The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

SECT. III.* 1.1* 1.2

TO JOHN FERRARS OF TAMWORTH Castle, Esquire.

SIR!

MOdest Beggars in London-streets, commonly chuse twylight to prefer their Petitions; that so they may have light enough to discover Him to whom they sue, and darknesse enough to cover and conceal them∣selves.

This may make you the more to admire my boldnesse, who in a meer mid-night (utterly unknowing you, and un∣known to you) request you to accept this Dedication. But know Sir, though I know not your face, I know you are a FER∣RARS, enclined by your Extraction to a Generous Dispositi∣on, as I have found by one of your nearest Relations.

1. MIserable King Edward the fifth ought to have succeeded his Father;* 2.1 but alas!* 2.2 He is ever pictured with a chasma,* 2.3 or distance, be∣twixt his head, and the Crown; and, by the practice of his Uncle, the Duke of Glocester, chosen Pro∣tector (to protect him from any of his friends to come near him) was quickly made away, being a King in right, though not in possession; as his Uncle Richard was in possession, though not in right. All the passages whereof are so elegantly related by Sir Thomas More, that a man shall get little who comes with a forke, where S^r Thomas hath gone with a rake before him, and by his judicious industry collected all remarkables. Onely (as proper to our employment) let us take notice of the carriage of the Clergie in these distractions.

2. Although most of the Prelates were guilty of cowardly compliance with King Richard,* 2.4 yet we finde none eminently active on his side.* 2.5 Indeed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was employed to get Richard Duke of York,* 2.6 from his Queen-Mother in the Sanctuary in Westminster, and very pathetical he was in the perswading her to part with him: haply on a point of conscience, as fearing, if denied, some injury would be offered to the prejudice of the Church, and therefore more willing himself to wooe him from her with eloquence, then that others should wrest him thence with violence. Yet he is generally conceived innocent here in, as not as yet suspecting any fraud in the Duke of Glocester: except any will say, that it was a fault in him, that so great a States-man was no wiser, then to have been deceived by his dissimulation.

3 But of the inferiour Clergie, D^r Shaw, a popular preacher, made himself infamous to all posterity.* 2.7 His Sermon at S^t Pauls Cross had nothing but the text (and that in thea 2.8 Apocrypha) good therein; as consisting of two parts, defaming of the dead, and flattering of the living; making King Edward far worse then he was, and Duke Richard far better then ever he would be. He made King Edward the fourth, and the Duke of Clarence, both to be ba∣stards, and Duke Richard onely right begotten, so proclaiming Cicilie his Mother (still surviving) for a whore; all being done by secret instructions from Duke Richard himself, who hereby gave a worse wound to his Mothers credit, then that which at his birth he caused to her body, being (as it is commonly reported) cut out from her. With Shaw we may couple another brawling cur of the same litter, Pynkney the Provincial of the Augustinian Fri••rs, who in the same place used so loud adulation, he lost his credit, con∣science, and voice, altogether. These two were all (and they too many) of the Clergie whom I finde actively ingaging on his party, whilest multi∣tudes of the Lairy sided with him. So that thorough the popularity of the Duke of Buckingham, the Law-learning of Catesby, the City-interest of Shaw, (then Lord Major of London, and brother to the preacher) the rugged rigor of Ratclifse, and the assistance of other instruments in their several spheres, the Queens kindred were killed,* 2.9 the Lord Hastings murdered, King Edward and his Brother imprisoned, and at last Richard Duke of Glocester elected King of England.* 2.10

4. His Coronation was performed with more pomp then any of his Predecessours; as if he intended with the glory thereof, so to dazle vulgar eyes, that they should not be able to see the shame of his usurpation. Indeed some of our English Kings, who by undoubted right succeeded to the Crown, accounted their Coronation but a matter of course (which did not make but manifest them to be Kings) and so less curious in the pompous celebration thereof. But this Usurper apprehended this ceremony more substantial, and therefore was most punctual in the observation of it, causing all the No∣bility, who held Lands in grand Soveraignty, to do their service in state: amongst whom Richard Dimock, Esquire, hereditary Champion by tenure, with a safe piece of valour (having so many to back him) cast down his Gauntlet, challenging any that durst oppose the title of King Richard, and (for ought I do know to the contrary) he afterwards made his challenge good in Bosworth field. And, because sure binde, sure finde; he is said, and his Queen, to be Crowned again in York with great solemnity.

5. Soon after followed the murder of King Edward,* 2.11 and his Brother Richard Duke of York. It was high time they should set, when another already was risen in the throne. By a bloudy bloudless death they were stifled with pillows, and then obscurely buried▪ The uncertainty of their interment gave the advantage to Perkin Warbeck, afterwards to counterfeit Richard Duke of York: so like unto him in age, carriage, stature, feature, favour, that he wanted nothing but success; to make him who did but personate Duke Richard, to pass current for the person of Duke Richard.

6. After this bloudy act,* 2.12 King Richard endeavoured to render himself popular.* 2.13 First by making good Laws in that sole Parliament kept in his Reign.* 2.14 Benevolence, malevolence, which formerly the subjects unwillingly willing had paid to their Soveraign (power, where it requests, commands; it not being so much thank-worthy to grant, as dangerous to deny it) he re∣trenched, and reduced to be granted onely in Parliament. He regulated Trading, which the Lombards, and other foraigners had much ingrossed, to the detriment of the English Nation. Now, although all people carry much of their love and loyaltie in their purses, yet all this would not ingra∣tiate this Usurper with them, the dullest nostrils resenting it done, not for love of vertue, but his own security. And, that affects none, which all pal∣pably discover to be affected.

7. Next he endeavoured to work himself into their good will,* 2.15 by erecting and endowing of Religious Houses; so to plausiblelize himself, espe∣cialy among the Clergy. Thus he built one far North, at Middleham, and and a College in the Parish ofa 2.16 Alhallows-Barking, hard by the Tower, as if he intended by the vicinity thereof, to expiate those many murders, which he therein had committed. Besides, he for his time dis-Forested Whichwood in * 2.17 Oxford-shire (then far more extended then in our Age) which his brother Ed∣ward had made Forest to the great grievance of the Country thereabouts. Yet all would not do, the people being more patient for an injury done by King Edward, then thankful for the favour this Richard bestowed upon them. He is said also to have given to Queens College in Cambridgc 2.18 five hundred marks of yearly rent; though at this time, I believe, the College receives as little benefit by the Grant, as Richard had right to grant it. For, it was not issued out of his own purse, but given out of the lands of his enemy, the unjustly proscribed Earl of Oxford; who being restored by Henry the se∣venth, made a resumption thereof.

8. Duke Richard was low in stature,* 2.19 crook-backed, with one shoulder higher then the other, having a prominent gobber-tooth, a war-like counte∣nance which well enough became a souldier. Yet a modern ^de 2.20 Author, in a Book by him lately set forth, eveneth his shoulders, smootheth his back, planeth his teeth, maketh him in all points a comly, and beautiful person. Nor stoppeth he here, but proceeding from his naturals to his morals, ma∣keth him as vertuous, as handsome (which in some sense may be allowed to be true) concealing most, denying some, defending others of his foulest facts, wherewith in all ages since he standeth charged on record. For mine own part, I confess it no heresie to maintain a paradox in History, nor am I such an enemy to wit, as not to allow it leave harmlesly to disport it self for its own content, and the delight of others. Thus Cardan hath written his Encomium Neronis, and others (best husbandmen who can improve the bar∣rennest ground) have by art endeavoured to praise as improbable subjects. But, when men shall do it cordially, in sober sadness, to pervert peoples judgments, and therein go against all received Records, I say, singularity is the least fault can be laid to such mens charge. Besides, there are some Birds (Sea-pies by name) who cannot rise except it be by flying against the winde, as some hope to atchieve their advancement, by being contrary, and para∣doxal in judgment to all before them.

9. Soon after followed the execution of the Duke of Buckingham,* 2.21 King Richard his grand enginere, or, Master of the fabrick of his preserment. The occasion thus; The Duke requested-required of King Richard (as confident that his merits were incapable of a denial) the Earldome of Hereford, and the hereditary Constable-ship of England, laying title to them by discent. Well did he ask both together, which would be granted both together. For the Earldome of Hereford was an Abishag, concubine to the former Kings of England, which had long lien in the Crown (whilest in the Lancastrian line) so imbraced and interlaced therewith, that it was difficult to dissever them.

And the affecting thereof proved as fatall to Buckingham,* 2.22 as the desiring of the other was to Adonijah,* 2.23 being interpreted in both an ambition of the Kingdome. The Hereditary Constableship was conceived too unlimited a power to be trusted to a Subject, lest he should make more disorder, then he should mend therewith; so that in fine, both in effect were denied unto him.

10. Buckingham stormes thereat,* 2.24 Shall a Coronet be denied him, by him, on whom he had conferred a Crown? Yet, what anger soever boiled in his ••eart, none ran over in his mouth, pretending very fair in his behavi∣our. But, hard it is to halt before a cripple, and dissemble before King Ri∣chard. The Duke withdraws to Brecknock in Wales, with his prisoner Bishop Morton of Elie (committed unto him by the King on some distaste) who tampered with him about the marriage of Henry Earl of Richmond, with the eldest Daughter of King Edward the fourth. The Duke carried himself so open therein, that (surprised by King Richard) his head was divorced from his body, before this marriage was compleated.

II. More cunning was Bishop Morton to get himself over into France,* 2.25 there to contrive the Union of the two Houses of York and Lancaster. If, Blessed be the peace-makers, be pronounced of such as reconcile party and party: how much more must it be true of his memory, the happy instrument to unite those Houses, to the saving of the effusion of so much bloud. Some will say, it was a design obvious to every capacity, to make such an union. But, we all know, when a thing is done, then it is easie for any to do it. Besides, it is one thing for men in their brains barely, and notionally to apprehend a project; and another (as our Morton did) to elect proportionable means, and, by the vigorous prosecution thereof, really to effect it.

12. A modern Writer in his voluminous book,* 2.26 which he hath Enti∣tuled, The Rebellions, Treasons, Conspiracies, Antimonarchical practises &c. of the English Prelates, to swell his number, chargeth this Bishop Morton with Treason against King Richard the third. But, is it treason for one, in savour of the true heir, to oppose an Usurper in Title, and Tyrant in pra∣ctice? Surely unbiased judgments behold Morton herein under a better no∣tion. Had this Bishop been active on King Richards side, how would the same Author have proclaimed him for a Traitor against King Henry the seventh? Thus I see an inevitable necessity, that Morton must be a Traitor whatsoever he did; and observe, that no practice will please which cometh from one, whose person, or profession is distasted.

13. But King Richard his cruelties had so tired out Divine patience,* 2.27 that his punishment could be no longer deferred.* 2.28 Henry Earl of Richmond lands with an handful of men at Milford Haven.* 2.29 A landing place politickly cho∣sen, near Pembroke, the place of his Nativity, in the heart of his Country∣men, and Kinsmen, the Welsh (his grand-father Owen ap Theodore, alias, Tuthar, having thence his extraction) and far from London, the Magazine of King Richards might. From Milford the Earl marched North-East, through the bowels of Wales; and, both his Army, and fame thereof, crevit eundo, grew by going. Many old Prophesies (the people about Leicester will load a stranger with them) were fulfilled in him, and this amongst the rest may be remembred. It was foretold, that in a great battle, which was to be fought near Leicester, whosoever should shoot the arrow first, should have the victory. This most understood, that the archer in the fight which should first let loose, should gain the day to his side. When behold the Earl of Richmond, bending his march out of Wales, to the middle of England, first passed Arrow, a rivolet in the confines of Worcester and Warwick-shire, and accordingly proved victorious. For into Leicester-shire he came, and in the navel thereof is met by King Richard, and next morning both sides deter∣mine to trie their fortunes in fight. This night the Earl had sweet and quiet rest, whilest King Richard his guilty conscience was frighted with hideous

dreams,* 2.30 and fanciful apparitions,* 2.31 as no wonder if no pillow could give him quiet sleep, who with a pillow had so lately smothered his Lord and Master.

14. The Battle is called the Battle of Bosworth (though fought full three miles from thea 2.32 Town,* 2.33 and nearer other Country Villages) because Bosworth is the next Town of not ethereunto. The Earls Army fell far short of the Kings in number, and Armes; equalled it in cou∣rage, exceeded it in cause, and success. Indeed the Kings Army was hollow at the heart, many marching in his main battle, who were much suspe∣cted (and therefore purposely placed there to secure them from flying out) and fought as unwilling to overcome. Yet the scales of victory seemed for a long time so equal, that an exact eye could not discern on which side the beam did break. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thou∣sand fresh men, decided the controversie on the Earls side. King Richard fighting (valiantly, so his friends; desperately, say his foes) fell in the midst of his enemies, and his corps were disgracefully carried to Leicester, without a rag to cover his nakedness; as if no modest usage was due to him when dead, who had been so shameless in his cruelty when alive. The Crown ornamental being found on his head, was removed to the Earls, and he Crowned in the field, and Te Deum was solemnly sung by the whole Army.

15. Soon after King Henry married the Lady Elizabeth,* 2.34 eldest Daugh∣ter unto King Edward the fourth,* 2.35 whereby those Roses (which formerly with their prickles had rent each other) were united together. Yea, sixfold was King Henry his title to the Crown. First, Conquest. Secondly, Military election, the Souldiers crying out in the field, King Henry, King Henry. Thirdly, Parliamentary Authority, which setled the Crown on Him, and His Heirs. Fourthly, Papal confirmation, his Holiness, forsooth, con∣curring with his religious complement. Fifthly, Discent from the House of Lancaster. But, that (all know) was but the back-door to the Crown, and this Henry came in but by a window to that back-door (there being some bastardy in his pedigree) but that was salved by post-legitimation. Sixthly, Marriage of King Edwards Daughter, the first and last being worth all the rest. Thus had he six strings to his bow, but commonly he let five hang by, and onely made use of that one, which, for the present, he perceived was most for his own advantage. Yet, for all these his Titles, this politick Prince thought fit to have his Person well secured, and was the first King of England who had a standing Guard to attend him.

16. Thomas Bourchier Cardinal,* 2.36 and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 2.37 had the honour first to marry,* 2.38 then to Crown King Henry and the Lady Eliza∣beth. And then having sitten in a short Synod at London (wherein the Cler∣gie presented their new King with a tenth) quietly ended his life, having sate in his See two and thirty years. He gave an hundred and twenty pounds to the University of Cambridg, which was joyed with another hundred pounds which M^r Billingforth (Master of Bennet Colledg) had some years before given to the said University; and this joint stock was put into a Chest, called at this day, the Chest of Billingforth and Bourchier; and Treasurers are every year chosen for the safe keeping thereof.

17. John Morton born (say some) at Beare,* 2.39 but more truly at S^t An∣drews Milbourne in Dorcet-shire (where a worshipful family of his name and lineage remain at this day) succeeded him in the See at Canterbury. He was formerly Bishop of Elie, and appointed by Edward the fourth, one of the Executors of his Will, and on that account hated of King Richard the third, the Excutioner thereof. He was, as aforesaid, imprisoned, because he would not betray his trust, fled into France, returned, and justly advan∣ced by King Henry, first to be Chancellor of England, and then to be Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

18. Now began the Pope to be very busie by his Officers,* 2.40 to collect vast summes of money in England,* 2.41 presuming at the Kings connivance thereat,* 2.42 whom he had lately gratified with a needless Dispensation, to Legitimate his Marriage with the Lady Elizabeth, his Cousin so far off, it would half pose a Herald to recover their Kindred; For,

1. Edward the third, on Philippa his Queen, begat

2. Lyonel Duke of Clarence, who on Elizabeth his Lady, begat 3. Philippa on whom Edward Morti∣mer, Earl of March, begat 4. Roger Earl of March, who on begat 5. Anne, on whom Richard Planta∣genet Duke of York, begat 6. Edward the fourth king of Eng∣land, who on Elizabeth woodvile, begat 7. Elizabeth his Eldest Daughter, who was married unto

2. John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who of Katharine Swinford, begat 3. John de Beaufort, Duke of Somer∣set, who on begat 4. John Beausort, Duke of Somerset, who on Marg. Beauchamp, begat 5. Margaret on whom Edmund Tu∣ther Earl of Richmond begat 6. Henry Earl of Richmond, after∣wards (7th of that name) King of England.

Neither Law, Divine or Civil, forbad marriage at this distance; but the Pope would be over-officious, both to oblige the King, and interest him∣self, as if no Princes could well be married, except the Pope had a finger in joining their hands together.

19.* 2.43 More material to the King was the help of his Holiness,* 2.44 to regu∣late the exorbitancies of abused Sanctuaries:* 2.45 In this age could an offendor get such an house over his head, he accounted himself instantly innocent, though not is conscience, yet as to outward punishment, the Kings enemies once Sanctuaried, daring him no less then the Jebusites in their strong fort of Sion defied David,a 2.46 Though shalt not come in hither,: The Pope therefore, in favour of the King, and indeed of equity it self, ordered,

• 1.b 2.47 That if any Sanctuary man did by might or otherwise, get out of Sanctuary privily, and commit mischief and trespass, and then come in again, he should lose the benefit of Sanctuary for ever after.
• 2. That howsoever the person of the Sanctuary man was prote∣cted from his Creditors, yet his goods out of Sanctuary should not.
• 3. That if any took Sanctuary for cause of Treason, the King might appoint him keepers to look to him in Sanctuary.

Surely had the King been pleased to interpose his own power, he might have reformed these abuses; but he thought fitter to make use of the Popes Spiri∣tual artillery, against these Spiritual Castles of Rebellion, that he might not seem to intrench on their lawful priviledges, having formerly, at least in pretence, appeared a great Patron of Sanctuaries, and a severe punisher of the unjust infringers thereof. On which account this King (who was never uxorious husband, nor over-dutiful son in law, confined the Queen Dowager, his wives Mother) to a Religious House in Bermansey, because three years since

she had surrendred her two Daughters out of the Sanctuary at Westminster,* 2.48 to Richard Duke of York.* 2.49

20. A Synod was holden by Arch-Bishop Morton at London,* 2.50 wherein the Luxury of the Londona 2.51 Clergie in cloaths (that City alwayes the staple of bravery) with their frequenting of Taverns was forbidden; such Prea∣chers also were punished, who with popular applause enveighed against Bi∣shops in their absence; the next year also a Synod was called, but little therein effected, but vast summes of money granted by the Clergie to the King.

21. John Giglis an Italian,* 2.52 about this time imployed by the Pope,* 2.53 got an infinite mass of money,* 2.54 having power from the Pope to absolve people from Usury, Symonie, Theft, Manslaughter, Fornication, Adultery, and all crimes whatsoever, saving Smiting of the Clergie, and conspiring against the Pope; and some few cases reserved alone to his Holiness: This Gigies gat for himself the rich Bishoprick of Worcester; yea, we observe, that in that See a Team of Fourb 2.55 Italians followed each other.

• 1. John Giglis.
• 2. Silvester Giglis.
• 3. Julius Medices, afterwards Clement the 7^th.
• 4. Hieronymis de Negutiis.

Thus as weeds in a garden, once got in, hardly got out, as sowing themselvess, so these Italians having planted themselve in that rich place, were never gotten out (pleading as it were prescription of almost fourty years possession) till the power of the Pope was partly banished England, and then Hugh La∣timer was placed in the Bishoprick.

22. Arch-Bishop Morton,* 2.56 as one much meriting from the Pope,* 2.57 was not noely honoured with a Cardinals Hat,* 2.58 of the title of S^t Anastatius, but also privileged from his Holiness, to visit all places formely exempt from Archiepiscopal jurisdiction. Impowring him also to dispense his Pardons where he saw just cause. Hereupon Rochester Bridge being broken down (Morton to appear a Pontifex indeed, bestowed remission fromc 2.59 Purgatory for all sins whatsoever committed within the compass fourty dayes, to such as should Bountifully contribute to the building thereof.

23. The King had more then a moneths minde (keeping seven years in that humour) to procure the Pope to Canonize King Henry the sixth for a Saint.* 2.60 For English Saint-Kings so frequent before the Conquest, were grown great dainties since that time. France lately had her King Saint Lewis, and why should not England receive the like favour, being no less beneficial to the Church of Rome? Nor could the unhappiness of our King Henry (be∣cause Deposed from his Throne) be any just bar to his Saintship, seeing ge∣nerally Gods best servants are most subject to the sharpest afflictions. His Canonizing would add much Lustre of the Line of Lancaster, which made his Kinsman and mediate successor King Henry the seventh so desirous there∣of. Besides, well might he be made a Saint who had been a Prophet. For when the Wars between Lancaster and York first began, Henry the sixth be∣holding this Henry the seventh, then but a Boy playing in the Court, said to the standers by, See this youth one day will quietly enjoy what we at this time so much fight about. This made the king with much importunity to tender this his request unto the Pope. A request the more reasonable, because it was well nigh fourty years since the death of the Henry, so that onely the skeletons of his virtues remained in mens memories, the flesh and corruption (as one may say) of his faults being quite consumed and forgotten.

24. Pope Alexander the sixth,* 2.61 instead of granting his request, ac∣quainted him with the requisites belonging to the making of a Saint. First, that to confer that honour (the greatest on earth) was onely in the power of the Pope, the proper judg of mens merits therein. Secondly, that Saints

were not to be multiplied but on just motions,* 2.62 lest commonness should cause their contempt.* 2.63 Thirdly, that his life must be exemplarily holy, by the testimony of credible witnesses. Fourthly, that such must attest the truth of reall Miracles wrought by him after death. Fifthly, that very great was the cost thereof, because all Chaunters, Choristers,* 2.64 Bell∣ringers (not the least clapper in the steeple wagging, except money was tied to the end of the rope) with all the officers of the Church of Saint Peter, to∣gether with the Commissaries and Notaries of the Court, with all the officers of the Popes Bed-chamber, to the very Lock-smiths, ought to have their several fees of such cononization. Adding that the total summe would amount to fifteen hundred Ducketsa 2.65 of Gold.

Tantae Molis erat Romanum condere Sanctum.

Concluding with that which made the charges, though not infinite, indefinite, that the costs were to be multiplied, secundum Canonizati Potentiam, accord∣ing to the power or dignity of the person to be Canonized. And certain it was, the Court of Rome would not behold this Henry the sixth in the notion he died in, as a poor prisoner, but as he lived a King, so long as he had this Henry his Kinsman to pay for the same.

25. Most of these requisites met in King Henry sixth, in a compe∣tent measure.* 2.66 First, the holiness of his life was confessed by all, save that some sullen persons suggested that his simplicity was above his Sanctity, and his life pious, not so much out of hatred, as ignorance of badness. As for Miracles, there was no want of them, if credible persons might be believed, two of whose Miracles it will not be amiss to recite.

25. Thomas Fuller,* 2.67 a very honestb 2.68 man, living at Hammersmith, near Lon∣don, had a hard hap accidentally to light into the company of one who had stolen and driven away Cattle, with whom, though wholly innocent, he was taken, arraigned, condemned, and executed: When on the Gallows, blessed King Henry (loving justice when alive, and willing to preserve in∣nocence after death) appeared unto him, so ordering the matter, that the halter did not strangle him. For having hung an whole hour, and taken down to be buried, he was found alive; for which favour he repaired to the Tomb of King Henry at Chertsey (as he was bound to do no less) and there presented his humble and hearty thanks unto him for his deliverance. The very same accident mutatis mutandis, of place and persons (with some additi∣on about the apparition of the Virgin Mary) hapned to Richard Boyes, dwel∣ling withing a mile of Bath, the story so like, all may believe them equally true.

26. All the premisses required to a Saint, appearing in some mode∣rate proportion in Henry the sixth, especially if charitably interpreted (Saints themselves needs some favour to be afforded them) it was the general expe∣ctation that he should be suddenly Canonized. But Pope Alexander the sixth delayed, and in effect denied King Henry's desire herein, yea, Julius his next successor of continuance (not to mention the short liv'd Pius the third) continued as sturdy in his denial.

27. Men variously conjecture why the Pope in effect should deny to Canonize King Henry the sixth; a witty,* 2.69 but tart reason is rendred by a Noblec 2.70 pen, because the Pope would put a difference betwixt a Saint and an Innocent: But others conceive King Henry not so simple himself, his parts onely seeming the lower, being over-topped with a high spirited queen; more probable it is what anotherd 2.71 saith, that seeing King Henry held the Crown by a false title, from the true heir thereof; the Pope could not with so good credit fasten a Saintship on his memory; But our greate 2.72 Antiqua∣ry resolveth all in the Popes covetousness, In cause fuit Pontificis avaritia, demanding more then thrifty King Henry the seventh would allow; Who at

last contented himself (by the Popes leave hardly obtained) to remove his Corps from Chertsey in Surrey, where it was obscurely Interred,* 2.73 to Windsor Chappel,* 2.74 a place of greater reputation. Thus is he whom Authors have observed twice Crowned, twice Deposed, twice Buried; the best was, though he was not Canonized, yet there was plenty of Popish Saints beside him, wherewith the Calender is so overstocked, that for want of room they justle one another.

28. But the Saintship of Anselme,* 2.75 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 2.76 was procured on cheaper terms,* 2.77 though it cost Arch-Bishop Marton much mo∣ney, who procured the same. Indeed Anselme being alterius orbis Papa, the Pope of the English world (as the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was termed) no wonder if one Pope upon reasonable termes, did this courtesie for another. Besides, great was the merit of Anselme to the Church of Rome (little where∣of goes far to obtain a Canonization) seeing he was the Champion and con∣fessor of the Popes cause, about investing of Bishops, against two Kings suc∣cessively, William, Rufus, and King Henry the first.

29. Observable was the carriage of King Henry towards the Pope,* 2.78 the Clergie, and the poor Lollards. To the Pope he was submissive, not servile, his devotion being seldom without design, so using his Holiness, that he sel∣dom stooped down to him in any low reverence, but with the same gesture he took up something in order to his own ends.

30. To the Clergie of desert he was very respectful, trusting and im∣ploying them in State affairs, more then his Nobility. To the dissolute and vitious Clergie he was justly severe,* 2.79 and pared their priviledges, ordeining that Clerksa 2.80 convict should be burnt in the hand; both that they might taste a corporal punishment, and carry a brand of infamy. But for this good act, the King himself was afterwards branded by Mock-King-Perkins proclamation for an execrable breaker of the Rights of Holy Church. He also made a b 2.81 Law, that begging scholars, though Clerks, should be reputed Vagabonds, without they shew the Letters of the Chancellor of the University, from whence he saith he cometh.

31. To the Lollards (so were Gods people nick-named) he was more cruel then his predecessors:* 2.82 for he not onely in the beginning of his Reign connived at the cruel persecutions which Jo. Halse Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield raised against them,* 2.83 but towards the end of his Reign ap∣peared in his person very bloudy unto them,* 2.84 if the story be true which is very lamely delivered unto us. There was in Canterbury an old Priest so re∣solute in Wicliffs opinions, that none of the Clergie there could convince him of the contrary: The King casually coming thither in the moneth of May, undertook the Priest himself, though we never read before of his Majesties disputing, save when he disputed Bosworth field with King Richard the third. The King, by what arguments we know not, converted this Priest, and then presently gave order he should be burnt, which was donec 2.85 accordingly. Surely there was more in the matter, then what appeared in the Record, or else one may boldly say, that if the Kings Converts had no better incourage∣ment, this was the first he made, and the last he was ever likely to make.

32. Two most needless pieces of Cruelty were committed at this time, the one, an aged old man burnt in Smithfield, the other, one Joan Baughton widow,* 2.86 which seemeth a woman of some quality, as Mother to the Lady Young (who was afterwards Martyred) she being fourscored 2.87 years of age, was burnt for an Heretick, posting her to the Stake which was going to the Grave.

33. William Smith, sometimes Fellow of Pembroke Hall in Cambridg,* 2.88 and Bishop of Lincoln, this year began the Foundation of Brasen-nose Colledg in Oxford; I meet not with any satisfactory reason why so called, save the fancy of the Founder. Except any will say, it was so named, because built ^c where anciently Brasen-nose hall stood, though this does not so much re∣solve

the Question, as put it a degree further off.* 2.89 But when such who cavil at the name,* 2.90 build a Colledg, it shall be left at their free liberty to call it according to their own pleasure. This Bishop lived not to finish his inten∣tions, and the resore after his death Richard Sutton Esq took upon him to per∣fect the same, and accomplished it accordingly.

Principals.	Bishops.	Benefactors.	Learned men.
Matthew Smith. John Hawarden. Tho. Blanchard. Rich. Harris. Alex. Noel. Tho. Singleton. Dr Ratcliffe. Tho. Yates. Dr. Greenhil.	Richard Barnes, Bishop of Dur∣ham.	William Clifton. William Porter. Jo. Elton, aliàs Baker. Hum. Ogle. Edw. Darby. Jo. Claymond. Jo. Williamson. Brian Higden. Alexand. Noel. Joyce Frankland. Richard Harper. Sr Jo. port. Jo. Lord Mordant. Dr Jo. Barneston. Geo. Palin.	Richard Caldwell, Doctor of Phy∣sick, anda 2.91 Foun∣der of a Chirur∣gery Lecture in London. Ro. Bolton, a fa∣mous Preacher.

So that at this present the Colledg is much beautified with buildings, and or∣naments, for the perfecting whereof, great summes have been expended within these few last years; maintaining a Principal, twenty Fellows, be∣sides Scholars, Officers and Servants of the Foundation, in all Anno 1634. amounting to one hundred eighty six. Cheshire-men, whose Country is called Nobilitatis Altrix, and those of Lancashire (most commendable ob bonitatem habitudinis & decorem aspectus) are in this Colledg most proper for prefer∣ment.

34. John Morton Cardinal and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury deceased,* 2.92 many condemned him in his life for acting and putting the King forward to be burtheniome to his Subjects with his Taxes;* 2.93 but his innocence appeared after his death,* 2.94 that he rather tempered the Kings covetousness then other∣wise: He was a Learned man, and had a fair Library (Rebuss'd with More in text and Tun under it) partly remaining in the possession of the late Earl of Arundell. I finde him in the Catalogue of the Benefactors of S^t. John's Col∣ledg in Cambridg, understand it by his Executors, otherwise the first Brick of that House was laid nine years after the Arch-Bishops death. Now as this was a sad year at Canterbury, wherein their good Arch-Bishop departed, so was it a joyful year at Rome for the coming in of that Jubilee, which brought men and money there: yet many went to Rome in effect, which staied in England, by commuting their journey into money, which was equally meri∣torious, the Popes Officers being come over to receive the same.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Regis
• * 1.2

  Anno Dom.
• * 2.1

  Ed. 5.
• * 2.2

  1483.
• * 2.3

  After More, no more.
• * 2.4

  Clergy com∣plying, not active.
• * 2.5

  Anno Dom. 1483
• * 2.6

  Anno Regis Ed. 5. 22.
• * 2.7

  Shaws shame∣less Sermon.
• a 2.8

  Eccles 23. 25. Spuria vi∣tulamina non agent radices alias.
• * 2.9

  Ric. 3▪ 1.
• * 2.10

  The sumptu∣ous Corona∣tion of King Richard.
• * 2.11

  King Edward and his bro¦ther stifled.
• * 2.12

  Anno Regis Ric. 3. 2.
• * 2.13

  Anno Dom. 1484
• * 2.14

  King Richard vainly endea∣voureth to in∣gratiate him∣self by make∣ing good Laws.
• * 2.15

  As also by building of Monasteries.
• a 2.16

  Stows Sur∣vey of London, in Tower street Ward.
• * 2.17

  Cam••dens B••••••••an Oxford¦shire pag▪ 374. out of John Rouse.
• c 2.18

  Stow in his Annals, p. 470.
• * 2.19

  Art hath done more for King Richard, then ever nature did.
• e 2.20

  George Buck Esqu; a claw∣back to Crook-back.
• * 2.21

  The request of the Duke of Buckingham denied.
• * 2.22

  Anno Dom. 1484.
• * 2.23

  Anno Regis Ric. 3. 2.
• * 2.24

  Buckingham surp••••••ed and behea••ed.
• * 2.25

  Morten make peace.
• * 2.26

  Mr Pryn char∣ged for char∣ging Bishop Morton of ••re∣son.
• * 2.27

  Earl Henry landeth at Milsord Ha∣ven
• * 2.28

  1585
• * 2.29

  3.
• * 2.30

  Anno Regis Ric 3 3.
• * 2.31

  Anno Dom. 1485
• a 2.32

  Burton in his description of Leicester∣shire.
• * 2.33

  The Battle of Bosworth.
• * 2.34

  Hen. 7 1.
• * 2.35

  Henry the se∣venth his six∣fold title to the Crown.
• * 2.36

  2.
• * 2.37

  1586
• * 2.38

  The death of Arch-Bishop Bourchier.
• * 2.39

  John Morton succeeded him.
• * 2.40

  A gift not worth the taking.
• * 2.41

  Anno Dom. 1486
• * 2.42

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 2.
• * 2.43

  Exorbitan∣cies of San∣ctuaries re∣treuched.
• * 2.44

  1487
• * 2.45

  3.
• a 2.46

  2 Sam. 5. 6.
• b 2.47

  Lord Veru∣lam in Hen 7. pag. 39.
• * 2.48

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 4.
• * 2.49

  Anno Dom. 1488
• * 2.50

  Two Synods at London.
• a 2.51

  Antiquit. Brit. Pag. 298.
• * 2.52

  Italians good at getting and holding.
• * 2.53

  5.
• * 2.54

  1489
• b 2.55

  Godwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of Nor. p. 5••0.
• * 2.56

  10.
• * 2.57

  1494
• * 2.58

  Rochester Bridg repair∣ed by Par∣dons.
• c 2.59

  Antiquit. Brit. p. 298.
• * 2.60

  The King desired King Henry then the sixth to be Sainted.
• * 2.61

  The requi∣site•• to a Ca∣nonization.
• * 2.62

  Anno Dom. 1494
• * 2.63

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 10.
• * 2.64

  The Latin is Parafrenarii.
• a 2.65

  Antiq. Brit. pag. 229.
• * 2.66

  These appli∣ed to King Hen. 6.
• * 2.67

  A brace of Miracles wrought by King Hen. 6.
• b 2.68

  Harp••field Hist. Ecclesiastica saeculo decimo quinto pag. 646.
• * 2.69

  Reasons why King Hen. 6. was not Saint∣ed
• c 2.70

  The Lord Bacon.
• d 2.71

  See Mr Habington in the life of Ed. 4.
• e 2.72

  Camd. Brit. •• Surrey.
• * 2.73

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 10.
• * 2.74

  Anno Dom. 1494.
• * 2.75

  Arch-Bishop Morton pro∣cureth the Sainting of Ansilm.
• * 2.76

  13.
• * 2.77

  1497
• * 2.78

  The Kings carriage to the Pope.
• * 2.79

  Severe to the vitious Clergie.
• a 2.80

  Lord Veru∣lam in Hen. 7. pag. 66.
• b 2.81

  Statotes undecimo Hen. 7. cap. 2.
• * 2.82

  Sad to be the Kings Convert.
• * 2.83

  14.
• * 2.84

  1498
• c 2.85

  Fox Acts & Mon. pag. 556.
• * 2.86

  Needless cruelty.
• d 2.87

  Fox. Ibid.
• * 2.88

  The Founding of Brasen-nose Colledg.
• * 2.89

  Anno Dom. 1498
• * 2.90

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 14.
• a 2.91

  Camdent Eliz. in Anno 1585.
• * 2.92

  The Death of Arch-Bishop Morton.
• * 2.93

  1500
• * 2.94

  16.