John Fryth sealed the Truth with his bloud,* 5.17 one who justly may be said aged sixty at six and twenty (so young was he Martyred) such his learn∣ing, * 5.18 gravity,* 5.19 and constancy. It was chiefly charged on him, that he deny∣ed the believing of the real presence in the Sacrament (understand him de modo; thereof) to be an Article of the Faith, though confessing Christ really present, in the bread, so he might not be compelled to the worshipping thereof. But these things are set down largely in M^r Fox. Onely I will add, that persons out of groundlesse suggest two scandals on this good man, and his wives memory. One that he was guilty of some practise against the State, meerly because he was committed to the Tower. The other that his wife be∣ing beyond the Seas with M^r Tyndal, expressing himself, content with the will of God, that for her sake she would not have the glory of God hindered, desired to be rid of her husbands life, that M^r Tyndal might the more freely enjoy her company. Thus this Jesuite, being himself a Bastard, measureth others by the chastity of his own Parents. Indeed the aforesaid Tyndal much exhorted Fryth to patient suffering, but not as those Cowardly Captains, which encourage others to fight, and themselves forsake the field, because afterwards he valiant∣ly brought up the rear, and suffered for the same cause two years after.

12. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester,* 5.20 was now prisoner in the Tower,* 5.21 where he was but coursely used, as appears by a Letter to M^r Secretary Cromwel.* 5.22

a 6.1 FUrthermore I beseche yow to be gode Master unto me in my necessitic, for I have neither Shirt, nor Sute, nor yet other Clothes, that ar necessary to me to weare; but that be ragged and torn to shamefully. And now in mine Age, my stomake may not away but with a few kind of meats, which if I want, I decay forth∣with, and fall into coffs, and diseases of my body, and cannot keep my selfe in health. And, as our Lord knoweth, I have nothing left unto me for to provide any better, but as myb 6.2 brother of his own purse laieth out for me, to his great hinderance.

Wherefore gode Master Secretary, estsones I beseche yow to have som pittie pon me, and let me have such things as bar necessary for me in mine Age, and especially for my health; and also that it may please yow by yowr high wysdome, to move the Kings High∣nesse to take me unto his gracious favour againe, and to restore me unto my liberty, out of this cold and painful Imprisonment; where∣by ye shall bind me to be yowr pore beadsman for ever unto Almigh∣ty God, who ever have yow in his protection and custody.

Other twain things I must also desyer upon yow; first, oon is, that itt may please yow, that I may take some Preest within the Tower, by th'assignment of Master Livetenant, to have my confes∣sion against my hooly tym.

That other is, that I may borrow some bookes to stir my devo∣tion mor effectually theis hooly dayes, for the comfortte of my sowl. This I beseche yow to grant me of yowr charitie. And thus our Lord send yow a mery Christenmas, and a comfortable to yowr heart de∣syer.

Att the Tower this xxij. day of December.

Your poor Beadsman JOHN ROFFE.

His first petition for cloaths was granted him, (having exchange thereof at his execution) and it is probable the other two petitions being so reasonable were not denied him.

19. During his durance in the Tower, he was often and strictly examined,* 6.3 be∣fore Sir Edmund Walsingham Lieutenant thereof,* 6.4 by Thomas Bedyll, and Richard Layton Clerks of the Councell, and was sworn in verbo Sacerdotii, to answer to many Interrogatories, but chiefly concerning four subjects.

• First,* 6.5 about the King's Divorce; wherein he was alwaies constant to what he had printed of the unlawfulnesse thereof.
• Secondly, about His Supremacy, which (at last) he peremptorily de∣nyed.
• Thirdly, about his concealing the Imposture of Elizabeth Barton, the Maide of Kent; wherein, he confessed his weaknesse, and over-easie be∣liefe; but utterly denied any ill Intentions to the King's Person.
• Fourthly, about the Statute of Succession, wherein (as appears by his Letter to* 6.6 Secretary Cromwell) he was content to subscribe, and swear to the body, but not to the Preamble thereof.

20. Which words therein,* 6.7 so offensive to Fisher (except there be any other unprinted Preface to this Statute) were these: The Bishopa 6.8 of Rome and See Apostolick, contrary to the great and inviolable grants of Jurisdiction by God imme∣diately to Emperours, Kings, and Princes, in Succession to their Heires hath pre¦sumed in times past to invest, who should please them to inherit in other mens King¦domes and Dominions: which thing we Your most humble Subjects, both Spiritual and Temporal, doe most abhorre and detest.

21. Here I know not whether more to commend the policy or charity of Archbishop Cranmer desiring in a Letter tob 6.9 Secretary Cromwell that this partial subscription which Bishop Fisher proffered,* 6.10 to the Statute of Succession, might be accepted: adding that good use mighe be made thereof, to the King's advantage, such generall reputation the World had of this Bishop's Learning, and of Sir Tho¦mas Moore's: both which, it seems, went the same path and pace, and in this point, started, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and stopp'd together. Indeed, it was not good to strain such fine springs too high, which possibly moistened with milde usage, might in processe of time, have been stretched to a further compliance. But, it seems, nothing at present would satisfie, except both of them came up to the full measure of the King's de¦mands.

22. As for Bishop Fisher his concealing the pretended Prophesies of Elizabeth Barton,* 6.11 it was so farre waved, that he was never indicted for the same. And in∣deed he made an ingenuous Plea for himself; namely, that the said Elizabeth had told him, she had acquainted the King therewith; yea, he had assurance thereof from thec 6.12 Archbishop. And therefore, knowing the King knew of it; before, he he was loath to hazard His displeasure in that, which was not revealing what was unknown, but repeating what would be unwelcome to His Grace.

23. But not long after,* 6.13 he was arreigned of high Treason, and it will not be amisse to insert the sting of the Indictment out of the Originall.

DIversis Domini Regis veris,* 6.14 subditis falsè malitiosè & proditoriè loquebatur & propalabat videlicet.* 6.15 The King owre Soveraigne Lord is not Supreme Hed yn¦erthe of the Cherche of England. In dicti Domini Regis immund. despect. & vilipendium manifest.

Of this he was found guilty, had Judgment, and was remanded to the Tower, where, for a time, we leave him, and proceed.

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24. Thus was the power of the Pope totally abolished out of England,* 6.16 where∣of the Romanists at this day doe bitterly complain, but can revenge themselves no other way, save by aspersing us as guilty of Schisme and Separation for ren∣ding our selves from the Mother-Church. Blame us not, if loath that the Church of England (in whose Doctrine and Discipline we were born, and bred, and desire to die) should lie under so foule and false an Imputation, which by the follow∣ing Narrative may fully be confuted.

25. Three things are Essential to justifie the English Reformation,* 6.17 from the scandal of Schisme, to shew, that they had

• 1. Just cause for which
• 2. True authority by which
• 3. Due moderation in what
  • they deceded from Rome.

26. The first will plainly appear,* 6.18 if we consider the abominable Errors, which con∣trary to Scripture and Primitive practise were then crept into the Church of Rome. As the denying the Cup to the Laity; Worshipping of Images; locking up the Scri∣ptures in Latine, and performing prayers in an unknown Tongue, with the monstrosity of Transubstantiation, unexcusable practises. Besides, the Behemoth of the Pope's Infallibility, and the Leviathan of his Universall Jurisdiction, so exclaimed against by Gregory the great, as a Note of Anti-Christ.

27. Just cause of Reformation being thus proved,* 6.19 proceed we to the Authority by which it is to be made. Here we confesse the most regular way, was by order from a Free and Generall Councell, but here alas no hope thereof. General it could not be, the Greeks not being in a capacity of repairing thither; nor Free, such the Papal Usurpation; For before men could trie the Truth, hand to hand, by dint of Scripture (the Sword and Buckler thereof, by God's appointment) the Pope took off all his Adversaries, at distance, with (those Guns of Hellish Invention) his Infalli∣bility and Universall Jurisdiction, so that no approaching his presence to op∣pose him, but with certainty of being pre-condemned.

28. Now seeing the Complaints of the conscientious in all Ages,* 6.20 against the Errors in the Romish Church, met with no other entertainment than frowns and frets, and afterwards fire and fagot, it came seasonably into the mindes of those who steered the English Nation, to make use of that power which God had be∣stowed upon them. And seeing they were a National Church under the civil command of one King, He by the advice and consent of his Clergie in Convoca∣tion, and great Council in Parliament, resolved to reform the Church under His inspection from grosse abuses crept into it, leaving it free to other Churches either to follow His example, or continue in their former condition: and on these terms was the English Reformation first advanced.

29. But the Romanists object,* 6.21 that England being first converted to Christiani∣ty, by the zeale and care of the Church of Rome, (when Pope Gregory the great sent Augustine over to preach here) cannot, not onely without great Ingrati∣tude, but flat Undutifulnesse depart from the Church which first taught it true Re∣ligion.

It is answered,* 6.22 First, this Argument reacheth not west of Severne into Wales, where the antient Britains by generall confession, were converted before the time of Augustine.

Secondly,* 6.23 this first favour received from Rome, puts not on England so strict and servile an obligation of perpetual continuance, that she may and must not serve God without asking her leave. It ties England onely to a faire and gratefull re∣spect, which she alwaies tender'd, till the Insolency of the Church of Rome, made Us unwilling to pay, and Her unworthy to receive it.

Thirdly,* 6.24 some strength may be allowed to this Objection, if Rome could be proved the same in Doctrine and Discipline, when under the Reign of King Henry the eighth, England divided it self from it, with Rome, when in the time of Grego∣ry

the great, it was converted by God's blessings on his endeavours. But since that time the Church of Rome hath been much corrupted in Opinions and practise, easie to prove, but that it is not the set work of our History.

30. But again the Papists object,* 6.25 that the most judicious Protestants doe in∣geniously confesse, that the Church of Rome maintaineth all the Fundamentals of Religion. England therefore cannot be excused from Schisme, for dividing from that Church, which, by their own confession, still retaineth the true Foundation of Christianity.

31. It is answered:* 6.26 if some Protestants be so civil in their censures on Papists, it appears thereby, though they have left Rome, they have not lost their courtesie, nor their Charity. But grant (which is disputable) the Errours of the Church of Rome not Fundamental, they are Circa-Fundamental, grating on the very Foun∣dation. Besides, we are bound to avoid, not onely what is deadly, but what is hurtful; not onely what may destroy the life, but what may prejudice the health of our Souls.

But our Adversaries persist to object,* 6.27 that our Reformation took its rise, from King Henry's pride, to pluck down a Power which crossed His designes, from His covetousnesse to compasse the Revenues of Abbey, and from His wantonnesse, to exchange His old Embracings, for new ones. Well therefore may the English blush at the Babe, when they behold its Parents, and be ashamed of their Refor∣mation, considering the vitious Extraction thereof.

Answ.* 6.28 Malice may load the Memory of K. Henry about His demerit; yet grant the charge true, that bad inclinations first moved Him to the Reformation, yet He acted therein nothing, but conformable to the Law Divine and Humane. It is usuall with God's wisdome and goodnesse, to suffer Vice to sound the first Alarum to that fight, wherein Virtue is to have the Victory. Besides, King Henry's Refor∣mation hath since been Reformed, by successive Princes of England, who cannot justly be taxed with any vitious reflexion therein.

32. It remaineth that we take notice of the moderation of the Reformers,* 6.29 who being acted not with an Opposition to all which the Papists practised, but with an Affection to Truth, disclaimed onely the Ulcers and Sores, not what was sound of the Romish Church, retaining still what was consonant to Antiquity, in the Four first Generall Councels.

33. Matters thus ordered,* 6.30 had the Romanists been pleased to joyn with us, there had been no complaining of Schisme either in their Streets, or ours. But such their pride and peevishnesse, to persist obstinate, to this day incense many people (who listen more to the loudnesse, than weigh the justnesse of Complaints) accusing us of wilfull Separation; But the Premisses well considered, England may say to Rome,* 6.31 Pharez, the breach be upon thee, who (with* 6.32 Athaliah, crying Treason, treason, being her self the prime Traytour) taxeth us with Schisme, when she the onely Schismatick.

34. We enter now on a subject,* 6.33 which we must not omit, such is the concern∣ment thereof, in our History; yet which we cannot compleat, so intricate the nature thereof, and so short and doubtfull our intelligence therein; namely, to give a generall estimate (particulars being impossible) of the Papall Revenues of England.

35. Here be it premised that I humbly conceive,* 6.34 the Pope's Income ran the highest in England under King Henry the third, and King Edward the first, before the Statute of Mortmaine (and after it that of Premunire) was made, for these much abated his Intrado. And although, I deny not, but under King Henry the eighth, he might receive more Money, (as then more plentifull in England) yet his profit formerly, was greater, if the standard of Gold and Silver be but stated pro∣portionably.

36. However, the vast summes Rome received hence at the time of Refor∣mation, * 6.35 will appear by the insuing commodities. For, first Agnus Dei's, this is here set by Synecdoclie, to signifie all Popish Trinkets, Medals, consecrated Beads, &c.

which I as little know what they be, as Papists, why they use them: Of these were yearly brought over from Rome, into England, as many, as would fill the shop of a Habberdasher of Holy Wares. Now, though their prices were not imme∣diately paid into the Pope's purse, but to such his subordinate Officers who traded therein; Yet they may be accounted part of the Papall Revenues (the King hath what the Courtiers have by His consent) and if such trading was not permitted un∣to them, the Pope must either abate of his Traine, or finde his Officers other waies of subsistance.

37. Secondly,* 6.36 for Annates, so called, because they were the intire Revenues of one Yeare (in the nature of first Fruits) which the Bishops and inferiour Clergie paid to the Pope; We have no light concerning the latter, but can present the Reader with an exact account, what every Bishop in England, (new elected or translated to a See) paid at his entrance to his Holinesse.

BISHOPRICK	paid
a 6.37 Canterbury	10000. F.
Besides for his Pall	5000. F.
London	3000. F.
Winchester	12000. D.
Elie	7000. D.
Lincolne	—
Coventrey and Lichfield	1733. D.
Salisbury	4500.* 6.38 Cr.
Bath and Wells	430. D.
Exeter	6000. D.
Norwich	5000. D.
Worcester	2000. F.
Hereford	18000. F.
Chichester	333. F.
Rochester	—
St. Davids	1500. F.
Landaffe.	700. F.
Bangor.	126. F.
St. Asaph	126. F.
Yorke,	10000. D.
Besides for his Pall	5000. D.
Durham	9000. F.
Carlisle	1000. F.

In this account [F] stands for Florenes, being worth 4s—6d. in our English money. [D] for single Duckets sufficiently known for 8 shillings. Lincolnes, not being valued, I behold as a mee•• casual omission in this Catalogue; but can render a reason, why Rochester not rated, who being accounted as Chaplain, to the Arch∣bishop

of Canterbury, (and antiently in his Donation) may be supposed valued in the high valuation of his Patron. That Bath and Wells then so high in Wealth, should be so low in first Fruits (whereat myb 6.39 Authour wonders) plainly shows that Favour was fashionable, (as in all other Courts, so) in the Court of Rome. The rest of the English Bishopricks were not in being, before the Reformation.

39. Thirdly, by Appeals; The Pope having learn'd this policy from the Coun∣cill of Jethro to Moses,* 6.40 every Great thing they shall bring unto thee; but every Small matter they (viz: the 70 Elders) shall Judge; reserved to himself the defi∣nitive sentence in all high Controversies, which brought no small profit unto him.

40. Fourthly,* 6.41 by K. Athelph's Pension given by him to the Pope, Anno 852. whereof largely before; A distinct payment from Peter pence, (with which some confound it) as stinted to three hundredc 6.42 Marks; whereas the other were casual, and increased according to the number of Houses.

41. Fiftly, for Dispensations. Oh the charity of the Pope, to lay heavy Burdens on mens consciences, (without command from God's Word) too heavy for them to bear! but then so mercifull he was, for Money to take them off again; thus Li∣cences to marry within degrees forbidden; for Priests [base] Sonnes, to succeed their Fathers in a Benefice, and a hundred other particulars brought yearly a Nemo scit, into the Papal Treasury.

42. Sixtly,* 6.43 Indulgencies are next, though I know not how essentially distingui∣shed from Dispensations, nor dare warrant the distinction, that the former was against, the other above Canon Law. As when Abbeys, and other places were freed from Episcopal Jurisdiction, and many other Priviledges and Exemptions both personal and conventual.

43. Seventhly,* 6.44 by Legatine Levies, these though not Annuall, yet came [al∣most] as often, as the Pope's needs, or covetousnesse would require them.

44. Eighthly,* 6.45 Mortuaries, due, at the death of great Prelates, though, I finde not in what manner and proportion they were paid.

45. Ninthly,* 6.46 Pardons; He saveth his credit the best, who makes no conjecture at the certainty of this Revenue. And though the Pope, (as then too politick openly to confesse his profit by granting; so since) be too proud publickly to be∣mone his losse, by stopping of these Pardons, yet is he secretly and sadly sensible of a great emptinesse in his Treasure thereby.

46. Tenthly,* 6.47 Peter-pence succeed, granted by Ina, King of the West Saxons to Pope Gregory the second, Anno 626. It was a peny paid for every Chimney that smoaked in England, which in that Hospitall Age had few smoaklesse ones; the de∣vice of Cypher Tunnels or mock-Chimneys meerly for uniformity of building, being unknown in those dayes. Indeed, before the Conquest, such onely paid Peter-pence, who were worth* 6.48 thirty pence in yearly revenue, or half a marke in goods, but afterwards it was collected generally of all solvable Housekeepers, and that on most heavy penalties.

47. Now though none can tell what these amounted to,* 6.49 yet conjecture may be made, by descending to such proportions, which no rational man will deny. Allowing nine thousand Parishes (abating the odde hundreds) in England and Wales, a hundred houses in every Parish, two chimneys in every house, one with another, it ariseth unto a yearly summe of seven thousand five hundred pounds. Here I say nothing of the intrinsecal value of their Peny, worth two pence in our Age.

48. Eleventhly,* 6.50 Pilgrimages follow, many persons of quality going yearly to Rome, somtimes perchance with bare feet, but never with empty hands. But the Pope's principal harvest was in the Jubile (which of late recurred every five and twenty years) when no fewer than two hundred thousand strangers have been counted at Rome at once. Of these, more than the tenth part may be justly allow∣ed English, it being alwaies observed, that distance encreaseth devotion; and the farthest off, the forwardest, in Will-worship of this nature.

49. Twelfthly,* 6.51 we conclude with Tenths, and on what Title they were paid to the Pope, largely hereafter.

50. Here we speak not of the accidentals,* 6.52 as Legacies bequeathed by the deaths of Princes and great Persons, and other Casualties, and Obventions; Sixtus the fourth being wont to say, that a Pope could never want Money, while he could hold a Pen in his hand; (understand him to grant general Indulgencies) though Luther's holding a pen in his hand, hath since much marred his Mart herein. Now certainly Demetrius could tell better, what was gotten by making* 6.53 silver Shrines for Diana, than S. Paul himself: and while some Protestants compute the Papal profit, to be a hundred and fifty thousand pounds per annum, some more, some lesse, (but all making it above the King's Revenues) they doe but state his Income at randome.

51. Onely Polidore Virgil,* 6.54 if alive, and willing, were able to give a certain ac∣count of the Peter pence, (a good guesse at the rest of Papall Revenues) knowing them, as well, as the Begger knows his dish, as holding the Bason into which they were put, being Collector general of Peter pence all over England. But this Italian was too proud to accept them as gratuities, (in which nature they were first given) but exacted them in the notion of a Rent and Tribute due to the Pope his Master.

52. This is that Polidore Virgil,* 6.55 who was Dignitary of the Cathedral of Wells, (and, as I take it, Archdeacon of Taunton) on the Quire whereof he bestowed Hangings flourished with the Lawrel Tree, and as I remember, wrote upon them,

SUNT POLIDORI MUNERA VIRGILII.

But would he had spared his benefaction to the Church of Wells, on condition he had been no Malefactor to the Church of England, yea, to Religion and Learn∣ing in generall, if it be true what commonly is reported.

53. For he wrote a Latine History of Britain,* 6.56 from the Original of the Nation, untill Anno Dom. 153. the yeare of King Henry the eighth, out of many rare Manuscripts, which he had collected together. Now, partly to raise the reputation of his own Writings, (that he might seem no lazie Transcriber) partly, to render himself out of the reach of confutation (being suspected not over-faithfull in his Relation) he is said to have burnt all those rare Authours, which he could com∣passe into his possession. Thus Tyrant-like he cut down those stairs whereby he ascended the Throne of his own knowledge. If this be true, the World may thank Polidore Virgil, for his work, de Inventione Rerum; but have cause to chide, (not to say, curse) his Memory, for his Act de Perditione Librorum.

54. I have met with a paper of Verses,* 6.57 which like a two-edged Sword cut on both sides, plainly at Polidore Virgil, but obscurely at a later Plagiary, and in my opinion, not unworthy to be inserted.

Leyland's supposed Ghost.

Am I deceiv'd? or doth not Leyland's Ghost Complain of wrong sustained after death; As Virgil's Polidore accus'd his host, The Tracian King for cruell breach of Faith, And Treasures gain'd, by stopping of his breath? Ah greedy Gardian! t' enjoy his goods, Didst plunge his Princely Ward into the floods. Am I deceiv'd? or doth not Leyland's spirit Complain with th' Ghosts of English Notaries Whom Polidorus Virgil robb'd of merit, Bereft of Name, and sacks of Histories, While (wetch) he ravisht English Libraries. Ah! wicked Book-thief whosoever did it, Should One burn all, to get one single Credit? Am I deceiv'd? or doth not Leyland's spirit Make heu & cry, for som Book-treasure stealth, Rifling his works, and razing Name & Merit, Whereby are smother'd a Prince-given wealth, A Learned Writer's Travel, Wits, and Health. All these he spent to doe his Countrey pleasure, O save his name, the world may know his trea∣sure. I am deceivd, for Leylands ghost doth rest, From plaints & crys, with souls of blessed men; But Heaven and Humane Laws cannot digest, That such rare fruits of a laborious Pen, Came to be drown'd in such a thanklesse Den. Thus Heaven and all Humanity doth sue, That Leyland dead, may have his Titles due.

Who this second Plagiarie was, complained of for plundering Leyland, if the Reader cannot conjecture, I will not tell, such the honour I bear to his admirable performances, though herein not to be excused.

55. Papal power thus extinguished in England;* 6.58 it is worth our enquiry, where the same for the future was fixed, which we finde, not intirely setled in any One, but according to justice, and equity, divided amongst many Sharers therein.

56. And first,* 6.59 Give unto God the things which are Gods. What the Pharisees said, was true in the Doctrine, though false in the Use thereof, (as applied to our Saviour whom they mistook for a meer man* 6.60 Who can forgive sins but God alone?) This paramount power no lesse blasphemously than arrogantly usurped by the Pope, claiming an absolute and authoritative pardoning of Sins, was humbly and justly restored to the high God of Heaven.

57. Restitution was made to the second Person in the Trinity,* 6.61 of that Univer∣sal jurisdiction over the whole Church as belonging to Christ alone,* 6.62 who is the Sheepherd and Bishop of our souls, and a badge of Antichrist for the Pope proudly to assume the same.

58. To the Holy Ghost was restored that Infallibility,* 6.63 which to him doth pro∣perly pertain, as being the Spirit of Truth, which neither will deceive, nor can be deceived,* 6.64 and which hath promised to lead his Church in generall into all Truth; but never fixed any inerrability, on any particular person, or succession of single persons whatsoever.

59. And now give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's. The King comes to claim His own right,* 6.65 what the Kings of Judah (his Predecessours in Soveraignty) had by the Word of God, and Christian Emperours by the practise of the Primi∣tive times, did possesse. In order whereunto the Parliament did notifie and de∣clare, that Ecclesiastical power to be in the King, which the Pope had formerly un∣justly invaded. Yet so, that they reserved to themselves (besides other priviledges which we leave to the Learned in the Law) the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical; so that the person or property of Refusers, should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament.

60. Of this power thus declar'd in the King, part thereof He kept in Himselfe, as to call, and dissolve Convocations at His pleasure; to grant or deny them Com∣mission to debate of Religion; to command Archbishops and Bishops to be cho∣sen in vacant Sees; to take order for the due Administration of the Word and Sacraments.

61. The other part of power Ecclesiastical, the King passed over to the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, as His Substitute; first, to grant Faculties in cases not repug∣nant to the Law of God, necessary for Honour and Security of the King, for∣merly wont to be remedied in the See of Rome. Secondly, to determine Causes Ecclesiastical in his Court, whence lay an Appeal to the Court of Delegates, &c.

62. The representative Clergie had power by the King's leave, to make Ca∣nons and Constitutions, whilst each Bishop in his respective Diocesse, Priest in his Parish, were freer than formerly in execution of their Office, acquitted from Papal dependance.

63. Lastly, every English Lay-Man, was restored to his Christian Birth right, namely, to his judgment of practical discretion (in perusing the Scriptures in his own Language) formerly swallowed up in the Ocean of the Pope's Infallibility. Thus on the depluming of the Pope every bird had his own feather: in the par∣tage whereof, what he had gotten by sacriledge, was restored to God; what by Usurpation, was given back to the King, Church, and State; what by Oppression, was remitted to particular Christians.

SECTION III.* 6.66

TO Master HENRY BARNARD,* 7.1 LATE OF LONDON, Merchant.

THough lately you have removed your habitation into Shropshire, My pen is resolved to follow after and finde you out: Seeing the hand of your bounty hath had so long a reach, let the legs of my gratitude take as large a stride: When you shall be disposed to be Solitary, and desirous to have Society, at the same time peruse this Book, whereby you shall attain your desired Condition.

FOR twelve Moneths had Bishop Fisher (formerly con∣demned) now lived in durance,* 7.2 and so was likely to con∣tinue,* 7.3 untill (in all probability) his soul at the same time,* 7.4 should be freed from two Prisons, I mean, that of his body, and that of the Tower. For, his life could doe the King no hurt, whose death might procure Him hatred, as of one generally pitied for his age, honoured for his learn∣ing, admired for his holy conversation. Besides, it was not worth the while, to take away his life, who was not onely mortalis, as all men; and mortificatus, as all good men; but also moriturus, as all old men, being past seventy six years of age. But now an unseasonable act of the Pope accelerated his execution, in making him Cardinal of S. Vitalis; a title which Fisher so little affected, that he professed, If the Hat lay at his feet, he would not stoop to take it up.

2. His Holinesse could not have studied a more destructive way against Fisher's life,* 7.5 than to fasten this injurious favour upon him. This heightned the King's anger into fury against him. He expounded the Pope's act, or rather the act expounded it self (as capable of no other comment) as done in his defiance, and

therefore a Warrant is sent to the Lieutenant for his execution. Let not the Reader grudge his pains, if we describe this Bishop, from his cradle, to (I cannot say his coffin, or winding-sheet, being made to believe he had neither, but) his grave: The rather, because I collected the same out of his Manuscript-life, com∣piled by Richard Hall, of Christ Colledge ina 7.6 Cambridge, and communicated un∣to me by a worthyb 7.7 friend. Onely be it premised, that the same Hall was a stiffe Roman Catholick, and therefore accordingly must abatement be made in his relations.

3. This John Fisher,* 7.8 born at Beverly in Yorke shire, of Robert, his Father (a wealthy-man, and a kinde of Merchant) Anno 1459, was by his Parents sent to Cambridge to have his education in Michael House, under Mr. William Melton, his Tutor.

• Admitted 1484.
  • Commenced
    • Bache∣lour Master
      • of Arts
        • 1488.
        • 1491.
          • made
            • Proctour 1495.
            • Doctour 1502.
            • Master of the House, thereabouts.

• Bishop of Rochester 1504.
• Chancellour of Cambridge
  • chosen 1505.
  • confirmed, 1514.

He was Chaplain, and Confessour to the Lady Margaret, Countesse of Rich∣mond, at whose instance, and by whose advise, She founded, and endowed Christs••, and S. John's-Colledge in Cambridge. Employed in building of the lat∣ter (her posthume Colledge of S. John's) and effectually advancing that work, he wanted the accommodation of a convenient Lodging, when Dr. Thomas Wil∣kinson, President of Queens Colledge, opportunely departed this life: and that Society requested Bishop Fisher to succeed in his place, which he gratefully ac∣cepted, faithfully discharged, and thereby had the advantage to finish his new Colledge in the lesse time, to his greater contentment.

4. Here I meet with two descriptions of Fisher,* 7.9 as contrary each to other, as the Religions of the two Describers, whereof the one was a rigid Papist, the o∣ther a zealous Protestant:

HALL, In his aforesaid Manuscript.

ASCHAM. Commendatitiarum, Ep. 1.

Fisher is made by him a very wealthy man, having much plate, and furniture, of a great value; and, as for his Library, no Bishop in Europe had the like unto him, insomuch as he intended (as ap∣peareth somewhere in his Letter to Eras∣mus) to found a Colledge of his own: but afterwards, reversing his resolution, in his life-time he bestowed all his rich plate, furniture, and Books, on S. John's in Cambridge, and borrowed the same of it again by Indenture under his hand and seal, for his use during life. But it hapned, that at his attainture the King's Officers seised on all he had.

Joannesc 7.10 Fisherus, Episcopus Rofen∣sis, dum falsam doctrinam nimis perver∣sè defendit, optimas literas in hoc Colle∣gio, suis ornamentis, & suis divitiis de∣nudavit. Hic vir nut•• suo rexit hoc Collegium; & propterea in manu ejus posita sunt clarissima ornamenta, quae Domina Margareta buic Collegio elar∣gita est.—Ejus perversa do∣ctrina, & illum vitâ, & nos summis di∣vitiis nostris privavit.

For mine own part, I conceive no Covetousnesse (much lesse such Sacrilege) can be charged on Fisher's account, it being notoriously known, that King Henry the eighth (Who formerly favoured him) profered to remove him from Rochester, to Lincolne, or Elie, (treble the other in Revenue) which Fisher refused, both in

word, and print; Habeant alii (saithd 7.11 he) proventus pinguiores &c. being used to say, He would not change his little old wife, to whom he had been so long wedded, for a wealthier.

5. It is no wonder if a Papist, and a Protestant, cannot agree about Fisher's character, when we finde two stiffe Papists at a vast distance about his Estate. Hall, as is aforesaid, makes him very wealthie, which is not improbable, consi∣dering, he had a paternal bottome, whereon; competency of revenue, where∣with; long continuance of time, wherein; and commendable frugality, where∣by to build an estate. Not to speak that he served a good Mistresse, the Lady Margaret, known to have rich coffers, and her Confessour could command the keyes thereof. But on the contrary, Sanderse 7.12 makes him as poor as Job; inso∣much, that Souldiers coming to seise on his supposed wealth, found (what was quickly told) nothing at all belonging to him, save a great barred-chest. These, from the facing of Iron, concluded the lineing thereof Silver at least: and, ha∣ving broken it open, found nothing therein but Sackcloth, and a Whip; which put them all to penance, and soundly lashed their covetous expectation. But, leaving his life, come we now to the manner of his death.

6. After the Lieutenant of the Tower had received the Writ for his executi∣on, * 7.13 because it was then very late, and the Prisoner asleep, he was loth to disease him from his rest. But in the morning, before five of the clock, he came to him in his chamber, in the Bell-Tower, finding him yet asleep in his bed, and waking him, told him, He was come to him on a message from the King, to signifie unto him, that His pleasure was he should suffer death that forenoon. Well! (quoth the Bishop) if this be your errand, you bring me no great newes, for I have looked a long time for this message, and I must humbly thank His Majesty, that it pleaseth Him to rid me from all this worldly businesse. Yet, let me by your patience sleep an hour or two, for I have slept very ill this night, not for any fear of death, I thank God, but by reason of my great infirmity, and weaknesse.

7. The King's pleasure is farther (said the Lieutenant) that you shall use as little speech as may be,* 7.14 especially of any thing touching His Majesty, whereby the people should have any cause to think of Him, or His proceedings otherwise than well. For that (said he) you shall see me order my self, as, by God's grace, neither the King, nor any man else, shall have occasion to mislike of my words. With which answer the Lieutenant departed from him, and so the Prisoner, falling again to rest, slept soundly two hours, and more; And, after he was awaked, called to his man to help him up. But first commanded him, to take away his shirt-of-haire (which customably he wore) and to convey it privily out of the house; and, in∣stead thereof, to lay him forth a clean white shirt, and all the best apparel he had, as cleanly brushed as might be. And, as he was arraying himself, his man, seeing in him more curiosity, and care, for the fine, and cleanly wearing of his apparel that day, than was wont, demanded of him, What this sudden change meant? saying, That his Lordship knew well enough, that he must put off all again, within two hours, and lose it. What of that? (said he) Doest not thou mark, that this is our marriage-day? and, that it behoveth us therefore to use more cleanlinesse for so∣lemnity thereof.

8. About nine of the clock the Lieutenant came again,* 7.15 and, finding him almost ready, said, He was now come for him. Then said he to his man, Reach me my furred-Tippet to put about my neck. Oh my Lord! (said the Lieutenant) what need ye be so careful for your health for this little time, being, as your self knows, not much above an hour? I think no otherwise (said he) but yet in the mean time, I will keep myself as well as I can. For, I tell you truth, though I have, I thank our Lord, a very good desire and willing minde to die at this present, and so trust of his infinite mercy and goodnesse he will continue it, yet will I not willingly hinder my health in the mean time one minute of an hour, but still prolong the same, as long as I can, by such reasonable waies and means as Almighty God hath provided for me. And with that, taking a little book in his hand, which was a New Testament lying by him, he

made a crosse on his forehead, and went out of his prison-dore with the Lieute∣nant, being so weak, as that he was scant able to go down the stairs, wherefore at the stairs-foot he was taken up in a chair between two of the Lieutenant's men, and carried to the Tower-gate, with a great number of weapons about him, to be delivered to the Sheriffe of London for execution.

9. And,* 7.16 as they were come to the uttermost precinct of the liberties of the Tower, they rested there with him a space, till such time as one was sent before to know in what readinesse the Sheriffs were to receive him. During which space he rose out of his chair, and standing on his feet, leaned his shoulder to the wall, and lifting his eyes towards Heaven, he opened a little Book in his hand, and said, O Lord! this is the last time that ever I shall open this book, let some comfort∣able place now chance unto me, whereby I thy poor servant may glorifie thee in this my last houre. And with that, looking into the Book, the first thing that came to his sight were these words, Haecf 7.17 est autem vita aeterna, ut cognoscant te solum ve∣rum Deum, & quem misisti Jesum Christum. Ego te glorificavi super terram, opus consummavi quod dedisti mihi &c. and with that he shut the Book together, and said, Here is even learning enough for me to my lives end. And so the Sheriffe being ready for him, he was taken up again among certain of the Sheriffs men, with a new and much greater company of weapons than was before, and carried to the Scaffold on the Tower-hill, otherwise called East-Smithfield, himself praying all the way, and recording upon the words which he before had read.

10. When he was come to the foot of the Scaffold,* 7.18 they that carried him of∣fered to help him up the stairs, but, said he, Nay Masters, seeing I am come so farre, let me alone and ye shall see me shift for my self well enough: And so went up the stairs without any help, so lively, that it was a marvell to them that before knew his debility and weaknesse. But as he was mounting the stairs, the South-east Sun shined very bright in his face, whereupon he said to himself these words, lift∣ing up his hands, Accedite ad eum, & illuminamini, & facies vestrae non confunden∣tur. By that time he was upon the Scaffold, it was about ten a clock; where the Executioner, being ready to doe his office, kneeled down to him (as the fashion is) and asked him forgivenesse. I forgive thee (said he) with all my heart, and I trust thou shalt see me overcome this storm lustily. Then was his gown and tippet taken from him, and he stood in his doubler and hose in sight of all the people, whereof there was no small number assembled to see the execution.

11. Being upon the Scaffold,* 7.19 he spake to the people in effect as followeth:

Christian people,

I am come hither to die for the faith of Christ's holy Catholick Church, and I thank God hitherto my stomack hath served me very well thereunto, so that yet I have not feared death; wherefore I desire you all to help and assist with your prayers, that at the very point and instant of deaths stroke, I may in that very moment stand stedfast without fainting in any one point of the Catholick Faith, free from any fear. And I beseech Almighty God of his infinite goodnesse to save the King and this Realm, and that it may please him to hold his holy hand over it, and send the King a good Councell.

These words he spake with such a cheerfull countenance, such a stout and con∣stant courage, and such a reverend gravity, that he appeared to all men, not only void of fear, but also glad of death.

12. After these few words by him uttered,* 8.1 he kneeled down on both his knees, and said certain prayers. Among which (as some reported) one was the hymn of Te Deum laudamus, to the end; and the Psalm, In te Domine speravi. Then came the Executioner and bound an handkerchief about his eyes; and so the Bishop lifting up his hands and heart to heaven, said a few prayers, which were not long, but fervent and devout. Which being ended, he laid his head down over the midst of a little block, where the Executioner, being ready with a sharp and heavy Ax, cut asunder his slender Neck at one blow, which bled so abundantly, that

many (saith my Authour) wondred to see so much blood issue out of so lean and slender a body: Though in my judgement, that might rather have translated the wonder from his leanesse to his age, it being otherwise a received tradition, That lean folk have the most blood in them.

13. Thus died John Fisher in the seventy seventh year of his age,* 8.2 on the two and twentieth of June, being S. Alban's day, the Protomartyr of England, and therefore with my Authour most remarkable. But surely no day in the Romish Kalendar is such a Skeleton, or so bare of sanctity, but (had his death hapned there∣on) a Priest would pick a mysterie out of it. He had a lank, long body, full six foot high, toward the end of his life very infirm, insomuch that he used to sit in a chair when he taught the people in his Diocesse.

14. His corpse (if our Authour speaketh truth) was barbarously abused,* 8.3 no winding-sheet being allowed it, which will hardly enter into my belief. For, suppose his friends durst, his foes would not afford him a shroud, yet some neuters betwixt both (no doubt) would have done it out of common civility. Besides, seeing the King vouchsafed him the Tower, a noble prison; and beheading, an honourable death; it is improbable He would deny him a necessary equipage for a plain and private buriall. Wherefore when Hall tells us, That the Souldiers at∣tending his execution, could not get spad••s to make his grave therewith, but were fain with halbards, (in the North-side of the Church yard of All-Hallows Barking) to dig a hole wherein they cast his naked corpse: I listen to the relation as inflamed by the Reporters passion. Be it here remembred, that Fisher in his life-time made him∣self a Tomb on the North-side of the Chappel in S. John's-Colledge, intending there to be buried, but therein disappointed. This Fisher was he who had a Car∣dinals Hat sent him, which (stopp'd at Callis) never came on his head; and a Monument made for him, wherein his body was never deposited.

15. Our Authour reporteth also,* 8.4 how Queen Anna Bolen gave order his head should be brought unto Her (before it was set up on London bridge) that She might please Her self at the sight thereof, and like another Herodias insult over the head of this John Her professed enemy. Nor was she content alone to revile his ghost with taunting terms, but out of spight, or sport, or both, struck Her hand against the mouth of this dead head brought unto her; and it hapned, that one of Fisher's teeth, more prominent than the rest, struck into her hand, and not onely pained Her for the present, but made so deep an impression therein, that She carried the mark thereof to Her grave. It seems this was contrary to the pro∣verb. Mortui non mordent. But enough, yea, too much of such damnable fals∣hoods. Passe we from Fisher to More, his fellow prisoner, whom Fisher's exe∣cution had not mollified into conformity to the King his pleasure, as was ex∣pected.

16. Son he was to Sir John More,* 8.5 one of the Judges of the Kings Bench, who lived to see his Son preferred above himself. Bred a Common-Lawyer, but with∣all, a general Schollar, as well in polite, as solid learning: a terse Poet, neat Ora∣tour, pure Latinist, able Grecian: He was chosen Speaker in the House of Com∣mons, made Chancellour first of Lancaster-Dutchie, then of all England, per∣forming the place with great integrity and discretion. Some ground we have in England, neither so light, and loose as sand; nor so stiffe and binding as olay, but a mixture of both, conceived the surest soil for profit, and pleasure to grow to∣gether on: such the soil of this Sir Thomas More, in which facetiousnesse and judiciousnesse were excellently tempered together.

17. Yet some have taxed him,* 8.6 that he wore a feather in his cap, and wagg'd it too often: meaning, he was over-free in his fancies and conceits. Insomuch, that on the Scaffold (a place not to break jests, but to break off all jesting) he could not hold, but bestowed his scoffs on the Executioner and standers-by. Now, though innocency may smile at death, surely it is unfit to flout thereat.

18. But the greatest fault we finde justly charged on his memory,* 8.7 is his cruelty in persecuting poor Protestants, to whom he bare an implacable hatred. Inso∣much

much that in his life-time be caused to be inscribed, as parcell of his Epitaph on his Monument at Chelsey, that he ever was Furibus, Homicidis, Haereticis{que} mo∣lestus; a passing good praise, save after the way which he there calleth Heresie, pious people worship the God of their fathers. He suffered the next moneth after Fisher's execution in the same place,* 8.8 for the same cause July 6. and was buried at Chelsey, under his Tomb aforesaid, which being become ruinous, and the Epitaph scarce legible, hath few years since been decently repaired at the cost (as I am informed) of one of his near Kinsmen.

19. At this time Katharine Dowager,* 8.9 whom we will be bold still in courtesie to call a Queen (notwithstanding King Henry's Proclamation to the contrary) ended her wofull life at Kimbolton.* 8.10 A pious woman toward God (according to Her devotion) frequent in prayer, which She alwaies performed on Her bare knees, nothing else between Her and the earth interposed; little curious in Her clothes, being wont to say, She accounted no timea 8.11 lost, but what was laid out in dressing of Her; though Art might be more excusable in Her, to whom Nature had not been over-bountifull: She was rather staid, than stately; reserv'd, than proud; grave from Her cradle, insomuch that She was a matrone, before She was a mother. This Her naturall gravity encreased with Her apprehended inju∣ries, setled in Her reduced age into an habit of melancholie, and that terminated into a consumption of the spirits. She was buried in the Abby-Church of Peter∣borough, under an Herse of black Say; probably by Her own appointment, that She might be plain when dead, who neglected bravery of clothes when living. A nobleb 8.12 pen tells us, that in intuition to Her corpse here interred, King Henry, at the destruction of Abbies, not onely spared the Church in Peterborough, but also advanced it into a Cathedral. If so, it was civilly done of Him not to di∣sturb Her in Her grave whom He had so disquieted in Her bed. The news of Her departure was not unwelcome to Queen Anna Bollen, who, though too good a Christian to desire Her death, was too wife a woman to be over-sorrowfull for the same: seeing formerly She was the King's Wife but by sequestration, the true possessour of His bed being yet alive; whereas nowc 8.13 Rehoboth, She conceived God had made room for her.

20. This Anna Bollen was great-grand-childe to a Citizen,* 8.14 Sir Jefferie Bollen, Lord Major of London; grand-childe to Sir William Bollen Knight, who lived respectedly in his Countrey; daughter to Thomas Bollen Earle of Wiltshire, a great Courtier: and, she had Her birth in England; blood, by herd 8.15 Grand-mother, from Ireland; and breeding in France, under Mary the French Queen: so that so many relations meeting in Her, accomplished Her with an acceptable behaviour to all qualities and conditions of people. Of an handsome person, and beautifull face; and therefore thate 8.16 pen that reports Her lean-visaged, long-sided, gobber-toothed, yellow-complexioned, with a wen in her neck, both manifests his malice, and disparageth the judgement of King Henry, whom all knew well read in books, and better in beauties; who would never have been drawn to so passionate a love, without stronger load-stones to attract it. This Queen, remembring how Her Predecessour lost the King's love with her over∣austerity, tuned Her self to a more open and debonaire behaviour, even general∣ly to all with whom She conversed. Which being observed by Her adversaries, was improved by them to Her overthrow; so that She, but for a very short time had the sole and peaceable possession of Her Husband. In a word, She was a great Patronesse of the Protestants, Protectour of the persecuted, Preferrer of men of merit (among whom Hugh Latimer) a bountifull Reliever of the poor, and the happy Mother of Queen Elizabeth.

21. On the eighth of June began a short,* 8.17 but sharp Parliament (dissolved the eighteenth of July following) effecting much in little time,* 8.18 matters it seems be∣ing well prepared afore-hand,* 8.19 and the House assembled not to debate, but doe the King's desires. The parallel Convocation began the day after, being one new∣modelled, and of a fashion different from all former Convocations. Therein the

Lord Cromwell, prime Secretary, sate in state above all the Bishops, as the King's Vicar, or Vicegerent-Generall in all spirituall matters. Deformi satis spectaculo (saith myf 8.20 Authour) indocto Lacio coetui praesidente sacratorum Antistitum, omnium, quos ante haec tempora Anglia unquam habuisset, doctissimorum. In one respect, that place had better become the person of King Henry, than this Lord His Proxie, all allowing the King a very able Scholar. But Cromwell had in power and po¦licie what he lacked in learning, if he may be said to lack it, who, at pleasure, might command the borrowing thereof, from the best brains and pens of those of his own partie in the Convocation.

22. This Convocation consisted of two Houses:* 8.21 the Lower, of the Clerks, and Proctours, of their respective Cathedrals, and Diocesses, with the Deans, and Arch-Deacons therein: the Upper, of the Bishops, with the Lord-Abbots, and Priors (I mean so many of them as voted as Barons in Parliament) as may ap∣pear by their severalg 8.22 subscriptions. However, I finde not the Abbots active in any degree, in canvassing matters of Religion. Whether this proceeded from any desire of ease, their laziness being above their learning; or, out of humility, count∣ing it more proper to permit such disputes to the sole disposall of the Bishops, as most concern'd therin; or, out of fear, loth to stickle on religion, knowing on what ticklish terms they stood. For, in this very Parliament, all Abbies, which could not dispend 200 li. a year, were dissolved, and bestowed on the King; and those rich Abbots (which had more than so many thousands yearly) knew that Maxime in Logick to be true, Magis & minùs non variant speciem, More and lesse doe not alter the kinde; and, might say with him on the Crosse, They were in the same con∣demnation, though as yet the sentence was not passed upon them.

23. We will observe the daily motions in this Convocation,* 8.23 as with mine own hand I have faithfully transcribed them out of the Records: Hugh Latimer, Bi∣shop of Worcester,* 8.24 made the Latine-Sermon, taking for his Texth 8.25 The children of this world are in their generation wiser than the children of light. On the Friday following, Richard Gwent, Arch-Deacon of London, was presented, and con∣firmed Prolocutour, in this Convocation. On the same day Master William Peter, Doctor of the Laws, came into the House, as deputed from his Master the Lord Cromwell, who could not be present, because of his greater employment in Parliament. This Dr. Peter claimed the highest place in the House, as due to his Master the Lord Cromwell,i 8.26 & petiit dictum locum sibi, tanquam Procuratori dicti Magistri; and he (shall I say requested? or) required the same precedencie, as due to him, being his Proctour, and obtained it accordingly, without any di∣spute. Though some, perchance, might question, whether a Deputie's Deputy (as one degree farther removed) might properly claim His place,* 8.27 who was primi∣tively represented. Next Wednesday came in the Lord Cromwell in person, and having judiciously seated himself above all, tendred unto them an Instrument to be publickly signed by all the Convocation, concerning the nullitie of the King's marriage with the Lady Anna Bollen.

24. Some ten daies before,* 8.28 Archbishop Cranmer at Lambeth had held an open Court, in the presence of Thomas Audley, Lord Chancellour; Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolke, and most of the Privie Councel. Wherein the King and Queen were cited to appear, as they did by their Proxies, Doctor Richard Sampson being the Kings, and Doctor Nicholas Wootten the Queens. Then proceeded the Arch∣bishop to discusse the validity of their marriage, and at the last, by his definitive Sentence, pronounced the same invalid, frustrate, and of none effect. No parti∣cular cause is specified in that Sentence, (still extant in the Record) and though the Judge and Court seemed abundantly satisfied in the Reasons of this Nullitie, yet concealing the same unto themselves, they thought not fit to communicate this treasure to posterity; except they shut their coffers on purpose, because there was nothing in them. Sure I am, there is no dashing on the credit of the Lady, nor any the least insinuations of inchastity in that Instrument; Praeclara Domina, & Serenissima Regina, being the worst titles that are given her therein.

25. Men may justly marvell what King Henry meant by this solemn and cere∣monious Divorce,* 8.29 which the edge of the Ax,* 8.30 or Sword was more effectually to perform the day after,* 8.31 Her death being then designed. Was it because He stood on this punctilio or criticisme of credit, that He might not hereafter be charged with cruelty for executing His Wife, that first He would be divorced from Her, and so cannot be said to put His Queen, but Anna Bollen to death? Or, did He first but barely intend Her divorce, and afterwards suspecting this would not make sufficient avoidance in His bed, to clear all claims, took up new resolutions to take away Her life? Or, was it because He conceived the execution would only reach the root, the Queen Her self, and not blast the branch, the Lady Elizabeth, whom by this divorce He desired to render illegitimate? Whatever His aimes were, He got Her divorce confirmed both by Convocation and Parliament, in∣teresting all equally therein, that hereafter none should accuse Him of this act, but first they must condemn themselves. However, after-ages take the boldnesse to conceive, that the greatest guilt of Anna Bollen was King Henry's better fancying of another, which made Him, the next day after Her death, to mourn so passio∣nately for Her in the embraces of a new and beautifull Bride, the Lady Jane Seymour.

26. But,* 8.32 to return to the Convocation. That Instrument of Divorce was no sooner tendred therein, but all subscribed it. The Papists willingly, the Prote∣stants faintly, but all publickly. Yea, in this Convocation nothing was pro∣pounded in the King's name, but it passed presently. Oh the operation of the purge of a Praemunire, so lately taken by the Clergie (and an hundred thousand pounds paid thereupon!) How did the remembrance thereof still work on their spirits, and made them meek and mortified? They knew the temper of the King, and had read the Text,k 8.33 The lyon hath roared, who will not fear? Gardiner the fox, durst not so much as bark to oppose the King, nor the proudest in the place. As for Edmond Bonner, Arch-deacon of Leicester, present, and active in this Con∣vocation, I may say, Bonner was no Bonney yet, but a perfect Cromwellist, and as forward as any to promote his designes.

27. On the Friday following,* 8.34 Mr. Gwent the Prolocutour,* 8.35 brought to the Up∣per House of Convocation, a Book containing the Mala dogmata, those errone∣ous doctrines, then (as he complained) publickly preached, printed, and pro∣fessed; requesting reformation thereof, that order might be taken against the future propagation of such dangerous positions. Behold them here transcribed out of the Record, partly for novelty-sake (because to my knowledge never prin∣ted before) and partly, because (though many wilde and distempered expressi∣ons be found therein, yet) they contain the Protestant Religion in oare, which since, by God's blessing, is happily refined.

28. The Protestation of the Clergie of the Lower House,* 8.36 within the Province of Canterbury, with declaration of the faults and abuses which heretofore have, and now be within the same, worthy special reformation:

IN very humble and reverent manner, with protestation, That we the Clergie of the Lower House within the Province of Canterbury, nother in word, deed, or other∣wise, directly, or indirectly, intend any thing, to speak, attempt, or doe, which, in any manner of wise may be displeasant unto the King's Highnesse, our most dread Sove∣reign Lord, and supreme Head of the Church of England; but in all things, according to the command of God to be most obedient to His Grace, to Whom accordingly we submit our selves, minding in no wise by any colourable fashion, to recognize, privily, or apertly the Bishop of Rome, or his usurped authority, or in any wise to bring in, defend, or maintain the same, into this noble Realm, or Dominions of the same: but that the same Bishop of Rome, with his usurped authority, utterly for ever with his inventions, rites, abuses, ordinances, and fashions, to be renounced, forsaken, extin∣guished and abolished; And that we sincerely addict our selves to Almighty God, his

laws, and unto our said Severeign Lord the King, our supreme Head in earth, and His Laws, Statutes, Provisions and Ordinances made herewithin His Graces Realm. We think in our consciences and opinions these errors and abuses following, to have been, and now to be, within this Realm, causes of dissention, worthy speciall reformation. It is to were,

• 1. That it is commonly preached, taught and spoken, to the slander of this noble Realm, disquietness of the people, dammage of Christian souls, not without fear of many other inconveniences and perils, That the Sa∣crament of the Altar is not to be esteemed: For divers light and lewd per∣sons be not ashamed or aferde to say, Why should I see the sacring of the high Masse? Is it any thing else but a piece of bread, or a little predie round Robin?
• 2. Item, That they deny Extreme Unction to be any Sacrament.
• 3. Item, That Priests have no more authority to minister Sacraments than the Lay-men have.
• 4. Item, That Children ought not in any wise to be confirmed of the Bi∣shops afore they come to the age of discretion.
• 5. Item, That all Ceremonies accustomed in the Church, which are not clearly expressed in Scripture, must be taken away, because they are mens inventions.
• 6. Item, That all those are Antichrists, that doe deny the Lay-men the Sacrament of the Altar▪ sub utrâque specie.
• 7. Item, That all that be present at Masse, and doe not receive the Sa∣crament with the Priest, are not partakers of the said Masse.
• 8. Item, That it is preached and taught, That the Church, that is com∣monly taken for the Church, is the old Synagogue; and, that the Church is the congregation of good men onely.
• 9. Item, It is preached against the Letany, and also said, That it was never merry in England, sithence the Letany was ordained, and Sancta Ma∣ria, Sancta Catharina &c. sungen and said.
• 10. Item, That a man hath no Free-will.
• 11. Item, That God never gave grace nor knowledge of holy Scripture to any great estate or rich man, and that they in no wise follow the same.
• 12. Item, That all Religions and Professions, whatsoever they be, are clean contrary to Christs religion.
• 13. Item, That it be preached and taught, That all things ought to be commune, and that Priests should have Wives.
• 14. Item, That Preachers will in no wife conform themselves ad Ec∣clesiam Catholicam, nor admit or receive Canonices, & probatos Autho∣res, but will have their own fancies and inventions preached and set for∣ward.
• 15. Item, That Images of Saints are not in any wife to be neverenced. And, that it is plain idolatry and abomination to set up any lights before any Images, or in any place of the Church the time of Divine Service, as long as the Sun giveth light.
• 16. Item, That it is idolatry to make any Oblations.
• 17. Item, That it is as lawfull to Christen a Childe in a Tub of water at home, or in a Ditch by the way, as in a Font-stone in the Church.
• 18. Item, That the Water in the Font-stone is alonely a thing con∣jured.
• 19. Item, That the Hallowed oyl is no better than the Bishop of Rome his grease or butter.
• 20. Item, That Priests crowns be the Whores marks of Babylon.
• 21. Item, That the Stole about the Priest's neck is nothing else but the Bishop of Rome's rope.

22. Item, That Images,* 8.37 as well of the Crucifix, as of other Saints, are to be put out of the Church, and the Reliques of Saints in no wise to be reve∣renced. And, that it is against God's commandment, that Christian men should make courtesie or reverence to the Image of our Saviour.

23. Item, That it is no sin or offence to eat white meats, eggs, butter, cheese, or flesh in the Lent, or other Fasting-daies commanded by the Church, and received by consent of Christian people.

24. Item, That it is lawfull to eat flesh on Good-Friday, as upon Easter∣day, or other times in the year.

25. Item, That the sinner offending in the Lent, or other high Feasts of the year, is worthy no more punishment that he that transgresseth in any other time.

26. Item, That Confession auricular, Absolution, and Penance, are no∣ther necessary nor profitable in the Church of God.

27. Item, That auricular Confession is onely invented and ordained to have the secret knowledge of mens hearts, and to pull money out of their purses.

28. Item, That the ghostly Father cannot give or enjoyn any penance at all.

29. Item, That it is sufficient for a man or woman to make their con∣fession to God alone.

30. Item, That it is as lawfull at all times to confesse to a Lay-man as to a Priest.

31. Item, That confession is but a whispering in a Priests care, and is as well to be made, a multitude being present, as secretly.

32. Item, That it is sufficient that the sinner doe say, I know my self a sinner.

33. Item, That Bishops Ordinaries and Ecclesiastical Judges have no authority to give any sentence of excommunication or censure; ne yet to absolve or lose any man from the same.

34. Item, That it is not necesssary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in, or to doe any divine service in.

35. Item, That the Church was made for no other purpose, but other to keep the people from winde and rain, other else that the people upon Sondaies and Holy-daies should resort thither to have the Word of God declared unto them.

36. Item, That buryings in Churches and Church-yards be unprofit∣able and vain.

37. Item, That the rich and costly ornaments in the Church are rather high displeasure than pleasure or honour to God.

38. Item, That it is pity that ever the Mass, Mattens, Evensong, or any other Divine Service was made, or suffered to be read, said, or sung with∣in any Church, because it is onely to the deluding of the people.

39. Item, That Saints are not to be invocated or honoured: and that they understand not, nor know nothing of our Petitions, nor can be Me∣diatours or Intercessours betwixt us and God.

40. Item, That our Lady was no better than another woman; and like a bag of pepper or saffron when the spice is out: and that she can doe no more with Christ than another sinfull woman.

41. Item, That it is as much available to pray unto Saints, as to hurl a stone against the winde: and that the Saints have no more power to help a man, than a man's wife hath to help her husband.

42. Item, That Dirige, Commendations, Masse, Suffrages, Prayers, Alms-deeds, or Oblations, done for the souls of them that be departed out of this world, be but vain and of no profit.

43. Item, That the Souls departed goe straight to Heaven, other to Hell.

44. Item, That there is no mean place between heaven and hell, where∣in souls departed may be afflicted.

45. Item, That if there be a place where they be punished, God is not yet born, nor he that shall redeem the world.

46. Item, That Prayers, Suffrages, Fasting, or Alms-deeds, doe not help to take away any sin.

47. Item, That there is no distinction of sins after this sort, sin to be venial, and sin to be mortal.

48. Item, That all sins, after that the sinner be once converted, are made by the merits of Christ's passion venial sins, that is to say, sins clean forgiven.

49. Item, That Almighty God doth not look for, nor yet require of a sinner after his conversion from sin any fasting, alms-deed, or any other penance; but only that the sinner be sorry for his sins, amending his life, and sinning no more.

50. Item, That hallowed-water, hallowed-bread, hallowed-candles, hallowed-ashes, hallowed-palm, and such like ceremonies of the Church are of none effect, and to be taken as trifles and vanities to seduce the people.

51. Item, That Holy-daies ordained and instituted by the Church are not to be observed and kept in reverence, inasmuch as all daies and times be like: and that servile works, as plowing and carting may be done in the same, without any offence at all, as in other ferial daies.

52. Item, That the singing or saying of Masse, Mattens or Even-song, is but a roreing, howling, whistleing, mumming, tomring and jugling: and the playing at the Organs a foolish vanity.

53. Item, That pilgrimage, fasting, alms-deeds, and such like are not to be used: and that a man is not bound to the Church, but onely to the preaching.

54. Item, That it is sufficient and enough to believe, though a man doe no good works at all.

55. Item, That men be not content to preach of certain abuses found in pilgrimages, in fasting, in prayer, in invocation of Saints, in reveren∣cing of Images, in alms-deeds, but they will have needs the thing self taken away, and not enough the abuses to be reformed.

56. Item, That by preaching, the people have been brought in opini∣on and belief, that nothing is to be believed, except it can be proved expresly by scripture.

57. Item, That it is preached and taught, that forasmuch as Christ hath shed his blood for us and redeemed us, we need not to doe any thing at all but to believe and repent, if we have offended.

58. Item, That there is of late a new Confiteor made after this form, Confiteor Deocoeli & terrae, peccavi nimis cogitatione, locutione, & opera, mea culpa. Ideo deprecor majestatem tuam, ut tu Deus deleas iniquitatem meam, & vos orare pro me.

59. Item, That it is preached, that because auricular Confession hath brought forth innumerable vices, it is clearly to be taken away.

60. Item, That the canon of the Masse is the comment of some foolish, unlearned Priest: and that the names of the Saints there expressed are not to be rehearsed.

61. Item, That water running in the chanel or common river, is of as great vertue as the holy-water.

62. Item, That holy-water is but jugg'led water.

63. Item, That the holy-water is more savoury to make sauce with

than the other, because it is mixt with salt; which is also a very good medicine for an horse with a gall'd back: yea, if there be put an onyon thereunto, it is a good sauce for a gibbet of mutton.

64. Item, That no humane constitutions or laws doe binde any Chri∣stian man, but such as be in the Gospels, Paul's Epistles, or the New Testa∣ment: and that a man may break them without any offence at all.

65. Item, That besides seditious preaching, letting unity to be had, there are many slanderous and erroneous books that have been made and suffered to goe abroad indifferently, which books were the more gladly bought, because of these words, Cum privilegio: which the ignorant people took to have been an expresse approbation of the KING, where it was not so indeed.

66. Item, That where heretofore divers books have been examined by persons appointed in the Convocation, and the said books found full of heresie and erroneous opinions, and so declared, the said books are not yet by the Bishops expresly condemned, but suffered to remain in the hands of unlearned people, which ministreth to them matter of argument, and much unquietnesse within the Realm.

67. Item, That Apostates, abjured persons, and of notable ill conver∣sation, and infamed, have without licence of the King's Grace, or the Or∣dinary, taken upon them to preach slanderously.

29. The Reader hath no sooner perused these opinions,* 8.38 but well he may con∣ceive himself to have put his hand into Jeremie's basket of figs,* 8.39 Those that are good, exceeding good; and those that are bad, exceeding bad: Most of these tenents being true in themselves, grounded on God's Word, and at this day professed by the Protestants; But blended with these are some, rather expressions than opinions (and those probably worse spoken than meant, worse taken than spoken) which we will not go about in any degree to defend, onely may the unpartial Reader take this into consideration. It happeneth in all heights and heats of oppositions, as in horse-races; wherein the Rider, if he doth not go beyond the post, cannot come to the post, so as to win the prize; for being upon the speed, he must goe beyond it that he come to it, though afterwards he may rain and turn his horse back again to the very place of the mark. Thus men being in the heat of contest upon the very career of their souls, because of their passions, cannot stop short at the very mark they ayme at, but some extravagancies must be indulged to humane infir∣mity, which in their reduced thoughts they will correct and amend. As some Protestants, no doubt, now lashing out so farre in their language, retrenched them afterwards to a just proportion of truth.

30. Two contrary interests visibly discovered themselves in the Upper-house of this Convocation betwixt the Bishops therein;* 8.40 and certainly in the Lower∣house, their Clerks and Chaplains adhered to the parties of their Lords and Ma∣sters. An honourable* 8.41 pen hath stated the principal parties, whom we implicitly follow herein; onely, where he mentions their bare Sees, we willl adde their names and sirnames for the better clearing thereof:

Protestants	Papists
for the Reformation.	against Reformation.
1. Thomas Cranmer, Archb. of Canterbury.	1. Edward Lee, Archb. of Yorke.
2. Thomas Goodrich, Bishop of Elie.	2. John Stokesley, BP. of London.
3. Nich: Shaxton, Bishop of Sarum.	3. Cuthbert Tunstall, BP. Durham.
4. Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester.	4. Steven Gardiner, B. Winchester.
5. Edw: Fox, Bishop of Hereford.	5. Rob: Sherborne, BP. Chichester.
6. John Hilsley, Bishop of Rochester.	6. Richard Nix. BP. of Norwich.
7. Will: Barlow, Bishop of S. Davids.	7. John Kite, Bishop of Carlile.

Oh! what tugging was here betwixt these opposite sides? (For, I dare not take Bishop Latimer's phrase, as he took it out of his text, Betwixt the children of this generation, and the children of light) whilst with all earnestnesse they thought to advance their severall designs. But, as when two stout and sturdy travellers meet together, and both desire the way, yet neither are willing to sight for it, in their passage they so shove & shoulder one another, that dividing the way betwixt them both, and yet neither ge•• the same; so these two opposite parties in the Con∣vocation were fain at last in a drawn battell to part the prize between them, nei∣ther of them being conquering, or conquered: but, a medlie-Religion, as an ex∣pediment, being made betwixt them both, to salve (if not the consciences) the credits of both sides.

31. Some Zelots of our Age will condemn the Laodicean temper of the Prote∣stant-Bishops, because if stickling to purpose,* 8.42 and improving their power to the utmost, they might have set forth a more pure and perfect Religion. Such men see the faults of Reformers, but not the difficulties of Reformation. These Pro∣testant-Bishops were at this time to encounter with the Popish-Clergie, equal in number, not inferiour in learning; but, farre greater in power and dependencies. Besides, the generality of the people of the Land being nusled in ignorance and superstition, could not on a suddain endure the extremity of an absolute Re∣formation. Should our eyes be instantly posted out of mid-night into noon-day, certainly we should be blinded with the suddennesse and excellency of the lustre thereof. Nature therefore hath wisley provided the twi-light, as a bridge, by the de∣grees to passe us from darknesse to light. Yea, our Saviour himself did at the first connive at the carnality of his Apostles, and would not put nowa 8.43 wine into old bottles for fear of breaking. Yea, he had some commandements, which as yet b 8.44 they were not able to bear; and therefore till they could bear them, his wisdome did bear with them. Thus the best of Artists doe not alwaies work to the height of their own skill, but according to the aptnesse of the instruments wherewith, and the capacity of the subjects whereon, they employ themselves.

34. And here we present the Reader with the aforesaid medley-Religion pas∣sed in this Convocation,* 8.45 and confirmed with Royal assent; requesting him, though it be somewhat long, not to grudge his time and pains, seriously to per∣use it. Partly for the authenticalness thereof, being by me transcribed out of the Acts of the Convocation: partly for its usefulness, shewing by what degrees the Gospel insinuated it self into the souls of men. What said Zeresh, Haman's c 8.46 wife to her husband? If thou hast begun to fall before Mordecai, thou shalt not prevail against him, but shalt surely fall before-him. Seeing Popery began even now to reel and stagger, within few years we shall have it tumble down and lay prostrate with the face thereof at the foot-stool of truth.

35. HENRY the Eight, by the grace of God, KING of England, and of France, Defensour of the Faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth Supreme Head of the Church of England; to all, singular, our most lo∣ving, faithfull, and obedient Subjects, greeting,

AMongst other cures appertaining unto this Our Princely Office, whereunto it hath pleased Almighty God of his infinite mercy and goodnesse to call Vs, We have alwaies estee∣med and thought, like as We also yet esteem and think, that it

most chiefly belongeth unto Our said charge, diligently to fore∣see and cause,* 8.47 That not onely the most holy Word and Com∣mandements of God should most sincerely be believed, and most reverently be observed and kept of Our Subjects; but also that unity and concord in opinions, namely, in such things as doe concern Our Religion, may encrease & goe forthward, and all occasion of dissent and discord, touching the same, be repressed and utterly extinguished.

For the which cause, We being of late to Our great regrete, credibly advertised of such diversity in opinions, as have grown and sprongen in this Our Realm, as well concerning certain Articles necessary to Our salvation, as also touching certain o∣ther honest and commendable ceremonies, rites, and usages, now a long time used and accustomed in Our Churches, for conservation of an honest politie, and decent and seemly order to be had therein: minding to have that unity and agreement established through Our said Church concerning the premisses. And, being very desirous to eschew, not onely the dangers of souls, but also the outward unquietness, which, by occasion of the said diversity in opinions (if remedy were not provided) might perchance have ensued; have not onely in Our own Person, at many times taken great pain, study, labours, and travails; but also have caused Our Bishops, and other the most discreet and best learned men of Our Clergie of this Our whole Realm, to be assembled in Our Convocation, for the full debatement and quiet determination of the same. Where, after long and ma∣ture deliberation had, of, and upon the premisses, finally they have concluded, and agreed upon the most special points, and Articles; as well such as be commanded of God, and are necessary to our salvation, as also divers other matters, touching the honest ceremonies, and good and politick orders, as is afore∣said. Which their determination, debatement, and agreement, for so much as We think to have proceeded of a good, right, and true judgment, and to be agreeable to the laws, and ordi∣nances of God, and much profitable for the stablishment of that charitable concord, and unity in Our Church of England,

which We most desire, We have caused the same to be published, willing, requiring, and commanding you to accept, repute, and take them accordingly. And farther, We most heartily desire, & pray Almighty God, that it may please him, so to illuminate your hearts, that you, and every of you, may have no lesse desire, zeal, and love to the said unity and concord, in reading, divul∣ging, and following the same, than We have had, and have, in causing them to be thus devised, set forth, and published.

And, for because We would, the said Articles, and every of them, should be taken, and understanden of you, after such sort, order & degree, as appertaineth accordingly; We have caused by the like assent & agreement of our said Bishops, & other learned men, the said Articles to be divided into two sorts; where of the one part containeth such as be commanded expresly by God, and be necessary to our salvation; and the other contain∣neth such things as have been of a long continuance, for a decent order & honest polity, prudently instituted & used in the Church of Our Realm, & be for that same purpose & end to be obser∣ved & kept accordingly, although they be not expresly cōman∣ded of God, nor necessary to our salvation. Wherefore, We will & require you to accept the same, after such sort as We have here prescribed them unto you, & to conform your selves obedi∣ently unto the same: whereby you shall not only attain that most charitable unity & loving concord, whereof shall ensue your in∣comparable cōmodity, profit & lucre, as well spiritual as other; but also you shall not a little encourage Vs to take farther tra∣vails, pains, & labours, for your commodities in all such other matters, as in time to come, may happen to occur, and as it shall be most to the honour of God, the profit, tranquility & quietness of all you Our most living Subjects.

The principal Articles concerning our Faith.

First, As touching the chief and principal Articles of our Faith, it is thus agreed, as hereafter followeth; by the whole Clergie of this Our Realm. We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people by Us cōmitted to their spiritual charge, that they ought and must most constantly believe and defend all those things to be true which be comprehended in the whole body and Canon of the Bible; and also in the three Creeds or Symbols, whereof one was made by the Apostles, and

is the common Creed which every man useth: The second was made by the Councel of Nice, and is said daily in the Masse: and the third was made by Athanasius, and is comprehended in the Psalm, Quicun{que} vult. And, that they ought, and must take and interpret all the same things, according to the self-same sentence and interpretation, which the words of the self-same Creeds or Symbols doe purport, and the holy approved doctrines of the Church doe intreat and defend the same.

Item, That they ought, and must repute, hold, and take all the same things for the most holy, most sure, and most certain and infallible words of God, and such as neither ought, he can altered, or convelled by any contrary opinion or authority.

Item, That they ought, and must believe, repute, and take all the Ar∣ticles of our Faith contained in the said Creeds, to be so necessary to be believed for mans salvation. That, whosoever being taught, will not be∣lieve them, as is aforesaid, or will obstinately affirm the contrary of them; he, or they, cannot be the very members of Christ, and his Spouse the Church, but be very Infidels or Hereticks, and members of the Devil, with whom they shall perpetually be damned.

Item, That they ought, and must, most reverently and religiously observe and keep the self-same words, according to the very same form and manner of speaking, as the Articles of our Faith be already concei∣ved and expressed in the said Creeds, without altering in any wise, or va∣rying from the same.

Item, That they ought, and must utterly refuse and condemn all those opinions contrary to the said Articles, which were of long time passed, condemned in the four holy Councels, that is to say, in the Councel of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Calcedon, and all other since that time in any point consonant to the same.

The Sacrament of Baptism.

Secondly, As touching the holy Sacrament of Baptism, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought, and must of necessity be∣lieve certainly all those things, which have been alwaies by the whole consent of the Church, approved, received, and used in the Sacrament of Baptism; that is to say that the Sacrament of Baptism was instituted and ordained in the New Testament by our Saviour JESUS CHRIST, as a thing necessary for the attaining of everlasting life, according to the saying of Christ,d 9.1 No man can enter into the kingdome of heaven, except he be born again of water, and the Holy Ghost.

Item, That is offered unto all men, as well Infants, as such as have the use of reason, that by Baptism they shall have remission of sins, and the grace and favour of God, according to the saying of Christ,e 9.2 Whose∣soever believeth, and is baptized, shall be saved.

Item, That the promise of grace & everlasting life, (which promise is ad∣joyned unto this Sacrament of Baptism) pertaineth not onely unto such as have the use of reason, but also to infants, innocents, and children: and, that they ought therefore, and must needs be baptized; and, that by the Sacrament of Baptism they do also obtain remission of their sins, the grace and favour of God, and he made thereby the very sons and children of God. Insomuch as infants and children dying in their infancy shall un∣doubtedly be saved thereby, and else not.

Item, That infants must needs be christened, because they be born in original sin, which sin must needs be remitted, which cannot be done but by the Sacrament of Baptism, whereby they receive the Holy Ghost, which

exerciseth his grace and efficacy in them, and cleanseth and purifieth them from sin by his most secret virtue and operation.

Item, That children, or men, once baptized, can, ne ought ever to be baptized again.

Item, That they ought to repute, and take all the Anabatists, and the Pelagians their opinions, contrary to the premisses, and every other man's opinion agreeable unto the said Anabaptists, or Pelagians opinions in this behalf, for detestable heresies, and utterly to be condemned.

Item, That men, or children, having the use of reason, and willing and desiring to be baptized, shall by the vertue of that Holy Sacrament ob∣tain the grace and remission of all their sins, if they shall come thereunto perfectly and truly repentant, and contri••e of all their sins before com∣mitted: and also perfectly and constantly confessing and believing all the Articles of our Faith, according as it was mentioned in the first Article.

And finally, If they shall also have firm credence and trust in the pro∣mise of God, adjoyned to the said Sacrament, that is to say, that in and by this said Sacrament which they shall receive, God the Father giveth unto them, for his son Jesus Christ's sake, remission of all their sins, and the grace of the Holy Ghost, whereby they be newly regenerated and made the very children of God, according to the saying of S. John, and the Apostle S. Peter,f 9.3 Doe penance for your sins, and be each of you bapti∣zed in the name of Jesu Christ, and you shall obtain remission of your sins, and shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost. And according also to the saying of S. Paul,g 9.4 God hath not saved us for the works of justice which we have done, but of his mercy by baptism, and renovations of the Holy Ghost. Whom he hath powred out upon us most plentifully, for the love of Jesu Christ our Saviour, to the intent that we being justified by his grace, should be made the inheritours of everlasting life, according to our hope.

The Sacrament of Penance.

Thirdly, concerning the Sacrament of Penance, We will, that all Bi∣shops, and Preachers, shall instruct and reach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought, and must constantly be∣lieve, that that Sacrament was institute of Christ in the New Testament as a thing so necessary for man's salvation, that no man, which after his baptisme is fallen again, and hath committed deadly sin, can without the same be saved, or attain everlasting life.

Item, That like as such men, which after Baptism doe fall again into sin, it they doe not penance in this life, shall undoubtedly be damned even so, whensoever the same men shall convert themselves from their naughty life, and doe such penance for the same as Christ requireth of them, they shall without doubt attain remission of their sins, and shall be saved.

Item, That the Sacrament of perfect, Penance, which Christ requireth of such manner persons, consisteth of three parties, that is to say, Contri∣trition, Confession, and the Amendment of the former life, and a new obe∣dient reconciliation unto the laws, and will of God, that is to say, exte∣riour acts in works of charity, according as they be commanded of God, which be called in Scripture,b 9.5 The worthy fruits of penance.

Furthermore, As touching Contrition which is the first part, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people com∣mitted by Us unto their spirtiual charge, that the said Contrition consi∣steth in two special parts, which must alwaies be conjoyned together, and cannot be dissevered; that is to say, The penitent and contrite man must first knowledge the filthiness and abomination of his own sin, unto which knowledge he is brought by hearing and considering of the will of God,

declared in his laws; and feeling and perceiving in his own conscience, that God is angry and displeased with him for the same. He must also conceive not onely great sorrow and inward shame, that he hath so grie∣vously offended God, but also great fear of Gods displeasure towards him, considering he hath no works or merits of his own, which he may worthily lay before God, as sufficient satisfaction for his sins. Which done, then afterward with this fear, shame and sorrow, must needs suc∣ceed and be conjoyned, the second part, that is to wit, a certain faith, trust and confidence of the mercy and goodnesse of God, whereby the penitent must conveive certain hope and faith, that God will forgive him his sins, and repute him justified, and of the number of his elect children, not for the worthinesse of any merit or work done by the penitent, but for the onely merits of the blood and passion of our Saviour JESU CHRIST.

Item, That this certain faith and hope is gotten, and also confirmed and made more strong by the applying of Christs words and promises of his grace and favour contained in his Gospel & the Sacraments instituted by him in the New Testament. And therefore to attain this certain faith, the second part of Penance is necessary, that is to say, Confession to a Priest, if it may be had; for the asolution given by the Priest was insti∣tute of Christ to apply the promises of God's grace and favour to the pe∣nitent.

Wherefore, as touching Confession. We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us to their spiritual charge, that they ought, and must certainly believe, that the words of absolution, pronounced by the Priest, be spoken by the autho∣rity given to him by Christ in the Gospel.

Item, That they ought and must give no lesse faith and credence to the same words of absolution, so pronounced by the Ministers of the Church, than they would give unto the very words and voice of God himself, if he should speak unto us out of heaven, according to the saying of Christ, i 9.6 Whose sins soever ya doe forgive, shall be forgiven; whose sins soever ye doe retain, shall be retained. And again in another place, Christ saith, k 9.7 Whosoever heareth you, heareth me.

Item, That in no wise they doe contemn this Auricular Confession, which is made unto the Ministers of the Church, but that they ought to repute the same as a very expedient and necessary, mean, whereby they may require and ask this absolution at the Priest's hands, at such time as they shall finde their conscience grieved with mortal sin, and have occa∣sion so to doe, to the intent, they may thereby attain certain comfort and consolation of their consciences.

As touching to the third part of Penance, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us to their spiritual charge, that although Christ & his death be the sufficient oblation, sacrifice satisfaction and recompense, for the which God the Father for∣give and remitteth to all sinners, not only their sin, but also eternal pain one for the same, yet all men truly penitent, contrite and confessed, must needs also bring forth the fruits of penance, that is to say, Prayer, Fast∣ing, Alms deeds: and must make restitution or satisfaction in will and deed to their neighbours in such things as they have done them wrong and injury in, and also must doe all other good works of mercy and cha∣rity, and expresse their obedient will in the executing and fulfilling of Gods commandements outwardly, when time, power, and occasion shall be ministred unto them, or else they shall never be saved. For, this is the expresse precept and commandement of God,l 9.8 Doe you the worthy fruits of penance. And S. Paul saith,m 9.9 Like as in times past you have given and

applied your selves, and all the members of your body, to all filthy living and wickednesse, continually excreasing the same; in like manner now, you must give and apply your selves wholly to justice, excreasing continuoslly in purity and cleannesse of life. And in another place he saith,n 9.10 I chastise and subd••e my carnal body, and the affections of the same, and make them obedient unto the spirit.

Item, That these precepts and works of charity, be necessary works to our salvation, and God necessarily requireth, that every penitent man shall perform the same whensoever time, power and occasion shall be mini∣stred unto them so to doe.

Item, That by penance and such good works of the same, we shall not onely obtain everlasting life, but also we shall deserve remission or miti∣gation of these present pains and afflictions in this world, according to the saying of Saint Paul,o 9.11 if we would correct and take punishment of our selves, we should not be so grievously corrected of God. And Zecharias the Prophet saith,p 9.12 Turn your selves unto me, and I will turn again unto you. And the Prophet Esay saith,q 9.13 Break, and deal thy bread unto the hungry, bring into they house the poor man, and such as want harbour. When thou seest a naked man, give him clothes to cover him with, and refuse not suc∣cour and help the poor and needy, for he is thine own flesh. And, if thou wilt thus doe, then shall thy light glister out as bright as the sun in the morning, and thy health shall sooner arise unto thee, and thy justice shall goe before thy face, and the glory of God shall gather thee up, that thou shalt not fall. And, whensoever thou shalt call upon God, God shall hear thee: and, whensoever thou shalt crie unto God, God shall say, Loe! here I am ready to help thee; then shall thy light overcome all darknesse, and thy darknesse shall be as bright as the sun at noon-daies: and then God shall give unto thee continuall rest, and shall fulfill thy soul with brightnesse; and shall deliver thy body from ad∣versity: and then thou shalt be like a garden, that most plentifully bringeth forth all kinde of fruits, and like the well-spring that never shall want water.

These things, and such other, should be continually taught and inculked into the ears of Our people, to the intent to stirre and provoke them unto good works, and by the self-same good works to exercise and confirm their faith and hope, and look for to receive at God's hand mitigation and remission of the miseries, calamities and grievous punishments, which God sendeth to men in this world for their sins.

The Sacrament of the Altar.

Fourthly, As touching the Sacrament of the Altar, We will that all Bi∣shops & Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought, and must constantly believe, that under the form & figure of bread & wine, which We there presently do see & perceive by outwards senses, is verily, substantially & really con∣tained and comprehended the very self-same body and blood of our Sa∣viour Jesus Christ, which was born of the Virgin Mary, and suffered upon the Crosse for our redemption. And, that under the same form and figure of Bread and Wine, the very self-same body and blood of Christ is corporally, really and in the very substance exhibited, distributed, and re∣ceived unto, and of all them which receive the said Sacrament. And, that therefore the said Sacrament is to be used with all due reverence and ho∣nour; and, that every man ought first to prove and examine himself, and religiously to trie and search his own conscience before he shall receive the same, according to the saying of S. Paul, Whosoever eatethr 9.14 this body of Christ unworthily, or drinketh of this blood of Christ unworthily, shall be

guilty of the very body and blood of Christ.* 9.15 Wherefore let every man first prove himself, and so let him eat of this bread, and drink of this drink; for, whosoever eateth, or drinketh it unworthily, he eateth and drinketh to his own damnation, because he putteth no difference between the very body of Christ, and other kindes of meat.

Justification.

Fiftly, As touching the order and cause of our Justification, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people com∣mitted by Us to their spiritual charge, that this word Justification signi∣fieth remission of our sins, and our acceptation or reconciliation into the grace and favour of God, that is to say, our perfect renovation in Christ.

Item, That sinners attain this justification, by contrition and faith joy∣ned with charity, after such sort and manner as we before mentioned and declared. Not, as though our contrition, or faith, or any works proceed∣ing thereof, can worthily merit or deserve to attain the said justification: for the onely mercy and grace for the Father promised freely unto us for his Sons sake Jesus Christ, and the merits of his blood and passion, be the onely sufficient and worthy causes thereof. And yet, that, notwith∣standing, to the attaining of the same justification, God requireth to be in us, not onely inward contrition, perfect faith and charity, certain hope and confidence with all other spiritual graces and motions; which, as we said before, must necessarily concurre in remission of our sins, that is to say, our justification: but also he requireth and commandeth us, that after we be justified, we must also have good works of charity and obe∣dience towards God, in the observing and fulfilling outwardly of his laws and commandements. For, although acceptation to everlasting life be conjoyned with justification, yet our good works be necessarily re∣quired to the attaining of everlasting life. And, we being justified be ne∣cessarily bound, and it is our necessary duty to doe good works, accord∣ing to the saying of S. Paul,s 9.16 We be bound not to live according to the flesh, and to fleshly appetites; for if we live so, we shall undoubtedly be damned. And contrary, if we will mortifie the deeds of our flesh, and live according to the spirit, we shall be saved. For, whosoever be led by the spirit of God, they be the children of God: And Christ saith,t 9.17 If you will come to heaven, keep the commandements. And Saint Paul, speaking of evil works, saith, u 9.18 Whosoever commit sinfull deeds, shall never come to heaven. Wherefore, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct & teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that God necessarily requi∣reth of us to doe good works commanded by him, and that not onely outward and civil works, but also the inward spiritual motions and graces of the Holy Ghost: that is to say, to dread and fear God, to love God, to have firm confidence and trust in God, to invocate and call upon God, to have patience in all adversities, to have sin, and to have certain pur∣pose and will not to sin again, and such other like motions and virtues. For Christ saith,w 9.19 Except your righteousnesse shall exceed the righteousnesse of the Scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no case enter into the kingdome of heaven: that is to say, We must not only do outward civil good works, but also we must have these foresaid inward spiritual motions, consent∣ing and agreeable to the law of God.

Articles concerning the laudable Ceremonies used in the Church of Christ; and first of Images.

As touching Images, truth it is, that the same have been used in the Old Testament, and also for the great abuses of them, sometime de∣stroyed and put down. And in the New Testament they have been also allowed, as good Authors doe declare. Wherefore We will, that all Bi∣shops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us to their spiritual charge, how they ought and may use them. And first, that there be attributed unto them, that they be representers of vir∣tue and good example. And, that they also be by occasion, the kindlers and stirrers of mens mindes, and make men oft to remember and lament their sins and offences, especially the images of Christ and our Lady. And, that therefore it is meet that they should stand in the Churches, and none otherwise to be esteemed. And, to the intent that rude people should not from henceforth take such superstition as in time past, it is thought, that the same hath used to doe. We will, that Our Bishops and Preachers diligently shall teach them, and according to this doctrine re∣form their abuses: for, else there might fortune idolatry to ensue, which God forbid. And as for sensing of them, and kneeling and offering un∣to them, with other like worshippings, although the same hath entered by devotion, and falne to custome, yet the people ought to be diligently taught, that they in no wise doe it, nor think it meet to be done to the same images; but onely to be done to God and in his honour, although it be done before the images, whether it be of Christ, of the Crosse, of our Lady, or of any other Saint beside.

Of honouring of Saints.

At touching the honouring of Saints, We will, that all Bishops and Prea∣chers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charges, that Saints, now being with Christ in heaven, be to be honoured of Christian people in earth, but not with that confidence and honour which are onely due unto God, trusting to attain at their hands that which must be had onely of God. But, that they be thus to be ho∣noured, because they be known the elect persons of Christ, because they be passed in godly life out of this transitory world: because they already doe reigne in glory with Christ: and, most speically to laud and praise Christ in them for their excellent virtues, which he planted in them, for example of, and by them, to such as yet are in this world, to live in vir∣tue and goodnesse: and also not to fear to die for Christ and his cause, as some of them did. And finally, to take them in that they may, to be the advancers of our prayers and demands unto Christ. By these waies, and such like, be Saints to be honoured and had in reverence, and by none other.

Of Praying to Saints.

As touching Praying to Saints, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that albeit, grace, remission of sin and salvation cannot be ob∣tained, but of God onely, by the mediation of our Saviour CHRIST, which is onely sufficient Mediatour for our sins; yet, it is very laudable

to pray to Saints in heaven everlastingly living, whose charity is ever per∣manent to be Intercxessors, and to pray for us, and with us, unto Almighty God, after this manner:

All holy Angels and Saints in heaven, pray for us, and with us, unto the Father, that for his dear son Jesu Christ his sake, we may have grace of him, and remission of our sins, with an earnest purpose, (not wanting ghostly strength) to observe and keep his holy commandements, and never to decline from the same again unto our lives end. And in this manner we may pray to our blessed Lady, to Saint John Baptist, to all, and every of the A∣postles, or any other Saint particularly, as our devotion doth serve us: so that it be done without any vain superstition, as to think that any Saint is more mercifull, or will hear us sooner than CHRIST; or that any Saint doth serve for one thing more than another, or is parrone of the same. And likewise we must keep Holy-daies unto God, in memory of him and his Saints, upon such daies as the Church hath ordained their memories to be celebrate, except they be mitigated and moderated by the assent and commandment of Us the Supreme Head, to the Ordinaries, and then the Subjects ought to obey it.

Of Rites, and Ceremonies.

As concerning the Rites and Ceremonies of Christ's Church; as to have such vestments in doing Gods service, as be, and have been most part used: as sprinkling of Holy water to put us in remembrance of our Baptism, and the blood of Christ sprinkled for our redemption upon the Cross: Giving of Holy-bread to put us in remembrance of the Sacrament of the Altar, that all Christian men be one body mystical of Christ, as the bread is made of many grains, and yet but one loaf; and to put us in remembrance of the receiving of the holy Sacrament and body of Christ, the which we ought to receive in right charity, which in the beginning of Christ's Church men did more often receive, than they use now adaies to do: Bearing of Candles on Candle-mas-day, in memory of Christ the spiritual Light, of whom Siemeon did prophecie, as is read in the Church that day: Giving of Ashes on Ash wednesday, to put in remembrance every Christian man in the begin∣ning of Lent, and penance, that he is but ashes and earth, and thereto shall return, which is right necessary to be uttered from henceforth in our Mother-tongue alwaies on the Sunday: Bearing of Palms on Palm-Sunday, in memory of the receiving of Christ into Hierusalem a little before his death; that we may have the same desire to receive him into our hearts: Creeping to the Crosse, and humbling our selves to Christ on Good Friday before the Crosse, and there offering unto Christ before the same, and kissing of it in memory of our redemption by Christ made upon the Crosse: Setting up the Sepulture of Christ, whose body after his death was buried: The hallowing of the Font, and other like exorcismes and benedictions by the Ministers of Christs Church, and all other like laudable Customes, Rites and Ceremonies, be not to be contemned and cast away, but to be used and continued, as things good and laudable, to put us in remem∣brance of those spiritual things that they doe signifie, not suffering them to be forgotten, or to be put in oblivion, but renewing them in our me∣mories from time to time; but none of these Ceremonies have power to remit sinne, but onely to stirre and lift up our mindes unto God, by whom onely our sinnes be forgiven.

Of Purgatorie.

Forasmuch as due order of charity requireth, and the Book of Macca bees, and divers antient Doctours plainly shewen, That it is a very good and charitable deed to pray for Souls departed; and, forasmuch also as such usage hath continued in the Church so many years, even from the beginning: We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that no man ought to be grieved with the continuance of the same; and, that it standeth with the very due order of charity, a Christian man to pray for Souls departed, and to commit them in our prayers to God's mercy, and also to cause other to pray for them in Masses and Exequies, and to give alms to other to pray for them, whereby they may be relieved and holpen of some part of their pain. But, forasmuch as the place where they be, the name thereof, and kinde of pains there also, be to us uncertain by Scripture, therefore this, with all other things, we remit to Almighty God, unto whose mercy it is meet and convenient for us to commend them; trusting that God accepteth our prayers for them, referring the rest who∣ly to God, to whom is known their estate and condition. Wherefore it is much necessary that such abuses be clearly putaway, which under the name of Purgatorie. hath been advanced, as to make men believe, that through the Bishop of Rome's Pardons, Souls might clearly be delive∣red out of Purgatorie, and all the pains of it. Or, that Masses said at Scala coeli, or otherwhere in any place, or before any Image, might likewise deliver them from all their pain, and send them straight to heaven. And other like abuses.

36. Nothing else of moment passed in this Convocation,* 9.20 save that on the 20 of July, Edward Bishop of Hereford,* 9.21 brought in a Book containing the King's Reasons, conceiving it unfit, in Person, or by Proxie, to appear at the General Councel, lately called by the Pope at Mantua, (afterward removed to Trent) and then the Convocation having first confirm'd the King's Reasons, was dis∣solved. It was transacted in relation to Church, or Church-men, in the contem∣porary x 9.22 Parliament:

1. That Felons for abjuring Petty Treason, should not havey 9.23 Clergie.

2. That every Ecclesiastical and Lay-Officer shall be sworn to renounce the Bishop of Rome, and his authority, and to resist it to his power, and to re∣pute any Oath taken in the maintenance of the said Bishop, or his autho∣rity, to be void. And the refusing the said Oath being tenderedz 9.24, shall be adjudged High Treason.

3. That Fruits, during the vacation of a Benefice, shall be restored to the next Incumbent,a 9.25 whose charge for first shall begin from the first vacation.

4. Which Spiritual persons shall be resident upon their Benefices, and which not; and for what causes.

5. Release of such who have obtained Licences fromb 9.26 the See of Rome.

But all these are set down at large in the printed Statutes, and thither we referre the Reader for satisfaction: as to our History of Abbies to be informed about the Rebellion in the North, occasioned in this year by these alterations in Religion.

37. Towards the end of this year,* 9.27 the faithfull servant of God,* 9.28 William Tyn∣dall, aliàsc 9.29 Hichins, was martyred at Fylford in Flanders, born about Wales, bred first in Oxford, then in Cambridge, after School-master to the children of Mr. Welch, a bountifull house-keeper in Glocester-shire. To his house repaired many Abbots of that County (as indeed no one Shire in England had half so many mitred ones, which voted in Parliament) and Clergy-men, whom Tyndal so welcomed with his discourse against their superstitions, that afterwards they preferred to forbear Master Welch his good cheer rather than to have the sower sauce therewith, Master Tyndal's company. But this set their stomachs so sharp against him, that he was forced to quit Glocester-shire, and tender his service to Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of London, a great Scholar himself, and therefore pro∣bable to prove a Patron to learned man. Him Tyndal presented in vain, with an Oration out of Isocrates, which he had translated into English. But, though he sued for himself in two tongues, Greek, and English, both proved ineffectual; the Bishop returning, That he had moe already than he could well maintain. On this denial, over hasts Tyndal beyond the seas; and, after much travelling, sixeth at last at Antwerp, where he became Clerk to the Company of English Merchant-Adventurers.

38. Here he began with the New Testament, (as of most concernment to mans salvation) and with the help of John Frith, the Baruch to this Jeremie) transla∣ting it out of the Greek Original,* 9.30 finished, printed, and published it. Then he proceeded to the old, and accomplished it from Genesis to Nehemiah inclusively, but translated none of the Prophets, (savee 9.31 Jonah) being prevented by death. I presume he rendred the Old Testament out of the Latine, his best friends not intitu∣ling him to any skill at all in the Hebrew. And remarkable it was, that sailing to Hamborough to print the Pentateuch, he lost all his Books and Copies byf 9.32 ship∣wrack, which doubled his pains in re-translating it. But here he lighted on the help of Miles Coverdale, afterward Bishop of Exeter, to assist him; and safely they went thorough their work, even when the Sweating-sicknesse swept away thousands in the City, with a generall mortality: As if the usefull sweating of their brains, were a preservative against the hurtfull sweating of their bodies. And indeed painfulnesse in a lawfull calling, is the best antidote against a publick infection.

39. Yet none will deny,* 9.33 but that many faults needing amendment, are found in his Translation; which is no wonder to those who consider; First, such an undertaking was not the task for a man, but men. Secondly, no great design is invented, and perfected at once. Thirdly, Tyndal, being an exile, wanted many necessary accommodations. Fourthly, his skill in Hebrew was not considerable; yea, generally Learning in Languages was then but in the insancie thereof. Fift∣ly, out English tongue was not improved to that expressivenesse, whereat at this day it is arrived. However, what the undertook was to be admired as glorious; what he performed, to be commended as profitable; wherein he failed, is to be excused as pardonable, and to scored on the account rather of that Age, than or the Authour himself. Yea, Tyndal's pains were usefull, had his Translation done no other good than to help towards the making of a better; our last Tran∣slators having in expresse charge from King JAMES, to consult the Transla∣tion of Tyndall.

40. But, when the Testament of Tyndal's Translation came over into England,* 9.34 oh! how were the Popish Clergie cut to the heart? How did their blear-eyes smart at the shining of the Gospel in a vulgar Tongue? Downe must their Dagon, if this Arke be set up: down their Diana, if Paul be permitted to preach to the people. Some said, that the Bible ought not to be translated; some, that it could not be, that it wasg 9.35 impossible: Others, that the translating thereof would make men rebell against the King; and why I pray? seeing they shall read there∣in h 9.36 Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, &c. and many other places pressing obedience. Some were not so much angry with the Text, as with Tyn∣dal's

Comment, his Preface before, and Notes upon the same: In fine, they did not onely procure his Book to be publickly burnt in Paul's Church-yard, but also their malice (which hath long arms to reach at such distance) contrived, and effected the strangling and burning of Tyndal in Flanders.

41. Bale calleth him the Apostle of the English. And indeed,* 9.37 some generall parallel (farre be it from me to enforce it to an absolute conformity) may be observed betwixt Saint Paul, and out Tyndal: S. Paul withstood, and defeated the power ofj 9.38 Elymas the Sorcerer: Tyndal, with the grace and gravity of his company put ak 9.39 Magician out of countenance, being brought thither to shew a cast of his skill by inchanting. S. Paul, in Thyatira, converted hisl 9.40 Jaylour, and all his houshold: Tyndal, during his year and half durance, converted his keeper, his daughter,m 9.41 and other of family. Saint Paul was in perils by waters, in pe∣rils by robbers, in perils amongstn 9.42 false brethren: so was Tyndal, whom one Philips, pretending much friendship, by cunning insinuation betrayed to his de∣struction. We take our leaves of Tyndal, with that testimony which the Empe∣rour's Procurator or Attorney-General (though his adversary) gave of him, Homo fuit doctus, pius, & bonus: He was a learned, a godly, and a good-natur'd man.

SECTION IV.

TO CLIFFORD CLIFTON, Esquire.

I Know not of what place properly to name and inscribe you, whether of Middlesex,* 10.1 where you have your present Dwel∣ling; or of Nottingham-shire,* 10.2, whence first you fetched your Name; or from Derby-shire, and other neighbouring Coun∣ties, wherein you are Heire apparent to a fair Inheritance. I envie not your deserved Happinesse, but onely observe it is almost as difficult to fix a rich man, as a begger; the one for his variety, the other for his want of habitation. But be you styled from what Place you please, be pleased also to accept this expression of my service unto you. All that I will adde is, that seeing two Antient and Honourable Families (the one of Norman, the other of Saxon extraction) have met in your name, may their joynt Virtues de united in your nature.

CReat the Kings profit at this time from the Office for the 'Receipt of Tenths and First fruits,* 10.3 which was now first set up in London,* 10.4 and somthing must be observed of the original thereof:* 10.5 Such mo∣neys formerly were paid to the Pope, who, as Pa∣stor Pastorum, claimed Decimas Decimarum. En∣tituling himself thereunto, partly from Abraham, (a Priest) payingo 10.6 Tithes to Melchizedeck the high Priest; partly from the Levites in the Mosaical Law, paying the Second Tithes, that is, the Tithes of their Tithes to the Priest: Thus shall you offer an heave offering unto the Lord, of all yourp 10.7 Tithes, which ye receive of the children of Israel, and ye shall give thereof the Lords heave-offering to Aaron the Priest. Hereupon, the Pope had his Collectors in every Diocesse, who sometimes by Bills of Exchange, but generally in specie, (to the great impoverishing of the Land) yearly returned the Tenths and First-fruits of the English Clergie to Rome.

2. But the Pope being now dead in England, the King was found his Heir at Com∣mon Law,* 10.8 as to most of the power, and profit, the other had usurped. But now as the Clergie changed their Land lord, so their Rents were new rated (and, I believe somewhat raised) Commissioners being imployed in all Counties, (the

Bishop of the Diocesse being alwaies one of them) to valew their yearly revenue,* 10.9 that so their Tenths and First-fruits may be proportioned accordingly. These Raters were the chiefest persons in all Counties under the degree of Barons, and I had a project to presence their names, as of men of unquestionable extraction, none as yet standing on the ruins of Abbies to heighten their mean birth into the repute of Gentility.

Surrey.

Nicholas Carew,	Knights.
Matthew Broun
Thomas Stidolfe, Esquire.
John Banister, Gentleman.

Huntingdon-shire.

Richard Sapcot,	Knights.
Lawrence Taylard,
John Gostwick,	Esquires.
John Goodrick,

Devon-shire.

William Courtney,	Knights.
Thomas Dennis,
John Birnall, Major of Exeter.
John Hull,	Auditors.
William Simonds,
John Ford,	Auditors.
John Southcote,

Somerset-shire.

William Stourton,	Knts.
John Horsey,
Andrew Lutterell,
Thomas Speke,	Esqs.
Hugh Powlet,
Henryq 10.10 Capel, Knight.
William Portman, Gent.
Roger Kinsey, Auditor.

Stafford-shire.

John Talbot,	Knights.
John Gifford,
Walter Wrotley, Esquire.
John Wrotely, Gentleman.

Cheshire.

John Holford, Knight.
Peter Dutton, Knight.
George Booth,	Esqs.
Thomas Aston,
Richard Ligh,
William Brereton,

But my designe failed, when I found the return of the Commissioners names into the Office so defective, that in most Counties they are wholly omitted.

3. These Commissioners were impowered by the King,* 10.11 to send for the Scribes and Notaries of all Bishops and Arch-Bishops and Arch-deacons, to swear the Receivers and Au∣ditors of Incumbents, to view their Register-books, Easter-books, and all other wri∣tings, and to use all other waies to know the full value of Ecclesiastical prefer∣ments, with the number and names of Persons enjoying the same. They were to divide themselves by Three and Three, allotting to every number so many Deane∣ries, and to enquire the number and names of all Abbies, Monasteries, Priories, Brotherships, Sisterships, Fellowships, &c. Houses religious and conventual, as

wellr 10.12 CHARTER-HOUSE, as others, (these carthusians being specified by name, because proudly pretending priviledges of Papal exemption) and meet∣ing together to certifie into Exchequer, (at the time limited in their Com∣mission) the true value of such Places or Preferments. Herein, Reparations, Fees of (int)s 10.13 were not to be deducted, but perpetual Rents, Pensions, Alms, Synods, Fees paid out yearly to Persons, were to be allowed.

4. This being a work of time exactly to perform,* 10.14 took up some years in the ef∣fecting thereof. Devon-shire and Somer set were done in the twenty-seventh, Staf∣fordshire, and many other Countries, in the thirty-fourth of King Henry the eighth, and most of Wales not till the reign of King Edward the sixt. Yea, I am credibly informed, that in Ireland, (to which Kingdome such Commissions were after∣wards extended) the Commissioners partly tired with their troblesome work, partly afraid to pass the dangerous hill of Rushes (in Irish, Sleue Logher) never came into the County of Kerry, the South-west extremity of that Island. So that the Clergie thereof, (though the poorest of the poorest in Ireland) enjoy this privi∣ledge, that they are presently put into their Livings, (or Benefices rather) with∣out any payments.

5. But no such favour was allowed to any place in England, where all were un∣partially rated,* 10.15 and Vicaridges valued very high according to their present reve∣nue by personal Perquisites. In that Age, he generally was the richest Shepherd, who had the greatest flock; where Oblations from the living, and Obits for the dead, (as certainly paid, as Predial Tithes) much advanced their Income. In considera∣tion whereof, Vicaridges (mostly lying in Market-Towns, and populous Pa∣rishes) where set very high, though soon after those Obventions sunk with super∣stition: And the Vicars, in vain, desired a proportionable abatement in the King's book; which once drawn up, were no more to be altered.

6. Now Queen Mary, a Princesse,* 10.16 whose conscience was never purse-ridden, as one who would go to the cost of Her own principles, did by Act of Parliament exonerate, acquit and discharge the Clergie from all First-fruits. As for Tenths, the same* 10.17 Statute ordereth them to be paid to Cardinal Poole, who from the same was to pay the Pensions allowed by Her Father to Monks and Nuns at the disso∣lution of Abbies: yet so, that when such persons, who were but few and aged (all named in a Deed indented) should decease, all such paiments of the Clergie, re∣served nomine decimae, should cease, and be clearly extinct and determined for ever.

7. But Her Sister Q. Elizabeth succeeding Her,* 10.18 and finding so fair a flower, as First fruits & Tenths fallen out of Her Crown, was careful quickly to gather it up again, and get it re-sett therein. A Princesse most to forgive injuries, but inexorable to remit debts who knowing that necessitous Kings are subject to great inconveniences, was a thrifty improver of Her treasure. And, no wonder if She were exact (though not exacting) to have Her dues from the Clergie, who herein would not favour her grand favourite Sir Christopher Hatton, (who by the way was Master of this first-fruits Office, and was) much indebted unto Her for moneys received. All which arrears Her Majesty required so severely and suddainly from him, that the grief thereof cost his life. I say, this Queen in the first of Hert 10.19 Reign resumed first-fruits and tenths onely with this case to Parsonages not exceeding ten marks, and Vicaridges ten pounds, that they should be freed from first-fruits. A clause in this Statute, impowering the Queen to take all that was due unto Her from the first day of this Parliament, was so improved by her Officers in the Exchequer, (who sometimes have none of the softest palms to those that fall into their hands) that many Ministers were much vexed there∣by: Yea, oneu 10.20 observeth that the courtesie intended to the Clergie by Q. Mary in remitting their tenths, proved in event an injury to many, so vexed about their arrears.

8. In vain have some of late beaved at this Office, which is fastned to the State,* 10.21 with so considerable a revenue, as it advanced thereunto by tenths and first-fruits.

The former certain, the latter casuall as depending on the uncertain deaths of Iucumbents, and such as succeed them. Many indeed accuse such payments, as Popish in their original. But could that be superstitious, which was pluckt down by Queen Mary, and set up again by Queen Elizabeth? Besides, suppose them so, in their first foul fountain, since being shifted, yea strained through the hands of Protestant Kings, Tenths have their old property altered, and acquire no doubt a new purity to themselves. And the Advocates for this Office, doe pertinently plead, that there ought to be a badge of subjection* 10.22 of the Clergie to the Secular power, by publick acknowledgement of their dependence thereon, which by such payments is best performed.

9. John Lambert,* 10.23 aliàs Nicolson, bred in Cambridge, had lately been much persecuted by Archbishop Warham, about some opinions he held against the cor∣proal presence in the Sacrament. And now being fallen into fresh troubles on the same account,* 10.24 to make the quicker work (following the precedent of S. Paul, ap∣pealing to Caesar) he appeals to the King. Who having lately taken upon him the title of the Supreme head of the Church of England,* 10.25 would shew that head had a tongue could speak in matters of Divinity. In White-hall, the place and day is appointed, where an ACT-ROYAL was kept; the King himselfe being the Opponent, and Lambert the Answerer; and where His Highnesse was worsted or wearied, Arch-bishop Crammerw 10.26 supplied His place, arguing, though civilly, shrodely, against the truth and his own private judgment.

10. Was not this worse than keeping the clothes of those who killed S. Stephen,* 10.27 seeing this Archbishop did actually cast stones at this Martyr, in the Arguments he urged against him. Nor will it excuse Cranmer's cowardise and dissimulation to accuse Gardiner's craft and cruely, who privily put the Archbishop on this odious act, such Christian courage being justly expected from a person of his parts and place as not to be acted by another, contrary to his own conscience. I see not therefore what can be said in Cranmer's behalf, save onely that I verily hope, and stedfastly believe, that he craved God's pardon for this particular of∣fence, and obtained the same on his unfained repentance. And because the face of mens faults is commonly seen in the glasse of their punishment, it is obser∣vable, that as Lambert now was burnt for denying the corporal presence, so Cranmer (now his Opponent) was afterwards condemned and died at Oxford for maintaining the same opinion; which valour, if sooner shewn his conscience had probably been more cleared within him, and his credit without him to all posterity.

11. A match being now made up by the Lord Cromwel's contrivance,* 10.28 betwixt King Henry and the Lady Anne of Cleve; Dutch-men flockt faster than formerly into England; Many of these had active souls, so that whilest their hands were busied about their manufactures, their heads were also beating about points of Di∣vinity. Hereof they had many rude notions, too ignorant to manage them them∣selves, and too proud to crave the direction of others. Their mindes had a by∣stream of activity more than what sufficed to drive on their Vocation, and this waste of their souls, they imployed in needlesse speculations, and soon after began to broach their strange opinions, being branded with the general name of Ana∣baptists.* 10.29 These Anabaptists for the main, are but Donatists now dips, and this year their name first appears in our English Chronicles; for, I* 10.30 read that four Ana∣baptists, three men and one woman, all Dutch, bare faggots at Paul's Crosse, and three daies after a man and woman of their sect was burnt in Smithfield.

12. It quickly came to the turn of Queen Anne of Cleve to fall,* 10.31 if not into the displeasure, out of the dear affection of King Henry the eighth.* 10.32 She had much of Katharine Dowager's austerity,* 10.33 little of Anna Bollen's pleasant wit, lesse of the beauty of Jane Seamour. Some feminine impotency, that She answered not Her creation, was objected against Her, though onely Her precontract with the Son of the Duke of Lorraine was publickly insisted on, for which by Act of Parlia∣ment now sitting, She was solemnly divorced.

13. King Henry durst not but deal better with Anne of Cleve than with such His Wives,* 10.34 which were His native Subjects: not so much for love of Her,* 10.35 as for fear of Her Brother the Duke of Cleve,* 10.36 considerable (if not much in Himself) in His union with the Protestant Princes of Germany. Wherefore He restored Her all Her Jewels, assigned Her precedencie above all English, (save His own that should be Queen, and Children) graced Her with a new-devised stile of, His adopted Sister, (by which from henceforward He saluted Her in His Letters, and She in Answer subscribed Her self) allotted Her Richmond-House for Her retire∣ment, with an augmentation of means for Her maintenance. And now let Her be glad that She escaped so well, seeing all, which had reference to King Henry's bed, came off gainers, if savers of their own lives, and reputations. She returned no more into Her own Countrey, but living, and dying, Annoa 10.37 1557. in England, was buried in Westminster. Church at the head of King Sebert, in a Tomb not yet finished; none other of King Henry's Wives having any, and this Anne but half a Monument.

14. In the last Parliament,* 10.38 Reformation running a race with Superstition, hard∣ly carried it by the heads-length, but it was hoped, that in this new Parliament (now sitting) true Religion would run her Rivall quite out of distance: Whereas alas! it not onely stood still, but went backwards, the SIX ARTICLES be∣ing therein enacted, that whip with six knots, each one (as heavily laid on) fetch∣ing blood from the backs of poor Protestants.

15. K. Henry was much blamed for passing this Act.* 10.39 Indeed, Power and Profit being the things politick Princes chiefly desire; King Henry had already attained both by his partial Reformation. Power, by abolishing the Pope's usurpation, in His Dominions; Profit, by seizing on the lands and goods of suppressed Mo∣nasteries. And thus having served His own turn, His zeal wilfully tired to goe any farther, and (onely abolishing such Popery as was in order to his aforesaid designes) He severely urged the rest on the practice of His Subjects.

16. Herein he appeared like to Jehu King of Israel,* 10.40 who utterly rooted out the forraign Idolatry of BAAL, (fetcht from the Zidonians, and almost appro∣priated to the family of Ahab) but still worshipped the CALVES in DAN, and BETHEL, the state-Idolatry of the Kingdome; So our Henry, though banishing all out-landish superstition of Papall dependance, still reserved and main∣tained home bred Popery, persecuting the Refusers to submit thereunto.

17. For,* 10.41 by the perswasion of Bishop Gardiner (in defiance of Archbishop Cranmer, and the L. Cromwell, with might and main opposing it) it was enacted:

• 1. That in the Sacrament of the Altar, after consecration, no substance of bread or wine remaineth, but the naturall body and blood of Christ.
• 2. That the Communion in both kindes is not necessary ad salutem, by the law of God to all persons.
• 3. That Priests, after Orders received, may not Marry by the Law of God.
• 4. That Vows of Chastity ought to be observed.
• 5. That it is meet and necessary, that private Masses be admitted and con∣tinued in Churches.
• 6. That auricular Confession must be frequented by people, as of necessity to salvation.

Laws, bad, as penned; worse, as prosecuted, which by some Bishops extensive interpretations, were made commensurate to the whole body of Popery.

18. Indeed,* 10.42 the Lord Cromwell (unable to right his own) had a designe to re∣venge himself on the opposite party, by procuring an Act, That Popish Priests convict of Adultery, should be subject to the same punishment with Protestant Mi∣nisters that were married. But Gardiner, by his greatnesse, got that law so qua∣lified,

that it soon became lex edentula,* 10.43 whilst the other remained mordax, death being the penalty of such who were made guilty by the six Articles, though Ni∣cholas Shaxton of Salisbury,* 10.44 and Hugh Latimer of Worcester, found the especial favour to save themselves by losing of their Bishopricks.

19. And now began Edmond Bonner,* 10.45 aliàs Savage, (most commonly called by the former, but too truly known by the later name) newly made Bishop of Lon∣don, to display the colours of his cruelty therein, which here I forbear to repeat, because cited at large by Mr. Fox. For, I desire my Church-History should be∣have it self to his Book of Martyrs, as a Lieutenant to its Captain, onely to supply his place in his absence, to be supplemental thereunto, in such matters of moment which have escaped his observation.

20. Match-makers betwixt private persons seldome finde great love for their pains,* 10.46 betwixt Princes often fall into danger, as here it proved in the L. Crom∣well, the grand contriver of the King's marriage with Anne of Cleve. On him the King had conferred Honours so many, and so suddainly, that one may say, The crudities thereof lay unconcted in his soul, so that he could not have time to digest one Dignity before another was poured upon him. Not to speak of his Mastership of the Jewel-house, he was made Baron, Master of the Rolls, the Kings Vicar-general in spiritual matters, Lord Privie-Seale, Knight of the Garter, Earle of Essex, Lord Great Chamberlaine of England. And myb 10.47 Authour observeth, that all these Honours were conferred upon him in the compasse of five years, most of them possessed by him not five moneths; I may adde, and all taken from him in lesse than five minutes, with his life on the scaffold.

21. This was the cause why he was envied of the Nobility and Gentry,* 10.48 being by birth so much beneath all; by preserment so high above most of them. Be∣sides, many of his advancements were interpreted not so much Honours to him, as Injuries to others, as being either in use improper, or in equity unfit, or in right unjust, or in conscience unlawfull for him to accept. His Mastership of the Rolls, such who were bred Lawyers, conceived it fitter for men of their profession. As for the Earldome of Essex conferred upon him, though the title lately became void by the death of Bourchier the last Earl without Issue-male (and so in the strictnesse of right in the King's free disposal) yet because he left Anne, a sole Daughter behinde him, Cromwel's invading of that Honour, bred no good blood towards him amongst the kinred of that Orphan, who were honourable, and numerous. His Lord great Chamberlainship of England, being an Office for ma∣ny years Hereditary in the Antient and Honourable House of Oxford, incensed all of all that Family, when beholding him possessed thereof. His Knighthood of the Garter, which custome had appropriated to such, who by three degrees at least could prove their Gentile descent, being bestowed on him, did but enrage his Competitours thereof, more honourably extracted. As for his being the King's Vicar-General in Spiritual matters, all the Clergie did rage thereat, grutching much, that K. Henry the substance, and more, that Cromwell, His shadow, should assume so high a Title to himself. Besides, Cromwel's name was odious unto them, on the account of Abbies dissolved, and no wonder, if this Sampson pluck∣ing down the pillars of the Popish-Church, had the rest of the structure falling upon him.* 10.49 These rejoiced when the Duke of Norfolke arrested him for Treason at the Councel-Table, whence he was sent Prisoner to the Tower.

22. And now to speak impartially of him,* 10.50 though in prison. If we reflect on his parts and endowments, it is wonderfull to see how one quality in him be∣friended another. Great Scholar he was none (the Latine Testament gotten by heart being the master-piece of his learning) nor any studied Lawyer, (never long-li∣ving, if admitted in the Inns of Court) nor experienced Souldier, (though neces∣sity cast him on that calling, when the Duke of Burbone besieged Rome) nor Courtier in his youth, (till bred in the Court, as I may call it, of Cardinal Wol∣sey's house:) and yet, that of the Lawyer in him, so helped the Scholar; that of the Souldier, the Lawyer; that of the Courtier, the Souldier; and that of the

Traveller so perfected all the rest (being no stranger to Germany, well acquainted with France, most familiar with Italy) that the result of all together made him for endowments eminent, not to say, admirable.

23. It was laid to his charge;* 10.51 First, that he had exceeded his Commission, in acting many things of high conseqsence, without acquainting the King therwith; dealing therein, though perchance wisely for the State, not warily for himself. Indeed, it is impossible for such Officers, managing not onely multitudes, but multiplicity of matters, but that in some things they must mistake. As inc 10.52 many words there wanteth not iniquity: so in the Actours of many affairs, faults are soon found out. He was also accused to set at liberty certain persons not capable of it; for granting Licenses and Commissions destructive to the King's autho∣rity; for being guilty of Heresie himself, and favouring it in others. Trayterous speeches were also charged upon him, spoken two years before in the Church of S. Peter's in the Poor, in Broad street; the avouchers thereof pretending, that, as hitherto they had concealed them for love of themselves (fearing Cromwel's greatnesse:) so now, for the love of the King, they revealed the same. Indeed, on the first manifesting of the King's displeasure against him, the foes of Cromwel had all their mouthes open, and his friends their mouthes shut up.

24. The mention of S. Peter's in Broad-street,* 10.53 mindeth me of a passage, not unworthy to be recited, of an injury offered by this Lord Cromwell, to many poor men in the same Parish. And, because every one is best able to tell his own tale, take it in the words of Johnd 10.54 Stow, being himself deeply concerned therein:

The Lord Cromwell having finished his house in Throgmorton-street in Lon∣don, and having some reasonable plot of ground left for a garden, caused the pales of the gardens, adjoyning to the North part thereof, on a sudden to be taken down, two and twenty foot to be measured forth-right into the North of every man's ground, a line there to be drawn, a trench to be cast, a foundation laid, and an high brick∣wall to be builded. My father had a garden there, and there was an house standing close to his South-pale: this house they loosed from the ground, and bare upon rowlers into my father's garden two and twenty foot, ere my father heard thereof: no warn∣ing was given him, nor other answer, (when he spake to the Surveyors of that work) but that their, Master, Sir Thomas, commanded them so to doe: no man durst goe to argue the matter, but each man lost his land; and my father paid his whole rent, which was six s••illings eight pence the year, for that half which was left. Thus much of mine own knowledge have I thought good to note, that the sudden rising of some men, causeth them to forget themselves.

I am moved the rather to believe our Authour herein, because elsewhere he alloweth this Lord his deserved praise for his virtues, and especially his Hospi∣tality, affirming,e 10.55 he had often seen at the Lord Cromwell's gate, above two hun∣dred persons served twice every day, with meat, and drink sufficient. Nor can I see what may be said in excuse of this oppression, except any will plead, that Abimelech's servants violentlyf 10.56 took away the wells from Abraham, and yet Abi∣melech himself never knew more or lesse thereof.

25. As for the passionate expressions of Cromwell;* 10.57 ag 10.58 Knight, aged well-nigh eighty, whose Mother was Daughter to the Lord Cromwell's Son, hath informed me, That the principall passage, whereon the Lord's enemies most insisted, was this, It being told the L. Cromwell, that one accused him for want of fidelity to the King; Cromwell returned in passion, Were he here now, I would strike my dagger into his heart; meaning, into the heart of the false Accuser; and therein guilty of want of charity to his fellow-subject, not of loyaltie to his Sovereign. But, seeing the words were a measuring cast as uttered (though not as intended) to whom they should relate, the pick-thank Repeater avowed them uttered against the King Himself. So dangerous are dubious words, and ambiguous expressions, when prevalent power is to construe, and interpret the meaning thereof.

26. Ten daies after his Arrest,* 10.59 he was attainted of high Treason in Parliament. and brought on the Scaffold the next week to execution. Here he spake the fol∣lowing words unto the people, which the Reader is requested the more seriously to peruse,* 10.60 that thereby he may be enabled to passe (if concerned therein) his ver∣dict in what Religion this Lord died.

I Am come hither to die,* 10.61 and not to purge my selfe, as some think perad¦venture that I will. For, if I should so doe, I were a very wretch, and miser. I am by the law condemned to die, and thank my Lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine offence. For, since the time that I have had years of discretion, I have lived a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for the which I aske him heartily forgivenesse. And it is not unknown to many of you, that I have been a great traveller in this world, and, being but of base degree, I was called to high estate, and since the time I came thereunto, I have offended my Prince, for the which I aske Him heartily forgivenesse, and beseech you all to pray to God with me, that he will forgive me. And now I pray you that be here, to bear me record, I die in the Catholick Faith, not doubting in any Article of my faith, no, nor doubting in any Sacrament of the Church. Many have slandered me, and reported, that I have been a bearer of such as have maintained evil opinions, which is untrue. But I confesse, that like as God by his Holy Spirit doth instruct us in the truth: so the Devil is ready to seduce us, and I have been seduced, but bear me witnesse that I die in the Catholick Faith of the Holy Church. And I heartily desire you to pray for the King's Grace, that He may long live with you in health, and prospe∣rity: and that after Him, His son Prince Edward, that goodly impe, may long reign over you. And, once again, I desire you to pray for me, that so long as life remaineth in this flesh, I waver nothing in my faith. And so making his Prayer, &c.

The generall terms wherein this his Speech is couched, hath given occasion for wise men to give contrary censures thereof.

Fox in his Marginall Note on this Speech, pag. 515. A true Christian Confession of the Lord Cromwell at his death.

Lord Herbert in the Index of his History, under C. Cromwell died a Roman-Catholick, notwithstanding he had been such a destroyer of the Church.

True it is, so warie were Cromwell's expressions, that Luther and Bellarmine might in their own persons have said the same, without any prejudice to their own principles, and many conceive that the most, which these his words amount to, will but make him an six-Articles Protestant.

27. But let Cromwell's politick Speech be in part expounded by his plain Pray∣er which he immediately after made,* 10.62 (too long here to insert, but set down at large in Mr. Fox) and which speaketh him a true Protestant. And if negative Arguments avail ought in this matter, no superstitious crossing of himself, no praying to Saints, no desiring of prayers for him after his death, &c. may evidence him no Papist in the close of his life. Indeed, Anti-Cromwellists count this con∣troversie (of the Religion he died in) not worth the deciding, no Papists con∣ceiving the gain great to get him on their side, and some Protestants accounting the losse as little to part with him. However, this right ought to be done to his Memory, in fixing it on its own principles, and not mis-representing the same to posterity.

28. Remarkable is that passage in his Speech,* 10.63 wherein he confesseth himself, by Law condemned to die, because a story dependeth thereupon. Not long agoe an Act had passed in Parliament, That one might be attainted of Treason by Bill in Parliament, and consequently lose his life, without any other legal triall, or being e∣ver brought to answer in his own defence. The Lord Cromwell was very active in procuring this Law to passe, insomuch that it is generally believed, that the Arme and Hammer of all King Henry's Power, could never have driven on this Act thorough both Houses, had not Cromwell first wimbled an hole for the entrance thereof, and politickly prepared a major part of Lords and Commons to accept the same. For, indeed otherwise it was accounted a Law injurious to the liberty, which reason alloweth to all persons accused, and which might cut out the tongue of Innocency it self, depriving her of pleading in her own behalf. Now, behold the hand of Heaven! It hapned that this Lord first felt the smart of this rod which be made for others, and was accordingly condemned before ever he was heard to speak for himself.

—Nec lex est justior ulla Quam necis artifices arte perire suâ.

Most just it is, that they bad Laws who make, Should themselves first of their own Laws partake.

Thus, those who break down the banks, and let in the stream of Arbitrary power, (be it into the hands of Prince or People) are commonly the first themselves which without pity are drowned in the deluge thereof.

29. Thus farre I have swome along with the winde and tide of all our English Historians,* 10.64 in charging of Cromwell herein. But I finde one* 10.65 Authour of strong credit (such he needs to be, who swims against the stream) acquitting the said Lord, deriving his intelligence from Sir Thomas Gawdie, a grave Judge, then li∣ving, who acquainted him as followeth, King Henry commanded the L. Crom∣well to attend the Chief Justices, and to know, whether a man that was forth-coming might be attainted of high Treason by Parliament, and never called to his answer? The Judges answered, That it was a dangerous question; and, that the high Court of Parliament ought to give examples to inferiour Courts for proceeding according to justice, and no inferiour Court could doe the like, and they thought the high Court of Parliament would never doe it. But, being by the expresse commandement of the King, and pressed by the said Earl to give a direct answer, they said, That if he be attainted by Parliament, it could not come in question afterwards, whether he was called, or not called to answer: and the Act of Attainder being passed by Parlia∣ment did binde, as they resolved. The party against whom this was intended, was never called in question, but the first man after the said resolution, that was so attainted, and never called to answer, was the said Earl of Essex: whereupon that erroneous and vulgar opinion amongst our Historians grew, That he died by the same Law which he himself had made.

30. But,* 10.66 grant this Lord Cromwell faulty in this and some other actions, in the main he will appear a worthy person, and a great instrument of God's glory in the reforming of Religion, and remarkable for many personal eminencies. Com∣monly when men are (as in a moment) mounted from meannesse to much wealth and honour, first they forget them selves, and then all their old friends and acquaintance. Whereas on the contrary, here gratitude grew with his greatnesse, and the Lord Cromwell conferred many a courtesie on the Children from whose Fathers Master Cromwell had formerly received favours. As he was a good Ser∣vant to his Master, so was he a good Master to his Servants, and fore-seeing his own full, (which he might have foretold without the Spirit of Prophesie, some half a year before) he furnished his Men, which had no other lively-hood to sub∣sist by, with Leases, Pensions, and Annuities, whereby after his death they had a comfortable maintenance.

31. One so faithfull to his Servants,* 10.67 cannot be suspected for an Infidel in not providing for his family, of his own children. It was not therefore his ambition, but providence, that on the same day wherein he was created Earle of Essex, he procured Gregory his Son, (which otherwise had been then but a Lord by courtesie) to be actually made Baron Cromwell of Oke-ham. Which honour, because inherent in the Son, was not forfeited on his Father's attainture, but descends at this day on his Posterity.

32. We will conclude his story with this remarkable instance of his humility:* 10.68 Formerly there flourished a notable family of theb 10.69 Cromwells at Tattershall in Lin∣coln-shire, especially since Sir Ralph Cromwell married the younger Sister and Co∣heir of William the last Lord Deincourt. Now there wanted not some flattering Heraults (excellent Chemists in Pedegrees to extract any thing from any thing) who would have entituled this Lord Cromwell to the Armes of that antient Fa∣mily, extinct (in the issue male thereof) about the end of King Henry the sixt. His answer unto them was, That he would not weare another mans coat, for fear the right owner thereof should pluck it off over his ears: and preferred rather to take a new coate, (viz.* 10.70 AZure, Or, a Fess inter three Lyons rampant, Or a Rose Gules, be∣twixt two Chaughes proper) being somewhat of the fullest; the Epidemical dis∣sease of all Armes given in the Reign of Henry the eighth.

33. After the execution of the Lord Cromwell,* 10.71 the Parliament still sitting, a motly execution happened in Smithfield, three Papists hanged by the Statute for denying the King's supremacy, and as many Protestants burnt at the same time and place, by vertue of the six Articles, dying with more pain, and no lesse pa∣tience.

Papists.	Protestants.
Edward Powell.	Robert Barns, Doctor of Divinity.
Thomas Abley.	Thomas Gerard,
Rich: Fetherston.	Williama 10.72 Jerom, Bachelours of Divinity.

This caused was by the difference of Religions in the King's Privie Councel, wherein the Popish party called for the execution of theseb 10.73 Protestants, whilest the Protestant Lords in the Councell, (out of policy to represse the others eagernesse, or if that failed, out of desire to revenge it) cried as fast, that the Laws might take effect on the Papists. And whilest neither side was able to save those of their own opinions, both had power to destroy those of their opposite party. They were dragged on hurdles, coupled two and two, a Papist and a Protestant, (cattel of dif∣ferent kindes yoked to draw, or rather to be drawn together) insomuch as a c 10.74 Romanist professeth, that to the three Papists this their unequal matching was to them, ipsâ morte gravlus & intolerabilius, more heavy and intolerable than death it self: But the Protestants exprest no such distast hereat, not angry out of prin∣ciples of pride, for the joyning of their bodies together, but grieved out of the grounds of charity, that their souls soon after, should so farre be parted asunder. A stranger, standing by, did wonder, (as well he might) what Religion the King was of, his sword cutting on both sides, Protestants for Hereticks, and Papists for Traytors, of whom in the same moneth, Laurence Cooke, Prior of Doncaster, and six others, were sent the same way, for the same offence.

34. But to return to such Acts of the Parliament as concern the Church,* 10.75 there∣in a Statute was made, commanding every mand 10.76 fully, truly, and effectually to di∣vide, set out, yield or pay all and singular Tithes and Offerings, according to the law∣full customes and usages of the Parishes and Places where such Tithes or Duties shall grow, arise, come or be due. And remedy is given for Ecclesiastick persons before the Ordinary; and for Lay-men, that claimed appropriated Tithes by grant from the Crown, in the Secular Courts by such actions as usually Lay-possessions had been subject to. The occasion of which Statute is intimated in the Pre∣amble thereof, because in few years past many presumed more contemptuously, and

commonly than in times past, had been seen or known to substract and withdraw their lawfull and accustomed Tithes. Incouraged thereunto for that that divers Lay-per∣sons having Tithes to them and their beires had no due remedy by order and course of the Ecclesiastical Laws to recover their right. And no wonder, seeing their Sove∣raign had set them so large, and so late a president in destroying of Abbies, if sub∣jects thought that in their distance and proportion they might also be bold to de∣tain the Rites of the Church, especially because it seemed unreasonable, that they should receive wages who did no work, and that the hire of the labourers in the vineyard should be given to lazie lookers on. This Statute, in favour of Lay-im∣propriators, was beneficiall to the Clergie to recover their prediall Tithes at Com∣mon-Law, being equally advantaged by that which was not principally intended for them, because of the concurrence of their interest, in case of Tithes. Ae 10.77 Sta∣tute also made, That it was lawfull for all persons to contract marriage, who are not prohibited by Gods law. For although Gregory the great (who had not lesse learning, but more modesty, than his successours) did not flatly forbid the mar∣riage of Cousin Germans as unlawfull, but prudentially disswade it as unfitting; yet after-Popes prohibited that and other degrees further off, thereby to get mo∣ney for Dispensations. What a masse these amounted unto, their own Auditors can onely compute, seeingf 10.78 Solomon himself sent ships but every third year to O∣phir for gold; whereas his Holinesse, by granting such faculties from those Indies, made annuall returns of infinite profit. And this Law came very conveniently to comply with King Henry's occasions, who had the first fruits thereof, and pre∣sently after married Katharine Howard, Cousin Germane to Anna Bollen his second Wife, which, by the Canon-Law, formerly was forbidden without a speciall Di∣spensation first obtained.

35. But now to step out of the Parliament into the Convocation,* 10.79 a place more proper for our employment, there we shall finde Archbishop Cranmer landing in his Barge at Pauls-wharfe, and thence proceeding on foot with the Cross carried before him into the Quire of Pauls; where, at the high Altar Bishop Bonner offi∣ciated (if I speak properly) a Masse of the Holy Ghost, Doctor Richard Cox Arch∣deacon of Ely, preached a Latine Sermon on this text, Vos estis salterrae. Richard Gwent Doctor of Law and Archdeacon of London, was chosen Prolocutor. Then intimation was given, that the KING allowed them liberty to treat of matters in Religion, to peruse the Canons de simonia vitanda, with other Ecclesiasticall constitutions; to continue the good ones, and make new ones protemporis exigen∣tiâ. In the third Session on Friday, severall Bishops* 10.80 were assigned to peruse se∣verall Books of the Translation of the New Testament, in order as followeth:

1 Archbishop Cranmer	1 Matthew
2 Johng 10.81 Lincolne	2 Mark
3 Stephenh 10.82 Winchester	3 Luke
4 Thomasi 10.83 Elie	4 John
5 Nicholask 10.84 Rochester	5 Acts of the Apostles
6 Richardl 10.85 Chichester	6 Romans
7 Johnm 10.86 Sarum	7 •• Corinthians
8 Williamn 10.87 S. Davids	8 Galatians Ephesians Philippians Colossians
9 Johno 10.88 Worcester	9 1/2 Thessalonians
10 Robertp 10.89 S. Asaph	10 Timothy Titus Philemon
11 Robertq 10.90 Landaffe	11 1/2 Peter
12 Johnr 10.91 Hereford	12 Hebrews
13 Thomass 10.92 Westminster.	13 James 1/2/3 John Jude
14 Johnt 10.93 Glocester	14 Revelation
15 Johnu 10.94 Peterborough	15

Why Edmond Bonner Bishop of London then and there present, had no part in this perusall allotted him, as I finde no reason rendred thereof, so I will not in∣terpose my own conjecture.

39. In the sixth Session,* 10.95 Gardiner publickly read a Catalogue of Latine words of his own collection out of the Testament, and desired that for their genuine and native meaning, and for the majesty of the matter in them contained, these words might be retained in their own nature as much as might bee; or be very fitly Englished, with the least alteration, being in number and order here inserted:

• Ecclesia
• Poenitentia
• Pontifex
• Ancilla
• Contritus
• * 10.96 Olacausta
• Justitia
• Justificare
• Idiota
• Elementa
• Baptizare
• Martyr
• Adorare
• Dignus
• Sandalium
• Simplex
• Tetrarcha
• Sacramentum
• Simulachrum
• Gloria
• Conflictationes
• Ceremonia
• Mysterium
• Religio
• Spiritus sanct{us}
• Spiritus
• Merces
• Confiteor tibi Pater
• Panis praepo∣sitionis
• Communio
• Perseverare
• Dilectus
• Sapientia
• Pietas
• * 10.97 Presbyter
• Lites
• Servus
• Opera
• Sacrificium
• Benedictio
• Humilis
• Humilitas
• Scientia
• Gentilis
• Synagoga
• Ejicere
• Misericordia
• Complacui
• Increpare
• Distribueretur or∣bis
• Inculpatus
• Senior
• Conflictationes
• Apocalypsis
• Satisfactio
• Contentio
• Conscientia
• Peccatum
• Peccator
• Idolum
• Prudentia
• Prudenter
• Parabola
• Magnifico
• Oriens
• Subditus
• Didragma
• Hospitalitas
• Episcopus
• Gratia
• Charitas
• Tyrannus
• Concupiscentia
• Cisera
• Apostolus
• Apostolatus
• Egenus
• Stater
• Societas
• Zizania
• * 10.98 Mysteriū
• Christus
• Conversari
• Profiteor
• Impositio ma∣nuum
• Idololatria
• Dominus
• Sanctus
• Confessio
• Imitator
• Pascha
• Innumerabilis
• Inenarrabilis.
• Infidelis
• Paganus
• Commilito
• Virtutes
• Dominationes
• Throni
• Potestates
• Hostia

35. The judicious Reader hath no sooner perused these words,* 10.99 but presently he sorts them in two ranks: First, some few untranslatable, without losse of life or lustre: these are continued in our English Testament intire, it being conceived better that Ministers should expound these words in their Sermons, than alter them in their Texts. But besides these, most of the second sort, are not so emphaticall in themselves, but that they may be rendred in English, without prejudice of truth, Wherefore Gardiner's designe plainly appeared in stickling for the preserving of so many Latine words to obscure the Scripture; who, though wanting power to keep the light of the Word from shining, sought out of policy to put it in to a dark Lanthorn; contrary to the constant practice of God in Scripture, levelling high hard expressions to the capacity of the meanest. For forraign terms are alwaies brought in, like Joseph with anw 10.100 Interpreter.x 10.101 Emmanuel doth not passe with∣out an Exposition, God with us: nory 10.102 Ephatha escape, but Commented on, be thou opened: Besides, the Popish Bishop multiplied the mixture of Latine names in the Testament, to teach the Laity their distance, who though admitted into the outward Court of common matter, were yet debarred entrance into the Holy of Ho∣lies of these mysterious expressions, reserved only for the understanding of the high Priest to pierce into them. Moreover, this made Gardiner not onely tender, but fond to have these words continued in kinde without Translation; because the pro∣fit of the Romish Church was deeply in some of them concerned: Witnesse the word Penance (which according to the vulgar sound, contrary to the original sense thereof) was a magazin of Will-worship, and brought in much gain to the Priests, who were desirous to keep that word, because that word kept them. I finde not what entertainment Gardiner's motion met with, it seems so suspended in success, as neither generally received nor rejected.

36. In a following Session,* 10.103 Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury,* 10.104 informed the House, That it was the King's will and pleasure, that the Translation both of the Old and New Testament should be examined by BOTH UNIVERSITIES. This met with much opposition in the House, all the Bishops, (Ely and S. Da∣vids excepted) making their Protests to the contrary. These affirmed, the Uni∣versities were much decayed of late, wherein all things were carried by Young Men, whose judgments were not to be relied on, so that the Learning of the Land was chiefly in this Convocation. But the Archbishop said, he would stick close to the will and pleasure of the King his Master, and that the Universities should examine the Tran∣slation. And here (for ought I can finde to the contrary) the matter ceased, and the Convocation soon after was dissolved.

37. The cruell prosecution of the Protestants still continued on the six Articles.* 10.105 And yet the Parliament now somewhat abated the illegall fury thereof:* 10.106 for for∣merly any active Officer of the Bishops,* 10.107 at his pleasure molested all suspected persons, and prosecured some to death. But afterwards it was required, That such Offenders should first be found guilty, by a Jury of Twelve men; a rub to the wheels of their cruelty, that it saved the lives of some, and prolonged the deaths of others.

38. Now began the last Parliament in the Kings Reign,* 10.108 wherein many things of consequence were enacted:* 10.109 First,* 10.110 an Act against Usury.a 10.111 Secondly, for Tithes in London. Thirdly, for an exchange of Lands betwixt the King's Majestie, and Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert Holegate Archbishop of York, and Edmond Bonner Bishop of London; which the King annexed to the Dutchie of Lancaster. Fourthly, an Act for union of Churches, not exceeding the value of six pounds. Lastly, that Doctors of the Civil Law, being married, might exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.

39. At this time also,* 10.112 by the King's command, were the Stewes suppressed. A line or two, I hope, will not defile our Church-History, in the description and de∣testation of such filthy persons, and practises. There stood a place on the South bank over against London, called the Stewes, where live-Fishes were formerly kept, there to be washed in Ponds from their slime and muddinesse, to make the

more wholsome and pleasant food, which was the originall use of these Stewes, and the properb 10.113 meaning of the word.* 10.114 Afterwards the place was converted to a worse use,* 10.115 but still retaining its own name from the scouring of Fish to the defile∣ing of Men: Brothel-houses being built there, and publickly permitted by the State. These were sixteen in number, known by the several signes, whereof one was the Cardinalsc 10.116 Hat, and it is to be feared, that too many of the Clergie (then forbidden marriage) were too constant customers to it. Such who lived in these Colledges of lust were called single Women, and pity it was so good a name should be put upon so leud persons.

40. Divers Constitutions were made in the eighth year of King Henry the se∣cond,* 10.117 for the regulating of these Houses, whereof some may inoffensively, yea, pro∣fitably be inserted.

1. No Stew-holder should keep open his doors on the Holy daies, or keep any in his house on those daies.

2. No single woman to be kept against her will, if out of remorse of con∣science she would leave that leud life.

3. No Stew-holder to receive any mans wife, or any woman of religion.

4. No man to be drawn or inticed, into any of those houses, and the Con∣stables and Bayliffes were every week to search the same. They were not to sell Bread, Ale, Flesh, Fish, Wood, Cole, or any Victuals.

This was done partly, because they should not engrosse those Trades, being the livelihood of more honest people: and partly left simple Chapmen in seeking for such necessaries should be inveigled into sin.d 10.118 Such women living and dying in their sinfull life were excluded Christian buriall, and had a plot of ground farre from the Parish-Church appointed for them, called The single-womans Church-yard.

41. These Cautions and Constitutions could not make them,* 10.119 who are bad in themselves, to be good, though happily keeping some who were bad, from being worse. Such a toleration of sin being utterly unlawful. For though Na∣turall poysons may by Art be so qualified and corrected to make them not onely not noxious, but in some cases (as wisely applied) cordiall. Yet Morall poy∣sons, I mean, things sinfull of themselves can never be so ordered and regulated, but that still they will remain pernitious and unlawfull; The onely way to order and amend, being to remove, and extirpate them.

42. Yet there wanted not those (better idle, than so imployed) who ende∣voured with Arguments to maintain; some (so shamelesse) the necessity,* 10.120 but more the conveniency of such Brothel-houses. No wonder if wanton wits, plea∣ded for wanton women. Whoredome (like the Whores was painted over with politick Reasons for the permission thereof, which may easily be washed away if the following Parallel be but seriously perused.

1. Mans infirmity herein since his Naturall corruption is grown so gene∣rall, it is needfull to counive at such Houses, as a kinde of remedy to pre∣vent worse incontinency with Mar∣ried women, the whole land being the cleaner for the publick Sincks or Sewer of the Stewes.

2. As Mosesc 10.121 permitted Divorce∣ment

to the Jewes. Stewes may be connived at on the same accompt for the hardnesse of mens hearts.* 10.122

3.* 10.123 Strange women were no stran∣gers in Israel it self under their best Kings; two of that trade publickly known, pleaded before Kingf 10.124 Solo∣mon. These were publickly repaired unto and known by the attireg 10.125 of an Harlot.

4. Many great Familie were preserved thereby, whose younger Brethren abstaining from Marriage, did nont cumber the same with nume∣rosity of Children.

5. Such Stewes are Fashionable in forreigne Nations; yea, in Rome it self.

6. The suppressing of Stewes would not make men more chaste, but more close: not more sincerely honest, but secretly wanton. In all populous pla∣ces, male-incontinency will meet with a female counterpart, and so reciprocally.

1. It is absurd to say, and belibelleth Di∣vine Providence, That any thing is really Needfull that is not Lawfull. Such preten∣ded necessity created by bad men must be an∣nihilated by good Laws. Let Marriage run in its proper channell, being permitted to all persons, and then no need of such noysome sinks which may well be dammed up. The ma∣lady cannot be accounted a remedy: For whilest Matrimony is appointed and blessed by God to Cool the heat of Lust, Whoredome doth double the drought thereof.

2. Christians ought not so much to listen to

Moses his permission, as to Christ his repre∣hension thereof. Besides some faults had a cover for them in the twi-light of the Law, which have none in the sun-shine of the Go∣spel.

3. Christians must conform themselves to the necessary members and commendable Or∣naments of the Jewish Common-wealth,f 10.126 but not to the wennes and ulcers thereof.f 10.127

4. Where Harlots have preserved one house, they have destroyed an hundred. Be∣sides, we must not doe Evil, that Good may come thereof. Nor can many Children be ac∣compted evils to men, which are blessings from God.

5. Let the Paramount Whore tolerate Whores, which as a branch of Popery was now banished England; more honour it is for us to go before forraign Nations in Refor∣mation, than to follow them in their Corru∣ptions.

6. This undeniable truth is sodly granted. Perchance there may now be moe English-folk Adulterers, but England was then an Adul∣tresse, so long as Stewes were openly licensed. It was a Nationall sin, when publickly per∣mitted; which now is but personall, though too generally committed.

Thus Chastity, by the countenance of Authority, got at last a finall conquest of Wantonness. Indeed formerly, in the one and twentieth yearh 10.128 of Henry the seventh, for a time the Stewes were closed up; but afterwards opened again, though re∣duced from sixteen to twelve; but now, by the King's commandment, this regi∣ment of sinners was totally and finally routed, the Kings pleasure herein pro∣claimed by sound of Trumpet, and their Houses peopled with other Inhabitants of honest conversation.

43. We lately mentioned the exchange of land,* 10.129 betwixt the King, and the two Archibishops. On which account be it remembred (though I finde not the exact year) Otford in Kent was given the King, whereof thus our greati 10.130 Antiquary, William Warrham Archbishop of Canterbury built Otford for himself and his successours, so sumptuously, that for to avoid envy, Cranmer, who next succeeded him, was constrained to exchange it with King Henry the eighth. Could the Clergie have found out the mean betwixt baseness, & bravery; too sordid, & too sumptuous; they might have fixed themselves therein with the more security. Whilest their Palaces built so big as to receive, and so beautifull as to invite the King an His Court, made (especially if lying neer London) covetousnesse to long after them. And, although some competent consideration was given in exchange, yet politick Prelates disliked such commutations, as which gaged the root of Episcopal lands, from their first property, and antient foundation.

44. The last person of quality,* 10.131 which suffered martyrdome in this Kings Reign,* 10.132 was Anne Ashcough aliàs Kyme. She was worshipfully extracted,* 10.133 the Daugther of Sir William Ashcough of Kelsay in Lincoln-shire, of the age of twenty five years.

Whose wit, beauty, learning, and religion,* 10.134 procured her much esteem on the Queens side of the Court,* 10.135 and as much hatred from the Popish persecuting Bi∣shops. But thek 10.136 Jesuite condemns her for leaving her Husband, at home, and gadding to Gospel, and gossip it at Court, alwaies subscribing her self, not by her married, but maiden surname: the rather, because, being often examined, what reason she could give of forsaking her Husband, she refused to answer to any, save to the King alone. Master Fox turneth off the whole matter to John Bale; and, I having his Manuscript in my hand, thought fit to insert this his following account thereof, though not knowing whether the same will give the Reader satisfaction.

45. A match was made,* 10.137 by the power of their Parents, betwixt Mr. Kyme his Son in Lincoln shire, and Sir William Ashcough his eldest Daughter, who chanced to die before the completing thereof. Sir William, loth to lose so rich an Heir, and having payed part of her Potion, for lucr••s sake compelled this Anne, his second Daughter, to supply her Sisters place, and to marry him against her own will and consent, notwithstanding, the marriage once past, she demanded her self like a Christian Wife,l 10.138 and bare him two Children. In processe of time, by oft reading of the sacred Bible, she cleerly fell from all Papistrie, to a perfect belief in Jesus Christ. Whereupon, her Husband was so offended, that (by suggestion of the Priests) he violently drove her out of his house. And she, on this occasion, sought from the Law a Divorce; and, because of his cruell usage, would not re∣turn unto him again: thinking her self free from that uncomely kinde of co∣acted marriage, by the doctrine of Saint Paul,m 10.139 But, if the unbelieving depart, let him depart. A brother or sister is not under bondage in such cases: But God hath called us to peace. This is the effect, of what our Authour speaketh in moe words. Now, whether this rule laid down by Saint Paul, betwixt Christian, and Heathen, be also commensurate betwixt Protestant, and Papist, is not my work to decide. Perchance, she would only answer to the King, for her behaviour to∣wards her Husband, as hoping for some tendernesse from His Highnesse, because of some general conformity, in the first part of her Case with the Kings: as Who for by respects was first married to, then divorced from His Brothers Wife.

46. Her several examinations are largely penned by her self, extant in Mr. Fox,* 10.140 where the Reader may finde them. But be it remembred, that, whereas heresie onely was charged upon her, without the least suspition of Treason, yet was she rackt to detect some Court Ladies of her opinion, by the Lord Wriothisly the then, and Sir Robert Rich, then 10.141 next Lord Chancellour. But, whether it was noble in these Lords, or legall in these Lawyers, or conscientious in these Chan∣cellours, to rack one already condemned to death, belongeth to others to deter∣mine. Their cruelty extorted no discovery from her, whose constancy now made recompense for her former infirmities. If it be true what is charged upon her, that before she had twice subscribed the Real Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar, but zealously died at last in the earnest deniall thereof, being amongst those, who according to the precept in theo 10.142 Prophet, glorified the Lord in the sires. Her suffering in Smithfield was most solemnly performed, where three men, Nicolas Belevian, Priest of Shropshire; John Lacells, Gentleman, of the Hous∣hold of King Henry the eighth; and John Adams, a poor Taylor of London, were all burnt together. Three couple of qualities, meeting together in four persons, Clergy, and Laity; Male, and Female; Gentle, and Simple, made the fewell of the same fire.

47. John Bale registers this Anne Ashcough,* 10.143 amongst the number of his English learned Writers, for her Examinations, Letters, and Poems, wrote with her own hand; though thep 10.144 Jesuite jeers him for his pains, as if no works, save those of the needle, became her sex. I have seen a Manuscript of her Verses (afterwards printed at Marpurge in Germany) and must confesse, I better approve her Cha∣rity in the four last, than her Poetry in all rest:

Yet Lord I thee desire,* 10.145 Let them not taste the hire For that they doe to me, Of their iniquity.

However those that have drunk deeper than she of Helicon,* 10.146 would be loth to pledge her in the bitter cup of Martyrdome. So I take my leave of her memory.

48. Now began the troubles of Queen Katharine Parr,* 10.147 whom the King married some two years since. For He, either being, or believing Himself wronged by His last Wife, whom He married for a Maid, resolved now to take a Widow to Wife, who had given proof of her chastity and loyalty to her former Husband, and thereupon married this Katharine, the Daughter of Sir Thomas Parr of Ken∣dall, the Relict of John Nevill Lord Latimer, one of great piety, beauty & discre∣tion. Next to the Bible, She studied the Kings disposition, observing Him to Her utmost. And need She had of a nimble soul, to attend at all times on His humour, whose Fury had now got the addition of Frowardness thereunto. She was rather Nurse, than Wife unto Him, who was more decayed by sickness & intemperance, than old age.

49. Yet sometimes She would presume to discourse with the King about points of Religion,* 10.148 defending the Protestant-Tenents by Scripture, and reason: and sometimes would hold up the King very close hard at it. This displeased Him, who loved loosness and liberty, in His clothes, arguments, and actions, and was quickly observed by Gardiner, and others, who were the Queens enemies. Hereupon, taking advantage of an unhappy juncture of time, Gardiner drew up Articles a∣gainst Her, and had got them subscribbed with the Kings own hand, to remove Her to the Tower. Whither had She been sent, Vestigia nulla retrorsum, with∣out doubt She had followed the way of His former Wives in that place.

50. But Divine Providence ordereth all things to fall out for the good of Gods children. Chancellour Wriothesly put the paper of those Articles (pretious jewels) in no worse cabinet than his own bosome. Hence it casually fell out,* 10.149 was taken up by one of the Queens servants, and brought to Her Grace, who, on Her sicknesse, and submission to the King, obtained His pardon, signed ad sealed unto Her with may kisses and embraces. As for such Her enemies, who came at the present to attach Her (intending, by virtue of the Kings Warrant, to send Her the shortest way to Her long home) they were sent back with what made worse rumbling than a flea in the eare, even the taunts and threats of the enraged King against them.

51. And yet Pasons tellq 10.150 us, that, not with standing the King purposed to have burned Her, if He had lived.* 10.151 I know not whence he derived this his strange in∣telligence, and therefore justly suspect the truth hereof: The rather, because I finde Her in great grace with the King, as appeareth by the good language, and great Legacie He gave Her in His Will, which here we thought fit to transcribe, both for the rarity thereof, and because containing many passages, which may reflect much light upon our Church-History.

IN the name of God,* 10.152 and of the glorious and blessed Virgin our Lady S. Mary, and of all the holy company of Heaven: We HENRY by the grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and in earth immediately under God the supreme Head of the Church of England, and also Ireland, of that name the eight; calling to Our remembrance the great gifts and benefits of Almighty God given unto Us in this transitory life, give unto him Our most lowly and humble thanks, acknowledging Our selves insufficient in any part to deserve or re∣compense the same. But fear that we have not worthily received the same, and considering further also that We be (as all mankinde are) mortal and

born in sinne; believing neverthelesse, and hoping,* 10.153 that every Christian creature living here in this transitory and wretched world, under God dying in stedfast and perfect faith, endevouring and exercising himself to execute in his life-time,* 10.154 if he have leisure, such good deeds and charitable works as Scripture commandeth, and as may be to the honour aud plea∣sure of God, is ordained by Christs passion to be saved and attain Eternal life: Of which number We verily trust by his grace to be one.

And that every creature, the more high that he is in estate, honour and authority in this world, the more he is bound to love, serve and thank God, and the more diligently to endevour himself to doe good and cha∣ritable works to the laud, honour and praise of Almighty God, and the profit of his soule. We also calling to remembrance the dignity, estate, honour, rule and governance that Almighty God hath called Us unto in this world, and that neither We, nor any other creature-mortal knoweth the time, place, when nor where, it shall please Almighty God to call him out of this transitory world, willing therefore and minding with Gods grace before our passage out of the same, to dispose and order Our later minde, Will and Testament, in that sort, as We trust it shall be ac∣ceptable unto Almighty God, our onely Saviour Jesus Christ, and all the holy Company of Heaven: and the due satisfaction of all godly brethren in earth, have now, being of whole and perfect minde, adhering wholly to the right faith of Christ and his doctrine, repenting also Our old and detestable life, and being in perfect will and minde, by his grace, never to return to the same, nor such like. And minding, by Gods grace, never to vary therefro as long as any remembrance, breath, or inward knowledge doth, or may remain within this mortall body; most hum∣bly and heartily doe commend and bequeath Our soule to Almighty God, who in Person of the Son redeemed the same with his most pretious body and blood in time of his passion: And for Our better remembrance thereof hath left here with us Us, in his Church militant, the consecration and administration of his pretious body and blood, to Out no little con∣solation and comfort, if We as thankfully accept the same, as he lovingly and undeservedly on mans behalf, hath ordained it for our onely benefit, and not his.

Also, we doe instantly require, and desire the blessed Virgin Mary his mother, with all the holy Company of Heaven, continually to pray for Us whiles We live in this world, and in the time of passing out of the same, that We may the sooner attain Everlasting life after Our depar∣ture out of this transitory life, which We doe both hope and claime by Christs passion; And for my body, which when the soul is departed, shall then remain but as a cadaver, and so return to the vile matter it was made of, were it not for the crown and dignity which God hath called Us unto, and that We would not be counted an Infringer of honest worldly poli∣cies and customes when they be not contrary to Gods laws, We would be content to have it buried in any place accustomed for Christian folks, were it never so vile, it is but ashes, and to ashes it shall return. Never∣thelesse, because We would be loath, in the reputation of the people, to doe injury to the Dignity which We are unworthily called unto, We are content, and also by these presents, Our last Will and Testament, to will and order, That Our body be buried and entered in the Quier of Our Colledge of Widsor, middle-way between the Stalls and the high Altar, and there to be made and set, as soon as conveniently may be done after Our decease by Our Executors at Our costs and charges, if it be not done by Us in Our life-time, an honourable Tomb for Our bones to rest in, which is well onward and almost made, therefore already with a faire grate about it, in which We will also, that the bones and body of Our true

and loving Wife Queen Jane be put also; And, that there be provided, ordained and set, at the costs and charges of Us, or of our Executors, if it be not done in Our life-time, a convenient Altar honourably prepared and apparelled with all manner of things requisite and necessary for daily Masses there to be said perpetually while the world shall endure; Also We will, that the Tombs and Altars of King Henry the sixth, and also of King Edward the fourth Our great Unkle and Grandfather, be made more Princely, in the same place where they now be, at Our charge; And also will, and specially desire and require, that where and whensoever it shall please God to call Us out of this transitory world to his infinite mercy & grace, be it beyond the sea, or in any other place without Our Realm of England, or within the same, that Our Executors, as soon as they conv∣niently may, shall cause all Divine Service accustomed for dead folks to be celebrated for Us, in the next and most proper place where it shall fortune Us to depart out of this transitory life; And ever, that We will that whensoever and wheresoever it shall please God to call Us out of this transitory life to his infinite mercy and grace, be it within the Realm or without, that Our Executors in as goodly, brief and convenient haste as they reasonably can or may order, prepare and cause Our body to be re∣moved, conveyed and brought into the said Colledge of Windesor, and the Service of Placebo and Dirige, with a Sermon and Masse on the mor∣row at Our costs and charges devoutly to be done, observed and solemn∣ly kept, there to be buried and interred in the place appointed for Our said Tomb to be made for the same intent, and all this to be done in as devout-wise as can or may be; And We will and charge Our Executors that they dispose and give almesto the most poor and needly people, that may be found, common beggars as much as may be avoided, in as short space as possible they may after Our departure out of this transitory life One thousand marks of lawfull money of England, part in the same place and thereabout where it shall please Almighty God to call us to his mer∣cy, partly by the way, and part in the same place of Our buriall after their discretions; And to move the poor people that shall have Our alms to pray heartily unto God for the remission of Our offense and the wealth of Our soule.

And We will, that with as convenient speed as may be done after Our departure out of this world (if it be not done in Our life) that the Dean and Canons of Our Free Chappell of Saint George within Our Castle of Windesor shall have Manours, Lands, Tenements, and Spiritual promo∣tions to the yearly value of vj C. pounds over all charges made sure to them and to their successours for ever upon these conditions hereafter ensuing, and for the due accomplishment and full performance of all o∣ther things contained with the same in the form of an Indenture, signed with Our own hand, which shall be passed by way of Covenant for that purpose between the said Dean and Canons, and Our Executors, (if it passe not between Us and the said Dean and Canons in Our life) That is to say, the said Dean and Canons, and their successors forever, shall finde two Priests to say Masses at the said Altar, to be made where We have before appointed our Tomb to be made and stand.

And also after Our decease keep yearly Four solemn Obits for us with∣in the said Colledge of Windesor, and at every of the same Obits to cause a solemn Sermon to be made, and also at every of the said Obits to give to poor people in alms Ten pounds, and also to give for ever yearly to thirteen poor men, which shall be called Poor Knights, to every of them Twelve pence a day, and once in the year yearly for ever a long Gown of white cloth with the Gatter upon the breast imbroydered with a Shield and Crosse of Saint George within the garter and a mantle of red cloath,

and to such one of the thirteen poor Knights,* 10.155 as shall be appointed to be head and governour over them, iij li. vjs. viij d. yearly for ever over and beside the said xij. d. by the day. And also to cause every Sunday in the year for ever a Sermon to be made at Windesor aforesaid,* 10.156 as in the said Indenture and Covenant shall be more fully and particularly expres∣sed, willing, charging and requiring Our Son Prince EDWARD, all Our Executors and Counsellors, which shall be named hereafter, and all other Our Heirs and Successours, which shall be Kings of this Realm, as they will answer before God Almighty at the dreadfull day of judgment, that they, and every of them, doe see that the said Indenture and Assu∣rance to be made between Us and the said Dean & Canons, or between them and Our executors, and all things therein contained, may be duly put in execution, and observed and kept for ever perpetually according to this Our last Will and Testament. And as concerning the order and dispostion of the Imperiall Crown of this Realm of England and Ire∣land, with Our Title of France, and all dignities, honours, preheminen∣ces, prerogatives, authorities and jurisdictions to the same annexed or be∣longing, and for the sure establishment of the succession of the same. And also for a full and plain gift, disposition, assignment, declaration, limitation and appointment with what conditions Our Daughters MA∣RY and ELIZAsBETH shall severally have, hold and enjoy the said Imperiall Crown, and other the premises after Our decease; and for default of Issue and Heires of the severall bodies of Us and of Our Son Prince EDWARD lawfully begotten and His Heirs; And also for a full gift, disposition, assignment, declaration, limitation and appoint∣ment to Whom, and of what estate, and in what manner, form and con∣dition the said Imperiall Crown, and other the premises, shall remain and come after Our decease; And for default of Issue and Heirs of the seve∣rall bodies of Us, and of the said Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our said Daughters MARY and ELIZABETH lawfully begotten, We by these presents doe make and declare Our last Will and Testament concerning the said Imperiall Crown, and all other the premises, in man∣ner and form following:

That is to say, We will, by these presents, that immediately after Our departure out of this present, life, Our said Son Prince EDWARD shall have and enjoy the said Imperiall Crown, and Realm of England and Ire∣land, Our Title of France, with all dignities, honours, preheminences, prerogatives, authorities and jurisdictions, lands and possessions to the same annexed, or belonging unto Him and to His Heirs of His body law∣fully begotten; And for default of such Issue of Our said Son Prince ED∣WARD's body lawfully begotten, We will the same Imperiall Crown, and other the premises, after Our two deceases, shall wholly remain and come to the Heirs of our body lawfully begotten, of the body of Our entirely beloved Wife Queen Katharine that now is, or of any other Our lawfull Wife that We shall hereafter marry, and for lack of such Issue and Heirs, We will also that after Our decease, and for default of Heirs of the severall bodies of Us and of our said Son Prince EDWARD's lawfully be∣gotten, the said Imperial Crown and all other the premises, shall wholly remain and come to Our said Daughter MARY, and the Heris of Her body lawfully begotten, upon condition that Our said Daughter MARY after Our decease shall not marry, not take any Person to Her Huband without the assent and consent of the Privy Counsellours, and others, ap∣pointed by Us to Our dearest Son Prince EDWARD aforesaid, to be of Counsell, or of the most part of them, or the most of such as shall then be alive thereunto, before the said marriage, had in writing, sealed with their seals. All which conditions We declare, limit, appoint and will by

these presents,* 10.157 shall be knit and invested to the said estate of our Daugh∣ter MARY in the said Imperiall Crown,* 10.158 and other the premises, And if it fortune Our said Daughter MARY to die without Issue of Her body, lawfully begotten, We will that after Our decease, and for default of Issue of the severall bodies of Us, and of Our said Son Prince EDWARD, lawfully begotten, and of Our Daughter MARY; the said Imperiall Crown, and other the premises, shall wholly remain to come to Our said Daughter ELIZABETH, and to the Heirs of Her body, lawfully begot∣ten, upon condition, that our said Daughter ELIZABETH, after Our de∣cease, shall not marry, nor taken any Person to Her Husband without the as∣sent and consent of the Privy Counsellors, and others, appointed by ••••s to be of Counsell with Our said dearest Son Prince EDWARD, or the most part of them, or the most part of such of them as shall be then alive, thereunto, before the marriage had in writing, sealed with their seals, which Condition We declare, limit and appoint, and will by these pre∣sents, shall be to the said estate of Our said Daughter ELIZABETH in the said Imperiall Crown, and other the premises knit and invested; And if it shall fortune Our said Daughter ELIZABETH to die with∣out Issue of Her body, lawfully begotten, We will that after Our de∣cease, and for default of Issue of the several bodies of Us and of our said Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our said Daughters MARY, and E∣LIZABETH, and said Imperiall Crown, and other the premises, after Our decesse, shall wholly remain and come to the Heires of the body of the Lady FRANCES, Our Niece, eldest Daughter to Our late Sister the French Queen, lawfully begotten, and for default of such Issue of the body of the said Lady FRANCES, We will that the said Imperiall Crown, and other the premises, after Our decease, and for default of Issue of the severall bodies of Us, and of Our Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our Daughters MARY, and ELIZABETH, and of the Lady FRANCES, lawfully begotten, shall wholly remain and come to the Heirs of the body of the Lady ELANOR Our Niece, second Daugh∣ter to Our said Sister the French Queen, lawfully begotten. And if it happen the said Lady ELANOR to die without Issue of Her body, law∣fully begotten, We will that after our decease, and for default of Issue of the severall bodies of Us, and of Our said Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our said Daughters MARY, and ELIZABETH, and of the said Lady FRANCES, and of the said Lady ELANOR, lawfully be∣gotten, the said Imperiall Crown, and other the premises, shall wholly remain and come to the next rightfull Heirs. And we sill that if Our said Daughter MARY doe marry without the consent and assent of the Privy Counsellours and others appointed by Us to be of Counsell to Our said Son Prince EDWARD, or the most part of them as shall then be alive thereunto, before the said marriage had in writing, sealed with their seals, as is aforesaid, that then and from thenceforth for lack of Heirs of the severall bodies of Us and of Our said Son Prince EDWARD, lawfully begotten, the said Imperial Crown shall wholly remain, be, and come to Our said Daughter ELIZABETH, and to the Heirs of Her body lawfully begotten, in such manner and form, as though Our said Daughter MARY were then dead without any Issue of the body of Our said Daughter MARY, lawfully begotten, Any thing contained in this Our Will, or any Act of Parliament or Statute to the contrary in any wise not∣withstanding; And in case Our said Daughter the Lady MARY doe keep and perform the said Condition expressed, declared and limited to Her estate in the said Imperiall Crown, and other the premises in this Our last will declared. And that Our said Daughter ELIZABETH doe not keep and perform for Her part the said condition declared and limi∣ted

by this Our last Will to the estate of the said Lady ELIZABETH in the said Imperiall Crown of this Realm of England and Ireland,* 10.159 and other the premises,* 10.160 We will that then ••and from thencesorth after Our decease, and for lack of Heirs of the several bodies of Us and of Our said Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our said Daughter MARY, lawfull begotten, the said Imperiall Crown and other the premises shall wholly remain and come to the next Heirs lawfully begotten of the body of the said Lady FRANCES, in such manner and form as though the said Lady ELIZABETH were then dead without any Heir of Her body lawfully begotten, Any thing contained in this Will, or in any Act or Sta∣tute to the contrary not withstanding, the remainders over for lack of Issue of the said Lady FRANCES lawfully begotten to be an conti∣nue to such persons like remainders and estates as is before limited and declared. And We being now at this time (thanks to Almighty God) of perfect memory,* 10.161 doe constitute and ordain these personages following Our Executors and Performers of this Our last Will and Testament, willing, commanding and praying them to take upon them the occupa∣tion and performance of the same as Executors,* 10.162 that is to say, the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, the Lord Wriothesly Chancellour of England, the Lord St. John greater Master of Our House,* 10.163 the Earl of Hartford great Chamberlain, the Lord Russell Lord Privie Seal, the Viscount Lisle high Admirall of England, the Bishop Tonstall of Duresme, Sir Anthony Browne Knight Master of our Horses, Sir Edward Montague Knight, chiefe Judge of the Common Pleas, Justice Bromley, Sir Edward North Knight Chancellour of the Augmentations, Sir William Pagett Knight Our chief Secretary, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir William Herbert Knights chief Gentlemen of Our Privy Chamber, Sir Edward Wotton Knight, and Mr. Doctor Wotton his brother, and all these We will to be Our Executors and Counsellors of the Privie Counsell with Our said Son Prince EDWARD, in all matters concerning both his private af∣fairs and publick affairs of the Realm, willing and charging them, and every of them, as they must and shall answer at the day of judgment, wholly and fully to see this my last Will and Testament performed in all things with as much speed an diligence as may be, and that none of them presume to meddle with any of Our treasure, or to do any thing ap∣pointed by Our said Will alone, unlesse the most part of the whole num∣ber of these Co-executors doe consent, and by writing agree to the same; And will that Our said Executors, or the most part of them, may law∣fully doe what they shall think most convenient for the execution of this Our Will without being troubled by Our said Son, or any other, for the same. Willing further, by Our said last Will and Testament, that Sir Ed mund Peckham Our trusty servant and yet Cofferer of Our house, shall be Treasurer, and have the receipt and laying out of all such treasure and money as shll be defrayed by Our Executors for the performance of this Our last Will, straightly charging and commanding the said Sir Edmund, that he pay no great summe of money, but he have first the hands of Our said Executors, or of the most part of them, for his discharge touching the same; charging him further, upon his allegiance, to make a true ac∣count of all such summes as shall be delivered to his hands for this pur∣pose; And sithence We have now named and constituted Our Executors, We will and charge them, that first and above all things, as they will answer before God, and as We put Our singular trust and confidence in them, that they cause all Our due Debts, that can be reasonably shewed and proved before them, to be fully contented and payed as soon as they conveniently can or may after Our decease without longer delay, and that they doe execute these points first, that is to say, the payment of

Our debts, with redresse of injuries, if any such can be duly proved (though to Us they be unknown) before any other part of this Our Will and Testament, Our Buriall, Exequies, and Funerals, onely except.

Furthermore, We will that all such Grants and Gifts as We have made, given or promised, to any which be not yet perfected under Our singe or any Our seals, as they ought to be, and all such recompense for exchan∣ges, sales, or any other thing or things as ought to have been made by Us, and be not yet accomplished, shall be perfected in every point to∣wards all manner of men for discharge of Our conscience, charging Our Executors and all the rest of Our Counsellours to see the same done, per∣formed, finished and accomplished in every point, foreseeing that the said Gifts, Grants, and Promises and Recompense, shall appear to Our said Executors, or the most part of them, to have been granted, made, accord∣ed, or promised, in any manner of wise.

Further, according to the laws of Almighty God, and for the fatherly love which We bear to Our Son Prince EDWARD, and to this Our Realm, We declare Him according to justice, equity, and conscience, to be Our lawfull Heir, and doe give and bequeath unto Him the succession of Our Realms of England, and Ireland, with Our Title of France, and all Our Dominions, both on this side the seas, and beyond, a convenient portion for Our Will and Testament to be reserved.

Also, We give unto Him all Our plate, stuffe of houshold, artillery, ordnance, ammunition, ships, cables, and all other things and imple∣ments to them belonging, And money also and jewels, saving such por∣tions as shall satisfie this Our last Will and Testament, charging and commanding Him on pain of Our curse, seeing He hath so loving a Fa∣ther of Us, and that Our chief labour and study in this world is to esta∣blish Him in the Crown Imperial of this Realm after Our decease, in such sort as may be pleasing to God, and to the wealth of this Realm, and to His own honour and quiet, that He be ordered and ruled both in His marriage, and also in ordering the affairs of the Realm, as well outward, as inward; And also in all His own private affairs, and in giving of Offi∣ces of charge by the advise and counsell of Our right entirely beloved Counsellours, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Wriothesly Chan∣cellour of England, the Lord St. John great Master of Our house, the Lord Russell Lord Privie Seal, the Earl of Hertford great Chamberlain of England, the Viscount Lisle high Admirall of England, the Bishop Tonstall of Duresme, Sir Anthony Browne Knight, Master of Our horses, Sir William Pagett Our chief Secretary, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir William Herbert, Justice Montague, and Bromley, Sir Edward Wotton, Mr. Doctor Wotton, and Sir Edward North, whom We ordain, name, and appoint, and by these presents signed with Our hand, doe make and constitute Our Privie Counsell with Our said Son, and will, that they have the gover∣nance of Our most dear Son Prince EDWARD, and of all Our Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and of all the Affairs publick and private, un∣till he shall have fully compleated the xviij^th year of his age.

And, for because the variety and number of things, affairs, and mat∣ters are, and may be, such as we not knowing the certainty of them before cannot conveniently prescribe a certain order or rule unto Our said Coun∣sellours for their behaviours and proceedings in this charge which We have now, and doe appoint unto them, about Our said Son, during the time of his minority aforesaid, We therefore for the speciall trust and confidence which We have in them, will, and by these presents, doe give and grant full power and authority unto Our said Counsellours, that they all, or the most part of them, being assembled together in Counsell, or if any of them fortune to die, the more part of them which shall be for

the time living being assembled in Counsel together,* 10.164 shall,* 10.165 and may make, devise, and ordain what things soever they, or the more part of them, as aforesaid, shall, during the minority of Our said Son, think meet, ne∣cessary, and convenient, for the benefit, honour, and surety of the weal, profit, and commodity of Our said Son; His Realms; Dominions; or Sub∣jects, or the discharge of Our conscience. And the same things devised, made, or ordained by them, or the more part of them aforesaid, shall, and may lawfully doe, execute and accomplish, or cause to be done, exe∣cuted and accomplished by their discretions, or the discretions of the more part of them, as aforesaid, in as large and ample manner, as if We had or did expresse unto them by a more speciall Commission under Our Great Seal of England, every particular cause that may chance or occurre during the time of Our said Sons minority, and the self-same manner of proceeding, which they shall for the time think meet to use and follow. Willing and charging our said Son, and all others, which shall hereafter be Counsellours to Our said Son, that they never charge, molest, trouble, or disquiet Our aforesaid Counsellours, nor any of them, for the devising or doing, nor any other person for the doing of that they shall devise, or the more part of them, devise or doe, assembled, as is aforesaid.

And, We doe charge expresly the same Our entirely beloved Counsel∣lours and Executors that they shall take upon them the rule and charge of Our said Son and Heir, in all His causes and affairs, and of the whole Realm, doing neverthelesse all things as under Him and in His name, untill Our said Son and Heir shall be bestowed and married by their ad∣vise, and that the xviij^th year be expired, willing and desiring furthermore Our said trusty Counsellours, and then all Our trusty and assured Ser∣vants; and thirdly, all other Our loving Subjects, to aid and assist Our forenamed Counsellors in the execution of the premises during the afore∣said time. Not doubting but they will in all things deal so truly and up∣rightly, as they shall have cause to think them well chosen for the charge committed unto them, straightly charging our said Counsellours and Executors, and in Gods name exhorting them for the singular trust and speciall confidence which We have and ever had in them, to have a due and diligent eye, perfect zeal, love and affection to the honour, surety, estate, and dignity of Our said Son, and the good state and prosperity of this Our Realm; And that all delaies set apart, they well aid and assist Our said Counsellours and Executors to the performance of this Our present Testament and last Will, in every part, as they will answer before God at the day of judgment, Cum venerit judicare vivos & mortuos; and fur∣thermore for the speciall trust and confidence which we have in the Earls of Arundell, and Essex, that now be, Sir Thomas Cheny Knight Treasu∣rer of Our houshold, Sir John Gage Knight Comptroller of Our hous∣hold, Sir Anthony Wingfield Knight Our Vice Chamberlain, Sir William Peeter Knight one of Our two principall Secretaries, Sir Richard Rich Knight, Sir John Baker Knight, Sir Ralph Sadler Knight, Sir Thomas Sey∣mour Knight, Sir Richard Southwell, and Sir Edmund Peckham Knights, they, and every of them, shall be of Counsell, for the aiding and assisting of the forenamed Counsellours and Our Executors, when they or any of them shall be called by Our said Executors, or the more part of the same.

Item, We bequeath to Our Daughters MARY and ELIZABETH's marriage, they being married to any outward Po••entate, by the advise of the aforesaid Counsellours (if We bestow Them not in Our life time) Ten thousand pounds in money, plate, jewels, and houshold-stuffe, for each of Them, or a larger summe, as to the discretion of Our Executors, or the more part of them, shall be thought convenient, Willing Them on

My blessing to be ordered as well in marriage, as in all other lawful things by the advise of Our forenamed Counsellours, And in case They will not, then the summes to be minished at the Counsellours discretions.

Further, Our Will is, that from the first hour of Our death until such time as the said Counsellours can provide either of Them, or both, some Honourable marriages, They shall have each of Them MMM li. ultra reprisas to live upon, willing and charging the aforesaid Counsellours to limit and appoint to either of Them such sage Officers and Ministers for orderance thereof, as it may be employed both to Our Honour and Theirs; And for the great love, obedience, chastnesse of life and wis∣dome being in Our forenamed Wife and Queen, We bequeath unto Her for Her proper use, and as it shall please Her to order it, MMM li. in plate, jewels, and stuffe of houshold, besides such apparell is it shall please Her to take as She hath already; And further, We give unto Her M li. in money, with the enjoying of Her Dowry and Joynture, according to Our Grant by Act of Parliament.

Item, for the kindnesse and good service that Our said Executors have shewed unto Us, We give and bequeath unto each of them such summes of money, or the value of the same as hereafter ensueth: First, to the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury vC marks, to the Lord Wriothesly vCli. to the Lord St. John vCli. to the Lord Russell vCli. to the Earl of Hertford vCli. to the Viscount Lisle vCli. to the Bishop of Duresme CCC li. to Sir Anthony Browne CCC li. to Sir William Pagett CCC li. to Sir Anthony Denny CCC li. to Sir William Herbert CCC li. to Justice Montague CCC li. to Justice Bromley CCC li. to Sir Edward North CCC li. to Sir Heward Wotton CCC li. to Doctor Wotton CCC li.

Also, for the speciall love and favour that We bear to Our trusty Counsellours and other Our said Servants, hereafter following, We give and bequeath unto them such summes of money, or the value thereof as is tottad upon their heads: First, to the Earl of Essex CC li. to Sir Tho∣mas Theny CC li. to the Lord Herbert CC li. to Sir John Gage CC li. to Sir Thomas Seymour CC li. to John Gage CC li. to Sir Thomas Darcy Knight CC li. to Sir Thomas Speke Knight CC marks, to Sir Philip Hobbey Knight CC marks, to Sir Thomas Paston CC marks, to Sir Mor∣rice Barkeley CC marks, to Sir Ralph Sadler CC li. to Sir Thomas Car∣den CC li. to Sir Peter Newtas CC marks, to Edward Bullingham CC marks, to Thomas Audeley CC marks, to Edmund Harman CC marks, to John Penne C marks, to Henry Nevile a C li. to William Symbarbe C li. to Richard Cooke C li. to John Osborne C li. to David Vincent C li. to James Rufforth Keeper of Our house here C marks, to Richard Cecill Yeoman of Our Robes C marks, to Thomas Strenhold Groom of Our Robes C marks, to John Rowland Page of Our Robes L li. to the Earl of Arundell Lord Chamberlain CC li. to Sir Anthony Wingfield Vice-Chamberlain CC li. to Sir Edmond Peckham CC li. to Sir Richard Rich CC li. to Sir John Baker CC li. to Sir Rich Southwell CC li. to Mr. Doctor Owen C li. to Mr. Doctor Wendy C li. to Mr. Doctor Cromer C li. to Thomas Alssop C marks, to Patrick C marks, to John Ailef C marks, to Henry Forrest C marks, to Richard Ferrers C marks, to John Holland C marks, to the four Gentlemen Ushers of Our chamber (being daily Waiters) a hundred pound in all; And We will that Our Executors, or the most part of them, shall give Orders for the payment of such Legacies as they shall think meet to such Our ordinary Servants, as unto whom▪ We have not appointed any Legacy by this Our present Testament. Finally, this present Writing in Paper We ordain and make Our last Will and Testament, and will the same to be reputed and taken to all intents and purposes for Our good, strong, available, most perfect

and last Will and Testament, And We doe declare all other Wills and Testaments made at any time by Us to be void and of none effect.

¶In witnesse whereof, We have signed it with Our hand in Our Palace at Westminster the thirtieth day of December, in the yeare of our Lord God 1546. after the computation of the Church of England, and of Our Reign the xxxviij^th year, being present, and called to Witnesse the Persons which have written their names:

• John Gate.
• Ed: Harman.
• William Saint-Barbe.
• Henry Nevill.
• Richard Cooke.
• David Vincent.
• Patrick.
• George Owen.
• Thomas Wendy.
• Robert Kewicke.
• William Clerke.

51. This the Will was drawn up some two years since,* 10.166 before He went to Bologne, as is intimated in a passage, Be it beyond the sea, &c. which now was onely fairly written over again, without any alteration, save that Stephen Gardiner was expunged from being one of His Executors. It seems, that formerly (find∣ing none substituted in Gardiner's room) He appointed seventeen Executors, that so a decisive Vote might avoid equality of Voices. And, although in this Will, provision is made for multitude of Masses to be said for his soule, yet* 10.167 one (pre∣tending to extraordinary intelligence herein) would perswade us, that K. Henry intended in His later daies so thorow a Reformation, as not to have left one Masse in the Land, if death had not prevented Him.

52. Amongst His Servants in ordinary attendance, to whom Legacies were be∣queathed, * 10.168 Richard Cecil there named Yeoman of the Robes, was the Father to Wil∣liam Cecil afterwards Baron of Burghly and Lord Treasurer of England. Thomas Sternhold, Groom of the Robes (and afterwards of the* 10.169 Bed chamber to King Ed∣ward the sixth) was one of them who translated the Psalmes into English Meeter, being then accounted an excellent Poet; though he who wore bayes in those daies, deserveth not ivie in cur Age. Now, seeing by the rules of justice, and the Kings own appointment, His Debts were to be paid before His Legacies; and, see∣ing many of His personall debts remained unsatisfied till the daies of Queen Eliza∣beth, probably most of these Legacies were never paid, especially to inferiour per∣sons: As if it were honour enough for them to have such summs bequeathed unto, though never bestowed upon them.

53. Whereas mention in this Will of a Monument well onwards and almost made,* 10.170 it is the same which Cardinal Wolsey built For King Henry, and not for him∣self, as is commonly reported. Wherefore, whereas there goeth a tale, That King Henry one day finding the Cardinal with the workmen making His Monu∣ment, should say unto him, Tumble your self in this Tomb whilest you are alive, for when dead, you shall never lie therein; it is a meer fiction, the Cardinal originally intending the same for the King, as appeareth by the ancient Inscription* 10.171 there∣upon, wherein King Henry was stiled LORD (not KING) of Ireland, without addition of supreme Head of the Church, plainly shewing the same was of antient date in the daies of the Cardinal.

54. Whereas the Lady Mary and Elizabeth,* 10.172 Their marriages are so severely conditioned, that if made without consent of the Councell, They were to forfeit

Their right to the Crown, men interpret it as provided in terrorem, and not otherwise. Yet, this clause was it which afterwards put so plausible a pretence on Wiat his rebellion; which, though made of rotten cloth, had notwithstanding a good colour thereon. Now, whereas the King's Nieces (the Daughters to Mary His younger Sister) were not clogg'd in this His Will with such restrictions con∣cerning their Marriages, the plain reason was, because both of them were already married before this Will was made: Frances the elder, to Henry Gray Marquesse Dorset, (afterward Duke of Suffolke) and Eleanour the younger, to Henry Clifford Earl of Cumberland.

55. The Portion of but ten thousand pounds a piece left to His two Daughters,* 10.173 was not much unproportionable to the value of money as it went in that Age, though a summe small for such an use in our daies. And I have heard, that Queen Eliza∣beth being informed that Doctor Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thou∣sand pounds in marriage with his Daughter; and, being offended that a Prelates daughter should equal a Princesse in portion, took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishoprick, and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Gar∣rison of Barwick.

56. Very much of His own abitrarinesse appears in this Will of King Henry, * 10.174 entalling the Crown according to His own fancie, against all right, and reason. For, first, how unjust was it, that His female issue by Queen Katharine Parr, His last Wife (had He had any) should inherit the Crown before Mary and Elizabeth His eldest Daughters by His former Wives? If Mary and Elizabeth were not His lawfull Children, how came They by any right to the Crown? If His lawfull Children, why was Their birth-right and seniority not observed in succession? Well it was for Them that Henry Fitz Roy His naturall Son (but one of super∣naturall and extraordinary endowments) was dead, otherwise (some suspect) had He survived King Edward the sixth, we might presently have heard of a K. Henry the ninth; so great was His Fathers affection, and so unlimited His power to pre∣ferre Him.

57. But the grand injury in this His Testament is,* 10.175 That He quite passeth over the Children of Margaret, His eldest Sister, married into Scotland, with all Her issue, not so much as making the least mention thereof.

58. Great indeed, (when this Will was first made) was the antipathy, which for the present possessed Him against the Scotch, with whom then He was in actual warre, though at other times, when in good humour, very courteous to His kin∣red of that extraction. For, most sure it is, that when Margaret Douglas, His Sisters Daughter, was married to Math. Earle of Lenox, He publickly profes∣sed, That in case His own Issue failed, He should be right glad some of Her body should sacceed to the Crown, as it came to* 10.176 passe.

59. Of the eleven Witnesses,* 10.177 whose names are subscribed to His Will, the nine first are also Legatees therein, and therefore (because reputed Parties) not suffi∣cient Witnesses had it been the Will of a private person. But, the Testaments of Princes move in an higher sphere, than to take notice of such Punctilloes, and (forraigners being unfit to be admitted to such privacies) domesticall Servants were preferred as the properest Witnesses, to attest an Instrument of their Lord and Master.

60. It is but just with God, that He who had too much of His Will done,* 10.178 when living, should have the lesse, when dead, of His Testament performed. The ensu∣ing Reformation swept away the Masses and Chantery Priests founded to pray for His soul. The Tombs of Henry the sixth, and Edward the fourth, (the one the last of Lancaster, the other the first of Yorke, the Titles of both which Houses met in this Henry) remain at this day in statu quo priùs, without any amendment. Where, by the way, seeing in this Will King Henry the sixth, is styled his Uncle, I cannot make out the relation in the common sence of the word, except any will say, that Kings Uncles (as their Cousins) are oft taken in a large and favourable acception. But the main wherein His Will missed the intent is in that the Scotch Line, neg∣lected

and omitted by Him, (ordinary Heirs are made in Heaven, Heirs to Crowns in the Heaven of Heavens) came in Their due time to the Throne, Their undoubt∣ed Right thereunto recognized by Act of Parliament.

61. After the making of this his Will,* 10.179 He survived a full Month, falling imme∣diately sick. He had ses{que} corpus, a body and half, very abdominous & unweldy with fat, and it was death to Him to be dieted, so great His appetite, and death to Him not to be dieted, so great His corpulency. But now all His humours repaired to one place, and setled themselves in an old sore in His thigh, which quickly grew to be greatly enflamed. Here flame met with fire, the anguish of the sore, with an hot and impatient temper, so that during his sickness, few of His Servants durst approach His presence. His Physicians, giving Him over, desired some, who tendred the good of His soul, to admonish Him of His estate. But such, who could flie with good tidings, would not halt to Him with ill newes. Besides, lately a Law was made, That none should speak any thing of the King's death. Which Act, though onely intended to retrench the Predictions and mock-Prophesies of Southsayers, yet now all the Courtiers (glad of so legall a covert for their cowar∣dise) alledged it, to excuse themselves to inform the King of Nis approaching end. At last Sir Anthony Denny went boldly unto Him, and plainly acquainted Him of His dying condition; whereupon, Archbishop Cranmer was by the King his desire sent for, to give him some ghostly counsell and comfort.

62. But before Cranmer (then being at Croidon) could come to Him,* 10.180 He was altogether speechlesse, but not senslesse. The Archbishop exhorted Him to place all His trust in Gods mercies thorough Christ, and besought Him, that (if He could not in words) He would by some signe or other testifie this His hope. Who then wringed the Archbishops hand as hard as He could, and shortly after expi∣red, having lived fifty five years, and seven moneths;* 10.181 and thereof reigned thirty seven years, nine moneths, and six daies.

63. As for the report of Sanders,* 10.182 that King Henry perceiving the pangs of ap∣proaching Death, called for a great bowle of white wine, and drinking it off, should say to the company, We have lost all; it is enough to say, it is a report of Sanders. As loud a lie is it what he affirmeth, that the last words heard from His mouth were, The Monks, the Monks, and so gave up the ghost. This may goe hand in hand with what another Gatholick* 10.183 relates, that a black Dog (he might as truly have said a blew one) lickt up His blood, whilest the stench of His corps could be charmed with no embalming, though indeed there was no other noy∣somnesse than what necessarily attendeth on any dead body of equall corpu∣lency.

64. Vices most commonly charged on His memory are:* 10.184 1. Covetousness, He was an eminent Instance, to verifie the Observation, Omnis prodigus est avarus, vast His profusiveness, (coming a fork, after a rake) not only spending the great Trea∣sure left Him by His Father; but also vast wealth beside, and yet ever in want, and rapacious to supply the same. Secondly, Cruelty, being scarce ever observed to pardon any Noble person, whom He condemned to death. I finde but two black swannes in all the currant of His Reign, that tasted of His favour herein. And therefore when Arthur* 10.185 Lord Lisle imprisoned, and daily expecting death in the Tower, was unexpectedly set free, he instantly died of soddain joy; so that it seems King Henry's pity proved as mortal as His cruelty. Thirdly, Wantonness, which cannot be excused; But these faults were (if not over) even poised with His virtues, of Valour, Bounty, Wisdome, Learning and love of Learned men, scarce one Dunce wearing a Miter all His daies.

65. The Monument mentioned in His Will,* 10.186 as almost made, was never all made, but left imperfect, whereof many reasons are rendred. Some impure it to the very want of workmen, unable to finish it, according to the exactnesse wherewith it was begun; a conceit in my minde, little better than scandalum seculi, and very derogatory to the Art and Ingenuity of our Age.* 10.187 Others more truly ascribe it to the costlinesse thereof, which deterred His Successours from finishing of it.

Indeed, King Henry the seventh in erecting His own Monument in His Chappell at Westminster, did therein set a Pattern of despair for all Posterity to imitate. And yet Sanders* 10.188 tells us, That Queen Mary had a great minde to make up His Tomb, but durst not for fear a Catholick should seem to countenance the memory of one dying in open schism with the Church of Rome. As for His imperfect Monument, it was beheld like the barren Fig-tree, bearing no fruit, and cumbring the* 10.189 ground, (I mean the Chappell wherein it stood) and therefore it was, since these Civill Warres, took down, and sold by order of Parliament.

66. In the Reign of Queen Mary,* 10.190 it was reported, that Cardinal Poole (whose spleen generally vented it self against dead-mens bodies) had a designe, with the principall Clergie of England, to take up and burn the body of King Henry the eighth. This plot is said to be discovered by Doctor Weston* 10.191 Dean of Westmin∣ster. But because Weston was justly obnoxious for his scandalous living (for which at that time he stood committed to the Tower) and bare a personal grudge to the Cardinal, his report was the lesse credited, as proceeding from revenge, and desire to procure his own enlargement.

67. Indeed, when a Vault,* 10.192 seven years since, was pierced in the midst of the Quire at Windesor, therein to interre the corps of King CHARLES, they lighted on two Coffins therein. Now (though no memory alive could reach the same, yet) constant tradition, seconded with a* 10.193 coincidency of all signs and circumstances concluded these Coffins to contain the bones of King HENRY the eighth, and His dear Queen JANE SEYMOUR. And yet the bignesse of the Coffin, (though very great) did not altogether answer that Giant-like proportion, which posterity hath fancied of Him.

The end of the Fift Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Poor profess∣ours still pre∣served by Gods provi∣dence.
• * 1.2

  Hen. 7. 17.
• * 1.3

  1501
• * 1.4

  22.
• * 1.5

  1506
• * 1.6

  Some burnt, some brand∣ed for the profession of the truth.
• * 1.7

  Anno Dom. 1506
• * 1.8

  Annos Regis Hen. 7 22.
• a 1.9

  Fox his Acts and Monuments, I. Vo∣lume, p. 1010.
• b 1.10

  Fox 1011.
• c 1.11

  Gal. 6. 17.
• d 1.12

  Mat. 5. 39.
• e 1.13

  Fox. p. 1011.
• * 1.14

  The cruel killing of Thomas Chase.
• * 1.15

  The Pope and King Hen 7. share the mo∣ney for Par∣dones betwixt them.
• f 1.16

  Antiq Brit. in Henri•••• D••∣••co.
• * 1.17

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 22.
• * 1.18

  Anno Dom. 1506.
• * 1.19

  24.
• * 1.20

  1508
• * 1.21

  Hen. 8 1.
• * 1.22

  Hen. 8. succeedeth his father.
• * 1.23

  1509
• * 1.24

  He marrieth the relict of his brother Arthur.
• * 1.25

  Sanders de schismate An∣glicano, lib. 1. pag. 2.
• * 1.26

  Abjured Lol∣lards wear faggots.
• * 1.27

  Sweeting and Brewster burnt.
• a 1.28

  Fox, Volum. 2. pag. 12.
• * 1.29

  Anno Dom. 1511
• * 1.30

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 4. Ohab. 18.
• * 1.31

  Richard Hunn murdered in Lallards-tower.
• a 1.32

  Exam of Fox his Mart. for the month of Decemb. pag. 279. and 282.
• b 1.33

  1 Tim 3.3.
• c 1.34

  Godwin in C••t. of Bish. of York. pag. 72.
• * 1.35

  The Found∣ing of C••rpus∣Christi-Colledg in Oxford.
• d 1.36

  Godwin in the Bishops of Winchester, pag. 297
• e 1.37

  Pitzaeus de Acad. Oxon. pag.36,
• f 1.38

  John White in libro diacosio, &c.
• * 1.39

  See more of him, Anno 1584.
• * 1.40

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 8.
• * 1.41

  Anno Dom. 1516
• * 1.42

  Hugh Oldham his bounty.
• a 1.43

  Godwin in the Bishops of Exeter, pag. 473.
• b 1.44

  See Jo. Scot. his Tables.
• c 1.45

  Gen. 23. 15.
• * 1.46

  The death of Dean Collet.
• d 1.47

  Stows Sur∣vey, p. 265.
• * 1.48

  Founder of Pauls School.
• e 1.49

  John 21. 11.
• * 1.50

  The Mercers made Over∣seers thereof.
• f 1.51

  In his Epistle unto Jo∣docus Jon••s.
• * 1.52

  Out of provi∣dent presci∣ence.
• g 1.53

  Pitzaeus de Ang. Scriptor. pag. 697.
• * 1.54

  ••is Grammer 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.55

  Anno Dom. 1519
• * 1.56

  Anno Ragis Hen. 8 11.
• a 1.57

  Godwins An∣nals, pag. 16.
• * 1.58

  And privile∣ged by au∣thority.
• b 1.59

  Pitzaeus ut prius.
• * 1.60

  King Henry writes against Luther.
• * 1.61

  Stiled by the Pope Desen∣der of the Faith.
• c 1.62

  Jude 3.
• * 1.63

  His: Jesters reply.
• * 1.64

  Wolsey his un∣limited pow∣er and pride.
• d 1.65

  Fox Acts & Monumnets.
• * 1.66

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 13.
• * 1.67

  Anno Dom. 1521
• a 1.68

  2 Sam. 12 3.
• * 1.69

  He was the first confound∣der of ab∣bies.
• * 1.70

  16.
• * 1.71

  A precedent quickly fol∣lowed.
• * 1.72

  1524
• * 1.73

  Wolsey a Roy∣al Has binger.
• * 1.74

  His vast de∣sign, why un∣known.
• * 1.75

  An over-tart Sarcasme.
• * 1.76

  A second somewhat milder.
• * 1.77

  Three names to one Col∣ledg.
• b 1.78

  Rex Plato∣nitus pagina 44.
• * 1.79

  The pride of the Cardinal humbled by others.
• c 1.80

  Idem. p. 45.
• * 1.81

  Anno Dom. 1524
• * 1.82

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 16.
• * 1.83

  Persecution in the cardi∣nals colledg.
• a 1.84

  Such whose names are no∣ted with a cross, did af∣terwards turn zealous Pa••••••.
• * 1.85

  F••x Acts & Mon. p. 1032.
• * 1.86

  Christ-Church
• a 1.87

  Colony of Cambridg∣men.
• * 1.88

  Cains de An∣tiq Cant. Acad.
• * 1.89

  Wolseys pride in his ser∣vants.
• b 1.90

  Rex Plato∣nicus, pag. 43.
• * 1.91

  Wolsey turns his waiting into revenge.
• * 1.92

  The scruple of the Kings marriage.
• * 1.93

  The King wil∣lingly embra∣ceth the motion.
• * 1.94

  The Pope a Captive.
• * 1.95

  Fishers short plea.
• * 1.96

  Anno Dom. 1529
• * 1.97

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 25.
• * 1.98

  The pleas of the Kings Councel
• * 1.99

  Secrets sub sigillo thalami.
• * 1.100

  July 12.
• * 1.101

  A shrewd re∣tortion.
• * 1.102

  An end in vain expect∣ed.
• * 1.103

  Octo. 22.
• * 1.104

  Love-Letters of King Hen. kept in the Vatican.
• * 1.105

  No haste to end the Kings cause at Rome.
• * 1.106

  King and Queen hoth offended with Wolsey.
• * 1.107

  Wolsey looks two wayes in this design.
• * 2.1

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 22.
• * 2.2

  Anno Dom. 1530.
• * 2.3

  Accused in Parliament and well defended by Mr Cromwel his servant.
• * 2.4

  Prefe••red〈…〉〈…〉 to York.
• * 2.5

  Anno Dom. 1530
• * 2.6

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 22.
• * 2.7

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 2.8

  He states it at York.
• * 2.9

  Arrested of Treason and dieth.
• * 2.10

  Wolseys credu∣lity befooled with dubi∣ous Prophe∣cy.
• * 2.11

  Hen. Lord Howard in his Book against Prophesies. chap. 28. fol. 130.
• * 2.12

  The King de∣luded with delays at Rome.
• a 2.13

  Hist. of Councel of Trent, pag. 69.
• * 2.14

  Doct. cranmet comes to Wal∣tham.
• a 2.15

  In Essex. Pag. 645. But see the former part of Cran∣mers life until this time, in our History of Cambridg.
• * 2.16

  Is imployed by the King to the Pope.
• b 2.17

  Fox Acts & Mon. 1861.
• c 2.18

  Which I have seen at Chesthunt in the house of Sir Tho. Docres, done as I take it by Hans Holbein.
• * 2.19

  Marriage with Brothers Wives twice forbidden in Scripture.
• * 3.1

  Anno Dom. 1530
• * 3.2

  Anno Regis Hen. 8. 22.
• * 4.1

  This proved to be a Law of Nature.
• a 4.2

  Senders de schism. Angli. pag. 3.
• * 4.3

  The Objecti∣on to the con∣trary.
• * 4.4

  Answered.
• * 4.5

  Anno Regis Hen. 8. 82.
• * 4.6

  Anno Dom. 1530
• a 4.7

  Ex••d. 12. 37.
• b 4.8

  Deut. ••5. 5.
• * 4.9

  Gods Laws in∣dispensable with by the Pope.
• c 4.10

  1 Cor. 9. ••••.
• d 4.11

  Gen. 3. 4.
• * 4.12

  Carnal know∣led not mate∣rial in this controversie.
• e 4.13

  Deut. 22. 24.
• * 4.14

  No Christian utility incon∣sistent with honesty.
• * 4.15

  Armies of writers pro & con in this point.
• * 4.16

  Anno Dom. 1530
• * 4.17

  Anno Regis Hen. 8▪ 22.
• b 4.18

  Mark 6. 18.
• * 4.19

  We order them by the seniority of their writing.
• c 4.20

  Properly people of France, living betwixt the Rivers of Ga∣rumna and Sequana.
• * 4.21

  Cranmer ac∣companies o∣thers in an Embassie to Rome.
• d 4.22

  Father Floud, See Mason de mi∣nist. Ang. pag. 157.
• e 4.23

  2 Kings 9. 36.
• * 4.24

  Foreign Uni∣versities de∣termine for the King.
• a 4.25

  Hollinsh. in Hen. 8. pag. 923.
• * 4.26

  May
• b 4.27

  2.
• c 4.28

  7. June.
• d 4.29

  1.
• e 4.30

  1.
• f 4.31

  10.
• g 4.32

  10. July
• h 4.33

  2. Octo.
• * 4.34

  The bold De∣claration of the Universi∣ty of Bononia.
• i 4.35

  Speeds Chro. in H. 8. p. 766.
• k 4.36

  De schismate Anglic. p. 60, 61.
• * 4.37

  The Recusan∣cy of other Universities.
• l 4.38

  Eccles. 10. 19
• * 4.39

  Cranmer tra∣velleth into Germany.
• * 4.40

  The Clergy 〈…〉〈…〉 praemunire.
• * 4.41

  1531
• * 4.42

  Acknowledg the 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Church.
• * 4.43

  Confirmed by Act of Parlia∣ment.
• * 4.44

  The death of Arch Bishop Warham.
• * 4.45

  1532
• * 4.46

  23. Aug. 23.
• a 4.47

  Weavers Fu∣neral Mon.
• b 4.48

  Antiq. Brit. pag.
• * 4.49

  Cranmer sent for, and un∣willing, ac∣cepteth the Arch-Bisho∣prick.
• c 4.50

  Fox Acts & Mon. p. 1703.
• * 4.51

  A preparative to Cranmers just defence.
• * 4.52

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 23.
• * 4.53

  Anno Dom 1532
• a 4.54

  Becan contro: Angl. c. 4. q. 9. n. 6.
• * 4.55

  Cranmer law∣fully conse∣crated.
• b 4.56

  Regist. Cramn. fol. 5.
• * 4.57

  24. Mar. 30.
• * 4.58

  1533
• * 4.59

  His double marriage no ba•• unto him.
• c 4.60

  1 Tim. 3. 2.
• d 4.61

  In dial. cum Tryph.
• e 4.62

  Eph. 83.
• * 4.63

  Bishops, mar∣ried in the Primitive times.
• f 4.64

  Sozomenus lib. 1. cap. 11.
• g 4.65

  Baptistae Mantuenus.
• h 4.66

  In carmine de vitâ suâ.
• m 4.67

  Will, Pryn in his antipa∣thy of prelacy to Monarchie, pag. 131.
• * 4.68

  Cranmer took not the like Oath with his predecessors.
• * 4.69

  The copy of his prote∣station.
• n 4.70

  Ex Regist. Cranmer. fol. 4.
• * 4.71

  Anno Dom. 1533
• * 4.72

  Anno Regis Hen. 8. 24.
• * 4.73

  No cavil but a just charge.
• * 4.74

  A happy match in the event.
• a 4.75

  Mr Pryn, pag. 132.
• * 4.76

  A Rebels weapon.
• b 4.77

  Mr Pryn ut prius.
• * 4.78

  Ill used a∣gainst a loyal subject.
• * 4.79

  The grand cavil.
• c 4.80

  Mr Pryn, pag. 133.
• * 4.81

  Answered.
• * 4.82

  Violent no just depriving.
• * 4.83

  God send va∣lour at last.
• * 4.84

  Remember not what God had forgot∣ten.
• a 4.85

  Mr Pryn, 134.
• b 4.86

  An appeal to any indiffe∣rent.
• * 4.87

  Cranmer Di∣vorceth King Henry.
• * 4.88

  Who Marri∣eth a Lady, and a Bollen.
• * 4.89

  The Impo∣sture of Eli∣beth Barton.
• * 4.90

  Fisher & More befooled by her forgery.
• * 4.91

  Bish. Fisher imprisoned for refusing the Oath of Supremacy.
• * 4.92

  The Convo∣cation of York denies the Kings Supre∣macy.
• * 4.93

  Edw. Lee Arch-Bishop of York a fu∣rious Papist. De Scriptoribus Drit. in Ed∣wardo Sexto.
• * 4.94

  King Henry his answer to York Convo∣cation.
• a 4.95

  Communi∣cated unto me by my good friend Dr Littleton.
• b 4.96

  It is printed in the second part of the Cabal.
• * 4.97

  A couseless cavil.
• c 4.98

  Harding a∣gainst Jewel.
• d 4.99

  Scultingus.
• * 4.100

  The Cavil re∣torted.
• * 4.101

  Anno Regis
• * 5.1

  Anno Dom.
• * 5.2

  Hen. 8 25.
• * 5.3

  1533
• * 5.4

  The Clergie bind them∣selves to the King.
• * 5.5

  A fourfold sort of Con∣vocations.
• * 5.6

  Anno Regis Hen. 25
• * 5.7

  Kings Acted in Church matters be∣fore the Con∣quest.
• a 5.8

  Sir Henry Spelman, Anno 605. pag. 118.
• * 5.9

  Of the second sort of Con∣vocations.
• * 5.10

  Of the third sort of Con∣vocations.
• * 5.11

  The form of ancient Writs of Convoca∣tions.
• * 5.12

  Observations thereon.
• * 5.13

  The last sort of Convoca∣tions.
• * 5.14

  The Authors submission.
• * 5.15

  A vulgar Er∣rour.
• * 5.16

  Calebut Downing.
• * 5.17

  The Martyr∣dom of John Fryth.
• * 5.18

  Anno Dom. 1533
• * 5.19

  Anno Regis Hen. 8 25.
• * 5.20

  Bishop Fi∣shers Letter for new cloaths and a Confessour.
• * 5.21

  1534
• * 5.22

  26.
• a 6.1

  Ex literis in Bibliothecâ Cottoniana.
• b 6.2

  Robert Fi∣sher.
• * 6.3

  Ann. Regis Hē 8. 27.
• * 6.4

  His often ex∣minations.
• * 6.5

  Off 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 6.6

  Extant in Sir Thomas Cottons Library.
• * 6.7

  Taketh offence •• the Preface 〈…〉〈…〉.
• a 6.8

  See in prin∣ted Statutes, 25 of Hen. 8. cap. 22 p. 558.
• b 6.9

  ex Litt. MS. in Bib Corion.
• * 6.10

  Archbishop Cranmer his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cha∣rity.
• * 6.11

  Fisher concea∣ling Bartons forgeries. waved.
• c 6.12

  in his Letter to the King, in bib. Cotton.
• * 6.13

  Y••t how in∣dicted, why condemned.
• * 6.14

  May 7.
• * 6.15

  His 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were spoken May 7. in the Tower of Lon∣don, but he ar∣raigned after∣wards.
• * 6.16

  Papists unjust∣ly charge us for Schismaticks.
• * 6.17

  Three Essen∣tials in Refor∣mation.
• * 6.18

  The grosse er∣rors in Popery.
• * 6.19

  The impossibi∣lity of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 general Coun∣cell.
• * 6.20

  The power of a Nationall Church well improved.
• * 6.21

  Objection to the contrary.
• * 6.22

  Answer 1.
• * 6.23

  Answer 2.
• * 6.24

  Answer 3.
• * 6.25

  2. Objection of the Roma∣nists.
• * 6.26

  The Answer.
• * 6.27

  3. Objection.
• * 6.28

  The Answer.
• * 6.29

  The moderati∣on of Refor∣mers.
• * 6.30

  The Conclusi∣on of the Con∣test.
• * 6.31

  Gen. 38. 29.
• * 6.32

  2 Kings 11. 14.
• * 6.33

  The Popes re¦venues out of England.
• * 6.34

  Greatest under King Hen. 3.
• * 6.35

  Popes profit by sale of Trin∣kets.
• * 6.36

  By his An∣nates.
• a 6.37

  This Cata∣logue was ex∣tracted our of Bishop Godwin.
• * 6.38

  This stan∣deth for Crown.
• b 6.39

  Quod miror Godw in his Catalogue of Bishops, p. 447 By appea's.
• * 6.40

  Exod. 18. 22.
• * 6.41

  By King Athel∣wolth's Pen∣sion.
• c 6.42

  See Sir Henry Spelman's Councils, p. 353. By his Dispen∣sations.
• * 6.43

  By Indulgen∣cies.
• * 6.44

  By Legatine Levies.
• * 6.45

  By Mortua∣ries.
• * 6.46

  By Pardons.
• * 6.47

  By Peter-pence.
• * 6.48

  See Spelman's Council, p 625.
• * 6.49

  To what they amounted.
• * 6.50

  By Pilgrima∣ges.
• * 6.51

  By Tenths.
• * 6.52

  All cannot be truly counted.
• * 6.53

  Acts 19. 27.
• * 6.54

  Polidore Virgil Collector of the English Peter-pence.
• * 6.55

  Be-lawrelleth the Quire of Wells.
• * 6.56

  A Malefactour to Posterity for burning MS.
• * 6.57

  Two-edged Verses.
• * 6.58

  How Papal power in Eng∣land was can∣toned.
• * 6.59

  God first had his share.
• * 6.60

  Mark 7.
• * 6.61

  Christ his due.
• * 6.62

  1 Pet. 2. 25.
• * 6.63

  The holy Spi∣rit his por∣tion.
• * 6.64

  John 15. 26. & 16. 23.
• * 6.65

  The King as∣sumes his share.
• * 6.66

  Ann. Reg.
• * 7.1

  Ann. Dom.
• * 7.2

  Hē. 8. 27. June 22.
• * 7.3

  1535.
• * 7.4

  Fisher made Cardinal.
• * 7.5

  The King en∣raged thereat.
• a 7.6

  Pitscus de Script. Angliae, pag. 803.
• b 7.7

  Mr. Huls, Esq. Beadle of Cambridge.
• * 7.8

  Bishop Fisher his birth, and breeding.
• * 7.9

  Different cha∣racters of Fisher.
• c 7.10

  In favour of Fisher I have left the words untranslated.
• d 7.11

  In his Dedic. Epist. to the Bi∣shop of Wint in his place a∣gainst Occo∣lampadius.—Variance be∣twixt Papists a∣bout Fisher's wealth.
• e 7.12

  De Schism. Ang lib. 1. pag. 123.
• * 7.13

  He welcomes the newes of his death.
• * 7.14

  Yet labours to preserve his life.
• * 7.15

  Prepareth him∣sef for his death.
• * 7.16

  He advanceth to the place of his execution.
• f 7.17

  Ioh. 17. 3, &c.
• * 7.18

  The manner of his mounting the scaffold.
• * 7.19

  His Speech to the people.
• * 8.1

  His execution.
• * 8.2

  His age, and statu••e.
• * 8.3

  His mean, not to say (if true) barbarous bu∣riall.
• * 8.4

  An impudent improbable Lie.
• * 8.5

  Sir. Tho. More's extraction and education.
• * 8.6

  Charged for his over-much jesting.
• * 8.7

  A great Anti-Procestant.
• * 8.8

  July 6.
• * 8.9

  The death and character of Qu. Katharine Dowager.
• * 8.10

  Jan. 8.
• a 8.11

  Sanders de Schismate An∣glicano.
• b 8.12

  Lord Herbert in his Henry the eighth.
• c 8.13

  Gen. 26. 22.
• * 8.14

  The character of Queen Anna Bollen.
• d 8.15

  Daughter to Thomas Earl of Ormond.
• e 8.16

  Sanders de Schismate An∣glicano.
• * 8.17

  The first refor∣med Convoca∣tion.
• * 8.18

  June 8.
• * 8.19

  9.
• f 8.20

  Godw••••••'s An∣nals, Anno Dom. 1536.
• * 8.21

  The silence in the Abbots of the Convoca∣tion.
• g 8.22

  Concordatum erat per Hono∣randum virum [Cromwell] & Reverendos Epi••copos Abba∣tes & Priores Domus superio∣ris. Acta Con∣vocationis cele∣brat, An. 1536. fol. antepenul. ••—
• * 8.23

  The Diurnal of this Convoca∣tion:
• * 8.24

  June 16.
• h 8.25

  Luke 16. 8.
• i 8.26

  Records of Cant. An. Dom. 1536. fol. 9.
• * 8.27

  21.
• * 8.28

  Cranmer so∣lemnly divor∣ceth Anna Bol∣len from the King.
• * 8.29

  What might be the King's de∣signs in this divorce.
• * 8.30

  Ann. Dom. 1536.
• * 8.31

  Ann. Regis Hē. 8. 28.
• * 8.32

  The Convoca∣tion bucksome to please the King in all things.
• k 8.33

  Amos 3. 8.
• * 8.34

  A Catalogue of erroneous opinions com∣plained of in the Convoca∣tion.
• * 8.35

  July 23.
• * 8.36

  Erroneons opi∣nions (as then accounted) complained of in the Convo∣cation.
• * 8.37

  Ann. Regis Hē. 8. 28.
• * 8.38

  Distempered expressions partly excused.
• * 8.39

  Jer. 24. 3.
• * 8.40

  Two contrary parties in the Convocation.
• * 8.41

  Lord Herbert in the Life of Henry the 8th.
• * 8.42

  The Protestant Bishops their moderation vindicated.
• a 8.43

  Mat. 9. 17.
• b 8.44

  Iohn 16.12.
• * 8.45

  The draught of the twi-light Religion, con∣firmed in this Convocation.
• c 8.46

  Esther 6. 13.
• * 8.47

  Ann. Regis. Hē. 8. 28.
• d 9.1

  Iohn 3. 5.
• e 9.2

  Mark 16. 16.
• f 9.3

  Acts 2. 38.
• g 9.4

  Tit. 3. 5.
• b 9.5

  Luke 3. 8.
• i 9.6

  Iohn 20. 23.
• k 9.7

  Luke 10. 16.
• l 9.8

  Luke 3. 8.
• m 9.9

  Rom. 6. 19.
• n 9.10

  1 Cor. 9. 27.
• o 9.11

  1 Cor. 11. 31.
• p 9.12

  Zech. 1. 3.
• q 9.13

  Isa. 58. 7, 8, 9, &c.
• r 9.14

  1 Cor. 11. 27.
• * 9.15

  Vers. 28, &c.
• s 9.16

  Rom. 8. 12, &c.
• t 9.17

  Mat. 19. 17.
• u 9.18

  Gal. 5. 21.
• w 9.19

  Mat. 5. 20.
• * 9.20

  The Convoca∣tion dissolved, and what acted in Parliament.
• * 9.21

  July 20.
• x 9.22

  See them in the Statutes at large.
• y 9.23

  Cap. 1.
• z 9.24

  Cap. 10.
• a 9.25

  Cap. 11.
• b 9.26

  Gap. 16.
• * 9.27

  The birth, b••ee∣ding, frist per∣secution, & far travelling of William Tyndal.
• * 9.28

  Ann. Dom. 1536. Octob. 7.
• c 9.29

  Balcus, de script Brit. pag. 658.
• * 9.30

  He translateth the New, and most part of the Old Te∣stament.
• e 9.31

  Bal. ut pritùs.
• f 9.32

  Fox Martyrol, vol. 2. pag. 364.
• * 9.33

  Faults in his Translation confessed and excused.
• * 9.34

  Tyndal and his Translation both martyred with fine.
• g 9.35

  Fox. u•• piùs.
• h 9.36

  Rem. 13. 1.
• * 9.37

  A parallel betwixt; S. Paul, and Tyndal.
• j 9.38

  Acts 13. 8.
• k 9.39

  Fox, p. 367.
• l 9.40

  Acts 16. 33.
• m 9.41

  Fox, ut priùs.
• n 9.42

  2 Cor. 11. 26.
• * 10.1

  Ann. Dom.
• * 10.2

  Ann Reg.
• * 10.3

  The beginning of the First-fruits Office.
• * 10.4

  1537.
• * 10.5

  Hē. 8. 29.
• o 10.6

  Gen 14. 20 & Heb. 7. 4.
• p 10.7

  Num. 18. 28.
• * 10.8

  Commissio∣ners imployed to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all Ec∣clesistical preferments.
• * 10.9

  Ann. Dom. 1537.
• q 10.10

  In this me∣thod they are named.
• * 10.11

  Instructions given to the Commissio∣ners.
• r 10.12

  Transcribed∣with my owne hand out of the original in the Office.
• s 10.13

  No Clerk in the Office cou'd read this word.
• * 10.14

  Some yeares spent in the work.
• * 10.15

  Vicaridges why so high-rated.
• * 10.16

  Q▪ Mary remits Tenths and First-fruits.
• * 10.17

  2 & 3 Phil & Mary, cap. 4.
• * 10.18

  Q. Elizabeth re∣sumeth them.
• t 10.19

  See the Stat. 1 Eliz. cap. 4.
• u 10.20

  M. Parker Ant. Brit. in vitâ Reginalldi. Peli.
• * 10.21

  The state pro∣fit, and policy of this Office.
• * 10.22

  Some say, such a vectigal from the Clergie is mentioned in Bede.
• * 10.23

  John Lambert condemned, and why.
• * 10.24

  1538.
• * 10.25

  He. 8. 20. Nov. 10.
• w 10.26

  Fox. Acts & Mon.
• * 10.27

  Cranmer's un∣excusable co∣wardly dissi∣mulation.
• * 10.28

  Dutch-men broach strange opinions.
• * 10.29

  24.
• * 10.30

  Stoe in his Chron p. 576.
• * 10.31

  Queen Anne of Cleve why di∣vorced.
• * 10.32

  27. Hē 8. 31.
• * 10.33

  1539.
• * 10.34

  The reparati∣ons the King made her.
• * 10.35

  Ann. Dom. 1539.
• * 10.36

  Ann. Regis Hē. 8. 31.
• a 10.37

  Stow's Fune∣rall Monu∣ments, p. 513.
• * 10.38

  Reformation goes back∣wards.
• * 10.39

  King Henry justly blamed.
• * 10.40

  Compared with King Jehu.
• * 10.41

  The six bloody Articles.
• * 10.42

  The L. Crom∣wel's designe miscarrieth.
• * 10.43

  Ann. Reg. Hē. 8. 32.
• * 10.44

  Ann. Dom. 1540.
• * 10.45

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 10.46

  Cromwell fal's into the Kings displeasure, and peoples hatred.
• b 10.47

  Camdens Brit. in Essex, p. 454.
• * 10.48

  Why Cromwel was deservedly envied.
• * 10.49

  July 9.
• * 10.50

  Cromwell's ad∣mirable parts.
• * 10.51

  Articles char∣ged upon the Lord Cromwell.
• c 10.52

  Prov. 10. 19.
• * 10.53

  An injurious Act to many poor people charged on the Lord Cromwell.
• d 10.54

  Survey of London, p. 187.
• e 10.55

  Survey of London, p. 74.
• f 10.56

  Gen. 21. 26.
• * 10.57

  The worst pas∣sionate Speech objected a∣gainst him.
• g 10.58

  Sir I. Strode of Parubam in Dorcet-shire.
• * 10.59

  His Speech on be scaffold.
• * 10.60

  July 19.
• * 10.61

  29.
• * 10.62

  His Prayer, whereby his Speech may be interpreted.
• * 10.63

  Heaven is just in Barths in∣justice.
• * 10.64

  Yet the Lord Cromwell by a great person acquitted herein.
• * 10.65

  Sir Edward Coke, Part 4. of Institut. in Jurisdiction of Courts, p. 37.
• * 10.66

  His exemplary gratitude.
• * 10.67

  His care for his Children.
• * 10.68

  An eminent instance of his humility.
• b 10.69

  Camdens Brit. in Lincoln-shire.
• * 10.70

  See Vincent in the Earles of Essex.
• * 10.71

  Men of diffe∣rent judgment meeting at their death.
• a 10.72

  Godwin in Henry the 8. pag. 131.
• b 10.73

  Fox in his Book of Mar∣tyrs 2 volume, p. 529.
• c 10.74

  Sanders de schismate Angl. lib. 1. pag. 192.
• * 10.75

  A Statute made for recovery of Tithes.
• d 10.76

  32 Hen. 8. cap. 7.
• e 10.77

  32 Hen. 8. cap. 38.
• f 10.78

  1 Kings 10. 22.
• * 10.79

  Acts of this yeares Convo∣cation.
• * 10.80

  Transcribed with my owne hand, out of the Records of Canterbury.
• g 10.81

  Longland.
• h 10.82

  Gardiner.
• i 10.83

  Goodrick.
• k 10.84

  Heath.
• l 10.85

  Sampson.
• m 10.86

  Capon.
• n 10.87

  Barlow.
• o 10.88

  Bell.
• p 10.89

  Parsew.
• q 10.90

  Holgate.
• r 10.91

  Skip.
• s 10.92

  Thyrlby.
• t 10.93

  Wakeman.
• u 10.94

  Chambers.
• * 10.95

  Words in the Testament which Gardiner desired might be preserved intire in the Translation.
• * 10.96

  Acta Synod. Cant. an. 1541. pag. 48, 49.
• * 10.97

  Take faults and all, as in the Original.
• * 10.98

  Though sen∣sible of Tauto∣logie, (other∣wise spelled) I durst not vary from the Ori∣ginal.
• * 10.99

  The Papists plot therein.
• w 10.100

  Gen. 42. 23.
• x 10.101

  Mat. 1. 23.
• y 10.102

  Mat. 7. 34.
• * 10.103

  Mar. 10.
• * 10.104

  Cranmer stick∣leth for the V∣niversities ap∣probation.
• * 10.105

  Hē. 8. 36.
• * 10.106

  1544.
• * 10.107

  The six Ar∣ticles somewhat mitigated.
• * 10.108

  Hē. 8. 37. Nov. 24.
• * 10.109

  1545.
• * 10.110

  The Acts of the last Parlia∣ment in this Kings Reign.
• a 10.111

  See the prin∣ted Statutes of this year.
• * 10.112

  The originall of Stewes.
• b 10.113

  Camdens Brit in Middl••••••.
• * 10.114

  Ann. Dom. 1545.
• * 10.115

  Ann. Reg. Hē.8.37.
• c 10.116

  Stower Survey of London, pag. 449.
• * 10.117

  The regulation of the Stewes.
• d 10.118

  Stow us priùs.
• * 10.119

  The impossibi∣lity to Legiti∣mate, what in it self is unlaw∣full.
• * 10.120

  Argument pro and con about Stewes.
• c 10.121

  Mark 10. 5.
• * 10.122

  Ann. Reg. Hē.8. 37.
• * 10.123

  Ann. Dom. 1545.
• f 10.124

  I Kings 3.16.
• g 10.125

  Prov.7.10.
• f 10.126

  1. Kings 3. 16.
• f 10.127

  Prov. 7. 10.
• h 10.128

  R••b Fabian in his Chronicle, Anno 1506.
• * 10.129

  Prelates their loss by pomp.
• i 10.130

  Camden in his Brit. in Kent, Pag. 328.
• * 10.131

  The character of Anne Ash∣cough.
• * 10.132

  June 2.
• * 10.133

  Ann. Dom. 1546.
• * 10.134

  Ann. Dom. 1546.
• * 10.135

  Ann. Regis Hē. 8. 38.
• k 10.136

  Parson•• in his Exam. of. Jc. F••x his∣S••••••s in the m••••••th of Jane.
• * 10.137

  Her plea for leaving her husband.
• l 10.138

  Bales Manu∣script, p 91, 92.
• m 10.139

  1 Cor.7.15.
• * 10.140

  She is first rached, and then burn••.
• n 10.141

  Fox, p.1239.
• o 10.142

  Isa.24.15.
• * 10.143

  Her Prose, and Po••••••y.
• p 10.144

  Parsons, utpriùs.
• * 10.145

  Ann. Reg. Hē.8.38.
• * 10.146

  Ann. Dom. 1546.
• * 10.147

  The King mar∣rieth Katbarine∣Parr.
• * 10.148

  The conspiracy of Her enemies against Her.
• * 10.149

  By Gods Pro∣vidence defeat∣ed.
• q 10.150

  In his Exam. of Fox his Mar∣tyrs, in June, c.10. p.433.
• * 10.151

  Parsons his wild intelligence.
• * 10.152

  Testamen∣tum Regis HENRICI octavi.
• * 10.153

  Ann. Dom. 1546.
• * 10.154

  Ann. Regis Hē. 8. 38.
• * 10.155

  Ann. Dom. 1546.
• * 10.156

  Ann. Reg. Hē.8.38
• * 10.157

  Ann. Reg. Hē.8.38.
• * 10.158

  Ann. Dom. 1546.
• * 10.159

  Ann. Dom.1546.
• * 10.160

  Ann. Regis Hē. 8. 38.
• * 10.161

  Names of the Executo. s.
• * 10.162

  Tho: Cranmer.
• * 10.163

  Edw. Seymour. John Dudley.
• * 10.164

  Ann. Dom. 1546.
• * 10.165

  Ann. Reg. Hē. 8. 38.
• * 10.166

  When this Will was made.
• * 10.167

  Fox, Acts and Mon. p. 1291.
• * 10.168

  Legacies scarcely paid.
• * 10.169

  Balens Cent. pagin. 728. ab intim••s cubi∣culis
• * 10.170

  Monument made for the King by the Cardinal.
• * 10.171

  Godwin in Hen 8. p. 200.
• * 10.172

  Why His Nie∣ces more at li∣berty than his Daughters.
• * 10.173

  Ten thousand pounds the portion of a Princesse.
• * 10.174

  Much of arbi∣trarinesse in this Will.
• * 10.175

  The Scotish Line quite left out.
• * 10.176

  Henry Lord Darly her Son, Father to King James.
• * 10.177

  Legatees Wit∣nesses in Kings Will.
• * 10.178

  Little of His Will perfor∣med.
• * 10.179

  His disease, and the manner of His death.
• * 10.180

  His hope ex∣pressed by speechlesse gesture.
• * 10.181

  Jan. 28.
• * 10.182

  Lying Slanders.
• * 10.183

  Rich. Hall in his Manuscript-Life of Bishop Fisher.
• * 10.184

  His Vices and Virtues.
• * 10.185

  Godwin in Hen. 8. p. 181.
• * 10.186

  Why K. Henry's Monument ne∣ver perfected.
• * 10.187

  Godwin in Hen. 8. p. 113.
• * 10.188

  De schis Angl. pag. 216.
• * 10.189

  Luke 13. 7.
• * 10.190

  Card. Poole his project.
• * 10.191

  Fox Acts and Mon. p. 2102.
• * 10.192

  The bones of K. Hen. abused.
• * 10.193

  See more hereof at the buriall of K. Charles.