The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

CENT. XIV.

TO CLEMENT THROCKMORTON, the Elder, OF Haseley in Warwick-shire, Esq

LEt other boast of their French bloud, whilest your En∣glish family may vie Gentry with any of the Nor∣man Extraction. 1. For Antiquity, four Mono∣syllables being, by common pronuntiation, crouded into your name; THE, ROCK, MORE, TOWN. 2. For Numerosity, being branched into so many Counties. 3. For Ingenuity, charactered by† 1.1 Camden to be FRUITFUL OF FINE WITS, whereof several instances might be pro∣duced.

But a principal consideration, which doth, and ever shall command my respect unto your person, is, your faithful and cordial friendship, in matters of highest concernment, (whatever be the success thereof) to the best of my Relations, which I conceived my self obliged publickly to confess.

1. AMidst these cruel Wars,* 1.2 betwixt the English and Scots,* 1.3 Pope Boniface the eighth,* 1.4 sent his Letters to King Edward, requiring him to quit his claim, and cease his Wars, and release his prisoners, of the Scotch Nation, as a people exempt, and pro∣perly pertaining to his own Chappel. Perchance the Popes right to the Crown of Scotland is written on the back-side of Constantines Donation. And it is strange, that if Scotland be the Popes peculiar De∣meanes, it should be so far distant from Rome, his chief Mansion house; he grounded his Title thereunto, becausea 1.5 Scotland was first converted, by the re∣liques of S^t Peter, to the unity of the Catholick faith. But it seemes, not so much ambition in his Holiness, made him at this present to start this pretence,

but the secret solicitation of the Scots themselves,* 1.6 who now to avoid the storme of the English,* 1.7 ran under this Bush, and put themselves in the Popes protection.

2. Hereupon King Edward called a Councel of his Lords at Lincoln,* 1.8 where perusing the contents of the Popes prescript, he returned a large answer, where in he endeavoured by evident reasons, and ancient predceents, to prove his propriety in the Kingdom of Scotland. This was seconded by another from the English Peerage, subscribed with all their hands, the wholea 1.9 tenor whereof deserves to be inserted, but this passage must not be omitted, being directed to no meaner then his Holiness himself.

Wherefore, after treaty had, and diligent deliberation of the contents of your foresaid Letters, this was the common agreement, and consent with one minde, and shall be without fail, in time to come, by Gods grace, that our foresaid Lord the King ought by no means to answer in judgement in any case, or should bring his foresaid rights into doubt, nor ought not to send any Proctors or messengers to your presence. Especially seeing that the pre∣misses tend manifestly to the disheriting of the Crown of England, and the plain overthrow of the State of the said Realm, and also hurt of the Liberties, Customes, and Laws of our Fathers; for the keeping and defence of which, we are bound, by the duty of the Oath made, and we will maintain them with all power, and will desend them (by Gods help) with all our strength.

The Pope perceived he had met with men, which understood themselves, and that King Edward was no King John, to be frighted or flattered out of his Right, he therefore was loath to clash his Keys against the others sword, to trie which was made of the hardest mettal; but foreseeing the Verdict would go against him, wisely non-suited himself. Whereas had this unjust challen∣ger, met with a timerous Defendant, it had been enough to have created an undeniable title to him and his successors. The best is, Nullum tempus occur∣rit Papae, no process of time doth prejudice the Popes due; but whensoever he plea∣seth to prosecute his right,* 1.10 Scotland lieth still in the same place where it did before.

3. About this time a subject brought in a Bull of Excommunication against another subject of this Realm,* 1.11 and published it to the Lord Treasurer of En∣gland,* 1.12 and this was by the ancienta 1.13 Common-Law of England adjudged Treason against the King, his Crown and dignity, for the which, the offen∣der should have been drawn and hanged, but at the great instance of the chan∣celour and Treasurer, he was onely abjured the Realm for ever. And this case is the more remarkable, because he was condemned by the Com∣mon-Law of England, before any particularc 1.14 Statute was enacted in that behalf.* 1.15

4. But the Courage of the King Edward most appeared in humbling and order∣ing Robert Wincelsey,* 1.16Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.* 1.17 He was an insolent man, ha∣ted even of the Clergie, because though their champion to preserve them from Civil and Secular burdens, yet the Popes Broker, to reserve them for his uncon∣scionable exactions, as if keeping Church-men to be wrong'd by none, but him∣self. Long had the King looked on him with an angry eye, as opposite to his proceedings, and now at the last had him at his mercy, for plottingd 1.18 Trea∣son with some others of the Nobility, against him, against him, projecting to depose him, and set up his Son Edward in his Room.

5. The Arch-Bishop throwing himself prostrate at the Kings feet, with tears ande 1.19 lamentation, confessed his fault in a posture of cowardly dejection, descending now as much beneath himself, as formerly he had arrogantly in∣sulted over others;f 1.20 some are loath to allow him guilty of the crime objected,* 1.21

others conceive him onely to have done this,* 1.22 presuming on the Kings noble disposition for pardon.* 1.23 But such must yield him a Traitor either to the Kings Crown, or to his own innocence by his unworthy acknowledging his offence. Thus that man who confesseth a debt, which he knows not due, hoping his Creditor will thereupon give him an acquittance, scarce deserveth pitty for his folly, if presently sent to prison for non-payment thereof. Then he called the King his Master, a terme, wherewith formerly his tongue was unacquainted, (whom neither by word or letter he would ever acknowledg under that nation) ten∣dering himself to be disposed at his pleasure.

6. No, Quoth the King,* 1.24 I will not be both party and judg, and proceed against you as I might by the Common-Law of the Land. I bear more respect to your order, whereof you are as unworthy as of my favour: having formerly had experience of your malice in smaller matters, when you so rigorously used my Chaplains attending on me in their ordinary service beyond the Seas;* 1.25 so that though I sent my Letters un∣to you, you as lightly regarded what I wrot, as what they pleaded in their own behalf. Wincelsey having but one guard for all blows, persisted in his submission, desi∣ring (a president unparalle'd) that the King would give him his blessing: No, said the King, it is more proper that you should give me your blessing. But, well, I will remit you to your own great Master the Pope, to deal with you according to your deserts. But the Arch-Bishop loath belike to-go-to Rome, and staying longer in England, then the Kings command, and (perchance) his own promise, lurk'd in a Covent, at Canterbury, till fourscoreb 1.26 Monks were by the Kings com∣mand thrust out of their places for relieving him out of their charity; and were not restored till the aforesaid Arch-Bishop was banished the Kingdom.

7. Not long after he appeared before Pope Clement the fift, at Burdeaux,* 1.27 where having been so great a stickler for his Holiness, (insomuch that his present disfavour with the King was originally caused by his activity for the Pope) he might rationally have expected some courtesie. But though he had used both his hands to scrape treasure for the Church of Rome; the Pope would not lend his least finger to his support, but suspended him from office and benefit of his place, till he should clear himself from the crime of Treason wherewith he was charged. Whether done to procure reputation to the Justice of the Court of Rome; where, in publick causes, men, otherwise privately well deserving, should finde, no more favour there, then they brought innocence thither: Or because (which is most probable) the Pope loved the Arch-Bishoprick, better then the Arch-Bishop; and knew during his suspension, both to increase his profit, and improve his power in England, by such cunning Factors, as he imployed in the business; namely, William de Testa, and Peter Amaline, both strangers, to whom the Pope committed the sequestration of Canterbury, whilest the cause of Wincelsey did as yet depend undetermined.

8. These by Papal Authority,* 1.28 summoned before them John Salmon Bi∣shop of Norwich, for exacting the first-fruits of vacant Benefices, from the Cler∣gie of his Diocess. The case was this. Some sixty years since, Pandulph, an Italian, and Popes Legat (a perfect Artist in progging for money) being Bishop of Norwich,c 1.29 pretending his Church to be in debt, obtained of his Ho∣liness the first-firuits of vacant Benefices in Norfolk, and Suffolk, to discharge that engagement. This Grant to him, being but personal, local, and temporary, was improved by his Successors to a constant revenue; yea (covetousness being an apt Scholar, and profit an easie lesson) this example was followed by other English Bishops in their respective Diocesses. Behold here a piece of exemplary Justice. Who could have look'd for less (the illegality of these payments appearing) but that the Clergie should be eased of them? Where∣as these forein Sequestrators did order, that generally throughout England, the first-fruits of all spiritual promotions falling void next, for three years should be paid over to the Popes Chamber at Rome; onelyd 1.30 Cathedral, and Con∣ventual-Churches were excepted herein. No reason is rendered, why the burden fell on Parish-Churches; except any will say, that the Ass must bear

more then the Horse; and the load is best laid on that beast, which hath least mettle to kick it off, and throw it down:* 1.31 the poor Parochial Clergie being most unable to resist the usurpation of his Holiness.

9. Afterwards, this William Testa, who according to his name, came over an empty shell, but departed with the kernel of the English wealth, com∣plained of, for his extortiona 1.32 to the Parliament, was called home, and Peter a Spanish Cardinal sent in his room; where he concluded and cele∣brated a marriage, betwixt Prince Edward and Isabel, the King of France his Daughter. Towards the bearing of his charges, this Cardinal required twelve mark of all Cathedrals, and Convents; and of Parish-Churches eight pence out of every mark of their yearlie revenue. But the King made him con∣tent with the moity of his demand.

10. Mean time intollerable were the taxes, which the English Clergie paid to Rome.* 1.33 The Poets faigne Arethusa, a River in Armenia, to be swal∣lowed up by the earth, and running many miles under the Ocean, in Sicilie (they say) it vents it self up again. But (without any fiction) the wealthy streams, flowing from a plentiful spring in England, did suddenly disappear, and being insensibly conveyed in invisible chanels, not under, but over the Sea, were found far off to arise afresh at Rome, in the Popes Treasury; where the Italians, though (being themselves bred in a clear and subtile Cli∣mate) they scorn'd the dulness of the wits, and hated the gross ayre of this Island, yet hugg'd the heaviness of the gold thereof; this Kingdom being one of the best places for their profit. Although proudb 1.34 Harding saith, that the Popes yearly gains out of England were but as a GNAT to an ELE∣PHANT. Oh the over-grown Beast of Romes Revenues!

11. The death of King Edward the first,* 1.35 gave a great advancement to the Popes incroaching. A worthy Prince he was,* 1.36 fixed in his generation be∣twixt a weak Father,* 1.37 and son; as if made wise and valiant by their Antipe∣ristasis. Equally fortunate in drawing, and sheathing the sword; in war, and peace: having taught the English loyaltie, by them almost forgotten; and the Welsh, subjection, which they never learn'd before. In himself religi∣ously disposed; founded the famousc 1.38 Abbey of Val-royal for the Cistercians in Cheshire, and by Will bequeathing thirty two thousand pounds to the Holy War. Obedient, not servile to the See of Rome. A soe to the pride, and friend to the profession of the Clergie: whom he watered with his bounty, but would not have to spread so broad, as to justle, or grow so high as to overtop the Regal Authority; Dying in due time for himself, almost seven∣ty year old; but too soon for his Subjects, especially for his Son, whose gid∣dy youth lack'd a guide to direct him. In a word, As the Arm of King Ed∣ward the first was accounted the measure of a yard, generally received in En∣gland: so his actions are an excellent model, and a praise-worthy platform for succeeding Princes to imitate.

12. Edward his Son,* 1.39 by Letters to the Pope, requested, that Robert Win∣celsey might be restored to his Arch-Bishoprick, which was done accordingly, though he returned too late to Crown the King; which solemnity was per∣formed by Henry Woodlock, Bishop of Winchester. Here let the peaceable Rea∣der part two contrary reports from fighting together, both avowed by Au∣thors of credit.d 1.40 Some say, Wincelsey, after his return, receiv'd his profits maim'd and mangled, scarce amounting to half; and that poor pittance he was fain to bestow to repair his dilapidated Palace. Others report, his re∣venues not less'ned in quantity, and increas'd in the intireness, were paid him all in a lump; insomuch, that hereby (having learn'd thrift in exile to live of a little) he speedily became the richest of all hise 1.41 Predecessors; so that he gained by losses; and it was his common Proverb, that, There is no hurt in adversity, where there hath been no iniquity; and many make his future success, and evidence of his former innocence.

13. The calamitous Reign of King Edward the Second,* 1.42 afforded little history of the Church,* 1.43 though too much of the Common-wealth except it had been better.* 1.44 A debauched Prince this Edward was; His beauty being the best (not to say onely) commendable thing about him: He had an hand∣some man-case, and better it had been empty with weakness, then (as it was) ill fill'd with vitiousness. Pierce Gaveston first corrupted him, maugre all the good counsel that Robert, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and all his good friends,* 1.45 could give him.* 1.46 And, when Gaveston was kill'd and taken away, the Kings badness was rather doubled, then diminished; exchanging one pandor to vice for two, the two Spencers. In a word, the Court was turn'd Taverne, Stews, Stage, Play-house: wherein as many vain and wanton Comedies were acted before the King in his life time, so a sad, and sorrowful Tragedy was acted by him a•• his death.

14. Robert Bruce, King of Scotland,* 1.47 encouraged by the laziness of King Edward, thought this a sit time to recover his Country, and which the English detained from him. Wereupon he regained Berwick, inroaded England, in∣vaded Ireland. King Edward in wrath advanceth against him, with an Army rather dancing then marching, fitter for a Masque,* 1.48 then a Battel:* 1.49 their hor∣ses rather trapped then armed: In all points it appeared a triumphant Ar∣my, save that no field as yet was fought by them. Thus, excluding all influ∣ence of Divine Providence, and concluding 'twas Fortunes duty to favour them, at Sterling they bid the Scots battel, wherein ten thousand of our men are by our own Authors confessed to be slain. There fell the flowere of the English Nobility, the King with a few, hardly saving himself by flight. Thus, as Malleus Scotorum, the Hammer, or mauler of the Scots, is written on the Tomb of King Edward the first, in Westminster: Incus Scotorum, the Anvile of the Scots, might as properly be written on the Monument (had he any) of Edward the second.

15. But leaving these fights,* 1.50 we proceed to other Polemical Digladiati∣ons,* 1.51 more proper for our Pen;* 1.52 namely the disputes of SCHOOL-MEN, which in this Kings Reign were heightened to perfection; Formerly those were ter∣med Scholastici, who in the Schools were Rethoricians, making therein Decla∣matory Orations. Such Exercises ceasing in this Age, the Terme was Trans∣lated to signifie those who bused themselves in Controversial Divinity, though some will have them so called, from Scolion a Commentary, their studies being generally nothing else then illustrations of the text of Peter Lombard, the Master of the Sentences. Take them here together at one view, intending to resume them again in their several Characters.

Name.* 1.53	Hourished.* 1.54	Title.	Order.
1. Alexander. Hales.	1240. Henry the third.	Dr Irrefragabilis, or, Dr Doctorum.	Franciscan.
2. Roger Bacon.	1280. Edward the first.	Dr Mirabilis.	Franciscan.
3. Richard Middleton, or, De Media Villa.	1290. Edward the first.	Dr Fundatissimus.	Franciscan.
4. John Duns Scotus.	1308. Edward the second.	Dr Subtilis.	Franciscan.
5. Gualter Burley.	1337. Edward the third.	Dr Approbatus.	Secular Priest.
6. John Baconthorpe.	1346. Edward the third.	Dr Resolutus.	Carmelite.
7. William Ocham.	1347. Edward the third.	Dr Singularis, or, Pater Nominalium.	Franciscan.
8. Robert Holcot.	1349. Edward the third.	Dr	Dominican.
9. Thomas Bradwardine.	1350. Edward the third.	Dr Profundus.	Secular Priest.

Born at,	Bred in,	Buried in,
Or night Hales in Glocester-shire.	Hales, ibidem.	The Franciscan Church in Paris.
	Oxford, in Merton Col.	Oxford.
Uncertain whether at Middleton-Stony in Ox∣ford-shire, or Middleton Cheny in Northampton-shire.	Oxford, or, Paris.	Paris.
Dunstan (contracted Duns) in Emildon Pa∣rish in Northumb.	Merton Colledg in Oxford.	Colen.
	Merton Colledg in Oxford.	Paris.
Baconthorpe in Norfolk.	Blackney Abbey in Norfolke.	The Church of his Or∣der in London.
Ocham in Surrey.	Merton Colledg.	Munchin in Bavaria.
Holcot in Northampton-shire.	Oxford.	Northampton, where he died of the Plague.
Bradwardine in Hereford-shire.	Merton Colledg in Oxford.	St Anselme's Chappel in Canterbury.

Besides, many other School-men of inferiour note, which we pass by in si∣lence; Now we may safely dare all Christendome besides to shew so many Eminent School-Divines, bred within the compass of so few years; insomuch that it is a truth what a forreina 1.55 writer saith, Scholastica Theologia, ab Anglis, & in Anglia, sumpsit exordium, fecit incrementum, pervenit ad perfectionem. And although Italy falsly boasteth that Britain had her Christianity first from Rome; England may truly maintain, that from her (immediately by France) Italy first received her School-Divinity.

16. Of these School-men,* 1.56 Alexander Hales goeth the first, Master to Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventure, whose livery in some sort, the rest of the School-men may be said to wear, insisting in his foot-steps. At the com∣mand of Pope Innocent the fourth, he wrote the body of all School-Divinity in four Volumes. He was the first Franciscan who ever took the degree of Doctor in the University (who formerly counted the height of a degree incon∣sistent with the humility of their order) as appeareth by the close of his Epitaph.

Egenorum fit primus Doctor eorum.

So great an honorer of the Virgin Mary, that he never* 1.57 denied such who sued to him in her name: As since our M^r Fox is said never to have denied any who begged of him for Jesus Christ.

17. Roger Bacon succeeds.* 1.58 O what a sin is it to be more learned then ones Neighbours in a barbarous age! being excellently skilled in the Mathema∣ticks (a wonder-working Art, especially to ignorant eyes) he is accused for a Conjurer by Hieronymus de Esculo, Minister general of his Order, and after∣wards Pope, by the name of Nicholas the fourth. The best is, this Hieronymus before he was a Pope was not Infallible, and therefore our Bacon might be scandalized by him; however he was committed to Prison at Rome, by Pope Clement the fourth, and remained in durance a considerable time, before his own innocence, with his friends endeavours, could procure his enlargement.

18. For mine own part,* 1.59 I behold the name of Bacon in Oxford, not as of an Individual man, but Corporation of men; No single Cord, but a twisted Cable of many together. And as all the Acts of Strong men of that nature are attributed to an Hercules: All the predictions of Prophecying women to a Sibyll; So I conceive all the atchievements of the Oxonian Bacons in their liberal stu∣dies, are ascribed to ONE, as chief of the name. And this in effect is confessed by the most learned and ingenious Oratorb 1.60 of that University. Indeed we finde one Robert Bacon who died Anno, One thousand two hundred fourty eight, a Learned Doctor, and Trithemius stileth John Baconthorpe, plain Bacon, which addeth to the probability of the former assertion. How∣ever this confounding so many Bacons in one, hath caused Anticronismes in many Relations. For how could this Bacon ever be a reader of Philosophy in Brasen-Nose Colledg, Founded more then one Hundred years after his death; so that his Brasen head (so much spoken of, to speak) must make time past to be again, or else these inconsistences will not be reconciled. Except any will salve it with the Prolepsis of Brasen-Nose Hall, formerly in the place where the Colledg is now erected. I have done with the Oxford Bacons, only let me add, that those of Cambridg, Father and Son, Nicholas and Francis, the one of Bennet, and the other of Trinity Colledg, do hold [absit in vidia] the Scales of desert, even against all of their name in all the world besides.

19. John Duns Scotus succeeds,* 1.61 who some will have called Scotus, ob c 1.62 profundi ssimam dicendi obscuritatem, from his profound obscurity in writing: Indeed there was one Heracletus, to whom cognomen Scotinond 1.63 fecit ora∣tionis obscuritas, but others conceive him so called, either from Scotland his Country, or John Scott his father. Nor was he called Duns, as some will

have it contractedly from Dominus, but from the place of his Nativity, though three Kingdoms earnestly engage to claim him for their Country-man.

England. It is thus written at the end of his Manuscript works in Merton Col∣ledg in Oxford,* 1.64 whereof he was Fellow; Expli∣cit a 1.65 Lectura a Subtilis in Vniversitate Parisiensi Doctoris Joannis Duns, na∣ti in quadam villula paro∣chiae de Emidon vocata Dunston, in Comitatu Northumbriae, pertinente Domui Scholarium de Merton-hall in Oxonia.

Scotland. Although John Scott dis∣sembled himself an En∣glish-man, to finde the more favour in Merton Colledg, living in an age wherein cruel Wars be∣twixt England and Scot∣land; yet his Tomb ere∣cted at Colen is bold to tell the truth, whereon this Epitaph,b 1.66 Scotia me genuit, Anglia suscepit, Gallia edocuit, Germania tenet. Besides, the very name of Scotus, a voweth him to be a Scotch-man.

Ireland. He is called Joannes Duns, by abbreviation for Dunensis, that is born at* 1.67 Doun••, an E∣piscopal See in Ireland, where Patricius, Dubrici∣us, and St Columba lie in∣terred. And it is notori∣ously known to Criticks, that Scotus signifieth an Irish-man in the most ancient exception ther∣of.

I doubt not but the Reader will give his verdict, that the very Scotiety of Scotus belongeth to England as his Native Country, who being born in Northumber∣land, which Kingdom in the Saxon Heptarchie extended from Humber to Eden∣burgh Frith; it was a facile mistake for Foreiners to write him a Scotch-man on his Monument. As for the name of Scotus, it is of no validity to prove him that Country-man; as a common-Sir-name amongst us, as some four years since, when the Scotch were injoyned to depart this Land, one M^r English in London, was then the most considerable Merchant of the Scotch Nation. The sad manner of Scotus his death is sufficiently known, who being in a fit of a strong Apoplexie, was by the cruel kindness of his over-officious friends, bu∣ried whilest yet alive, and recovering in the grave, dashed out his brains against the Coffin, affording a large field to such wanton wits in their Epi∣grams, who could make sport to themselves on the sad accident of others.

20. I had almost over-seen John Baconthorpe,* 1.68 being so low in stature, as but one remove from a Dwarfe, of whom one saith,

Ingenioc 1.69 magnus, corpore parvus erat. His wit was Tall, in body small.

Insomuch that Corpus non tulisset, quod ingenium protulit, his body could not bear the Books which his brain had brought forth. Coming to Rome (being sent for by the Pope) he was once hissedd 1.70 at in a Publick Disputation, for the badness for∣sooth of his Latin and pronunciation; but indeed because he opposed the Popes power in dispencing with Marriages, contrary to the Law of God, whosee 1.71 judgment was afterwards made use of by the defenders of the di∣vorce of King Henry the eight.

21. William Occam sided with Lewis of Bavaria against the Pope,* 1.72 main∣taining the Temporal power above the Spiritual; he was fain to flie to the Emperour for his safety, saying unto him,

Defende me gladio, & ego te defendam verbo. Defend me with thy sword, and I will defend thee with my word.

This Occam was Luthers chief (if not sole) School-man, who had his works at •• is fingers end; loving him no doubt the better for his opposition to the Pope.

22. Robert Holcot was not the meanest amongst them,* 1.73 who died of the Plague at Northampton, just as he was reading his Lectures on the seventh of Ecclesiasticus; wherein as many Canonical truths, as in any Apocrypha chap∣ter; and although as yet in his publick reading he was not come to the last verse thereof (so proper for mortality) wee may charitably believe he had seriously commented thereon,* 1.74 in his private meditations. Whatsoever thou takest in hand, remember the end, and thou shalt never do amiss.

23. Thomas Bradwardine bringeth up the rear,* 1.75 though in learning and piety (if not superiour) equal to any of the rest, witness his worthy book against Pelagianisme, to assert the freeness of Gods grace in mans con∣version, which he justly intituleth, De causa Dei, of Gods cause; for as God is a Second in every good cause, so he is a Principal in this, wherein his own honour is so nearly concerned. And though the Psalmist saith, plead thine own cause O Lord; yet in this age (wherein Miracles are ceased) God pleadeth his cause, not in his Person, but by the proxie of the tongues, and pens, hands, and hearts, of his Servants. This Bradwardine was afterwards Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and how highly esteemed, let Chaucer* 1.76 tell you.

But I ne cannot boult it to the bren As can the holy Doctour S^t Austin, Dr Boece, or the Bishop Bradwardin.

This testimony of Chaucer by the exact computation of time, written within forty years after Bradwardines death, which addeth much to his honour, that in so short a time his memory was in the peaceable possession of so general a veneration, as to be joyned in company with S^t Augustine and Boethius, two such eminent persons in their several capacities.

24. The School-men principally imployed themselves in knotty and thorny Questions of Controversial Divinity;* 1.77 Indeed as such who live in London, and like populous places, having but little ground for their founda∣tions to build houses on, may be said to enlarge the bredth of their houses in height (I mean increasing their room in many stories one above another; so the School-men in this age, lacking the latitude of general learning and lan∣guages, thought to enlarge their active mindes by mounting up. So im∣proving their small bottom with towring Speculations, though some of things mystical, that might not, more of things difficult, that could not, most of things curious that need not be known unto us.

25. Their Latin is generally barbarous,* 1.78 counting any thing Eloquent that is Expressive, going the nearest way to speak their own Notions, though sometimes trespassing on Grammer, abusing if not breaking* 1.79 Priscians head therein: Some impute this their bald and thred-bare language, to a design that no vermin of Equivocation should be hid under the ••ap of their words;

whilest others ascribe it to their want of change, and their poverty in learning, to procure better Expressions.

26. Yet these School-men agreed not amongst themselves in their judg∣ments.* 1.80 For Burley being Scholar to Scotus, served him as Aristotle did Plato his Master, maintaining a contrary faction against him. Ocham his Scholar, father of the Nominals, opposed Scotus the founder of the Reals; which two sactions divided the School-men betwixt them; Holcot being a Dominican, stifly re∣sisted the Franciscans, about the conception of the Virgin Mary, which they would have without any original sin. However the Papists, when pressed that their Divisions Mar their Viritie, (a mark of the Church whereof they boast so much) evade it, by pleading that these poines are not de side onely, in the out skirts of Religion, and never concluded in any Councel to be the Articles of faith.

27. All of these School-men were Oxford,* 1.81 most Merton Colledg men. As the setting up of an eminent Artist in any place of a City, draws Chap∣men unto him to buy his wares, and Apprentices to learn his Occupation. So after Roger Bacon had begun School-Divinity in Merton Colledg, the whole Gang and Genius of that house successively applied their studies there∣unto, and many repaired thither from all parts of the Land for instruction in that nature. Mean-time Cambridg men were not Idle, but otherwise im∣ployed, more addicting themselves to preaching, whereof though the world took not so much notice, possitive Divinity not making so much noise as contro∣versial (where men ingage more earnestness) yet might be more to Gods glory, and the saving of the souls of men.

28. Some will wonder,* 1.82 seeing School-Divinity was so rise in Oxford in this Age, for some hundred years together (viz. from towards the end of Henries, to the end of Edwards Reign, both the third of their names) how the study thereof, should sink so sodainly in that Vniversity, which afterwards produced not such eminent men in that kinde. But hereof several reasons may be assigned:

1. The Wars betwixt York and Lancaster soon after began; a Con∣troversie indeed, which silenced School-velitations, Students being much disheartened with those martial discords.

2. Once in an Age the appetite of an university alters, as to its diet in learning, which formerly filled (not to say surfeited) with such hard questions, for variety sake, sought out other imploy∣ments.

3. The sparks of Scholars wits, in School-Divinity, went out for want of fuel in that subject, grown so trite and thred-bare, nothing could be, but what had been said of the same before. Wherefore fine wits, found out other wayes to busie themselves.

4. Onely information of the brain, no benefit to the purse, accrued by such speculations, which made others in after ages, to di∣vert their studies, à Quaestionibus, ad Quaestum, from Metaphysical Quaeries, to Case-divinity, as more gainful, and profitable; best inabling them for hearing Confessions, and proportioning Pen∣nance accordingly.

Since the Reformation, School-Divinity in both the Universities, is not used (as anciently) for a sole-profession by it self, to ingross all a mans life therein, but onely taken as a preparative quality to Divinity; Discreet men not drown∣ing, but dipping their mindes in the study thereof.

28. Return we now to the Common-wealth which we left bad,* 1.83 and finde amended, as an old fore without a plaister in cold weather; King Ed∣ward

rather wilsul then weak, (if wilsulness be not weakness, and sure the same effects are produced by both, ruin and destruction) slighted his Queens company, and such a Bed, if left (where Beauty without Grace) seldom stan∣deth long empty. Queen Isabel blinded with fury, mistook the party who had wronged her, and revengeth her husbands faults on her own conscience, living incontinently with R. Mortimer; a man martial enough, and of much merit otherwise, save that an Harlot is a deep pit, therein invisibly to bury the best deserts. The two Spencers ruled all at pleasure, and the King was not more forward to bestow favours on them, as they free to deal affronts to others their superiours in birth and estate. Thus men of yesterday, have Pride too much to remember what they were the day before; and pro∣vidence too little to fore-see what they may be to morrow. The Nobility (then petty Kings in their own Countreys) disdained such Mushrooms should insult over them; and all the Spencers insolencies being scored on the Kings account, no wonder if he (unable to discharge his own engagements) was broken by suretiship for others.

29. I finde it charged on this King,* 1.84 that he suffered the Pope to en∣croach on the dignity of the Crown, to the great damage, and more disho∣nour of the Nation. Indeed his father left him a fair stake, and a winning hand, (had a good Gamester had the playing thereof) having recovered some of his priviledges from the Papal usurpation, which since it seems his Son had lost back again, though the particulars thereof in History do not so plainly ap∣pear. Onely it is plain, that to support himself, and supply his necessities, he complyed with the Clergy (a potent party in that age) favourably mea∣suring out the causes of their cognizances; for although in the Reign of his Father, an hedg was made by an Act in that nature, betwixt the Spiritual and Temporal Courts; yet now a Ditch (an new act) was added to the former scene. So that hereafter (except wilfully) they could not mutually tres∣pass on each others Jurisdictions.

RICHADO SEYMERE, Necessario meo.

INter Amicum meum & Necessarium hoc po∣no discriminis, quod ille ad bene esse, Hic, ad meum esse quodammodo requiratur; Quo nomine Tu mihi es salutandus, qui sine te planè mancus mihi vi∣deor. Tuâ enim artifici dextrâ, usus sum, per totum hoc opus in scutis Gentilitiis depingendis. Macte, vir Ingenue, ac Natales tuos, Generosos satis, novo splendore illustriores reddito.

1. COlledges,* 2.1 yet,* 2.2 were few, and Students now many in Oxford:* 2.3 whereupon Walter Stapleton, (Bishop of Exeter) founded and endowed one therein, by the name of Stapletons Inn, since called Exeter Colledge. This Bishop was one of high Birth and large Boun∣ty, being said to have expended a years re∣venews of his (this rich) Bishoprick in the Solemnity of his instalement. He also foun∣ded Hart-Hall in Oxford. But oh the diffe∣rence betwixt the Elder and Younger Bro∣ther, though Sons to the same Father! the one carrying away the whole Inheritanoe, whilst the other sometimes hath little more than himself left unto Him, as here this Hall is altogether unin∣dowed.

2. This worthy Bishop had an unworthy and untimely death some ten years after.* 2.4 For being Lord Treasurer, and left by the King in his absence, to govern, the (then mutinous) citty of London, the Citizens, (not without incouragement from the Queen) furiously fell upon him, and in Cheapside most barbarously butchered him, and then (as hoping to bury their murder with his body) hudled him obscurely into a hole. But afterward to make his Ghost some reparation and stop the clamour of the Clergy, the Queen or∣dered the removing and interring of his Body and his Brothers (a valiant Knight slain on the same account) in the Cathedral of Excter. One would wonder this Bishop was not made a Martyr and Sainted in that Age, save that his suffering was of civill concernment, and not relating to Religion.

3. This House hath since found two eminent Benefactors,* 2.5 first, Sir Wil∣liam Petre (born of honest Parentage in Exeter) principal Secretary to four successive King and Queens. One who in ticlish and turning times, did good to himself, (got a great estate) injurious to none, (that I ever heard, or read of) but courte••us to many, and eminently to this Colledge, wherein he bestowed much building, and augmented it with eight Fellowships.

4. The other George Hackwel Doctor of Divinity,* 2.6 late Rector thereof, who though married, and having children, (must it not be a quick and large fountain, which besides filling a Pond, had such an over flowing stream?) be∣stowed more than one thousand pounds in building a beautiful Chappel. This is He who wrote the Learned and Religious Apologie for Divine Providence, proving that the World doth not decay. Many begin the reading thereof with much prejudice, but few end it, without full satisfaction, converted to the Authors Opinion, by his unanswerable Arguments.

5. This Colledge consisteth chiefly of Cornish and Devonshire men,* 2.7 the Gentry, of which latter, Queen Elizabeth used to say, were Courtiers by their birth. And as these Western men do bear away the Bell for might and sleight in wrastling, so the Schollars here have alwayes acquitted themselves with credit in Palaestra literarie. The Rectors of this House anciently were an∣nual, (therefore here omitted) fixed, but of latter years, to continue the term of their lives.

Rectors. 1 John Neale. 2 Tho. Glaster. 3 Tho. Holland. 4 John Prideaux. 5 George Hackwel. 6 Conant.

Bishops. John Prideaux Bi∣shop of worce∣cester. Tho. Winniff Bi∣shop of Lincoln.

Benefactors. Edmund Stafford, Bishop of Exeter. Mr. John Piriam, Alderman of Exeter. Sir John Ackland Knight, expend∣ing (besides other Benefa∣ctions) 800. pound in build∣ing the Hall.

* 2.8 Learned Dri∣ters. Judge DOD∣DERIDGE. George Hackwell. John Prideaux. Sir Simon Basker∣vil. Dr. Veluain. Nath. Carpenter Norring∣ton. George Kendal.

So that lately therein were maintained, one Rector, twenty three Fellowes, a Bible-Clerk, two Pensioners, Servants, Commoners and other Students to the number of two hundred.

6. Clergy-men began now to complain,* 2.9 that the Lay-Judges entrenched on their Priviledges, and therefore they presented a Petition to the King in his Parliament at Lincolne, requesting the redresse of sixteen grievances. To most of them the King returned a satisfactory answer, and so qualified his denyals to the rest, that they could not but content any reasonable dispositi∣on.

7. These Concessions of the King were digested into Laws,* 2.10 and are printed at large in the Statutes known by the title of Articuli Cleri. Whereon Sir Edward Coke in the second part of his Institutes, hath made no lesse learn∣ed then large Commentary. So that though the Law of circumspectè agatis had stated this difference; Yet it seems this Statute (as Circumspectivus agatis) was conceived very requisite.

8. Moreover, these Statutes did not so clearly decide the difference be∣twixt the Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdictions,* 2.11 but that many contests hap∣pened afterwards betwixt them, no longer ago then in the fift of King James, when the Doctors of the Commons under Richard Bancroft (Arch-Bishop of Canterbury their General) opposed the Judges about the indeterminable controversies of Prohibitions. Adde hereunto, that the Clergy claimed to themselves the most favourable interpretation of all Statutes in their own behalf, whilst the Temporal Judges (in the not sitting of Parliaments) challenged that priviledge to themselves.

9. The most lasting Monument of the memory of wofull King Edward the second,* 2.12 was the building of Orial Colledge in Oxford.* 2.13 Indeed some make Him,* 2.14 and others Adam Brown his Almoner Founder thereof, and both per∣chance truly, the King allowing, his Almoner issuing money for the building and endowing thereof. Others will have it, that his Almoner perswaded him on consciencious Principles to this good work, pertinently all eadging and pressing this instance, to prove that the Kings nature not bad in it self, but too yielding to the impressions of others. Now whereas the other Alms of this King were perishing, as relieving only poor for the present, these, as more lasting, have done good to many Generations.

10. I meet with no satisfactory reason of the name which some will have to contain something of Easternes therein:* 2.15 So scituated comparatively to some more ancient Foundation. Others deduce it from Criolium an emi∣nent room in* 2.16 Monaesteries, and I cannot but smile at such who will have O Royal, as a Pathetical admiration of Princely Magnificence.

11. However, I do not deny, but that the Kings of England have been ve∣ry indulgent to this Foundation. For besides, King Edward the second the Founder thereof, his Son King Edward gave unto them the Hospital of Saint Bartholmews nigh Oxford, with Lands to maintain eight poor people, subject to the government of the Provost and Fellows of this Colledge. Besides, King James being informed of some Legal defects in this Foundation, granted them a new Corporation Cavill-proof against all exceptions.

12. This Colledge being much decayed,* 2.17 Anthony Blencow late Provost, bequeathed twelve hundred pounds to the new building of a Front thereof: Which being done, lest it should be a disgrace to the rest of the Fabrick, the whole Colledge is rebuilt in a most decent manner.

Provosts.* 2.18 Adam Brown.* 2.19 William de Lever∣ton. William de Hankes∣worth. William Daventre. William Colyntre. John Middleton. John Possell. William Corff. Thomas Lintlewar∣den. Henry Kayle. Nicholas Barry. John Carpenter. Walter Lyhart. John Hales. Henry Sampson. Thomas Hawkins. John Taylower. Thomas Cornish. Edmund Mylforde. James Morc. Thomas Ware. Henry Myn. William Haynes. John Smith. Roger Marbeck. John Belly. Anthony Blencowe. Dr. Lewes. Dr. Tolson. Dr. Sanders.

Benefactors. John Franke gave four Fellow∣ships. John Carpenter Bi∣shop of Worce∣ster, gave one Fellowship. William Smith Bi∣shop of Lincolne gave one Fel∣ship. Richard Dudley D. D. gave two Fellowships, & two Exhibiti∣ons.

Bishops. John Carpenter Bi∣shop of Worce∣ster.

Learned Writers. William Allen, Cardinal. ...* 2.20 Sr Walter Raw∣leigh. William Prin.

So that lately were maintained therein, one Provost, eighteen Fellows, one Bible-Clerk, twelve Exibitioners, with Commoners and Colledge Officers a∣mounted to one hundred and sixty.

13. Let us cast our eye on the Common-wealth only,* 2.21 as it is the Ring wherein the Diamond of the Church is contained, and that now full of Cracks, caused by the severall state-factions. The two Spencers ruled all things till the Queen and her Son (who politiquely had got leave to go beyond the Seas) returned into England with a Navy and Army landing in Suffolk; She denounceth open war against her Husband, unlessse he would presently con∣form to her desires.

14. The King proclaimed that a thousand pound should be given to Him that brought the head of Roger Mortimer.* 2.22 The Queen proclaimed (such who had the better purse may give the greater price) that whosoever brought the head of the young Spencer (it seems his Father was not so considerable) should have two thousand pounds. The Queens party gave out that the King

of France had sent over a vast Army for her assistance,* 2.23 and the Kings side An∣ti-rumoured (who could raise reports easier then Armies) that the Pope had excommunicated all such who sides against him:* 2.24 now though both reports were false, they made true impressions of hope in such hearts as belee∣ved them.

15. Three wayes were presented to King Edward,* 2.25 Fight, Flight, and Concealment, the first he was unable to doe, having no effectuall Forces, on∣ly able for a time to defend the Castle of Bristol, till many of his Complices were taken therein: a Tower therein (given out to be undermined) being in∣deed undermonied with bribes to the defenders thereof. Here the elder Spencer was taken and executed.

16. Flight was no lesse unsafe then dishonourable,* 2.26 For his Kingdome be∣ing an Island, the Sea would quickly put a period thereunto. Indeed there was some thoughts of his Flight into Ireland, which was no better then out of a dirty way, into a very Bogg, besides great the difficulty to recover the Sea, and greater to passe over it, all Ports and passages were so way-layed.

17. Concealment was at the last resolved on,* 2.27 not as the best; but only way of his security, for a time he lay hid amongst the Welsh (not able to help, but willing to pitty him as a Native of their Countrey) concealed in the Abby of Neath, till men are sent down with money (no such ligh: as the shine of silver wherewith to discover a person enquired for) and soon after he was betrayed into their hands. The younger Spencer taken with him, is hung on a Gallows fiftie foot high, and the promised two thousand pounds were duly payed, and equally parted betwixt severall persons imployed in his appre∣hension.

18. Many Persons of quality were sent down from the Parliament then sitting,* 2.28 to King Edward, to Kenelworth Castle, to move (alias to com∣mand) him to resign the Crown, which at last he sadly surrendred. Sir Wil∣liam Trussel a Lawyer of great [abused] abilities (being rather to make then finde a precedent in this kinde) improved his witts in the formalities thereof. Soon after, Prince Eward his Son is Crowned King, whose Father is now no more then plain Edward of Caernarvon, though his mother (whose title was Relative to, and a Derivative from her Husband the dethroned King) was now more Queen Isabel then ever before. Thus the degradation of a Knight (as some have informed me) extendeth not to his Wife, who by the courtesie of England, if once, is ever a Lady.

19. Edward late King,* 2.29 with many Letters Solicited to be admitted into the Queens company. All in vain, she found embraces at a lesse distance, dearer unto her, preferring the society of a Lord, who, in effect, had deposed a King, before a King, who had deposed himself: She made many excuses of sickness, and indisposition to enjoy him. So easily can that Sex make plausible pretences, that they cannot, what they will not do.

20. Roger Mortimer,* 2.30 whose lust and revenge was equally unsatiable, could not be quiet whilst King Edward was alive: he feared King Edward was might play an after game of affection in his Subjects, in order therefore to his death, he is removed from Kenelworth (where the Earl of Leicester his Kee∣per was suspected too, sympathising with his sorrow) unto Berkley Castle, where he was barbarously butchered, being struck into the Postern of his bo∣dy with a hot spit, as it is generally reported.

21. Nothing now remaineth in this Kings reign,* 2.31 save to take notice, how the Clergy (understand such who were Active (for Newters, shall passe for none) stand affected in this great State-difference. I find not enough to call a number of the Bishops cordial to the King. For besides Walter Stapleton Bi∣shop of Exeter (of whom before) only John Stratford Bishop of Winchester heartily adhered unto him, and yet this Stratford was imployed on a mes∣sage from the Parliament to the King at Kenelworth, to perswade him to re∣sign

sign the Crown, though having no other design,* 2.32 then the Kings safety therein. He hoped that in this tempest the casting out of the Lading,* 2.33 would save the Hulke of the Ship, and the surrendring of the Scepter, secure the Kings person.

22. With John Stratford let me couple Robert de Baldock (though no Bi∣shop, * 2.34 a Bishops mate) as a Priest and Chancelour of England. This man unable to assist, resolved to attend the King, and was taken with him in Wales. Hence was he brought up to London, and committed to Adam Tarleton Bishop of Hereford. Here the shadow of Tarleton Miter, (if pleased to put forth his power) might have secured this his Guest-prisoner from any danger, where∣as on the contrary, it is more then suspicious that he gave a signall, to the tumultouous people to seize his person. For he was dragged to Newgate, and there payed his life for his Loyalty: yet was never heard to complain of the dearnesse of his penyworth. If any violence was secretly offered unto his person, he might endure it the more patiently, having read,* 2.35 that the Disciple is not above his Master, nor the servant better then his Lord. This Bal∣dock was a good Justicer, nor charged in our Chronicles with any misdemea∣nour, save faithfulnesse to an unfortunate Master, and his Memory will tra∣vers his Innocence, as confessing the Fact, but denying any fault therein.

23. But we have more then a good number of such Bishops,* 2.36 which un∣gratefully sided with the Queen, against her Husband, and their Soveraign. Walter Reynolds Arch-Bishop of Canterbury leads their Van, preferred to that See, at the Kings great importunity, and by the Pope his Power of Provi∣sion. On the same token that, a Far better Man, Thomas Cobham by name, Deane of Salisbury, (so learned and pious a person, that he was gene∣rally called the good Clergy-men) legally elected by the Commons, was put by, by the Pope, to make room for this Reinolds. He afterwards complied with the Queen, (his new Mistress) against his old Master, active to perform his desires. This some seek in vain to excuse, by pleasing Her imperious spirit, and this Arch-Bishops fearfulness, alleadging, that cowardlinesse is rather a defect in nature, then default in Morality.

24. A word by the way of the nature of the Popes provisions (lately mentioned) which now began to be a general grievance of our Nation.* 2.37 When any Bishoprick, Abbots place, Dignity or good Living (Aquila non capit muscas) was like to be void, the Pope (by a profitable Prolepsis to himself) pre∣disposed such places to such successors as he pleased. By this devise he de∣feated (when so pleased) the Legal election of all Convents, and rightful pre∣sentation of all Patrons. He took up Churches before they fell, yea, before they ever stumbled: I mean, whilst as yet no suspition of sicknesse, in Incum∣bents younger and healthier than his Holiness himself. Yea, sometimes no Act of Provision, was entered in scriptis in the Court, only the Pope was pleased to say by word of mouth, (and who durst confute him?) he had done it. So that Incumbents to Livings, who otherwise had a rightful Title from their Patrons, were, (to purchase their peace) glad to buy of the Popes provisions. Yea, his Holiness sold them aforehand to several persons, so that not he who gave the first, but the most Money, carried away the pre∣ferment.

25. Next we take notice of Henry Burwash Bishop of Lincoln,* 2.38 lately resto∣red to the favour of King Edward, and by him lately esteemed. Yet no soo∣ner did the Queen appear in the field, with an army, against him, but this Bi∣shop was the first, and for wardest, who publiquely repaired unto Her. This Burwash was he, who by meere might, against all right and reason, took in the Land of many poor people, (without making also the least reparation) there∣with to compleat his Park at Tinghurst. These wronged persons, though seeing their own Bread, Beef, and Mutton, turned into the Bishops Venison, durst not contest with him who was Chancelour of England, though neither

Law,* 2.39 nor equity in this his Action;* 2.40 only they loaded him with curses and ex∣ecrations. This mindeth me of a Modern accident, when, (some twenty years since) a Knight went about injuriously to inclose the Commons of a Town, and demanded of his Builiffe what the railing in of the same would amount to; to whom his servant answered, that if he would take in the Com∣mons, the Countrey would find him railings, as here they did this injurious Bi∣shop. Otherwise let me say, that inclosures made without oppres∣sion, are a grand inriching both to private persons and to the Common∣wealth.

26. Here let the Reader smile or frown,* 2.41 I am resolved to write what I find recorded in a* 2.42 Grave Author, deriving it no doubt from good intelli∣gence. This Bishop Burwash is said after his death, to have appeared to one of his former familiar friends, apparelled

Like a Forester all in Green a,

with his Bow and Quiver of Arrows, and his Bugle horn hanging by his side: to him he complained that for the injuries done by him to poor, whilst living, he was now condemned to this penance, to be the Park-keeper of that place, which he so wrongfully had enclosed. He therefore desired him to repair to the Canons of Lincoln, and in his name to request them, that they would take order, that all hedges being cut down, and Ditches filled up, all might be reduced to their property, and the poor men be restored to their inheritance. It is added moreover, that one W. Batheler, was imployed by the Canons afore∣said, to see the premises performed, which was done accordingly.

27. This pretended Apparition seems inconsistent with the nature of Purgatory,* 2.43 as usually by Papists represented to people. Surely the smoake thereof would have sooted his Green suit, and the Penance seems so slight and light for the offence, as having so much liberty and pleasure in a place of Command. Some Poets would have fancied him rather conceived himself turned Acteon-like, into a Deere, to be daily hunted by his own Hound; (guilt of Conscience) untill he made restistution. But it seems there be degrees in Purgatory, and the Bishop not in the Prison itself, but only within the Rules thereof, priviledged to go abroad, (whether on his Parel, or with his Keeper, uncertain) till he could procure Suffrages for his Plenary relaxation.

28. Adam Tarlton Bishop of Hereford,* 2.44 is the last we will insist on, born in that City, where afterward he became Bishop, yet not honoured, but hated, and feared in the place of his Nativity. He was the grand Engineer, and con∣triver of all mischief against the King. Witnesse the Sermon preached by him at Oxford, before the Queen (then in hostile pursuit after her Husband) taking for this Text the words of the sick Son of the Shunamite) My head, my head. Here his wit and malice endeavoured to reape, what Gods Spirit did never intentionally sowe, and urged that a bad King (the distempered head of a State) is past Physick, or Chirurgery to be cured by Receits or Plasters, but the only way is to cut it off from the Body.

29. His writing was worse then his Preaching:* 2.45 For when such Agents set to keep King Edward in Berkley Castle, were (by secret Order from R. Mortimer) commanded to kill him, they by letters addressed themselves for advice to this Bishop (then not far off at Hereford) craving his Counsel, what they should do, in so difficult and dangerous a matter. He returned unto them a Ridling Answer, altogether unpointed, which carried in it Life and Death, yea, Life or Death, as variously construed, resolved to be guided and governed wholy by his direction, not to dispute, but do what from him was recommended unto them, as knowing him able both in Conscience and Policy to advise them.

Life,* 3.1 and Death.* 3.2

To kill King Edward you need not to fear it is good.* 3.3

Life.

To kill King Edward you need not, to fear it is good.

Death.

To kill King Edward you need not to fear, it is good.

30. This Adam Tarlton was afterwards accused of Treason,* 3.4 in the be∣ginning of the reign of King Edward the third, and arraigned by the Kings Of∣ficers, when in the presence of the King, he thus boldly uttered himself,

My Lord the King, with all due respect unto your Majesty, I Adam, an humble Minister and member of the Church of God, and a consecrated Bishop, though unworthy, neither can, nor ought to answer unto so hard Questions, without the conni∣vence, and consent of my Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, my immediate Judge under the Pope, and without the consent of other Bishops who are my Peers.

Three Arch-Bishops were there present in the place, Canterbury, York, and Dublin, by whose intercession, Tarlton escaped at that time.

31. Not long after,* 3.5 he was arraigned again at the Kings Bench, the news whereof so startled the Clergie, that the foresaid Arch-Bishops erected their standards, I mean, set up their Crosses, and with ten Bishops more, attended with a numerous train of well-weaponed servants, advanced to the place of judicature. The Kings Officers frighted at the sight, fled away; leaving Tarlton the Prisoner alone at the Bar; whom the Arch-Bishops took home into their own custody, denouncing a curse on all such who should presume to lay violent hands upon him.

32. The King offended hereat, caused a jury of Lay-men to be impan∣nelled, * 3.6 and to enquire according to form of Law, into the actions of the Bishop of Hereford. This was a leading case, and the first time that ever Lay∣men passed their verdict on a Clergy-man. These Jurors found the Bishop guilty, whereupon the King presently seized on his Temporals, he proscribed the Bishop, and dispoiled him of all his moveables. However, afterwards he came off, and was reconciled to the King, and by the Pope made Bishop of Winchester, where he died, a thorow old man and blinded with age, many en∣vying so quiet a death, to one who living had been so turbulent a person. But these things happened many years after.

Notes

• † 1.1

  Brit. in War∣wick. shire.
• * 1.2

  Ed. 1. 29.
• * 1.3

  1301.
• * 1.4

  The Pope challengeth Scotland as peculiar to himself.
• a 1.5

  Fox Acts & Monuments, lib. 1. p. 444, and 445.
• * 1.6

  Anno Dom. 1301.
• * 1.7

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 29.
• * 1.8

  〈…〉〈…〉
• a 1.9

  〈…〉〈…〉 the first. pag. 311.
• * 1.10

  One condem∣ned for a trai∣tor for bring∣ing the Popes Bull.
• * 1.11

  1302
• * 1.12

  30.
• a 1.13

  Brook tit. p••aemuntre, p. 10.
• c 1.14

  •• part of Sir Ed. Cokes Re∣ports, de jure Reg. Ecc. fol. 12.
• * 1.15

  The Arch∣Bishop of Canterbury humbled by the King.
• * 1.16

  1305
• * 1.17

  33.
• d 1.18

  Annal. Eccl. August Cant. Guiltiness makes proud men base.
• e 1.19

  Antiq Brita. p 20••. 〈…〉〈…〉 W••••singham.
• f 1.20

  Ha••pssield Hist. Eccl. Aug. pag. 446.
• * 1.21

  Worthily see Go••dwin de Ar∣chiepis•• Cant••∣••riens. p. 145.
• * 1.22

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 33.
• * 1.23

  Anno Dom. 1305.
• * 1.24

  The remark∣able Dialogue betwixt the King and Arch Bish.
• * 1.25

  •• Antiquitates Britiannicae ut prius.
• b 1.26

  Annal. Eccl. August. Cant.
• * 1.27

  Wincelsey finds no ••avour from the Pope, and why.
• * 1.28

  A signal piece of Justice don by forein Se∣questrators.
• c 1.29

  Harpsfield Hist Eccl. Aug. in Seculo 13. cap. 15.
• d 1.30

  Antiquitates Britan. p. 208.
• * 1.31

  Englands gald back•••• chan∣ges a full flie for an hun∣gry one.
• a 1.32

  C••ntra intem∣perantem Testa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pub∣li••e in Parlia∣ment•• querlae quod Clerum immoderatè e∣mu••geret, Harpssield, p. 431.
• * 1.33

  The infinite wealth Rome yearly drain∣ed from Eng∣land.
• b 1.34

  In Consut. Apolog
• * 1.35

  The death & character of K. Edward the first.
• * 1.36

  1307
• * 1.37

  35.
• c 1.38

  Camd. Brit. in Cheshire.
• * 1.39

  Wincelsey at the request of K. Edward the second resto¦red to his Arch. Bisho∣prick.
• d 1.40

  Harpsfield Hist. Ecc. Aug pag. 440.
• e 1.41

  Antiq. Brit pag. 209. ex Adame Mum¦••••ten.
• * 1.42

  Anno Regis Ed. 2. 1.
• * 1.43

  Anno Dom. 1307.
• * 1.44

  The character of K Edward the second.
• * 1.45

  5.
• * 1.46

  1312
• * 1.47

  The satal de∣feat of the English in Scotland.
• * 1.48

  7.
• * 1.49

  1314
• * 1.50

  7.
• * 1.51

  1314
• * 1.52

  Nine Emi∣nent School∣men of the English Na∣tion.
• * 1.53

  Anno Dom. 1314.
• * 1.54

  Anno Regis Ed. 2. 7.
• a 1.55

  Alexander Minutianus in Epistola.
• * 1.56

  Alex. Hales their Father and Founder.
• * 1.57

  Pits descript. Ang.
• * 1.58

  Bacon accused for a Conju∣rer.
• * 1.59

  Many Bacons in one, make a confusion.
• b 1.60

  Sir Isaac Wake in his Rex Platonicus, pag. 2••9, 210.
• * 1.61

  Duns Scotus, why so cal∣led.
• c 1.62

  Sixtut Se∣nensis.
• d 1.63

  Seneca in Epist.
• * 1.64

  Three King∣doms lay claim to his birth.
• a 1.65

  Camd. Brit. in Northum∣berland.
• b 1.66

  Arch-Bish. Spotswood in his History of the Church of Scotland.
• * 1.67

  Hugh Cavel. in vita Scoti.
• * 1.68

  Low, but lear∣ned Baconthorpe.
• c 1.69

  Johannes Trissa Nemau∣sensis in li∣bro de viris il∣lustribus.
• d 1.70

  Baleus in ejus vita.
• e 1.71

  Jacobus Cal∣cus Papiensis.
• * 1.72

  Occam a ••••list 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.73

  Holcots sud∣den death.
• * 1.74

  Bale descript. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cent. fift. pag. 434.
• * 1.75

  The just praise of Tho. Bradwardine.
• * 1.76

  In the Nuns Prieststale.
• * 1.77

  School-men busied in needless diffi∣culties.
• * 1.78

  Excuses for their bad la∣tin.
• * 1.79

  Opus opera∣tum
• * 1.80

  Their several divisions in judgment.
• * 1.81

  All Oxford, most Merton Colledg▪
• * 1.82

  Why School-Divinity not so used in Ox∣ford, after this Age.
• * 1.83

  The sad di∣stemper of England at this time.
• * 1.84

  King Edward accused for betraying his priviledges to the Pope.
• * 2.1

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 9
• * 2.2

  Anno Dom. 1316.
• * 2.3

  Exeter Col∣ledg founded by Bishop Stapleton.
• * 2.4

  Who after∣wards was barbarously murdered.
• * 2.5

  Sir William Petre his bounty
• * 2.6

  Dr Hackwel built this Chappel.
• * 2.7

  Western men here most proper.
• * 2.8

  I am infor∣med that Dr. Prideaux in a Dedication to one of his Sermons, hath reckoned all the Worthy Writers of this house but as yet I have not seen it.
• * 2.9

  The Kings courteous an∣swer to the Prelates com∣plaints.
• * 2.10

  Made a Prin∣ted Statute under the title of Arti∣culi Cleri.
• * 2.11

  Yet the con∣troversie be∣tween the two Jurisdi∣ctions still continued.
• * 2.12

  17
• * 2.13

  1324
• * 2.14

  Orial Colledg built by King Ed. the 2.
• * 2.15

  Quere about the name thereof.
• * 2.16

  M. Paris in vitis 23. Ab. 5 Albani p. 100. Kings nursing Fathers to this house.
• * 2.17

  Lately re∣builded most decently.
• * 2.18

  Anno Dom. 1324.
• * 2.19

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 16
• * 2.20

  Before or after of Christ-church.
• * 2.21

  War between the Queen and King.
• * 2.22

  Counter-pro∣clamations, and counter∣rumours.
• * 2.23

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 18
• * 2.24

  Anno Dom 1326
• * 2.25

  The King un∣able to fight.
• * 2.26

  And flee.
• * 2.27

  After a short concealment is taken.
• * 2.28

  King Edward resigneth his Crown.
• * 2.29

  He is rejected by his own wife.
• * 2.30

  And cruelly murthered.
• * 2.31

  A brace of loyal Sub∣jects.
• * 2.32

  Anno Dom. 1326.
• * 2.33

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 19••
• * 2.34

  And a Loyal Priest-Chan∣celour.
• * 2.35

  St. Mat. 10. 24.
• * 2.36

  W. Reinolds unthankful to the King.
• * 2.37

  The nature of the Popes provisions.
• * 2.38

  Hen. Bishop of Lincoln bad.
• * 2.39

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 18
• * 2.40

  Anno Do. 13 m
• * 2.41

  Smile or frown.
• * 2.42

  Godwin in the Bishop of Lincoln.
• * 2.43

  A grave foo∣lery.
• * 2.44

  A Divell preaching.
• * 2.45

  And as bad writing.
• * 3.1

  Anno Dom. 1326
• * 3.2

  Anno Regis. Ed. sec•••• 19.
• * 3.3

  A strange ap∣parition.
• * 3.4

  Arraigned for treason, he escapes the the first time.
• * 3.5

  Arraigned again, and protected by the Clergy.
• * 3.6

  Cast the third time by a Lay-jury and proscribed.