The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITAINE.* 1.1

BOOK IV.* 1.2

1. THe Romanists observe,* 1.3 that several advantages concurred to the speedy propagation of Wi∣cliffs opinions,* 1.4 as namely,* 1.5 the decrepit age of Edward the third, and infancy of Richard his successor, being but a childe, as his Grand-father was twice a childe, so that the reines of Authority were let loose. Second∣ly, the attractive nature of Novelty, draw∣ing followers unto it. Thirdly, the enmity which John of Gaunt bare unto the Clergie, which made him, out of opposition to fa∣vour the Doctrine and person of Wicliffe. Lastly, the envy which thea 1.6 Pope had contracted by his exactions and collati∣ons of Ecclesiastical benefices. We deny not these helps were instrumentally active in their several degrees, but must attribute the main to Divine provi∣dence, blessing the Gospel, and to the nature of truth it self, which though for a time, violently suppress'd, will seasonably make its own free, and clear passage into the world.

2. And here we will acquaint the Reader,* 1.7 that being to write the Hi∣story of Wicliffe, I intend neither to deny, dissemble, defend, or excuse any of his faults. We have this treasure (saith theb 1.8 Apostle) in earthen vessels; and he that shall endeavour to prove a pitcher of clay, to be a pot of gold, will take great pains to small purpose. Yea; should I be over-officious to retain my self, to plead for Wicliffs faults, that glorious Saint would sooner chide then thank me, unwilling that in favour of him, truth should suffer prejudice. He was a man, and so subject to errour, living in a dark Age, more obno∣xious to stumble vex'd with opposition, which makes men reel into violence,

and therefore it is unreasonable,* 1.9 that the constitution and temper of his po∣sitive opinions,* 1.10 should be guessed by his Polemical Heat, when he was chafed in disputation. But besides all these, envy hath falsly fathered many foul aspertions upon him.

3. We can give no account of Wicliffs parentage,* 1.11 birth, place, or infan∣cy, onely we finde an ancienta 1.12 family of the Wicliffs in the Bishoprick▪ of Dur∣ham, since by match united to the Brake••buries, persons of prime quality in those parts. As for this our Wicliffe, history at the very first meets with him a Man, and full grown, yea, Graduate ofb 1.13 Merton Colledg in Oxford. The fruitfull soil of his natural parts, he had industriously improved by acquired learning, not onely skill'd in the fashionable Arts of that Age, and in that abstruse, crabbed divinity, all whose fruit is thornes: but also well versed in the Scriptures; a rare accomplishment in those▪ dayes. His publique Acts in the Schools, he kept with great approbation, though the ••ccho of his popular applause sounded the Alarum to awaken the envy of his adversaries against him.

4. He is charged by the Papists,* 1.14 as if discontent first put him upon his opinions. For having usurped thec 1.15 Headshi••, of Canterbury Colledg▪ (found∣ed by Simon Iselep, since like a tributary brook, swallowed upon the vastness of Christ-Church) after a long suit, he was erected by sentence from the Pope, because by the Statutes, onely a Monk was capable of the place. Others add, that the loss of the Bishoprick of Worcester which he desired, incensed him to revenge himself by innovations; and can true doctrine be the fruit, where ambition and discontent hath been the root thereof? Yet such may know, that God often sanctifies mans weakness to his own glory; and that wife Ar∣chitect makes of the crookedness of mens conditions, streight beams in his own building, to raise his own honour upon them. Besides, these things are barely said, without other evidence; and if his foes affirming be a proof, why should not his friends denial thereof be a sufficient resutation? Out of the same mint of malice another story is coyned against him, how Wicliffe being once gravell'd in publique disputation, preferring rather to say nons— then nothing, was fore'd to affirm, that and 1.16 accident was a substance. Yet me thinks, if the story were true, such as defend the doctrine of accidents sub∣sisting in the sacrament without a substance, might have invented some chari∣table qualification of his paradox, seing those that defend falshoods, ought to be good fellows and help one another.

5. Seven years Wicliffe lived in Oxford,* 1.17 in some tolerable quiet, having a Professours place, and a cure of soules. On the week dayes in the Schools proving to the learned what he meant to preach; and on the Lords day prea∣ching in the Pulpit, to the vulgar, what he had proved before. Not unlike those builders in the second Temple, holding ac 1.18 Sword in one hand, and a Trowell in the other; his disputations making his preaching to be strong, and his preaching making his disputations to be plain. His speculative positions against the Reall Presence in the Eucharist, did offend and distaste, but his practical Tenents against Purgatory, and Pilgrimages, did enrage and be∣madd his adversaries: so woundable is the dragon, under the left wing, when pinched in point of profit. Hereupon they so prevailed with Simon Sudbury, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, that Wicliffe was silenced, and depri∣ved of his benefice. Notwithstanding all which, he wanted nothing secret∣ly, supplied by invisible persons, and he felt many a gift from a hand that he did not behold.

6. Here it will be seasonable to give in a List of Wicliffes Opinions,* 1.19 though we meet with much variety in the accounting of them.

1. Popea 1.20 Gregory the eleventh, observed eighteen principal Errours in his Books, and Wicliffe is charged with the sameb 1.21 number, in the Convocation at Lambeth.

2. THOMASc 1.22 ARUNDEL, Arch-Bishop of CANTERBURY, in a Synod held at Preaching-Friers, in London, condemned three and twen∣ty of his Opinions; the ten first for heretical, and the thirteen last for erroneous.

3. In the Councel at Constance,d 1.23 five and fourty Articles of false Doctrines were exhibited against WICLIFFE, then lately deceased.

4. THOMAS WALDENSIS computeth fourscore Errours in him.

5. JOHNe 1.24 LUCKE, Doctor of Divinity in Oxford, brings up the ac∣count to two hundred sixty six.

Lastly, and above all, JOHNf 1.25 COCLEUS (it is fit that the latest Edi∣tion should be the largest) swells them up to full three hundred and three.

Wonder not at this difference, as if Wicliffe's Opinions, were like the Stones on Salisbury-plain, falsely reported, that no two can count them alike. The variety ariseth, first, because some count onely his primitive Tenets, which are breeders, and others reckon all the frie of Consequences derived from them. Secondly, some are more industrious to seek, perverse to collect, captious to expound, malicious to deduce far distant Consequences; excel∣lent at the inflaming of a Reckoning, quick to discover an infant or Em••rio-errours, which others over-look. Thirdly, it is probable, that in process of time, Wicliffe might delate himself in supplemental and additional Opinions, more then he at first maintained: and it is possible that the Tenents of his followers in after ages might be falsely fathered upon him. We will tie our selves to no strict number or method, but take them as finde them, out of his greatest adversary, with exact Quotation of the Tome, Book, Article, and Chapter, where they are Reported.

THOMAS WALDENSIS accuseth WICLIFFE to have maintained these dangerous heretical OPINIONS.

To.	Bo	Art	Chap.	OF THE POPE.
4	2	1	1	1. That it is blasphemy to call any Head of the Church save Christ alone.
1	2	3	39	2. That the election of the Pope by Cardinals, is a de∣vice of the devil.
1	2	1	2	3. That those are Hereticks, which say that Peter had more power then the other Apostles.
1	2	1	4	4. That James, Bishop of Jerusalem, was preferred be∣fore Peter.
1	2	3	41	5. That Rome is not the Seat in which Christ's Vicar doth reside.
1	2	3	35	6. That the Pope, if he doth not imitate Christ and Peter in his life, and manners; is not to be called the Successour of PETER.

1	2	3	38	7. That the Imperial and Kingly authority are above the Papal Power.
1	2	3	48	8. That the doctrine of the infallibility of the Church of Rome, in matters of faith, is the greatest blasphemy of Antichrist.
1	2	3	54	9. That he often calleth the Pope Antichrist.
1	2	3	32	10. That Christ mean't the Pope, by the* 1.26 abomination of Desolation, standing in the holy place.
				OF POPISH PRELATES.
1	2	2	16	11. That from the words, and works, anda 1.27 silence of Prelates in Preaching, it seemeth probable, that they are Devils incarnate.
1	2	3	57	12. That Bishops Benedictions, Confirmations, Conse∣crations of Churches, Chalices, &c. be but tricks to get money.
				OF PRIESTS.
1	2	3	71	13. That plain Deacons and Priests may preach without licence of Pope or Bishop.
1	2	3	60	14. That in the time of the Apostles, there were onely two Orders, namely, Priests and Deacons, and that a Bishop doth not differ from a Priest.
3			68	15. That it is lawful for Lay-men to absolve no less, then for the Priests.
2			128	16. That it is lawful for Clergy-men to marry.
			61	17. That Priests of bad life, cease any longer to be b 1.28 Priests.
				OFF THE CHURCH.
1	2		8	18. That he defined the Church to consist, onely of per∣sons predestinated.
1	2	1	12	19. That he divideth the Church into these three mem∣bers, Clergy-men, Souldiers, and Labourers.
1	4	3	37	20. That the Church was not endowed with any immove∣able possessions, before Constantine the great.
1	4	3	16 41	21. That it is no Sacriledg to take away things, consecra∣ted to the Church.
3			143	22. That all beautiful building of Churches, is blame∣worthy, and savours of hypocrisie.
				OF TYTHES.
1	2	3	65	23. That Parishioners by him were exhorted, not to pay Tythes to Priests of dissolute life.
1	2	3	64	24. That Tythes are pure almes, and that Pastours ought not to exact them by Ecclesiastical censures.
				OF THE SCRIPTURE.
1	2	2	23	25. That wise men leave that as Impertinent, which is not plainly expressed in Scripture.
1	2	2	26	26. That he slighted the authority of General Councels.

				OF HERETICKS.
2			81	27. That he called all Writers since the thousandth year of Christ, Hereticks.
				OF PRAYER.
3			23
			25	28. That men are not bound to the observation of Vigils, or Canonical houres.
3			11	29. That it is vain for Lay-men to bargain with Priests for their prayers.
3			21	30. That to binde men to set and prescript forms of Prayers, doth derogate from that liberty God hath given them.
3			8	31. That to depress the benefit of other mens purchased Prayers, he recommended all men, to hope, and trust in their own righteousness.
				OF ALMES.
1	2	3	71	32. That we ought not to do any Alms to a sinner, whilest we know him to be so.
				OF THE SACRAMENTS.
3			45
			46	33. That Chrisme, and other such ceremonies are not to be used in Baptisme.
2			99	34. That those are fools, and presumptuous, which af∣firm, such infants not to be saved, which dye without Baptisme: and also, That he denied, that all sins are abolished in Baptisme.
2			108
2			98	35. That Baptisme doth not confer, but onely signifie grace, which was given before.
2			26	36. That in the Sacrament of the Alter, the Host is not to be worshipped, and such as adore it are Idola∣ters.
				37. That the substance of bread and wine, still remain a 1.29 in the Sacrament.
2			55	38. That God could not, though he would, make his bo∣dy to be at the same time, in several places.
1			109	39. That the Sacrament of Confirmation is not much ne∣cessary to salvation.
3			147	40. That Confession, to a man truly contrite, is superflu∣ous, used by Antichrist, to know the secrets, and gain the wealth of others.
2			130	41. That that is no due Marriage, which is contracted, without hope of having children.
2			163	42. That extreme Unction is needless, and no Sacra∣ment.
				OF ORDERS.
2	2	2	15	43. That Religious Sects confound the unity of Christs Church, who instituted but one order of serving him.

2			109	44. That he denied all sacred initiations into Orders, as leaving no character behinde them.
3			91	45. That Vowing of Virginity is a Doctrine of Devils.
				OF SAINTS.
3			130	46. That such Christians, who do worship Saints, bor∣der on Idolatry.
3			133	47. That it is needless to adorn the shrines of Saints, or to go in Pilgrimage to them.
3			124	48. That miracles conceived done at Saints shrines, may be delusions of the Devil.
125
3			115	49. That Saints prayers (either here, or in heaven) are onely effectual for such as are good.
				OF THE KING.
1	2	3	79	50. That it is lawful in Causes Ecclesiastical, and mat∣ters of faith, after the Bishops sentence, to appeal to the secular Prince.
1	3	1	81	51. That Dominion over the creature is founded in grace.
1	3	3	83	52. That God devesteth him of all right who abuseth his power.
				OF CHRIST.
1	2	3	43	53. That Christ was a man, even in those three dayes, wherein his body did lie in the grave.
1	2	3	44	54. That the Humanity of Christ being separated, is to be worshipped with that adoration which is called LATRIA.
1	1	3	44	55. That Christ is the Humanity by him assumed.
				OF GOD.
2			160	56. That God loved David and Peter as dearly, when they grievously sinned, as he doth now when they are possessed of glory.
1	2	3	82	57. That God giveth no good things to his enemies.
2			135	58. That God is not more willing to reward the good, then to punish the wicked.
				59. That all thingsa 1.30 come to pass by fatal necessity.
1	1	1	13	60. That God could not make the world otherwise then it is made.
1	1	1	10	61. That God cannot do any thing, which he doth not do.
				62. That God cannot make that something should return into nothing.

7. Here the ingenuous Reader must acknowledg,* 1.31 that many of these opinions are truths, at this day publickly professed in the Protestant Church. For the rest, what pitty is it that we want Wicliffe's works, to hear him speak in his own behalf. Were they all extant, therein we might read the occasion,

intention, and connexion of what he spake; together with the limitations, restrictions, distinctions, qualifications, of what he maintained. There we might see, what was the overplus of his passion, and what the just measure of his judgment. Many phrases, heretical in sound, would appear ortho∣dox in sense. Yea, some of his poysonous passages, dress'd with due caution, would prove not onely wholsome, but cordial truths; many of his expres∣sions wanting, not granum ponderis, but salis, no weight of truth, but some grains of discretion. But now alas! of thea 1.32 two hundred books, which he wrote, being burnt, not a tittle is left, and we are sain tob 1.33 borrow the bare titles of them from his adversaries; from whom also these his opinions are extracted, who winnow his works,c 1.34 as Satan did Peter, not to finde the cor••••, but the chaff therein. And how can did some Papists are in interpreting the meaning of Protestants, appears by that cunningd 1.35 Chymist, who hath di∣stilled the spirits of Turcisme, out of the books of Calvin himself.

8. Now a Synod was called by Simon Sudbury,* 1.36 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 1.37 at Paul's in London (the Parliament then sitting at Westminster) whither Wicliffe was summoned to appear;* 1.38 who came accordingly, but in a posture and equipage different from expectation. Four Fry∣ers were to assist; the Lord Piercy to usher; John, Duke of Lancaster, to accompany him. These Lords their enmity with the Prelates, was all Wi∣cliffes acquaintance with them; whose eyes did countenance, hands support, and tongues encourage him, bidding him to dread nothing, nor to shrinke at the company of the Bishops; for, they are all unlearned (said they) in re∣spect of you. Great was the concourse of people; as in populous places, when a new sight is to be seen, there never lack looke is on: and to see this man∣baiting, all people of all kindes flock'd together.

9. The Lord Piercy,* 1.39 Lord Marshal of England, had much ado to break thorow the croud in the Church; so that the bustle he kept with the people, highly offended the Bishop of London, profaning the place, and disturbing the Assembly. Whereon followed a fierce contention betwixt them; and left their interlocutions should hinder the intireness of out discourse, take them verbatim in a Dialogue, omitting onely their mutual railing; which, as it little became persons of honour to bring; so it was flat against the pro∣fession of a Bishop to return; who, by the Apostlese 1.40 precept, must be pati∣ent, not a brawler.

Bish. Courtney.

Lord Piercy, if I had known before hand, what maiste∣ries you would have kept in the Church, I would have stopt you out from coming hither.

Duke of Lancast.

He shall keep such masteries here, though you say nay.

Lord Piercy.

Wicliffe, sit down, for, you have many things to answer to, and you need to repose your self on a soft seat.

Bish. Courtney.

It is unreasonable, that one, cited before his Ordinary, should sit down during his answer. He must, and shall stand.

Duke of Lancast.

The Lord Piercy his motion for Wicliffe is but reasona∣ble. And as for you my Lord Bishop, who are grown so proud, and arrogant, I will bring down the pride, not of you alone, but of all the Prelacy in England.

Bish. Courtney.

Do your worst Sir,

Duke of Lancast.

Thou bearest thy self so brag upon thyf 1.41 parents, which shall not be able to help thee; they shall have enough to do to help themselves.

Bish. Courtney.

My confidence is not in my Parents, nor in any man else, but onely in God in whom I trust, by whose assistance I will be bold to speak the truth.

Duke of Lancast.

Rather then I will take these words at his hands,* 1.42 I'de pluck the Bishop by the hair out of thea 1.43 Church.* 1.44

These last words, though but softly whispered by the Duke, in the ear of one next unto him, were notwithstanding over-heard by the Londoners; who, inra∣ged that such an affront should be offered to their Bishop, fell furiously on the Lords, who were fain to depart for the present, and for a while by flight, and secresie to secure themselves; whilest, what outrages were offered to the Dukes palace, and his servants, Historians of the State do relate.

10. Wonder not that two persons,* 1.45 most concerned to be vocal, were wholly mute at this meeting; namely, Simon the Arch-Bishop, and Wicliffe, himself. The former (rather acted, then active in this business) seeing the brawl happened in the Cathedral of London, left the Bishop thereof to meddle, whose stout stomach, and high birth, made him the meeter match to undertake such noble adversaries. As for Wicliffe, well might the Client be silent, whilest such Councel pleaded for him. And the Bishops found themselves in a dangerous Dilemma about him; it being no pity to permit, nor policy to punish, one protected with such potent patrons. Yea, in the issue of this Synod, they onely commanded him to forbear hereafter, from preaching, or writing his doctrine; and, how far he promised conformity to their injunctions, doth not appear.

11. In all this Synod,* 1.46 though Wicliffe made but a dumb shew, rather seen then heard, yet the noise of his success sounded all over the Kingdom▪ For, when a suspected person is solemnly summoned, and dismissed without censure; vul∣gar apprehensions, not onely infer his innocence, but also conclude, either the ignorance, or injustice of his adversaries. In publique assemblies, if the weaker party can so subsist, as not to be conquered, it conquers in reputa∣tion, and a drawn battel is accounted a victory on that ••ide. If Wicliffe was guilty, why not punished? if guiltless, why silenced? And it much advan∣taged the propagating of his opinions, that at this very time happened a dan∣gerous discord at Rome, long lasting, for above fourty years, and fiercely followed; begun betwixt Vrban the 6^th, and Clement the 7^th. One living at Rome, the other residing at Avignon. Thus Peters Chair was like to be broken, betwixt two sitting down at once. Let Wicliffe alone to improve this advantage; pleading, that now the Romish Church, having two, had no legal head; that this monstrous apparition presaged the short life thereof; and these two Anti-Popes, made up one Anti-Christ. In a word, there was opened unto him a great door of utterance, made out of that crack, or cleft, which then happened in this seasonable schisme at Rome.

12. Edward,* 1.47 the third of that name,* 1.48 ended his life,* 1.49 having reigned a Ju∣bilee, ful fifty years. A Prince no less succesful, then valiant; like an Am∣phibion, He was equally active on water, and land. Witness his naval-victory nigh Sluce, and land-conquest at Chresce, Poictiers, and elsewhere. Yet his atchievements in France, were more for the credit, then commodity; honour, then profit of England. For, though the fair Provinces, he Con∣quered therein, seem'd fat enough to be stewed in their own liquor; I mean, rich enough to maintain themselves; yet we finde them to have suck'd up much of our English sauce, to have drain'd the money, and men of this land to defend them. This made King Edward, to endeavour to his power, to pre∣serve his people from Popish extortions, as knowing, that his own taxes did burthen, and the addition of those other would break the backs of his Sub∣jects. He was himself not unlearned, and a great favourer of learned men; Colledges springing by paires out of his marriage-bed; namely, Kings-Hall, founded by himself in Cambridg; and Queens-Colledg, by Philippa his wife in Oxford. He lived almost to the age, and altogether to the infirmities of King David, but had not, with him, a virgin-Abishag, a virgin-Concubine, to heat

him:* 1.50 but (which is worse) in his decrepit age, kept Alice Pierce, a noted strumpet, to his own disgrace, and his peoples disprofit. For, she (like a bad tenant, which, holding an expiring lease without impeachment of waste, cares not what spoil he maketh thereon) sensible of what ticklish termes she stood on, snatch'd all she could rape and rend, unto her self. In a word, the bad beginning of this King, on the murder of his Father, must be charged on his Mothers, and Mortimers account. The failings at his end may be partly excused, by the infirmities of his age; the rather because whilest he was himself, he was like himself; and, whilest master of his own actions, he appeared worthy of all commendations.* 1.51 Richard the second, his Grand-childe by Edward the Black Prince, succeeded him, being about twelve years of age, and lived under his Mothers and Uncle's tuition.

13. A Parliament was called a Westminster,* 1.52 wherein old bandying be∣twixt the Laity, and the Clergie. The former moving,a 1.53 That no officer of the Holy Church should take pecuniary sums, more or less, of the people, for correction of sins, but onely injoyn them spiritual penance, which would be more pleasing to God, and profitable to the soul of the offender. The Clergie stickled hereat, for, by this craft they got their gain; and, no greater penance can be laid on them, then the forbidding them to impose money-penance on others. But here the King interpos'd, That Prelates should proceed therein as formerly, according to the laws of the Holy Church, and not otherwise. Yea, many things passed in this Parliament in favour of the Clergie; as that, That all Prelates and Clerks shall from henceforth commence their suits against purveyers and buyers disturbing them (though not by way of crime) by actions of trespass, and recover treble damages. Also, That any of the Kings Ministers, arresting people of the Holy Church in doing Divine Service, shall have imprisonment, and thereof be ransomed at the Kings will, and make gree to the parties so arrested.

14. About this time Wicliffe was summoned personally to appear before Si∣mon, * 1.54 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 1.55 and the rest of the Bishops,* 1.56 in his Chappel at Lambeth. He came accordingly, and now all expected he should be de∣voured, being brought into the Lions Den. When, in comes a Gentle-man, and Courtier, oneb 1.57 Lewis Clifford, on the very day of examination, com∣manding them, not to proceed to any definitive sentence against the said Wi∣cliffe. Never before was the Bishops served with such a prohibition: all agreed, the messenger durst not be so stout, with a Mandamus in his mouth, but because back'd with the power of the Prince that imployed him. The Bi∣shops struck with a panick fear, proceeded no farther; the rather because the messenger so rudely rushed into the Chappel, and the person of this John Wicliffe was so saved from heavie censure, as was once the doctrine of hisc 1.58 god∣ly name-sake, for they feared the people. Onely the Arch-Bishop summoned a Synod at London, himself preaching at the opening thereof. We finde no∣thing of his Sermon, but his Text was excellent, Watch and pray. Four con∣stitutions he made therein,d 1.59 three whereof concerned Confession, grown now much into discredit, and disuse, by Wicliffs doctrine, and therefore con∣ceived more needfull, to press the strict observation thereof.

15. In the Parliament,* 1.60 kept at Glocester this same year, the Commons complained, that many Clergy-men, under the notion of Sylva caedua, lop∣wood, took tythes even of timber it self: Requesting, that, in such cases, pro∣hibitions might be granted, to stop the proceedings of the Court-Christian. It was moved also, that Sylva caedua (though formerly accounted wood above twentie years old) might hereafter be declared that, which was above the growth ofe 1.61 ten years, and the same to be made free from tythes. But this took no effect, the King remitting things to their ancient course. To cry quits with the Commons in their complaints, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury enveigh'd as bitterly, of the Franchises infringed, of the Abby-Church of Westminster: wherein Robert de Hanley, Esquire, with a servant of that Church, were both despightfully, and horridly slain therein, at the high

Altar,* 1.62 even when the Priest was singing high Mass,* 1.63 and pathetically desired reparation for the same.

16. Some of the Lords rejoyned on their parts,* 1.64 that such sanctuaries were abused by the Clergie, to protect people from the payment of their due debts; the aforesaid Hanlay being slain in a quarrel on that occasion. And, whereas upon the oathes, and examination of certain Doctors in Divinity, Canon, and Civil Law, it appeared, that immunity in the Holy Church were onely to be given to such, who, upon crime, were to lose life or limb, the same was now extended to priviledg people, in actions of account, to the prejudice of the creditor. They added moreover, that neither God him∣self (saving his perfection) nor the Pope (saving his Holiness) nor any Lay-Prince could grant such priviledg to the Church: and the Church, which should be the favourer of vertue, and justice,a 1.65 ought not to accept the same, if granted. The Bishops desired a day to give in their answer, which was granted them: but I finde not this harsh string touch'd again all this Parlia∣ment; haply for fear, but to make bad musick thereon. Complaints were also made against the extortion of Bishops Clerks; who, when they should take butb 1.66 eight pence, for the probate of a Will, they now exacted greater summes then ever before: to which, as to other abuses, some general refor∣mation was promised.

17. In the next Parliament called at Westminster,* 1.67 one of the greatest grievances of the Land was redressed,* 1.68 namely,* 1.69 foreiners holding of Ecclesi∣astical benefices. For, at this time the Church of England might say with Israel,* 1.70 Our inheritance is turned to strangers, our houses to aliens. Many Ita∣lians, who knew no more English, then the difference between a teston and a a shilling, a golden noble and an angel in receiving their rents, had the fattest livings in England by the Pope collated upon them. Yea, many greatc 1.71 Car∣dinals, resident at Rome (those hinges of the Church must be greased with English revenues) were possessed of the best Prebends, and Parsonages in the Land, whence many mischiefs did ensue. First, they never preached in their Parishes: Of such shepheards it could not properly be said, that, he d 1.72 leaveth the sheep, and fleeth; who (though taking the title of shepheard upon them) never saw their flock, nor set foot on English ground. Second∣ly, no hospitality was kept for relief of the poor: except they could fill their bellies on the hard names of their Pastours, which they could not pronounce; Lord Cardinal of Agrifolio, Lord Cardinal d S^t Angelo, Lord Cardinal Veverino, &c. Yea, the Italians genrally farmed out their places to Proctors, their own Country-men; who, instead of filling the bellies, grinded the faces of poor people: So that, what betwixt the Italian hospitality, which none could ever see; and the Latin Service, which none could understand: the poor English were ill fed, and worse taught. Thirdly, the wealth of the Land leak'd out into forein Countries, to the much impoverishing of the Common-wealth. It was high time therefore for the King, and Parlia∣ment, to take notice thereof; who now enacted, that no aliens should here∣after hold any such preferments, nor any send over unto them, the revenues of such Benefices. As in the Printed Statutes more largely doth appear.

18. Whiles at this time Clergy and Laity cast durt each in others fa∣ces, * 1.73 and neither washed their own: to punish both, burst forth the dange∣rous rebellion of Wat Tiler, and Jack Straw, with thousands of their cursed company. These all were pure Levellers (inflamed by the abused eloquence of one John Ball, an excommunicated Priest) who, maintaining, that no Gentry was Jure Divino, and all equal by nature,

When Adam delv'd, and Eve span, Who was then the Gentleman?

endeavoured the abolishing of all civil,* 1.74 and spiritual degrees,* 1.75 and distincti∣ons. Yea, they desired to level mens parts, as well as their purses; and, that none should be either wealthier, or wiser then his fellows; projected the general destruction of all, that wore a pen-and-ink-horn about them, or could write, or read. To effect this design, they pretended the peoples li∣berty, and the Princes honour: and, finding it difficult to destroy the King, but by the King, they advanced the name, to pluck down the thing signified thereby; crying up, that, all was for King Richard. They seemed also to be much for Reformation; which cloak they wore, to warme themselves there∣with, when naked, and first setting-up; but afterwards cast it off in the heat of their success, as not onely useless, but burdensome unto them.

19.* 1.76 As the Philistinesa 1.77 came out in three companies, to destroy all the swords and Smiths in Israel: so this rabble of Rebells, making it self tripar∣tite, endeavoured the rooting out of all pen-knives, and all appearance of learning. One in Kent, under the aforesaid Wat, and John: the second in Suffolk; the third under John Littstarre, a Dier in Norfolke. The former of these is described in the Latin verses of John Gower, Prince of Poets in his time; of whom we will bestow the following translation.

Watte vocat, cui Thome venit, ne{que} Symme retardat, Bette{que} Gibbe simul Hykke venire jubent. Colle furit, quem Gibbe juvat nocumenta parantes, Cum quibus ad damnum Wille coire vovet. Grigge rapit, dum Dawe strepit, comes est quibus Hobbe, Lorkin & in medio non minor esse putat. Hudde ferit, quos Judde terit, dum Tebbe juvatur, Jakke domosque viros vellit, & ense necat.

Tom comes, thereat, when call'd by Wat, and Simm as forward we finde, Bet calls as quick, to Gibb, and to Hykk, that neither would tarry behinde. Gibb, a good whelp of that litter, doth help mad Coll more mischief to do; And Will he doth vow, the time is come now, he'l joyn with their company too. Davie complains, whiles Grigg gets the gaines, and Hobb with them doth partake, Lorkin aloud, in the midst of the croud, conceiveth as deep is his stake. Hudde doth spoil, whom Judde doth foile, and Tebb lends his helping hand, But Jack, the mad patch, men and houses doth snatch, and kills all at his command.

Oh the methodical description of a confusion! How doth Wat lead the front, and Jack bring up the rere? (For, confusion it self would be instantly con∣founded, if some seeming superiority were not owned amongst them.) All men without sir-names (Tiler was but the addition of his trade, and Straw, a mock-name, assumed by himself; though Jack Straw would have been John of Gold, had this treason took effect) so obscure they were, and inconsidera∣ble. And, as they had no sir-names, they deserved no Christian-names, for their heathenish cruelties: though, to get them a name, they endeavoured to build this their Babel of a general confusion.

20. Many,* 1.78 and heinous were the outrages by them committed; espe∣cially, after they had possessed themselves of London. All shops, and cel∣lers were broken open; and they now rusled in silk, formerly ratling in leather; now soked themselves in wine, who were acquainted but with wa∣ter before. The Savoy in the Strand, being the Palace of John Duke of Lan∣caster, was plundered: so was the Hospital of S^t John's; and S^r Robert Hales, Lord Prior therein, and Treasurer of England, slain. But, as their spight, was the keenest at, so the spoil the greatest on the Law; well knowing, that, while the banks thereof stood fully in force, the deluge of their intend∣ed Anarchy, could not freely overflow. They ransack'd the Temple, not onely destroying many present Pleas, written between party and party, (as if it would accord Plaintife and Defendant, to send them both joyntly to the fire) but also abolished many ancient Records, to the loss of Learning, and irrecoverable prejudice of posterity. The Church fared as ill as the Temple; and Simon Sudbury, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, after many indignities offered him, was at last by them beheaded on Tower-Hill, patiently ending his life, and dying a State-Martyr. But most fiercely fell their fury on the Dutch in London (offended, be-like, with them for ingrossing of Trade) and these words, bread and cheese, were their neck-verse, or Shibboleth, to distinguish them; all pronouncing broad and cause, being presently put to death. Of all people, onely somea 1.79 Franciscan Friers found favour in their sight, whom they intended to preserve. What quality, to us occult, commended them to their mercy? Was it because they were the most ignorant of other Friers, and so the likest to themselves? But, perchance, these Rebells (if demanded) were as unable to render a reason, why they spared these, as why they spoiled others; being equally irrational in their kindnesses, as in in their cruelties.

21.* 1.80 When I read that passage of Judas in the Counsel ofb 1.81 Gamaliel, it seemeth to me plainly to describe the rising, increase, and ruine of these Rebels;

1. Rising. There rose up Judas of Galilee in the dayes of the taxing: so Tiler appeared, and this rebellion was caused by poll-money, hea∣vily imposed by the King, and the arrears thereof more cruelly ex∣acted by his Courtiers that farmed it. And pitty it is, so foul a rebellion could pretend so fair an occasion, for the extenuating thereof.

2. Encrease. And drew away much people after him: so the snow-ball encreased here. Johnc 1.82 Gower telleth us in his paralel of the martyring of Simon Sudbury, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with Thomas Becket, his predecessour.

Quatuor in mortem spirarunt foedera Thomae; Simonis & centum mille dedere necem.

But four conspir'd Thomas his bloud to spill; Whiles hundred thousands Simon help to kill.

Nor was this any poetical Hyperbole, but an historical truth, if the several numbers of their three armies were summ'd up to∣gether.

3. Ruine. He also perished, and all, even as many as obeyed him, were dispersed: so here, no sooner was Wat Tiler, their General (as I may terme him) kill'd by valiant Wallworth, the Lord Mayor

of London, and his assistance (for it was Johna 1.83 Cavendish, Esquire, that dispatch'd him with a mortal wound) in Smith∣field; and Jack Straw, their Lieutenant-General, legallyb 1.84 be∣headed (too brave a death for so base a fellow) but all the rest mouldered away, and vanished.

In memory of S^r William Wallworths valour, the Armes of London, formerly a plain Cross, were augmented with the addition of a Dagger, to make the coat in all points compleat. Happy, when the Cross (as first there in place) di∣recteth the Dagger, and when the Dagger defendeth the Cross: when Religion sanctifieth power, and power supporteth Religion.

22. But,* 1.85 Alanus Copus (for, he it is, whose Ecclesiastical History of England, goes under the name of Harpsfield) heavily chargeth all this rebel∣lion on the account of Wicliffe's doctrine. Whose scholars (saithc 1.86 he) to promote their Masters opinions, stirred up this deadly, and damnable sedi∣tion, and sounded the first trumpet thereunto. Adding moreover, that Wi∣cliffe's tenet, that, Dominion is founded in grace: and, that a King guilty of mor∣tal sin, is no longer Lord of any thing, was Cos hujus seditionis, The whet-stone of this sedition. But, to what lyer the whet-stone doth properly belong, will presently appear.

23. It is no news for the best of Gods children,* 1.87 to be slandered in this kinde. Jeremy wasd 1.88 traduced, Thou fallest away to the Caldeans. S^t Paul wase 1.89 accused, We have found this man a pestilent fellow, a mover of sedition. Yea, our Saviour himself wasf 1.90 charged, that, He made himself a King, and was a traytor to Caesar. But, as these were soul, and false aspersions: so will this appear, if we consider,

1. When John Ball was executed at S^t Albans, and Jackg 1.91 Straw at London, not the least compliance with Wicliffe, or his doctrine, is either charged on them, or confessed by them.

2. No wilde beast will prey on his own kinde. Now, it is certain∣ly known, that John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster was the princi∣pal Patron, and supporter of Wicliffe, whose life they sought to destroy, and whose Palace in the Strand they pillaged.

3. Wicliffe himself came within the compass of their destructive prin∣ciples, designing the death of all, who wore a pen and ink. And, that Wicliffe had both pen and ink, Cope himself doth know, and the Court of Rome, with shame and sorrow will confess.

4. Wicliffe lived some years after, and died peaceably possessed of the Living of Lutterworth in Leicester-shire. Surely, had he been reputed the inflamer of this rebellion, the wisdom of the King, and Councel, would have taken another order with him.

5. Amongst the articles laid to the charge of Wicliffe, and his fol∣lowers, in this Kings Reign, examined at Oxford, and elsewhere, not a tittle of this rebellion is pressed upon them. Which their malicious adversaries would not have omitted, if in any hope to make good that accusation against them.

6. Whereas it is charged on Wicliffe, that he held, that, Dominion was founded in grace, which occasioned this rebellion; we know this, that Huss, his scholar, though he did hold, that a King, being in mortal sin, was onely called a King aequivoca denomina∣tione; yet the same Huss confesseth (to use his ownh 1.92 words) Ipsum Deum approbare hujusmodi Regem, quoad esse Principem exte∣rius, That God himself allows such a King to be a Prince in all outward matters. So that, leaving him to Divine Justice, he never

dreamt of any resistance, or rebellion to be made against him.

7. The modern Protestants (heirs, say the Papists to Wicliffe's do∣ctrine) so far abominate these Rebels their levelling, and igno∣rant principles, that they are known, both to maintain distances of people, and to have been the restorers of lost, yea, the revi∣vers of dead learning, and languages: How had the Mathema∣ticks measured their own grave? Greek turn'd barbarisme? He∣brew (as it readeth) gone backward, never to return again, had not Protestant Criticks, with vast pains and expence, pre∣served them?

8. It is more suspicious, that this rebellion came out of the Fran∣ciscan Covent, because some of these, belike, were the rebels white-boyes; and (as is afore mentioned) to be spared in a gene∣ral destruction.

In a word. I wonder, how many ingenuous Papists can charge Wicliffe of rebellion, in maintaining, Dominion to be founded in grace; when the Gran∣dees of their own Religion, Aquine, Cajetane, Bellarmine, Suarez, maintain, that Dominion is so sounded in grace [in the Pope,] that a King, by him excom∣municate, may lawfully be deposed, and murdered.

24. William Courtney,* 1.93 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 1.94 (in the place of Simon Sudbury lately slain) made cruel Canons in a Synod at London,* 1.95 against the maintainers of Wicliffe his opinions. And I wonder that in Linwoods Consti∣tutions, no mention at all of any Canons made by this Arch-Bishop, who sate above ten years in the See. As for the heavy persecution which soon after he raised against Robert Rug, Thomas Britwell, Nicholas Herford, Philip Ripiagton, &c. nothing can be added to what M^r Fox hath related.

25. In my minde it amounteth to little less then a Miracle,* 1.96 that during this storme on his Disciples, Wicliffe their Master should live in quiet: Strange that he was not drowned in so strong a stream as ran against him; whose safety (under Gods providence) is not so much to be ascribed to his own strength in swimming, as to such as held him up by the Chin; the greatness of his Noble supporters. About this time he ended his Translation of the Bible in∣to English, (a fair Copy whereof in Queens Colledg in Oxford, and two more in the University Library) done no doubt in the most Expressive lan∣guage of those dayes, though sounding uncouth to our ears, The Knabe of Jesus Christ, for Servant; Acts 8. And Philip Baptized the Gelding, for Eu∣nuch; so much our tongue is improved in our age. As for the report of Po∣lydor Virgil, making him to flye out of England in the time of Edward the third, Et in magno pretio apud Bohemos fuisse, and to have been of high esteem amongst the Bahemians: It is true of Wicliffe's Writings, but not of his Person, who never departed his Native Countrey.

26. Not long after,* 1.97 therein he ended his life,* 1.98 at his cure at Lutterworth in Leicester-shire,* 1.99 of the Palsey.a 1.100 Admirable, that a Hare so often hunted with so many Packs of Doggs should die at last quietly sitting in his form. Par∣sons the Jesuite snarles at M^r Fox, for counting Wicliffe a Martyr in his Ca∣lender, as so far from suffering violent death, that he was never so much as imprisoned for the opinion he maintained. But the phrase may be justi∣fied in the large acception of the word, for a witness of the truth: Besides, the body of Wicliffe was Martyred as to shame, though not to pain, (as far as his adversaries cruelty could extend) being taken up and burnt many years after his death, as God willing we shall shew hereafter.

27. William Wickam,* 1.101 about this timeb 1.102 finished his beautiful Colledg in Oxford;* 1.103 some have raised a Scandal of him,* 1.104 that he was no scholar at all, from which the very meanest scholar in his foundation can acquit him, by that rule in Logick, Quod efficit tale magis est tale, what maketh the same is more

the same.* 1.105 By which his learning must be inferred, whose bounty caused so many learned men.* 1.106 Now because the maxim runneth with a limitation, Si sit tale, if it be the same; the truth hereof also appears from the learned a 1.107 pen, who writing Wickams life, have proved him to have been a sufficient Scholar, skilled in other Arts, as well as in practical Mathematicks and Ar∣chitecture.

28. Now as Solomon,* 1.108 when about to build his house at Millo,b 1.109 seeing Jeroboam to be an industrious man, made him Master of his Fabrick: So Edward the third, discovering the like sufficiency in this great Clerk, imployed him in all his stately structures, witness this in Motto at Windsor Castle, This made Wicham; meaning that the building of that Castle gave occasion to his wealth and honour; whereas on this Colledg he might write, This wickam made. The building and endowing thereof, being the effect of his bounty alone; hence it is that this Colledg giveth the Armes of Wickam, viz. two Cheverons betwixt three Roses, each Cheveron alludingc 1.110 to two beams fastned together (called couples in building) to speak his skill in Archi∣tecture.

29. This Colledg he built very strong,* 1.111 out of a designd 1.112 that it should be able to hold out a Siege of it self, if need so required it, though may it never have a temptation in that kinde, to trie the strength of the walls thereof. Indeed this Colledg with Bourges in France, may lay claim to the name of Bituris.

Turribus abinis inde vocor Bituris.

So called from two Towers therein, as this hath the like; one over the Gate, the other over the Porch in the entrance into the Hall; so that it may seem a Castle-Colledg, and made as well for defence as habitation. So that at this present is maintained therein, a Warden, Seventy Fellows and Scholars, Ten Chaplains, Three Clerks, One Organist, Sixteen Choristers, besides Of∣ficers and servants of the Foundation, with other Students, being in all One Hundred Thirty Five.

30. Pass we now from his Orchard of grown Trees,* 1.113 to his Nursery of Grafts,* 1.114 the Colledge at Winchester,* 1.115 which few years after the same Bishop finished; not much inferiour to the former for building and endowments, as wherein he established One Warden, Ten Fellows, Two School-masters, and Seventy Scholars, with Officers, and Servants, which are all main∣tained at his charge; out of which School he ordained should be chosen the best Scholars alwayes to supply the vacant places of the Fellows of this Colledg.

31. As his Charity,* 1.116 so his Faith (he that provideth not for his house is worse then an Infidel) appeared in this his Foundation; ordering that his own Kins∣men should be preferred before others. Let their parents therefore but pro∣vide for their Nursing when Infants, their breeding when Children, and he hath took order for their careful teaching at Winchester when youth; liberal living at Oxford when men; and comfortable subsistance in their reduced age, in those many and good patronages he hath conferred on the Colledg. And truly as these his Kindred have been happy in him, so Wickam hath been happy in his Kindred; many of them meriting the best preferment, without any advantage of his relation. And as this Wickam was the first in that kinde so provident for his Kindred, his practice hath since been precedential to some other Colledges, as the Statutes of this house are generally a direction to other later foundations. To take our leave of this Bishop, whosoever consi∣ders the vast buildings, and rich endowments made by this Prelate (besides his expence in repairing the Cathedral at Winchester) will conclude such atcheivements unpossible for a Subject, until he reflect on his vast Offices of preferments, being Bishop of Winchester, Rector of S^t Martins Le Grand,

holding twelve Prebends in Comendam with it,* 1.117 Lord Privy-Seal, Chancellor, and Treasurer of England; besides other places of meaner consequence.* 1.118

Wardens. Rich. Toneworth. Nich. Wickam. Tho. Cranely. Rich. Malsorde. Jo. Bouke. Will. Escot. Nich. Osylbury. Tho. Chaundler. Walt. Hill. Will. Porter. Jo. Reade. Jo. Younge. Jo. London. Hen. Cole. Ral. Skinner. Tho. White. Mart. Culpepper. George Rives. Arth. Lake. Pink. Stringer. Marshal.

Benefactors. Mr Rawlins. Sr Rich. Read, Kt. Dr Newman. Dr Reeve, Ward. Dr Martin. Rob. Bell. Dr Smith.

Bishops. Will. Warham. Arch-Bish. of Cant. Will. Wainffet, Bish. of Winchester. Jo. White, Bish. of Winchester. Tho. Bilson, Bish. of Winchester. Will. Knight, Bish. of Bath & Wells. James Turbervil, Bish. of Exeter. Rob. Sherbourne, Bish. of Chichester. Arth. Lake Bish. of Bath and Wells.

Learned Writers. Tho. Harding. Tho. Nele. Nich. Sanders. Nich. Harpsfield. Will. Reynolds.* 1.119 Tho. Hide. Jo. Marshall. Tho. Stapleton. Jo. Fenne. Rich. White.* 1.120 Jo. Pits. All violent maintainers of the Popish Reli∣gion. Sr HEN. WOOT∣TON. Dr Tooker Dean of Lichfield. Dr James Cook, Arch-Dec. of Winch. Sr. Tho. Rives, (besides other elegant works) for his VICARS PLEA. Sr James Hassee. Sr Hen. Martin. Dr Merideth, Dean of Wells. ARTHUR LAKE, Bish. of Bath and Wells. William Twisse. John White.

One may defie the suspicion of flattery, if adding D^r Harris, the reverend Warden of Winchester; D^r Rich. Zouch, not beholden to his Noble extraction, for his Repute, founded on his own worth, and Books reprinted beyond the Seas; D^r Me∣rick, late Judg of the Prerogative; but it is better to leave the characters of their worth to the thankfullness of the next Age to describe.

32. Lately the Popes usurpation was grown so great,* 1.121 in intrenching on the Crown, that there was an absolute necessity, seasonably to retrench his usurpation. For albeit the Kings of England were as absolute in their de∣means, their Prelacy and Clergie as learned, their Nobility as valiant and

prudent, their Commons as free and wealthy,* 1.122 as any in Christendom; Yet had not some Laws of Provision now been made, England had long since been turned part of S^t Peters Patrimony in demeans: Yea, the Scepter wrested out of their Kings hands, her Prelates made the Popes Chaplains and Clerks, Nobility his servants and vassals, Commons his slaves and villaines, had not some seasonable Statutes of Manumission been enacted.

33. For now came the Parliament wherein the Statute was enacted,* 1.123 which mauled the Papal power in England, Some former laws had pared the Popes nailes to the quick, but this cut off his fingers, in effect, so that hereafter his hands could not grasp and hold such vast summes of money as before. This is called the Statute of PREMUNIRE; and let not the Reader grudg the reading therof, which gave such a blow to the Church of Rome, that it never rcovered it self in this Land, but dayly decayed till its finall destruction.

VVHereas the Commons of the Realm in this present Parliament, have sued to our redoubted Lord the King, grievously complaining, that where∣as the said our Lord the King and all his liege people, ought of right, and of old time were wont to sue in the Kings Court, to recover their Presentments to Churches, prebends, and other benefices of holy Church, to the which they had right to present, the Conisance of Plea of which Presentment belongeth onely to the Kings Court, of the old right of his Crown, used and approved in the time of all his Progenitors, Kings of England: And when judgment shall be given in the same Court upon such a Plea and Presentment, the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and other Spiritual persons, which have Institution of such Benefices, within their jurisdictions, be bound and have made Execution of such Judgments by the Kings commandements of all the time aforesaid, without in∣terruption, (for another Lay person cannot make such execu∣tion) and also be bound of right to make execution of many other of the Kings commandements, of which right the Crown of England hath been peaceably seised, as well in the time of our said Lord the King, that now is, as in the time of all his Pro∣genitors till this day. But now of late divers Processes be made by the Bishop of Rome, and censures of Excommunica∣tion upon certain Bishops of England, because they have made execution of such commandements, to the open disherison of the said Crown, and destruction of our said Lord the King, his Law, and all his Realm, if remedie be not provided. And also it is said, and a common clamor is made, that the said Bishop of Rome hath ordained, and purposed to translate some Prelates of the same Realm, some out of the Realm, and some from one Bishoprick into another within the same Realme, without the Kings assent and knowledg, and without the as∣sent

of the Prelates, which so shall be translated, which Pre∣lates be much profitable and necessary to our said Lord the King, and to all his Realme: By which translations (if they should be suffered) the Statutes of the Realm should be defeated, and made void, and his said liege Sages of his Councel without his assent and against his will, carried away and gotten out of his Realm, and the substance and treasure of the Realm, shall be carried away, and so the Realm destitute as well of Councel, as of substance, to the final destruction of the same Realm, And so the Crown of England which hath been so free at all times, that it hath been in no earthly subjection, but immediately subject to God in all things, touching the realitie of the same Crown, and to none other, should be submitted to the Pope, & the Laws & Sta∣tutes of the Realm by him defeated, & avoided at his will, in the perpetual destruction of the Soveraigntie of the King, our Lord, his Crown, his Regalitie, & of all his Realm, which God defend.

And moreover the Commons aforesaid say, that the things so attempted be clearly against the Kings Crown and Regality, used and approved of the time of all his Progenitors. Where∣fore they, and all the liege Commons of the same Realm, will stand with our said Lord the King, and his said Crown, and his Regalitie, in the cases aforesaid, and in all other cases attempted against him, his Crown, and his Regalitie, in all points, to live and to die. And moreover they pray the King, and him require by way of justice, that he would examin all the Lords in Parliament, as well Spiritual as Temporal, se∣verally, and all the States of the Parliament, how they think of the cases aforesaid, which be so openly against the Kings Crown, and in derogation of his Regalitie, and how they will stand in the same cases with our Lord the King, in up∣holding the rights of the said Crown, and Regalitie. Whereupon the Lords Temporal so demanded, have answered everie one by himself, that the cases aforesaid be clearly in derogation of the Kings Crown, and of his Regalitie, as it is well known, and hath been of along time known, and that they will be with the same Crown, and Regalitie, in these cases especially, and in all other cases which shall be attempted against the same Crown and Regality, in all points with all their power. And more∣over it was demanded of the Lords Spiritual there being, and the procurators of others being absent their advise and will, in all these cases, which Lords, that is to say, the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and other Prelates being in the said Parliament, se∣verally examined, making protestations, that it is not their minde to denie nor affirm, that the Bishop of Rome may not Excommunicate Bishops, nor that he may make translation of

that if any Execution of Processes, made in the Kings Court (as before) be made by any, and censures of Excommunication to be made against any Bishops of England, or any other of the Kings liege people, for that they have made execution of such commandments, and that if any executions of such trans¦lations be made of any Prelates of the same Realm, which Prelates be very profitable and necessarie to our said Lord the King, and to his said Realm, or that the sage people of his Councel without his assent, and against his will, be removed and carried out of the Realm, so that the substance and trea∣sure of the Realm may be consumed, that the same is against the King and his Crown, as it is contained in the petition before named. And likewise the same procurators every one by himself, examined upon the said matters, have answered and said in the name, and for their Lords as the said Bishops have said and answered, and that the said Lords Spiritual will, and ought to be with the King in these cases, in lawfully main∣taining of his Crown, and in all other cases touching his Crown, and his Regalitie, as they be bound by their Liegeance. Whereupon our said Lord the King, by the assnt aforesaid, and at the request of his said Commons, hath ordained and established, that if any purchase, or pursue, or cause to be pur∣chased or pursued in the Court of Rome, or elsewhere, any such translations, processes, sentences of Excommunications, Bulls, Instruments, or any other things whatsoever, which touch the King, against him, his Crown and his Regalitie, or his Realm, as is aforesaid; and they which bring within the Realm, or them receive, or make thereof notification, or any other execution whatsoever within the same Realm or without, that they, their notaries, procurators, maintainers, abbet∣tors, fantors, and councellors, shall be put out of the Kings protection, and their Lands, and Tenements, Goods, and Chattels, forfeit to our Lord the King: and that they be at∣tached by their bodies, if they may be found, and brought before the King and his Councel, there to answer to the cases aforesaid, or that process be made against them, by Praemu∣nire facias, in manner as it is ordained in other Statutes of Provisors: and other which do sue in any other Court in de∣rogation of the Regality of our Lord the King.

43. Something of the occasion,* 1.124 name, and use of this Statute; the first is notoriously known from the Papal encroachments on the crown. No Bishoprick, Abathie, Dignitie, or Rectorie, of value in England was likely to fall, but a successour in reversion was by the Popes provisions, fore-appointed for the same. To make sure work, rather then they would adventure to

take the place at the first rebound,* 1.125 they would catch it before it light on the ground.* 1.126 This was imputed to the Popes abundance, yea superfluity of care, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••etur vacuum in the Church; and rather then a Widow Benefice should mourn it self to death, a second husband had his License for marriage before the former was deceased. But great parishes, where small the profit, and numorous the people; and where indeed greatest care ought to be had of their soules, were past by in the Popes Bulls. His Holiness making no provisions for those Livings, which Livings had no provisions for his Holiness.

35. Some will have it called Praemunire,* 1.127 from fencing or fortifying the Regal power from forain assaults; as indeed this was one of the best bul∣works and sconces of Soveraignty. Others that Praemunire signifieth the Crown fortified before the making of this Statute, as fixing no new force therein, but onely declaring a precedent, and forgoing, just right and due thereof. Others conceive the word [Praemonere] turned by corruption of barbarous transcribers, interpreters, and pronouncers into Praemunire. Others alledg the figure of the effect for the cause, and the common Proverb, Prae∣monitus, Praemunitus. Most sure it is that Praemunire sacias, are operative words, in the form of the Writ grounded on the Statute, which may give denomination to the whole.

36. It may seem strange such a Statute could pass in Parliament, where almost sixty Spiritual Barons,* 1.128 (Bishops and Abbots) Voted according to Papal Interest; except any will say, that such who formerly had much of a Pope in their bellies, had now more of Patriots in their breast, being weary of Romes exactions. Indeed no man in place of power or profit, loves to be∣hold himself buried alive, by seeing his successour assigned unto him, which caused all Clergy-men to hate such superinductions, and many friends to the Pope, were foes to his proceedings therein.

37. This Law angred all the veines in the heart of his Holiness,* 1.129 the Statute of Mortmain put him into a sweat, but this into the sit of a fever. The former concerned him onely mediately in the Abbies his darlings, this touch∣ed him in his person; and how cholerick he was, will appear by the follow∣ing Letter, here inserted (though written some fifty years after) to make the story entire.

MArtinus Episcopus,* 1.130 servus servorum Dei,* 1.131 Dilecto filio nobili viro Jo∣banni, * 1.132 Duct Bedsord, Salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Quamvis dudum in regno Anghae, jurisdictio Romanae Ecclesiae, & liberatas Ecclesiastica suerit oppressa, vigore illius Execrabilis Sta∣tuti, quod omni divinae, & humanae rationi contrarium est: Tamen ad∣huc non suit ad tantam violentiam prolapsum, ut in Sedis Apostolicae, nun∣cios & Legatos manus temerè mitterentur; sicut ••evissimè sactum est in persona dilecti filii Johannis de Oisis Palatii Apostolici causarum auditoris, & in praesato regno Nunlii, & collectoris nosiri, quem audivimus ex hâc sola causa, quod literas Apostolicas nostro nomine praesentabat, fuisse per ali∣quos de ipso regno carceribus mancipatum. Quae injuria nobis, & Aposto∣licae sedi illata, animum nostrum affecit admiratione, turbatione, & mole∣stia singulari: Miramur enim, stupescimus & dolemus, quod tam FOE∣DILM, & TURPE FACINUS in illo regno commissum sit, contrà sedem B. Petri, & Nuntios ejus, praesertim cum literae illae nostrae, nil aliud quam salutem animarum, honorem regni, & per omnia paternas, & sanctas ad∣monitiones continerent. Fuit enim semper etiam apud gentiles, qui nullam tenebant verae fidei rationem inviolabile nomen Nuncii; at•• Legati eti∣amsi ab hostibus mitterentur semper salvi, & hodiè apud Saracenos, & Turcos, à quibusciam tutè destinantur, legationes & literae; etiamsi illis ad quos deferuntur molestae sint & injuriosae. Et nuncius noster, vir hu∣manus

& moderatus,* 1.133 & continua conversatione notissimus in regno Angliae, quod devotione fidei, & cultu divino se jactat omnes alias Christianas ratio∣nes superare turpiter captus est, nihil impium, nec hostile deferens, sed literas salutares & justas. Sed revereantur aliquando illi qui sic con∣tumaciter & superbè Ecclesiam Dei contemnent, & Sedis Apostolicae autho∣ritatem, nè super ipsos eveniat justa punitio ex Christi judicio, qui cam in∣stituit, & fundavit: Caveant nè tot cumulatis offensis Deum irritent, ad ultionem & tarditatem supplicii gravitate compensent. Non videbatur eis satis offendisse Deum Statuta condendo contra vicarium ejus, contra Ecclesi∣am & Ecclesiae caput, nisi pertinacitèr perseverantes in malo proposito, in Nuntium Apostolicum violentas manus injicerent? Quod non dubitamus tuae Excellentiae, quae Ecclesiae, & regni honorem diligit displicere, & certi sumus quod si fuisses in Anglia, pro tua naturali prudentia, & pro side, & devotione, quam geres erga nos, & Ecclesiam Dei illos incurrere in hunc furorem nullatenus permisisses. Verùm cum non solum ipsis qui hoc fecerunt, sed toti regno magna accederit ignominia, & dietim si perseverabit in er∣rore, accessura sit major: generositatem tuam, in qua valdè confidemus, ex∣bortamur, & affectuose rogamus, ut circa haec provideas, prout sapientiae tuae videbitur, honori nostro, & Ecclesiae, ac saluti regni convenire. Da∣tum Romae apud Sanctos Apostolos, VI Kal. Junii Pontificatus nostri Anno 12^mo.

Give Winners leave to laugh, and Losers to speak, or else both will take leave to themselves; The less the Pope could bite, the more he roared, and as it appears by his language, he was highly offended thereat. This penal Statute as a Rod was for many years laid upon the desk, or rather lock'd up in the cupboard. No great visible use being made thereof, until the Reign of King Hen. 8. whereof hereafter.

38. Since the Reformation,* 1.134 the professors of the Common-Law have taken much advantage out of this Statute, threatning therewith such as are active in the Ecclesiastical jurisdictions, as if their dealings tended to be the disherison of the Crown. A weapon wherewith they have rather flourished then struck, it being suspicious, that that appearing sword is but all Hilt, whose Blade was near drawn out, as this charge hath never been driven home against them; but herein let us hearken to the Learned judgment of S^r Tho∣mas Smith, Secretary of State, who well knew the interest of his Soveraign therein.

39. Because the Court,a 1.135 which is called Curia Christianitatis, is yet taken for an extern and foraign Court, and differeth from the Politie and manner of Government of the Realm,* 1.136 and is another Court (as appeareth by the Act and Writ of Praemunire, then Curia Regis aut Reginae; yet at this present this Court as well as others, hath her force, power, authority, rule, and jurisdiction from the Royal Majesty, and the Crown of England, and from no other foreign Potentate or power, under God; which being granted (as indeed it is true) it may now ap∣pear by some reason, that the first Statute of Praemunire, whereof I have spoken, hath now no place in England, seeing there is no pleading alibi quam in Curia Regis ac Reginae. All I will add of this Statute is this; That it hath had the hard hap not to be honoured with so many Readings therein, as other Statutes. Perhaps because not bringing in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in proportion to the pains which must be laied out thereon; and therefore I would invite some ingeni∣ous in our Common-Law, (and with such no doubt it aboundeth) to bestow their learned endeavours thereon, to their own honour, and advancement of the truth in so noble a subject.

40. Many poor souls at this time were by fear or flattery moved to abjure the truth,* 1.137 and promise future conformity to the Church of Rome.* 1.138 In proof whereof,* 1.139 let not the Reader think much to peruse the following Instru∣ments;

* 1.140 First,* 1.141 for the authentickness thereof, being truly copied out of the Originals of the Tower. Secondly, because it conteines some extraordina∣ry formalities of abjuration. Lastly, because the four persons mentioned therein, have escaped M^r Fox his observation, seeing no drag-net can be so carefully cast, as to catch all things which come under it.

a 1.142 Memorand. quod primo die Septembris, Anno Regni Regis Richardi Secundi post Conquestum decimo-nono Will. Dynet, Nic. Taillour, Nic. Poucher, & Will. Steynour de Notyngham, in Cancellar. ipsius Regis per∣sonaliter constituti sacra divisim prestiterunt sub eo qui sequitur tenore.

I WILLIAM DYNET, be-for yhow worshipefull father and Lord Archbishop of Yhorke, and Yhother Clergie with my free will and full avysede swere to God and to all his Sayntes upon this holy Gospells yat fro this day forwarde I shall worship ymages with preying and offeryng unto hem in the worschep of the sayntes that yey be made after. And alsoe I shall never more despise pygremage ne states of holy Chyrche, in no degree. And alsoe I shall be buxum to the lawes of holy Chyrche and to yhowe as myn Archbishop and to myn oyer Ordinares and Curates and kepe yo lawes upon my power and meynten hem. And alsoe I shall never more meynten, ne tochen, ne defenden errours, conclusions, ne techynges of the Lollardes, ne swych conclusions and techynges that men clepyth Lollardes doctryn, ne I shall her bokes. Ne swych bokes ne hem or any suspeict or diffamede of Lolardery resceyve, or company withall wyttyngly or defende in yo matters, and yf I know ony swich, I shall wyth all the haste that y may do yhowe or els your ner officers to wyten, and of her bokes. And also I shall excite and stirre all you to goode doctryn yat I have hindered wyth myn doctryn up my power, and also I shall stonde to your declaracion wych es heresy or errour and do thereafter. And also what penance yhe woll for yat I have don for meyntenyng of this false doctryn in mynd mee and I shall fulfill it, and I submit me yer to up my power, and also I shall make no othir glose of this my oth, bot as ye wordes stonde, and if it be so that I come againe or doe again this oath or eny party thereof I yhelde me here cowpable as an heretyk and to be punyshed be the lawe as an heretyk, and to forfet all my godes to the Kynges will withowten any othir processe of Lawe, and yerto I require ye nota∣rie to make of all this, ye whych is my will, an instrument agayns me.

Et ex habundanti idem Will. Dynet eodem die voluit & recognovit quod omnia bona & Catalla sua mobilia nobis sint forisfca in casu quo ipse juramentum praedictum seu aliqua in eodem juramento contenta de cetero contravenerit ullo modo.

41. We have here exemplified this Abjuration just according to the Originals,* 1.143 with all the faults, and Pseudographie thereof. For I remember in my time an under-Clerk at Court, threatned to be called before the Green-Cloath for an Innovation from former Bills, though onely writing. Sinapi with an S. contrary to the common custom of the Clerks of the Kitchin, formerly writing of it with a C. so wedded are some men to old orders, and so dan∣gerous in their judgment is the least deviation from them.

42. The Arch-Bishop of York mentioned therein,* 1.144 was Tho. Arundell then Chancellour of England, and in all probability this Instrument was Dated at York. For I finde, that at this very time Tho. Arundell, to humble the Lon∣doners (then reputed disaffected to the King) removed the Termes and a 1.145 Courts to York, where they continued for some short time, and then returned to their ancient course. Whereas he is enjoyned point-blank to worship Ima∣ges, it seemeth that the modern nice distinction of worshipping of Saints in Images, was not yet in fashion. It appeareth herein that Relaps after Abju∣ration, was not as yet (as afterwards) punishable with death, but onely with forfeiture of goods to the Crown.

43. This year a Godly,* 1.146 Learned,* 1.147 and Aged Servant of God ended his dayes,* 1.148 viz. John de Trevisa, a Gentleman of an ancientb 1.149 Family, (bearing Gules, a Garbe, OR) born at Crocadon in Cornwall, a Secular Priest, and Vicar of Berkeley; a painful and faithful Translator of many and great Books into English, as Policronicon, written by Ranulphus of Chester, Bartholomeus de rerum proprictatibus, &c. But his master-piece was the Translating of the Old and New Testament, justifying his act herein by the example of Bede, who turned the Gospel of S^t John in English.

44. I know not which more to admire,* 1.150 his ability, that he could, his courage, that he durst, or his industry that he did perform so difficult and dangerous a task, having no other commission, then thec 1.151 command of his Patron, THOMAS Lord BERKELEY. Which Lord, (as the saidd 1.152 Trevisa observeth) had the Apocalyps in Latin and French (then generally understood by the better sort as well as English) written on the roof and walls of his Chappel at Berkeley; and which not long since, (viz. Anno 1622.) so re∣mained, as not much defaced. Whereby we may observe, that midnight being past, some early risers, even then began to strike fire, and enlighten themselves from the Scriptures.

45. It may seem a Miracle,* 1.153 that the Bishops being thus busie in persecuting Gods servants, and Trevisa so obnoxious to their fury, for this Translation, that he lived and died without any molestation. Yet was he a known enemy to Monkery, witness that, (among many other) of his Speeches, that he had read how Christ hade 1.154 sent Apostles and Priests into the world, but never any Monks or begging Friers. But whether it was out of reverence to his own aged gravity, or respect to his Patrons greatness, he died full of honour, quiet, and age, little less then ninety years old. For,

1. He ended his Translation of Policronicon, (as appeareth by the conclusion thereof) the 29^th of Edward the third, when he can∣not be presumed less then 30. years of age.

2. He added to the end thereof, fiftyf 1.155 (some say more) years of his own historical observations.

Thus as he gave a Garbe or Wheat-sheaf for his Armes; so, to use theg 1.156 Pro∣phets expression, the Lord gathered him as a sheaf into the floor, even full ripe and ready for the same.

46. We may couple with him,* 1.157 his contemporary, Geffery Chaucer, born (some say) in Berke-shire, others in Oxford-shire, most and truest in London. If the Grecian Homer had seven, let out English haven three places contest for his Nativity. Our Homer (I say) onely herein he differed.

Maeonides nullas ipse reliquit opes: Homer himself did leave no pelf.

Whereas our Chaucer left behinde him a rich and worshipful estate.

47. His Father was a Vintner in London;* 1.158 and I have heard his Armes quarell'd at,* 1.159 being Argent and Gules strangely contrived,* 1.160 and hard to be blazon'd. Some more wits have made it the dashing of white and red wine (the parents of our ordinary Claret) as nicking his fathers profession. But, were Chaucer alive, he would justifie his own Armes in the face of all his opposers, being not so devoted to the Muses, but he was also a son of Mars. He was the Prince of English Poets; married the daughter of Pain Roëc, King of Armes in France, and sister to the Wife of John of Gaunt, King of Castile.

48. He was a great Refiner,* 1.161 and Illuminer of our English tongue (and, if he left it so bad, how much worse did he finde it?) witness Leland thus praising him,

Praedicat Algerum meritò Florentia Dantem, Italia & numeros, tota Petrarche tuos. Anglia Chaucerum veneratur nostra Poëtam, Cui veneres debet patria lingua suas.

Of Alger Dants, Florence doth justly boast, Of Petrarch brags all the Italian coast. England doth Poet Chaucer reverence, To whom our language ows its eloquence.

Indeed Verslegan, a learneda 1.162 Antiquary, condemns him, for spoiling the purity of the English tongue, by the mixture of so many French and Latin words. But, he who mingles wine with water, though he destroies the nature of water, improves the quality thereof.

49. I finde this Chaucer fined in the Temple two shillings,* 1.163 for striking a Franciscan Frier in Fleet-street, and it seems his hands ever after itched to be revenged, and have his penniworths out of them, so tickling Religious-Orders with his tales, and yet so pinching them with his truths, that Friers in reading his books, know not how to dispose their faces betwixt crying and laughing. He lies buried in the South-Isle of S^t Peters, Westminster, and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton (a pair-royal of Poets) enough (almost) to make passengers feet to move metrically, who go over the place, where so much Poetical dust is interred.

50. Since the Abjuration last exemplified,* 1.164 we meet in this Kings Reign no more persecution from the Bishops. We impute this not to their pity, but other imployment, now busie in making their applications to the new King, on the change of government, King Richard being now deposed.

51. He was one of a goodly person,* 1.165 of a nature neither good nor bad, but according to his company, which commonly were of the more vicious. His infancy was educated under several Lord Protectours successively, under whom his intellectuals thrived, as babes battle with many nurses, commonly the worse for the change. At last he grew up to full age, and empty minde, judicious onely in pleasure, giving himself over to all licentiousness.

52. As King Richard was too weak to govern;* 1.166 so Henry Duke of Lan∣caster, his Cousin-germane, was too wilful to be governed. Taking ad∣vantage therefore of the Kings absence in Ireland, he combined with other of the discontented Nobility, and draws up Articles against him; some true, some false, some both; as wherein truth brought the matter, and malice made the measure. Many misdemeanors (mo misfortunes) are laid to his charge. Murdering the Nobility, advancing of worthless Minions, sale of justice, oppression of all people with unconscionable taxations. For, such

Princes as carry a forke in one hand,* 1.167 must bear a rake in the other; and must covetously scrape to maintain, what they causlesly scatter.

53. Loosness brings men into streights at last,* 1.168 as King Richard may be an instance thereof. Returning into England, he is reduced to this doleful Dilemma; either, voluntarily, by resigning, to depose himself; or violently, by detrusion, to be deposed by others. His misery, and his enemies ambi∣tion admit of no expedient. Yea, in all this Act his little judgment stood onely a looker-on, whilest his fear did what was to be done, directed by the force of others. In hopes of life he solemnly resigneth the Crown, but all in vain. For, cruel thieves seldom rob, but they also kill; and King Henry his Successour could not meet with a soft pillow, so long as the other wore a warm head. Whereupon, not long after, King Richard was barbarously murdered at Pomfret-Castle. But of these transactions, the Reader may sa∣tisfie himself at large, out of our civil Historians.

54. Onely we will add,* 1.169 that the Clergy were the first that led this dance of disloyaltie. Thomas Arundel, now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in the room of William Courtney deceased, made a Sermon on Samuels words, Vir dominabitur populo. He shewed himself a Satyrist in the former, a Parasite in the later part of his Sermon, a Traitor in both. He aggravated the chil∣dish weakness of King Richard, & his inability to govern; magnifying the parts and perfections of Henry, Duke of Lancaster. But, by the Arch-Bishops leave, grant Richard either deservedly deposed, or naturally dead without issue, the right to the Crown lay not in this Henry, but in Edmond Mortimer, Earl of March, descended, by his mother Philippa, from Lionel, Duke of Clarence, elder son to Edward the third. This the Arch-Bishop did willingly conceal. Thus in all State-alterations, be they never so bad, the Pulpit will be of the same wood with the Councel-board. And thus ambitious Clergy∣men abuse the silver trumpets of the Sanctuary; who, reversing them, and putting the wrong end into their mouthes, make, what was appointed to sound Religon, to signifie Rebellion.

55. But whilest all other Churches in England rung congratulatory peales to King Henry his Happiness,* 1.170 one jarring bell almost marr'd the me∣lody of all the rest, even Thomas Merks, Bishop of Carlile. For, when the Lords in Parliament, not content to Depose King Richard, were devising more mischief against him, up steps the aforesaid Bishop, formerly Chaplain to the King, and expresseth himself as followeth:

There is no man present, worthy to pass his sentence on soa 1.171 great a King, as to whom they have obeyed as their lawful Prince, full two and twenty years. This is the part of Traitors, Cut-throats, and Thieves. None is so wicked, none so vile, who, though he be charged with a manifest crime, we should think to condemn, be∣fore we heard him. And you, do ye account it equal to pass sen∣tence on a King anointed, and Crowned, giving him no leave to defend himself? How unjust is this! But let us consider the matter it self. I say, nay openly affirm, that Henry, Duke of Lancaster (whom you are pleased to call your King) hath most unjustly spoiled Richard,

as well his Soveraign as ours, of his Kingdom.

More would he have spoken, when the Lord Marshal enjoyned him silence, for speaking too much Truth, in so dangerous a time. Since, it seems some Historians have made up what more he would have said, spinning these his Heads into a very large Oration, though tedious to none, save those of the Lancastrian faction.

56. Here,* 1.172 if ever, did the Proverb take effect, Truth may be blam'd, but cannot be sham'd, for although the rest of the Bishops, being guilty themselves, condemned him, as discovering more Covent-devotion (who originally was a Monk of Westminster) then Court-discretion, in dissenting from his Brethren;

Yet generally he was beheld as Loyalties a Confessor,* 1.173 speaking what became his calling,* 1.174 in discharge of his conscience. Yea, for the present, such the reve∣rence to his integrity, no punishment was imposed upon him.

57. Merks was conceived in the judgment of most moderate men,* 1.175 abun∣dantly to have satisfied his conscience with his speech in Parliament. But how hard is it to stop an active soul in its full speed? He thought himself bound, not onely to speak, but do, yea, and suffer too, (if called thereunto) for his Soveraign. This moved him to engage with Henry Hot-spur, and other discontented Lords, against King Henry, on whose defeat this Bishop was taken prisoner, and judicially arraigned for high Treason.

58. This is one of the clearest distinguishing characters,* 1.176 betwixt the Temporal, and Spiritual Lords; that the former are to be tried per pares, by their Peers, being Barons of the Realm; the later are by Law and custome allowed a Trial onely by a Jury of able and substantial persons. Sucha 1.177 men found Bishop Merks guilty of Treason, for which he was condemned and sent prisoner to S^t Albans.

59. The King would gladly have had a fair riddance of this Bishop,* 1.178 whom he could not with credit keep here, nor send hence. As to deprive him of life it was dangerous in those dayes, when some Sacredness was be∣lieved inherent in Episcopal persons. Here his Holiness helpt the King with an handsom expedient, to salve all matters, by removing Merks to be Bishop ofb 1.179 Samos in Grecia. I finde three Grecian Islands of the same name, and a critickc 1.180 complaineth they are often confounded. The best is, it is not much material, of which of them Merks was made Bishop, having onely a Title (to sterve in state) without a penny profit thereby. But before his translation was compleated, he was translated into another world.

The End of the Fourteenth CENTURY.

SECT. II.* 1.181

TO Sir GERRARD NAPIER OF Dorcet-shire,* 1.182 BARONET.

I Have read that a Statute was made to retrench the num∣ber of great mens keeping their Reteiners, in the Reign of King Hen. 7^th; and that politickly done in those nu∣tinous times, to prevent Commotions, lest some popular person should raise a little Army, under the covert of his great Attendance.

A Law improved to Rigor, though certainly (as all other penal Statutes intended but to terrour) insomuch that the Earl of Oxford (more meriting of King Hen. 7^th then any other subject) was even* 1.183 delivered to the Kings Attur∣ney, and (as report saith) Fined fifteen thousand Marks for exceeding the proportion legally allowed.

I confess we live in as dangerous dayes, and affording as great jealousies as those: But I have cause to be right glad (as deeply concerned therein) that though a Statute hath for∣bidden many to depend on one, none hath prohibited one to depend on many Patrons: But any Author of a Book may multiply them Sance-number, as driving on no hurtful design, but onely the protection of his own endeavours.

On this account I tender these my Labours unto you, know∣ing the very Name of NAPIER acceptable to all Scholars, ever since the Learned Laird of Marchistowne (no stranger to your bloud, as I am informed) by his Log-arithmes, con∣tracted the pains (and so by consequence prolonged the time and life) of all imployed in Numeration.

1. KIng Henry being conscious that he had got and did keep the Crown by a bad Title,* 1.184 counted it his wisest way,* 1.185 to comply with the Clergie,* 1.186 whose present power was not onely useful, but needful for him. To gain their favour, he lately enacted bloudy Laws, for the extirpation of poor Christians, under the false notion of Hereticks,a 1.187 condemning them to be burnt. A torment unheard of in such cases till that time: and yet it appeareth, that the Pope, in this Age, was not possest of so full power in England (whatsoever the Ca∣tholicks pretend;) but that this politick Prince kept the reins, though loose, in his own hand. For in thisb 1.188 time it was resolved, that the Popes Collector, though he had the Popes Bull for that purpose, had no jurisdiction within this Realm;

and that the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of England,* 1.189 were the Spiritual Judges in the Kings behalf.* 1.190 As it was alsoa 1.191 enacted, if any person of Religion, obtained of the Bishop of Rome, to be exempt from obedience, regular or ordinary, he was in a premunire. Yea, this very Statute, which gave power to a Bishop in his Diocess to condemn an Heretick, plainly proveth, that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court, in cases of Heresie; so that the Pope, even in matters of Spiritual cognizance, had no power over the lives of English subjects.

2. The first on whom this cruel Law was hanselled,* 1.192 was William Sautre, formerly parish Priest of S^t Margaret, in the town of Lin, but since of S^t Osith in the City of London. This was he, whose Faith fought the first Duell with Fire it self, and overcame it. Abel was the first Marry of men, S^t Stephen the first of Christian men; S^t Alban the first of British Christians, and this Sautre the first of English Protestants, as by Prolepsis I may terme them. Scriveners use with gaudy flourishes to deck and garnish the initial characters of Copies, which superfluous pains may be spared by us, in adorning this lead∣ing letter in the pattern of patience, seeing it is conspicuous enough in its self, died red with its own bloud. Some charge this Sautre with fear and fickle∣ness, because formerly he had abjured those Articles, (for which afterwards he died) before the Bishop of Norwich. But let those who severely censure him, for once denying the truth, and do know, who it was that denied his Master thrice, take heed they do not as bad a deed more then four times them∣selves. May Sautre's final Constancy be as surely practised by men, as his for∣mer Cowardliness no doubt is pardoned by God. Eight Errours were laid to his charge in order as followeth.

1. Imprimis, He saith that he will not worship the Cross, on which Christ suffered, but onely Christ that suffered upon the Cross.

2. Item, That he would sooner worship a temporal King, then the aforesaid wooden Cross.

3. Item, That he would rather worship the bodies of the Saints, then the very Cross of Christ, on which he hung if it were be∣fore him.

4. Item. That he would rather worship a man truly contrite, then the Cross of Christ.

5. Item, That he is bound rather to worship a man, that is pre∣destinate, then an Angel of God.

6. Item, That if any man would visit the Monuments of Peter and Paul, or go on Pilgrimage to the Tomb of S^t Thomas, or any whither else, for the obtaining of any temporal benefit, he is not bound to keep his vow, but may distribute the expences of his vow upon the almes of the poor.

7. Item, That every Priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God, then to say the Canonical houres.

8. Item, That after the pronouncing of the Sacramental words of the body of Christ, the bread remaineth of the same nature, that it was before, neither doth it cease to be bread.

3. These were the opinions,* 1.193 wherewith Sautre is charged in their own Registers, which if read with that favour, which not charity but justice allows of course to humane frailty, will be found not so hainous, as to deserve Fire and Fagot, seeing his expressions are rather indiscreet, then his positions dam∣nable. But Thomas Arundel Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; before whom Sau∣tre was convented, in the Convocation, at S^t Pauls in London, principally

pinched him; with the last, about Transubstantiation in the Sacrament. Thus their cruelty made Gods Table a Snare to his servants: when their other Nets broke, this held; what they pretended a Sacrifice for the living and dead, proved, indeed, the cause of the sacrificing of many innocents, and cavils about the corporal presence, was the most compendious way to dispatch them: for the denial whereof, the aforesaid Arch-Bishop solemnly pronounced Sautre an Heretick convicted.

4. Here happened a passage in Sautre,* 1.194 which I must not omit; which either I do not understand, or cannot approve in him. For being demand∣ed whether or no, he had formerly abjured these opinions he denied the same, whereas, his formal abjuration of them, the last year, before the Bishop of Norwich, was produced in presence; an action utterly inconsistent with Christian sincerity, to deny his own deed; except any will say that he was not bound to accuse himself, and to confess in that Court, (what he had done elsewhere) to his own prejudice. Thus offenders, which formerly have confessed their fact, in their private examinations before a Justice of Peace, yet plead not Guilty, when they are brought before the Assizes, ac∣counting themselves innocent, in that Court, till, by the verdict of the Jury, they are proved otherwise. However I am rather inclined to suspect my ignorance, then condemn his innocence, conceiving there is more on his side, then appeareth in his behalf.

5. The Reader.* 1.195 I presume will pardon our largeness, (which we will recompence, with brevity in the rest) in relating the proceedings against this first Martyr, who being, as I may say, the eldest, and the Heir in our History, may justly challenge a double portion thereof. Yea, the Arch-Bishop, who in his condemnation did not follow, but make a president there∣in, was very punctual and ceremonious in his proceedings, that he might set the fairer copie, for the direction of posterity; and that the formality of his exemplary justice, might, for the terrour of others, take the deeper im∣pression in all, that did see it, or should hear thereof. And now his former abjuration plainly appearing, Arundel, by a second sentence, adjudged him refallen into Heresie, and incorrigible, and therefore to be degraded and deposed.

6. For lest Priest-hood should suffer in the person of Sautre,* 1.196 (and all the Clergie present, out of a religious sympathie, were tender of the honour of their own profession) he was there solemnly degraded in order as fol∣loweth.

• From the order of
  • 1. Priest.
  • 2. Deacon.
  • 3. Sub-Deacon.
  • 4. Acolyte.
  • 5. Exorcist.
  • 6. Reader.
  • 7. Sexton.
• By taking from him
  • 1. The Patin, Chalice, and plucking the Chasule from his back.
  • 2. The New Testament and the Stole.
  • 3. The Alb, and the Maniple.
  • 4. The Candlestick, Taper, Urceolum.
  • 5. The Book of Conjurations.
  • 6. The Book of Church-Legends.
  • 7. The Key of the Church door and Surphee.

How many steps are required to climb up to the top of Popish Priest-hood! but, as when a building is taken down, one would little think, so much timber and stone, had concurred thereunto, until he sees the several parcels thereof, lie in ruinous heaps; so it is almost incredible, how many trinkets must be had to compleat a Priest? but that here we behold them solemnly taken asunder in Sautres degradation. And now he no longer Priest, but plain Lay∣man, with the tonsure, on his crown rased away, was delivered to the Secular power, with this complement, worth the nothing: Beseeching the Secular Court,

that they would receive favourably the said William unto them thus recommitted.* 1.197 But who can excuse their double-dealing herein from deep hypocrisie,* 1.198 seeing the Bishops, at the same time, (for all their fair language) ceased not to call upon the King, to bring him to speedy execution.

7. Hereupon the King in Parliament issued our his Warrant to the Major and Sheriffs of London,* 1.199 that the said William being in their custody, should be brought forth into some publick or open place, within the liberty of the City, and there really to bea 1.200 burned to the great horrour of his offence, and manifest ex∣ample of other Christians; which was performed accordingly. Thus died this worthy man; and though we be as far from adoring his Reliques, as such adoration is from true Religion, yet we cannot but be sensible of the value of such a Saint: Nor can we mention his memory, without paying an honou∣rable respect thereunto. His death strook a terrour into those of his party, who hereafter were glad to enjoy their conscience in private, without pub∣lick professing the same. So that now the ship of Christ toss'd with the tempest of persecution, had all her sailes took down; yea, her mast cut close to the deck, and without making any visible shew, was fain to lie poor and pri∣vate, till this storm was over-pass'd: the Arch-Bishop Arundel being most furious and cruel, in detecting and suppressing all suspected of piety.

8. Synods of the Clergie were never so frequent before or since,* 1.201 as in his time, when scarce a year escapted without a Synod called, or continued therein. Most of these were but Ecclesiastical meetings for secular money. Here∣upon, a covetous ignorant Priest, guilty of no Greek, made this derivation of the word Synodus (far fatch'd in it self, but coming close to him) from Crumena sine nodo, because at such assemblies, the purse ought ever to be open, whthout knots tied thereon, ready to disburse such summes, as should be de∣manded. Indeed the Clergie now contributed much money to the King, having learned the Maxime commended in the Comedian,b 1.202 Pecuniam in loco negligere maxumum interdum est lucrum. And perceiving on what ticklish termes their state stood, were forced to part with a great proportion thereof to secure the rest,c 1.203 the Parliament now shrewdly pushing at their temporal possessions. For, although in the first year of King Henry, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmerland came from him to the Clergie with a com∣plement, that the King onelyd 1.204 desired their prayers, and none of their money (Kingdoms have their honey-moon, when new Princes are married unto them) yet how much afterwards he received from them, the ensuing draught of Synods summoned in his dayes doth present.

Place.	President.	Preacher.	Text.	Money granted the King.	The other Acts thereof.
1. Saint Pauls in London.	The Pri∣or, and Chapter of Can∣terbury in the Arch-Bishops absence.	William Bishop of Roche∣ster.	Cor meum diligit Principes Israel.	Nothing at this time, but the Clergies pray∣ers required.	The King at the request of the Universities pro∣mised to take order with the Popes Provisions,* 1.205 & provensions,* 1.206 that so lear∣ned men might be advanc'd. St Gregory his day made holy.

2. Saint Pauls in London.* 1.207	Thomas Arundel. * 1.208		A Tenth, and half. For, a sin∣gle Tenth was first profered him, and he re∣fused it.	Nothing else of moment passed, save Sautres con∣damnation.
3. Ibidem. * 1.209	Idem. * 1.210		At the instance of the Earl of Somerset, of Lord Ross the Treasurer, a Tenth was granted.	The Clergy re∣newed their Pe∣tition of Right to the King, that they should not be proceeded a∣ganist by tempo∣ral Judges, nor forced to sell their goods, for provision for the Kings Court. No answer ap∣pears.
4. Ibidem. * 1.211	Henry Bi∣shop of Lincoln,* 1.212 the Arch-Bishop being ab∣sent in an Embas∣sie.		A Tenth to∣wards the Kings charges in sup∣pressing the late Rebels.	Constituted that the obsequies of every English Bishop deceased, should be ce∣lebrated in all the Cathedrals of the Kingdom.
5. Ibidem. * 1.213	Thomas Arundel. * 1.214		A Tenth; when the Laity in Parliant. gave nothing.	Nothing or con∣sequence.
6. Ibidem. * 1.215	Henry Beaufort Bish.* 1.216 of Winchest. the Arch-Bishop being ab∣sent.	Thomas, Bishop of Car∣lile.	Magister adest, & vocat te.	A Tenth.	Nothing of mo∣ment.
7. Ibidem.* 1.217	Thomas Arundel.* 1.218	John Monke of St Augu∣stine in Canter∣bury.	Faciet u∣nusquis{que} opussuum.		This Synod was principally em∣ployed, in sup∣pressing of Schism; and the following Synod in the same year to the same pur∣pose.

8. Saint Pauls in London.	Idem.* 1.219	John Bo∣tel gene∣ral of the Francis∣cans.	Vos vocati estis in u∣no corpore.
9. Ibidem.* 1.220	Henry Bi∣shop of Winche∣ster, the Arch-Bishop being a∣broad in an Em∣bassie.	John Langdon, Monk of Canter∣bury.	Stellae de∣derunt lu∣men.	A Tenth, and a Subsidy grant∣ed, saitha 1.221 Mat∣thew Parker; but,b 1.222 others say, the Clergie accu∣sed themselves, as drained dry with former payments. Also the Popes A∣gent, progging for money, was denied it.* 1.223	Little else save some endea∣vours against Wicliffs opinions.* 1.224
10. Ibid.	Thomas Arundel.	John God-mersham Monk of Canter∣bury.	Diligite lumen sa∣pientiae omnes qui praeestus.	A Tenth.* 1.225 The Clergie com∣pained to the King, of thier grievances, but received no re∣dress.	The Popes Rents sequestred into the Kings hands, during the Schisme betwixt Gregory the 12th, and Benedict.* 1.226

We will not avouch these all the conventions of the Clergie in this Kings Reign, (who had many subordinate meetings in reference to their own occa∣sions) but these of most publick concernment. Know this also, that it was a great invitation (not to say an inforcement) to make them the more bountiful in their contributions to the King, because their leaders were suspicious of a design now first set on foot, in opposition to all Religious Houses (as then ter∣med) to essay their overthrow. Which project now, as a Pioneer, onely wrought beneath ground, yet not so insensibly, but that the Church-Statists got a discovery thereof, and in prevention, were very satisfying to the Kings Pecuniary desires. Insomuch, that it was in effect but ask and have, such their compliance to all purposes and intents. The rather because this King had appeared so zealous to arm the Bishops, with terrible Laws, against the poor naked Lollards, as then they were nick-named.

9. Now we pass from the Convocation to the Parliament,* 1.227 onely to med∣dle with Church-matters therein:* 1.228 desiring the Reader to dispense in the Margin with a new Chronology of this Kings Reigne;* 1.229 assuring him that what∣soever is written, is taken out of the Authentick Records of the Parliament in the Tower.

10. It was moved in Parliament,* 1.230 that no Welch-man, Bishop or other, be Justice, Chamberlain, Chancellor, Treasurer, Sheriff, Constable of a Castle, Receiver, Escheator, Coroner, or chief Forester, or other Officer whatsoever, or* 1.231 Keeper of Records, or Lieutenant in the said Offices, in any part of Wales, or of Councel to any English Lord, not withstanding any Patent made to the contrary. Cum clausula non obstante, Licet Wallicus natus.

11. It was answered; that the King willeth it except the Bishops,* 1.232 and for them and others, which he hath found good and loyal lieges towards him, our said Lord the King will be advised by the advise of his Councel.

12. Such as wonder why the Parliament was so incensed against the Welch,* 1.233 (seeing Henry Prince of Wales, was their own Country-man born at Monmouth) may consider, how now, or very lately, Owen Glendowre, a Welch Robber, (ad∣vanced by the multitude of his followers into the reputation of a General) had made much sepoil in Wales. Now commendable was the King's charity, who would not return a national mischief for a personal injury, seing no man can cause the place of his Nativity, though he may bemoan and hate the bad pra∣ctises of his own Nation.

13. The Kings courteous exception for the Welch Bishops,* 1.234 putteth us upon a necessay enquiry, who and what they were, placed in Sees at this time.

St Davids.	Landaffe	Bangor	St Asaph.
Guido de Dona.	Thomas Pe∣berell.	Richard Yong.	John Trebaur.
Or of Anglesey. A true Briton by birth, witness'd by his Name. He was at the present Lorda 1.235 Treasurer of England. In whom the King much confided, though T. Walsingham be pleased to dash his Memory, that he was the cause of much mischief.	His Sir-Name speaks him English by extraction, and he was of no re∣markable activity.	He might be En∣glish or Welch by his Name, but I believe the latter. A man of merit sent by the King into Ger∣many, to give satisfaction of King Henries proceed∣ings.	Second of that Christian and Sir∣name, Bishop of that See, a Welch∣man no doubt, he was sent (saith T. Walsangham) to Spain to give ac∣count of the Kings proceedings. Very loyal at the pre∣sent, but after his return home, he sided with Owen Glendowre.

But though the English at this time, were so severe against the Welch, King Henry the seventh (born in the bowels of Wales at Pembroke, and assisted in the gaining of the Crown by the valour of his Country-men) some years after pluck∣ed down this partition-wall of difference betwixt them; admitting the Welch to English Honours, and Offices, as good reason, equality of merits, should be rewarded with equality of advancement.

14. Sir John Tiptoff (made afterwards Earl of Worcester) put up a Peti∣tion to the Parliament,* 1.236 touching Lollards, which wrought so on the Lords, that they joined a Petition to the King,* 1.237 according to the Tenour following.

To our most redoubted and gracious Soveraign the King.

YOur humble* 2.1 Son, HENRY PRINCE OF WALES, and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this pre∣sent Parliament, humbly shew, That the Church of England hath been, and now is, endowed with tem∣poral possessions, by the gifts and grants as well of your Royal Progenitours, as by the Ancesters of the said Lords Temporal, to maintain Divine Service, keep Hospitality, &c. to the Honour of God, and the souls health of your Progenitors, and the said Lords Temporal.

Yet now of late, some, at the instigation of the Ene∣my, against the foresaid Church and Prelates, have as well in publick Sermons, as in Conventicles, and secret places called Schools, stirred and moved the people of your Kingdom to take away the said temporal Possessions from the said Prelates, with which, they are as rightly endowed, as it hath been, or might be, best advised or imagined, by the Laws and Customes of your Kingdom, and of which they are as surely possessed, as the Lords Temporal are of their inheritances.

Wherefore in case that this evil purpose be not resist∣ed by your Royal Majestie, it is very likely that in process of time, they will also excite the people of your King∣dom, for to take away from the said Lords Temporal, their possessions and heritages, so to make them common to the open commotion of your people.

There be also others, who publish, and cause to be published evilly and falsly among the people of your Kingdom that Richard late King of England, (who is gone to God, and on whose soul, God thorow his Grace have mercy) is still alive. And some have writ and pub∣lished divers false pretended prophecies to the people; disturbing them, who would to their power live peace∣ably, Serve God, and faithfully submit and obey you their Liege Lord.

Wherefore may it please your Royal Majestie in main∣tenance of the honour of God, conservation of the Laws of the holy Church, as also in the preservation of the estate

of You, your Children,* 2.2 and the Lords aforesaid, and for the quiet of all your Kingdom, to ordain by a Stature, in the present Parliament, by the assent of the Lords afore∣said, and the Commons of your Kingdom, that in case any man or woman, of what estate or condition they be, preach, publish, or maintain, hold, use, or exercise, any Schools, if any Sect or Doctrine hereafter against the Catholick faith, either preach, publish, maintain, or write a schedule, whereby the people may be moved to take away the Temporal Possessions of the aforesaid Prelates, or preach, and publish, that Richard late King, who is dead, should still be in full life, or that the Fool in Scotland is that King Richard who is dead; or that publish or write, any pretended Prophesies to the commotion of your people.

That they and every of them, be taken, and put in Prison, without being delivered in Bail, or otherwise, ex∣cept by good and sufficient mainprise, to be taken before the Chancellour of England, &c.

15. See we here the Policy of the Clergie,* 2.3 who had gained Prince Henry (set as a Transcendent by himself in the Petition to their side, entring his Youth against the poor Wicklivites, and this Earnest engaged him to the greater An∣tipathy, against them, when possest of the Crown.

16. Observe also the Subtilty of the Clergie in this medley Petition,* 2.4 inter∣weaving their own interest with the Kings, and endeavouring to possess him, that all the Adversaries to their Superstitions, were Enemies also and Traytors to his Majesty.

17. Now as Conventicles were the Name of disgrace cast on,* 2.5 Schools was the terme of Credit owned by, the Wicklivists for the place of their meet∣ing. Whether becausef 2.6 the School of Tyrannus, wherein S^t Paul disputed, was conceived by them Senior in Scripture to any material Church; Or that their teaching therein was not in intire discourses, but admitted (as in the Schools) of interlocutory opposition on occasion.

18. By Lollards all know the Wicklivites are meant,* 2.7 so called from h 2.8 Walter Lollardus one or their Teachers in Germany; (and not as thei 2.9 Monk alluded, quasi lolia in ar â Domini) flourishing many years before Wickliffe, and much consenting with him in judgment. As for the word Lollard retained in our Statutes since the Reformation, it seems now as a generical name, to sig∣nifie such who in their opinions oppose the setled Religion of the Land, in which sense, the modern Sheriffs are bound by their Oath to suppress them.

19. The Parenthesis concerning King Richard [Who is gone to God, and on whose Soul God through his Grace have Mercy] is according to the Doctrine of that Age. For they held all in Purgatory, gone to God,* 2.10 because assured in due time of their happiness; yet so that the suffrages of the Living were profita∣ble for them. Nor feared they to offend King Henry by their charitable pre∣sumption of the final happy estate of King Richard his professed Enemy, knowing he cared not where King Richard was, so be it, not living and sitting on the English Throne.

20. As for the report of King Richards being still alive,* 2.11 it is strange any should believe it; if it be true, that his Corps for some dayes, were at London

expos'd to open view: understand it done at distance, lest coming too near, might discover some violence offered on his person. It is probable that the obscurity of his burial (huddled into his grave at Langley in Hertford-shire) gave the lustre to the report, that he was still alive, believed of those who desired it.

21. Whereas this Law against Lollards,* 2.12 extended to Women, though many of the weaker Sex, were in trouble upon that account; Yet on my best enquiry, I never found any one put to death. Anna Ascough being the first, who in the reign of King Henry the Eight, was burnt for her Religion.

22. Ag 2.13 Scotch Writer tells us,* 2.14 that King Richard fled disguised into Scot∣land, discovered himself to, and was honourably entertained by Robert the King thereof. Adding that Richard who would no more of the world, gave himself wholly to Contemplation, livd, dy'd. and bury'd at Sterling, possibly some Mimick might personate him there, and is the Fool mentioned in this Petition.

23. Hereupon it was, that the poor Lollards were prosecuted,* 2.15 with such cruelty, that the prisons were full of them; many forced to abjure, and such who refused, used without mercy, as in M^r Fox is largely related.

24. Thomas Arundel,* 2.16 Arch-Bishop. of Canterbury, came to Oxford, with a pompous train, accompanied with many persons of Honour, and particu∣larly with his Nephew, Thomas Fitz-Allen, Earl of Arundell; His intent was juridically to Visit the Vniversity, expecting to be solemnly met, and sumptu∣ously entertained, according to his place and dignity.

25. But see the spite of it,* 2.17 Richard Courtney, the Chancellor of Oxford, (whom by his Sir-name and high Spirit, I should guess descended from the Earls of Devonshire) with Benedict Brent, and John Birch, the two Proctors, de∣nied the Arch-Bishop entrance into the Vniversity under the notion of a Visitor, though as a Stranger, great Prelate, and Privy Councellor, all welcome was provided for him and his Retinue. Arundell was angry with the affront, and finding force both useless (the Scholars siding with the Chancellor) and incon∣sistent with his gravity, was fain fairly to retreat, re infectâ, to London; the rather because the Chancellour had submitted the cause in controversie to the hearing and determining of his Majestie.

26. King Henry at the joynt instance of both parties,* 2.18 summoned them to Lambeth, to hear and determine the controversie; the Chancellour of Ox∣ford produceth an Army of large Bulls of the Pope: Arch-Bishop Arundell brought forth one Champian, viz. An Instrument in the Reign of King Richard the second, wherein the King adjudged all their Papall Priviledges void, as granted to the dammage of the Crown, and much occasioning the increase of Lollards; not that it was so done intentionally by his Holiness (for who can suspect the Pope turn Lollard?) but accidentally it came to pass, that thy Vniversity of Oxford freed from Archiepiscopal Visitation, by vertue of those Bulls, the Wicklivists therein escaped from Consistorian censure. Hereupon King Henry pronounced sentence on the Arch-Bishops side,* 2.19 as by the ensuing Instrument will plainly appear.

ET ulterius tam anctoritate sua regia, quàm virtute sub∣missionis praedictae sibi factae adtune ibidem arbitratus fuit, ordinavit, consideravit, decrevit, & adjudica∣vit, quod Praedictus Archiepiscopus & Successores sui in perpetuum habeant Visitationem & Jurisdictionem in Vni∣versitate praedictâ, tam Cancellarii Commissariorum, quàm Procuratorum ejusdem Vniversitatis, qui pro tempore fue∣rint,

nec non omnium Doctorum, Magistrorum, regencium & non-regencium, ac Scholarium ejusdem Vniversitatis quo∣rumeunque, eorumque Servientium, aliarnmque personarum cujuscunque status & condicionis extiterint, & etiam ejus∣dem Vniversitatis ut Vniversitatis, & quod Cancellarius, Commissarii, Procuratores Vniversitatis praedictae, qui pro tempore fuerunt, eorumque Successores, & omnes alii in dicta Vniversitate pro tempore, commorantes futuris temporibus eidem Archiepiscopo, & Successoribus suis in visitatione & Jurisdictione Vniversitatis praedictae etiam ut Vniaersitatis, in omnibus pareant & obedient. Et quod nec dictus Cancel∣larius, Commissarii, nec Procuratores Vniversitis praedictae, nec eorum Successores, nec aliquis alius in Vniversitate prae∣dicta aliquod privilegium seu beneficium exemptionis ad exclu∣dendum praefatum Archiepiscopum seu Successores suos de Visi∣tatione & Jurisdictione praedictis, in Vniversitate antedicta colore alicujus Bullae seu alterius tituli cujuscun{que} erg a praedi∣ctum Archiepiscopû seu Successores suos, clament, habeant, seu vendicent, ullo modo in futurū. Et quod quotiens Cancellarius, Commissarii, vel locum-tenens ipsorum, vel alicujus ipsorum, vel Procuratores dictae Vniversitatis qui pro tempore fuerint, vel eorum Successores, sive aliquis eorum impedierint vel im∣pedierit, praefatum Archiepiscopum vel Successores suos, aut Ecclesiam suam praedictam; aut ipsorum vel alicujus ipsorum Commissarium, vel Commissarios, de hujusmodi Visitatione sive jurisdictione dictae Vniversitatis vel in aliquo contrave∣nerint, vel aliquis eorum contravenerit, dictis, arbitrio, ordinacioni, sive judicio per praefatum Ricardum nuper Re∣gem factis, sive arbitrio, judicio, decreto, considerationi vel ordinacioni, ipsius Domini nostri Regis Henrici in hoc casu, vel si aliquis dictae Vniversitatis in futurum impedierit di∣ctum Archiepiscopum, vel Successores suos, aut Ecclesiam su∣am praedictam, aut ipsorum, vel alicujus ipsorum Commis∣sarium, vel Commissarios, de Visitatione sua aut jurisdicti∣one antedicta, vel in ali••uo contravenerit dictis, arbitrio, ordinacioni, sive judicio per praefatum Ricardum nuper Re∣gem in forma praedictâ, factis, vel arbitrio, judicio, decreto, considerationi vel ordinationi ipsius Domini nostri Regis Hen∣rici. Et quòd Cancellarius, Commissarii vel Procuratores Vniversitatis praedictae tunc non fecerint diligentiam & posse eorum ad adjuvandum dictum Archiepiscopum vel Successores sous, aut Ecclesiam suam praedictam, seu Commissarium vel Commissarios suos in hujusmodi casu, ac etiam ad puniendum hujusmodi impediments & resistenets. Quòd totiens omnes Franehesiae, libertates, & omnia privilegia ejusdem Vni∣versitatis

in manus Domini Regis vel haeredum suorum seisian∣tur, in eisdem manibus ipsorum Domini Regis vel haeredum suorum remansura, quousque praedictus Archiepiscopus vel Successores sui pacificam Visitationem & jurisdictionem in sorma praedicta, in dicta Vniversitate habuerit vel habue∣rint, & etiam tociens Cancellarius, Commissarii, & Procu∣ratores ejusdem Vniversitatis, qui pro tempore fuerint, & eorum Successores, ac Vniversitas praedicta solvant, & te∣neantur folvere ipsi Domino nostro Regi Henrico & haeredibus suis mille Libras legalis Monetae Angliae.

Concordat cum Originali,

GULIELMUS RYLEY.

Afterwards the King confirmed the same, with the consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, as in the Tower Rouls doth plainly appear.

27. See we here the grand difference,* 3.1 betwixt the Popes power in England, before and after the Statute of Praemunire. Before it, his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was authen∣tical, and his Bulls received next to Canonical Scripture. Since, that Statute hath broken off their best Seals, wherein they crosse the Royall Power; and in all things else, they enter into England mannerly with, good King by your leave Sir, or else they were no better then so much waste Parchment.

28. This doth acquaint us with a perfect Character of King Henry the fourth,* 3.2 who though curteous, was not servial to the Pope. And* 3.3 S^r Edward Cook accounteth this his Oxford action (though unwilling to transcribe the Instrument for the tediousness thereof) a noble act of Kingly power in that Age, and so we take our farwell of King Henry the fourth, not observed (as all English Kings before and after him) to have erected and endowed any one intire house of Religion, as first or sole Founder thereof, though a great Bene∣factor to the Abby of Leicester, and Colledg of Fotheringhay in Northampton∣shire; his Picture is not so well known by his Head as his Hood, which he wear∣eth upon it in an antick fashion peculiar to himself.

29. At the Commons Petition to the King in Parliament,* 3.4 that all Irish begging-Priests,* 3.5 called* 3.6 Chaumberdakyns should avoid the Realm before Michaelmas next,* 3.7 they were ordered to depart by the time aforesaid, upon pain of loss of goods and imprisonment during the Kings pleasure.

30. I had almost forgotten, that just a moneth before the death of King Henry the Fourth, Thomas Arundel, Arch-Bishops of Canterbury expired; fa∣mished to death, not for want of food, but a throat to swallow it, such the swelling therein, that he could neither speak nor eat for some dayes. I may safely report, what others observe, how he, who by his cruel Canons, forbad the food to the soul, and had pronounced sentence of condemnation, on so many innocents, was now both starv'd, and strick dumb together. Henry Chichely succeeded him in the place, whose mean birth interrupted the Chain of Noble Arch-Bishop, his two predecessors and successors, being Earls sons by their extraction.

31. The Prelates and Abbots especially,* 3.8 began now to have the activesoul of King Henry in suspition; For working heads are not so willing to follow old wayes,* 3.9 as well-pleased to find out new ones. Such a medling soul, must ne sent out of harms-way: If that the Clergie found not this King some work abroad,

he would make them new work at home. Had his humor happend to side with the Lollards,* 3.10 Henry the fifth would have saved King Henry the Eight much pains in demolishing of Monasteries.* 3.11

32. Hereupon the Clergie cunningly gave vent to his Activity,* 3.12 by divert∣ting it, on a long warre upon the French, where his Victories are loundly sounded forth by our State Historians. A warre of more credit then profit to England in this Kings Reigne, draining the Men and Money thereof. Thus Victorious Bayes bear onely barren Berries (no whit good for food, and very little for Physick) whilst the Peaceable Olive drops down that pre∣cious liquor, making the face of man to shine therewith. Besides, what this King Henry gained, his Son as quickly lost in France. Thus though the Providence of Nature hath priviledged Islanders by their entire position to secure themselves, yet are they unhappy in long keeping their acquisitions on the Continent.

33. Now began the Tragedy of Sir John Oldcastle,* 3.13 so largely handled in Mr. Fox, that his pains hath given Posterity a Writ of Ease herein. He was a vigorous Knight, whose Martiall Activity, wrought him into the affections of Jonef 3.14 D: la Pole Baronesse of Cobham, the Lord whereof he became, (sed quaere, whether an Actuall Baron) by her Marriage.

34. As for the Opinions of this Sir John Oldcastle,* 3.15 they plainly appear in his Belief, which he drew up with his own hand, and presented it first to the King, then to the Archbishop of Canterbury, wherein some things are ra∣ther coursely then falselie spoken. He knew to speak in the Language of the Schools (so were the meetings of the Wicklivists called) but not scholastical∣ly; and I believe he was the first that coyned, and last that used the distinction of the Church Militant, divided into Priest-hood, Knight-hood, and Com∣mons, which had no great harm therein, as he explained it. As for* 3.16 Persons his charging him with Anabaptistical Tenets, it is pitty that the words of a plain meaning man should be put on the Wrack of a Jesuites malice, to extort by de∣duction what never was intended therein.

35. But a worse accusation is charged on his Memory,* 3.17 that he was not onely guilty of Herese but Treason. But by the way, it appeareth that Lolardisme then counted Heresie was made Treason by Statute, and on that account Heresie and Treason, signifie no more then Heresie, and then Heresie according to the abusive language of that Age was the best serving of God in those dayes. But besides this, a very formal Treason is laid to this Lords account in manner following.

It is laid to his charge, that though not present in the person with his Councel, he encouraged an Army of Rebels, no fewer then twenty thousand, which in the dark thickets (expounded in our Age into plain pasture) of S^t Giles Fields nigh London, intended to seize on the Kings Person, and his two Brothers, the Dukes of Bedford and Glocester. Of this numerous Army, thirty six are said to be hang'd and burnt, though the Names of three are onely known, and S^r Roger Acton Knight, the onely person of quality named in the design.

36. For mine own part,* 3.18 I must confess my self so lost in the Intricacies of these Relations, that I know not what to assent to. On the one side, I am loath to load the Lord Cobhams memory with causless crimes, knowing the perfect hatred the Clergie in that Age bear'd unto him, and all that look d towards the reformation in Religion. Besies, that 20000 men should be brought into the field, and no place assigned whence they were to be raised, or where mustered, is clog'd with much improbability. The rather because onely the three persons, as is aforesaid, are mentioned by name of so vast a number.

37. On the other side,* 3.19 I am much startled with the Evidence that ap∣peareth against him.* 3.20 Indeed I am little moved with what T. Walsingham writes,* 3.21 (whom all later Authors follow, as a flock the Belweather) knowing him a Benedictine Monk of S^t Albanes, bowed by interest to partiality; but the Records of the Tower, and Acts of Parliament therein, wherein he was solemnly condemned for a Traitor as well as Heretick, challenge belief. For with what confidence, can any private person, promise credit from Posterity to his own Writings, if such publick Monuments, be not by him entertain∣ed for authentical: Let M^r Fox therefore, be this Lord Cobhams Compurgator, I dare not; and if my hand were put on the Bible, I should take it back again. Yet so, that, as I will not acquit, I will not condemn him, but leave all to the last day of the* 3.22 Revelation of the righteous judgment of God.

38. This is most true,* 3.23 that the Lord Cobham made his escape out of the Tower, wherein he was imprisoned; fled into Wales, here he lived four years, being at last discovered, and taken, by the Lord Powis. Yet so, that it cost some blows and bloud to apprehend him, till a Woman at last with a Stool broke the Lord Cobham's Leggs, whereby being lame he was brought up to London in a Horse-litter.

39. At last he was drawn upon a hurdle to the Gallows,* 3.24 his Death as his Crime being double, hang'd and burn'd, for Traitor and Heretick. Hence some have deduced the Etymologie of Tyburne, from Ty and burne, the necks of offending persons being ty'd thereunto, whose leggs and lower parts were consumed in the flame.

40. Stage-Po••t;* 3.25 have themselves been very bold with, and others very merry at, the Memory of S^r John Oldcastle, whom they have fancied a boon Companion, a jovial Royster, and yet a Coward to boot, contrary to the credit of all Chronicles, owning him a Martial man of merit. The best is, S^r John Falstaffe, hath relieved the Memory of S^r John Oldcastle, and of late is substi∣tuted Buffoone in his place, but it matters as little what petulant Poets, as what malicious Papists have written against him.

41. Richard Fleming Doctor of Divinity,* 3.26 designed by the Pope Arch-Bishop of York, but (to please King Henry the fifth) contented with the Bishop∣rick of Lincoln, about this time founded a Colledg, named Lincoln-Colledg in Oxford. It fared the worse because he died before it was fully finished, and the best Guardian to an Orphan-foundation comes far short of the Father there∣of. Yet was this House happy in two bountiful Benefactors, Thomas Becking∣ton Bishop of Bath and Wells, who (according to the ingenuity of that Age) hath left his Memory in a Beacon with a Tun on the Walls, and Thomas Ro∣therham Arch-Bishop of York, adding five Fellowships thereunto.

42. Here I wonder what madef 3.27 Nicholas Pont,* 3.28 Fellow of Merton Colledg, and Scholar enough) to be such a back-friend to this Colledg in the infancy thereof, enveying bitterly against it. This is that Pont whose Faith many distrust, for his violent writing againstt 3.29 Wickliff, but whose Charity more may dislike, for his malice to this innocent Colledg, except it was, that he foresaw it would produce in time, worthy Champions of the Truth, Opposers of his erroneous Opinions, as indeed it hath, though I be unable to give a par∣ticular Catalogue of them.

43. Indeed I could much desire (were it in my power) to express my service to this foundation,* 3.30 acknowledging my self for a quarter of a year in these troublesome times (though no member of) a dweller in it. I will not complain of the dearness of this University, where seventeen weeks cost me more then seventeen yeers in Cambridge (even all that I had) but shall pray that the students therein be never hereafter disturbed upon the like occasion.

44. Amongst the modern worthies of this Colledge still surviving,* 3.31 D^r Robert Saunderson (late Regius Professor) moveth in the highest Sphear; as no less plain and profitable, then able and profound Casuist (a learning almost lost a∣mongst Protestants) wrapping up sharp thorns in rosie leaves, I mean hard matter in sweet latine and pleasant expressions.

Rectors.* 3.32 1. Mr. Gul. Cham∣berlen. 2. Mr. John Beke. 3. Mr. Jo. Tristrope. 4. Dr. Geo. Srang∣wayes. 5. Mr. Gul. Betham. 6. Mr. Tho. Banke. 7. Mr. Tho. Drax. 8. Dr. Jo. Cottis∣ford. 9. Mr. Hugo We∣ston. 10. Mr. Christ. Hargrave. 11. Dr. Fra. Ba∣bington. 12. Mr. Hen. Hen∣shaw. 13. Mr. John Bridg∣ter. 14. Mr. John Tatam. 15. Dr. John Vn∣derhill. 16. Dr. Rich. Kil∣bie. Dr. Paul Hudd.

Bishops.* 3.33 Jo. Vnderhill Bp. of Oxford.

Benefactors. 1. John Forrest Dean of Wells. 2. John Southam Arch-Deacon of Oxford. 3. William Findern Esquire. 4. Henry Beauford Cardinall Bp. of Winchester. 5. John Bucktot. 6. Joh. Crosly Trea∣surer of Linc. 7. William Batz. 8. Edward Darby. 9. Will. Dagril Maj. of Oxford. 10. Will. Bish. 11. Edmund Audley. 12. Joan Traps. 13. Rich Kilbie late Rector.

Learned Writers. ...* 3.34 William Harris, whose Writings are much estee∣med by the Pa∣pists Richard Thornton

So that at the present are maintained, one Rector, fourteen Fellows, two Chaplains, four Schollars, which with Servants and other Commoners, late∣ly made up, seventy two.

43. We must not forget John Williams,* 3.35 Bishop of Lincolne, bred in Cam∣bridge, related only to this House as Visitor thereof. Here finding the Chappel, (built by John Forrest Dean of Wells in the Reign of King Henry the sixt) old, little, and inconvenient, he erected a far fairer Fabrick in the room thereof. He had a good Precedent of a Cambridge man's bountie to this House, even Tho∣mas Rotherham Fellow of Kings Colledge, and Master of Pembrooke Hall therein, whom Bishop Williams succeeded, as in the Bishoprick of Lincolne, and the Arch∣bishoprick of Yorke, so in his Liberality to this Foundation.

44. On the last of August,* 3.36 King Henry the fifth ended his life,* 3.37 in France;* 3.38 one of a strong and active body, neither shrinking in cold, not sloathfull in heat, going commonly with his head uncovered, the wearing of Armour was no more cumbersome unto him then a Cloak. He never shrunk at a wound, nor turned away his Nose for ill favour; nor closed his eyes for smoak or dust; in Diet none lesse dainty, or more moderate: his sleep very short, but sound, fortunate in fight, and commendable in all his Actions, verifying the Proverb, that an ill Youth, may make a good Man. The Nun∣nery of Sion was built and endowed by him; and a Colledge was by him in∣tended in Oxford, had not death prevented him.

45. As for Katherine de Valois,* 3.39 Daughter to Charles the sixth King of France,* 3.40 widdow of King Henry,* 3.41 she was afterward married to, and had issue by, Owen ap Tudor a noble we••chman, and her body lies at this day, unburied in a loose Coffin at Westminster, lately shew'd to such as desire it, and there de∣pendeth a story thereon.

46. There was an old prophesie among the English (observed bya 3.42 for∣rainers to be the greatest Prophecy-mongers,* 3.43 and whilst the Devil knows their diet, they shall never want a dish to please the Palate) that an English Prince born at Winsor, should be unfortunate in losing what his Father had acquired. Whereupon King Henry forbad Queen Katherine, (big with Childe) to be delivered there; who out of the corrupt principle, Nitimur in vetitum, and affecting her Father, before her Husband, was there brought to bed of King Henry the sixt, in whose Reign the fair victories woven by his Fathers valour, were by Cowardise, Carelesness, and Contentions, unraveled to nothing.

47. Report,* 3.44 the greatest (though not the truest) Author avoucheth, that sensible of her faultindisobeying her Husband, it was her ownb 3.45 desire and pleasure, that her body should never be buried, If so, it is pitty but that a Woman, (especially a Queen) should have her will therein. Whose dust doth preach a Sermon of duty to Feminine, and of Mortality to all Beholders.

48. But this story is told otherwise by other authors,* 3.46 namely, that she wasc 3.47 buried neer her Husband King Henry the fift, under a fair Tombe, where she hath a large Epitaph, and continued in her grave some years, untill King Henry the Seventh laying the foundation of a new Chappel, caused her Corps to be taken up; but why the said Henry, being her Great Grand-Child, did not order it to be re-interred, is not recorded; if done by casualty and neglect very strange, and stranger if out of designe.

49. In the minority of King Henry the sixt,* 3.48 as his Vncle, John Duke of Bedford, managed martial matters beyond the seas; so his other Uncle, Hum∣phery Duke of Glocester, was chosen his Protector at home, to whom the Parlia∣ment then sitting appointed a select number of privy Councellors, wherein, only such as were spiritual persons fall under our observation.

• 1. Henry Chichley Archbishop of Canterbury.
• 2. John Kempe Bishop of London.
• 3. Henry Beauford Bishop of Win∣chest. lately made Lord Cardi∣nal.
• 4. John Wackaring Bishop of Nor∣wich, privie seal.
• 5. Philip Morgan; Bishop of Wor∣cester.
• 6. Nic. Bubwith Bishop of Bath and Wels, Lord Treasurer.

So strong a party had the Clergie in that Age, in the privie Councel, that they could carry all matters at their own pleasure.

50. It was ordered in Parliament,* 3.49 that all Irishmen living in either Vniversity,* 3.50 should procure their Testimonials,* 3.51 from the Lord Lievetenant or Justice of Ireland, as also finde sureties for their good behaviour, during their remaining therein. They were also forbidden to take upon them, the Prin∣cipality of any Hall or House, in either University, but that they remain under the discipline of others.

51. Hitherto the Corpse of John Wickliffe had quietly slept in his grave,* 3.52 about one and fourty years after his death,* 3.53 till his body was reduced to bones,* 3.54 and his bones almost to dust. For though the Earth in the Chancel of Lutter∣worth in Leicester-shire, where he was interred, hath not so quick a digestion with the Earth of Acheldama, to consume Flesh in twenty foure houres, yet such the appetite thereof, and all other English graves, to leave small reversions of a body after so many years.

52. But now such the Spleen of the Council of Constance,* 3.55 as they not only cursed his Memorie,* 3.56 as dying an obstinate Heretick,* 3.57 but ordered that his bones (with this charitable caution, if it may be discerned from the bodies of other faithfull people) to be taken out of the ground and thrown farre off, from any Christian buriall.

53. In obedience hereunto Richard Fleming Bishop of Lincolne,* 3.58 Diocesan of Lutterworth, sent his Officers (Vultures with a quick sight scent at a dead Car∣case) to ungrave him accordingly. To Lutterworth they come, Sumner, Com∣missarie, Official, Chancellour, Proctors, Doctors, and the Servants (so that the Remnant of the body would not hold out a bone, amongst so many hands) take, what was left, out of the grave, and burnt them to ashes, and cast them into Swift a Neighbouring Brook running hard by. Thus this Brook hath convey'd his ashes into Avon; Avon into Severn; Severn into the narrow Seas; they, into the main Ocean. And thus the Ashes of Wickliff are the Emblem of his Doctrine, which now, is dispersed all the World over.

54. I know not whether the Vulgar Tradition be worth Remembrance,* 3.59 that the Brook into which Wickliff his Ashes were powred, never since over∣flowed the Banks. Were this true (as some deny it) as silly is the inference of Papists attributing this to Divine Providence, expressing it self pleased with such severity on a Heretick, as simple the collection of some Protestants, making it an effect of Wickliff his sanctity. Such Topical accidents are good for Friend and Foe, as they may be bowed to both; but in effect good to neither, seeing no solid Judgement will build where bare fancy hath laid Founda∣tion.

55. It is of more consequence to observe the differences betwixt Au∣thors, * 3.60 some making the Council of Constance to passe this sentence of condemna∣tion as Master Fox doth, inserting (but by mistake) the History thereof, in the Reign of King Richard the second, which happened many years after. But more truly it is ascribed to the Council of Sienna, except for surenesse both of them joyned in the same cruell edict.

56. Here I cannot omit what I read in a* 3.61 Popish Manuscript (but very lately printed) about the subject of our present discourse.* 3.62

57.

The first unclean BEAST that ever passed thorow* 3.63 Oxonford (I mean Wickliff by Name) afterwards chewed the Cud and was suf∣ficiently reconciled to the Roman faith, as appears by his Recanta∣tion, Living and Dying conformable to the holy Catholick Church.

58. It is strange that this Popish Priest alone, should light on his Recan∣tation, which, I believe, no other eyes, before or since, did behold. Besides, if, (as he saith) Wickliff was sufficiently reconciled to the Roman Faith, why was not Rome sufficiently reconciled to him? using such crueltie unto him so many years after his death. Cold incouragement, for any to become Romist's Converts, if (notwithstanding their reconciliation) the bodies must be burnt so many years after their death.

59. But though Wickliff had no Tombe,* 3.64 he had an Epitaph, such as it was, which a Monk afforded him, and that it was no worse, thank his want, not of malice, but invention, not finding out worse expressions.

Thek 3.65 Divels Instrument, Churches Enemie, Peoples con∣fusion, Hereticks Idol, Hypocrites Mirror, Schisms Broacher,

hatreds sower,* 3.66 lyes forger, flatteries sinke, who at his death despaired like Cain,* 3.67 and stricken by the horrible Judgements of God, breathed forth his wicked Soul to the dark mansion of the black Divell.

Surely He with whose Name this Epitaph beginneth and endeth, was with the maker clean thorow the contrivance thereof.

59. Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester,* 3.68 Cardinal Sancti Eusebij, but commonly called, Cardinal of England, was by consent of Parliament made one of the Kings Council, with this condition, that he should make a* 3.69 Protesta∣tion to absent himself from the Council, when any matters were to be treated betwixt the King and Pope, being jealous belike, that his Papal would prevaile over his Royall interest. The Cardinal took the Protestation, and promised to perform it.

60. The Clergy complained in Parliament to the King,* 3.70 that their Servants which came with them to Convocations, were often arrested, to their great damage, and they prayed that they might have the same Priviledge, which the Peeres and Commons of the Kingdom have, which are called to Parliament, which was granted accordingly.

61. Great at this time was the want of Grammar Schools, and the abuse of them that were even in London it self;* 3.71 for they were no better then Mono∣polize, it being penall for any (to prevent the growth of Wicklivism) to put their Children to private Teachers; hence was it that some hundreds were com∣pelled to go to the same School, where, to use the words of the Records, the Masters waxen rich in money, and learners poor in cunning.

Whereupon this grievance was complained on in Parliament by four e∣minent Ministers in London, viz.

• M^r.
  • William Lichfield Parson of All-Hallow's the More.
  • Gilbert, Parson of St. Andrews Holbern.
  • John Cote, Parson of St. Peter's Cornhill.
  • John Neele, Master of the House of St. Thomas Acre's, and Par∣son of Colchrich.

To these it was granted by the Advice of the Ordinary, or Archbishop of Canter∣bury to erect five Schools (Neele the last named having a double licence for two places) in their respective Parishes, which are fitly called the five vowels of London, which Mute in a manner before, began now to speak and pronounce the Latine Tongue. Know that the house St. Thomas Acres was, where Mer∣cers Chappel standeth at this day.

About this time the Lady Eleanor Cobham,* 3.72 so called from the Lord Cobham her Father,* 3.73 (otherwise Elianour Plantagenet by her Husband) was married unto Humphrey the Kings Uncle Duke of Glocester.* 3.74 She was it seems a great Savourer and Favourer of VVickliffe his Opinions, and for such Mr. Fox hath ever a Good word in store. Insomuch that he maketh this Lady a Confes∣sor, Sr. Roger Only, (alias Bolignbroke) her Chaplain, a Martyr, assigning in his Kalender, the eleventh and twelfth of February for the dayes of their commemoration.

But Alanus Copus, (namely Harpsfield under his name) falls foul on Mr. Fox for making Sr. Roger a Martyr,* 3.75 who was a Traitor, and Elianour this Dutchess a Confessor, who by the consent of our Croniclers Robert Fabian, Edward Hall, &c. was condemned (after solemn penance and carrying a Ta∣per barefoot at Pauls Crosse) to perpetuall banishment, for plotting with Only his Chaplain, (an abominable Necromancer) and three others by

witchcraft to destroy the King,* 3.76 so to derive the Crown to her Husband,* 3.77 as the next heir in the Line of Lancaster. But Cope-Harpsfield pincheth the Fox the hardest, for making Margaret Jourdman (the witch of Eye) a Martyr, who was justly burnt for her witchcraft. Other small errors we omit, where of he accu∣seth him.

In answer hereunto, Mr. Fox makes a threefold return, ingeniously con∣fessing part of the charge,* 3.78 flatly denying part, and fairly excusing the rest. He confesseth, and take it in his own words, that the former Edition of his Acts and Monuments, wasa 3.79 HASTILY RASHED up at the present in such shortnesse of time, (fourteen moneths, as I remember, too small a term for so great a Task) that it betraied him to many mistakes, as when he calleth Sir Roger Only a Knight, who was a Priest by his profession. Adding moreover, that had he thought nob 3.80 imperfections had passed his former Edition, he would have taken in hand a second recognition thereof.

He flatly denyeth that his Martyr-making of Margaret Jourdman the Witch of Eye,* 3.81

I here (saith) professe, confesse and ascertain, both you (Cope-Harpsfield He meaneth) and all English men both present, and all posterity hereafter to come, that Margaret Jourdman I never spake of, never thought of, never dreamed of, nor did ever hear of, before you named her in your Book your self. So farre it is off that I, either with my will, or against my will, made any Martyr of Her.

He excuseth the aforesaid Dutchess Elianour,* 3.82 alledging ten Conjectures (as he calleth them) in her vindication.

1. Sir Roger Only took it upon his death, that He and the Lady were in∣nocent of those things for which they were condemned.

2. It was usuall for the Clergie in that Age, to load those who were of Wickliffe his perswasion (such this Dutchess) with no lesse false then feule aspersions.

3. Sir Roger Only wrote two Books, (mentioned byc 3.83 Bale) the one of his own innocency, the other Contra Vulgi Superstitiones. It is not therefore probable he should be so silly a Necromancer, who had professedly confuted Popular Superstitions.

4. The Accusation of this Dutches beganne not untill after the Grudges betwixt the Duke her Husband, and the Cardinall* 3.84 of Winchester, a∣bout the year 1440.

5. It is not probable if the Dutchess intended such Treason against the Kings life, (as to consume him by burning a wax candle) that she would impart a plot of such privacy to four persons, viz. Sir Roger, Margaret Jourdman, Mr. Thomas Southwell, and Iohn Hume; seeing five, may keep counsell, if four be away.

6. So hainous a treason against the Kings person, if plainly proved, would have been more severely punished, with death no doubt of all privy thereunto. Whereas this Lady escaped with Exile, and Iohn Hume had his life pardoned, which being so foule a fact, would not have been forgiven, if clearly testified against Him.

7. She is accused in our Chronicles, (Harding, Polycronicon, &c.) for working Sorcery and Inchantments AGAINST the Church and the King. Now how can Inchantments be made AGAINST the Church, which is a Collective Body, consisting of a Multitude of Christians? and reader in

my weak opinion this Conjecture carrieth some weight with it,* 3.85 Balaam himself can tell us,* 3.86 There is no Sorcery against Jacob, not Southsaying against Is∣rael. If any interpret Against the Church, that is, the Laws and Canons of the Church,* 3.87 the Sence is harsh and unusual. This rendreth it suspicious that her Inchantments against the Church, was only her disliking and distasting the errours and Superstitions thereof.

8. This Witch of Eye (saith Fabian) lived neer Winchester, a Presumption (as Mr. Fox conjectureth) that the Cardinall of Winchester had a hand in pack∣ing this accusation.

9. Polydore Virgil maketh no mention thereof, otherwise sufficiently quicksighted in matters of this nature.

10. Why may not this be false, as well as that King Richard the third, his accusing of Iane Shore for bewitching of his withered arm.

These conjectures are not Substantial enough severally to subsist of them∣selves, yet may they be able to stand in complication (in the whole Sheaf, though not as single Arrows) and conduce not a little towards the clearing of her innocence.

For my own part,* 3.88 it is past my Skill to seour out stains, inlayed in the memo∣ry of one diseased more then two hundred years agoe. I see her credit stands condemned, by the generality of Writers; and as it is above the power of the present Age, to pardon it, so it is against all pitty, crueltie to execute the same, some after-evidences appearing with glimmering light in her vindication. Let her Memory therefore be reprieved till the day of Judgement, when it is possible,* 3.89 that this Lady, bearing here, the indignation of God for her sins, may in due time have her cause pleaded, and judgement executed for her, and her righte∣ousnesse be brought into light. Sure I am she fared no whit the better, for her sirname of Cobbam, odious to the Clergy of that Age on the account of Sir Iohn Oldcasile Lord Cobham, though these two were nothing of kin. The best is she left no issue to be ashamed of her faults, if she were guilty, the best evi∣dences of whose innocence are in the Manuscript Books of J. Leyland, which as yet I have not had the happinesse to behold.

At this time William Heiworth sat Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield,* 3.90 being translated thither from being Abbot of St. Albans. Wonder not that he should leave the richest Abbey of England (where he took place of all of his Order) and exchange it for a middle-sized Bishoprick. For first, even those who most admire the holinesse and perfection of Monasticallife, do grant the Episcopal Function above it in all Spirituall respects. Secondly, in Tempo∣ral Considerations the poorest Bishop was better (and might be more benefi∣cial to his Kindred) than the richest Abbot, seeing he by will might bequeath his estate to his Heirs, which no Abbot, (incapable in his own / person of any Propriety) could legally do, whose goods belonged to his Convent in com∣mon.

This Bishop Heiworth deserved not ill of his Cathedral Church of Litch∣field. * 3.91 Indeed the body of the Church was built by Roger de Clinton Bishop thereof,* 3.92 in the reign of King Henry the first,* 3.93 who increased the number of the Prebends, and surrounded Litchfield with a ditch bestowing, much cost on the invisible Castle, which now is vanished out of sight. Afterwards Walter de Langton his successour in the reign of King Edward the first was a most munifi∣cent Benefactor thereunto, laying the foundation of the Chappel of the Virgin Mary, and (though dying before it was finished) bequeathing a suf∣ficient summe of money for the finishing thereof. He also fenced the Close of the Church about with a high wall, and deep ditch, adorning it with two beautifull gates, the fairer on the west, the lesser on the South side there∣of. He expended no lesse then two thousand and pound in beautifying the shrine of Saint Chad his predecessor.

65. But now in the time of the aforesaid VVilliam Heyworth,* 3.94 the Cathedral of Litchfield was in the verticall height thereof,* 3.95 being (though not augmented in the essentials) beautified in the Ornamentals thereof.* 3.96 Indeed the West front thereof is a stately Fabrick, adorned with exquisite imagerie, which I suspect our age is so far from being able to imitate the workman∣ship, that it understandeth not the Historie thereof.

66. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the Citie of Florence,* 3.97 that it is pittie it should be seen save only on Holy-dayes; as also that it was fitt that so fair a Citie should have a Case and Cover for it to keep it from wind and weather, so in some sort, this Fabrick may seem to deserve a shelter to secure it.

67. But alas it is now in a pittifull case indeed,* 3.98 almost beaten down to the ground in our civil dissensions. Now lest the Church should follow the Castle; I mean, quite vanish out of view, I have at the cost of my worthy friend here exemplified the Portraiture thereof: and am glad to hear it to be the de∣sign of ingenious persons to preserve ancient Churches in the like nature, (whereof many are done in this, and more expected in the next part of Mona∣sticon) seeing when their substance is gone, their verie shadows will be accept∣able to posteritie.

68. The Commons in Parliament complained to the King,* 3.99 that whereas they had sold great wood of twenty years growth and upwards, to their own great profit, and in aid to the King in his wars and shipping, the Parsons and Vi∣cars impleaded such Merchants as bought this Timber, for the Tithes there∣of, whereby their estates were much damnified, the King and the Kingdome dis∣served.

69. They also complained,* 3.100 that when such Merchants troubled in the Courts Christian addressed themselves for remedy to the Chancery, and moved there∣in for a Prohibition, which in such cases is to be granted unto them, by vertue of a Statute made in the forty fift year of King Edward the third, yet such a writ of Prohibition and attachment, was against all law and right denyed them. Wherefore they humbly desired the King to ordaine by authority of the present Parliament, that such, who shall find themselves grieved, may here∣after have such writs of Prohibition and upon that Attachments aswell in the Chancery as in the Kings and Common-Bench at their choice.* 3.101 And that the said Writs of Prohibition and Attachment issuing out of the said Benches, have the said force and effects, as the Original writs of Prohibition and Attach∣ment so issuing out of the Chancery of our Lord the King.

70. To this it was returned,* 3.102 the King will be advised, the civilest expression of a Denial. However we may observe that for a full hundred years (viz. from the middle of King Edward the third, to and after this time) no one Parlia∣ment passed wherein this Grievance was not complained on. So that an Acorn might become an Oake, and good Timber in the term, wherein this molestation for the Tithes of wood, (under the pretence of Silva Cedua) did continue. But it seems it was well Ordered at last, finding future Parlia∣ments not complaining thereof.

71. At this time William Linwood finished his industrious and usefull work of his Constitutions.* 3.103 He was bred in Cambridge, first Schollar of Gonvile, then Fellow of Pembroke-Hall. His younger years he spent in the studie of the Laws, whereby he gained much wealth, and more reputation. Afterwards (quitting his practice) he betook himself to the Court, and became Keeper of the Privie-Seale unto King Henry the fifth, who employed him on a long and important Embassy into Spain and Portugal.

72. Linwood being no less skilful in Civil than Canon Law,* 3.104 performed the place with such exemplarie industrie and judgement, that had not the Kings sud∣dain death prevented it, he had been highly advanced in the Common∣wealth. Afterwards he reassumed his Officials place of Canterburie, and then at spare houres collected and digested the Constitutions of the fourteen latter

Archbishops of Canterbury, from Stephen Langton to Henry Chicheley, unto whom he dedicated the Work, submitting the censure thereof to the Church.

73. A worthy Work, highly esteemed by forraign Lawyers not so particu∣larly Provincial for England,* 3.105 but that they are usefull for other Countries, his Comment thereon being a Magazine of the Canon-Law. It was printed at Paris, 1505. (but at the cost and charges of William Bretton, an honest Mer∣chant of London) revised by the care of Wolfgangus Hippolius, and prefaced unto by Jodocus Badius. This Linwood was afterward made Bishop of Saint Davids, whose works (though now beheld by some as an Almanack out of date) will be valued by the judicious whilst Learning and Civility have a being.

CENT. XV.* 3.106

TO M^r THOMAS RICH,* 4.1 [Late] of LONDON, Esquire.

Great is the praise S. Paul* 4.2 gives to Gaius, stiling him his host, and of the whole Church. Surely the Church then was very little, or Gaius his house very large. Now Hosts commonly are Corpulent persons, but Gaius not so, it being more then suspicious that he was afflicted with a faint body, as may be collected from the words of† 4.3 S. John, I wish that thou maist pros∣per and be in health, even as thy soul prospereth.

You are Sir the Entertainer-general of good men; ma∣ny a poor Minister will never be wholly Sequestred, whilest you are living, whose Charity is like to the winde which cannot be seen, but may be felt: And God hath dealt with you more bountifully then with Gaius, blessing you in all di∣mentions of Soul, Body, and Estate; and my prayers shall never be wanting for the continuance and increase thereof.

1. THis year began the smart and active Coun∣cel of Basil,* 4.4 to which our Ambassa∣dours were to represent both their Soveraign,* 4.5 and the English Nation;* 4.6 where they were received with ho∣nour and respect, the reputation of King Henry his Holiness adding much to their credit; Foraigners there being ve∣ry inquisitive of them, to be satisfied in the particulars of his devotion, which by them was represented much to their Masters advantage. But it is worth our pains to peruse the Com∣mission they carried with them.

REx omnibus quos &c.* 5.1 salu∣tem.* 5.2 Sciatis quòd, cum juxta decreta Constantiensis Concilii, praesens Concilium Basi∣leense actualiter celebretur sub san∣ctissimo Patre Domino Eugenio Papa quarto. Nos eidem Conci∣lio, nedum ex parte ejusdem Concilii per suos Oratores nobis ex hac causa specialiter destinatos, ve∣rum etiam Apostolicis & Imperialibus, ac aliorum quamplurimorum sanctae Matris Ecclesiae Patrum & Princi∣pum saecularium literis creberrimè instigati, ad Dei laudem, sanctae Matris Ecclesiae prosperitatem opta∣tam & honorem, & praesertim ob fidei Catholicae exaltationem inter∣esse cupientes, variis & diversis causis rationabiliter praepediti, quo minus personaliter eidem interesse poterimus, ut vellemus, venerabiles Patres Robertum Londoniensem, Philippum Lexovieasem, Johan∣nem Roffensem, Johannem Bajocen∣sem, & Bernardum Aquensem Episcopos, ac carissimum consangui∣neum nostrum Edmundum Comitem Moritonii, dilectos nobis Nicho∣laum Abbatem Glastoniensem, Wil∣lielmum Abbatem Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Eborum, & Willielmum Priorem Norwincensem, nec non di∣lectos & fideles nostros Henricum Broumflete Militem, Magistrum Thomam Broun utrius{que} Juris Do∣ctorem, Sarum Decanum, Johan∣nem Colluelle Militem, Magi∣strum Petrumc 5.3 Mauricii Doctorem in Theologia, & Magistrum Nicho∣laum David Archidiaconum Con∣stantiensem & Licentiatum in utro∣que Jure, nostros Ambassiatores, Oratores, veros, & indubitatos Pro∣curatores, Actores, Factores, & Nuncios speciales constituimus, fa∣cimus & deputamus per praesentes, dantes & eis & ipsorum ma∣jori parti potestatem & mandatum tam generale quam speciale nomine nostro & pro nobis in eodem Concilio interessendi, tractandi, communi∣candi & concludendi tam de hiis quae fidei Orthodoxae fulcimentum, Re∣gumque ac principum pacisicationem

concernere poterunt, nec non de & super pace perpetua guerrarúmve ab∣stinentia inter Nos & Carolum Adversarium nostrum de Francia, ac etiam tractandi, communicandi & appunctuandi, consentiendi in∣super, & si opus fuerit dissentiendi hiis, quae juxta deliberationem dicti Concilii inibi statui, ac ordinari con∣tigerit. Promittentes & promitti∣mus bona fide nos ratum, gratum, & firmum perpetuò habiturum * 5.4 totum, & quicquid per dictos Ambassiatores, Oratores, & Procuratores nostros aut majorem partem eorundem, actum, factum, seu gestum fuerit in praemis∣sis, & in singulis praemissorum, & hoc idem cum de & super hiis certio∣rati fuerimus quantum ad nos & Christianum Principem attinet, exe∣cutioni debitae curabimus demandare. In cujus rei testimonium has liter as nostras fieri fecimus patentes.

Dat.* 5.5 sub Magni Sigilli nostri te∣stimonio in Palatio nostro West. 10 die Julii.

Per Concilium.

THe King to all whom &c. Gree∣ting. a 5.6 Know that according to the Decrees of [the late] Coun∣cil of Constance, the present Council of Basil is actually celebrated under the Most Holy Father, Lord Eugenius the fourth Pope. We being often instiga∣ted to be present at the same Councel, not onely on the behalf of the same Coun∣cel, by their Orators, especially di∣spatched to us, for that purpose, but also by the Letters Apostolical and Impe∣rial, and the Letters of very many o∣ther Fathers of the Holy Mother Church, and of Secular Princes. And we desi∣ring to be present thereat, to the praise of God, prosperity of the Holy Mo∣ther Church, and her desired Honour, and chiefly for the exaltation of the Ca∣tholick Faith, being on just reason hin∣dred with many and several occasions, cannot (as we would) be personally present thereat. Wherefore by these presents we constitute, make, and de∣pute, the venerable Fathers, Robert Bi∣shop of London, Philip Bishop ofb 5.7 Lisi∣eux, John Bishop of Rochester, John Bishop of Baieux, & Bernard Bishop of Aix, and our most dear Cousin Edmund Earl of Morton, our beloved Nicolas Abbot of Glasto, William Abbot of S^t Maries in York, and William Prior of Norwich, and our beloved and trusty Henry Broumflete, Knight, M^r Thomas Broun Doctor of Laws Dean of Sarum, John Colluelle, Knight, M^r Peter Fitz-Maurice D. D. and M^r Nicholas David Arch-Deacon of Constance, & Licentiat in both Laws, our Ambassadours, Orators, true and undoubt∣ed Proctors, Actors, Factors, and special Messengers; Giving, and we give to them, and the greater part of them, Power and Command, as well general, as special, in our Name, and for Us, to be present in the same Councel, to treat, debate, and conclude as well of these things which may concern the sup∣port of the Orthodox Faith, the Pacifi∣cation of Kings and Princes, as also up∣on either a perpetual Peace, or else a Cessation from War, betwixt Us and Charles of France our Adversary. Im∣powring them also to treat, commune, and appoint, moreover to consent, and if need be, dissent, in those things which

shall happen there to be established and ordained according to the deliberations of the aforesaid Councel. Promising, and we do promise, on good faith, that whatsoever shall be acted, done, or ma∣naged, in the premisses, and every one of them by our aforesaid Ambassadors, Orators, and Proctors, or the greater part of them, we shall have and ac∣count for ratified, welcome, and firm for ever.* 5.8 And when we shall be cer∣tified of and upon the same, we shall care to command the due executi∣on, so far as appertaineth to Us, and a Christian Prince. In witness whereof, We have made these our Letters Pa∣tent.

Given under our Great Seal, being our witness, in our Palace at West∣minster, July 10.

So eminent an Instrument of so great importance must not pass without some of our observations thereupon.

2. The Councel of Basil is said to be assembled according to the De∣crees of the late Councel of Constance,* 5.9 wherein it was constituted, that with∣in so many years a General Councel should be called. For seeing the Church was subject to contract Rust in Doctrine and manners, frequency of Councels, was conceived the best way to scoure the same. But the Pope lately hath wil∣lingly forgotten this Canon, no General Councel being called since that of Trent, wherein all the Power and profit of the Pope was secured under the Notion of Articles of the Faith: since which time his Holiness thought it not safe to tamper with a new Councel, as which might impair, but could not improve his condition.

3. See we here fourteen Ambassadours sent to Basil,* 5.10 Bishops 5. Earl 1. (not that he was to vote in the Councel, but onely behold the transactions thereof) Abbots 2. Prior 1. Knights 2. Doctor in Divinity 1. Doctors of Law 2. all Interests being in them represented; When therefore we read in Roger Hoveden anda 5.11 others, ad generale Concilium Domini Papae, quatuor Episcopi de Anglia tantùm Romam mittendi sunt, onely four English Bishops are to be sent to Rome to a general Councel of the Pope; understand it, that such a num∣ber is sufficient. England needed to send but so many, though, if pleased, might send more, confined by no other command save the Kings free discre∣tion. And seeing Basil was little above the half way to Rome, the journey being shorter, the more messengers were imployed.

4. The three French Bishops sent by the King,* 5.12 speak the great Command, which King Henry as yet had in France, especially (if as I take it) by Aquensis, Aix be mentioned, scited in the furthermost parts of Provence, though even now the English power in France was a waining.

5. John,* 5.13 Bishop of Rochester, here mentioned, was John Langdon, in∣truded by the Pope into that Bishoprick, to the apparent prejudice of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. For the Bishop of Rochester was accounted Can∣terburies Chaplain, to whom he owed his Spirituals, and Temporals as his Patron, and founder; though now the Pope, contrary to the Arch-Bishops will and right forced this Langdon into the place. But indeed he was a lear∣ned man (dying this year in his Embassie at Basil) and deserved far better preferment then the poor Bishoprick of Rochester. But yet as some observe of Taylors, that they make the largest garments, when they have the least cloath allowed them; so the poor Bishoprick of Rochester, hath fared better then many richer Sees, seeing Sacriledg would never feed on so bare a pasture.

6. Observe the Method in the Nomination of these Commissioners,* 5.14 wherein no wonder if the Bishops precede so great an Earl; was it not fit that reverend Fathers should be placed before a dear Cousin? besides the em∣ployment being of Church concernment, Spiritual persons carried it clear in the race of dignity. More strange it is to finde herein a Knight [Henry Broomflete] put before a Doctor of both Laws, and yet John Colevil, another Knight placed after the same Doctor. I confess the contest very ancient about priority betwixt a Knight and a Doctor of Law, ever since the compari∣son whicha 5.15 Tully made betwixt Lucius Murena, a Knight of Rome, and Pub. Sulpitius a Lawyer, either of them standing for the Consulship. Though now in England the precedency of the Knight be indubitable, since preferment is taken from Civil Law, and the professors thereof shut up, as it were, in a narrow corner of their own faculty. But we leave the Critical Decision thereof, to hisb 5.16 pen who hath wrot a just Tract of the Glory (in truth of the Vanity) of this world, and exactly stated this particular, with all the circum∣stances thereof.

7. Whereas the King impowreth those his Commissioners to meddle in the point of his right of the Realm of France,* 5.17 with King Charles his com∣petitor, submitting his Title to be discussed in the Councel, it carrieth with it a confidence of his own right, and charitable desire to save the effusion of Christian Bloud; But this was not Councel, but Camp-work; and we meet not with the mention hereof once touched on in this great Assembly. How∣ever, so wary was King Henry (or rather his Councel) as not absolutely to tie up his title, to the decision of this Councel, but to give his Commissio∣ners a negative voice, in case they see cause to dissent.

8. The general History of the Church reporteth the Acts of this Coun∣cel, * 5.18 how they deposed Pope Eugenius, and substituted Felix in his room; for which, and other decisions therein, Rome beholds this Councel but with bad eyes unto this day. We will onely meddle with a difference therein, which concerned our own Nation. The Orators of several Kings began to take their places, according to their birth-rights; dating their age from their Na∣tions first receiving of Christianity. Here arose the controversie of course, about precedency, betwixt the English and Castile Ambassadours: the former alledging Britaines conversion by Joseph of Arimathea; which Alphon∣sus Garsias de Sancta Maria, Dean of Compostella and Segovia, Doctor of Law, and Ambassadour for Castile, with a Speechc 5.19 more tedious then his name and titles, much endeavoured to disprove, and his arguments may be redu∣ced to these four heads:

• 1. First, he denied Josephs arrival in Britaine, and imposed the proof thereof on the English who affirmed it, challenging them to produce any authentick Record for the same.
• 2. Secondly, he urged probability to the contrary, out of the Gol∣den Legend, or Flores Sanctorum, where it is reported, how Titus,

• taking Jerusalem, caused a thick wall to be digged thorow, and therein found an aged man, who confessed himself to be Joseph Or Arimathea, there imprisoned by the Jews for burying of Christ; and that ever since he had been fed with-meat from heaven. Hence he inferred, that if Joseph were in durance all this while in the wall, he could not, as the English pretended, come over into Britain to plant the Gospel.
• 3. Thirdly, grant that Joseph, after his enlargement by Titus, prea∣ched in Britain, which must needs be after the year of our Lord, seventy and two, Spain long before had received the Gospel by the preaching of James the Apostle.
• 4. Fourthly, Be it granted, that Joseph did preach in England, it was but in a corner thereof, the grand body of Britain remain∣ing pagan many hundred years after.

These arguments he uttered with such an affected gravity, as if he could have made the matter the more by pronouncing the words the longer.

9. The English easily answered these exceptions,* 5.20 proving James to be slaughtered at Jerusalem bya 5.21 Herod, before his pretended preaching in Spain: seeing their own Country-man, and anb 5.22 Arch-Bishop of Toledo confesseth as much. They produced many ancient testimonies for the preaching of Jo∣seph in Britain, the fond fable of his being kept in a wall being beneath con∣futation, as attested onely by a worthless Author, Joannes de Voragine. Their allegation, that Britain was but partially converted, by his preaching, was but impertinent to the present purpose; the point controverted not being of the universality, but the antiquity of first receiving the Christian Faith. Be∣sides, neither James, nor any other Disciple, ever converted a Kingdom to∣tally, and entirely to Christianity. However, nothing was concluded in this controversie, alwayes agitated, never decided.

• 1. In the Councel of Pisa, Anno 1409.
• 2. In the Councel of Constance, 1417. betwixt the Ambassadours of England and France.
• 3. In the Councel of Sienes, before Martin the fifth, Pope: wherein Richard Fleming, Bishop of Lincoln, encountered France, Spain, and Scotland, about precedency.

Lastly, betwixt England and Spain, in the Councel of Basil, though therein nothing concluded; those politick Prelates accounting it better to keep both Princes in hope by discussing, then to put one into anger by deciding it. Yea, they loved to set up this controversie (as that of the precedence of Cambridg and Oxford in English Parliaments) out of design, sometimes to delay time; sometimes by starting it, to stop, and divert more dan∣gerous disputes.

10. Henry Chichely,* 5.23 Doctor of Law,* 5.24 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 5.25 Foun∣ded a Colledg in Oxford, by the Name of All-Souls, for a Warden, and fourty Fellows; which number by Statute was never to be augmented, or impaired; and all void places (by death, or otherwise) once in a year to be supplied.

Wardens.* 5.26 1. Mr Rich. An∣drews. 2. Mr Rog. Keys. 3. Mr Gul. Kele. 4. Mr Gul. Pote∣man. 5. Mr Jo. Stokie. 6. Tho. Hobbys. 7. Mr Gul. Brooke. 8. Mr Jo. Coale. 9. Mr Rob. Wood∣ward. 10. Mr Rob. Stoke∣lie. 11. Mr Jo. Warner. 12. Mr Seth Hol∣land. 13. Mr Jo. Pope. 14. Mr Rich. Bar∣••er. 15. Mr Rob. Hoven∣den. 16. Dr Mocket. 17. Dr Ashley. Dr Shelden. Dr Palmer.

Bishops.* 5.27 James Gouldwel, Bishop of Nor∣wich, 1472. Gilbert Bourn, Bish. of Bath and Wells, 1554. Glyes Tomson, Bish. of Gloucester, 1611. Brian Duppa, Bish. of Sarum, Fel∣low of this House.

Benefactors. King Henry the 6th at the pro∣curement of the Founder, gave four Priories A∣lians, viz. Alber∣bury, Rumney, Weeden-Pinke∣ney, and Lan∣guenith. Queen Elizabeth confirmed the Parsonage of Stanton Har∣court. Reginald Poole, Card. Arch-Bi∣shop of Canter∣bury. Sr William Peter, Fellow of this Colledg, and Secretary to four Kings and Queens.

Learned Writers. Sr Clement Ed∣monds. Dr Gentilis an excellent Civilian. Dr Steward. Mr Diggs.

So that at this present this Colledg hath one Warden, fourty Fellows, two Chaplains, three Clerks, six Choristers, besides Officers and Servants of the Foundation, with other Students, the whole number being seventy. The Fel∣lows of this College are bound by their Statutes to be benè nati, spendidè ve∣stiti, & mediocriter docti in plano cantu.

Know Reader, I was promised by my respected friend, D^r Jeremy Taylor, (late Fellow of this house) well known to the world by his worth, a Cata∣logue of the Eminent Scholars thereof; but it seems the Press, (like Time and Tide) staying for no man, I have not been so happy seasonably to re∣ceive it.

11. Six years did this Arch-Bishop survive the first Founding of this Colledg.* 5.28 He was a worthy man in his generation,* 5.29 had not his vassalage to the Pope (the epidemical disease of those dayes) ingaged him in cruelty against the poor professors of the truth.* 5.30 Most of the Synods, called by him toward the latter end of his life, effected onely the advance of money, the Clergy being very desirous to buy off the penalty of a Praemunire (so perni∣cious to their proceedings) but could not compleatly compass the same. I have nothing else to observe of Arch-Bishop Chichely, save the common tra∣dition, how King Henry the sixth, acted herein by some misoclere-Countries (otherwise in himself friend enough to Church-men) sent this Arch-Bishop, for a New-years-gift, a shred-pie indeed, as containing pieces of cloath and stuff, of several sorts and colours, in jeer, because his father was a Taylor at Higham-Ferrars in Northampton-shire. The Arch-Bishop thankfully received the gift, even after he had seen the entrals thereof, and courteously enter∣tained

the messenger,* 5.31 requesting him to return to his Grace, If my Lord the King do but as far exceed Henry the fifth (whom God assoil) his Father,* 5.32 as my meanness hath gone beyond my poor father, he will make the most accomplished Mo∣narch that ever was in Christendom. John Stafford, one of noble parentage, suc∣ceeded in the place of Chichely deceased.

12. This good precedent of the Arch-Bishops bounty,* 5.33 may be presu∣med a spur to the speed of the Kings liberality;* 5.34 who soon after Found∣ed Eaton Colledg,* 5.35 incorporate by the name of Praepositi & Collegii Regalis Col. Beatae Mariae de Eaton juxta Winsor. It seemeth these words Beatae Mariae, are so necessary, that being left out in a Lease (wherein all the other Titles of the Foundation were inserted at large) the saida 5.36 Lease was adjudged void for that omission. But know, this verdict passed in Queen Maries dayes, when Regina Maria made the mention of Beatae Mariae, so essential there∣unto.

13. Indeed it was high time some School should be founded,* 5.37 consider∣ing how low Grammer-Learning ran then in the Land, as may appear by the following Verses made for King Henry the Founder; as good no doubt as the generality of that Age did afford, though (scarce deserving Transla∣tion) so that the worst scholar in Eaton Colledg that can make a Verse, can make a better.

Luce tua, qui natus erat, Nicolae, sacer Rex Henricus Sextus hoc stabilivit opus, Vnctum qui Lapidem postquam ponebat in Eaton Hunc fixit Clerum commemorando suum. Astiterant illi tunc Pontifices in honorem Actus solennis Regis & Ecclesiae. Ex Orientali* 5.38 si bis septem pedetentim Mensurare velis, invenies Lapidem; In festo sancti Jacobi sanctam stabilivit Hic unctam Petram Regia sacra manus.

Annis M. CCCC. sexto quarter X{que} Regis & H. Regni quinto jungendo Vicena.

Devout King Henry of that name the sixt Born (Nic'las) on thy day this building fixt. In Eaton having plac'd a stone anointed In sign, it for the Clergy was appointed. His Prelates then were present, so the more To honour the Kings acts and holy Chore. From Eastern midst, whereof just fourteen feet If any measure, they this stone shall meet; On holy James his day, the sacred hand Of Royal Henry caus'd this stone to stand.

M. four C^s. fourty six since Christ was born, When H. the Crown* 5.39 twenty five years had worn.

14. This Colledg consisteth of one Provost,* 5.40 Fellows, a School∣master and Usher, with Kings Scholars; Besides many Oppidanes, maintained there at the cost of their friends; so that were Eaton, as also Winchester-School removed into Germany, they would no longer be accounted Scholae, but Gym∣nasia, a middle terme betwixt a School, and an Vniversity. The Provostship

of Eaton is accounted one of the Gentilest,* 5.41 and intirest preferments in England, the Provost thereof, being provided for in all particulars,* 5.42 to the very points of his hose (my desire is one tag of them may not be diminished) and as a pleasant* 5.43 Courtier told King Henry the eighth, an hundred pound a year more then enough.* 5.44 How true this is I know not, this I know, if some Courtiers were to stint the enough of Clergy-men, even the most industrious of them should (with* 5.45 Solomons sloathful man) have poverty enough. But take here a Catalogue of the Provosts of Eaton.

• 1. Henry Seilver D. D. Almoner to King Henry the sixth.
• 2. William Wainflet, B. D. afterwards Bishop of Winchester.
• 3. John Clerk, B. D. died Provost, the 7^th No∣vemb. 1447.
• 4. William Westbury, B. D. chosen Provost, Anno 1448.
• 5. Hen. Bost, B. D. he gave an hundred Marks, and twenty pounds per an. to the Colledg, died the 7^th Feb. 1503.
• 6. Roger Lupton, B. D.
• 7. Robert Aldridge, af∣terwards Bishop of Carlisle.
• 8. S^r Tho. Smith, Doct. of Law, of Queens Colledg in Cambridg, chosen, Anno 1554.
• 9. Henry Colle, D. D. and Law, chosen in the same year, 1554.
• 10. William Bill, D. D. Almoner to Queen Elizabeth, chosen July 5. 1559.
• 11. William Day, B. D. Dean also of Windsor, chosen Jan. 5. 1561. afterwards Bishop of Winchester.
• 12. Sir Henry Savile, Warden of Merton Colledg in Oxford, chosen, 3 June 1596. eminent to all poste∣rity for his magnifi∣cent Edition of Saint Chrysostome in Greek.
• 13. Tho. Murrey, Esq Tutor and Secretary to King Charls, whilst Prince.
• 14. S^r Henry* 5.46 Wotton, famous for several Embassies, chosen 1625.
• 15. Steward, Doct. of Law, and Dean of S^t Pauls.
• 16. Francis Rouse, Esabque;

This Eaton is a nursery to Kings Colledg in Cambridg. All that I will add, is, to wish, that the prime Scholars in this School may annually be chosen to the University, and when chosen, their places may fall accordingly, not by the death of those in Kings Colledg, but their advancement to better preferment in the Church and Common-wealth.

15. If we cast our eyes on the Civil estate,* 5.47 we shall finde our Foraign Acquisitions in France,* 5.48 which came to us on foot,* 5.49 running from us on horse-back. Nulla dies sine Civitate, fearce a day escaping wherein the French regained not some City or place of importance; so that the English, who under King Hen. 6. had almost a third of France, besides the City of Paris (another third in its self for Wealth and Populousness;) soon lost all on the Continent, to the poor pittance of Calice, and a little land, or (if you will) some large sub∣urbs round about it.

16. Yet let not the French boast of their Valor,* 5.50 but (under Gods pro∣vidence) thank our sins, and particularly our discords, for their so speedy reco∣veries. There were many Clefts and Chaps in our Councel-board; factions be∣twixt the great Lords present thereat, and these differences descended on their Attendants and Retainers; who putting on their Coats wore the Badges, as well of enmities, as of the Armes of their Lords and Masters: but be∣hold them how coupled in their Antipathies.

Deadly feud betwixt Edmund Beaufort,* 5.51 Duke of Somerset,* 5.52 Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York. Humbhrey Plantagenet, Duke of Glocester, Henry Beaufort Cardinal, Bishop of Winchester.

Deadly feud betwixt William Delapole, Duke of Suffolk. John Holland, Duke of Exeter. Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Bucking∣ham. Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick.

Humphrey Plantagenet, Duke of Glocester, William Delapole, Duke of Suffolk, Richard Nevil, Earl of Warwick.

Betwixt the three last there was as it were a battel Royal in this Cockpit, each of them hating and opposing another. In all these contests their ambition was above their covetousness; it being every ones endeavour not so much to raise and advance himself, as ruine and depress his adversary.

17. Two of the aforesaid principal persons left the world this year,* 5.53 and in the same moneth. First, Humphrey Duke of Glocester, Son to King Henry the fifth; Uncle and Gardian to King Henry the sixth: A great House∣keeper. Hospitality being so common in that Age, none were commended for the keeping, but condemned for the neglecting thereof: He was much oppo∣sed by Queen Margaret (who would have none rule the King her husband, save her self) and accused of a treacherous design; insomuch that at a packt Parlia∣ment at Bury, he was condemned of high Treason, and found dead in his bed; not without rank suspicion of cruel practises upon his person.

18. His death is suspended betwixt Legal execution and murder;* 5.54 and his memory pendulous betwixt Malefactor and Martyr. However the latter hath most prevailed in mens belief, and the Good Duke of Glocester is commonly his character: But it is proper for some Oxford man to write his just Vindi∣cation. A Manuel in asserting his memory being but proportionable for him, who gave to their Library so many and pretious voluminous Manu∣scripts. As for those, who chewing their meat with their feet, whilest they walk in the body of S^t Pauls, are commonly said to Dine with Duke Humphrey; the saying is as far from truth as they from dinner, even twenty miles off: seeing this Duke was buried in St Albans, to which Church he was a great Benefactor.

19. The same Moneth with the Duke of Glocester,* 5.55 died Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, and Cardinal; One of high discent, high spirit, and high preferments; hardly to be equalled by Cardinal Wolsey (otherwise but a pigmy to him in birth) for wealth and magnificence. He lent King Henry the 5^th at once twenty thousand pounds, who pawned his Crown unto him. He built the fair Hospital of St Cross, near Winchester; and although Chancellor of the University of Oxford, was no grand Banefactor thereunto, in propor∣tion to his own wealth (commonly called the Rich Cardinal) or the practises of his predecessours, Wickham, and Wainesleet.

20. The Bishops* 5.56 assembled in Parliament, laboured the recalling of the Act of Praemunire, and no wonder if gall'd horses would willingly cast off their saddles, but belike they found that statute girt too close unto them. The Lords and Commons stickling stoutly for the continuance thereof. And be∣cause this is the last time we shall have occasion to mention this Statute, and therefore must take our farewell thereof; it will not be amiss to insert the ensuing passage, as relating to the present subject, though it happened many years after.

21. Onea 5.57 Robert Lalor,* 5.58 Priest, a Native of Ireland, to whom the Pope had given the titulary Bishoprick of Kilmore,* 5.59 and made him Vicar-general of the See Apostolick,* 5.60 within the Arch-Bishoprick of Dublin, &c. boldly and securely executed his pretended jurisdiction for many years, was indicted at Dublin, in Hillary Terme, Quarto Jacobi, upon this Statute of Praemunire, made two hundred years before, being the sixteenth of Richard the second. His Majesties learned Councel did wisely forbear to proceed against him upon any latter Law (whereof plenty in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth) be∣cause Recusants (swarming in that Kingdome) might have their judgments convinced. That long before King Henry the eighth banished the Usurpati∣on of the Pope, The King, Lords and Commons in England (though for the most part of the Romish Religion) made strict Laws for the maintenance of the Crown against any foraign Invasion. Whereupon after the party indicted had pleaded at large for himself, The Jury departed from the Bar, and re∣turning within half an hour, found the prisoner guilty of the contempts where∣of he was indicted; whereupon the Sollicitor General moved the Court to proceed to judgement, andb 5.61 S^r 'Dominick Sarsfield (one of the Justices of his Majesties chief Pleas) gave judgment according to the form of the Statute, whereupon the Endictment was framed. Hence it plainly appears, that such Misdemeanours of Papists are punishable at this day, by vertue of those An∣cient Statutes, without any relation to such as were enacted since the Re∣formation.

22. About this time Jack Cade raised his Rebellion,* 5.62 like and unlike to the former commotion of Jack Straw.* 5.63 Like,* 5.64 first because Jacks both, I mean, insolent, impudent, domineering Clowns. Secondly, Both of them were Kentish by their extractions. Thirdly, both of them pressed upon Lon∣don, and there principally plaied their pranks. Fourthly, both of them af∣ter they had troubled the Land for a short time, were justly slain, and their numerous rabble routed and dispersed. In other remarkables, Cade differ∣ed from Jack Straw. First, Straw defied all Nobility and Learning, vowing and endeavouring their ruine and extirpation, whilest Cade pretended him∣self to be the Lord Mortimer, and next heir to the Crown, and no design against Learning is charged on his account. Lastly, Straws Rebellion is (though most falsly) fathered by Popish writers on Wicliff and his adherents, to have occasioned (at leastwise connived at) his commotion; but I never met yet with any Romanists accusing the Lollards (as they term them) for ha∣ving any hand in Cades Rebellion.

23. Now began the broyls to break out betwixt the two houses of Lan∣caster and York,* 5.65 so mutually heightened,* 5.66 that scarce a County betwixt York (the place whence generally their Armies started) and London,* 5.67 (the Goal they both aimed to win) but a set Battle hath been sought therein, and if any one Shire lieth fallow in this kinde, the next afforded a double crop in that na∣ture, (besides other Counties in the Marches of Wales) as by the ensuing Ca∣talogue will appear.

Place.	Betwixt.	Time.	Number slain.	Conqueror.
1. St Albans in Hertford∣shire.	Richard Duke of York, and King Henry the 6th for Lancaster.	Anno 1455. and 34th of King Hen. 6. in June.	Slain on the Kings side five thousand. On the the Dukes six hundred.	York House.
2. Blore-heath in Stafford∣shire.	Rich. Earl of Sa∣lisbury for York. James Touchet, L. Audley, for Lanc.	Anno 1469. the 37th of Hen. 6. Sep∣temb. 21.	Two thousand 4 hundred, most Coshire men, slain on Lancast. side.	York House.

3. Northamp∣ton.* 5.68	Richard Earl of Warwick,* 5.69 for York. King Hen. 6. for Lancaster.	Anno 1460. 38 Hen. 6. 9 July.	Ten thousand slain and drown∣ed on both sides.	York House.
4. Wakefield in York∣shire.	Richard Duke of York; Queen Margaret for Lancaster.	In the same year, Decem. 31.	Two thousand two hundred slain on York side, with their Duke.	Lancaster.
5. Mortimors Cross in Shropshire.	Edward Earl of March, after∣wards King, for York.	Anno 1461. 39 Hen. 6. Feb. 2.	Three thousand eight hundred slain on Lanca∣ster side.	York House.
6. St Albans in Hert∣fordshire.	Richard Earl of Warwick for York. King Henry and Margaret his wife, in person for Lancaster.	The same year and moneth, 17 Feb.	About two thou∣sand on both sides.	Lancaster.
7. Towton in Notting∣ham-shire.	Edward Earl of March, for York. King Hen. 6.	Same year March 27. being Palm∣Sunday.	Thirty five thou∣sand ninety and one on both sides.	York House.
8. Hexham in Northum∣berland.	John Nevil, Lord Montague. King Hen. 6. and the Queen.	Anno 1464. 4 Edw. 4. May 15.	Number great but uncertain.	York House.
9. Banbury or Edgcot in the confines of Oxford and Northampton shire.	William Herbert Earl of Pembroke for York. Robbin of Ridsdale, alias Hilliard for Lan∣caster.	Anno 1469. 9 Edw. 4. July 26.	Five thousand slain in the place, most of them Welch∣men.	Lancaster.
10. Barnet in Middle∣sex.	Richard Nevil Earl of Warwick for Lancaster. King Edw. 4. for York.	Anno 1471. 11 Edw. 4. April 14. being Easter∣day.	Four thousand slain on both sides.	York House.
11. Tewxbu∣bury in Glocester∣shire.	King Edw. 4. for York. Queen Margaret and Edward her son for Lancaster.	In the same year on the 4th of May.	Three thousand slain of the House Lancaster.	York House.
12. Bosworth in Leice∣ster-shire.	King Rich. 3. for York. Henry Earl of Richmond for Lancaster.	Anno 1485. 3 Rich. 3. August 22.	About 4 thou∣sand slain in all.	Lancaster.

Place.	Betwixt.* 5.70	Time.	Number slain.	Conqueror.
13. Stoak in Noting∣ham-shire.	John Delapole, Earl of Lincoln, for York. King Hen. 7. for Lancaster.	Anno 1487. 2 King Hen. 7. June 16.	About four thousand (wher∣of many Irish) slain on both sides.	Lancaster, or rather the two houses united in King Henry the 7th.

Besides many other Skirmishes, (corrivals with Battles) so that such who con∣sider the bloud lost therein, would admire England had any left. And such as observe how much it had left, would wonder it had any lost, such still the populousness thereof.

But these things the Reader may best inform himself of,* 5.71 out of the State-Historians,* 5.72 and particularly out of that Noble Italian Author (elegantly and expressively translated by the Earl of Monmouth) who hath written a large Volume, to the great credit of our English Nation, of the wars betwixt York and Lancaster. So that I could heartily wish that some English man, in re∣quital of his courtesie, would write the Italian discords betwixt the Guelphes and Guibelines,

24. It was much,* 5.73 that in the middest of so many miseries of Civil Wars, William, sir-named Patin, from his Parents; but Wainefleet from the place of his nativity, now Bishop of Winchester, should Found the fair Colledg, Dedi∣cated to Mary Magdalen, in Oxford, for One President, Fourty Fellows, Thir∣ty Demies, Four Chaplains, Eight Clerks, and Sixteen Choristers, which num∣ber can never be increased. But though this Foundation cannot be made broa∣der or longer (admit of more members) yet may it be made deeper, and is ca∣pable of Benefactours charity to augment the maintenance of the aforesaid number. This William Wainefleet first Founded Magdalen-Hall hard by (as Scriveners use to try their pens on a small piece of paper, before they begin what they fairly intend to write) and afterwards undertook and finished this far more stately piece of Architecture. For whoso observeth the magnifi∣cence of the structure, the numerousness of the Corporation, the largeness of their endowments, and the mutual concinnity of all parts amongst themselves therein, may possibly finde out a College which may exceed it in some, but hard∣ly any that will equal it in all accommodations. Where nothing is wanting for health and pleasure, except some will say, that Mary Maudlin weepeth too much,, and the walks sometimes too wet and moist from the depressed situa∣tion thereof.

25. Nor hath this House been less fruitfull then any with famous persons,* 5.74 and it is observable that there is scarce a Bishoprick in England, to which this College hath not afforded one Prelate at the least (doubling her files in some places) as by the ensuing Catalogue will appear.

Presidents.* 5.75 Mr William Horneley.* 5.76 Mr William Tybbard. Mr Rich. May∣ewe. Mr John Clar∣mund. Mr Knolles. Mr Oglethorp. Mr Cole. Mr Coveney. Mr Laur. Hum∣fride. Dr Nich. Bond. Dr Jo. Har∣ding. Dr William Langton. Dr Accept. Frewen. Dr John Oli∣ver. Dr Jo. Wilkin∣son. Dr Tho. God∣win.

Benefactors. King Henry the seventh. Thomas Ingle∣due, Chap∣lain to the Founder. William Fitz-Allen. Earl of Arun∣del. John Forman. Dr Hig∣den. Jo. Clai∣mund. Pref. Robert More∣went. John Mullins Arch-Deac. of London. Dr John War∣ner, last Bi∣shop of Ro∣chester.

Bishops. John Stokesley, Bishop of London, 1530. Thomas Cooper, Bishop of Winchester, 1584. John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, 1521. Tho. Bentham, Bishop of Covent. and Lichfield. William Over∣ton, Bishop of Covent. and Lich∣field, 1609. Accept. Frewen, Bishop of Covent. and Lichfield, 1643. Henry Cotton, Bishop of Salisbury, 1598. Tho. Godwin, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1584. Thomas Wolsey, Arch-Bish. of York, 1515. John Peirce, Arch-Bish. of York, 1588. John Vo••sey, Bishop of Exeter, 1520. William Brad∣bridg, Bish. of Exeter, 1578. Richard Mayo, Bishop of Hereford, 1504. John Harley, Bishop of Hereford, 1553. Thomas Bickley, Bishop of Chichester, 1585. Jo. Warner, Bishop of Rochester, 1637. Jo. Bullingham, Bishop of Bristoll, and Glocester, holding both toge∣ther, 1581. John Cotes, Bi∣shop of Che∣ster, 1556. William Down∣ham, Bi∣shop of Chester, 1561. Owen Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlile, 1556.

Writers. Johna 5.77 Clar∣mund, after∣wards Pre∣sident of Corpus Chri∣sti. Johnb 5.78 Hocker. Mich.c 5.79 Reni∣ger. John Fox, Au∣thor of the Book of Martyrs. Thomas Cooper, who wrote the great Dictionary. Robertd 5.80 Crow∣ley. Petere 5.81 Mor∣ving. ...Alane 5.82 Cope, Proctor of the Univer∣sity, 1558. Julius Palmer, Mart. Dr Laurence Humfride. John Budden, Dr of Law, who wrote many mens lives in E∣legant La∣tin. Dr Hen. Ham∣mond. Dr Peter Hey∣lyn.

Give me leave to suspect this Catalogue of Presidents not compleat (though set forth by their greatf 5.83 Antiquarie) both because D^r Higden (avowedg 5.84 Presi∣dent in the List of Benefactors) is therein omitted, as also D^r Walt.h 5.85 Haddon, whom we finde President hereof in the beginning of Queen Mary. At this day

there are therein a President,* 5.86 fourty Fellows,* 5.87 thirty Demies, or Scholars, four Chaplains, eight Clerks, sixteen Choristers, one School-master and an Usher, three Readers; of Divinity, Natural and Moral Philosophie, besides divers Officers and Servants of the Foundation, with other Students, being in all two hundred and twenty.

26. King Henry being Conquered in a fatal Battle at Touton in Noting∣ham-shire, * 5.88 fled with his Queen into Scotland;* 5.89 and to make himself the more welcome,* 5.90 resigned Berwick to the King thereof. Edward, Duke of Yorke, his Adversary, Reigned in his stead by the name of Edward the fourth, who, next to God and his own right, had just cause to thak Richard Nevil, Earl of War∣wick for his Crown. This was that Nevil, who for Extraction, Estate, Alli∣ance, Dependents, Wisdom, Valour, Success, and Popularity, was supe∣riour to any English Subject since the Conquest. Peoples love he chiefly pur∣chased by his Hospitality, keeping so open an House, that he was most wel∣come who brought the best stomach with him; the Earl charitably belie∣ving, that all who were men of teeth, were men of Armes. Any that looked like a man, might have in his house a full half yard of roast meat; namely, so much as he could strike through and carry away with hisa 5.91 Dagger; The Bear was his Crest, and it may be truly said, that when the Bear roared, the Lions of the Forest trembled, the Kings of England themselves being at his disposal.

27. This Kings Reign affordeth very little Church-Storie,* 5.92 and there∣fore M^r Fox (whose industrie would have found out Church-matter, if above ground) is fein to fill it up with foreign passages, or domestick relations of our civil differences. Indeed now the sound of all bells in the steeples was drowned with the noise of Drums and Trumpets: And yet this good was done by the Civil Wars, it diverted the Prelates from troubling the Lollards; so that this very storme was a shelter to those poor souls, and the heat of these intestine enmities, cooled the persecution against them.

28. Thomas Bourchier,* 5.93 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 5.94 kept a Synod of his Clergie at London,* 5.95 when Geoffery Longbrooke, a member thereof (as Proctor for Peter Courtney, Arch-Deacon of Exeter) was at the suite of Simon Nottingham, arrested by the Bailiffs of the Lord Major,* 5.96 complaint being made hereof to the Convocation, they sent the Prior of Canterbury to the Major and Sheriffs, to restore the aforesaid Geoffery to his liberty, threatning them else with Excom∣munication; to prevent which the party was released. The Parliament sit∣ting at the same time, bestowed many priviledges on the Clergie. As for the other Synods in this Kings Reign, being six, as I account them, little more then granting of Subsidies was propounded and concluded therein.

29. King Henry returned out of Scotland,* 5.97 furnished with sufficient for∣ces from James the third,* 5.98 to recover his Crown,* 5.99 had success befriended him. But King Edward marched against him in person (one means of his being so fortunate in his fights, seeing in peace the master his eye maketh the fat horse, as the Princes in war the valiant horse-rider) totally defeated, took, and im∣prisoned him in the Tower. Here whilest Church-men observe how tender-eyed the charity, States-men admire how blinde the policy of that Age, in keeping King Henry alive. No such sure Prison for a Captive King, as a Grave, whose life (though in restraint) is a fair mark for the full aim of male-contents to practice his enlargement. As here it fell out in King Henry, who either slighted for his simplicity, that he could do not mischief, or reve∣renced for his sanctity, that he should suffer no ill, was preserved alive, and re∣served thereby to be a future trouble to King Edward, who, though valiant to repel, was not wise to foresee dangers, and now conceiving himself secure, was viciously disposed, and given over to too much licenciousness.

30. Richard Nevil,* 5.100 Earl of Warwick,* 5.101 is sent over into France to obtain the Lady Bona (Daughter to the Duke of Savoy) Wife to King Edward.* 5.102 So powerful a spokesman could not but speed, and all things are concluded, save

the meeting of the Parties and a Priest to marry them.* 5.103 Mean time King Ed∣ward marrieth the Lady Elizabeth Grey,* 5.104 the first English King who since the Conquest wedded his Subject; I might also add, and the first that match'd with a Widow, seeing Elinor, Wife to King Henry the second, divorced from Lewis the yonger, King of France, was properly neither maid, nor widow. Warwick stormeth hereat, that he had taken so much pains about nothing, highly sensible of the affront, seeing a potent Arme is not to be employed about a sleeveless errand. He resolves revenge, and because he could not make her Queen whom he desired, he would make him King whom he pleased.

31. Take hereof this cursory account:* 5.105 After many bloudy battles,* 5.106 King Edward was taken Prisoner at Wolney in Warwick-shire,* 5.107 and committed by the Earl of Warwick, to the custody of his Brother George Nevil, Arch-Bishop of York. Henry is brought out of the Tower, shall I call him the sixth or the seventh, because dead, (though not in Law, in dignity, and once Deposed) he is now restored again to wear the Royal Robes, not so much as his own gar∣ments, but as the Livery the Earl of Warwick his liberality. However he acted a very short part of Soveraignty, wherein he revenged not any personal wrongs offered unto him in his restraint. For one who thrust him into the side with a sword, when he was Prisoner in the Tower, was afterwards pardon∣ed by him, when restored to his former dignity.

32. Mean time the Arch-Bishop allowed King Edward liberty to ride abroad and follow his pleasure;* 5.108 now a careless Keeper giveth his Prisoner a warning, and sheweth him a way to make his escape. King Edward followeth his hawking so long, that he taketh his own flight at last. Over he gets beyond the Seas to his Brother in law Charles, Duke of Burgundie, by whom he was supplied, to the proportion of a competent subsistence; but not enabled for the recovering of a Crown. However he returned into England, landed in the North, marched to York, desired to be received therein, as into the place whence he received his Title, but in no other notion then a Subject to King Henry, taking the Sacrament on the truth thereof; but having gotten the City as Duke, he kept it as King, contrary to his oath, for which his Children, are conceived to fare no whit the better.

33. Let the State-Historians inform you with what various changes K. Edward made hence into the South,* 5.109 and at last near Barnet, bid battle to, and defeated the Earl of Warwick,* 5.110 slain with his Brother the Marquess Mon∣tague on the place.* 5.111 Learn also from them how King Henry was cruelly put to death, and his Son and Queen Margaret soon after overthrown at Tewxbury. For when a Royal Family is once falling, all things conduce to expedite their destruction. Henceforward King Edward (saving the differences of his own, with his Wives Kindred) passed the remnant of his dayes in much peace, plenty, and pleasure.

34. In most of the Battles we may observe,* 5.112 it was the word general of the weaker side, for London, for London, as the most martial thrift to Con∣quer a Kingdom in a City. For such whose necessities can allow their Ar∣mies but little time to stay, do burn day light in pelting against petty Towns in the out skirts of a Land, especially if all other humane hopes be in one despe∣rate push. Hence was it that so many Battles were fought about Barnet and S^t Albans (the Cock-pit of War) the lines of all Armies drawn from the cir∣cumference of the Land, being the closer together, the nearer they appro∣ched London, the Center in Trade and Wealth, though not in exact position thereof.

35. Come we now to a tamer contest,* 5.113 and more proper for our pen, continuing all this Kings time, betwixt the Begging Friers, and Secular Priests;

the former not content to cry up the dignity of their own Order,* 5.114 but cast contempt on the rest of the Clergie.* 5.115 But these bold Beggers met with as bold sayers ••ay, I mean, these Mendicants found their matches in the Secular Priests, effectually humbling their pride herein. For it was beheld as a most pestife∣rous doctrine, the Friers so heightning the perfection of begging, that accord∣ing to their principles all the Priesthood and Prelacy in the Land, yea, by con∣sequence the Pope himself did fall short of the sanctity of their Order. Yet hard was it for them to perswade his Holiness to quit Peters Patrimony, and betake himself to poverty, although a Fryer (Thomas Holden by name) did not blush to preach at Pauls Cross, thata 5.116 Christ himself (as first Founder of their Society) was a Beggar, a manifest untruth, and easily confuted out of Scripture.

36. For vast the difference betwixt begging,* 5.117 and taking what the bounty of others doth freely confer, as our Saviour did from such whob 5.118 mini∣stred unto him of their substance. We never read him begging any thing, save when from thec 5.119 Woman of Samaria, he asked water, a creature so com∣mon and needful, that it was against the law of nature to deny it him. Nor is it probable he was a Mendicant, who was rated in the Publicans Tole-Book, and paid Tribute untod 5.120 Caesar: Not to say that he was so far from begging,* 5.121 that it was his custom (especially about the time of the Passeover) to relieve others, and Judas his Purse-bearer was his Almoner to distribute to the poor.

37. Here it will not be amiss to reckon up the principal Champions on both sides,* 5.122 whose pens publickly appeared.

For Mendicants.	Against Mendicants.
1. Henryf 5.123 Parker, a Carmelite, bred in Cambridg, living afterwards in Doncaster Covent, imprisoned for preaching. 2. Jo.g 5.124 Milverton, bred in Oxford, Carm. of Bristol, being excom∣municated by the Bishop of London, and appealing to the Pope, found no favour, but was kept three years captive in St Angelo.	1. Thomash 5.125 Wilton, Doctor of both Laws, and, say some, Dean of Saint Pauls, most zealous in his preach∣ings and disputings. 2. William Iviei 5.126 Canon of St Pauls in London, who wrote very lear∣nedly in the defence of Rich. Hill, Bishop of London, who imprisoned two Mendicants for their proud preaching.

But after Pope Paul the second had interposed herein, concluding, quod Christus publicè mendicavit, pro damnata haeresi undique declarandam & conculcandam esse, the Mendicants let fall their Bucklers, and the controversie sunk in silence nevermore revived.

38. Never had England at once two Arch-Bishops of so high extraction as at this time,* 5.127 namely, Thomas Bourchier, Son of Henry Earl of Essex; and George Nevil, Brother to the Great Earl of Warwick. The latter is famous for a prodigious Feast, wherein, whoso noteth the number and quality of the Guests, (all the Nobility, most of the prime Clergie, many of the Great Gentry) will wonder where he got meat for so many mouthes, whilest such, who number the dishes thereof, will more admire where he got mouthes for so much meat. But see the Bill of fare.

• Quarters* 5.128 of Wheat, 300
• Tuns of Ale, 330
• Tuns of Wine, 104
• Pipe of Spiced Wine, 1
• Fat Oxen, 80
• Wilde Bulls, 6
• Weathers, 1004
• Hoggs, 300
• Calves, 300
• Geese, 3000
• Capons, 3000
• Piggs, 300
• Peacocks, 100
• Cranes, 200
• Kids, 200
• Chickens, 2000
• Pigeons, 4000
• Rabbits, 4000
• Bittours, 204
• Ducks, 4000
• Hernsews, 400
• Pheasants, 200
• Partriges, 500
• Woodcocks, 4000
• Plovers, 400
• Curlews, 100
• Quailes, 100
• Egrets, 1000
• Rees, 200
• Bucks, Does, Roes, more then 400
• Hot Venison Pasties, 1506
• Cold Venison Pasties, 4000
• Dishes of Gelly part∣ed, 1000
• Dishes of Gelly plain, 4000
• Cold Custards, 4000
• Hot Custards, 2000
• Pikes, 300
• Breams, 300
• Seals, 8
• Porpaises, 4
• Tarts, 400
• Earl of Warwick, Stew∣ard.
• Earl of Bedford, Treasu∣rer.
• Lord Hastings, Contro∣ler; with many more Noble Officers.
• Servitours, 1000
• Cooks, 62
• Kitchiners, 515.

People present at this Feast needed strong stomachs to devour, and others absent, stronger faith to believe so much meat at one time. Take the pro∣portion by sheep, whereof magnificent Solomon spent but ana 5.129 hundred a day in his sumptuous Court; and here was ten times as many expended at this Feast, as he in a dayes provision for all his numerous retinue. How long this enter∣tainment lasted is uncertain, but by the Porke, Doves, and Woodcocks eaten therein, it plainly appears kept in Winter, when such are in season; and how the same can be reconciled with so much Summer Fowl as was here used, I little know, and less care to resolve.

39. But seven years after,* 5.130 this Arch-Bishop to entertain King Edward,* 5.131 made another Feast at More-Park in Hertford-shire,* 5.132 inferiour to the former for plenty, yet perchance equalling it in price. For the King seized on all his Estate, to the value of twenty thousand prounds, amongst which he found so rich a Mitre, that he made himself a Crown thereof. The Arch-Bishop he sent over prisoner to Callis in France, where Vinctus jacuit in summa inopia, he was kept bound in extreme poverty, justice punishing his formerb 5.133 prodigality, his hungry stomach being glad of such reversions (could he get them) which formerly the Voider had taken away at his Riotous Installation.

40. He was afterwards restored till his liberty and Arch-Bishoprick,* 5.134 but never to the cheerfulness of his spirit,* 5.135 drooping till the day of his death.* 5.136 It added to his sorrow that the Kingdom of Scotland, with twelve Suffragan Bi∣shops therein, formerly subjected to his See, was now by Pope Sixtus Quintus; freed from any further dependence thereon; S^t Andrews being advanced to an Arch-Bishoprick, and that Kingdom in Ecclesiastical matters, made intire within its self: Whose Bishops formerly repaired to York for their Consecrati∣on, not without their great danger, especially in times of hostility between the two Kingdoms. In vain did this Nevil plead for some compensation to be given his See in lieu of so great a loss, or at leastwise that some acknowledg∣ment should be made of his former jurisdiction; the Pope powerfully order∣ing against it. Henceforward no Arch-Bishop of York medled more with Church matters in Scotland, and happy had it been if no Arch-Bishop of Canter∣bury had since interested himself therein.

41. About this time John Goose, sole Martyr in this Kings Reign,* 5.137 suf∣fered at Tower-Hill.* 5.138 Let Papists who make themselves sport at the simplici∣ty of his name,* 5.139 remember how their Pope Os porci or Swines face, could change his name into Sergius, which liberty if allowed here, would quickly mar their mirth. This Goose when ready to suffer, desired meat from the Sheriff, which ordered his execution, and had it granted unto him. I will a 5.140 eat (saith he) a good competent dinner, for I shall pass a sharp showre ere I come to supper.

42. King Edward foreseeing his approaching death (who,* 5.141 by intem∣perance in his diet,* 5.142 in some sort,* 5.143 digg'd his grave with his own teeth) cau∣sed his own, and Wives kindred (sadly privy to the grudges betwixt them) to waite on him when he lay very sick on his bed. To these he made a pas∣sionate speech, to exhort them to unite, from the profit of peace, and dan∣ger of discord: and very emphatically urged it, insomuch, that seemingly they were his converts, and in token thereof shook hands together, whilest their hearts, God knows, were far asunder. This speech I may call King Edward his own Funeral Sermon, preached by himself (and it may pass also for the Funeral Sermon of his two Sons, finding no other obsequies at their bu∣rial) though very little was really thereby effected. Thus died King Edward, who, contrary to the ordinary observation, that men the elder the more cove∣tous (as indeed dying-mens hands grasp what is next, and hold it hard) was gripple in the beginning of his Reign, and more bountiful towards the end thereof.

SECT. III.* 5.144* 5.145

TO JOHN FERRARS OF TAMWORTH Castle, Esquire.

SIR!

MOdest Beggars in London-streets, commonly chuse twylight to prefer their Petitions; that so they may have light enough to discover Him to whom they sue, and darknesse enough to cover and conceal them∣selves.

This may make you the more to admire my boldnesse, who in a meer mid-night (utterly unknowing you, and un∣known to you) request you to accept this Dedication. But know Sir, though I know not your face, I know you are a FER∣RARS, enclined by your Extraction to a Generous Dispositi∣on, as I have found by one of your nearest Relations.

1. MIserable King Edward the fifth ought to have succeeded his Father;* 6.1 but alas!* 6.2 He is ever pictured with a chasma,* 6.3 or distance, be∣twixt his head, and the Crown; and, by the practice of his Uncle, the Duke of Glocester, chosen Pro∣tector (to protect him from any of his friends to come near him) was quickly made away, being a King in right, though not in possession; as his Uncle Richard was in possession, though not in right. All the passages whereof are so elegantly related by Sir Thomas More, that a man shall get little who comes with a forke, where S^r Thomas hath gone with a rake before him, and by his judicious industry collected all remarkables. Onely (as proper to our employment) let us take notice of the carriage of the Clergie in these distractions.

2. Although most of the Prelates were guilty of cowardly compliance with King Richard,* 6.4 yet we finde none eminently active on his side.* 6.5 Indeed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was employed to get Richard Duke of York,* 6.6 from his Queen-Mother in the Sanctuary in Westminster, and very pathetical he was in the perswading her to part with him: haply on a point of conscience, as fearing, if denied, some injury would be offered to the prejudice of the Church, and therefore more willing himself to wooe him from her with eloquence, then that others should wrest him thence with violence. Yet he is generally conceived innocent here in, as not as yet suspecting any fraud in the Duke of Glocester: except any will say, that it was a fault in him, that so great a States-man was no wiser, then to have been deceived by his dissimulation.

3 But of the inferiour Clergie, D^r Shaw, a popular preacher, made himself infamous to all posterity.* 6.7 His Sermon at S^t Pauls Cross had nothing but the text (and that in thea 6.8 Apocrypha) good therein; as consisting of two parts, defaming of the dead, and flattering of the living; making King Edward far worse then he was, and Duke Richard far better then ever he would be. He made King Edward the fourth, and the Duke of Clarence, both to be ba∣stards, and Duke Richard onely right begotten, so proclaiming Cicilie his Mother (still surviving) for a whore; all being done by secret instructions from Duke Richard himself, who hereby gave a worse wound to his Mothers credit, then that which at his birth he caused to her body, being (as it is commonly reported) cut out from her. With Shaw we may couple another brawling cur of the same litter, Pynkney the Provincial of the Augustinian Fri••rs, who in the same place used so loud adulation, he lost his credit, con∣science, and voice, altogether. These two were all (and they too many) of the Clergie whom I finde actively ingaging on his party, whilest multi∣tudes of the Lairy sided with him. So that thorough the popularity of the Duke of Buckingham, the Law-learning of Catesby, the City-interest of Shaw, (then Lord Major of London, and brother to the preacher) the rugged rigor of Ratclifse, and the assistance of other instruments in their several spheres, the Queens kindred were killed,* 6.9 the Lord Hastings murdered, King Edward and his Brother imprisoned, and at last Richard Duke of Glocester elected King of England.* 6.10

4. His Coronation was performed with more pomp then any of his Predecessours; as if he intended with the glory thereof, so to dazle vulgar eyes, that they should not be able to see the shame of his usurpation. Indeed some of our English Kings, who by undoubted right succeeded to the Crown, accounted their Coronation but a matter of course (which did not make but manifest them to be Kings) and so less curious in the pompous celebration thereof. But this Usurper apprehended this ceremony more substantial, and therefore was most punctual in the observation of it, causing all the No∣bility, who held Lands in grand Soveraignty, to do their service in state: amongst whom Richard Dimock, Esquire, hereditary Champion by tenure, with a safe piece of valour (having so many to back him) cast down his Gauntlet, challenging any that durst oppose the title of King Richard, and (for ought I do know to the contrary) he afterwards made his challenge good in Bosworth field. And, because sure binde, sure finde; he is said, and his Queen, to be Crowned again in York with great solemnity.

5. Soon after followed the murder of King Edward,* 6.11 and his Brother Richard Duke of York. It was high time they should set, when another already was risen in the throne. By a bloudy bloudless death they were stifled with pillows, and then obscurely buried▪ The uncertainty of their interment gave the advantage to Perkin Warbeck, afterwards to counterfeit Richard Duke of York: so like unto him in age, carriage, stature, feature, favour, that he wanted nothing but success; to make him who did but personate Duke Richard, to pass current for the person of Duke Richard.

6. After this bloudy act,* 6.12 King Richard endeavoured to render himself popular.* 6.13 First by making good Laws in that sole Parliament kept in his Reign.* 6.14 Benevolence, malevolence, which formerly the subjects unwillingly willing had paid to their Soveraign (power, where it requests, commands; it not being so much thank-worthy to grant, as dangerous to deny it) he re∣trenched, and reduced to be granted onely in Parliament. He regulated Trading, which the Lombards, and other foraigners had much ingrossed, to the detriment of the English Nation. Now, although all people carry much of their love and loyaltie in their purses, yet all this would not ingra∣tiate this Usurper with them, the dullest nostrils resenting it done, not for love of vertue, but his own security. And, that affects none, which all pal∣pably discover to be affected.

7. Next he endeavoured to work himself into their good will,* 6.15 by erecting and endowing of Religious Houses; so to plausiblelize himself, espe∣cialy among the Clergy. Thus he built one far North, at Middleham, and and a College in the Parish ofa 6.16 Alhallows-Barking, hard by the Tower, as if he intended by the vicinity thereof, to expiate those many murders, which he therein had committed. Besides, he for his time dis-Forested Whichwood in * 6.17 Oxford-shire (then far more extended then in our Age) which his brother Ed∣ward had made Forest to the great grievance of the Country thereabouts. Yet all would not do, the people being more patient for an injury done by King Edward, then thankful for the favour this Richard bestowed upon them. He is said also to have given to Queens College in Cambridgc 6.18 five hundred marks of yearly rent; though at this time, I believe, the College receives as little benefit by the Grant, as Richard had right to grant it. For, it was not issued out of his own purse, but given out of the lands of his enemy, the unjustly proscribed Earl of Oxford; who being restored by Henry the se∣venth, made a resumption thereof.

8. Duke Richard was low in stature,* 6.19 crook-backed, with one shoulder higher then the other, having a prominent gobber-tooth, a war-like counte∣nance which well enough became a souldier. Yet a modern ^de 6.20 Author, in a Book by him lately set forth, eveneth his shoulders, smootheth his back, planeth his teeth, maketh him in all points a comly, and beautiful person. Nor stoppeth he here, but proceeding from his naturals to his morals, ma∣keth him as vertuous, as handsome (which in some sense may be allowed to be true) concealing most, denying some, defending others of his foulest facts, wherewith in all ages since he standeth charged on record. For mine own part, I confess it no heresie to maintain a paradox in History, nor am I such an enemy to wit, as not to allow it leave harmlesly to disport it self for its own content, and the delight of others. Thus Cardan hath written his Encomium Neronis, and others (best husbandmen who can improve the bar∣rennest ground) have by art endeavoured to praise as improbable subjects. But, when men shall do it cordially, in sober sadness, to pervert peoples judgments, and therein go against all received Records, I say, singularity is the least fault can be laid to such mens charge. Besides, there are some Birds (Sea-pies by name) who cannot rise except it be by flying against the winde, as some hope to atchieve their advancement, by being contrary, and para∣doxal in judgment to all before them.

9. Soon after followed the execution of the Duke of Buckingham,* 6.21 King Richard his grand enginere, or, Master of the fabrick of his preserment. The occasion thus; The Duke requested-required of King Richard (as confident that his merits were incapable of a denial) the Earldome of Hereford, and the hereditary Constable-ship of England, laying title to them by discent. Well did he ask both together, which would be granted both together. For the Earldome of Hereford was an Abishag, concubine to the former Kings of England, which had long lien in the Crown (whilest in the Lancastrian line) so imbraced and interlaced therewith, that it was difficult to dissever them.

And the affecting thereof proved as fatall to Buckingham,* 6.22 as the desiring of the other was to Adonijah,* 6.23 being interpreted in both an ambition of the Kingdome. The Hereditary Constableship was conceived too unlimited a power to be trusted to a Subject, lest he should make more disorder, then he should mend therewith; so that in fine, both in effect were denied unto him.

10. Buckingham stormes thereat,* 6.24 Shall a Coronet be denied him, by him, on whom he had conferred a Crown? Yet, what anger soever boiled in his ••eart, none ran over in his mouth, pretending very fair in his behavi∣our. But, hard it is to halt before a cripple, and dissemble before King Ri∣chard. The Duke withdraws to Brecknock in Wales, with his prisoner Bishop Morton of Elie (committed unto him by the King on some distaste) who tampered with him about the marriage of Henry Earl of Richmond, with the eldest Daughter of King Edward the fourth. The Duke carried himself so open therein, that (surprised by King Richard) his head was divorced from his body, before this marriage was compleated.

II. More cunning was Bishop Morton to get himself over into France,* 6.25 there to contrive the Union of the two Houses of York and Lancaster. If, Blessed be the peace-makers, be pronounced of such as reconcile party and party: how much more must it be true of his memory, the happy instrument to unite those Houses, to the saving of the effusion of so much bloud. Some will say, it was a design obvious to every capacity, to make such an union. But, we all know, when a thing is done, then it is easie for any to do it. Besides, it is one thing for men in their brains barely, and notionally to apprehend a project; and another (as our Morton did) to elect proportionable means, and, by the vigorous prosecution thereof, really to effect it.

12. A modern Writer in his voluminous book,* 6.26 which he hath Enti∣tuled, The Rebellions, Treasons, Conspiracies, Antimonarchical practises &c. of the English Prelates, to swell his number, chargeth this Bishop Morton with Treason against King Richard the third. But, is it treason for one, in savour of the true heir, to oppose an Usurper in Title, and Tyrant in pra∣ctice? Surely unbiased judgments behold Morton herein under a better no∣tion. Had this Bishop been active on King Richards side, how would the same Author have proclaimed him for a Traitor against King Henry the seventh? Thus I see an inevitable necessity, that Morton must be a Traitor whatsoever he did; and observe, that no practice will please which cometh from one, whose person, or profession is distasted.

13. But King Richard his cruelties had so tired out Divine patience,* 6.27 that his punishment could be no longer deferred.* 6.28 Henry Earl of Richmond lands with an handful of men at Milford Haven.* 6.29 A landing place politickly cho∣sen, near Pembroke, the place of his Nativity, in the heart of his Country∣men, and Kinsmen, the Welsh (his grand-father Owen ap Theodore, alias, Tuthar, having thence his extraction) and far from London, the Magazine of King Richards might. From Milford the Earl marched North-East, through the bowels of Wales; and, both his Army, and fame thereof, crevit eundo, grew by going. Many old Prophesies (the people about Leicester will load a stranger with them) were fulfilled in him, and this amongst the rest may be remembred. It was foretold, that in a great battle, which was to be fought near Leicester, whosoever should shoot the arrow first, should have the victory. This most understood, that the archer in the fight which should first let loose, should gain the day to his side. When behold the Earl of Richmond, bending his march out of Wales, to the middle of England, first passed Arrow, a rivolet in the confines of Worcester and Warwick-shire, and accordingly proved victorious. For into Leicester-shire he came, and in the navel thereof is met by King Richard, and next morning both sides deter∣mine to trie their fortunes in fight. This night the Earl had sweet and quiet rest, whilest King Richard his guilty conscience was frighted with hideous

dreams,* 6.30 and fanciful apparitions,* 6.31 as no wonder if no pillow could give him quiet sleep, who with a pillow had so lately smothered his Lord and Master.

14. The Battle is called the Battle of Bosworth (though fought full three miles from thea 6.32 Town,* 6.33 and nearer other Country Villages) because Bosworth is the next Town of not ethereunto. The Earls Army fell far short of the Kings in number, and Armes; equalled it in cou∣rage, exceeded it in cause, and success. Indeed the Kings Army was hollow at the heart, many marching in his main battle, who were much suspe∣cted (and therefore purposely placed there to secure them from flying out) and fought as unwilling to overcome. Yet the scales of victory seemed for a long time so equal, that an exact eye could not discern on which side the beam did break. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thou∣sand fresh men, decided the controversie on the Earls side. King Richard fighting (valiantly, so his friends; desperately, say his foes) fell in the midst of his enemies, and his corps were disgracefully carried to Leicester, without a rag to cover his nakedness; as if no modest usage was due to him when dead, who had been so shameless in his cruelty when alive. The Crown ornamental being found on his head, was removed to the Earls, and he Crowned in the field, and Te Deum was solemnly sung by the whole Army.

15. Soon after King Henry married the Lady Elizabeth,* 6.34 eldest Daugh∣ter unto King Edward the fourth,* 6.35 whereby those Roses (which formerly with their prickles had rent each other) were united together. Yea, sixfold was King Henry his title to the Crown. First, Conquest. Secondly, Military election, the Souldiers crying out in the field, King Henry, King Henry. Thirdly, Parliamentary Authority, which setled the Crown on Him, and His Heirs. Fourthly, Papal confirmation, his Holiness, forsooth, con∣curring with his religious complement. Fifthly, Discent from the House of Lancaster. But, that (all know) was but the back-door to the Crown, and this Henry came in but by a window to that back-door (there being some bastardy in his pedigree) but that was salved by post-legitimation. Sixthly, Marriage of King Edwards Daughter, the first and last being worth all the rest. Thus had he six strings to his bow, but commonly he let five hang by, and onely made use of that one, which, for the present, he perceived was most for his own advantage. Yet, for all these his Titles, this politick Prince thought fit to have his Person well secured, and was the first King of England who had a standing Guard to attend him.

16. Thomas Bourchier Cardinal,* 6.36 and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 6.37 had the honour first to marry,* 6.38 then to Crown King Henry and the Lady Eliza∣beth. And then having sitten in a short Synod at London (wherein the Cler∣gie presented their new King with a tenth) quietly ended his life, having sate in his See two and thirty years. He gave an hundred and twenty pounds to the University of Cambridg, which was joyed with another hundred pounds which M^r Billingforth (Master of Bennet Colledg) had some years before given to the said University; and this joint stock was put into a Chest, called at this day, the Chest of Billingforth and Bourchier; and Treasurers are every year chosen for the safe keeping thereof.

17. John Morton born (say some) at Beare,* 6.39 but more truly at S^t An∣drews Milbourne in Dorcet-shire (where a worshipful family of his name and lineage remain at this day) succeeded him in the See at Canterbury. He was formerly Bishop of Elie, and appointed by Edward the fourth, one of the Executors of his Will, and on that account hated of King Richard the third, the Excutioner thereof. He was, as aforesaid, imprisoned, because he would not betray his trust, fled into France, returned, and justly advan∣ced by King Henry, first to be Chancellor of England, and then to be Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

18. Now began the Pope to be very busie by his Officers,* 6.40 to collect vast summes of money in England,* 6.41 presuming at the Kings connivance thereat,* 6.42 whom he had lately gratified with a needless Dispensation, to Legitimate his Marriage with the Lady Elizabeth, his Cousin so far off, it would half pose a Herald to recover their Kindred; For,

1. Edward the third, on Philippa his Queen, begat

2. Lyonel Duke of Clarence, who on Elizabeth his Lady, begat 3. Philippa on whom Edward Morti∣mer, Earl of March, begat 4. Roger Earl of March, who on begat 5. Anne, on whom Richard Planta∣genet Duke of York, begat 6. Edward the fourth king of Eng∣land, who on Elizabeth woodvile, begat 7. Elizabeth his Eldest Daughter, who was married unto

2. John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who of Katharine Swinford, begat 3. John de Beaufort, Duke of Somer∣set, who on begat 4. John Beausort, Duke of Somerset, who on Marg. Beauchamp, begat 5. Margaret on whom Edmund Tu∣ther Earl of Richmond begat 6. Henry Earl of Richmond, after∣wards (7th of that name) King of England.

Neither Law, Divine or Civil, forbad marriage at this distance; but the Pope would be over-officious, both to oblige the King, and interest him∣self, as if no Princes could well be married, except the Pope had a finger in joining their hands together.

19.* 6.43 More material to the King was the help of his Holiness,* 6.44 to regu∣late the exorbitancies of abused Sanctuaries:* 6.45 In this age could an offendor get such an house over his head, he accounted himself instantly innocent, though not is conscience, yet as to outward punishment, the Kings enemies once Sanctuaried, daring him no less then the Jebusites in their strong fort of Sion defied David,a 6.46 Though shalt not come in hither,: The Pope therefore, in favour of the King, and indeed of equity it self, ordered,

• 1.b 6.47 That if any Sanctuary man did by might or otherwise, get out of Sanctuary privily, and commit mischief and trespass, and then come in again, he should lose the benefit of Sanctuary for ever after.
• 2. That howsoever the person of the Sanctuary man was prote∣cted from his Creditors, yet his goods out of Sanctuary should not.
• 3. That if any took Sanctuary for cause of Treason, the King might appoint him keepers to look to him in Sanctuary.

Surely had the King been pleased to interpose his own power, he might have reformed these abuses; but he thought fitter to make use of the Popes Spiri∣tual artillery, against these Spiritual Castles of Rebellion, that he might not seem to intrench on their lawful priviledges, having formerly, at least in pretence, appeared a great Patron of Sanctuaries, and a severe punisher of the unjust infringers thereof. On which account this King (who was never uxorious husband, nor over-dutiful son in law, confined the Queen Dowager, his wives Mother) to a Religious House in Bermansey, because three years since

she had surrendred her two Daughters out of the Sanctuary at Westminster,* 6.48 to Richard Duke of York.* 6.49

20. A Synod was holden by Arch-Bishop Morton at London,* 6.50 wherein the Luxury of the Londona 6.51 Clergie in cloaths (that City alwayes the staple of bravery) with their frequenting of Taverns was forbidden; such Prea∣chers also were punished, who with popular applause enveighed against Bi∣shops in their absence; the next year also a Synod was called, but little therein effected, but vast summes of money granted by the Clergie to the King.

21. John Giglis an Italian,* 6.52 about this time imployed by the Pope,* 6.53 got an infinite mass of money,* 6.54 having power from the Pope to absolve people from Usury, Symonie, Theft, Manslaughter, Fornication, Adultery, and all crimes whatsoever, saving Smiting of the Clergie, and conspiring against the Pope; and some few cases reserved alone to his Holiness: This Gigies gat for himself the rich Bishoprick of Worcester; yea, we observe, that in that See a Team of Fourb 6.55 Italians followed each other.

• 1. John Giglis.
• 2. Silvester Giglis.
• 3. Julius Medices, afterwards Clement the 7^th.
• 4. Hieronymis de Negutiis.

Thus as weeds in a garden, once got in, hardly got out, as sowing themselvess, so these Italians having planted themselve in that rich place, were never gotten out (pleading as it were prescription of almost fourty years possession) till the power of the Pope was partly banished England, and then Hugh La∣timer was placed in the Bishoprick.

22. Arch-Bishop Morton,* 6.56 as one much meriting from the Pope,* 6.57 was not noely honoured with a Cardinals Hat,* 6.58 of the title of S^t Anastatius, but also privileged from his Holiness, to visit all places formely exempt from Archiepiscopal jurisdiction. Impowring him also to dispense his Pardons where he saw just cause. Hereupon Rochester Bridge being broken down (Morton to appear a Pontifex indeed, bestowed remission fromc 6.59 Purgatory for all sins whatsoever committed within the compass fourty dayes, to such as should Bountifully contribute to the building thereof.

23. The King had more then a moneths minde (keeping seven years in that humour) to procure the Pope to Canonize King Henry the sixth for a Saint.* 6.60 For English Saint-Kings so frequent before the Conquest, were grown great dainties since that time. France lately had her King Saint Lewis, and why should not England receive the like favour, being no less beneficial to the Church of Rome? Nor could the unhappiness of our King Henry (be∣cause Deposed from his Throne) be any just bar to his Saintship, seeing ge∣nerally Gods best servants are most subject to the sharpest afflictions. His Canonizing would add much Lustre of the Line of Lancaster, which made his Kinsman and mediate successor King Henry the seventh so desirous there∣of. Besides, well might he be made a Saint who had been a Prophet. For when the Wars between Lancaster and York first began, Henry the sixth be∣holding this Henry the seventh, then but a Boy playing in the Court, said to the standers by, See this youth one day will quietly enjoy what we at this time so much fight about. This made the king with much importunity to tender this his request unto the Pope. A request the more reasonable, because it was well nigh fourty years since the death of the Henry, so that onely the skeletons of his virtues remained in mens memories, the flesh and corruption (as one may say) of his faults being quite consumed and forgotten.

24. Pope Alexander the sixth,* 6.61 instead of granting his request, ac∣quainted him with the requisites belonging to the making of a Saint. First, that to confer that honour (the greatest on earth) was onely in the power of the Pope, the proper judg of mens merits therein. Secondly, that Saints

were not to be multiplied but on just motions,* 6.62 lest commonness should cause their contempt.* 6.63 Thirdly, that his life must be exemplarily holy, by the testimony of credible witnesses. Fourthly, that such must attest the truth of reall Miracles wrought by him after death. Fifthly, that very great was the cost thereof, because all Chaunters, Choristers,* 6.64 Bell∣ringers (not the least clapper in the steeple wagging, except money was tied to the end of the rope) with all the officers of the Church of Saint Peter, to∣gether with the Commissaries and Notaries of the Court, with all the officers of the Popes Bed-chamber, to the very Lock-smiths, ought to have their several fees of such cononization. Adding that the total summe would amount to fifteen hundred Ducketsa 6.65 of Gold.

Tantae Molis erat Romanum condere Sanctum.

Concluding with that which made the charges, though not infinite, indefinite, that the costs were to be multiplied, secundum Canonizati Potentiam, accord∣ing to the power or dignity of the person to be Canonized. And certain it was, the Court of Rome would not behold this Henry the sixth in the notion he died in, as a poor prisoner, but as he lived a King, so long as he had this Henry his Kinsman to pay for the same.

25. Most of these requisites met in King Henry sixth, in a compe∣tent measure.* 6.66 First, the holiness of his life was confessed by all, save that some sullen persons suggested that his simplicity was above his Sanctity, and his life pious, not so much out of hatred, as ignorance of badness. As for Miracles, there was no want of them, if credible persons might be believed, two of whose Miracles it will not be amiss to recite.

25. Thomas Fuller,* 6.67 a very honestb 6.68 man, living at Hammersmith, near Lon∣don, had a hard hap accidentally to light into the company of one who had stolen and driven away Cattle, with whom, though wholly innocent, he was taken, arraigned, condemned, and executed: When on the Gallows, blessed King Henry (loving justice when alive, and willing to preserve in∣nocence after death) appeared unto him, so ordering the matter, that the halter did not strangle him. For having hung an whole hour, and taken down to be buried, he was found alive; for which favour he repaired to the Tomb of King Henry at Chertsey (as he was bound to do no less) and there presented his humble and hearty thanks unto him for his deliverance. The very same accident mutatis mutandis, of place and persons (with some additi∣on about the apparition of the Virgin Mary) hapned to Richard Boyes, dwel∣ling withing a mile of Bath, the story so like, all may believe them equally true.

26. All the premisses required to a Saint, appearing in some mode∣rate proportion in Henry the sixth, especially if charitably interpreted (Saints themselves needs some favour to be afforded them) it was the general expe∣ctation that he should be suddenly Canonized. But Pope Alexander the sixth delayed, and in effect denied King Henry's desire herein, yea, Julius his next successor of continuance (not to mention the short liv'd Pius the third) continued as sturdy in his denial.

27. Men variously conjecture why the Pope in effect should deny to Canonize King Henry the sixth; a witty,* 6.69 but tart reason is rendred by a Noblec 6.70 pen, because the Pope would put a difference betwixt a Saint and an Innocent: But others conceive King Henry not so simple himself, his parts onely seeming the lower, being over-topped with a high spirited queen; more probable it is what anotherd 6.71 saith, that seeing King Henry held the Crown by a false title, from the true heir thereof; the Pope could not with so good credit fasten a Saintship on his memory; But our greate 6.72 Antiqua∣ry resolveth all in the Popes covetousness, In cause fuit Pontificis avaritia, demanding more then thrifty King Henry the seventh would allow; Who at

last contented himself (by the Popes leave hardly obtained) to remove his Corps from Chertsey in Surrey, where it was obscurely Interred,* 6.73 to Windsor Chappel,* 6.74 a place of greater reputation. Thus is he whom Authors have observed twice Crowned, twice Deposed, twice Buried; the best was, though he was not Canonized, yet there was plenty of Popish Saints beside him, wherewith the Calender is so overstocked, that for want of room they justle one another.

28. But the Saintship of Anselme,* 6.75 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 6.76 was procured on cheaper terms,* 6.77 though it cost Arch-Bishop Marton much mo∣ney, who procured the same. Indeed Anselme being alterius orbis Papa, the Pope of the English world (as the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was termed) no wonder if one Pope upon reasonable termes, did this courtesie for another. Besides, great was the merit of Anselme to the Church of Rome (little where∣of goes far to obtain a Canonization) seeing he was the Champion and con∣fessor of the Popes cause, about investing of Bishops, against two Kings suc∣cessively, William, Rufus, and King Henry the first.

29. Observable was the carriage of King Henry towards the Pope,* 6.78 the Clergie, and the poor Lollards. To the Pope he was submissive, not servile, his devotion being seldom without design, so using his Holiness, that he sel∣dom stooped down to him in any low reverence, but with the same gesture he took up something in order to his own ends.

30. To the Clergie of desert he was very respectful, trusting and im∣ploying them in State affairs, more then his Nobility. To the dissolute and vitious Clergie he was justly severe,* 6.79 and pared their priviledges, ordeining that Clerksa 6.80 convict should be burnt in the hand; both that they might taste a corporal punishment, and carry a brand of infamy. But for this good act, the King himself was afterwards branded by Mock-King-Perkins proclamation for an execrable breaker of the Rights of Holy Church. He also made a b 6.81 Law, that begging scholars, though Clerks, should be reputed Vagabonds, without they shew the Letters of the Chancellor of the University, from whence he saith he cometh.

31. To the Lollards (so were Gods people nick-named) he was more cruel then his predecessors:* 6.82 for he not onely in the beginning of his Reign connived at the cruel persecutions which Jo. Halse Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield raised against them,* 6.83 but towards the end of his Reign ap∣peared in his person very bloudy unto them,* 6.84 if the story be true which is very lamely delivered unto us. There was in Canterbury an old Priest so re∣solute in Wicliffs opinions, that none of the Clergie there could convince him of the contrary: The King casually coming thither in the moneth of May, undertook the Priest himself, though we never read before of his Majesties disputing, save when he disputed Bosworth field with King Richard the third. The King, by what arguments we know not, converted this Priest, and then presently gave order he should be burnt, which was donec 6.85 accordingly. Surely there was more in the matter, then what appeared in the Record, or else one may boldly say, that if the Kings Converts had no better incourage∣ment, this was the first he made, and the last he was ever likely to make.

32. Two most needless pieces of Cruelty were committed at this time, the one, an aged old man burnt in Smithfield, the other, one Joan Baughton widow,* 6.86 which seemeth a woman of some quality, as Mother to the Lady Young (who was afterwards Martyred) she being fourscored 6.87 years of age, was burnt for an Heretick, posting her to the Stake which was going to the Grave.

33. William Smith, sometimes Fellow of Pembroke Hall in Cambridg,* 6.88 and Bishop of Lincoln, this year began the Foundation of Brasen-nose Colledg in Oxford; I meet not with any satisfactory reason why so called, save the fancy of the Founder. Except any will say, it was so named, because built ^c where anciently Brasen-nose hall stood, though this does not so much re∣solve

the Question, as put it a degree further off.* 6.89 But when such who cavil at the name,* 6.90 build a Colledg, it shall be left at their free liberty to call it according to their own pleasure. This Bishop lived not to finish his inten∣tions, and the resore after his death Richard Sutton Esq took upon him to per∣fect the same, and accomplished it accordingly.

Principals.	Bishops.	Benefactors.	Learned men.
Matthew Smith. John Hawarden. Tho. Blanchard. Rich. Harris. Alex. Noel. Tho. Singleton. Dr Ratcliffe. Tho. Yates. Dr. Greenhil.	Richard Barnes, Bishop of Dur∣ham.	William Clifton. William Porter. Jo. Elton, aliàs Baker. Hum. Ogle. Edw. Darby. Jo. Claymond. Jo. Williamson. Brian Higden. Alexand. Noel. Joyce Frankland. Richard Harper. Sr Jo. port. Jo. Lord Mordant. Dr Jo. Barneston. Geo. Palin.	Richard Caldwell, Doctor of Phy∣sick, anda 6.91 Foun∣der of a Chirur∣gery Lecture in London. Ro. Bolton, a fa∣mous Preacher.

So that at this present the Colledg is much beautified with buildings, and or∣naments, for the perfecting whereof, great summes have been expended within these few last years; maintaining a Principal, twenty Fellows, be∣sides Scholars, Officers and Servants of the Foundation, in all Anno 1634. amounting to one hundred eighty six. Cheshire-men, whose Country is called Nobilitatis Altrix, and those of Lancashire (most commendable ob bonitatem habitudinis & decorem aspectus) are in this Colledg most proper for prefer∣ment.

34. John Morton Cardinal and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury deceased,* 6.92 many condemned him in his life for acting and putting the King forward to be burtheniome to his Subjects with his Taxes;* 6.93 but his innocence appeared after his death,* 6.94 that he rather tempered the Kings covetousness then other∣wise: He was a Learned man, and had a fair Library (Rebuss'd with More in text and Tun under it) partly remaining in the possession of the late Earl of Arundell. I finde him in the Catalogue of the Benefactors of S^t. John's Col∣ledg in Cambridg, understand it by his Executors, otherwise the first Brick of that House was laid nine years after the Arch-Bishops death. Now as this was a sad year at Canterbury, wherein their good Arch-Bishop departed, so was it a joyful year at Rome for the coming in of that Jubilee, which brought men and money there: yet many went to Rome in effect, which staied in England, by commuting their journey into money, which was equally meri∣torious, the Popes Officers being come over to receive the same.

The End of the Fifteenth CENTURY.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Regis
• * 1.2

  Anno Dom.
• * 1.3

  Ed. 3. 45.
• * 1.4

  1371.
• * 1.5

  Several causes of the speedy spreading of Wicliffs Do∣ctrine.
• a 1.6

  Harpsfield in his Historia Wicliffiana ca▪ 1.
• * 1.7

  Wicliffe guilty of many er∣rours.
• b 1.8

  2 Cor. 4. 12.
• * 1.9

  Anno Dom. 1371.
• * 1.10

  Anno Regis Ed. 3. 45.
• * 1.11

  The learning of Wicliffe
• a 1.12

  Camd Brit. in the Bisho∣prick of Dar∣ham
• b 1.13

  Balcus Cent. 6. numero. ••.
• * 1.14

  Wicliffe accu∣sed for ambi∣tion and dis∣content.
• c 1.15

  Harpsfield 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ Wicliffia∣na cap. 1.
• d 1.16

  Idem ibidem.
• * 1.17

  The employ∣ment of Wi∣cliff in Oxford.
• c 1.18

  Nehemiah 4. 17.
• * 1.19

  Difference in the number of Wicliffs o∣pinions.
• a 1.20

  Harpsfield in Hist. Wiclif∣fiana, p. 684.
• b 1.21

  Fox Mar∣tyr. p. 398.
• c 1.22

  Idem. p. 401.
• d 1.23

  Idem p. 414.
• e 1.24

  Harpsfield Hist Wicliffe, pag 669.
• f 1.25

  In hystoria Hussitarum in Pr••l••g. T••mi pri••i.
• * 1.26

  Mat. 24. 15.
• a 1.27

  Ex verbo, opere, & taci∣turnitate Prae∣latorum.
• b 1.28

  Waldensis in several places of his book.
• a 1.29

  This is scat∣tered in seve∣ral places of his book.
• a 1.30

  Waldensis in several places laieth this to his charge.
• * 1.31

  Much pitty that Wicliffs own books are lost.
• a 1.32

  Aenea•• Syl∣vius H•••••• Bo∣hem. pag. 78.
• b 1.33

  So Jo. Bale contelleth, Cent. 6. p. 451.
• c 1.34

  Luke 22. 31.
• d 1.35

  See the book called Calvino Tur∣cismus.
• * 1.36

  50.
• * 1.37

  1376
• * 1.38

  Wicliff appears before the Sy∣nod in Saint Pauls.
• * 1.39

  The brawle betwixt the Bishop, and the Lords in the Church.
• e 1.40

  1 Tim. 3. 3.
• f 1.41

  His Father Hugh Court∣ney Earl of Devon-shire.
• * 1.42

  Anno Dom. 1376.
• a 1.43

  Fox Martyr. pag. 303. & Harpsfield in Hist. Wicliffia∣na cap. 5. pag. 683.
• * 1.44

  Anno Regis Ed. 3. 50.
• * 1.45

  Why the Arch-Bishop and Wicliffe silent the while.
• * 1.46

  Wicliff•• opini∣ons marvel∣lously spread, and why.
• * 1.47

  The death & character of King Edward the third.
• * 1.48

  1377
• * 1.49

  51.
• * 1.50

  Anno Regis Ed. 3. 51.
• * 1.51

  Ric. 2▪ 1.
• * 1.52

  Laity bandy∣ing against the Clergie in Parliament.
• a 1.53

  Ex Rotulis in Terre Lon∣dinensi primo Ricardi 2.
• * 1.54

  2
• * 1.55

  1378
• * 1.56

  Wicliff won∣derfully pre∣served from prosecution.
• b 1.57

  Antiq. Bit. pag. 258. & Fox. p. 505.
• c 1.58

  Mark 11. 32.
• d 1.59

  Linwoods provincials, lib. 5. fol. 183.
• * 1.60

  Transactions in the Parlia∣ment of Gloce∣ster.
• e 1.61

  Ex Rot. in Terre Londin. 2 Richardi 2. parte, primâ, numero 45.
• * 1.62

  Anno Dom. 1378.
• * 1.63

  Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 2.
• * 1.64

  Sanctuaries shrewdly shaken.
• a 1.65

  Ex Rot. Tur. Londin. 2. Ric. 2 part 2 num. 28.
• b 1.66

  Ibid num 46.
• * 1.67

  Aliens debar∣red from hol∣ding benefi∣ces.
• * 1.68

  1379
• * 1.69

  3.
• * 1.70

  Lam. 5. 2.
• c 1.71

  See the Ca∣talogue of their names and numbers in Mr Fox. pag. 562.
• d 1.72

  John 10. 12.
• * 1.73

  The Rebel∣lion of Wat Tyler, and Jack Straw.
• * 1.74

  Anno Regis Ric. 2 4.
• * 1.75

  Anno Dom. 1380
• * 1.76

  The rabble divided into three compa∣panies.
• a 1.77

  1 Sam. 13. 17.
• * 1.78

  The barba∣rous outra∣ges by them committed.
• a 1.79

  See God∣wins Cata∣logue of the Bishops of Norwich in Hen Spencer.
• * 1.80

  Judas & Wat Tyler paral∣lel'd.
• b 1.81

  Acts 5. 37.
• c 1.82

  In his book called Vox Clamantis, lib. 1. cap. 14.
• a 1.83

  Weavers fu∣neral Monu∣ments, p. 693.
• b 1.84

  Stow Survey of London, pag. 55.
• * 1.85

  Cope chargeth all this rebel∣lion on Wi∣cliffs doctrine.
• c 1.86

  In his Histo. Wicliffiana, cap. 12.
• * 1.87

  His malicious slander con∣fused.
• d 1.88

  Jer. 37. 13:
• e 1.89

  Acts 24. 5.
• f 1.90

  John 19. 12.
• g 1.91

  See his con∣fession at large in Stows Survey of London, p. 54.
• h 1.92

  Huss Tract. de Decimis, pag. 128. See Bishop Davenants 30 Determi∣nation.
• * 1.93

  Arch-Bishop Courtney per∣secutes the Wicliffians.
• * 1.94

  1382
• * 1.95

  6.
• * 1.96

  Wicliff his mi∣raculous deli∣verance.
• * 1.97

  His quiet death.
• * 1.98

  1384
• * 1.99

  8.
• a 1.100

  Leland. ex∣crenico teneri∣sis Monisteria.
• * 1.101

  New Colledg built by Bish. Wickam
• b 1.102

  It was be∣gun Anno, 1375.
• * 1.103

  1386
• * 1.104

  10.
• * 1.105

  Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 10.
• * 1.106

  Anno Dom. 1386
• a 1.107

  Doct. Martin who wrote a book in vin∣dication of his learning.
• * 1.108

  Industry and judgment in Architecture, the cause of his advance∣ment.
• b 1.109

  1 Kings
• c 1.110

  Rex Plato∣nicus, p. 144.
• * 1.111

  A Castle Colledg designed for defence.
• d 1.112

  So say the Statutes of this Colledg.
• * 1.113

  1392.
• * 1.114

  16.
• * 1.115

  A Colledg at Winchester built also by Bish. Wickam.
• * 1.116

  His care for his kinred.
• * 1.117

  Anno Dom. 1392.
• * 1.118

  Anno Regis Ric. 2. 16.
• * 1.119

  He was bro∣ther to Doct John Reynolds the great pro∣testant.
• * 1.120

  He wrote a History of En∣gland.
• * 1.121

  Good Laws in due season.
• * 1.122

  Anno Dom. 1393.
• * 1.123

  The Maul-Popes Sta∣tute of pre∣munire.
• * 1.124

  The occasion of this Sta∣tute.
• * 1.125

  Anno Dom. 1392.
• * 1.126

  Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 16.
• * 1.127

  Why called Praemunire.
• * 1.128

  Popes cove∣tousness odi∣ous to the Clergy.
• * 1.129

  The Popes Letter against this Statute.
• * 1.130

  The Original of this Bill was in the Study of Sir Nichol. Bacon, L. C ancellor, whence the Arch-Bish. of Armagh had this his Copy, from which that of S Ro∣bert Cottons is derived.
• * 1.131

  1393.
• * 1.132

  16
• * 1.133

  Anno Dom. 1393.
• * 1.134

  More scar'd then hurt.
• a 1.135

  Sir Thomas Smiths judg∣ment herein.
• * 1.136

  Com. wealth of Eng. 3. book 11 Chap.
• * 1.137

  19.
• * 1.138

  1395
• * 1.139

  The solemn form of an ab∣juration.
• * 1.140

  Anno Dom. 1395.
• * 1.141

  Anno Regis Ric. 2. 19.
• a 1.142

  Ex Rotul•• Clausa••. de Anno Regni Regis decimo nono Richardi secundi mem∣brana 18
• * 1.143

  Take it faults and all.
• * 1.144

  Some obser∣vations on this abjura∣tion.
• a 1.145

  Godwin in his Catalogue of the Arch-Bishops of York.
• * 1.146

  23.
• * 1.147

  1397
• * 1.148

  The death of John de Trevi∣sa.
• b 1.149

  Carews Sur∣vey of Corn∣wall, p. 114.
• * 1.150

  Who Trans∣lated the Bi∣ble into En∣glish.
• c 1.151

  Balaeus de Script. Angl. cent. 7. numero 18.
• d 1.152

  Pelicronicon fol. 2.
• * 1.153

  Yet escaped persecution.
• e 1.154

  Balaeus ut prius.
• f 1.155

  Pitzeus de Scrip. Angla.
• g 1.156

  Micah 4. 12.
• * 1.157

  As did his contempora∣ry Geoffery Chaucer.
• * 1.158

  His parent••ge and armes.
• * 1.159

  Anno Dom. 1399.
• * 1.160

  Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 23.
• * 1.161

  He refined our English tongue.
• a 1.162

  In his resti∣tution of de caied intelli∣gence, p. 203.
• * 1.163

  A great ene∣my to Friers.
• * 1.164

  A short quiet in the Church
• * 1.165

  The character of King Rich, the second.
• * 1.166

  Conspired a∣gainst by Hen. the fourth.
• * 1.167

  Anno Regis Hen. 4▪ 1.
• * 1.168

  And resign∣eth the Crown.
• * 1.169

  The baseness of the disloyal Clergy.
• * 1.170

  The coura∣gious consci∣ence of the Bishop of Carlile.
• a 1.171

  Bishop Ged∣win in the Bi∣shops of Car∣lile.
• * 1.172

  Innocency the lest Armour.
• * 1.173

  Anno Dom. 1400.
• * 1.174

  Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 2.
• * 1.175

  Activity will he tamper∣ing.
• * 1.176

  A Bishop not triable by his Peers.
• a 1.177

  Mr Selden, in a late small Treatise of Parliaments.
• * 1.178

  A seasonable expedient.
• b 1.179

  Godwin in his Bishops.
• c 1.180

  Carolus Ste∣phanus in di∣ctionario poeti∣co.
• * 1.181

  Anno Regis
• * 1.182

  Anno Dom.
• * 1.183

  Lord Veru∣lum in his Life, p. 211.
• * 1.184

  Hen 4▪ 10.
• * 1.185

  1408.
• * 1.186

  King Henry bloudy a∣gainst ••oor Christians. yt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Re∣gal power a∣gainst the Popes en∣croachments.
• a 1.187

  Statute 2 of Hen. 4. c. 15.
• b 1.188

  1 Henry 4^th, fol. 19.
• * 1.189

  Anno Dom. 1408.
• * 1.190

  Anno Regis Hen. 4. 10.
• a 1.191

  Statute 2 Hen. 4. cap. 3.
• * 1.192

  William Sau∣tre the proto∣mertyr of En∣glish prote∣stants.
• * 1.193

  Thomas Arun∣del, Arch-Bi∣shop of Can∣terbury, so∣lemnly pro∣nounceth Sautre an he∣retick convi∣cted.
• * 1.194

  Sautres indis∣creet denying of himself.
• * 1.195

  Sautre by a second sen∣tence is ad∣judged to be degraded and deposed.
• * 1.196

  The order of his degrada∣tion.
• * 1.197

  Anno Dom. 1408.
• * 1.198

  Anno Regis Hen. 4 10.
• * 1.199

  The Kings warrant for the burning of Sautre.
• a 1.200

  Fox Martyr. pag. 477. out of whom the effect of this story is taken.
• * 1.201

  A surfeit of Synods in Arch Bishop Arundels time.
• b 1.202

  Terent A∣delph.
• c 1.203

  Vide infrà in hist. of Ab∣beys, lib. 2. cap. 1.
• d 1.204

  Antiq. Brit. pag. 273. & Harpsfield hist. Ang. pag. 618. out of whom the following ta∣ble of Synods is composed.
• * 1.205

  1399
• * 1.206

  1.
• * 1.207

  2
• * 1.208

  1400
• * 1.209

  4
• * 1.210

  1402.
• * 1.211

  6.
• * 1.212

  1404
• * 1.213

  7.
• * 1.214

  1405
• * 1.215

  8.
• * 1.216

  1406
• * 1.217

  10.
• * 1.218

  1408
• * 1.219

  Anno Dom. 1408.
• * 1.220

  Anno Regis Hen. 4 10
• a 1.221

  Antiq. Brit. p. 274.
• b 1.222

  Harpsfield Ecc. Ang pag. 616.
• * 1.223

  1411.
• * 1.224

  13.
• * 1.225

  1412.
• * 1.226

  14.
• * 1.227

  Anno Regis Hen. quart. 14.
• * 1.228

  Anno Dom. 1412.
• * 1.229

  A new Crho∣nologie.
• * 1.230

  A severe mo∣tion against the Welch.
• * 1.231

  Ex rot. Par. in tur. Lond. in hoc anno.
• * 1.232

  Moderated by the King.
• * 1.233

  The cause of his auger.
• * 1.234

  The Quater∣nion of welch Bps. who and what at this time.
• a 1.235

  Godwin. Ca∣tal. of Bps. in S. Davids
• * 1.236

  The Petition of the Lords and Com∣mons to the King against Lollards.
• * 1.237

  Anno Regis. Hen. 4 14.
• * 2.1

  Contracted by my self (exactly kee∣ping the words) out of the Original.
• * 2.2

  Anno Regis Hen. quart. 14.
• * 2.3

  The Prince made a party against Wick∣livites.
• * 2.4

  Complication or Royal and Prelatical in∣terest.
• * 2.5

  Wicklivists their Schools.
• f 2.6

  Acts 19. 9.
• * 2.7

  Lollards why so called.
• h 2.8

  Trithemius in Chron. Anno 1315.
• i 2.9

  Of S. Aug. Cont. M. S. Anno 1406.
• * 2.10

  A charitable parenthesis.
• * 2.11

  King Richard why believed alive.
• * 2.12

  No Woman Lollard Mar∣tyr.
• g 2.13

  Nector Boe∣tius. lib. 16.
• * 2.14

  Who meant by the fool in Scotland.
• * 2.15

  Cruel perse∣cution.
• * 2.16

  Arch-Bishop Arundel go∣ing to Visit Oxford.
• * 2.17

  Is resisted by the Chancel∣lour.
• * 2.18

  The King de∣termines the cause for the Arch-Bishop.
• * 2.19

  Febr. 9. Fri∣day.
• * 3.1

  The effect of the Statute of Praemunire.
• * 3.2

  Farwell to K. Henry the fourth.
• * 3.3

  Fourth book of his Instit. of the Jurisd. of Courts. page 228.
• * 3.4

  Chaumberda∣kyns banished England.
• * 3.5

  Hen. 5 1413
• * 3.6

  Rotuli in Turre in hoc anno. The death of T. Arundel.
• * 3.7

  1.
• * 3.8

  The Clergie jealous of King Henries activity.
• * 3.9

  Hen. 5 1414. 2.
• * 3.10

  Anno Regis. Hen. 2 8.
• * 3.11

  Anno Dom. 1414.
• * 3.12

  Divert it on a war in France.
• * 3.13

  The sad story of Sir John Oldcastle.
• f 3.14

  Camd. Brit. in Kent.
• * 3.15

  His belief.
• * 3.16

  In his 3 conversion.
• * 3.17

  He is charged of Treason.
• * 3.18

  The Author intricated.
• * 3.19

  Leaveth all to the last day.
• * 3.20

  Anno Dom. 1414.
• * 3.21

  Anno Regis Hen. quint. 2.
• * 3.22

  Rom. 2. 5.
• * 3.23

  The Lord Cobham taken in Wales.
• * 3.24

  His double death.
• * 3.25

  Unjustly made the Buffoon in playes.
• * 3.26

  Lincolne Col. founded.
• f 3.27

  Bri. Twine in miscellaniis.
• * 3.28

  N Pont. great Anti L-incol∣nian.
• t 3.29

  Pitz. Anno 1410.
• * 3.30

  The Author some weeks in, though not of this house.
• * 3.31

  The Arch-Casuists of our Church and Age.
• * 3.32

  Anno Regis. Hen. 5▪ 8.
• * 3.33

  Anno Dom. 1421.
• * 3.34

  Pitz. de Script. Ang. 6 p. 801.
• * 3.35

  Bishop of Lincoln builds them a new Chappel.
• * 3.36

  9 Aug. 31.
• * 3.37

  1422
• * 3.38

  The death and character of King Henry the fift.
• * 3.39

  Q Katherine married a∣gain.
• * 3.40

  Anno Dom. 1422.
• * 3.41

  Anno Regis Hen. sexti 1.
• a 3.42

  Philip Com∣mineus.
• * 3.43

  But never buried.
• * 3.44

  By her own desire.
• b 3.45

  Speed Chron. p. 661.
• * 3.46

  Alii aliter.
• c 3.47

  Stows sur∣vey of London p. 507.
• * 3.48

  The Parlia∣ment appoint the Kings Councellors.
• * 3.49

  A strict law for the Irish Clergy.
• * 3.50

  1423.
• * 3.51

  2.
• * 3.52

  Wickliff qui∣etly buried 41. years.
• * 3.53

  1428.
• * 3.54

  6.
• * 3.55

  Anno Regis. Hen. sixt. 6
• * 3.56

  Anno Dom. 1428.
• * 3.57

  Ordered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ungraved 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Heretick.
• * 3.58

  His 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burnt and drow••••d,
• * 3.59

  None can drive a nail•• of wax.
• * 3.60

  Difference betwixt Au∣thors.
• * 3.61

  Hall in the life of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fisher, p. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.62

  Wickliffe traduced.
• * 3.63

  O! th•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.64

  A Monk's charity to Wickliffe,
• k 3.65

  Walsing Ypodig. Neust p. 3••2
• * 3.66

  Anno Dom. 1430.
• * 3.67

  Anno Regis. Hen. 6. 8.
• * 3.68

  A conditional privy Council.
• * 3.69

  Ex Archi∣vis tur. London.
• * 3.70

  Priviledge of Convocation.
• * 3.71

  Want of Grammar Schools complained of.
• * 3.72

  Elianour Dutchess of Glocester commended by M^r. Fox for a Confes∣sor.
• * 3.73

  1433
• * 3.74

  11.
• * 3.75

  Made Traitor by A. C.
• * 3.76

  Anno Regis. Hen. sixt. 11.
• * 3.77

  Anno Dom. 1433.
• * 3.78

  Mr. Fox His ingenious confession.
• a 3.79

  First Volum, pag. 920.
• b 3.80

  Pag. 921.
• * 3.81

  His flat deni∣all.
• * 3.82

  His ten Con∣iectures in be∣half of the Dutchess.
• c 3.83

  As in his 8th Cent. cap. 4.
• * 3.84

  I see not how this is much materi∣all in her de∣fence.
• * 3.85

  Anno Dom. 1433.
• * 3.86

  Anno Regis. Hen. 11▪ 6.
• * 3.87

  Num. 23. 23.
• * 3.88

  23. A mode∣rate way.
• * 3.89

  Micah 7. 9.
• * 3.90

  The mean∣est Bishop a∣bove the mightiest Abbot.
• * 3.91

  Litchfield's Cathedral.
• * 3.92

  1433
• * 3.93

  11.
• * 3.94

  Anno Regis Hen. 6▪ 11.
• * 3.95

  Anno Dom. 1433.
• * 3.96

  The nearest Pile in Eng∣land.
• * 3.97

  Charles the fifth of Florence.
• * 3.98

  An ingenious design.
• * 3.99

  A grievance complained on.
• * 3.100

  With great earnestnesse.
• * 3.101

  Ex Archivis in Tur. Londin. undecimo▪ Hen. sexti.
• * 3.102

  Yet not fully redressed.
• * 3.103

  William Lin∣wood his Con∣stitutions set forth.
• * 3.104

  First imploy∣ed Embassa∣dor into Por∣tugal.
• * 3.105

  His work printed and prized be∣yond sea.
• * 3.106

  Anno Regis▪
• * 4.1

  Anno Dom.
• * 4.2

  Rom. 16. 23.
• † 4.3

  3 John 2.
• * 4.4

  Hen. 6▪ 12.
• * 4.5

  1434.
• * 4.6

  English Am∣bassadors sent to Basil.
• * 5.1

  Anno Dom. 1434
• * 5.2

  Anno Regis Hen. 6. 12.
• c 5.3

  Or Maurison.
• * 5.4

  Habiturum in M.S.
• * 5.5

  July 10. 1.
• a 5.6

  The Latin running on all in one conti∣nued sen∣tence, we are sain to di∣vide it into many, for the mere clear∣ness.
• b 5.7

  A City in Normandy.
• * 5.8

  Habiturum in M. S.
• * 5.9

  Why the Pope de∣clines gene∣ral Councels in our age.
• * 5.10

  England must send four, might send more Bishops to a general Councel.
• a 5.11

  Simon Du∣nelmen.
• * 5.12

  English puis∣sance in France.
• * 5.13

  Langdon the learned Bi∣shop of Roche∣ster.
• * 5.14

  Precedents for preceden∣cy.
• a 5.15

  In orat. pro. Murena.
• b 5.16

  Chassaneus la gloria mun∣di. lib. 9.
• * 5.17

  A charitable and no impo∣litick offer.
• * 5.18

  A contest be∣twixt the En∣glish and Ca∣stilaus about precedency.
• c 5.19

  Ex Schedis Co••••onian••s.
• * 5.20

  The English their answer.
• a 5.21

  Acts 12. 2.
• b 5.22

  Rodericus Ximenius in concer. d. pri∣matu cum prae∣sule 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Concil La∣teran. Anno. 1215.
• * 5.23

  15.
• * 5.24

  1437
• * 5.25

  All-Souls Col∣lege in Oxford founded.
• * 5.26

  Anno Dom. 1437.
• * 5.27

  Anno Regis Hen. 6. 15.
• * 5.28

  A tart jeer so∣berly return∣ed.
• * 5.29

  1443
• * 5.30

  21. May 3.
• * 5.31

  Anno Regis Hen 6 21.
• * 5.32

  Anno Dom. 1443
• * 5.33

  24.
• * 5.34

  1446
• * 5.35

  The Found∣ing of Eaton Colledg.
• a 5.36

  A bridg∣ment of Judge Diers reports, Num. 379. Trin. Term. quarto Mariae.
• * 5.37

  The bad Poe∣try of that Age.
• * 5.38

  Medlo.
• * 5.39

  Viz. Current otherwise, but 24 compleat.
• * 5.40

  A Bountiful Foundation, God continue it.
• * 5.41

  Anno Dom. 1446.
• * 5.42

  Anno Regis Hen. 6▪ 24.
• * 5.43

  Prov. 28. 19.
• * 5.44

  Sir John Har∣rington in the continuation of Godwins Bish. in Bish. Day of Win∣chester.
• * 5.45

  Prov. 28. 19.
• * 5.46

  Whose Life is excellently written by my worthy fried Mr Isaac Walton.
• * 5.47

  All quickly lost in France.
• * 5.48

  1447
• * 5.49

  25.
• * 5.50

  Occasioned by the Eng∣lish discords.
• * 5.51

  Anno Regis Hen 6 37.
• * 5.52

  Anno Dom. 1459.
• * 5.53

  The death of Humphry Duke of Glo∣cester.
• * 5.54

  A fit work for a good pen.
• * 5.55

  The death of the rich Car∣dinal.
• * 5.56

  The Clergie move in vain against the Statute of Praemunite.
• a 5.57

  Su Jo. Da∣vies in his Ca•••• of Prae∣munire, fol. 83.
• * 5.58

  An eminent instance in Ireland, of a priest indi••t¦ed on the Sta∣tute of Prae∣munire
• * 5.59

  Anno Dom. 1447
• * 5.60

  Anno Regis Hen. 6 25.
• b 5.61

  Idem. fol 99.
• * 5.62

  Cade & Straw like and un∣like.
• * 5.63

  1450
• * 5.64

  28.
• * 5.65

  The wars be∣gin betwixt York and Lan∣caster.
• * 5.66

  1455.
• * 5.67

  34.
• * 5.68

  Anno Regis Hen. 6 34.
• * 5.69

  Anno Dim. 1459.
• * 5.70

  Anno Regis Hen. 6 34.
• * 5.71

  1459
• * 5.72

  37.
• * 5.73

  Magdalen Col∣lege in Oxford Founded by Bishop Wain∣fleet.
• * 5.74

  The many Worthies bred therein.
• * 5.75

  Anno Regis Hen▪ 6▪ 37.
• * 5.76

  Anno Dom. 1459.
• a 5.77

  Pitz. de Brit. Script. p. 688.
• b 5.78

  Idem. p. 730.
• c 5.79

  Bale, p. 755.
• d 5.80

  Idem. p. 728.
• e 5.81

  Pitz. q. 755.
• e 5.82

  Brian Twine Ant. Ac. Ox. in Catal. Procu∣ratorum.
• f 5.83

  Vide in cal∣ce libri.
• g 5.84

  Vide Scots Tables.
• h 5.85

  L. Hum∣frid in the Life of Bi∣shop Jewel, p. 71.
• * 5.86

  Anno Dom. 1408.
• * 5.87

  Anno. Regis Ed. 4.
• * 5.88

  Edward the fourth gain∣eth the Crown by Conquest.
• * 5.89

  1461
• * 5.90

  1.
• a 5.91

  Stows An∣nals, pag. 421.
• * 5.92

  Why little Church-Hist in this Kings Reign.
• * 5.93

  Synod privi∣ledges bro∣ken and re∣paired.
• * 5.94

  1462
• * 5.95

  2.
• * 5.96

  Antiq. Brit. pag. 293.
• * 5.97

  King Henry returned rou∣ted and im∣prisoned.
• * 5.98

  1463
• * 5.99

  3.
• * 5.100

  The Earl of Warwick takes just distaste at King Edward.
• * 5.101

  1465
• * 5.102

  5.
• * 5.103

  Anno Regis Ed 4. 5.
• * 5.104

  Anno Dom. 1463
• * 5.105

  8.
• * 5.106

  1468
• * 5.107

  King Edward taken priso∣ner, and King Henry enlar∣ged.
• * 5.108

  Edward esca∣ped, flieth be∣yond sea, and returneth.
• * 5.109

  Recovereth the Crown by Conquest.
• * 5.110

  10.
• * 5.111

  1470
• * 5.112

  Why most Armies make for London.
• * 5.113

  Brawls be∣twixt Mendi∣cants and Se∣cular Priests.
• * 5.114

  Anno Dom. 1470.
• * 5.115

  Anno Regis Ed. 4. 10.
• a 5.116

  Fox Acts and Mon. p. 717.
• * 5.117

  Christ falsely traduced to be a beggar.
• b 5.118

  Luke 8. 3.
• c 5.119

  John 4. 7.
• d 5.120

  Mat. 17. 24.
• * 5.121

  John 13. 29.
• * 5.122

  Writers pro & con in the cause.
• f 5.123

  Piz, p. 660.
• g 5.124

  Idem. p. 673
• h 5.125

  Idem. p. 659
• i 5.126

  Idem. p. 654.
• * 5.127

  A prodigious fear at an Arch-Bishops installation.
• * 5.128

  Godwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of York, pag. 65.
• a 5.129

  1 King. 4▪ 23.
• * 5.130

  12.
• * 5.131

  1472
• * 5.132

  A second sad∣der in the conclusion.
• b 5.133

  Idem ibidem.
• * 5.134

  14.
• * 5.135

  1474
• * 5.136

  Scotland freed from the See of York.
• * 5.137

  John Goose Martyr.
• * 5.138

  Anno Dom. 1474.
• * 5.139

  Anno Regis Ed. 4. 14.
• a 5.140

  Fox Act. & Mon. de Poly∣chron.
• * 5.141

  King Edward preacheth his own Funeral Sermon.
• * 5.142

  1482
• * 5.143

  22.
• * 5.144

  Anno Regis
• * 5.145

  Anno Dom.
• * 6.1

  Ed. 5.
• * 6.2

  1483.
• * 6.3

  After More, no more.
• * 6.4

  Clergy com∣plying, not active.
• * 6.5

  Anno Dom. 1483
• * 6.6

  Anno Regis Ed. 5. 22.
• * 6.7

  Shaws shame∣less Sermon.
• a 6.8

  Eccles 23. 25. Spuria vi∣tulamina non agent radices alias.
• * 6.9

  Ric. 3▪ 1.
• * 6.10

  The sumptu∣ous Corona∣tion of King Richard.
• * 6.11

  King Edward and his bro¦ther stifled.
• * 6.12

  Anno Regis Ric. 3. 2.
• * 6.13

  Anno Dom. 1484
• * 6.14

  King Richard vainly endea∣voureth to in∣gratiate him∣self by make∣ing good Laws.
• * 6.15

  As also by building of Monasteries.
• a 6.16

  Stows Sur∣vey of London, in Tower street Ward.
• * 6.17

  Cam••dens B••••••••an Oxford¦shire pag▪ 374. out of John Rouse.
• c 6.18

  Stow in his Annals, p. 470.
• * 6.19

  Art hath done more for King Richard, then ever nature did.
• e 6.20

  George Buck Esqu; a claw∣back to Crook-back.
• * 6.21

  The request of the Duke of Buckingham denied.
• * 6.22

  Anno Dom. 1484.
• * 6.23

  Anno Regis Ric. 3. 2.
• * 6.24

  Buckingham surp••••••ed and behea••ed.
• * 6.25

  Morten make peace.
• * 6.26

  Mr Pryn char∣ged for char∣ging Bishop Morton of ••re∣son.
• * 6.27

  Earl Henry landeth at Milsord Ha∣ven
• * 6.28

  1585
• * 6.29

  3.
• * 6.30

  Anno Regis Ric 3 3.
• * 6.31

  Anno Dom. 1485
• a 6.32

  Burton in his description of Leicester∣shire.
• * 6.33

  The Battle of Bosworth.
• * 6.34

  Hen. 7 1.
• * 6.35

  Henry the se∣venth his six∣fold title to the Crown.
• * 6.36

  2.
• * 6.37

  1586
• * 6.38

  The death of Arch-Bishop Bourchier.
• * 6.39

  John Morton succeeded him.
• * 6.40

  A gift not worth the taking.
• * 6.41

  Anno Dom. 1486
• * 6.42

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 2.
• * 6.43

  Exorbitan∣cies of San∣ctuaries re∣treuched.
• * 6.44

  1487
• * 6.45

  3.
• a 6.46

  2 Sam. 5. 6.
• b 6.47

  Lord Veru∣lam in Hen 7. pag. 39.
• * 6.48

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 4.
• * 6.49

  Anno Dom. 1488
• * 6.50

  Two Synods at London.
• a 6.51

  Antiquit. Brit. Pag. 298.
• * 6.52

  Italians good at getting and holding.
• * 6.53

  5.
• * 6.54

  1489
• b 6.55

  Godwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of Nor. p. 5••0.
• * 6.56

  10.
• * 6.57

  1494
• * 6.58

  Rochester Bridg repair∣ed by Par∣dons.
• c 6.59

  Antiquit. Brit. p. 298.
• * 6.60

  The King desired King Henry then the sixth to be Sainted.
• * 6.61

  The requi∣site•• to a Ca∣nonization.
• * 6.62

  Anno Dom. 1494
• * 6.63

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 10.
• * 6.64

  The Latin is Parafrenarii.
• a 6.65

  Antiq. Brit. pag. 229.
• * 6.66

  These appli∣ed to King Hen. 6.
• * 6.67

  A brace of Miracles wrought by King Hen. 6.
• b 6.68

  Harp••field Hist. Ecclesiastica saeculo decimo quinto pag. 646.
• * 6.69

  Reasons why King Hen. 6. was not Saint∣ed
• c 6.70

  The Lord Bacon.
• d 6.71

  See Mr Habington in the life of Ed. 4.
• e 6.72

  Camd. Brit. •• Surrey.
• * 6.73

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 10.
• * 6.74

  Anno Dom. 1494.
• * 6.75

  Arch-Bishop Morton pro∣cureth the Sainting of Ansilm.
• * 6.76

  13.
• * 6.77

  1497
• * 6.78

  The Kings carriage to the Pope.
• * 6.79

  Severe to the vitious Clergie.
• a 6.80

  Lord Veru∣lam in Hen. 7. pag. 66.
• b 6.81

  Statotes undecimo Hen. 7. cap. 2.
• * 6.82

  Sad to be the Kings Convert.
• * 6.83

  14.
• * 6.84

  1498
• c 6.85

  Fox Acts & Mon. pag. 556.
• * 6.86

  Needless cruelty.
• d 6.87

  Fox. Ibid.
• * 6.88

  The Founding of Brasen-nose Colledg.
• * 6.89

  Anno Dom. 1498
• * 6.90

  Anno Regis Hen. 7 14.
• a 6.91

  Camdent Eliz. in Anno 1585.
• * 6.92

  The Death of Arch-Bishop Morton.
• * 6.93

  1500
• * 6.94

  16.