The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

SECT. II.* 1.1

TO Sir GERRARD NAPIER OF Dorcet-shire,* 1.2 BARONET.

I Have read that a Statute was made to retrench the num∣ber of great mens keeping their Reteiners, in the Reign of King Hen. 7^th; and that politickly done in those nu∣tinous times, to prevent Commotions, lest some popular person should raise a little Army, under the covert of his great Attendance.

A Law improved to Rigor, though certainly (as all other penal Statutes intended but to terrour) insomuch that the Earl of Oxford (more meriting of King Hen. 7^th then any other subject) was even* 1.3 delivered to the Kings Attur∣ney, and (as report saith) Fined fifteen thousand Marks for exceeding the proportion legally allowed.

I confess we live in as dangerous dayes, and affording as great jealousies as those: But I have cause to be right glad (as deeply concerned therein) that though a Statute hath for∣bidden many to depend on one, none hath prohibited one to depend on many Patrons: But any Author of a Book may multiply them Sance-number, as driving on no hurtful design, but onely the protection of his own endeavours.

On this account I tender these my Labours unto you, know∣ing the very Name of NAPIER acceptable to all Scholars, ever since the Learned Laird of Marchistowne (no stranger to your bloud, as I am informed) by his Log-arithmes, con∣tracted the pains (and so by consequence prolonged the time and life) of all imployed in Numeration.

1. KIng Henry being conscious that he had got and did keep the Crown by a bad Title,* 1.4 counted it his wisest way,* 1.5 to comply with the Clergie,* 1.6 whose present power was not onely useful, but needful for him. To gain their favour, he lately enacted bloudy Laws, for the extirpation of poor Christians, under the false notion of Hereticks,a 1.7 condemning them to be burnt. A torment unheard of in such cases till that time: and yet it appeareth, that the Pope, in this Age, was not possest of so full power in England (whatsoever the Ca∣tholicks pretend;) but that this politick Prince kept the reins, though loose, in his own hand. For in thisb 1.8 time it was resolved, that the Popes Collector, though he had the Popes Bull for that purpose, had no jurisdiction within this Realm;

and that the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of England,* 1.9 were the Spiritual Judges in the Kings behalf.* 1.10 As it was alsoa 1.11 enacted, if any person of Religion, obtained of the Bishop of Rome, to be exempt from obedience, regular or ordinary, he was in a premunire. Yea, this very Statute, which gave power to a Bishop in his Diocess to condemn an Heretick, plainly proveth, that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court, in cases of Heresie; so that the Pope, even in matters of Spiritual cognizance, had no power over the lives of English subjects.

2. The first on whom this cruel Law was hanselled,* 1.12 was William Sautre, formerly parish Priest of S^t Margaret, in the town of Lin, but since of S^t Osith in the City of London. This was he, whose Faith fought the first Duell with Fire it self, and overcame it. Abel was the first Marry of men, S^t Stephen the first of Christian men; S^t Alban the first of British Christians, and this Sautre the first of English Protestants, as by Prolepsis I may terme them. Scriveners use with gaudy flourishes to deck and garnish the initial characters of Copies, which superfluous pains may be spared by us, in adorning this lead∣ing letter in the pattern of patience, seeing it is conspicuous enough in its self, died red with its own bloud. Some charge this Sautre with fear and fickle∣ness, because formerly he had abjured those Articles, (for which afterwards he died) before the Bishop of Norwich. But let those who severely censure him, for once denying the truth, and do know, who it was that denied his Master thrice, take heed they do not as bad a deed more then four times them∣selves. May Sautre's final Constancy be as surely practised by men, as his for∣mer Cowardliness no doubt is pardoned by God. Eight Errours were laid to his charge in order as followeth.

1. Imprimis, He saith that he will not worship the Cross, on which Christ suffered, but onely Christ that suffered upon the Cross.

2. Item, That he would sooner worship a temporal King, then the aforesaid wooden Cross.

3. Item, That he would rather worship the bodies of the Saints, then the very Cross of Christ, on which he hung if it were be∣fore him.

4. Item. That he would rather worship a man truly contrite, then the Cross of Christ.

5. Item, That he is bound rather to worship a man, that is pre∣destinate, then an Angel of God.

6. Item, That if any man would visit the Monuments of Peter and Paul, or go on Pilgrimage to the Tomb of S^t Thomas, or any whither else, for the obtaining of any temporal benefit, he is not bound to keep his vow, but may distribute the expences of his vow upon the almes of the poor.

7. Item, That every Priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God, then to say the Canonical houres.

8. Item, That after the pronouncing of the Sacramental words of the body of Christ, the bread remaineth of the same nature, that it was before, neither doth it cease to be bread.

3. These were the opinions,* 1.13 wherewith Sautre is charged in their own Registers, which if read with that favour, which not charity but justice allows of course to humane frailty, will be found not so hainous, as to deserve Fire and Fagot, seeing his expressions are rather indiscreet, then his positions dam∣nable. But Thomas Arundel Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; before whom Sau∣tre was convented, in the Convocation, at S^t Pauls in London, principally

pinched him; with the last, about Transubstantiation in the Sacrament. Thus their cruelty made Gods Table a Snare to his servants: when their other Nets broke, this held; what they pretended a Sacrifice for the living and dead, proved, indeed, the cause of the sacrificing of many innocents, and cavils about the corporal presence, was the most compendious way to dispatch them: for the denial whereof, the aforesaid Arch-Bishop solemnly pronounced Sautre an Heretick convicted.

4. Here happened a passage in Sautre,* 1.14 which I must not omit; which either I do not understand, or cannot approve in him. For being demand∣ed whether or no, he had formerly abjured these opinions he denied the same, whereas, his formal abjuration of them, the last year, before the Bishop of Norwich, was produced in presence; an action utterly inconsistent with Christian sincerity, to deny his own deed; except any will say that he was not bound to accuse himself, and to confess in that Court, (what he had done elsewhere) to his own prejudice. Thus offenders, which formerly have confessed their fact, in their private examinations before a Justice of Peace, yet plead not Guilty, when they are brought before the Assizes, ac∣counting themselves innocent, in that Court, till, by the verdict of the Jury, they are proved otherwise. However I am rather inclined to suspect my ignorance, then condemn his innocence, conceiving there is more on his side, then appeareth in his behalf.

5. The Reader.* 1.15 I presume will pardon our largeness, (which we will recompence, with brevity in the rest) in relating the proceedings against this first Martyr, who being, as I may say, the eldest, and the Heir in our History, may justly challenge a double portion thereof. Yea, the Arch-Bishop, who in his condemnation did not follow, but make a president there∣in, was very punctual and ceremonious in his proceedings, that he might set the fairer copie, for the direction of posterity; and that the formality of his exemplary justice, might, for the terrour of others, take the deeper im∣pression in all, that did see it, or should hear thereof. And now his former abjuration plainly appearing, Arundel, by a second sentence, adjudged him refallen into Heresie, and incorrigible, and therefore to be degraded and deposed.

6. For lest Priest-hood should suffer in the person of Sautre,* 1.16 (and all the Clergie present, out of a religious sympathie, were tender of the honour of their own profession) he was there solemnly degraded in order as fol∣loweth.

• From the order of
  • 1. Priest.
  • 2. Deacon.
  • 3. Sub-Deacon.
  • 4. Acolyte.
  • 5. Exorcist.
  • 6. Reader.
  • 7. Sexton.
• By taking from him
  • 1. The Patin, Chalice, and plucking the Chasule from his back.
  • 2. The New Testament and the Stole.
  • 3. The Alb, and the Maniple.
  • 4. The Candlestick, Taper, Urceolum.
  • 5. The Book of Conjurations.
  • 6. The Book of Church-Legends.
  • 7. The Key of the Church door and Surphee.

How many steps are required to climb up to the top of Popish Priest-hood! but, as when a building is taken down, one would little think, so much timber and stone, had concurred thereunto, until he sees the several parcels thereof, lie in ruinous heaps; so it is almost incredible, how many trinkets must be had to compleat a Priest? but that here we behold them solemnly taken asunder in Sautres degradation. And now he no longer Priest, but plain Lay∣man, with the tonsure, on his crown rased away, was delivered to the Secular power, with this complement, worth the nothing: Beseeching the Secular Court,

that they would receive favourably the said William unto them thus recommitted.* 1.17 But who can excuse their double-dealing herein from deep hypocrisie,* 1.18 seeing the Bishops, at the same time, (for all their fair language) ceased not to call upon the King, to bring him to speedy execution.

7. Hereupon the King in Parliament issued our his Warrant to the Major and Sheriffs of London,* 1.19 that the said William being in their custody, should be brought forth into some publick or open place, within the liberty of the City, and there really to bea 1.20 burned to the great horrour of his offence, and manifest ex∣ample of other Christians; which was performed accordingly. Thus died this worthy man; and though we be as far from adoring his Reliques, as such adoration is from true Religion, yet we cannot but be sensible of the value of such a Saint: Nor can we mention his memory, without paying an honou∣rable respect thereunto. His death strook a terrour into those of his party, who hereafter were glad to enjoy their conscience in private, without pub∣lick professing the same. So that now the ship of Christ toss'd with the tempest of persecution, had all her sailes took down; yea, her mast cut close to the deck, and without making any visible shew, was fain to lie poor and pri∣vate, till this storm was over-pass'd: the Arch-Bishop Arundel being most furious and cruel, in detecting and suppressing all suspected of piety.

8. Synods of the Clergie were never so frequent before or since,* 1.21 as in his time, when scarce a year escapted without a Synod called, or continued therein. Most of these were but Ecclesiastical meetings for secular money. Here∣upon, a covetous ignorant Priest, guilty of no Greek, made this derivation of the word Synodus (far fatch'd in it self, but coming close to him) from Crumena sine nodo, because at such assemblies, the purse ought ever to be open, whthout knots tied thereon, ready to disburse such summes, as should be de∣manded. Indeed the Clergie now contributed much money to the King, having learned the Maxime commended in the Comedian,b 1.22 Pecuniam in loco negligere maxumum interdum est lucrum. And perceiving on what ticklish termes their state stood, were forced to part with a great proportion thereof to secure the rest,c 1.23 the Parliament now shrewdly pushing at their temporal possessions. For, although in the first year of King Henry, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmerland came from him to the Clergie with a com∣plement, that the King onelyd 1.24 desired their prayers, and none of their money (Kingdoms have their honey-moon, when new Princes are married unto them) yet how much afterwards he received from them, the ensuing draught of Synods summoned in his dayes doth present.

Place.	President.	Preacher.	Text.	Money granted the King.	The other Acts thereof.
1. Saint Pauls in London.	The Pri∣or, and Chapter of Can∣terbury in the Arch-Bishops absence.	William Bishop of Roche∣ster.	Cor meum diligit Principes Israel.	Nothing at this time, but the Clergies pray∣ers required.	The King at the request of the Universities pro∣mised to take order with the Popes Provisions,* 1.25 & provensions,* 1.26 that so lear∣ned men might be advanc'd. St Gregory his day made holy.

2. Saint Pauls in London.* 1.27	Thomas Arundel. * 1.28		A Tenth, and half. For, a sin∣gle Tenth was first profered him, and he re∣fused it.	Nothing else of moment passed, save Sautres con∣damnation.
3. Ibidem. * 1.29	Idem. * 1.30		At the instance of the Earl of Somerset, of Lord Ross the Treasurer, a Tenth was granted.	The Clergy re∣newed their Pe∣tition of Right to the King, that they should not be proceeded a∣ganist by tempo∣ral Judges, nor forced to sell their goods, for provision for the Kings Court. No answer ap∣pears.
4. Ibidem. * 1.31	Henry Bi∣shop of Lincoln,* 1.32 the Arch-Bishop being ab∣sent in an Embas∣sie.		A Tenth to∣wards the Kings charges in sup∣pressing the late Rebels.	Constituted that the obsequies of every English Bishop deceased, should be ce∣lebrated in all the Cathedrals of the Kingdom.
5. Ibidem. * 1.33	Thomas Arundel. * 1.34		A Tenth; when the Laity in Parliant. gave nothing.	Nothing or con∣sequence.
6. Ibidem. * 1.35	Henry Beaufort Bish.* 1.36 of Winchest. the Arch-Bishop being ab∣sent.	Thomas, Bishop of Car∣lile.	Magister adest, & vocat te.	A Tenth.	Nothing of mo∣ment.
7. Ibidem.* 1.37	Thomas Arundel.* 1.38	John Monke of St Augu∣stine in Canter∣bury.	Faciet u∣nusquis{que} opussuum.		This Synod was principally em∣ployed, in sup∣pressing of Schism; and the following Synod in the same year to the same pur∣pose.

8. Saint Pauls in London.	Idem.* 1.39	John Bo∣tel gene∣ral of the Francis∣cans.	Vos vocati estis in u∣no corpore.
9. Ibidem.* 1.40	Henry Bi∣shop of Winche∣ster, the Arch-Bishop being a∣broad in an Em∣bassie.	John Langdon, Monk of Canter∣bury.	Stellae de∣derunt lu∣men.	A Tenth, and a Subsidy grant∣ed, saitha 1.41 Mat∣thew Parker; but,b 1.42 others say, the Clergie accu∣sed themselves, as drained dry with former payments. Also the Popes A∣gent, progging for money, was denied it.* 1.43	Little else save some endea∣vours against Wicliffs opinions.* 1.44
10. Ibid.	Thomas Arundel.	John God-mersham Monk of Canter∣bury.	Diligite lumen sa∣pientiae omnes qui praeestus.	A Tenth.* 1.45 The Clergie com∣pained to the King, of thier grievances, but received no re∣dress.	The Popes Rents sequestred into the Kings hands, during the Schisme betwixt Gregory the 12th, and Benedict.* 1.46

We will not avouch these all the conventions of the Clergie in this Kings Reign, (who had many subordinate meetings in reference to their own occa∣sions) but these of most publick concernment. Know this also, that it was a great invitation (not to say an inforcement) to make them the more bountiful in their contributions to the King, because their leaders were suspicious of a design now first set on foot, in opposition to all Religious Houses (as then ter∣med) to essay their overthrow. Which project now, as a Pioneer, onely wrought beneath ground, yet not so insensibly, but that the Church-Statists got a discovery thereof, and in prevention, were very satisfying to the Kings Pecuniary desires. Insomuch, that it was in effect but ask and have, such their compliance to all purposes and intents. The rather because this King had appeared so zealous to arm the Bishops, with terrible Laws, against the poor naked Lollards, as then they were nick-named.

9. Now we pass from the Convocation to the Parliament,* 1.47 onely to med∣dle with Church-matters therein:* 1.48 desiring the Reader to dispense in the Margin with a new Chronology of this Kings Reigne;* 1.49 assuring him that what∣soever is written, is taken out of the Authentick Records of the Parliament in the Tower.

10. It was moved in Parliament,* 1.50 that no Welch-man, Bishop or other, be Justice, Chamberlain, Chancellor, Treasurer, Sheriff, Constable of a Castle, Receiver, Escheator, Coroner, or chief Forester, or other Officer whatsoever, or* 1.51 Keeper of Records, or Lieutenant in the said Offices, in any part of Wales, or of Councel to any English Lord, not withstanding any Patent made to the contrary. Cum clausula non obstante, Licet Wallicus natus.

11. It was answered; that the King willeth it except the Bishops,* 1.52 and for them and others, which he hath found good and loyal lieges towards him, our said Lord the King will be advised by the advise of his Councel.

12. Such as wonder why the Parliament was so incensed against the Welch,* 1.53 (seeing Henry Prince of Wales, was their own Country-man born at Monmouth) may consider, how now, or very lately, Owen Glendowre, a Welch Robber, (ad∣vanced by the multitude of his followers into the reputation of a General) had made much sepoil in Wales. Now commendable was the King's charity, who would not return a national mischief for a personal injury, seing no man can cause the place of his Nativity, though he may bemoan and hate the bad pra∣ctises of his own Nation.

13. The Kings courteous exception for the Welch Bishops,* 1.54 putteth us upon a necessay enquiry, who and what they were, placed in Sees at this time.

St Davids.	Landaffe	Bangor	St Asaph.
Guido de Dona.	Thomas Pe∣berell.	Richard Yong.	John Trebaur.
Or of Anglesey. A true Briton by birth, witness'd by his Name. He was at the present Lorda 1.55 Treasurer of England. In whom the King much confided, though T. Walsingham be pleased to dash his Memory, that he was the cause of much mischief.	His Sir-Name speaks him English by extraction, and he was of no re∣markable activity.	He might be En∣glish or Welch by his Name, but I believe the latter. A man of merit sent by the King into Ger∣many, to give satisfaction of King Henries proceed∣ings.	Second of that Christian and Sir∣name, Bishop of that See, a Welch∣man no doubt, he was sent (saith T. Walsangham) to Spain to give ac∣count of the Kings proceedings. Very loyal at the pre∣sent, but after his return home, he sided with Owen Glendowre.

But though the English at this time, were so severe against the Welch, King Henry the seventh (born in the bowels of Wales at Pembroke, and assisted in the gaining of the Crown by the valour of his Country-men) some years after pluck∣ed down this partition-wall of difference betwixt them; admitting the Welch to English Honours, and Offices, as good reason, equality of merits, should be rewarded with equality of advancement.

14. Sir John Tiptoff (made afterwards Earl of Worcester) put up a Peti∣tion to the Parliament,* 1.56 touching Lollards, which wrought so on the Lords, that they joined a Petition to the King,* 1.57 according to the Tenour following.

To our most redoubted and gracious Soveraign the King.

YOur humble* 2.1 Son, HENRY PRINCE OF WALES, and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this pre∣sent Parliament, humbly shew, That the Church of England hath been, and now is, endowed with tem∣poral possessions, by the gifts and grants as well of your Royal Progenitours, as by the Ancesters of the said Lords Temporal, to maintain Divine Service, keep Hospitality, &c. to the Honour of God, and the souls health of your Progenitors, and the said Lords Temporal.

Yet now of late, some, at the instigation of the Ene∣my, against the foresaid Church and Prelates, have as well in publick Sermons, as in Conventicles, and secret places called Schools, stirred and moved the people of your Kingdom to take away the said temporal Possessions from the said Prelates, with which, they are as rightly endowed, as it hath been, or might be, best advised or imagined, by the Laws and Customes of your Kingdom, and of which they are as surely possessed, as the Lords Temporal are of their inheritances.

Wherefore in case that this evil purpose be not resist∣ed by your Royal Majestie, it is very likely that in process of time, they will also excite the people of your King∣dom, for to take away from the said Lords Temporal, their possessions and heritages, so to make them common to the open commotion of your people.

There be also others, who publish, and cause to be published evilly and falsly among the people of your Kingdom that Richard late King of England, (who is gone to God, and on whose soul, God thorow his Grace have mercy) is still alive. And some have writ and pub∣lished divers false pretended prophecies to the people; disturbing them, who would to their power live peace∣ably, Serve God, and faithfully submit and obey you their Liege Lord.

Wherefore may it please your Royal Majestie in main∣tenance of the honour of God, conservation of the Laws of the holy Church, as also in the preservation of the estate

of You, your Children,* 2.2 and the Lords aforesaid, and for the quiet of all your Kingdom, to ordain by a Stature, in the present Parliament, by the assent of the Lords afore∣said, and the Commons of your Kingdom, that in case any man or woman, of what estate or condition they be, preach, publish, or maintain, hold, use, or exercise, any Schools, if any Sect or Doctrine hereafter against the Catholick faith, either preach, publish, maintain, or write a schedule, whereby the people may be moved to take away the Temporal Possessions of the aforesaid Prelates, or preach, and publish, that Richard late King, who is dead, should still be in full life, or that the Fool in Scotland is that King Richard who is dead; or that publish or write, any pretended Prophesies to the commotion of your people.

That they and every of them, be taken, and put in Prison, without being delivered in Bail, or otherwise, ex∣cept by good and sufficient mainprise, to be taken before the Chancellour of England, &c.

15. See we here the Policy of the Clergie,* 2.3 who had gained Prince Henry (set as a Transcendent by himself in the Petition to their side, entring his Youth against the poor Wicklivites, and this Earnest engaged him to the greater An∣tipathy, against them, when possest of the Crown.

16. Observe also the Subtilty of the Clergie in this medley Petition,* 2.4 inter∣weaving their own interest with the Kings, and endeavouring to possess him, that all the Adversaries to their Superstitions, were Enemies also and Traytors to his Majesty.

17. Now as Conventicles were the Name of disgrace cast on,* 2.5 Schools was the terme of Credit owned by, the Wicklivists for the place of their meet∣ing. Whether becausef 2.6 the School of Tyrannus, wherein S^t Paul disputed, was conceived by them Senior in Scripture to any material Church; Or that their teaching therein was not in intire discourses, but admitted (as in the Schools) of interlocutory opposition on occasion.

18. By Lollards all know the Wicklivites are meant,* 2.7 so called from h 2.8 Walter Lollardus one or their Teachers in Germany; (and not as thei 2.9 Monk alluded, quasi lolia in ar â Domini) flourishing many years before Wickliffe, and much consenting with him in judgment. As for the word Lollard retained in our Statutes since the Reformation, it seems now as a generical name, to sig∣nifie such who in their opinions oppose the setled Religion of the Land, in which sense, the modern Sheriffs are bound by their Oath to suppress them.

19. The Parenthesis concerning King Richard [Who is gone to God, and on whose Soul God through his Grace have Mercy] is according to the Doctrine of that Age. For they held all in Purgatory, gone to God,* 2.10 because assured in due time of their happiness; yet so that the suffrages of the Living were profita∣ble for them. Nor feared they to offend King Henry by their charitable pre∣sumption of the final happy estate of King Richard his professed Enemy, knowing he cared not where King Richard was, so be it, not living and sitting on the English Throne.

20. As for the report of King Richards being still alive,* 2.11 it is strange any should believe it; if it be true, that his Corps for some dayes, were at London

expos'd to open view: understand it done at distance, lest coming too near, might discover some violence offered on his person. It is probable that the obscurity of his burial (huddled into his grave at Langley in Hertford-shire) gave the lustre to the report, that he was still alive, believed of those who desired it.

21. Whereas this Law against Lollards,* 2.12 extended to Women, though many of the weaker Sex, were in trouble upon that account; Yet on my best enquiry, I never found any one put to death. Anna Ascough being the first, who in the reign of King Henry the Eight, was burnt for her Religion.

22. Ag 2.13 Scotch Writer tells us,* 2.14 that King Richard fled disguised into Scot∣land, discovered himself to, and was honourably entertained by Robert the King thereof. Adding that Richard who would no more of the world, gave himself wholly to Contemplation, livd, dy'd. and bury'd at Sterling, possibly some Mimick might personate him there, and is the Fool mentioned in this Petition.

23. Hereupon it was, that the poor Lollards were prosecuted,* 2.15 with such cruelty, that the prisons were full of them; many forced to abjure, and such who refused, used without mercy, as in M^r Fox is largely related.

24. Thomas Arundel,* 2.16 Arch-Bishop. of Canterbury, came to Oxford, with a pompous train, accompanied with many persons of Honour, and particu∣larly with his Nephew, Thomas Fitz-Allen, Earl of Arundell; His intent was juridically to Visit the Vniversity, expecting to be solemnly met, and sumptu∣ously entertained, according to his place and dignity.

25. But see the spite of it,* 2.17 Richard Courtney, the Chancellor of Oxford, (whom by his Sir-name and high Spirit, I should guess descended from the Earls of Devonshire) with Benedict Brent, and John Birch, the two Proctors, de∣nied the Arch-Bishop entrance into the Vniversity under the notion of a Visitor, though as a Stranger, great Prelate, and Privy Councellor, all welcome was provided for him and his Retinue. Arundell was angry with the affront, and finding force both useless (the Scholars siding with the Chancellor) and incon∣sistent with his gravity, was fain fairly to retreat, re infectâ, to London; the rather because the Chancellour had submitted the cause in controversie to the hearing and determining of his Majestie.

26. King Henry at the joynt instance of both parties,* 2.18 summoned them to Lambeth, to hear and determine the controversie; the Chancellour of Ox∣ford produceth an Army of large Bulls of the Pope: Arch-Bishop Arundell brought forth one Champian, viz. An Instrument in the Reign of King Richard the second, wherein the King adjudged all their Papall Priviledges void, as granted to the dammage of the Crown, and much occasioning the increase of Lollards; not that it was so done intentionally by his Holiness (for who can suspect the Pope turn Lollard?) but accidentally it came to pass, that thy Vniversity of Oxford freed from Archiepiscopal Visitation, by vertue of those Bulls, the Wicklivists therein escaped from Consistorian censure. Hereupon King Henry pronounced sentence on the Arch-Bishops side,* 2.19 as by the ensuing Instrument will plainly appear.

ET ulterius tam anctoritate sua regia, quàm virtute sub∣missionis praedictae sibi factae adtune ibidem arbitratus fuit, ordinavit, consideravit, decrevit, & adjudica∣vit, quod Praedictus Archiepiscopus & Successores sui in perpetuum habeant Visitationem & Jurisdictionem in Vni∣versitate praedictâ, tam Cancellarii Commissariorum, quàm Procuratorum ejusdem Vniversitatis, qui pro tempore fue∣rint,

nec non omnium Doctorum, Magistrorum, regencium & non-regencium, ac Scholarium ejusdem Vniversitatis quo∣rumeunque, eorumque Servientium, aliarnmque personarum cujuscunque status & condicionis extiterint, & etiam ejus∣dem Vniversitatis ut Vniversitatis, & quod Cancellarius, Commissarii, Procuratores Vniversitatis praedictae, qui pro tempore fuerunt, eorumque Successores, & omnes alii in dicta Vniversitate pro tempore, commorantes futuris temporibus eidem Archiepiscopo, & Successoribus suis in visitatione & Jurisdictione Vniversitatis praedictae etiam ut Vniaersitatis, in omnibus pareant & obedient. Et quod nec dictus Cancel∣larius, Commissarii, nec Procuratores Vniversitis praedictae, nec eorum Successores, nec aliquis alius in Vniversitate prae∣dicta aliquod privilegium seu beneficium exemptionis ad exclu∣dendum praefatum Archiepiscopum seu Successores suos de Visi∣tatione & Jurisdictione praedictis, in Vniversitate antedicta colore alicujus Bullae seu alterius tituli cujuscun{que} erg a praedi∣ctum Archiepiscopû seu Successores suos, clament, habeant, seu vendicent, ullo modo in futurū. Et quod quotiens Cancellarius, Commissarii, vel locum-tenens ipsorum, vel alicujus ipsorum, vel Procuratores dictae Vniversitatis qui pro tempore fuerint, vel eorum Successores, sive aliquis eorum impedierint vel im∣pedierit, praefatum Archiepiscopum vel Successores suos, aut Ecclesiam suam praedictam; aut ipsorum vel alicujus ipsorum Commissarium, vel Commissarios, de hujusmodi Visitatione sive jurisdictione dictae Vniversitatis vel in aliquo contrave∣nerint, vel aliquis eorum contravenerit, dictis, arbitrio, ordinacioni, sive judicio per praefatum Ricardum nuper Re∣gem factis, sive arbitrio, judicio, decreto, considerationi vel ordinacioni, ipsius Domini nostri Regis Henrici in hoc casu, vel si aliquis dictae Vniversitatis in futurum impedierit di∣ctum Archiepiscopum, vel Successores suos, aut Ecclesiam su∣am praedictam, aut ipsorum, vel alicujus ipsorum Commis∣sarium, vel Commissarios, de Visitatione sua aut jurisdicti∣one antedicta, vel in ali••uo contravenerit dictis, arbitrio, ordinacioni, sive judicio per praefatum Ricardum nuper Re∣gem in forma praedictâ, factis, vel arbitrio, judicio, decreto, considerationi vel ordinationi ipsius Domini nostri Regis Hen∣rici. Et quòd Cancellarius, Commissarii vel Procuratores Vniversitatis praedictae tunc non fecerint diligentiam & posse eorum ad adjuvandum dictum Archiepiscopum vel Successores sous, aut Ecclesiam suam praedictam, seu Commissarium vel Commissarios suos in hujusmodi casu, ac etiam ad puniendum hujusmodi impediments & resistenets. Quòd totiens omnes Franehesiae, libertates, & omnia privilegia ejusdem Vni∣versitatis

in manus Domini Regis vel haeredum suorum seisian∣tur, in eisdem manibus ipsorum Domini Regis vel haeredum suorum remansura, quousque praedictus Archiepiscopus vel Successores sui pacificam Visitationem & jurisdictionem in sorma praedicta, in dicta Vniversitate habuerit vel habue∣rint, & etiam tociens Cancellarius, Commissarii, & Procu∣ratores ejusdem Vniversitatis, qui pro tempore fuerint, & eorum Successores, ac Vniversitas praedicta solvant, & te∣neantur folvere ipsi Domino nostro Regi Henrico & haeredibus suis mille Libras legalis Monetae Angliae.

Concordat cum Originali,

GULIELMUS RYLEY.

Afterwards the King confirmed the same, with the consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, as in the Tower Rouls doth plainly appear.

27. See we here the grand difference,* 3.1 betwixt the Popes power in England, before and after the Statute of Praemunire. Before it, his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was authen∣tical, and his Bulls received next to Canonical Scripture. Since, that Statute hath broken off their best Seals, wherein they crosse the Royall Power; and in all things else, they enter into England mannerly with, good King by your leave Sir, or else they were no better then so much waste Parchment.

28. This doth acquaint us with a perfect Character of King Henry the fourth,* 3.2 who though curteous, was not servial to the Pope. And* 3.3 S^r Edward Cook accounteth this his Oxford action (though unwilling to transcribe the Instrument for the tediousness thereof) a noble act of Kingly power in that Age, and so we take our farwell of King Henry the fourth, not observed (as all English Kings before and after him) to have erected and endowed any one intire house of Religion, as first or sole Founder thereof, though a great Bene∣factor to the Abby of Leicester, and Colledg of Fotheringhay in Northampton∣shire; his Picture is not so well known by his Head as his Hood, which he wear∣eth upon it in an antick fashion peculiar to himself.

29. At the Commons Petition to the King in Parliament,* 3.4 that all Irish begging-Priests,* 3.5 called* 3.6 Chaumberdakyns should avoid the Realm before Michaelmas next,* 3.7 they were ordered to depart by the time aforesaid, upon pain of loss of goods and imprisonment during the Kings pleasure.

30. I had almost forgotten, that just a moneth before the death of King Henry the Fourth, Thomas Arundel, Arch-Bishops of Canterbury expired; fa∣mished to death, not for want of food, but a throat to swallow it, such the swelling therein, that he could neither speak nor eat for some dayes. I may safely report, what others observe, how he, who by his cruel Canons, forbad the food to the soul, and had pronounced sentence of condemnation, on so many innocents, was now both starv'd, and strick dumb together. Henry Chichely succeeded him in the place, whose mean birth interrupted the Chain of Noble Arch-Bishop, his two predecessors and successors, being Earls sons by their extraction.

31. The Prelates and Abbots especially,* 3.8 began now to have the activesoul of King Henry in suspition; For working heads are not so willing to follow old wayes,* 3.9 as well-pleased to find out new ones. Such a medling soul, must ne sent out of harms-way: If that the Clergie found not this King some work abroad,

he would make them new work at home. Had his humor happend to side with the Lollards,* 3.10 Henry the fifth would have saved King Henry the Eight much pains in demolishing of Monasteries.* 3.11

32. Hereupon the Clergie cunningly gave vent to his Activity,* 3.12 by divert∣ting it, on a long warre upon the French, where his Victories are loundly sounded forth by our State Historians. A warre of more credit then profit to England in this Kings Reigne, draining the Men and Money thereof. Thus Victorious Bayes bear onely barren Berries (no whit good for food, and very little for Physick) whilst the Peaceable Olive drops down that pre∣cious liquor, making the face of man to shine therewith. Besides, what this King Henry gained, his Son as quickly lost in France. Thus though the Providence of Nature hath priviledged Islanders by their entire position to secure themselves, yet are they unhappy in long keeping their acquisitions on the Continent.

33. Now began the Tragedy of Sir John Oldcastle,* 3.13 so largely handled in Mr. Fox, that his pains hath given Posterity a Writ of Ease herein. He was a vigorous Knight, whose Martiall Activity, wrought him into the affections of Jonef 3.14 D: la Pole Baronesse of Cobham, the Lord whereof he became, (sed quaere, whether an Actuall Baron) by her Marriage.

34. As for the Opinions of this Sir John Oldcastle,* 3.15 they plainly appear in his Belief, which he drew up with his own hand, and presented it first to the King, then to the Archbishop of Canterbury, wherein some things are ra∣ther coursely then falselie spoken. He knew to speak in the Language of the Schools (so were the meetings of the Wicklivists called) but not scholastical∣ly; and I believe he was the first that coyned, and last that used the distinction of the Church Militant, divided into Priest-hood, Knight-hood, and Com∣mons, which had no great harm therein, as he explained it. As for* 3.16 Persons his charging him with Anabaptistical Tenets, it is pitty that the words of a plain meaning man should be put on the Wrack of a Jesuites malice, to extort by de∣duction what never was intended therein.

35. But a worse accusation is charged on his Memory,* 3.17 that he was not onely guilty of Herese but Treason. But by the way, it appeareth that Lolardisme then counted Heresie was made Treason by Statute, and on that account Heresie and Treason, signifie no more then Heresie, and then Heresie according to the abusive language of that Age was the best serving of God in those dayes. But besides this, a very formal Treason is laid to this Lords account in manner following.

It is laid to his charge, that though not present in the person with his Councel, he encouraged an Army of Rebels, no fewer then twenty thousand, which in the dark thickets (expounded in our Age into plain pasture) of S^t Giles Fields nigh London, intended to seize on the Kings Person, and his two Brothers, the Dukes of Bedford and Glocester. Of this numerous Army, thirty six are said to be hang'd and burnt, though the Names of three are onely known, and S^r Roger Acton Knight, the onely person of quality named in the design.

36. For mine own part,* 3.18 I must confess my self so lost in the Intricacies of these Relations, that I know not what to assent to. On the one side, I am loath to load the Lord Cobhams memory with causless crimes, knowing the perfect hatred the Clergie in that Age bear'd unto him, and all that look d towards the reformation in Religion. Besies, that 20000 men should be brought into the field, and no place assigned whence they were to be raised, or where mustered, is clog'd with much improbability. The rather because onely the three persons, as is aforesaid, are mentioned by name of so vast a number.

37. On the other side,* 3.19 I am much startled with the Evidence that ap∣peareth against him.* 3.20 Indeed I am little moved with what T. Walsingham writes,* 3.21 (whom all later Authors follow, as a flock the Belweather) knowing him a Benedictine Monk of S^t Albanes, bowed by interest to partiality; but the Records of the Tower, and Acts of Parliament therein, wherein he was solemnly condemned for a Traitor as well as Heretick, challenge belief. For with what confidence, can any private person, promise credit from Posterity to his own Writings, if such publick Monuments, be not by him entertain∣ed for authentical: Let M^r Fox therefore, be this Lord Cobhams Compurgator, I dare not; and if my hand were put on the Bible, I should take it back again. Yet so, that, as I will not acquit, I will not condemn him, but leave all to the last day of the* 3.22 Revelation of the righteous judgment of God.

38. This is most true,* 3.23 that the Lord Cobham made his escape out of the Tower, wherein he was imprisoned; fled into Wales, here he lived four years, being at last discovered, and taken, by the Lord Powis. Yet so, that it cost some blows and bloud to apprehend him, till a Woman at last with a Stool broke the Lord Cobham's Leggs, whereby being lame he was brought up to London in a Horse-litter.

39. At last he was drawn upon a hurdle to the Gallows,* 3.24 his Death as his Crime being double, hang'd and burn'd, for Traitor and Heretick. Hence some have deduced the Etymologie of Tyburne, from Ty and burne, the necks of offending persons being ty'd thereunto, whose leggs and lower parts were consumed in the flame.

40. Stage-Po••t;* 3.25 have themselves been very bold with, and others very merry at, the Memory of S^r John Oldcastle, whom they have fancied a boon Companion, a jovial Royster, and yet a Coward to boot, contrary to the credit of all Chronicles, owning him a Martial man of merit. The best is, S^r John Falstaffe, hath relieved the Memory of S^r John Oldcastle, and of late is substi∣tuted Buffoone in his place, but it matters as little what petulant Poets, as what malicious Papists have written against him.

41. Richard Fleming Doctor of Divinity,* 3.26 designed by the Pope Arch-Bishop of York, but (to please King Henry the fifth) contented with the Bishop∣rick of Lincoln, about this time founded a Colledg, named Lincoln-Colledg in Oxford. It fared the worse because he died before it was fully finished, and the best Guardian to an Orphan-foundation comes far short of the Father there∣of. Yet was this House happy in two bountiful Benefactors, Thomas Becking∣ton Bishop of Bath and Wells, who (according to the ingenuity of that Age) hath left his Memory in a Beacon with a Tun on the Walls, and Thomas Ro∣therham Arch-Bishop of York, adding five Fellowships thereunto.

42. Here I wonder what madef 3.27 Nicholas Pont,* 3.28 Fellow of Merton Colledg, and Scholar enough) to be such a back-friend to this Colledg in the infancy thereof, enveying bitterly against it. This is that Pont whose Faith many distrust, for his violent writing againstt 3.29 Wickliff, but whose Charity more may dislike, for his malice to this innocent Colledg, except it was, that he foresaw it would produce in time, worthy Champions of the Truth, Opposers of his erroneous Opinions, as indeed it hath, though I be unable to give a par∣ticular Catalogue of them.

43. Indeed I could much desire (were it in my power) to express my service to this foundation,* 3.30 acknowledging my self for a quarter of a year in these troublesome times (though no member of) a dweller in it. I will not complain of the dearness of this University, where seventeen weeks cost me more then seventeen yeers in Cambridge (even all that I had) but shall pray that the students therein be never hereafter disturbed upon the like occasion.

44. Amongst the modern worthies of this Colledge still surviving,* 3.31 D^r Robert Saunderson (late Regius Professor) moveth in the highest Sphear; as no less plain and profitable, then able and profound Casuist (a learning almost lost a∣mongst Protestants) wrapping up sharp thorns in rosie leaves, I mean hard matter in sweet latine and pleasant expressions.

Rectors.* 3.32 1. Mr. Gul. Cham∣berlen. 2. Mr. John Beke. 3. Mr. Jo. Tristrope. 4. Dr. Geo. Srang∣wayes. 5. Mr. Gul. Betham. 6. Mr. Tho. Banke. 7. Mr. Tho. Drax. 8. Dr. Jo. Cottis∣ford. 9. Mr. Hugo We∣ston. 10. Mr. Christ. Hargrave. 11. Dr. Fra. Ba∣bington. 12. Mr. Hen. Hen∣shaw. 13. Mr. John Bridg∣ter. 14. Mr. John Tatam. 15. Dr. John Vn∣derhill. 16. Dr. Rich. Kil∣bie. Dr. Paul Hudd.

Bishops.* 3.33 Jo. Vnderhill Bp. of Oxford.

Benefactors. 1. John Forrest Dean of Wells. 2. John Southam Arch-Deacon of Oxford. 3. William Findern Esquire. 4. Henry Beauford Cardinall Bp. of Winchester. 5. John Bucktot. 6. Joh. Crosly Trea∣surer of Linc. 7. William Batz. 8. Edward Darby. 9. Will. Dagril Maj. of Oxford. 10. Will. Bish. 11. Edmund Audley. 12. Joan Traps. 13. Rich Kilbie late Rector.

Learned Writers. ...* 3.34 William Harris, whose Writings are much estee∣med by the Pa∣pists Richard Thornton

So that at the present are maintained, one Rector, fourteen Fellows, two Chaplains, four Schollars, which with Servants and other Commoners, late∣ly made up, seventy two.

43. We must not forget John Williams,* 3.35 Bishop of Lincolne, bred in Cam∣bridge, related only to this House as Visitor thereof. Here finding the Chappel, (built by John Forrest Dean of Wells in the Reign of King Henry the sixt) old, little, and inconvenient, he erected a far fairer Fabrick in the room thereof. He had a good Precedent of a Cambridge man's bountie to this House, even Tho∣mas Rotherham Fellow of Kings Colledge, and Master of Pembrooke Hall therein, whom Bishop Williams succeeded, as in the Bishoprick of Lincolne, and the Arch∣bishoprick of Yorke, so in his Liberality to this Foundation.

44. On the last of August,* 3.36 King Henry the fifth ended his life,* 3.37 in France;* 3.38 one of a strong and active body, neither shrinking in cold, not sloathfull in heat, going commonly with his head uncovered, the wearing of Armour was no more cumbersome unto him then a Cloak. He never shrunk at a wound, nor turned away his Nose for ill favour; nor closed his eyes for smoak or dust; in Diet none lesse dainty, or more moderate: his sleep very short, but sound, fortunate in fight, and commendable in all his Actions, verifying the Proverb, that an ill Youth, may make a good Man. The Nun∣nery of Sion was built and endowed by him; and a Colledge was by him in∣tended in Oxford, had not death prevented him.

45. As for Katherine de Valois,* 3.39 Daughter to Charles the sixth King of France,* 3.40 widdow of King Henry,* 3.41 she was afterward married to, and had issue by, Owen ap Tudor a noble we••chman, and her body lies at this day, unburied in a loose Coffin at Westminster, lately shew'd to such as desire it, and there de∣pendeth a story thereon.

46. There was an old prophesie among the English (observed bya 3.42 for∣rainers to be the greatest Prophecy-mongers,* 3.43 and whilst the Devil knows their diet, they shall never want a dish to please the Palate) that an English Prince born at Winsor, should be unfortunate in losing what his Father had acquired. Whereupon King Henry forbad Queen Katherine, (big with Childe) to be delivered there; who out of the corrupt principle, Nitimur in vetitum, and affecting her Father, before her Husband, was there brought to bed of King Henry the sixt, in whose Reign the fair victories woven by his Fathers valour, were by Cowardise, Carelesness, and Contentions, unraveled to nothing.

47. Report,* 3.44 the greatest (though not the truest) Author avoucheth, that sensible of her faultindisobeying her Husband, it was her ownb 3.45 desire and pleasure, that her body should never be buried, If so, it is pitty but that a Woman, (especially a Queen) should have her will therein. Whose dust doth preach a Sermon of duty to Feminine, and of Mortality to all Beholders.

48. But this story is told otherwise by other authors,* 3.46 namely, that she wasc 3.47 buried neer her Husband King Henry the fift, under a fair Tombe, where she hath a large Epitaph, and continued in her grave some years, untill King Henry the Seventh laying the foundation of a new Chappel, caused her Corps to be taken up; but why the said Henry, being her Great Grand-Child, did not order it to be re-interred, is not recorded; if done by casualty and neglect very strange, and stranger if out of designe.

49. In the minority of King Henry the sixt,* 3.48 as his Vncle, John Duke of Bedford, managed martial matters beyond the seas; so his other Uncle, Hum∣phery Duke of Glocester, was chosen his Protector at home, to whom the Parlia∣ment then sitting appointed a select number of privy Councellors, wherein, only such as were spiritual persons fall under our observation.

• 1. Henry Chichley Archbishop of Canterbury.
• 2. John Kempe Bishop of London.
• 3. Henry Beauford Bishop of Win∣chest. lately made Lord Cardi∣nal.
• 4. John Wackaring Bishop of Nor∣wich, privie seal.
• 5. Philip Morgan; Bishop of Wor∣cester.
• 6. Nic. Bubwith Bishop of Bath and Wels, Lord Treasurer.

So strong a party had the Clergie in that Age, in the privie Councel, that they could carry all matters at their own pleasure.

50. It was ordered in Parliament,* 3.49 that all Irishmen living in either Vniversity,* 3.50 should procure their Testimonials,* 3.51 from the Lord Lievetenant or Justice of Ireland, as also finde sureties for their good behaviour, during their remaining therein. They were also forbidden to take upon them, the Prin∣cipality of any Hall or House, in either University, but that they remain under the discipline of others.

51. Hitherto the Corpse of John Wickliffe had quietly slept in his grave,* 3.52 about one and fourty years after his death,* 3.53 till his body was reduced to bones,* 3.54 and his bones almost to dust. For though the Earth in the Chancel of Lutter∣worth in Leicester-shire, where he was interred, hath not so quick a digestion with the Earth of Acheldama, to consume Flesh in twenty foure houres, yet such the appetite thereof, and all other English graves, to leave small reversions of a body after so many years.

52. But now such the Spleen of the Council of Constance,* 3.55 as they not only cursed his Memorie,* 3.56 as dying an obstinate Heretick,* 3.57 but ordered that his bones (with this charitable caution, if it may be discerned from the bodies of other faithfull people) to be taken out of the ground and thrown farre off, from any Christian buriall.

53. In obedience hereunto Richard Fleming Bishop of Lincolne,* 3.58 Diocesan of Lutterworth, sent his Officers (Vultures with a quick sight scent at a dead Car∣case) to ungrave him accordingly. To Lutterworth they come, Sumner, Com∣missarie, Official, Chancellour, Proctors, Doctors, and the Servants (so that the Remnant of the body would not hold out a bone, amongst so many hands) take, what was left, out of the grave, and burnt them to ashes, and cast them into Swift a Neighbouring Brook running hard by. Thus this Brook hath convey'd his ashes into Avon; Avon into Severn; Severn into the narrow Seas; they, into the main Ocean. And thus the Ashes of Wickliff are the Emblem of his Doctrine, which now, is dispersed all the World over.

54. I know not whether the Vulgar Tradition be worth Remembrance,* 3.59 that the Brook into which Wickliff his Ashes were powred, never since over∣flowed the Banks. Were this true (as some deny it) as silly is the inference of Papists attributing this to Divine Providence, expressing it self pleased with such severity on a Heretick, as simple the collection of some Protestants, making it an effect of Wickliff his sanctity. Such Topical accidents are good for Friend and Foe, as they may be bowed to both; but in effect good to neither, seeing no solid Judgement will build where bare fancy hath laid Founda∣tion.

55. It is of more consequence to observe the differences betwixt Au∣thors, * 3.60 some making the Council of Constance to passe this sentence of condemna∣tion as Master Fox doth, inserting (but by mistake) the History thereof, in the Reign of King Richard the second, which happened many years after. But more truly it is ascribed to the Council of Sienna, except for surenesse both of them joyned in the same cruell edict.

56. Here I cannot omit what I read in a* 3.61 Popish Manuscript (but very lately printed) about the subject of our present discourse.* 3.62

57.

The first unclean BEAST that ever passed thorow* 3.63 Oxonford (I mean Wickliff by Name) afterwards chewed the Cud and was suf∣ficiently reconciled to the Roman faith, as appears by his Recanta∣tion, Living and Dying conformable to the holy Catholick Church.

58. It is strange that this Popish Priest alone, should light on his Recan∣tation, which, I believe, no other eyes, before or since, did behold. Besides, if, (as he saith) Wickliff was sufficiently reconciled to the Roman Faith, why was not Rome sufficiently reconciled to him? using such crueltie unto him so many years after his death. Cold incouragement, for any to become Romist's Converts, if (notwithstanding their reconciliation) the bodies must be burnt so many years after their death.

59. But though Wickliff had no Tombe,* 3.64 he had an Epitaph, such as it was, which a Monk afforded him, and that it was no worse, thank his want, not of malice, but invention, not finding out worse expressions.

Thek 3.65 Divels Instrument, Churches Enemie, Peoples con∣fusion, Hereticks Idol, Hypocrites Mirror, Schisms Broacher,

hatreds sower,* 3.66 lyes forger, flatteries sinke, who at his death despaired like Cain,* 3.67 and stricken by the horrible Judgements of God, breathed forth his wicked Soul to the dark mansion of the black Divell.

Surely He with whose Name this Epitaph beginneth and endeth, was with the maker clean thorow the contrivance thereof.

59. Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester,* 3.68 Cardinal Sancti Eusebij, but commonly called, Cardinal of England, was by consent of Parliament made one of the Kings Council, with this condition, that he should make a* 3.69 Protesta∣tion to absent himself from the Council, when any matters were to be treated betwixt the King and Pope, being jealous belike, that his Papal would prevaile over his Royall interest. The Cardinal took the Protestation, and promised to perform it.

60. The Clergy complained in Parliament to the King,* 3.70 that their Servants which came with them to Convocations, were often arrested, to their great damage, and they prayed that they might have the same Priviledge, which the Peeres and Commons of the Kingdom have, which are called to Parliament, which was granted accordingly.

61. Great at this time was the want of Grammar Schools, and the abuse of them that were even in London it self;* 3.71 for they were no better then Mono∣polize, it being penall for any (to prevent the growth of Wicklivism) to put their Children to private Teachers; hence was it that some hundreds were com∣pelled to go to the same School, where, to use the words of the Records, the Masters waxen rich in money, and learners poor in cunning.

Whereupon this grievance was complained on in Parliament by four e∣minent Ministers in London, viz.

• M^r.
  • William Lichfield Parson of All-Hallow's the More.
  • Gilbert, Parson of St. Andrews Holbern.
  • John Cote, Parson of St. Peter's Cornhill.
  • John Neele, Master of the House of St. Thomas Acre's, and Par∣son of Colchrich.

To these it was granted by the Advice of the Ordinary, or Archbishop of Canter∣bury to erect five Schools (Neele the last named having a double licence for two places) in their respective Parishes, which are fitly called the five vowels of London, which Mute in a manner before, began now to speak and pronounce the Latine Tongue. Know that the house St. Thomas Acres was, where Mer∣cers Chappel standeth at this day.

About this time the Lady Eleanor Cobham,* 3.72 so called from the Lord Cobham her Father,* 3.73 (otherwise Elianour Plantagenet by her Husband) was married unto Humphrey the Kings Uncle Duke of Glocester.* 3.74 She was it seems a great Savourer and Favourer of VVickliffe his Opinions, and for such Mr. Fox hath ever a Good word in store. Insomuch that he maketh this Lady a Confes∣sor, Sr. Roger Only, (alias Bolignbroke) her Chaplain, a Martyr, assigning in his Kalender, the eleventh and twelfth of February for the dayes of their commemoration.

But Alanus Copus, (namely Harpsfield under his name) falls foul on Mr. Fox for making Sr. Roger a Martyr,* 3.75 who was a Traitor, and Elianour this Dutchess a Confessor, who by the consent of our Croniclers Robert Fabian, Edward Hall, &c. was condemned (after solemn penance and carrying a Ta∣per barefoot at Pauls Crosse) to perpetuall banishment, for plotting with Only his Chaplain, (an abominable Necromancer) and three others by

witchcraft to destroy the King,* 3.76 so to derive the Crown to her Husband,* 3.77 as the next heir in the Line of Lancaster. But Cope-Harpsfield pincheth the Fox the hardest, for making Margaret Jourdman (the witch of Eye) a Martyr, who was justly burnt for her witchcraft. Other small errors we omit, where of he accu∣seth him.

In answer hereunto, Mr. Fox makes a threefold return, ingeniously con∣fessing part of the charge,* 3.78 flatly denying part, and fairly excusing the rest. He confesseth, and take it in his own words, that the former Edition of his Acts and Monuments, wasa 3.79 HASTILY RASHED up at the present in such shortnesse of time, (fourteen moneths, as I remember, too small a term for so great a Task) that it betraied him to many mistakes, as when he calleth Sir Roger Only a Knight, who was a Priest by his profession. Adding moreover, that had he thought nob 3.80 imperfections had passed his former Edition, he would have taken in hand a second recognition thereof.

He flatly denyeth that his Martyr-making of Margaret Jourdman the Witch of Eye,* 3.81

I here (saith) professe, confesse and ascertain, both you (Cope-Harpsfield He meaneth) and all English men both present, and all posterity hereafter to come, that Margaret Jourdman I never spake of, never thought of, never dreamed of, nor did ever hear of, before you named her in your Book your self. So farre it is off that I, either with my will, or against my will, made any Martyr of Her.

He excuseth the aforesaid Dutchess Elianour,* 3.82 alledging ten Conjectures (as he calleth them) in her vindication.

1. Sir Roger Only took it upon his death, that He and the Lady were in∣nocent of those things for which they were condemned.

2. It was usuall for the Clergie in that Age, to load those who were of Wickliffe his perswasion (such this Dutchess) with no lesse false then feule aspersions.

3. Sir Roger Only wrote two Books, (mentioned byc 3.83 Bale) the one of his own innocency, the other Contra Vulgi Superstitiones. It is not therefore probable he should be so silly a Necromancer, who had professedly confuted Popular Superstitions.

4. The Accusation of this Dutches beganne not untill after the Grudges betwixt the Duke her Husband, and the Cardinall* 3.84 of Winchester, a∣bout the year 1440.

5. It is not probable if the Dutchess intended such Treason against the Kings life, (as to consume him by burning a wax candle) that she would impart a plot of such privacy to four persons, viz. Sir Roger, Margaret Jourdman, Mr. Thomas Southwell, and Iohn Hume; seeing five, may keep counsell, if four be away.

6. So hainous a treason against the Kings person, if plainly proved, would have been more severely punished, with death no doubt of all privy thereunto. Whereas this Lady escaped with Exile, and Iohn Hume had his life pardoned, which being so foule a fact, would not have been forgiven, if clearly testified against Him.

7. She is accused in our Chronicles, (Harding, Polycronicon, &c.) for working Sorcery and Inchantments AGAINST the Church and the King. Now how can Inchantments be made AGAINST the Church, which is a Collective Body, consisting of a Multitude of Christians? and reader in

my weak opinion this Conjecture carrieth some weight with it,* 3.85 Balaam himself can tell us,* 3.86 There is no Sorcery against Jacob, not Southsaying against Is∣rael. If any interpret Against the Church, that is, the Laws and Canons of the Church,* 3.87 the Sence is harsh and unusual. This rendreth it suspicious that her Inchantments against the Church, was only her disliking and distasting the errours and Superstitions thereof.

8. This Witch of Eye (saith Fabian) lived neer Winchester, a Presumption (as Mr. Fox conjectureth) that the Cardinall of Winchester had a hand in pack∣ing this accusation.

9. Polydore Virgil maketh no mention thereof, otherwise sufficiently quicksighted in matters of this nature.

10. Why may not this be false, as well as that King Richard the third, his accusing of Iane Shore for bewitching of his withered arm.

These conjectures are not Substantial enough severally to subsist of them∣selves, yet may they be able to stand in complication (in the whole Sheaf, though not as single Arrows) and conduce not a little towards the clearing of her innocence.

For my own part,* 3.88 it is past my Skill to seour out stains, inlayed in the memo∣ry of one diseased more then two hundred years agoe. I see her credit stands condemned, by the generality of Writers; and as it is above the power of the present Age, to pardon it, so it is against all pitty, crueltie to execute the same, some after-evidences appearing with glimmering light in her vindication. Let her Memory therefore be reprieved till the day of Judgement, when it is possible,* 3.89 that this Lady, bearing here, the indignation of God for her sins, may in due time have her cause pleaded, and judgement executed for her, and her righte∣ousnesse be brought into light. Sure I am she fared no whit the better, for her sirname of Cobbam, odious to the Clergy of that Age on the account of Sir Iohn Oldcasile Lord Cobham, though these two were nothing of kin. The best is she left no issue to be ashamed of her faults, if she were guilty, the best evi∣dences of whose innocence are in the Manuscript Books of J. Leyland, which as yet I have not had the happinesse to behold.

At this time William Heiworth sat Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield,* 3.90 being translated thither from being Abbot of St. Albans. Wonder not that he should leave the richest Abbey of England (where he took place of all of his Order) and exchange it for a middle-sized Bishoprick. For first, even those who most admire the holinesse and perfection of Monasticallife, do grant the Episcopal Function above it in all Spirituall respects. Secondly, in Tempo∣ral Considerations the poorest Bishop was better (and might be more benefi∣cial to his Kindred) than the richest Abbot, seeing he by will might bequeath his estate to his Heirs, which no Abbot, (incapable in his own / person of any Propriety) could legally do, whose goods belonged to his Convent in com∣mon.

This Bishop Heiworth deserved not ill of his Cathedral Church of Litch∣field. * 3.91 Indeed the body of the Church was built by Roger de Clinton Bishop thereof,* 3.92 in the reign of King Henry the first,* 3.93 who increased the number of the Prebends, and surrounded Litchfield with a ditch bestowing, much cost on the invisible Castle, which now is vanished out of sight. Afterwards Walter de Langton his successour in the reign of King Edward the first was a most munifi∣cent Benefactor thereunto, laying the foundation of the Chappel of the Virgin Mary, and (though dying before it was finished) bequeathing a suf∣ficient summe of money for the finishing thereof. He also fenced the Close of the Church about with a high wall, and deep ditch, adorning it with two beautifull gates, the fairer on the west, the lesser on the South side there∣of. He expended no lesse then two thousand and pound in beautifying the shrine of Saint Chad his predecessor.

65. But now in the time of the aforesaid VVilliam Heyworth,* 3.94 the Cathedral of Litchfield was in the verticall height thereof,* 3.95 being (though not augmented in the essentials) beautified in the Ornamentals thereof.* 3.96 Indeed the West front thereof is a stately Fabrick, adorned with exquisite imagerie, which I suspect our age is so far from being able to imitate the workman∣ship, that it understandeth not the Historie thereof.

66. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the Citie of Florence,* 3.97 that it is pittie it should be seen save only on Holy-dayes; as also that it was fitt that so fair a Citie should have a Case and Cover for it to keep it from wind and weather, so in some sort, this Fabrick may seem to deserve a shelter to secure it.

67. But alas it is now in a pittifull case indeed,* 3.98 almost beaten down to the ground in our civil dissensions. Now lest the Church should follow the Castle; I mean, quite vanish out of view, I have at the cost of my worthy friend here exemplified the Portraiture thereof: and am glad to hear it to be the de∣sign of ingenious persons to preserve ancient Churches in the like nature, (whereof many are done in this, and more expected in the next part of Mona∣sticon) seeing when their substance is gone, their verie shadows will be accept∣able to posteritie.

68. The Commons in Parliament complained to the King,* 3.99 that whereas they had sold great wood of twenty years growth and upwards, to their own great profit, and in aid to the King in his wars and shipping, the Parsons and Vi∣cars impleaded such Merchants as bought this Timber, for the Tithes there∣of, whereby their estates were much damnified, the King and the Kingdome dis∣served.

69. They also complained,* 3.100 that when such Merchants troubled in the Courts Christian addressed themselves for remedy to the Chancery, and moved there∣in for a Prohibition, which in such cases is to be granted unto them, by vertue of a Statute made in the forty fift year of King Edward the third, yet such a writ of Prohibition and attachment, was against all law and right denyed them. Wherefore they humbly desired the King to ordaine by authority of the present Parliament, that such, who shall find themselves grieved, may here∣after have such writs of Prohibition and upon that Attachments aswell in the Chancery as in the Kings and Common-Bench at their choice.* 3.101 And that the said Writs of Prohibition and Attachment issuing out of the said Benches, have the said force and effects, as the Original writs of Prohibition and Attach∣ment so issuing out of the Chancery of our Lord the King.

70. To this it was returned,* 3.102 the King will be advised, the civilest expression of a Denial. However we may observe that for a full hundred years (viz. from the middle of King Edward the third, to and after this time) no one Parlia∣ment passed wherein this Grievance was not complained on. So that an Acorn might become an Oake, and good Timber in the term, wherein this molestation for the Tithes of wood, (under the pretence of Silva Cedua) did continue. But it seems it was well Ordered at last, finding future Parlia∣ments not complaining thereof.

71. At this time William Linwood finished his industrious and usefull work of his Constitutions.* 3.103 He was bred in Cambridge, first Schollar of Gonvile, then Fellow of Pembroke-Hall. His younger years he spent in the studie of the Laws, whereby he gained much wealth, and more reputation. Afterwards (quitting his practice) he betook himself to the Court, and became Keeper of the Privie-Seale unto King Henry the fifth, who employed him on a long and important Embassy into Spain and Portugal.

72. Linwood being no less skilful in Civil than Canon Law,* 3.104 performed the place with such exemplarie industrie and judgement, that had not the Kings sud∣dain death prevented it, he had been highly advanced in the Common∣wealth. Afterwards he reassumed his Officials place of Canterburie, and then at spare houres collected and digested the Constitutions of the fourteen latter

Archbishops of Canterbury, from Stephen Langton to Henry Chicheley, unto whom he dedicated the Work, submitting the censure thereof to the Church.

73. A worthy Work, highly esteemed by forraign Lawyers not so particu∣larly Provincial for England,* 3.105 but that they are usefull for other Countries, his Comment thereon being a Magazine of the Canon-Law. It was printed at Paris, 1505. (but at the cost and charges of William Bretton, an honest Mer∣chant of London) revised by the care of Wolfgangus Hippolius, and prefaced unto by Jodocus Badius. This Linwood was afterward made Bishop of Saint Davids, whose works (though now beheld by some as an Almanack out of date) will be valued by the judicious whilst Learning and Civility have a being.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Regis
• * 1.2

  Anno Dom.
• * 1.3

  Lord Veru∣lum in his Life, p. 211.
• * 1.4

  Hen 4▪ 10.
• * 1.5

  1408.
• * 1.6

  King Henry bloudy a∣gainst ••oor Christians. yt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Re∣gal power a∣gainst the Popes en∣croachments.
• a 1.7

  Statute 2 of Hen. 4. c. 15.
• b 1.8

  1 Henry 4^th, fol. 19.
• * 1.9

  Anno Dom. 1408.
• * 1.10

  Anno Regis Hen. 4. 10.
• a 1.11

  Statute 2 Hen. 4. cap. 3.
• * 1.12

  William Sau∣tre the proto∣mertyr of En∣glish prote∣stants.
• * 1.13

  Thomas Arun∣del, Arch-Bi∣shop of Can∣terbury, so∣lemnly pro∣nounceth Sautre an he∣retick convi∣cted.
• * 1.14

  Sautres indis∣creet denying of himself.
• * 1.15

  Sautre by a second sen∣tence is ad∣judged to be degraded and deposed.
• * 1.16

  The order of his degrada∣tion.
• * 1.17

  Anno Dom. 1408.
• * 1.18

  Anno Regis Hen. 4 10.
• * 1.19

  The Kings warrant for the burning of Sautre.
• a 1.20

  Fox Martyr. pag. 477. out of whom the effect of this story is taken.
• * 1.21

  A surfeit of Synods in Arch Bishop Arundels time.
• b 1.22

  Terent A∣delph.
• c 1.23

  Vide infrà in hist. of Ab∣beys, lib. 2. cap. 1.
• d 1.24

  Antiq. Brit. pag. 273. & Harpsfield hist. Ang. pag. 618. out of whom the following ta∣ble of Synods is composed.
• * 1.25

  1399
• * 1.26

  1.
• * 1.27

  2
• * 1.28

  1400
• * 1.29

  4
• * 1.30

  1402.
• * 1.31

  6.
• * 1.32

  1404
• * 1.33

  7.
• * 1.34

  1405
• * 1.35

  8.
• * 1.36

  1406
• * 1.37

  10.
• * 1.38

  1408
• * 1.39

  Anno Dom. 1408.
• * 1.40

  Anno Regis Hen. 4 10
• a 1.41

  Antiq. Brit. p. 274.
• b 1.42

  Harpsfield Ecc. Ang pag. 616.
• * 1.43

  1411.
• * 1.44

  13.
• * 1.45

  1412.
• * 1.46

  14.
• * 1.47

  Anno Regis Hen. quart. 14.
• * 1.48

  Anno Dom. 1412.
• * 1.49

  A new Crho∣nologie.
• * 1.50

  A severe mo∣tion against the Welch.
• * 1.51

  Ex rot. Par. in tur. Lond. in hoc anno.
• * 1.52

  Moderated by the King.
• * 1.53

  The cause of his auger.
• * 1.54

  The Quater∣nion of welch Bps. who and what at this time.
• a 1.55

  Godwin. Ca∣tal. of Bps. in S. Davids
• * 1.56

  The Petition of the Lords and Com∣mons to the King against Lollards.
• * 1.57

  Anno Regis. Hen. 4 14.
• * 2.1

  Contracted by my self (exactly kee∣ping the words) out of the Original.
• * 2.2

  Anno Regis Hen. quart. 14.
• * 2.3

  The Prince made a party against Wick∣livites.
• * 2.4

  Complication or Royal and Prelatical in∣terest.
• * 2.5

  Wicklivists their Schools.
• f 2.6

  Acts 19. 9.
• * 2.7

  Lollards why so called.
• h 2.8

  Trithemius in Chron. Anno 1315.
• i 2.9

  Of S. Aug. Cont. M. S. Anno 1406.
• * 2.10

  A charitable parenthesis.
• * 2.11

  King Richard why believed alive.
• * 2.12

  No Woman Lollard Mar∣tyr.
• g 2.13

  Nector Boe∣tius. lib. 16.
• * 2.14

  Who meant by the fool in Scotland.
• * 2.15

  Cruel perse∣cution.
• * 2.16

  Arch-Bishop Arundel go∣ing to Visit Oxford.
• * 2.17

  Is resisted by the Chancel∣lour.
• * 2.18

  The King de∣termines the cause for the Arch-Bishop.
• * 2.19

  Febr. 9. Fri∣day.
• * 3.1

  The effect of the Statute of Praemunire.
• * 3.2

  Farwell to K. Henry the fourth.
• * 3.3

  Fourth book of his Instit. of the Jurisd. of Courts. page 228.
• * 3.4

  Chaumberda∣kyns banished England.
• * 3.5

  Hen. 5 1413
• * 3.6

  Rotuli in Turre in hoc anno. The death of T. Arundel.
• * 3.7

  1.
• * 3.8

  The Clergie jealous of King Henries activity.
• * 3.9

  Hen. 5 1414. 2.
• * 3.10

  Anno Regis. Hen. 2 8.
• * 3.11

  Anno Dom. 1414.
• * 3.12

  Divert it on a war in France.
• * 3.13

  The sad story of Sir John Oldcastle.
• f 3.14

  Camd. Brit. in Kent.
• * 3.15

  His belief.
• * 3.16

  In his 3 conversion.
• * 3.17

  He is charged of Treason.
• * 3.18

  The Author intricated.
• * 3.19

  Leaveth all to the last day.
• * 3.20

  Anno Dom. 1414.
• * 3.21

  Anno Regis Hen. quint. 2.
• * 3.22

  Rom. 2. 5.
• * 3.23

  The Lord Cobham taken in Wales.
• * 3.24

  His double death.
• * 3.25

  Unjustly made the Buffoon in playes.
• * 3.26

  Lincolne Col. founded.
• f 3.27

  Bri. Twine in miscellaniis.
• * 3.28

  N Pont. great Anti L-incol∣nian.
• t 3.29

  Pitz. Anno 1410.
• * 3.30

  The Author some weeks in, though not of this house.
• * 3.31

  The Arch-Casuists of our Church and Age.
• * 3.32

  Anno Regis. Hen. 5▪ 8.
• * 3.33

  Anno Dom. 1421.
• * 3.34

  Pitz. de Script. Ang. 6 p. 801.
• * 3.35

  Bishop of Lincoln builds them a new Chappel.
• * 3.36

  9 Aug. 31.
• * 3.37

  1422
• * 3.38

  The death and character of King Henry the fift.
• * 3.39

  Q Katherine married a∣gain.
• * 3.40

  Anno Dom. 1422.
• * 3.41

  Anno Regis Hen. sexti 1.
• a 3.42

  Philip Com∣mineus.
• * 3.43

  But never buried.
• * 3.44

  By her own desire.
• b 3.45

  Speed Chron. p. 661.
• * 3.46

  Alii aliter.
• c 3.47

  Stows sur∣vey of London p. 507.
• * 3.48

  The Parlia∣ment appoint the Kings Councellors.
• * 3.49

  A strict law for the Irish Clergy.
• * 3.50

  1423.
• * 3.51

  2.
• * 3.52

  Wickliff qui∣etly buried 41. years.
• * 3.53

  1428.
• * 3.54

  6.
• * 3.55

  Anno Regis. Hen. sixt. 6
• * 3.56

  Anno Dom. 1428.
• * 3.57

  Ordered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ungraved 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Heretick.
• * 3.58

  His 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burnt and drow••••d,
• * 3.59

  None can drive a nail•• of wax.
• * 3.60

  Difference betwixt Au∣thors.
• * 3.61

  Hall in the life of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fisher, p. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.62

  Wickliffe traduced.
• * 3.63

  O! th•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.64

  A Monk's charity to Wickliffe,
• k 3.65

  Walsing Ypodig. Neust p. 3••2
• * 3.66

  Anno Dom. 1430.
• * 3.67

  Anno Regis. Hen. 6. 8.
• * 3.68

  A conditional privy Council.
• * 3.69

  Ex Archi∣vis tur. London.
• * 3.70

  Priviledge of Convocation.
• * 3.71

  Want of Grammar Schools complained of.
• * 3.72

  Elianour Dutchess of Glocester commended by M^r. Fox for a Confes∣sor.
• * 3.73

  1433
• * 3.74

  11.
• * 3.75

  Made Traitor by A. C.
• * 3.76

  Anno Regis. Hen. sixt. 11.
• * 3.77

  Anno Dom. 1433.
• * 3.78

  Mr. Fox His ingenious confession.
• a 3.79

  First Volum, pag. 920.
• b 3.80

  Pag. 921.
• * 3.81

  His flat deni∣all.
• * 3.82

  His ten Con∣iectures in be∣half of the Dutchess.
• c 3.83

  As in his 8th Cent. cap. 4.
• * 3.84

  I see not how this is much materi∣all in her de∣fence.
• * 3.85

  Anno Dom. 1433.
• * 3.86

  Anno Regis. Hen. 11▪ 6.
• * 3.87

  Num. 23. 23.
• * 3.88

  23. A mode∣rate way.
• * 3.89

  Micah 7. 9.
• * 3.90

  The mean∣est Bishop a∣bove the mightiest Abbot.
• * 3.91

  Litchfield's Cathedral.
• * 3.92

  1433
• * 3.93

  11.
• * 3.94

  Anno Regis Hen. 6▪ 11.
• * 3.95

  Anno Dom. 1433.
• * 3.96

  The nearest Pile in Eng∣land.
• * 3.97

  Charles the fifth of Florence.
• * 3.98

  An ingenious design.
• * 3.99

  A grievance complained on.
• * 3.100

  With great earnestnesse.
• * 3.101

  Ex Archivis in Tur. Londin. undecimo▪ Hen. sexti.
• * 3.102

  Yet not fully redressed.
• * 3.103

  William Lin∣wood his Con∣stitutions set forth.
• * 3.104

  First imploy∣ed Embassa∣dor into Por∣tugal.
• * 3.105

  His work printed and prized be∣yond sea.