The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITAINE.* 1.1

CENT. XI.* 1.2

1. WIlliam Duke of Normandy being thus arri∣ved, * 1.3 soon conquered Harold with an army of Normans,* 1.4 as far beneath the En∣glish in Number as above them in tempe∣rance: For the English being revelling before, had in the morning their brains arrested, for the arrearages of the indige∣sted fumes of the former night, and were no better then drunka 1.5 when they came to fight. But these things belong to the Historians of the State to relate; whilest it is proper to us to observe, that King William to testifie his gratitude to God, for the victory, founded in that place, Battel-Abby, endowing it with revenues, and large immunities. Theb 1.6 Abbot whereof (being a Baron of Parlia∣ment) carried a pardon in his presence, who casually coming to the place of Execution, had power to save any Malefactor. The Abbey-Church, was a place of safety for any Fellon or Murtherer, though such Popish sanctuaries themselves, if accused as unlawful, can finde no refuge in Scripture precepts, or presidents for their justification, seeing the very Horns of the Altar, by divine command, did push away those wilful offenders which fled unto them: and impunity be∣ing the greatest motive to impiety, made their Covent the Center of sinners. Here the Monks flourished in all affluence,* 1.7 as the Old world in the dayes of Noah, they ate, they drank, they bought, they fold, would I might add, they married wives and were given in marriage, (for want whereof they did worse) till in the dayes of King Henry the eight they were all drowned in the general Deluge of the Dissolution.

2. Now it was proper to the place of Stigand, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, to perform the Solemnities of King Williams Coronation; but he declined that

imployment, pretending Williams unlawful title,* 1.8 and loath to pour the sa∣cred oyl on his Head, whose Hands had shed so much innocent bloud: The other accounting himself to have a better title to the Crown, by conquest, then the Arch-Bishop had to his Miter by Simony, disdained his service, and accepted the Crown from the hands of Aldred, Arch-Bishop of York: who first requi∣red an Oath of him, to defend the Church, minister justice, and (amongst other things) to use English-men as favourably as Normans. Notwithstand∣ing which Oath, he made the Normans his Darlings, and the English his Drudges; insomuch as many English Bishops and Abbots unable to comport themselves with his harshness, and conceiving it more credit and safety, to go then to be driven away; fearing by degrees they should all be quarrelled out of their places, unwillingly willing quitted their preserments, and fled into Scotland. Here King Malcolme Canmore (who had married Margaret Niece to Edward the Confessor) freely received them. He himself had formerly lived four∣teen years in England; and now of a grateful Guest, became a bountiful Host, and courteously harboured these Exiles. And as, at this time, England be∣gan to turn France, imitating the language, Garbe, and manners thereof; so Scotland began now to turn England: the Families transplanted thither, transporting the English customes, fashions, and Civilities along with them.

3. About this time Doomes-day-book was made,* 1.9 containing an exact survey of all the houses and land in the Kingdom,* 1.10 unpartially done with rigorous severity.* 1.11 They omitted Nec lucum, nec lacum,c 1.12 nec locum, so accurate they were in the very fractions of the land: and therefore it may seem a miracle, that the Monks of Crowland should finde a courtesie peculiar to themselves, (belike out of veneration to their Covent) that their lands were rated nec ad spatium, nec add 1.13 praecium, neither so much in quantity, nor so high in value as in∣deed they were worth. This book of the General Survey of England, though now begun, did take up some years,e 1.14 before it was compleated.

4. King William called a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester,* 1.15 wherein he was personally present,* 1.16 with two Cardinals sent thither from Rome. Here Stigand Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was deposed, for several uncanonical exorbitances, and Lanfrank a lordly Lombard substituted in his room.* 1.17 Stigand liv'd some years after in a Prison, and (which was worse) a prison liv'd in him, being streightned in his own bowels towards himself. For pretending poverty, he de∣nied himself necessaries, being afterwards discovered to carry a Key about his Neck which opened to infinite treasure, so that none would lavish pitty on him, who starv'd in store, and was wilfully cruel to himself.

5. Af 1.18 learned lawyer hath observed,* 1.19 that the first encroachment of the Bi∣shop of Rome upon the liberties of the Crown of England, was made in the time of King. William the Conqueror. For the Conqueror came in with the Popes Banner, and under it won the battle, which got him the Garland; and therefore the Pope pre∣sumed he might boldly pluck some flowers from it, being partly gain'd by his counte∣nance and Blessing. Indeed King William kindly entertained these Legats, sent from Rome, so to sweeten the rank savor of his coming in by the sword, in the nostrils of religious men, pretending what he had gotten by power, he would keep by a pious compliance with his Holiness. But especially he did serve the Pope to be served by him; that so with more ease and less envie, he might suppress the English Clergie. But although this politick Prince was courteous in his complemental addresses to the See Apostolick,* 1.20 yet withall he was care∣full of the main chance to keep the essentials of his Crown, as, amongst others, by these four remarkable particulars may appear.

6. First heg 1.21 retained the ancient custom of the Saxon Kings, investing Bishops and Abbots, by delivering them a Ring and a Staff, whereby without more ado, they were put into plenary possession of the power and profit of their place. Yea, when Arch-Bishop Lansrank, one so prevalent, that he could perswade King William to any thing, (provided that the King himself thought

it fitting) requested William to bestow on him the donation of the Abbey of Saint Augustine in Canterbury; the King refused, saying, that he would keep all pastoralh 1.22 Staves in his own hand. Wiser herein then his successors, who parted with those Staves, wherewith they themselves were beaten after∣ward.

7. Secondly being demanded to do Fealty for his Crown of England,* 1.23 to Gre∣gory the seventh Pope of Rome,* 1.24 he returned an answer as followeth.* 1.25

In English.

EXcellentissimoi 1.26 Sanctae Ecclesiae Pastori Gregorio, gratia Dei Anglorum rex, & dux Norman∣norum Willielmus salutem cum amicitia. Hubertus Legatus tuus Religiose Pater, ad me veniens ex tua parte me admonuit, quatenus tibi & successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem, & de pecunia quam an∣tecessores mei ad Romanam ecclesi∣am mitere solebant, melius cogita∣rem. Vnum admisi, alterum non admisi. Fidelitatem facere nolui, nec volo, quia nec ego promisi, nec antecessores meos antecessoribus tuis, id fecisse comperio. Pecunia tribus sermè annis, in Galli is me agente, negligenter collecta est. Nunc ve∣ro, divina misericordia me in reg∣num meum reverso, quod collectum per praefatum Legatum mittitur; Et quod reliquum est per Legatos Lanfranci, Archiepiscopi fidelis nostri, cum opportunum fuerit, transmittetur. Orate pro nobis, & pro statu Regni nostri, quia ante∣cessores vestros dileximus, & vos prae omnibus sincerè diligere & obe∣dienter audire desideramus.

TO Gregory the most excellent Pastor of the holy Church, William by the grace of God, King of the English & Duke of the Normans, wisheth health, and desireth k 1.27 his friendship. Religious Father, your Le∣gat Hubert coming unto me, admonished me, in your behalf, in asmuch as I should do fealty to you, and your successors, and that I should take better care, for the payment of the money, which my pre∣decessors were wont to send to the Church of Rome. One thing I have granted, the other I have not granted. Fealty I would not do, nor will I, because I neither pro∣mised it, neither do I finde that my pre∣decessors ever did it to your predecessors. The money for almost three years when I was abroad in France, hath been but negligently collected. But now seeing by divine mercy, I am returned into my Kingdom, what is gathered is sent by the aforesaid Legat; and the arrears which remain, shall be sent by the messengers of Lanfrank, our faithful Arch-Bishop, in time convenient. Pray for us, and for the good state of our Kingdom, because we have loved your predecessors, and do desire sincerely to love, and obediently to hear you, above all others.

It is strange on what pretence of right the Pope required this Fealty; was it because he sent King William a consecrated Banner, that under the colour thereof he endeavoured to display his power over all England, as if the King must do him homage, as a Banneret of his creation, or because he had lately humbled Henry the fourth, the German Emperour, he thought that all Kings in like manner, must be slaves unto him, the Pope being then in his Vertical height, and Dog-dayes of the heat of his Power? But wee need no further inquiry into the cause of his Ambition, when we read him to be Gregory the seventh, otherwise Hisdebrand that most active of all that sate in that Chair. Surely he sent this his demand rather with an intent to spie then hope to speed therein, so to sound the depth of King William, whom if he found shallow, he knew how to proceed accordingly; or else he meant to leave this demand dormant in the Deck, for his successors to make advantage thereof; who would claim for due, whatsoever they challenged before. However so bold an asker ne∣ver met with a more bold denier. Soon did King William finde his spirits,

who formerly had not lost but hid them for his private ends. England's Conque∣ror would not be Romes Vassal, and hee had Brain enough to deny, what the other had Brow to require, and yet in such wary language, that he carried himself in a religious distance, yet politick parity with his Ho∣liness.

8. Thirdly,* 1.28 King William would in no wife suffer any one in his Domi∣nion, to acknowledge the Bishop of Rome for Apostolical without hisa 1.29 com∣mand, or to receive the Popes Letters, except first they had been shewed unto him. As for the Arch-Bishop of CANTERBURY, Primate of England, though by his own authority he might congregate Councels of Bishops, and fit President in them; yet the King permitted him to appoint, or prohibit nothing, but what was according to His own will and pleasure, and what the King hadb 1.30 ordained before.

9. Lastly,* 1.31 King William suffered no Bishop to excommunicate any of his Barons, or Officers, for adultery, incest, or any such hainous crime, except by the Kings Command, first made acquainted with the same. Here the word Baron is not to be taken in that restrictive sense, to which the modern acception hath confined it, onely for such of the higher Nobility, which have place, and Votes in Parliament; butc 1.32 generally for such who by Tenure en cheef, or in Capite (as they term it) held land immediately of the King. And an Englishd 1.33 Poet (counted the Virgil of his age, and the Ennius in ours) expresseth as much in his Rythmes, which we here set down, with all the rust thereof, without rubbing it off, (remembring how onee 1.34 John Throk∣morton a Justicer of Cheshire, in Queen Elizabeth's dayes, for not exhibiting a judicial Concord, with all the defects of the same; but supplying, or filling up what was worn out of the Authentical Original, was fined for being over officious) and therefore take them with their faults, and all, as followeth.

The berthe was that noe man that of the King huld ought In Chief or in eni Servise, to Manling were throught Bote the wardenis of holy Chirch that brought him thereto The King lede or his Bailifes wat he had misdoe And loked verst were thei to amendment it bring And bote by wolde by their lebe doe the Manling.

And a gravef 1.35 Author gives a good reason, why the King must be inform'd before any of his Barons be excommunicated, lest otherwise (saith he) the King not being certified thereof, should out of ignorance unawares, communicate with per∣sons excommunicated, when such Officers of His, should come to kiss His hand, be called to his Councel, or come to perform any personal attendance about Him. Hi∣therto we have seen how careful the Conqueror was, in preserving His own right in Church-matters. We will conclude all with the Syllogisme, which theg 1.36 Oracle of the Common-Law frameth in this manner,

It is agreed, that no man onely can make any appropriation of any Church, having cure of souls, being a thing Eccelesiastical, and to be made to some person Ecclesiastical, but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.

But William the first of himself, without any other (as King of England) made appropriation of Churches, with cure to Ecclesiastical persons, as by many instances may appear.

Therefore it followeth, that He had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.

And so much concerning King William's policy, in doing justice to His own power. Proceed we now to His bounty, confirming old, and conferring new favors upon the Church and Clergie.

10. First, whereas before his time the Sheriff and Bishop joyntly kept their Courts together, (especially at the two solemn times,* 1.37 about Easter and Michaelmas) King William, in favour of the Clergie, assigned the Bishops, ana 1.38 entire jurisdiction by themselves, wherein they should have cognizance of all causes, relating to Religion. I say relating to Religion, a latitude of a cheverel extension, adequate almost to the minde of him that will stretch it out, and few Ecclesiastical Judges would lofe, what might be got by mea∣suring. Now formerly, whilest the power of Sheriff, and Bishop went hand in hand together in the same Court, neither could much outstrip other: but but since they were severed, the Spiritual power far outwent its old mate, improving his own, by impairing the Secular Courts; and henceforward the Canon-law took the firmer footing in England; Date we from hence the squint-eies of the Clergie, whose sight (single before) was hereafter divided with double looks betwixt two objects at once; the Pope and the King, (to put him first whom they eyed most) acting hereafter more by forrain, then domestick interest.

11. A learned pen makes a just complaint,* 1.39 thatb 1.40 Courts which should distribute peace, do themselves practice duels, whilest it is counted the part of a resolute Judge to enlarge the priviledge of his Court. A grievance most visible in contest, betwixt the Common, and the Canon Law; which, as if they were stars of so different an Horizon, that the elevation of the one necessitated the depression of the other, lie at catch, and wait advantages one against ano∣ther. So that, whilest both might continue in a convenient and healthful habitude, if such envious corrivalitie were deposed, now alternately those Courts swell to a tympany, or waste to a consumption, as their Judges finde themselves, more, or less strength'ned with power, or befriended with fa∣vour. A mischief not to be remedied, till, either that mutual consent, or a predominant power to both, impartially state their jurisdictions, rightly set∣ing down the land-marks thereof, and binding their proceedings not to exceed their bounds, which would both advance learning, and expedite the executi∣on of Justice.

12. To return to King William:* 1.41 As He conferred power on, so he con∣firmed profit to the Clergie. Witness hisc 1.42 Charter, granting them thorow∣out England, tythes of calves, colts, lambs, milk, butter, cheese, woods, mea∣dows, mills, &c. Which Charter is concluded ('tis the strong hem keeps all the cloth from reveling out) Qui decimam detinuerit, per justitiam Episcopi, & Regis (si necesse fuerit) ad redditionemd 1.43 ••rguatar: Who shall detain his tythes, by the power of the Bishop, and King (if need be) let him be argued into the payment thereof. And Kings arguments, we know, are unanswerable, as a•• authoritate, carrying power and pehalties with them. This Charter might seem to give the tenth loaf, of all the bread in the land, into the hands of the English Clergie. But the municipal laws, which were afterwards made, did so chip and pare this loaf, with their Modus decimandi, that in many places (Vicaridges especially) a small shiver of bread fals to the share of the Mini∣ster, not enough for his necessary maintenance.

13. And here,* 1.44 to make a short, but needful digression, I finde in emi∣nent Writers, two contrary characters of King William. Some make him an arrand Tyrant, ruling onely by the Magna Charta of his own will, oppressing all English without cause, or measure. No author need to be alledged for the avouching thereof, the thing being author for it self, being so notoriously known, and generally believed. Others make him to quit his title by Con∣quest, and hold the Crown, partly by Bequest from King Edward the Confes∣sor, whose good laws he is said to confirm (Leges boni Regis Edvardi quas Gulielmus bastardus posteae 1.45 confirmavit) and partly by compact with his people. Yea, the Chronicles of Lichfield make him to call a Parliament in effect; I mean, a Meeting of his Clergie and Nobility in a great Councel; where, as if he had turn'd perfect English-man, he conformed his practice to their ancient constitutions.

14. Should I interpose between these opposite parties, to reconcile them;* 1.46 probably the blows from both sides would fall heavy on my charita∣ble indiscretion. Yet thus far I will be bold to say, such confirmation of King Edward's law (if made by King William) probably was rather oral and verbal, then real and effectual. But if real, certainly it was not general, but limited to some particular place, as the Province of Kent, the English land of Goshen, which alone enjoyed the light of liberty, though rather gotten by them, then given unto them. But if any will contend, that this confirmati∣on was general, they must confess it done in the later end of his Reign. King William, when yong, lov'd honor; when old, ease: when yong, to conquer; when old, to enjoy. Age will make all to stoop, as here it bowed him to a better compliance with his people. However, this his confirmation of King Edward's Laws, was not such as either gave general content to, or begat assured confidence in the English: perchance, because but a personal act, and but partially done, and no whit obligatory of his posterity. This made the English press so importunately (though in vain) to William Rufus, the King's son, and successor, for a re-confirmation of King Edward's Laws, which had been needless (as being the same with actum agere, or rather dacum petere) had the former grant from King William his father been conceived sufficient for their security.

15. As for King William's particular bounty to Battle-Abby in Sussex,* 1.47 (which he founded) it bare better proportion to the dignity of the giver,* 1.48 then to the deserts of the receivers.* 1.49 For (besides those priviledges formerly a 1.50 mentioned) he gave it all the land within a league of the site thereof. He ordered that no forreiner should be obtruded on their Abbey, but in every vacancy, one of their own Covent should be elected Abbot thereof; except (which heavens forbid) no fit person should be found therein for that pre∣ferment. Nor should the Abbot be forced to appear at any Synod, or meet∣ing, except pleased of himself so to do. These, and many moe immunities he confirmed to that foundation, in such an imperious stile, as if therewith he meant to bluster all future Princes (and King Henry the eighth among the rest) into a perfect obedience unto his commands. Especially with that clause in his Charter, Nullus Successorum meorum violare praesumat. But dead King's Charters, though they have tongues to threaten, yet have no teeth to bite, especially when meeting with an equal after-power to rescind them.

16. The more the pitty,* 1.51 that such drones, lazy Abby-lubbers went away with the honey, whilest the industrious Bees were almost starved. I mean, the Scholars of Oxford. For, at the coming in of the Conqueror, the Students in Vniversity-Colledg (formerly founded by King Alfred) were maintained by pensions, yearly paid them out of the King's Exchequer: which provision was then conceived, both most honourable, as immediately depend∣ing on the Crown, and less troublesome, issuing out in ready coine, free from vexatious suits, casualties of Tenants, and other incumbrances. But now King William, who loved that the tide of wealth should flow into, but not ebb out of his coffers, detained, and denied theirb 1.52 exhibitions. Yea, the King pick'd a quarrel with them, because they sought to preserve, and propagate the English tongue, which the King designed to suppress, and to reduce all to the French Language. And yet the French speech was so far from final prevail∣ing in this Kingdom, that it was fain at last to come to a composition with the English tongue, mixed together, as they remain at this day. Save that in termes of Law, Venarie, and Blazon, the French seemeth foly to command. The Scholars, thus deprived of their pensions, liv'd on the charity ofc 1.53 such as lov'd the continuance of their native tongue. Their Latin was then main∣tained by their English: though surely it was no small disturbance to their studies, meerly to depend for their subsistence, on the arbitrary alms of others.

17. Pass we now from King William unto Lanckfranck Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 1.54 next the King, then the most considerable person in our Ecclesia∣stical History. To Rome he went with Thomas, elect of York, and Remigius of Lincoln, all three for confirmation from the Pope in their preferment. Pope Alexander treated Lanckfranck so civilly, that a stranger, if beholding the passages betwixt them, haply might have mistook Lanckfranck for the Pope, and the Pope for the Petitioner. His Highness honoured him as his Master, cujus studio sumus in illis quae scimus imbuti; by whose care (said he) we have been instructed in those things whereof we have knowledg.

18. Then Lanckfranck charged Thomas in the presence of the Pope,* 1.55 as canonically uncapable of that Arch-Bishoprick, because the son of a Priest. And yet by Lanckfrancks leave, no Canon can be produced then in force, to debar Priests sons from preferment, though some few years after in the Coun∣cel of Clermont such a prohibition was made. And thereforea 1.56 Eadmerus, speaking of Lanckfranck, calumniatus est Thomam coram Papâ, in the proper ac∣ception of his words, speaks more truth then he was aware of, or probably did intend. But Lanckfranck, being a Privado to the Popes projects, and as well to the intentions, as the actions of the Church of Rome; might by a Prolepsis antedate this objection against Thomas, using it for the present as a rub to retard him, which some years after was constituted a legal obstacle, to exclude any Priests son from promotion. But, even when that Canon some years after was made, the Pope was not so cruel, as thereby fully, and finally to exclude all Priests sons from Church dignity, but onely to shut them out for a time, that they might stand at the door and knock, (I mean with the chink of their money) and at last bee let in when they had paid dear for a dispensation.

19. Lanckfranck likewise charged Remigius,* 1.57 elect of Lincoln, as irregu∣lar, because guilty of Simony. Yet he did not tax him with a penny of mo∣ney, either paid or contracted for, onely charged him that officiob 1.58 emerar, by service-Simony he had purchased the place of King William; so that his officious∣ness to comply with the Kings pleasure, had made him injurious, and vexa∣tious unto the people. Here all things were referred to Lanckfrancks own arbitration; whom the Pope, of an accuser made a Judg; so far as either to admit or exclude the aforesaid Prelates; affirming, that if any unworthiness crept into English preferment, be it charged on Lanckfranck his account, whom he made sole judg of mens merits to any promotion.

20. But all is well,* 1.59 that ends well; and so did this contest. Lanck∣franck, having first given them a taste of his power, did afterwards give them a cast of his pitty, and favourably accepted them both into their places. Hence they all post homewards, where we leave Lanckfranck safely arrived, and foundly employed in variety of business.

1. In asserting the superiority of his See above York.

2. In defending his Tenants, in what Diocess soever, from the visi∣tations of their respective Bishops, which gave the first original to Peculiars.

3. In repairing his Church of Canterbury, lately much defaced with fire.

4. In casting out Secular Priests, and substituting Monks in their room.

5. Lastly, in recovering lands long detained from his See.

Nor was he affrighted with the heighth and greatness of Odo, Bishop of Bay∣eux (though half-brother to King William, and Earl of Kent) but wrestled a fair fall with him, in a legal trial, and cast him flat on his back, regaining many Lordships, which Odo had most unjustly invaded. Such as desire more of Lanckfranck his character, let them consult Eadmerus, a Monk of Canterbury,

and therefore prodigal in Lanckfrancks praise, an Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and great promoter of monastical life. Indeed there was a design, driven on by Walkeline, Bishop of Winchester (who had privately wrought the King to abet it) to reinduce Secular Priests into Monks places, till Lanckfranck, getting notice, defeated the plot; procuring, that all such Monks, whom he had first fastened in their Covents, were afterwards riveted therein by Papal authority.

21. About this time a constitution was made,* 1.60 that Bishops should re∣move their Sees, from petty towns to populous places. This reason being rendred for their removal, Ne vilesceret Episcopalis dignitas, by their long li∣ving in so little villages. Such Bishops Churches could not properly be cal∣led Cathedrals, who fate not upon chairs, but low stools, so inconsiderably small were some places of their residences. A fair candle-stick, advantagiously set, in some sense may be said to give light to the candle it self; and Episeo∣pal lustre will be the brighter, if placed in eminent Cities. Besides, Bishops having now gotten Canon-Law, and distinct Courts by themselves, much people repaired unto their Consistories, which conveniently could not be accommodated in little villages, but required bigger places for their better entertainment. In order to this command, the Bishop of Dorchester, near Oxford, removed to Lincolne; as somewhat before, Selsey was translated to Chichester; and Sherborne to Sarisbury; and, not long after, Thetford to Nor∣wich. Now, as these Cities, to which they removed, being great before, grew greater afterwards: so those places which they left, Dorchester (and Selsey especially) decayed to contemptible villages, it faring with places, as with persons; the rich grow richer still, and the meaner are daily diminished,

22. As these Bishops accounted themselves well busied,* 1.61 in removing their Bishopricks: so some, I am sure, were ill imployed in endeavouring to remove a good Bishop, I mean Wolstan, from his Church of Worcester. As the Poëts saign of Janus, that he had two faces, because living before, and after the flood: so this Wolstan may be charactered accordingly, made Bishop before, but continuing his place long after the Norman inundation. But, in what sense soever he may be said to have two faces, he had but one heart, and that a single and sincere one to God, and all goodness; yet his adversaries heaved at him, to cast him out of his Bishoprick (because an Englishman of the old stamp) but he fate safe, right-poised therein, with his own gravity and integrity. And, being urged to resign his staff and ring, (ensignes of his Epifcopacy) he refused to surrender them to any man alive, but willingly offered them up at the Tomb of Edward the Confessor, from whom he re∣ceived them. This his gratitude to his dead Patron, and candid simplicity in neglecting the pomp of his place, procured him much favour, and occasion∣ed his peaceable confirmation in his Bishoprick.

23. At this time several Liturgies were used in England,* 1.62 which caused con∣fusion, and much disturbed mens devotions. Yea, which was worse, a brawle, yea, a battel happ'ned betwixt the English Monks of Glassenbury, and Thur∣stan, their Norman Abbot, in their very Church, obtruding a Service upon them, which they dislik'd. Unfit persons to fight (being by their profes∣sion men of peace) and unfitter the place for a quarrel.* 1.63 Have ye not houses to eat and drink in? saith S^t Paul to the Corinthians, or despise ye the Church of God? Was there no other room in their Covent, for them to fall out, and fight in, but their Church alone? Here was an Holy War indeed, when Church-forms, candle-sticks, and Crucifixes, were used for shields, by the Monks, against the Abbot's armed-men, brought in against them. Nor was Holy-water onely, but much bloud spilled in the place; eight Monks being wounded, and* 1.64 two slain (or if you will sacrificed) near the steps of the High Altar. But this accident, ill in it self, was then conceived good in the event thereof, because occasioning a settlement, and uniformity of Liturgie

all over England. For hereupon Osmund,* 1.65 Bishop of Salisbury, devised that Ordinary, or form of Service, which hereafter was observed in the whole Realm: his Churches practice being a precedent, and the devotion therein a direction to all others. Hence forward the most ignorant Parish-Priest in Eng∣land (though having no more Latin in all his treasury) yet understood the meaning of, Secundum usum Sarum, that all Service must be ordered, Accord∣ing to the course and oustome of Salisbury Church.

24. I finde no Jews in England (no deviation I hope from Church∣History,* 1.66 to touch at the Synagogue) before the Reign of the Conqueror, who a 1.67 brought many from Roan in Normandy, and setled them in London, Norwich, Cambridg, Northampion, &c. In what capacity these Jews came over, I finde not; perchance as plunderers, to buy such oppressed English mens goods, which Christians would not meddle with. Sufficeth it us to know, that an invasion by Conquest (such as King William then made) is like an Inn enter∣taining all adventurers; and it may be these Jewish bankers assisted the Con∣querour with their coin. These Jews (though forbidden to buy land in En∣gland) grew rich by usury (their consciences being so wide, that they were none at all) so that in the barest pasture (in which a Christian would starve) a Jew would grow fat, hee bites so close unto the ground. And ever low down their backs, is part of Gods curse upon the Jews. And crook-back'd men, as they eye the earth, the center of wealth; so they quickly see (what straight persons pass by) and easily stoop to take up that they finde there∣on; and therefore no wonder, if the Jewish nation, whose souls are bowed down with covetousness, quickly wax wealthy therewith. King William fa∣voured them very much; and Rusiu, his Son, much more; especially, if that speech reported of him be true, that he should swear by S^t Lake's face (his common oath) ifb 1.68 the Jews could overcome the Christians, he himself would become one of their sect.

25. Now was the time come of King Williams death,* 1.69 ending his dayes in Normandy.* 1.70 But see the unhappiness of all humane felicity;* 1.71 for, his breath, and his servants forsook him both together; the later leaving him, as if his body should bury it self. How many hundreds held land of him in Knights∣service? whereas now, neither Knight, nor Esquire to attend him. At last, with much ado, his corps are brought in mean manner to be interred in Cane. As they were prepared for the earth, a private person forbids the burial, till satisfaction was made unto him, because the King had violently taken from him that ground, on which that Church was erected. Doth not Solomon say true, A living dog is better then a dead lion; when such a little curr durst snarle as the corps of a King, and a Conqueror? At last the Monks of Cane made a composition, and the body was buried. And, as it was long before this Kings corps could get peaceable possession of a grave: so since by a firm ejection he hath been outed of the fame. When French souldiersc 1.72 Anno Domini 1562. (amongst whom some English were mingled) under Chattllion con∣ducting the remnant of those which escaped in the battel of Dreux, took the City of Cane, in his way (out of pretence, forfooth, to seek for some trea∣sure supposed to be hid in his Tomb) most baratously and cowardly brake up his coffin, and cast his bones out of the same.

26. William the Conquerour left three sons,* 1.73 Robert,* 1.74 William,* 1.75 and Henry: and, because hereditary sir-names were not yet fixed in families, they were thus denominated, and distinguished;

1. The eldest from his goods of fortune (to which cloaths are reduced) Robert Curthose, from the short hose he wore; not onely for fancy, but sometime for need, cutting his coat according to his cloath: his means, all his life long, being scant and necessitous.

2. The second from the goods of his body, viz. a ruddy complexion, William Rufus, or, Red. But, whether a lovely, and amiable;

or ireful, and cholerick Red,* 1.76 the Reader on perusal of his life,* 1.77 is best able to decide.

3. The third from the goods of his minde, and his rich abilities of lear∣ning, Henry Beauclerke, or, the good scholar.

The middlemost of these, William Rufus, presuming on his brother Roberts ab∣sence in Normandy, and pretending his Father got the Crown by Conquest, which by will he bequeathed unto him (his eldest brother being then un∣der a cloud of his Fathers displeasure) adventured to possess himself of the Kingdom.

27. On the Twentie sixth of September,* 1.78 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with good Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, assisting him, Crowned Rufus King of England, though but his Fathers second son. And indeed, the known policy of the former, and the reputed piety of the latter, were the best supporters of his title. Jacob, we know (acted with a prophetical spi∣rit) guiding hisa 1.79 hands wittingly, laid his right on Ephraim the yonger, and his left on Manasseth the elder brother: but, what warrant these Bishops had to invert, and transpose natures method, by preferring the yonger bro∣ther, before the elder, was best known to themselves. Under Lanckfranck he had his education, whob 1.80 made him a Knight, though it had been more proper for his Tutors profession, yea, and more for his credit, and his Pupils profit, if he (as the instrument) had made him a good Christian.

28. He began very bountifully,* 1.81 but on another mans cost;* 1.82 not as a Donor,* 1.83 but a Dealer thereof, and Executor of his Fathers Will. To some Churches he gavec 1.84 ten mark, to others six, to every country village five shillings, besides an hundred pound to every County, to be distributed among the poor. But afterward he proved most parcimonious, though no man more prodigal of never performed promises. Indeed Rehoboam, though sim∣ple, was honest, speaking to his Subjects, though foolishly, yet truly accor∣ding to his intent, that hisd 1.85 finger should be heavier then his fathers loins: Whereas Rufus was false in his proceedings, who, on the imminence of any danger or distress (principally to secure himself against the claim of his bro∣ther Robert) instantly to oblige the English, promised them the releasing of their taxes, and the restoring of the English Laws: but, on the sinking of the present danger, his performance sunk accordingly; no letter of the English Laws restored, or more mention thereof, till the returning of the like State∣storme, occasioned the reviving of his promise; and alternately, the clearing up of the one, deaded the performance of the other.

29. This year died Lanckfranck,* 1.86 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury:* 1.87 after whose death,* 1.88 the King seised the profits of that See, into his own hand, and kept the Church vacant for some years; knowing, the emptiness of Bishopricks caused the fulness of his coffers. Thus Arch-Bishop Rufus, Bishop Rufus, Ab∣bot Rufus (for so may he be called, as well as King Rufus; keeping at the same time the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, the Bishopricks of Winchester, and Durham, and thirteen Abbies in his hand) brought a mass of money into his Exchequer. All places which he parted with, was upon present pay∣ment. Simone 1.89 Magus with his hands ful of money, would carry any thing from Simon Peter, with hisf 1.90 Silver and gold have I none. Yea, John Bishop of Wells, could not remove his feat to Bath, nisig 1.91 albo unguento manibus Regis delibatis, unless he had moist'ned the Kings hands with white ointment; though a less proportion, of a yellow colour, would have been more soveraign to the same use. And picking a quarrel with Remigius, Bishop of Lincolne, about the founding of his Cathedral, he forced him to buy his peace, at the price of a thousand marks.

30. But in the mid'st of his mirth,* 1.92 King Rufus,* 1.93 coming to Glocester, fell desperately sick,* 1.94 and began to bethink himself of his ill-led life. As all aches, and wounds prick, and pain most the nearer it draweth to night; so, a guilty conscience is most active to torment, men, the nearer they conceive themselves approaching to their death. Hereupon he resolveth to restore all ill-gotten goods, release all persons unjustly imprisoned, and supply all em∣pty places with able Pastors. In pursuance hereof, he made Anselme (the Abbot of Beck in Normandy) one of eminent learning, and holiness of life, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; which place he was hardly perswaded, with much importunity, to accept. The first eminent act, of his Archiepiscopal office, which we finde, was, when preaching at the Court on Ash-wednesday, he denieda 1.95 Ashes and Absolution to all those Courtiers, who affected effeminate∣ness in their behaviour; especially, in wearing their hair long, and kemb'd like women. A sin, no doubt; for, whereas Tertullian calls the length of womens hair, Sarcinam suae humilitatis, the same in men (so promiscuously worn) may be called, Sarcina suae superbiae.

31. There passeth a memorable expression of Anselme's,* 1.96 cried up, and commended by some, for a master-piece of devotion; namely, That he had ra∣ther be in hell without sin, then in heaven with sin; whichb 1.97 others condemn as an unfavoury speech, not according to Scripture-phrase, as from one not sufficiently acquainted with the justisication of a Christian man. Indeed, some high-flown expressions often knock at the door of blasphemy, but yet not with any intention to enter in thereat; in which we are more to minde the sense, then the found of the words. Amongst those may this of Anselme's be ranked, uttered no doubt in a zealous detestation of sin; yea, which charitably may be desended in the very letter thereof. For, Adam (we know) was somec 1.98 while in Paradise (Heavens suburbs) after the eating of the forbidden-fruit, yet was sensible of no pleasure therein, which made him hide himself, as prosecuted by his guil∣ty conscience: and some of the Ancients conceive, that Christ went locally to hell, yet no pain did feife on him there, seeing sorrow can arrest none, but at the suit of sin going before.

32. But,* 1.99 to leave Anselme's words, let us come to his deeds. Who was scarce warm in his Arch-Bishoprick, when the King sent to him for a thou∣sand pound; which sum, being so small in it self (Rufus usually demanding more of less Bishopricks) and that after his entrance on his See, free from any precontract, might have passed without the suspicion of Simony, under the notion of a meer gratuity. However, Aaselme refused to pay it, because he would avoid the appearance of evil. Othersd 1.100 say, that he freely sent the King five hundred pounds, with this complement; that, though it was the first, it should not be the last he would present to his Majesty: which the King in choler refused, because short to the sum he expected. Indeed, Rufus onely retained this, of all his Archiepiscopal education (being bred under Lanck∣franck, as is aforesaid) that thereby he experimentally knew the sweetness of Church-preferments; and in his bargain and sale, set a rate upon them ac∣cordingly, being after his recovery from his sickness, far more fordid, and sacrilegious then before.

33. Amongst the many Simoniacal Prelates that swarmed in the land,* 1.101 Herbert Bishop of Thetford,* 1.102 must not be forgotten;* 1.103 nick-named (or sir∣named shall I say?) Loseng, that is, the Flatterer; our old English word lea∣sing, for lying, retaines some affinity thereunto, and at this day we call an insinuating fellow, a Glozing companion. Though the best perswafiveness of his flattery, consisted in down-right arguments of gold, and silver. For, guil∣ty of the hereditary sin of Simony (his father formerly having bought the Ab∣by of Ramsey) he purchased the Bishoprick of Thetford of the King. But after∣ward he posted to Rome, confessed his fault, and was absolved from the guilt thereof. Thus, as the leprofie of Naaman was washed away in Jordan, so thate 1.104 his flesh came again as the flesh of a little childe, and he was clean: so this

Bishop was perswaded,* 1.105 that all his Simoniacal corruption was cleansed,* 1.106 in this his holy pilgrimage, conceiving himself henceforward to begin on a new account of integrity, especially having, after his return, removed his Episcopal Seat from The••ford to Norwtch, where he first founded the Cathedral.

34. wolstan,* 1.107 the venerable Bishop of worcester, left this life.* 1.108 A Bishop of the old edition,* 1.109 unacquainted with Lanckfranck's Italian additions; not faulty in his conversation, but Countrey, because an Englishman borne. It was laid to his charge, that he could not speak French (no essential quality in a Bishop, as S^t Paul describesa 1.110 him) sure I am, he could speak the language of Caanan, humble, holy, heavenly discourse. A mortified man much mace∣rating his body with fasting, and watching, if not overacting his part, and somewhat guilty of will-worship therein.

35. About this time began the Holy War,* 1.111 which here we will not re∣peat, having sormerly made an entire work thereof. Robert, Duke of Nor∣mandy, to fit himself for that voyage, sold his Dukedom to King William Rufus for ten thousand mark, say some; for six thousand, six hundred; sixty six pounds, that is, one mark less, say others; happly, abating the odd mark, to make up the rotundity of so sacred, and mystical a number. To pay this money, King Rufus laid a general, and grievous tax over all the Realm, ex∣torting it with such severity, that the Monks were fain to sell the Church-plate, and very Chalices, for discharging thereof. Wonder not, that the whole land should bee impoverished with the paying of so small a sum; for, a little wool is a great deal, when it must be taken from a new-shorne sheep: so pilled and polled were all people before, with constant exactions. Such, whom his hard usage forced beyond the seas, were recalled by his Proclama∣tion; So that his heavy leavies would not suffer them to live here, and his hard Laws would not permit them to depart hence. And, when the Clergy complain'd unto him, to be eased of their burdens; I beseech you (said he) have ye not coffins of gold and silver for dead mens bones? intimating that the same treasure might otherwise be better imployed.

36. The streams of discord began now to swell high,* 1.112 betwixt the King and Arch-Bishop Anselme; flowing principally from this occasion. At this time there were two Popes together, so that the Eagle with two heads, the Arms of the Empire, might now as properly have fitted the Papacy for the present. Of these, the one [Guibertus] I may call the Lay-Pope, because made by Henry the Emperor; the other [Vrban] the Clergy-Pope, chosen by the Conclave of Cardinals. Now, because like unto like, King William sided with the for∣mer, whilest Anselme as earnestly adhered to Vrban, in his affections, desi∣ring to receive his Pall from him, which the King resused to permit. Here∣upon Anselme appealed to his Pope, whereat King William was highly offended.

37. But,* 1.113 because none are able so emphatically to tell their stories, and plead their causes, as themselves, take them in them in their own words;

The King Objected.

The custome from my Father's time, hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the Pope, without the Kings license. He that breaketh the customs of my Realm, violateth the power, and Crown of my Kingdom. He that violateth, and taketh away my Crown, is a Traytor, and enemy against me.

Anselme Answered.

The Lord hath discussed this question. Give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars, and unto God the things that are Gods. In such things as belong to the terrene dig∣nities of temporal Princes, I will pay my o∣bedience; but Christ said, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, &c. Whose Vicar he ought to obey in spiri∣tual matters, and the fetching of his Pall was of that nature.

At last an expedient was found out, that Anselme should not want his Pall, nor fetch it himself from Rome, being by the King's consent brought to him by Gualter, Pope Urban's Legate (whom the King at last was fain to acknow∣ledg) and so all things for the present reconciled.

38. But the wound betwixt them was rather skinned over,* 2.1 then per∣fectly healed; and afterwards brake out again, the King taking occasion of displeasure at Anselmes backwardness to assist him, in his expedition into Wales. Whereupon Anselme desired a second journey to Rome, there to be∣moan, and probably, to relieve himself by complaint to the Pope. But the King stopt his voyage; affirming, that Anselme had led so pious a life, he need crave no absolution at Rome; and was so well stored with learning, that he needed not to borrow any counsel there. Yea, said the King, Vrban had ra∣ther give place to the wisdom of Anselme, then Anselme have need of Urban. In fine, after much contesting, Anselme secretly stole out of the Realm, and the King seized all his goods, and lands into his own coffers. Three years was he in exile, somtimes at Lions, sometimes at Rome; welcome wheresoever he came, and very serviceable to the Church by his pious living, painfull preaching, learned writing, and solid disputing, especially in the general Councel of Bar, where he was very useful in confuting, and condemning the errours of the Greek-Church, about the Procession of the Holy Spirit.

39. King Rufus was a hunting in New-Forest,* 2.2 which was made by King William,* 2.3 his Father;* 2.4 not so much out of pleasure, or love of the game; as policy to clear, and secure to himself, a fair and large landing-place, for his forces out of Normandy, if occasion did require. Here then was a great devastation of Towns, and Temples; the place being turned into a wilderness for Men, to make a Paradise for Deer. God seemed displeased hereat, for (amongst other Tragedies of the Conquerors family, acted in this place) Rufus was here slain, by the glancing of an arrow shot by S^r Walter Tirrel. An unhappy name to the Kings of England; this man casually, and another wilfully (S^r James Tirrel employed in the murthering of King Edward the fifth) ha∣ving their hands in royal bloud. Now it is seasonably remembred, that some yeers since, this King William had a desperate disease, whereof he made but bad use, after his recovery; and therefore now, Divine Justice would not the second time, send him the summons of a solemn visitation by sick∣ness, but even surprized him by a sudden, and unexpected death.

40. Thus died King William Rufus,* 2.5 leaving no issue, and was buried (faith mya 2.6 Author) at Winchester, multorum Procerum conventu, paucorum verò plan∣ctu; many Noble-men meeting, but few mourning at his funerals. Yet some, who grieved not for his death, grieved at the manner thereof; and of all mourners Anselme, though in exile in France, expressed most cordial sorrow at the news of his death. A valiant and prosperous Prince, but con∣demn'd by Historians for covetousness, cruelty, and wantonness, though no woman by name is mentioned for his Concubine; probably, because thrifty in his lust, with mean, and obscure persons. But, let it be taken into serious consideration, that no pen hath originally written the life of this King, but what was made by a Monkish pen-knife; and no wonder, if his picture seem bad, which was drawn by his enemy. And he may be supposed to fare the worse, for his opposition to the Romish usurpation; having this good quali∣ty, to suffer none but himself, to abuse his Subjects, stoutly resisting all pay∣ments of the Popes imposing. Yea, (as great an enemy as he was conceiv'd to the Church) he gave to the Monks called De Charitate, the great new Church of S^t Saviours in Bermondsey, with the Manor thereof, as also of Charl∣ton in Kent.

41. Henry Beauclarke,* 2.7 his brother, succeeded him in the Throne, one that crossed the common Proverb, The greatest Clerks are not the wisest men, be∣ing one of the most profoundest Scholars, and most politick Princes in his generation. He was Crowned about four dayes after his brothers

death.* 2.8 At that time,* 2.9 the present providing of good swords, was accounted more essential to a Kings Coronation, then the long preparing of gay clothes. Such preparatory pomp as was used in after-ages at this Ceremony, was now conceived, not onely useless, but dangerous, speed being safest to supply the vacancy of the Throne. To ingratiate himself to the English, he instantly, and actually repealed (for his brother William had put all the Land out of love, and liking of fair promises) the cruel Norman Laws. Laws written in bloud, made more in favour of Deer, then of Men; more to manifest the power, and pleasure of the imposer, then for the good, and protection of the Subject; wherein, sometimes, mens mischances were punished, for their misdeeds. Yea, in a manner King Heary gave eyes to the blind in winter∣nights; I mean, light to them who fomerly lived (though in their own hou∣ses) in uncomfortable darkness, after eight a clock; when heretofore the Curseu-bell did ring the knell of all the fire, and candle-light in English fami∣lies. But now these rigorous Edicts were totally repealed; the good, and gentle Laws of Edward the Confessor generally revived; the late Kings ex∣torting Publicanes (whereof Ranulf Flambard, Bishop of Durham, the prin∣cipal) closely imprisoned; the Court-corruption, by the Kings command, studiously reformed; adultery (then grown common) with the loss of viri∣lity, severely punished; Anselme from exile speedily recalled; after his re∣turn, by the King heartily welcomed; by the Clergie, solemnly and cere∣moniously received; he to his Church; his lands, and goods to him fully restored; English and Normans lovingly reconciled; all interests, and per∣sons seemingly pleased; Robert, the Kings elder brother (though absent in the Holy-Land) yet scarcely missed; and so this Century, with the first year of King Hearie's reign, seasonably concluded.

The end of the eleventh Century.

CENT. XII.* 2.10* 2.11

JOHANNI FITZ-JAMES DE LEUSTON, In Com. Dorset. ARMIG.

NOn desunt in hoc nostro saeculo, qui Librorum Dedica∣tiones penè ducunt superstitiosum, planè superfluum; sic enim argutuli ratiocinantur. Liber, si bonus, Pa∣trono non indiget, sno Marte pergat; sin malus, Patrono ne sit dedecori, suo merito pereat.

Habeo tamen quod huic dilemmati possim regerere. Liber Meus, nec bonus nec malus, sed quiddam medium inter utrum∣que. Bonum, ipse non ausum pronuntiare, cum plurimis Mendis Laboret: Malum, alii [spero] non dijudicent; cum Legen∣tibus possit esse usui.

Sub hác dubiâ Conditione, vel Adversariis nostris Judi∣cibus, opus hoc nostrum, Patronum sibi asciscere, & potest & debet; Et sub alis Clientelae tuae qui tam MARTE praestas quàm MERCURIO, foveri serìo triumphat.

1. GRrave Anselme Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 3.1 espoused and married Maud (daughter of Malcolme King of the Scots,* 3.2 and S^t Margaret his wife) to Henry King of England.* 3.3 Shee had been a professed Votary, and was pressed by the importunity of her parents and friends, for Politick ends, to this marriage; insomuch as in the bitterness of her soul, (able to appale the writer hereof, seeing his ink out-black'd with her expression) she devoted the fruit of her body to the Devil, because they would not permit her to perform her promise of Virginity. Thusa 3.4 Matthew Paris. But the Reader reserveth his other ear for the relation of Eadmerus, reporting this story after a different, yea contrary manner, as followeth.

2. The aforesaid Maud, when a Girle,* 3.5 lived under the tuition and correction of Christian her Aunt, and Abbess of Wilton, at what time the Nor∣man souldiers conquering the Kingdom, did much destroy, and more endan∣ger virgins by their violence. Christian therefore to preserve this her Neete,

clapt a black cloath on her head, in imitation of a Nuns vail, which she un∣willingly ware in the presence of her Aunt, but in her absence off it went, from above her head, to under her heals, so that in despightful manner, she used to tread and trample upon it. Yea, if Malcolme her father, chanced to behold her, wearing that mock-vail, with rage he would rend it off, cursing the cau∣sers of it, and avowing, that he intended her no votary, but a wife to Count Alan. Besides, two grave Arch-Deacons, sent down to Wilton to enquire into the matter reported, that for ought they could learn from the Nuns there, this Maud was never solemnly entered into their order. Hereupon a Coun∣cel was called of the English Clergy, wherein some grave men attested of their own knowledg, that at the Norman conquest, to avoid the fury of the souldiery, many maids out of fear, not affection; for protection, not piety; made a Cloyster their refuge, not their choice; were Nuns in their own de∣fence, running their heads, (but without their hearts) into a vail. And in this case it was resolved by learned Lanckfranck, that such virgins were bound, by an extraordinary obligation above other women

b 3.6 Debitam castitati reverentiam exhibere, Nullam Religionis continentiam servare.

which is in effect, that they must be chaste wives, though they need not be constant maids. These things alledg'd and prov'd, Anselme pronounced the Nunship of Maud of none effect, and solemnly married her to King Henry. However, some infer the unlawfulness of this match, fron the unhappiness of their children, all their issue male coming to untimely deaths. But sad events may sometimes be improved by mens censures, further then they were intend∣ed by Gods Justice; and it is more wisdom, seriously to observe them to the instructing of our selves, then rigidly to apply them to the condemning of others. The rather, because Maud the Empress, their sole surviving childe, seemed by her happiness to make reparation for the infelicity of all the rest.

3. Next year a more solemn Synod was summoned by Anselme,* 3.7 with the Kings consent,* 3.8 held at Westminster; whereat,* 3.9 besides Bishops, were pre∣sent at Anselmes request, from the King, the chief Lay-Lords of the Land; and this Reason rendred. Forasmuch as that whatsoever should be determined by the Authority of the said Councel, might be ratified, and observed by the joynt care and solicitousness of both estates. But whether the Lords were present, as bare spectators and witnesses to attest the fair Transaction of matters, (which some will conceive to little) or whether they had a power to vote therein (which others will adjudg too much) is not clearly delivered. Here we insert the constitutions of this Synod. And let none say, that it is vain to look after the Cobwebs, when the besom of Reformation hath swept them away; seeing the knowledg of them conduce much to the understanding of that Age.

1. That thea 3.10 Heresie of Symony be severely punished, for which several Abbots were then and there deposed.

2. That Bishops undertake not the Office of secular Pleas, wearing an habit beseeming Religious Persons, and not be like Lay-men in their Garments; and that alwayes, and every where, they have honest persons witnesses of their Conversation.

3. That no Arch-Deaconries be let out to farm.

4. That all Arch-Deacons be Deacons.

5. That no Arch-Deacon, Priest, Deacon, or* 3.11 Canon marry a wife, or retain one being married unto him: and that every sub-Deacon, who is not a Canon, if he have married after his Profession made of Chastity, be bound by the same Rule.

Here what a grave Author,* 3.12 almost of the same Age,* 3.13 saith of this Consti∣tution. a 3.14 Hoc quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam peri∣culosum, nè dum munditias viribus majores Sacerdotes appeterent, in immunditias horribiles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent. And as Jordan wanting a Vent or Influx, (like other Rivers) into the Ocean, loseth its Current at last in a filthy lake, or dead sea of its own making: So it was to be feared, that these men, now debarr'd that remedy for their weakness, which God, who best knew the Constitution of his own Crea∣tures, hath Provided, setled themselves in some unclean wayes, and most mortal filthiness occasion by this prohibition.

6. That a Priest so long as he keeps unlawful Conversation with a Wo∣man. (understand his own Wife) is not legal, nor rightly celebra∣teth the Mass; nor is his Mass to be heard if he celebrate it.

7. That none be admitted to the Order of Sub-Deacon, or upwards, without the profession of Chastity.

8. That the Sons of Priests be not made heirs to the Church of their Fathers.

9. That no Clerks be Provosts or Proctors of Secular matters, or JUDGES IN BLOUD.

This is the reason saith the Appendix tob 3.15 Harpsfield (reporting is no ap∣proving of his judgment) why Bishops being arraigned for their Lives, are not to be tried by their Peers, but by a jury of ordinary men; because debar∣red by their Canons to be Judges of Lay-Peers in like cases, and therefore it was conceiv'd unfitting that they should receive that honour, which they could not return.

10. That Priests should not go to Publick Drinkings, nec ad* 3.16 pinnas bibant, not drink at Pins.

This was a Dutch trick (but now used in England) of Artificial Drun∣kenness, out of a Cup marked with certain Pins, and he accounted the Man, who could nick the Pin, drinking even unto it; whereas to go above or beneath it, was a forfeiture.

11. That the Garments of Clergie-men be of one colour, and their Shooes according to order.

12. That Monks and Clerks that have cast off their Order, either return thereto or be excommunicated.

13. That Clerks have CROWNS PATENT, so that their shaving be conspi∣cuous to the beholder.

14. That Tythes be given to none but to Churches.

15. That Churches or Prebends be not bought.

16. That new Chappels be not made without the consent of the Bishop.

17. That no Church be Consecrated, until necessaries be provided for the Priest and Church.

18. That Abbots make no Knights, and that they eat and sleep in the same house with their Monks, except some necessity forbid.

It appeareth it was the Ancient Custom of Abbots in this Age to make Knights. Thusc 3.17 Brando the Abbot of S^t Edmunds-bury, Knighted Heward his Nephew, having first confessed his sins, and received absolution, Indeed in those dayes mens mindes were so possessed, that they thought nothing well and fortunately done; but what came from Church-men. Whereupon he that was to be made a Knight, first offered his sword upon the Altar, and af∣ter the Gospel read, the Priest put the sword first hallowed, upon the Knights neck with hisd 3.18 Benedictum, and so having heard Mass again, and recei∣ved the Sacrament, he became a lawful Knight. And seeing the HOLY

WAR now was begun,* 3.19 no wonder if Church-men made Knights:* 3.20 And that Age conceived that a Knights Sword dipt in Holy water was well tempered, and became true metal indeed: Why Abbots were now prohibited to confer this honor, the cause is not rendred; Whether because it made KNIGHT∣WOOD too common, or that this Priviledg was reserved onely for higher Pre∣lates, such as Bishop and Arch-Bishop were, or that it was an incroach∣ment upon the Royal dignity, it being as proper for Kings to ordain Priests, as for Abbots to dub Knights. This is most sure, that notwithstanding this Canon,a 3.21 King Henry the first, some years after granted, and King John confirmed to the Abbot of Reading, the power of Knighting persons, with some cautions of their behaviour therein.

19. That Monks enjoyn no Pennance to any, without permission of their Abbot, and that onely to such persons, whereof they have cure of Souls.

20. That Monks and Nuns be not God-fathers or God-mothers.

21. That Monks hold no Lands in Farm.

22. That Monks take no Churches by the Bishops, and that they spoyl not such as are given unto them of the Revenues, but so that the Priests serving in those Cures, and the Churches might be provided with necessaries.

23. That Faith in way of marriage, pledged secretly and without witness, betwixt man and woman, be of no effect if either party do deny it.

24. That Criniti, such as wear long hair be so shaven, that part of their Ears may appear, and their Eyes not be covered.

Criniti are opposed to Tonsi, extended to all Lay-persons. If any de∣mand how it came within the cognizance of the Church to provide about their trimming, (which might well have been left to the parties pleasure, and his Barbars skill) know this Canon was built on the Apostles Words,b 3.22 doth not even nature it self teach you, that if a man have long hair it is a shame unto him. And the Church forbad whatsoever was a Trespass against Chri∣stian decency.c 3.23 Gildas giveth this Character of the Picts: Furciferos ma∣gis vultus pilos quam Corporum pudenda vestibus tegentes, that they covered rather their Thievish Eyes with their hair, then their shame with Cloaths: which Ruffin-like custom of long hair now used by the Normans, was here justly restrained.

25. That parties akin to the Seventh Generation be not coupled in mar∣riage; and that persons so coupled remain not in Marriage; and if any be privy to this Incest, and not declare it, let him know himself to be guilty of the same crime.

This brought much Grist to the Popes Mill for Dispensations. As secular Princes used to stop travellers on common Bridges, or at the entrance of Gates, not with intent finally to forbid their going further, but ot receive Tole or Custom for their passing by: So the Pope prohibited these degrees in marri∣age, not absolutely ot hinder such matches, but to receive large summes of mo∣ney for his leave; after whose faculties obtained, if such marriage were against the Law of God, men did sin not with less guiltiness, but more Expences.

26. That the Bodies of the Dead be not carried to be buried out of their own Parishes, so that the Parish Priest should lose his due unto him.

27. That none out of a rash novelty, (which we know to have happened) exhibit reverence of Holiness to any Bodies of the Dead, fountains or other things, without Authority from the Bishop.

28. That none persume hereafter (what hitherto men used in England) to sell Men like bruite Beasts.* 3.24

This Constitution, as all others, which concerned the Subjects Civil right, found not general obedience in the Kingdom. For the proceedings of the Ca∣non Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land; but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals, to secular Laws and national Customs. And the Laytie, at pleasure, limited Canons in this behalf. Nor were such sales of servants, being mens proper goods, soa 3.25 weakned with this prohibition, but that long after they remained legal according to the Laws of the Land.

29. That the sin of Sodometry, both in Clergie and Laytie, should be pu∣nished with heavy Censures.

Remarkable that the same Synod which forbad Priests Marriage, found it needful to punish Sodometry, an Italian Vice, beginning now to be natura∣liz'd in England. For those who endeavour to make the way to heaven nar∣rower then God hath made it, by prohibiting what he permits, do in event make the way to hell wider, occasioning the committing of such sins, which God hath forbidden. We may further observe, that the plaister now applied to the rotten sore of Sodometry, was too gentle, too narrow, and too little time laid on. Too gentle; for whereas the sin is conceived to deserve death, it was onely slubber'd over, that the party convict of this Wickedness, if in Orders was admitted to no higher honour, and deposed from what he had, till restored again on his repentance. Too narrow, if it be true what one observes, that b 3.26 MONKS (as neither merely Lay nor Priests) were not threatned with this Curse, where all was hidden in Cloysters. Lastly, too little time laid on; for whereas at first it was constituted, that such Excommunication of Sodomites convicted, should solemnly be renewed every Lords Day; this short-liv'd Ca∣non did die in the birth thereof, and Anselme himselfc 3.27 postponi concessit, suffered it to be omitted, on pretence that it put beastly thoughts into many mens mindes, whose corruption abused the punishment of sin in the provocation thereof; whilest others conceive this relaxation indulged, in favour to some great offenders, who hardened in Conscience, but tender in Credit, could not endure to be so solemnly, publickly, and frequently grated with the shame of the sin they had committed.

So much for the Constitutions of that Synod, wherein though Canons were provided for Priests, Cap a Pe, from the shavnig to the shooes, yet not a syllable of their instructing the people and preaching Gods word unto them. We must not forget, that men guilty of Simony in the first Canon, are not taken in the Vulgar acception, for such as were promoted to their places by money, but in a new coyned sence of that word; for those who were advanced to their Dignities by investiture from the King, which gave occasion to the long and hot Broil, happening betwixt King Henry, and Anselme, which now we come to relate.

4. The King commanded him to Consecrate such Bishops,* 3.28 as he lately had invested;* 3.29 namely,* 3.30 William of Winchester, Roger of Hereford, &c. which Anselme refused, because flatly against the Canon newly made in the Coun∣cel of Rome, by Pope Vrban, that any who had their entrance, by the Autho∣rity of temporal Princes should be admitted to Bishopricks. Hereupon the King enjoyned Gerard Arch-Bishop of York to Consecrate them; who out of opposition to Anselme his Competitour, was as officious to comply with the King

King, as the other was backward,* 3.31 hoping thereby to hitch his Church a degree the higher,* 3.32 by help of his Royal Favour. Here hapned an unexpected accident: For William, Bishop of Winchester, refused Consecration from the Arch∣Bishop of York, and resigned his staff and ring, back again to the King, as illegally from him. This discomposed all the rest. For whereas more then the moity of Ecclesiastical persons in England, were all in the same condem∣nation, as invested by the King, the very multitude of offenders would have excused the offence, if loyal to their own cause. Whereas now this defecti∣on of the Bishop of Winchester, so brake the ranks, and maimed their entire∣ness, that their cause thereby was cast by their own confession, and so a party raised among them against themselves.

5. Soon after,* 3.33 the King was contented that Anselme should go to Rome, to know the Popes pleasure herein. But one, none of the Conclave, without a prophetical spirit, might easily have foretold the resolution of his Holiness herein: never to part with power, whereof (how injuriously soever) though but pretendedly possessed. Anselme, for his complyance with the Pope here∣in, is forbidden to return into England, while the King seiseth on his tem∣poralities.

6. However,* 3.34 not log after,* 3.35 by mediation of friends,* 3.36 they are recon∣ciled; the King disclaiming his right of Investitures, a weak and timerous act, of so wise and valiant a Prince; whose Predecessors before the Con∣quest held this power (though some time loosely) in their own hands; and his Predecessors since the Conquest grasp'd it fast in their fist, in defiance of such Popes as would finger it from them. Whereas now he let it go out of his hand, whilest his Successors in vain, though with a long arme, reach't af∣ter it to recover it. And now Anselme, who formerly refused, consecrated all the Bishops of vacant Sees; amongst whom, Roger of Sarisbury was a prime person, first preferred to the Kings notice, because he began prayers quickly, and caded them speedily; for which quality he was commended as fittest for a Chaplain in the Camp, and was not unwelcome to the Court on the same account.

7. Anselme having devested the King of investing Bishops (one of the fairest roles in his Ward-robe) did soon after deprive the Clergie of one half of themselves.* 3.37 For, in a solemn Synod he forbad Priests Marriage; wherein,* 3.38 as charitably we believe,* 3.39 his intentions pious and commendable, and pati∣ently behold his pretences, specious and plausible: so we can not but pro∣nounce his performance for the present, injurious and culpable, and the ef∣fects thereof for the future pernicious, and damnable. And here we will a little enlarge our selves on this subject of so high concernment.

8. It is confessed on all sides,* 3.40 that there is no express in Scripture to prohibit Priests Marriage.a 3.41 Thomas, andb 3.42 Scotus commonly cross (as if reason enough for the later to deny, because the former affirmed it) do both (such the strength of truth) agree herein. Onely Ecclesiastical Constituti∣ons forbid them Marriage. And, though many Popes tampered hereat, none effectually did drive the nail to the head, till Hildebrand, alias Gregory the seventh (the better man the better deed) finally interdicted Priests Mar∣riage. However his Constitutions, though observed in Italy and France, were not generally obeyed in England; till Anselme at last forbad Married Priests to officiate, or any Lay-people, under pain of censure, to be present at their Church-service.

9. Herein he proceeded on two erroneous principles.* 3.43 One, that all men have, or may have (if using the means) the gift of Continencie. Wherein they do not distinguish betwixt,

• 1. Common gifis, which God bestoweth on all his servants, Jude v. 3. Common salvation.
• 2. Proper gifts, thus thec 3.44 Apostle, when he had wished al like

• himself (that is, able to contain) he immediately addeth,* 3.45 But every man hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner, and ano∣ther after that.

His other false supposition is, That Marriage is either inconfistent with, or at least impeditive to the purity of Priestly profession.

10. The falsnefs whereof appeareth by the precedent of Henoch,* 3.46 in whom met the threefold capacity of King, Priest, and Prophet. Yet his Mar∣riage remitted not the reins of his Princely power, hindered not the perfor∣mance of his Sacerdotal function, rebated not the edg of his Prophetical spi∣rit; for,a 3.47 He walked with God, and begat sons and daughters. He made not a prayer the less for having a childe the more: and let us be but alike holy with Enoch, and let others be more holy with Anselme.

11. Wherefore when theb 3.48 Apostle saith, He that is married careth for the things which are of this world, how he may please his wife,* 3.49 therein he describeth, not that height of God-pleasing, which Marriage ought, and in it self may, and by Enoch was improved; but expresseth such faults which through hu∣mane corruption too commonly come to pass. Which are vita mariti, non matrimonii; uxoris, non uxoratus, flowing neither from the essence, nor from the exercise of Marriage, but onely from the depraved use thereof, which by Gods assistance, and mans best endeavours, may be rectified and amended.

12. It is therefore falsly charged on Marriage, quà Marriage,* 3.50 that it is an hinderance to Hospitality; starving the poor to feed a family. It is confessed it would break Marriage, if caeteris paribus, she should offer to vie bounty with Virginity; onely she may equal Virginity in cheerfulness of her giving, and in the discreet choise of fit objects, whereon to bestow it. Yet give me leave to say, in a married family there be commonly most mouthes, and where most mouthes, there probably most bread is eaten, and where most bread is eaten, there certainly most crums fall beneath the table, so that the poor are feasted by those fragments. If any rejoyn, that single folke be∣stow their almes, not by crums, but whole loaves; the worst I wish is, that poor people may finde the truth thereof. Nor doth the having of children quà children make men covetous, seeing Solómon saw a man,c 3.51 who had nei∣ther childe nor brother, yet his eye was not satisfied with riches. On the other side, I finde two in one and the samed 3.52 Chapter, professing they had enough, viz. Esau and Jacob, both of them married, both of them parents of many children.

13. And here well may we wonder at the partiality of the Papists, over-exalting Marriage in the Laity,* 3.53 to a Sacrament; and too much depres∣sing the same in Priests, as no better then refined fornication. Yea, some have made Virginity the corn, and Marriage the cockle: which is a wonder that they should be of several kindes, seeing Virginity is but the fruit, and Mar∣riage the root thereof. But, amongst all the foul mouthes belibelling Mar∣riage, one rayling Rythmer, of Anselmes age, bore away the bell (drinking surely of styx instead of Helicon) and I am confident my translation is good enough for his bald verses.

e 3.54 O malè viventes, versus audite sequentes; Vxores vestras, quas odit summa potestas, Linquite propter eum, tenuit quit morte trophaeum. Quod si non facitis, inferni claustra petetis: Christi Sponsa jubet, nè Presbyter ille ministret, Qui tenet uxorem, Domini quia perdit amorem. Contradicentes fore dicimus insipientes, Non ex rancore loquor haec, potius sed amore.

O ye that ill live, attention give, unto my following rhythmes; Your wives, those dear mates, whom the highest power hates, see that ye leave them betimes. Leave them for his sake, who a conquest did make, and a crown and a cross did acquire, If any sayno, I give them to know, they must all unto Hell for their hire. The Spouse of Christ forbids that Priest his ministerial function, Because he did part with Christ in his heart, at his marriage-conjunction, We count them all mad (if any so bad) as daring herein to contest; Nor is it of spight, that this I indite, but out of pure love, I protest.

Where did this rayling Monk ever read, that God hated the wives of Priests? And, did not the Church of Rome, at this time, come under the character of that defection, describbed by thea 3.55 Apostle? That in the latter times some should depart from the fatih, sorbidding to marry, &c.

14. These endeavour (as they are deeply concerned) to wipe off from themselves this badge of Antichrist, by pleading that,

• 1. They forbid Marriage to
• 2. They force Priesthood on
  • no man.

Onely they require of those who freely will enter into the Priesthood, to vow virginity, and command such to part with their wives, who were formerly entered into Orders.

15. All which is alledged by them but in vain,* 3.56 seeing marriage may be forbidden, either directly, or consequentially. For the first, none, well in their wits, consulting their credit, did ever point-blank forbid marriage to all peo∣ple. Such would be held as, hostes humani generis, enemies of man-kinde, in their destructive doctrines. Nor did any ever absolutely (as it followeth in the same text) command all to abstain from meats. This were the way to empty the world of men, as the simple forbidding of marriage would fill it with bastards. And, although some silly Hereticks, as Tatian, Marcion, and Mani∣chens, are said absolutely to forbid marriage, yet they never mounted high, nor spread broad, nor lasted long. Surely some more considerable mark is the aim of the Apostles reproof, even the Church of Rome, who by an oblique line, and consequentially, prohibit marriage to the Priests, a most considera∣ble proportion of men within the pale of the Church.

16. Notwithstanding the premisses,* 3.57 it is fit that the embraces of marri∣age should on some occasion for a time be forborn, for the advance of Piety; first, when private dalliance is to yield to publick dolefulness.b 3.58 Let the Bridegroom go out of his chamber, and the Bride out of her closet. For though by the Levitical Law, one might not be forced to fight in the first year of his marriage, yet might he on just occasion, be pressed to fast on the first day thereof. It is not said, Let the Bridegroom go out of his Bridegroom-ship, but onely out of his Chamber; and that also with intention to return, when the solem∣nity of sorrow is over-past. Secondly, when such absence is bewixt them mutually agreed on,c 3.59 Desraud ye not one another, except it be with consent for a time, that ye may give your selves to fasting and prayer, and come together again, that Satan tempt you not for your incontinency. Here indeed is an Interdiction of the mar∣riage Bed, but it is Voluntary, by mutual consent of the parties; and Temporary, onely durante eorum beneplacito, not as the Popish Prohibition, Impulsive, by the power of others, and perpetual, to continue during their lives.

17. Hear what Henry of Huntington expresly saith of Anselmes carriage herein.* 3.60 He prohibited English Priests to have wives, who before time were not pro∣hibited; which as some thought to be a matter of greatest purity, so others again took it to be most perilous, lest while by this means they aimed at cleanliness above their

power,* 3.61 they should fall into horrible uncleanness,* 3.62 to the exceeding great shame of Christianity.

18. But Anselme died, before he could finish his project of Priests Di∣vorces, who had he deceased before he began it,* 3.63 his memory had been left less stain'd to Posterity. His two next Successors, Rodulphus, and William Corbel went on vigorously with the Design, but met with many and great Obstructions. Other Bishops found the like opposition, but chiefly the Bishop of Norwich, whose obstinate Clergie would keep their Wives, in defiance of his endeavours against them.

19. Indeed Norfolk-men are charactred in jure municipali versatissimi,* 3.64 and are not easily ejected out of that whereof they had long prescription, and present possession; No wonder therefore if they stickled for their Wives, and would not let go a moytie of themselves., Besides, Herbet Losing of Norwich need∣ed not to be so fierce and furious against them, if remembring his own extra∣ction, being the Son of an Abbot. These married Priests traversed their cause with Scripture and Reason, and desired but Justice to be done unto them. But Justice made more use of her sword, then of her Ballance in this case, not weigh∣ing their Arguments, but peremptorily and powerfully enjoyning them to for∣go their Wives, notwithstanding that there were in England, at this time, ma∣ny married Priests, signal for Sanctity and Abilities.

20. Amongst the many eminent married Priests,* 3.65 flourishing for Learn∣ing and Piety,* 3.66 one Ealphegus was now living,* 3.67 or but newly dead. His Resi∣dence was at Plymouth in Devonshire.a 3.68 M^r Cambden saith he was eruditus & conjugatus, but the Word conjugatus is by theb 3.69 Index Expurgatorius command∣ed to be deleted.

21. To order the Refractory married Clergie,* 3.70 the Bishops were fain to call in the aid of the Pope. John de Crema an Italian Cardinal, jolly with his youthfull Bloud, and Gallant Equipage, came over into England with his Bigness and Bravery to Bluster the Clergie out of their wives. He made a most Gawdy Oration in the Commendation of Virginity, as one who in his Own Person knew well how to valew such a Jewel, by the loss thereof. Most true it is that the same night at London, he was caught a Bed with anc 3.71 Har∣lot, whereat he may be presumed to blush as red as his Cardinals Hat, if any remorse of Conscience remained in him. What saithd 3.72 Deborach, In the dayes of Shamgar, when the high-wayes were unimployed (obstructed by the Phili∣stims) travellers walked thorow by-paths. The stopping the Way of marriage, Gods Ordinances, make them frequent such base by-paths, that my Pen is both afraid and asham'd to follow them. Cardinal Crema his mischance (or rather misdeed) not a little advantaged the Reputation of married Priests.

22. Bishops, Arch-Bishops,* 3.73 and Cardinal,* 3.74 all of them almost tired out with the stubbornness of the Recusant Clergie;* 3.75 the King at last took his turn to reduce them. William Corbel Arch-Bishop of Canterbury willingly resigned the work into the Kings hand, hoping he would use some Exemplary severity against them; but all ended in a money matter; the King taking a Fine of married Priests, permitted them to enjoy their Wives, as well they might, who bought that which was their own before.

23. About this time the old Abby of Ely was advanced into a new Bisho∣prick,* 3.76 and Cambridg-shire assigned for its Diocess, taken from the Bishoprick of Lincoln; Out of which Henry the first carved one [Ely,] and Henry the last two [Oxford and Peterborough] Bishopricks, and yet left Lincoln the largest Diocess in England. Spaldwick Manor in Huntington-shire was given to Lincoln, in Reparation of the Jurisdiction taken from it, and bestowed on Ely.

24. One Herveyus was made first Bishop of Ely:* 3.77 One who had been undone, if not undone, banished by the Tumultuous welsh, from the Begger∣ly Bishoprick of Bangor; and now (in Pitty to his Poverty and Patience) made the rich Bishop of Ely. It is given to Parents to be most fond of, and indul∣gent to their youngest, which some perchance may render as a Reason, why

this Bishoprick, as last born,* 3.78 was best beloved by the King. Surely he bestow∣ed upon it vast priviledges; and his Successors cockering this See for their Dar∣ling, conferred some of their own Royalties thereon.

25. Bernard, Chaplain to the King, and Chancellor to the Queen was the first Norman made Bsyhop of S^t Davids.* 3.79 Presuming on his masters favour, and his own merit, he denyed subjection to Canterbury, and would be, (as anciently had been) an absolute Arch-Bishop of himself. Indeed S^t Davids was Christian some hundred of years, whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan; and could shew good Cards (if but permitted fairly to play them) for Archiepisco∣pal Jurisdiction, even in some respect Equal to Rome it self. Witness the ancient riming verse, about the proportions of Pardons given to Pilgrims for their visiting Religious places,

Roma semel quantum bis dat Menevia tantum.

Not the S^t Davids gives a peck of Pardons where Rome gives but a gallon (as the words at the first blush may seen of import) but that two Pilgrimages to S^t Davids, should be equal in merit to one Pilgrimage to Rome, such was the conceived Holiness of that place.

26. Giraldus Cambrensis states the Case truly and briefly.* 3.80 That Canter∣bury hath long prescription, plenty of Lawyers to plead her Title, and store of money to pay them. Whereas S^t Davids is poor, remote out of the road of preferment; intimating no less, that if equally accommodated she could set on foot as food an Archiepiscopal Title, as Canterbury it self. But he addeth, that except some great alteration happeneth (understand him, except Wales recover again into an absolute Principality) S^t Davids is not likely to regain her ancient Dignity. William, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, aided by the Pope, at last humbled the Bishop of S^r Davids into a submission; Who vexed hereat, wreckt his spleen on the welsh Clergie; furiously forcing them to sorgo their Wives. The successors of this Bishop would have been more Thankful to his Memory had he laboured less for the honor, and more pre∣served the profits of his See, whose lands he dilapidated with this his expen∣sive suit, and on other designs for his own preferment.

27. King Henry died in Normandy of a surfeit by eatinga 3.81 Lampreys.* 3.82 An unwholsom fish, insomuch, that Galen, speaking of Eels in general (where∣to Lampreys may be reduced) expostulates with the gods, for giving them so delicious a taste, good so malignant, and dangerous an operation. But, grant them never so good, excess is venemous string, in the most wholsome flesh, fish, and sowl, and it was too great a quantity caused his surfeit. I finde him generally commended for temperance in his diet; onely his palat (his ser∣vant in all other meats) was commonly his master in this dish. He was bu∣ried at Reading, leaving but one daughter (the Sea having swallowed his Sons) surviving him.

28. Stephen, Earl of Bologn,* 3.83 hearing of Henry his death;* 3.84 hasteth over into England,* 3.85 and seizeth on the Crown. All his title unto it was this; First, Maud, the true heir thereof, was a female. Secondly, absent beyond the Seas. Thirdly, married to a forreiner. Fourthly, no very potent. Prince, viz. Geffery Plantagenet Earl of Angeou, whose land-lock-situation rendred him less formidable for any effectual impression on this Island. Lastly, he was Son to Adela, Daughter to King William the Conqueror (though a Male deriving his title from a Female) conceiving himself the Daughters Son, to be preferr'd before Maud, the Sons Daughter. Indeed Stephen had an elder Brother, Theobald Earl of Blois, but he chose a quiet County, before a cum∣bersom Kingdom; the enjoyment of his own, rather then invasion of anothers inheritance, seeing Maud was the undoubted heir of the English Crown.

28. This Maud,* 3.86 I may call,* 3.87 Maud the fourth;* 3.88 yea, England had no Queen of another name since the Conquest;

• 1. Maud the first, Wise to King William the Conqueror.
• 2. Maud the second, (Daugh∣ter to Malcolme King of Scots) Wife to King Henry the first.
• 3. Maud the third, Wife to King Stephen.
• 4. Maud the fourth, Daugh∣ter to King Henry the first, and in right Queen of England.

This last Maud was first married to Henry the fourth, Emperor of Germany, and after his death was constantly called The Empress, by the courtesie of Chri∣stendom, though married to Earl Geffery, her second husband. To her, all the Clergie, and Nobility had sworn fealty, in her father's life time.

29. William, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 3.89 notwithstanding his oath to Maud,* 3.90 solemnly crowned Stephen, and in the same act, shewed himself per∣jured to his God, disloyal to his Princess, and ingrateful to his Patroness, by whose special favour he had been preferred. The rest of the Bishops, to their shame, followed his example; dealing with oaths, as sea-men with the points in the Compass, saying them forwards and backwards. Indeed covetousness, and pride prompted this disloyalty unto them, hoping to obtain of an Usurper, what they despaired to get from a lawful King. For, their modestie (and that little enough) in asking, was all Stephens measure in giving; resolving with himself for the present, to grant what should please them, and at lea∣sure to perform what should please himself. Let him now get but the stump of a Crown, and with wise watering thereof, it would sprout after∣wards. Hence was it that he granted the Bishops liberty to build, and hold many Castles; freedom in forests; investiture from the Pope; with many other immunities, which hitherto the Clergy never obtained. All things thus seemingly setled, yet great was the difference of judgments in the En∣glish, concerning King Stephen, which afterwards discovered themselves in the variety of mens practices.

30. Some acted vigorously for Stephen,* 3.91 conceiving possession of a Crown createth a right unto it. Where shall private persons (unable of themselves to trace the intricacies of Princes titles) fix their loyalty more safe∣ly, then on him whom success tendereth unto them for their Soveraign? God doth not now (as anciently) visibly, or audibly discover himself, we must there∣fore now only look, and listen, to what he sheweth, and faith by his voice, in the success of things, whereby alone he expresseth his pleasure, what he owneth or disclaimeth. This their judgment was crossed by others, who distingui∣shed betwixt Heavens permission, and consent; God sometimes suffering them to have power to compel, to whom he never gave authority to command.

31. But some urged, that Stephen was declared lawful King by popular consent,* 3.92 which, at this time, could alone forme a Legal right to any in this Island. For Maud, Stephen's corrival, in vain pretended succession, seeing the Crown, since the Conquest, never observed a regular, but an uncertain and desultory motion. Nor was it directed to go on by the straight line of primogeniture, which leapt over the Conquerors eldest, to his second Son: Then, taking a new rise, from the eldest still surviving, to Henry his third Son. Here no chain of succession could be pleaded, where no two links follow∣ed in order. But others answered, that such popular election of Stephen had been of validity, if the electors had been at liberty; whereas they being pre∣ingaged to Maud by former oath, could not again dispose of those their votes, which formerly they had passed away.

32. Others conceived that the stain of Stephen his usurpation in getting the Crown,* 3.93 was afterward scoured clean out by his long (more then eighteen years) enjoying thereof. For, suppose Providence for a time may winke,* 3.94 and connive, yet it cannot be conceived in so long a slumber; yea, asleep; yea, a lethargie, as to permit one peaceably so long to posses a Throne, ex∣cept heaven had particularly designed him for the same. To this others an∣swered, that Stephen all that time rather possessed, then enjoyed the Crown (alarum'd all his life long by Maud, and her Son) so that he had as little quiet in, as right to the Kingdom. But, grant his possession thereof never so peace∣able, what at first was foundered in the foundation, could not be made firm by any height of superstructure thereupon. An error by continuance of time can never become a truth, but more inveterate error.

33. A third of maintained, that Subjects Loyaltie is founded on their Soveraigns protection,* 3.95 so that both sinke together. Seeing therefore Maud was unable to afford her people protection, her people were bound to no longer allegiance. But thus position was disproved by such, who bottoming allegiance onely on conscience, make protection but the encouragement, not the cause thereof, They distinguished also betwixt a Princes wilful desert∣ing his people, and his inability to protect them; not through his own de∣fault, but the forcible prevailing of others. Thus the conjugal tie is onely dissolved by the parties voluntary uncleanness, and not by his, or her adven∣titious impotency to render due benevolence.

34. A fourth party avouched,* 3.96 that Maud (though, not actually, and openly, yet) tacitly, and interpretatively released the English from their allegiance unto her. For what Prince can be presumed so tyrannical, as to tie up people to the strict termes of Loyaltie unto him, when the same is apparently destructive unto them, and no whit advantagious to himself? But others disliked this position; for, where did nay such relaxation appear? It cancelleth not the obligation of a debtor, to fancy to himself an acquit∣tance from his creditor, which cannot be produced.

35. Some acted at the commands, though not for the commands of King Stephen,* 3.97 namely in such things wherein his injunctions concurred with equity, charity, and order, consistent with the principles of publike utility, and self-preservation. These, having the happiness to be commanded by an Usurper, to do that, which otherwise they would have done of themselves, did not discover themselves to act out of their own inclinations, whilest it passed unsuspected in the notion of their obedience to King Stephen. Thus many thousands under the happy conduct (or at leastwise contrivance) of Thurstan, Arch-Bishop of York, though in their hearts well affected to Maud her title, unanimously resisted David King of Scots, though he pretended re∣cuperative armes in Queen Maud her behalf; under which specious title, he barbarously committed abominable cruelties, till nettled therewith, both Stephanists, and Maudists joyntly bad him battle, and overthrew him, nigh Alerton in York-shire.

36. All generally bare the burdens, and no less politickly, then pati∣ently,* 3.98 paied all taxes imposed upon them. Recusancy in this kinde had but armed King Stephen with a specious pretence to take all from them, for refu∣sing to give a part. Nor scrupled they hereat, because thereby they streng∣thened his usurpation against the rightful heir, because done against their wills, and to prevent a greater mischief; Mean time they had a reservation of their loyaltie, and, erecting a throne in their hearts, with their prayers, and tears, mounted Queen Maud on the same.

37. Robert,* 3.99 Earl of Glocester (the Queens half-brother) may even make up a forme by himself, finding none other before, or after him of the same opinion. Who conditionally did homage to King Stephen, scilicet,a 3.100 si dig∣nitatem suam sibi servaret illibatam, namely, So long as he preserved this Roberts dignity (for so I understand the Pronoune's reciprocation) to be inviolated.

38. A few there were,* 3.101 whose relucting consciences remonstrated against the least compliance with King Stephen: whose high loyalty to Maud, interpreted all passiveness under an Usurper, to be activity against the right heir. These even quitted their Lands in England to the tempest of time; and se∣cretly conveyed themselves, with the most incorporeal of their estates (as occuping in the least room in their wastage over) into Normandy.

39. The Clergie,* 3.102 perceiving that King Stephen performed little of his large promises unto them, were not formerly so forward in setting him up,* 3.103 but now more fierce in plucking him down, and sided effectually with Maud against him. An act, which the judicious behold, not as a crocked deed, bowing them from their last, but as an upright one, streight'ning them to their first, and bxest oath, made to this Maud in the life time of her father. But Stephen (resolved to hold with a strong, what he had got with a wrong hand) fell violently on the Bishops, who then were most powerfull in the land (eve∣ry prime one having, as a Cathedral for his devotion; so many manors for his profit, parks for his pleasure, and castles for his protection) and he uncastled Roger of Sarisbury, Alexander of Lincoln, and Nigellus of Ely, taking also a great mass of treasure from them.

40. Most fiercely fell the fury of King Stephen on the Dean, and Ca∣nons of Pauls, for crossing him in the choice of their Bishop. For, he sent,* 3.104 and took theira 3.105 Focarias, and cast them into London -Tower; where they continued many dayes, not without much scorn, and disgrace, till at last those Canons ransomed their liberty at a great rate.

41. What these Focariae were, we conceive it no disgrace to confess our ignorance,* 3.106 the word not appearing in any Classical Author, and we must by degrees scrue our selves into the sense thereof:

• 1. It signifieth some female persons, the gender of the word discover∣ing to much.
• 2. They were near to the Canons, who had an high courtesie for them, as appears by procuring their liberty at so dear a price.
• 3. Yet the word speaks not the least relation of affinity, or consan∣guinity unto them.
• 4. All the light we can get in this Focariae, is from some sparks of fire which we behold in the word, so as if these shees were nymphs of the chimney, or fire-makers to these Canons.

If so, surely they had their Holiday-clothes on, when sent to the Tower (Kitchin-stuff doth not use to be tried in that place) and were considerable (if not in themselves) in the affections of others. And now, well fare the heart ofb 3.107 Roger Hoveden, who plainly tels us, that these Focariae were these Canons Concubines. See here the fruit of forbidding marriage to the Clergy, against the Law of God, and nature. What saith the Apostle?c 3.108 It is better to mar∣ry then to burn; or, which is the same in effect, it is better to have a wife then a fire-maker.

42. Albericus, Bishop of Hostia, came post form Rome,* 3.109 sent by Pope Innocent the second into England;* 3.110 called a Synod at Westminster,* 3.111 where eigh∣teen Bishops and thirty Abbots met together. Here was conluded; That no Priest, Deacon, or sub-Deacon should hold a wife, or woman, within his house, under pain of degrading from his Christendom, and plain sending to hell. That no Priests son should claim any spiritual living by heritage. That none should take a Benefice of any Lay-man. That none were admitted to Cure which had not the letters of his Orders. That Priests should do no bo∣dily labour: And, that their transubstantiated God should dwell but eight dayes in the box, for fear of worm-eating, moulding or stinking; with such

like.* 3.112 In this Synod, Theobald, Abbot of Becco,* 3.113 was chosen Arch-Bishop of Canterburie, in the place of William lately deceased.

43. The most considerable Clergy-man of England in this age,* 3.114 for birth, wealth, and learning, was Henry of Bloys, Bishop of Winchester, and Brother to King Stephen. He was by the Pope made his Legate for Britaine, and out∣shined Theobald the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. For, although Theobald just at this time was augmented with the title of Legatus natus (which from him was entailed on his successors in that See) yet this Henry of Bloys, being for the present, Legatus factus, out-lustred the other as far, as an extraordinary Ambassador doth a Leger of the same Nation. In this Henry, two interests did meet, and contend; that of a Brother, and that of a Bishop; but the later clearly got the conquest,* 3.115 as may appear by the Councel he called at Winche∣ster, * 3.116 wherein the King himself was summoned to appear. Yea, some make Stephen personally appearing therein (a dangerous precedent to plead the cause of the Crown, before a conventicle of his own subjects) so that to secure Rome of Supremacy in appeals, he suffered a Recovery thereof against his own per∣son in a Court of Record loosing of himself to save the Crown thereby unto himself. But William of Malmesbury present at the Councel (and therefore his testimony is to be preferred before others) mentions onely three parties in the place present there with their attendance:

1.	2.	3.
Roger of Sarisbury with the rest of the Bishops, grievously complaining of their Castles taken from them.	Henry Bishop of Winchester the Popes Legat, & President of the Councel; With Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury pretend∣ing to umpire matters in a moderate way.	Hugh Arch-Bishop of Roan, and Aubery de Vere (ancester to the Ear of Oxford) as Advocate for King Stephen.

This Aubery de Vere seems learned in the Laws, being charactered by mya 3.117 Au∣thor, homo causarum varietatibus exercitatus, a man well versed in the windings of causes.

44. In this Synod, first the commission of Pope Innocent the second was read,* 3.118 impowring the said Henry Bishop of Winchester, with a Legative autho∣rity. Then the Legate made a Sermon; Latiariter, which is, as I conceive, in the Latin tongue. We finde not his text; But know this was the subject of his discourse, to inveigh against King Stephen depriving those Bishops of their Ca∣stles. Sermon ended, the Kings advocates or true subjects rather (many making them to speak only out of the dictates of their own Loyalty, & not to plead by deputation from the King) made his defence, that Bishops could not canonically hold Castles, and that the King had dispoyled them of their treasure, not as E∣piscopal persons, but as they were his Lay-offices, advised thereto by his own security. The Bishops returned much for themselves, and in fine, the Synod brake up without any extraordinary matter effected. For soon after came Queen Maud with her Navie and Armie out of Normandy,* 3.119 which turned debates into deeds,* 3.120 and consultations into actions: But we leave the readers to be satisfied about the alternation of success betwixt King Stephen and Maud to the Historians of our State. There may they read of Maud her strange escapes, when avoiding death, by being believed dead (otherwise she had proved in her grave, if not pretended in a Coffin) when getting out in white Lynen, under the protection of Snow: I say, how afterwards both King Stephen and Robert Earl of Glocester were taken prisoners,* 3.121 and given in Exchange,* 3.122 the one for

the liberty of the other;* 3.123 with many such memorable passages, the reader may stock himself from the pens of the civil Historians, the proper relators thereof.

45. It is strange to conceive how men could be at leasure in the troublesome Reign of King Stephen to build and endow so many Religious foundations.* 3.124 Ex∣cept any will say, that men being (as mortal in peace) most dying in War, the devotions of those dayes (maintaining such deeds meritorious for their souls) made all in that Martial age most active in such employments. Not to speak of the Monastery of S^r Mary de pratis,* 3.125 founded by Robert Earl of Leicester,* 3.126 and ma∣ny others of this time: the goodly Hospital of S^t Katharines nigh London, was founded by Maud, wife to King Stephen, though others assign the same to Ro. Bishop of Lincoln, as founder thereof. So stately was the Quire of this Hospital, that it was not mucha 3.127 inferiour to that of S^t Pauls in London, when taken down in the dayes of Queen Elizabeth, by Doctor Thomas Wilson the Master thereof, and Secretary of State.

46. Yea, King Stephen himself was a very great founder.* 3.128 S^t Stephen. was his tutelary Saint (though he never learned his usurpation from the patient example of that Martyr) whose name he bore, on whose day he was Crown∣ed, to whose honor he erected S^t Stephens Chappel in Westminster, near the place where lately the Court of Request was kept. He built also the Cistertians Monastery in Feversham; with an Hospital near the West-gate in York. And, whereas formerly there were paid out of every plough-land in England, be∣twixt Trent and Edenburgh-frith, twenty fourb 3.129 Oat-sheaves for the Kings Hounds; Stephen converted this rent-charge to his new-built Hospital in York. A good deed no doubt; for, though it be unlawful to take thec 3.130 childrens bread and to cast it unto the dogs; it is lawful to take the dogs bread, and to give it unto the children.

47. The King,* 3.131 being desirous to settle Soveraignty on his Son Eustace,* 3.132 earnestly urged Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to Crown him.* 3.133 For, Stephen saw that fealty, barely sowrn to Maud in her Fathers life time, was afterwards broken: and therefore (his own guilt making him the more su∣spicious) for the better assurance of his Sons succession, he would go one step farther, endeavouring to make him actual King in his own life time. But the Arch-Bishop stoutly refused, though proscribed for the same, and forced to flie the land, till after some time he was reconciled to the King.

48. Eustace the Kings Son died of a frenzie,* 3.134 as going to plunder the lands of Buryd 3.135 Abby.* 3.136 A death untimely in reference to his youthful years,* 3.137 but timely and seasonably in relation to the good of the Land. If conjecture may be made from his turbulent spirit, coming to the Crown he would have added tyran∣nie to his usurpation. His Father Stephen begins now to consider, how he himself was old, his Son deceased, his Subjects wearied, his Land wasted with War: which considerations, improved by the endeavours of Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Gods blessing on both, produced an agree∣ment between King Stephen and Henry Duke of Normandy, the former holding the Crown for his life, and after his death settling the same on Henry, his adopted Son and Successor.

49. We have now gotten (to our great credit,* 3.138 and comfort, no doubt) an English-man Pope; namely, Nicholas Breakspear, alias Adrian the fourth. Born, saith mye 3.139 Author, nigh Vxbridg in Middlesex, of the ancient and Martial family of the Breakspears; thoughf 3.140 others make him no better then a bastard of an Abbot of S^t Albans. The Abbot of which Covent he con∣firmed the first in place, of all in England. If I miscount not, we never had but four Popes and a half (I mean Cardinal Pool, Pope elect) of our Na∣tion. And yet of them, one too many (will the Papists say) if Pope Jone (as some esteem her) were an English-woman. Yea, lately (the Elected following the plurality of the Electors) they have almost ingrossed the Papa∣cy to the Italians. Our Adrian had but bad success, choaked to death with a

flie in his throat.* 3.141 Thus any thing next nothing, be it but advantagiously plant∣ed, * 3.142 is big enough to batter mans life down to the ground.

50. Jeffery ap Arthur (commonly called from his native place,* 3.143 Jeffery of Monmouth) was now Bishop of S^t Asaph. He is the Welsh Herodotus, the father of ancient History, and fables; for, he who will have the first, must have the later. Polydore Virgil accuseth him of many falshoods (so hard it is to halt before a cripple) who, notwithstanding, by others is defended, because but a translator, and not the original reporter. For, a translator tells a lie in telling no lie, if wilfully varying from that copy, which he promiseth faithfully to render. And if he truly translates what he findes, his duty is done, and is to be charged no further. Otherwise the credit of the best tran∣slator may be crack'd, if himself become security for the truth of all, that he takes on trust from the pens of others.

51. King Stephen ended his troublesome life.* 3.144 A Prince,* 3.145 who if he had come in by the door,* 3.146 the best room in the house had not been too good to entertain him. Whereas now the addition Usurper (affixed generally to his name) corrupts his valour into cruelty, devotion into hypocrisie, bounty into flattery, and design. Yet, be it known to all, though he lived an Usur∣per, he died a lawful King; for, what formerly he held from the rightful heir by violence, at his death he held under him by a mutual composition. He was buried with his Son, and Wife, at Feversham in Kent, in a Monastery of his own building. At the demolishing whereof, in the regin of King Henry the Eighth,a 3.147 some, to gain the lead wherein he was wrapp'd, cast his corps into the Sea. Thus Sacriledg will not onely feast on gold and silver, but (when sharp set) will feed on meaner metals.

52. Henry the Second succeeded him,* 3.148 known by a triple sir-name, two personal and ending with himself,* 3.149 Fitz-Empress, and Shortmantle; the other hereditary, fetch'd from Jeffery his Father, and transmitted to his Posterity, Plantagenet, or* 3.150 Plantaganest. This name was one of the Sobriquets, or peni∣tential nick-names, which great persons about this time, posting to the Holy War in Palestine, either assumed to themselves, or had by the Pope, or their Confessors imposed upon them, purposely to disguise, and obscure their lustre therewith. See moe of the same kinde,

• 1. Berger, a Shep∣heard.
• 2. G••ise-Conelle, Gray∣coat.
• 3. Teste de Estoupe, Head of towe.
• 4. Arbust, a Shrub.
• 5. Martel, an Ham∣mer.
• 6. Grand-Baeuse, Ox∣face.
• 7. La-Zourch, a Branch upon a stem.
• 8. Houlet, a Sheep∣hook.
• 9. Hapkin, an Hat∣chet.
• 10. Chapell, an Hood.
• 11. Sans-terr, Lack∣land.
• 12. Malduit, III taught.
• 13. Juvencas, Geffard, or Heifer.
• 14. Fitz de flaw, Son of a flail.
• 15. Plantagenist, Stalk of a Broom.

Thus these great persons accounted the penance of their pilgrimage, with the merit thereof, doubled, when passing for poor inconsiderable fellows, they denied their own places, and persons. But, he it reported to others, whether this be proper, and kindly evangelical self-denial, so often commended to the practice of Christians. However some of these by-names, assumed by their fanciful devotion, remained many years after to them, and theirs; amongst which Plantagenist was entailed on the Royal bloud of England.

53. This King Henry, was wife,* 3.151 valiant, and generally fortunate. His faults were such as speak him Man, rather then a vitious one. Wisdom enough he had for his work, and work enough for his wisdom, being troubled in all his

relations.* 3.152 His wife Queen Elianor brought a great portion,* 3.153 (fair Provinces in France) and a great stomach with her; so that is is questionable, whe∣ther her froward spirit more drave her Husband away from her chast, or Rosamunds fair face, more drew him to her wanton embraces. His Sons (having much of the Mother in them) grew up, as in Age, in obstinacy against him. His Subjects, but especially the Bishops, (being the greatest Castle mongers in that Age) very stubborn and not easily to be ordered.

54. Mean time one may justly admire,* 3.154 than no mention in Authors is made of, nor provisions for Maud the Kings Mother, (surviving some years after her Son's Coronation) in whom during her life,* 3.155 lay the real right to the Crown.* 3.156 Yet say not King Henries policy was little in preferring, to take his Title from an Usurper by adoption, rather then from his own Mother, (the rightful heir) by succession, and his piety less, in not attending his Mo∣thers death; but snatching the Scepter out of her hand, seeing no Writer ever chargeth him with the least degree of undutifulness unto her. Which leadeth us to believe that this Maud, worn out with age and afflictions, willingly wa∣ved the Crown, and reigned in her own contentment, in seeing her Son reign before her.

55. Those who were most able to advise themselves,* 3.157 are most willing to be advised by others,* 3.158 as appeared by this politick Prince.* 3.159 Presently he chuseth a Privy Councel of Clergie and Temporalty, and refineth the Com∣mon Laws; Yea, towards the end of his Reign began the use of our Iti••e∣rant Judges. The platform hereof he fetch'd from France (where he had his education) and where Charles the Bald, some hundred of years before, had divided his Land into twelve parts, assigning several Judges for administration of Justice therein. Our Henry parcelled England into six Divisions, and ap∣pointed three Judges to every Circuit, annually to visit the same. Succeed∣ing Kings, (though changing the limits) have kept the same number of Cir∣cuits, and let the skilful in Arithmetick cast it up, whether our Nation recei∣veth any loss, by the change of three Judges every year, according to Henry the second's Institution, into two Judges twice a year, as long since hath been ac∣customed.

56. The Laws thus setled, King Henry cast his eye on the numerous Ca∣stles in England.* 3.160 As a good reason of State formerly perswaded the building,* 3.161 so a better pleaded now for the demolishing of them.* 3.162 William the Conqueror built most of them, and then put them into the custody of his Norman Lords, thereby to awe the English into obedience. But these Norman Lords in the next generation, by breathing in English ayre, and wedding with English wives, became so perfectly Anglized, and lovers of Liberty, that they would stand on their guard against the King, on any petty discontentment. If their Castles, (which were of proof against Bowes and Arrows, the Artillery of that Age) could but bear the brunt of a sudden assault, they were priviledged from any solemn Siege, by their meanness and multitude, as whose several beleguerings would not compensate the cost thereof. Thus as in foul bodies, the Physick in process of time groweth so friendly and familiar with the di∣sease, that they at last side together, and both take part against Nature in the Patient; so here it came to pass, that these Castles intended for the quench∣ing, in continuance of time occasioned the kindling of Rebellion. To pre∣vent farther mischief, King Henry razed most of them to the ground, and se∣cured the rest of greater consequence into the hands of his Confidents. if any ask, how these Castles belong to our Church-History; know, that Bishops of all in that Age, were the greatest Traders in such Fortifications.

57. Thomas Becket,* 3.163 born in London, and (though as yet but a Deacon) Arch-Deacon of Canterbury, Doctor of Canon-Law, bred in the Universities of Oxford, Paris, Bononia, was by the King made Lord Chancellor of England. During which his office, who braver then Becket? None in the Court wore

more costly clothes,* 3.164 mounted more stately steeds, made more sumptuous feasts, kept more jovial company, brake more merry jests, used more pleasant pastimes. In a word, he was so perfect a Lay-man, that his Parsonages of Bromfield, and S^t Mary-hill in London, with other Ecclesiastical Cures, where∣of he was Pastor, might even look all to themselves, he taking no care to dis∣charge them. This is that Becket, whose mention is so much in English, and miracles so many in Popish writers. We will contract his acts in proporti∣on to our History, remitting the Reader to be satisfied in the rest from other Authors.

58. Four years after,* 3.165 upon the death of Theobald,* 3.166 Becket was made by the King,* 3.167 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. The first Englishman since the Conquest (and he but a mongrel, for his mother was a Syrian, the intercourse of the Holy-War in that age making matches betwixt many strangers) who was pre∣ferred to that place. And now (if the Monks their writing his life may be believed) followed in him a great and strange Metamorphosis. Instantly his cloaths were reformed to gravity, his diet reduced to necessity, his com∣pany confined to the Clergie, his expences contracted to frugality, his mirth retrenched to austerity; all his pastimes so devoured by his piety, that none could see the former Chancellor Becket, in the present Arch-Bishop Becket. Yea, they report, that his clothes were built three stories high; next his skin he was a Hermite, and wore sack-cloth; in the midd he had the habit of a Monk; and above all wore the garments of an Arch-Bishop. Now, that he might the more effectually attend his Archiepiscopal charge, he resigned his Chancellors place, whereat the King was not a little offended. It added to his anger, that his patience was daylie pressed, with the importunate petiti∣ons, of people complaining, that Becket injured them. Though, generally, he did but recover to his Church such possessions, as, by their covetousness, and his predecessors connivence, had formerly been detained from it.

59. But,* 3.168 the main matter, incensing the King against him was, his stub∣born defending the Clergie from the secular power: and particularly (what a great fire doth a small spark kindle?) that a Clerk, having killed and stolen a Deer, ought not to be brought before the Civil Magistrate for his punish∣ment. Such impunities breeding impieties, turned the house of God into a den of thieves: many rapes, riots, robberies, murders, were then committed by the Clergie. If it be rendered as a reason of the viciousness of Adonijah, that his father never said unto him,a 3.169 Why doest thou so? No wonder if the Clergy of this age were guilty of great crimes, whom neither the King, nor his Judges, durst call to an account. And, seeing Ecclesiastical censures extend not to the taking away of life, or lim; such Clerks as were guilty of capital faults; were either altogether acquitted, or had onely penance inflicted upon them; a punishment far lighter then the offence did deserve. Indeed, it is most meet, in matters meerly Ecclesiastical (touching the Word and Sacraments) Clergy-men be onely answerable for their faults to their spiri∣tual superiors, as most proper, and best able to discern and censure the same. And in cases criminal, it is unfit that Ministers should be summoned, before each proud, pettish, petulant, pragmatical, secular, under-officer. However, in such causes to be wholly exempted from civil power, is a priviledge, which with reason cannot be desired of them, nor with justice indulged unto them. Sure I am, Abiathar (though High-Priest) was convented before, and depo∣sed by Solomon for his practising of treason. And S^t Paul saith,* 3.170 Let every soul be subject to the higher powers.

60. To retrench these enormities of the Clergy,* 3.171 the King called a Parlia∣ment at Clarendon,* 3.172 near Sarisbury (and not in Normandy,* 3.173 as Mr Fox will have it) intending with the consent of his great Councel, to confirm some severe Laws of his Grand-father King Henry the first▪ To these Laws,* 3.174 sixteen in number, Becket, with the rest of the Bishops, consented and subscribed them.

But afterwards recanting his own act,* 3.175 renounced the same.* 3.176 Let not there∣fore the crime of inconstancy, be laid too heavily to the charge of Arch-Bishop Cranmer, first subscribing, then revoking popish articles presented un∣to him: seeing this his name-sake Thomas, and predecessor, Becket, without any stain to his Saintship, retracted his own act, upon pretence of better in∣formation. But so highly was Becket offended with himself for his subscripti∣on, that, in revenge, for some moneths, he suspended himself from all Di∣vine Service (his pride, and laziness, both before, and after, suspended him from ever preaching) and would not be present thereat. Hereafter let none hope for more favour from this Arch-Bishop, then their fact may deserve; seeing he cannot rationally be expected to be courteous to others, who was so severe unto himself. The best was, in this his suspension, the knot was not tied so hard, as to hurt him; who, in case of necessity, as he had bound, so he could loose himself: though, for the more state of the matter, Pope Alexander* 3.177 himself was pleased solemnly to assoil him from his suspension. Mean time Becket, both in his suspension, and absolution, most highly offend∣ed King Henry, who every day the more was alienated from, and incensed against him.

61. During Beckets abode about Clarendon,* 3.178 he is reported every morn∣ing to have walk'd, from his lodging, some miles, to the Kings Palace. Where the ground (say they) called Beckets path, at this day presenteth it self to the eyes of the beholders (but most quick-sighted, if looking through Popish spectacles) with the grass, and grain growing thereon, in a different hew, and colour from the rest. A thing having in it more of report, then truth; yet more of truth then wonder: the discolourations of such veins of earth being common in grounds elsewhere, which never had the happiness of Becket his feet to go upon them.

62. But oh!* 3.179 If Becket's feet had left but the like impression in all the wayes he went, how easie had it been for all mens eyes, and particularly for our pen, to have track'd him in all his travels? Who, not long after, without the consent of the King, took Ship, sail'd into Flanders, thence tra∣velled into the Southern parts of France, thence to Pontiniack, thence to Senes, abiding seven years in banishment. But, though he served an apprentiship in exile, he learned little humility thereby, onely altering his name (for his more safety) from Becket to Derman; but retaining all his old nature, remitting nothing of his rigid resolutions.

63. Now, to avoid idleness,* 3.180 Becket, in his banishment, variously em∣ployed himself. First, in making, and widening breaches, between Henry his native Soveraign,* 3.181 and Lewis the French King.* 3.182 Secondly, in writing ma∣ny voluminousa 3.183 letters of expostulation to Princes, and Prelates. Thirdly, in letting flie his heavy excommunications against the English Clergie; namely, against Roger, Arch-Bishop of York; Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of Lon∣don (a learneder man them himself;) Joceline, Bishop of Sarisbury, and others. His chief quarrel with them, was their adherence to the King; and particularly, because the Arch-Bishop presumed to Crown Henry the King's Son (made joynt-King in the life of his Father) a priviledge which Becket claimed, as proper to himself alone. Fourthly, in receiving comfort from, and returning it to Pope Alexander at Beneventum in Italy.* 3.184 Sameness of af∣fliction bred sympathy of affection betwixt them,* 3.185 both being banished; the Pope by Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperour, for his pride and insolency: as our Becket smarted for the same fault, from King Henry. Here also Becket solemnly resigned his Arch-Bishoprick to the Pope, as troubled in con∣science, that he had formerly took it as illegally from the King, and the Pope again restored it to him, whereby all scruples in his minde were fully satisfied.

64. But afterwards by mediation of friends,* 3.186 Becket's reconciliation was wrought, and leave given him to return into England. However the King

still retained his temporals in his hand,* 3.187 on weighty considerations.* 3.188 Name∣ly, to show their distinct nature from the spirituals of the Arch-Bishoprick, to which alone the Pope could restore him: Lay-lands being separable from the same, as the favour of secular Princes: and Becket's bowed knee must own the Kings bountiful hand, before he could receive them. Besides, it would be a caution for his good behaviour.

65. Caelum non animum.* 3.189 Travellers change climates,* 3.190 not conditions.* 3.191 Witness our Becket, stubborn he went over, stubborn he staied, stubborn he return'd. Amongst many things, which the King desired, and he denied, he refused to restore the Excommunicated Bishops, pretending he had no power (indeed he had no will) and that they were Excommunicate by his Holiness. Yea, he, instead of recalling his old, added new Excommunica∣tions; and, that thunder which long before rumbled in his threatnings, now gave the crack upon all those that detained his temporal revenues.a 3.192 Roger Hoveden reports, that upon Christmas-day (the better day the better deed) he Excommunicated Robert de Broc, because the day before he had cut off one of his horses tailes. Yea, he continued, and encreased his insolence against the King and all his subjects.

66. Here the King let fall some discontented words,* 3.193 which instantly were catch'd up in the ears of some Courtiers attending him. He complained that never Soveraign kept such lazy Subjects, and Servants, neither concern'd in their Kings credit, nor sensible of his favours conferred on them, to suffer a proud Prelate so saucily to affront him. Now, a low hollow, and a less clap with the hand, will set fierce doggs on worrying their prey. A quater∣nion of Courtiers being present; namely,

1. S^r Richard Breton, of which name (as I take it) a good family at this day is extant in Northampton-shire.

2. S^r Hugh Morvil of Kirk-Oswald in Cumberland, where hisb 3.194 sword wherewith he slew Becket, was kept a long time, in memorial of his fact. His family at this day extinct.

3. S^r William Tracey, whose heirs at this day flourish, in a worthy and worshipful equipage, at Todington in Glocester-shire.

4. S^r Reginald Fitz-Urse,c 3.195 or, Beares-Sonne. His posterity was after∣wards men of great lands and Command, in the County of Mo∣naghan in Ireland, being there calledd 3.196 Mac-Mahon, which in Irish signifieth the son of a bear.

These four Knights, applying the Kings general reproof to themselves, in their preproperous passions mis-interpreted his complaint, not onely for Becket's legal condemnation, but also for their warrant for his execution. Presently they post to Canterbury, where they finde Becket in a part of his Church (since called the Martyrdom) who, though warned of their coming, and advised to avoid them, would not decline them, so that he may seem to have more minde to be kill'd, then they had to kill him. Here happ'ned high expostu∣lation, they requiring restitution of the Excommunicated Bishops; whose peremptory demands, met with his pertinacious denials, as then not willing to take notice of Solomon his counsel,e 3.197 A soft answer pacifieth wrath. Brauls breed blows, and all four falling upon him, with the help of the fifth, an officer of the Church, called Hugh, the ill-Clerk, each gave him a wound, though that with the sword dispatch'd him, which cut off his crown from the rest of his head.

67. A barbarous murder,* 3.198 and which none will go about to excuse,* 3.199 but much heightned both by the Prose, and Poetry (good and bad) of Popish Wri∣ters in that age. Of the last and worst sort, I account that Distick (not

worthy the translating) one verse whereof,* 3.200 on each leaf of the door of Can∣terbury Quire,* 3.201 is yet legible in part;

Est sacer intra locus, venerabilis, at{que} beatus, Praesul, ubi sanctus Thomas est* 3.202 martyrizatus.

But, if he were no truer a martyr, then martyrizatus is true position, his me∣mory might be much suspected. More did the Muses smile on the Author of the following verses,

Pro Christi Sponsa, Christi sub tempore, Christi In Templo, Christi verus amator obit. Quis moritur? Praesul. Cur? Pro grege. Qualiter? Ense. Quando? Natali. Quis locus? Ara Dei.

For Christ his Spouse, in Christ's Church, at the tide Of Christ his birth, Christ his true lover dy'd. Who dies? A Priest. Why? For's flock. How? By th' sword. When? At Christ's birth. Where? Altar of the Lord.

Here I understand not, how properly it can be said, that Becket died Pro grege, For his flock. Hee did not die for feeding his flock, for any fundamental point of Religion, or for defending his flock against the wolfe of any dange∣rous doctrine; but meerly he died for his flock; namely, that the sheep thereof (though ever so scabb'd) might not be dress'd with tarr, and other proper (but sharpe, and smarting) medicines. I mean, that the Clergie might not be punished by the secular power, for their criminal enormities. Sure I am, a learned, and moderatea 3.203 writer of that age, passeth this chara∣cter upon him, Quae ab ipso acta sunt laudanda nequaquam censuerim, licet ex lau∣dabili zelo processerint. Such things as were done by him, I conceive not at all to be praised, though they proceeded from a laudable zeal. Butb 3.204 Stapleton calls this his judgment, Audacis Monachi censura non tam politica, quàm planè ethnica, The censure of a bold Monk, not so much politick as heathenish. Should another add of Stapleton, that this his verdict is the unchristian censure of a proud and parti∣al Jesuite; railing would but beget railing; and so it is better to remit all, to the dayc 3.205 of the revelation of the righteous judgment of God.

68. Now King Henry,* 3.206 though unable to revive Beacket, shewed as much sorrow himself, for his death, as a living man could express; and did the other as much honour, as a dead man could receive. First, searching af∣ter all his kinred (as most capable of his kindeness) he found out his two sisters. One Mary, a virgin, not inclinable to marry, whom he preferred Abbess of the rich Nunnery of Berking. His other nameless sister, being married to one of the Le Botelers, or Butlers, He transplanted with her hus∣band, and children intod 3.207 Ireland, conferring upon them high honours, and rich revenues; from whom the Earls of Ormond are at this day descended. He founded also the magnificent Abbey, callede 3.208 Thomas-Court in Dublia (in memory of the said Thomas Becket,* 3.209 and expiation of his murther) beautifying the same with fair buildings,* 3.210 and enriching it with large possessions. Nor did onely the purse, but the person of King Henry do penance. Who walk∣ing some miles bare-foot, suffered himself to be whipped on the naked back by the Monks of Cantrbury. As for the four Knights, who murthered him, the Pope pardoned them, but conditionally, to spend the rest of their lives in the Holy war (where the King, as part of his penance enjoyned by the Pope, maintained two hundred men for one year, on his proper charges) to try, whether they could be as couragious in killing of Turks, as they had been cruel in murdering a Christian.

69. And now,* 3.211 being on this subject,* 3.212 once to dispatch Becket out of out way,* 3.213 just a Jubilee of years after his death, Stephen Langton, his mediate suc∣cessor, removed his body from the Vnder-croft in Christ-Church, where first he was buried, and laid him at his own charge, in a most sumptuous shrine, at the East end of the Church. Here thea 3.214 rust of the sword that killed him, was afterwards tendred to Pilgrims to kiss. Here many miracles were pre∣tended to be wrought by this saint, in numberb 3.215 two hundred and seventy. They might well have been brought up to four hundred, and made as many as Baals lying Prophets: though even then, one Propher of the Lord, one Micaiah, one true miracle were worth them all.

70. It is almost incredible,* 3.216 what multitudes of people flock'd yearly to Canterbury (which City lived by Beckets death) especially on his Jubilee, or each fifty years after his enshrining. No fewer then an hundredc 3.217 thou∣sand (we finde it in words at length, and therefore a cipher is not mistaken) of English and forrainers repaired hither. And, though great the odds in hardness, between stones and flesh, there remains at this day in the marble, the prints of their superstition, who crept, and kneeled to his shrine. The revenues whereof by peoples offerings, amounted to more then six hundred pounds a year. And the same accomptant, when coming to set down, what then, and there was offered to Christ's, or the High-Altar, dispatcheth all with a blanke, Summo Altari nil. Yea, whereas before Beckets death, the Cathedral in Canterbury was called Christ's Church, it passed afterwards for the Church of S^t Thomas; verifying therein the complaint ofd 3.218 Mary Mag∣dalen, Sustuleruat Dominum, They have taken away the Lord. Though since, by the demolishing of Beckets shrine, the Church (and that justly) hath recove∣red his true and ancient name.

SECT. II.

DOMINO JOANNI WYRLEY DE WYRLEY-HALL, In Com. Stafford, Equiti Aurato.

LEx Mahometica jubet, ut Turcarum quisque mecha∣nicae arti incumbat. Hinc est, quòd, vel inter Ot tomanicos Imperatores, hic faber, ille Sartor, hic totus est in baltheorum* 4.1 bullis, ille in Sagittarum pennis con∣cinnandis, prout quisque suà indole trahatur.

Lex mihi partim placet, partim displicet. Placet in∣dustria, nè animi otii rubigine obducti sensim torpescerent. Displicet, ingenuas mentes servili operi damnari, cùm humi∣le nimis sit & abjectum.

At utinam vel lex, vel legis aemula consuetudo, inter An∣glos obtineret, nt nostrates nobiles, ad unum omnes, meliori literaturae litarent. Hoc si fiat, uberrimos fructus Respub∣lica perceptura esset ab illis, qui nunc absque Musarum cultu penitus sterilescunt.

Tu verò (Doctissime Miles!) es perpaucorum hominum, qui ingenium Tuum nobilitate premi non sinis: sed artes in∣genuas, quas Oxonii didicisti juvenis, vir assiduè colis. Gestit itaque Liber noster Te Patrono; quo non alter aut in not andis mendis oculatior, aut in condonandis clementior.

1. EVen amongst all the stripes given him since the death of Becket,* 4.2 none made deeper impression in King Henry's soul,* 4.3 then the undutisulness of Henry,* 4.4 his eldest Son, whom he made (the foolish act of a wise King) joynt-King with himself, in his life time. And, as the Father was indiscreet to put off so much of his apparel, before he went to bed: so the Son was more unnatural, in endeavouring to rend the rest from his back, and utterly to difrobe him of all Regal power. The Clergie were not wahting in their plentiful censures, to impute this mischance to the King, as a Divine punishment on Beckets death; that his natural Son should prove so undutiful to him, who

himself had been so unmerciful to his spiritual father.* 4.5 But this rebellious childe pass'd not unpunished.* 4.6 For, as he honoured not his Father; so his dayes were sew in the land which the Lord gave him. And, as he made little account of his own father; so English Authors make no reckoning of him in the Catalogue of Kings. This Henry the third being wholly omitted, because dying, during the life of his Father.

2. But,* 4.7 before this Henries death, Richard, Prior of Dover, who di∣vided Kent into three Arch-Deaconries, was made Arch-Bishop of Canter∣bury. Indeed the place was first profered to Robert, Abbot of Becco, in Nor∣mandy (Sequents of three, if he had accepted it [Anselme, Theobald, and this Robert] who, in the compass of seventy years, out of the same Abby were made Arch-Bishops of Canterbury) but he refused it, as ominous to succeed Becket in his Chair, lest he should succeed him in his Coffin; and preferr'd a whole skin before an holy Pall. But Richard accepting the place, is commended for a milde and moderate man, being all for accommodation, and his tem∣per the best expedient betwixt the Pope and King; pleasing the former with presents, the latter with compliance. This made him connive at Jeffery Plan∣taginet his holding the Bishoprick of Lincoln, though uncanonical••ess on un∣canonicalness met in his person. For, first he was a bastard. Secondly, he was never in orders. Thirdly, he was under age; all which irregularities were answered in three words, The Kings Son. This was that Jeffery, who used to protest by the royaltie of the King, his Father, when a stander by minded him to remember the honesty of his Mother.

3. A Synod was call'd at Westminster,* 4.8 the Popes Legat being present thereat;* 4.9 on whose right hand sat Richard,* 4.10 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, as in his proper place. When, in springs Roger of York, and, finding Canterbury so seated, fairly sits him down on Canterburie's lap (a baby too big to be danced thereon) yea, Canterbury his servants dandled this lap-childe with a witness, who pluck'd him thence, and buffeted him to purpose. Hence be∣gan the brawl, which often happened betwixt the two Sees for precedency; though hitherto we have pass'd them over in silence, not conceiving our selves bound to trouble the Reader, every time those Arch-Bishops troubled themselves. And, though it matters as little to the Reader, as to the Wri∣ter, whether Roger beat Richard, or Richard beat Roger; yet, once for all, we will reckon up the arguments, which each See alledged for its pre∣cedencie.

Canterburies Title.

1. No Catholick person will de∣ny, but that the Pope is the fountain of spiritual honor, to place and dis∣place at pleasure. He first gave the Primary to Canterbury: Yea, where∣as the proper place of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in a general Councel, was next the Bishop of S^t Ruffinus; Anselme and his succes∣sors were advanced by Pope Vrban, to sit at the Popes right foot, as alteri∣us orbis Papa.

2. The English Kings have ever allowed the Priority to Canter∣bury. For a Duarchie in the Church (viz. two Arch-Bishops equal in power) being inconsistent with a

Monarchy in the State,* 4.11 they have ever countenanced the superiority of Canterbury,* 4.12 that the Church∣government might be uniform with the Commonwealths.

3. Custome hath been ac∣counted a King in all places, which time out of minde hath decided the precedency to Canterbury.

Yorks Title.

1. When Gregory the great made York and Canterbury Archiepis∣copal Sees, he affixed precedency to neither, but that the Arch-Bishops should take place according to the seniority of their consecrations. Until Lanckfranck, Chaplain to King Wil∣liam (thinking good reason he should conquer the whole Clergie of England, as his Master had van∣quished the Nation) usurped the su∣periority above the See of York.

2. If Antiquity be to be respe∣cted, long before Gregories time, York was the See of an Arch-Bishop, whilest as yet Pagan Canterbury was never dream'd of for that purpose.

Lucius the first Christian Brittain King, founding a Cathedral therein, and placing Sumson in the same, who had Taurinus, Pyrannus, Tacliacus, &c. his successors in that place.

3. If the extent of jurisdiction be measured, York, though the les∣ser in England, is the larger in Bri∣tain, as which at this time had the entire Kingdom of Scotland subject thereunto; Besides, if the three Bishopricks, (viz. Worcester, Lich∣field, Lincoln) formerly injuriously taken from York, were restored un∣to it, it would vie English Latitude with Canterbury it self.

This controversie lasted for may years, it was first visibly begun (passing by former private grudges) betwixt Lanckfrank of Canterbury, and Thomas of York, in the Reign of the Conqueror, continued betwixt William of Canterbury, and Thurstan of York, in the dayes of King Henry the first; increased betwixt Theo∣bald of Canterbury, and William of York, at the Coronation of Henry the second, and now revived betwixt Richard of Canterbury, and Roger of York, with more then ordinary animosity.

4. Some will wonder that such spiritual persons should be so spiteful,* 4.13 that they, who should rather have contended de pascendis ovibus, which of them should better feed their flocks, should fall out de lana caprina, about a toy and trifle, onely for Priority. Yet such will cease to wonder, when they consider how much carnality there was in the Disciples themselves: Witness their unseaso∣nable contest, just before our Saviours* 4.14 death, quis esset major, which of them should be the greater, when then the question should rather have been, quis esset maestior, not who should be the highest, but who should be the heaviest for their departing Master.

5. Here the Pope interposed,* 4.15 and to end old Divisions, made a new di∣stinction, Primate of all ENGLAND, and Primate of ENGLAND, giving the former to Canterbury, the latter to York. Thus when two Children cry for the same apple, the indulgent father divides it betwixt them, yet so, that he giveth the bigger and better part to the Childe that is his Darling. York is fain to be con∣tent therewith, though full ill against his will, as sensible that a secondary Pri∣macy is no Primacy; and as one stomaching a Superiour as much as Canterbury disdained an Equal. Yea, on every little occasion this controversie brake out again. The last flash which I finde of this flame, was in the Reiga of King Edward the first, when William Wickham, Arch-Bishop of York, at a Councel at Lambeth for Reformation, would needs have his Cross carried before him, which John Peckam, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury would in no case permit to be done in his Province. Wherefore the said Peckam inhibited all from selling b 4.16 victuals to him or his family, so hoping to allay his stomach by raising his hun∣ger, and starve him into a speedy submission, which accordingly came to pass. Since York was rather quiet then contented, pleasing it self that as stout came be∣hinde as went before. But at this day the Clergie sensible of Gods hand upon them for their Pride and other offences, are resolved on more humility; and will let it alone to the Layetie to fall out about Precedency.

6. To return to King Henry,* 4.17 never did the branches of the English Mo∣narchy sprout higher, or spread broader before or since, as in the Reign of this King, so large and united his command, though in several capacities; For by right of inheritance from his Mother Maud, he held England and the Duke∣dom

of Normandy,* 4.18 by the same title from his Father,* 4.19 Geffery Plantagenet; he possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine; by Match in right of Queen Elranor his Wife he enjoyed the Dukedoms of Aquitane and Guien even to the Pyrenean Mountains; by Conquest he lately had subdued Ireland, leaving it to his succes∣sors annexed to the English Dominions; and for a time was the effectual King of Scotland, whilest keeping William their King a Prisoner, and acting at plea∣sure in the Southern parts thereof. The rest of Christendom he may be said to have held by way of Arbritration, as Christiani orbis arbiter, so deservedly did Foreign Princes esteem his wisdom and integrity, that in all difficult controversies he was made Vmpire betwixt them.

7. Yet all this his greatness could neither preserve him from death,* 4.20 nor make him, when living, happy in his own house, so that when freest from Foreign foes, he was most molested in his own Family, his Wife and Sons at last siding with the King of France against him, the sorrow whereat was con∣ceived to send him the sooner to his grave. I meet with this Distick as parcel of his Epitaph,

Cui* 4.21 satis ad votum non essent omnia terrae Climata, terra modo sufficit octo pedum.

He whom alive the world would scarce suffice, When dead, in eight foot earth contented lies.

He died at Chinon in Normandy,* 4.22 and was buried with very great solemnity,* 4.23 in the Nunnery of Font-Everard in the same Countrey. A Religious House of his own Foundation and Endowment.

8. It is confidentlya 4.24 reported,* 4.25 that when Richard, Son and Successor to King Henry, approached his Fathers dead Corps, they bled afresh at the Nostrils; whence some collected him the cause of his death. But whilest na∣tures Night-councellors (treading in the dark causes of hidden qualities) render the reason of the salleying forth of the bloud on such occasions, let the learn∣ed in the Laws decide how far such an accident may be improved for a legal evidence. For surely that Judg is no better then a Murderer, who condem∣neth one for Murder on that proof alone. However on the bleeding of the Fathers Nostrils, the Sons heart could not but bleed, as meeting there with a guilty Conscience. And therefore (according to the Divinity and Devotion of those dayes) to expiate his disobedience, he undertook with Philip Augustus, King of France, a long Voyage against Sultan Saladine, to recover CHRIST his grave, and the City of Jerusalem, from the Turks in Palestine.

9. Having formerly written an whole Book of the Holy War,* 4.26 and par∣ticularly of King Richards atchievements therein,* 4.27 I intend here no repetition;* 4.28 Onely our design is to give a Catalogue of some of our English Nobility, who adventured their persons in the Holy War; and whose Male-Posterity is eminently extant at this day. I have known an excellent Musician, whom no Arguments could perswade to play, until hearing a Bungler scrape in the company, he snatch'd the Instrument out of his hand (in indignation that Musick should be so much abused) then turned and played upon it himself. My project herein is, that giving in an imperfect list, of some few noble Families, who ingaged themselves in this service; It will so offend some emi∣nent Artist (hitherto silent in this kinde) that out of disdain he will put him∣self upon so honourable a work, deserving a Gentleman who hath Lands, Learning and leisure to undertake so costly, intricate and large a subject for the honor of our Nation. And be it premised, that to prevent all cavils about precedency, first come, first serv'd; I shall Marshal them in no other method, but as in my studies I have met with the mention of them.

10. To begin with the place of my present habitation;* 4.29 one Hugh Ne∣vil attended King Richard into the Holy War,* 4.30 and anciently lieth buried in a Marble Monument,* 4.31 in the Church of Waltham Abbey in Essex, whereof no remainders at this day. This Hugh Nevil being one of the Kings special sa∣miliars, slew a Lion in the Holy Land, first driving an arrow into his Breast, and then running him through with his sword, on whom this Verse was made,

a 4.32 Viribus Hugonis vires periêre Leonis

• The strength of Hugh
• A Lion slew.

If Benaiah the son of Jehoiadah, was recounted the fifth amongst Davids wor∣thies, forb 4.33 killing a Lion in the middest of a pit in the time of snow, surely on the same reason, this bold and brave Baron Hugh, ought to be entred into the Catalogue of the Heroes of his Soveraign. But I cannot give credit toc 4.34 his report, who conceiveth that the Atchievement of the man was tran∣slated to his Master; And that on this occasion King Richard the first got the name of Cordelion, or Lions Heart.

11. This Hugh Nevil gave the Manor ofd 4.35 Thorndon to Waltham Abby,* 4.36 and was Ancester of the Noble and numerous Family of the Nevils; to which none in England equal, for Honor, Wealth and number, in the later end of King Henry the sixth, though at this day the Lord Abergavenny be the only Baron thereof: He gave for his Armes a Cross Saltire, or the Cross of S^t Andrew, probably assuming it in the Holy War. For though I confess this is not the proper Cross of Hierusalem, yet was it highly esteemed of all those who adventured thither, as may appear, in that all Knights-Templers make such Saltire Cross, with their Thwarted Leggs upon their Monuments.

12. Giralde de Talbote succeeds in the second place;* 4.37 When Articles were drawn up between our King Richard, in his passage to Palestine, and Tancred King of Sicily, for the mutual observation of many Conditions be∣twixt them. He put in upon their Oaths, for his Sureties, a Grand-Jury of his principal Subjects then present, viz. two Arch-Bishops, two Bishops, and twenty other of his Prime Nobility expressed in his Letterse 4.38 Patents; Be∣sides many other whose names were concealed. Of these twenty, the aforesaid Girald de Talbote is the first; whose Male Issue and Name is ex∣tant at this day, flourishing in the Right Honourable Family of the Earls of Shrewsbury.

13. Next amongst the Royal Jurors (as I may term them) was Guarrin Fitz-Girald,* 4.39 from whom are descended the Fitz Giralds in Ireland, (where their name is in some places Provincial) of whom the Earl of Kildare is chief. A memorial of their service in Palestine is preserved in their Armes, giving Argent a Cross Saltire Gules. Here it must be remembred, that the valiant sprightly Gentleman Hickman Lord Windsor is descended from the same f 4.40 Male Ancestors with the Fitz Giralds (as Robert Glover a most exquisite He∣rald doth demonstrate) though according to the fashion of that age, altering his old, and assuming a new name from Windsor, the place of his office and Command. This Lord Windsor carrieth the Badg of his Service in his Arms, being essentially the same, with the Earl of Kildares, save that the colours are varied; the field Gules, and cross Saltire Argent, betwixt twelve Crosses cros∣sed, OR: Which Coat seemingly sursited was conceived in that age, the more healthful for the same; the more Crossed the more Blessed, being the Devo∣tion of those dayes.

14. Four other Gentlemen of quality remain mentioned in that Parent,* 4.41 William de Curcy, Father to John the valiant Champion and Conqueror of Ireland; Robert de Novo Burgo; Hugh le Brain, and Amaury de Mountford;

of all whom formerly in our Alphabetical Comment on Abby Roll.* 4.42* 4.43

15. At the siege of Acres or Ptolemais (the Grave General of the Chri∣stian Army) amongst many Worthies dying there within the compass of one year;* 4.44 I findea 4.45 Ingelram de Fiennes to be slain, from whom the Lord Vis∣count Say and Seal, and the Lord Dacres of the South derive their discent. But most visible are the remains of the Holy War in the atchievement of Theo∣philus Finnes, alias Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, giving in the lower parts of his shield (in a field Argent) six Crosses crossed Fitchee Sable, denoting the stability and firmness of his Ancestors in that service.

16. Also at the aforesaid Siege of Acres,* 4.46 Radulphus de Alta ripa, Arch∣Deacon of Colchester ended his life. Now although because a Clergy-man, he could not then leave any lawful Issue behinde him. Yet we may be con∣fident that the Ancient Family De Alta ripa or Dautry, still continuing in b 4.47 Sussex were of his Alliance.

17. Before we leave the Siege of Acres, let me refresh the Reader with my innocent (and give me leave to say provable) mistake.* 4.48 I conceived the Noble Family of the Lord Dacres took their Sir-name from some service there performed, confirmed in my conjecture. 1. Because the name is writ∣ten with a Local Tinesis, D'Acres. 2. Joan Daughter to Edward the first, King of England, is called D'Acres, because Born there. 3. They gave their Armes Gules three Scollops-shels Argent; Which Scollop-shels (I mean the ne∣thermost of them, because most concave and capacious) smooth within, and artificially plated without, was of times Cup and Dish to the Pilgrims in Pale∣stine; and thereupon their Armes often charged therewith. Since suddenly all is vanished, when I foundc 4.49 Dacor, a Rivolet in Cumberland, so ancient, that it is mentioned by Bede himself, long before the Holy War was once dreamed of, which gave the name to Dacres Castle, as that (their prime seat) to that Family.

18. Before we go further,* 4.50 be it here observed, that when King Richard the first went into Palestine, he took up for his Device in his Ensign, a Cressant and a Star, but on what account men variously conjecture. Some conceive it done in affront to the Sultan Saladine, the Turk giving the Half Moon for his Armies; But this seems unlikely, both because a Cressant is not the posture of the Turkish Moon, and because this was a preposterous method with a vali∣ant man at his bare setting forth, who would rather first win, before wear the Armes of his Enemies; Others make a modest, yea Religious meaning there∣of, interpreting himself and his souldiers by the Cressant and Star, expecting to be inlightened from above, by the beams of succe••s from the Sun of Divine Providence. Indeed it would trouble a wise man (but that a wise man will not be troubled therewith) to give a reason of King Richards fancy; it being almost as easie for him to foretel ours, as for us infallibly to interpret his de∣sign herein. However we may observe many of the principal persons which attended the King in this War, had their Shields be-Cressanted and be-Starred, in relation to this the Royal Device.

19. Thus Michael Minshul of Minshul in Cheshire,* 4.51 serving King Richard in this war, had not onely the Cressant and Star given him for his Armes, but since also that Family hath born for their Crest, two Lions paws holding a Cressant. And I have seen a Patentd 4.52 lately, granted by the Lord Marshal, to a Knighte 4.53 deriving himself from a younger branch of that Family, assigning him for distinction, to change his Crest into the Sultan kneeling and holding a Cressant.

20. And thus the Noble Family of Saint-John, (whereof the Earl of Bullingbrock,* 4.54 &c.) give for their Paternal Coat Argent two Stars Or on a Chief Gules. These Stars first give us a dim light to discover their Service in the Holy Land, who since are beholding for perfecter information, to one now scarce counted a Rimer, formerly admitted for a Poet, acquainting us with this, and another Noble Family adventuring in the Holy War, namely, the Sack∣viles, still flourishing in the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorcet.

a 4.55 King Richard wyth gud entent To yat cite ofb 4.56 Jafes went On morn he sent aftur Sir Robart Sakebile Sir William Wateruile Sir Hubart and Sir Robart of Turnham Sir Bertram Brandes and John de S^t John.

Yet the Armes or Crest of the Sackviles give us not the least intimation of the Holy War. And indeed no rational man can expect an universal confor∣mity in so much variety of fancies, that all the Armes of the adventurers thi∣ther, should speake the same Language, or make some sign of their service therein.

21. I findec 4.57 S^r Frederick Tilney Knighted at Acres in the Holy Land,* 4.58 in the third year of King Richard the first;* 4.59 he was a man Magnaestaturae & po∣tens corpore;* 4.60 Sixteen Knights in a direct line of that name succeeded in that Inheritance: Whose heir general was married to the Duke of Norfolk, whilest a male branch (if not, which I fear, very lately extinct) flourished since at Shelleigh in Suffolke.

22. When I look upon the ancient Armes of the Noble Family of the Villiers,* 4.61 wherein there is Pilgrim on Pilgrim, I mean five Scallops O R, on the Cross of S^t george; I presently concluded, one of that Family attended King Richard in the Holy Land: But on better enquiry, I finde that this Family at their first coming into England, bare Sable three Cinquefoyles Argent; and that S^r Nicholas de Villiers Knight, changed thisd 4.62 Coat in the Reign, not of Ri∣chard, but Edward the first, whom he valiantly followed in his Wars in the Holy Land, and elsewhere.

23. I will conclude with the Noble Family of Berkely,* 4.63 then which none of England now eminently existing, was more redoubted in the Holy war. All know their disent from Harding (Son to the King of Denmark) whose Armes are said to be Gules Three Danish Axes O R, or as others suppose with more probability, I conceive onely a plain Cheveron, though some three hundred years since, they have filled their Coat with Ten Crosses Patte OR, in remembrance of the Atchievements of their Ancestors in that service. For I finde that Harding of England Landed ate 4.64 Joppa, July the third, in the se∣cond year of King Baldwin, with a Band of stout Souldiers, where he relie∣ved the Christians besieged therein.

24. But I have been too tedious,* 4.65 intending onely a short Essay, and to be (let me call it) an honest Decoy, by entering on this subject, to draw others into the compleating thereof, during the whole extent of the Holy war. The best is, for the present we have had good leisure, these Martial times af∣fording but little Ecclesiastical matter. For at this present much of the En∣glish Church was in Palestine, where Baldwin, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, ended his life before the Siege of Acres; and where Hubert Walter, Bishop of Sarisbury, was a most active Commander; besides many moe of the eminent Clergies ingaged in that service. Yet many did wish that one Clergy-man more had been there, (to keep him from doing mischief at home) namely, William Longcamp, Bishop of Elie, who plaied Rex in the Kings absence: so intolerable a Tyrant was he, by abusing the Royal Authority committed unto him. And it is a wonder, that he, being indeed a Norman born, but holding so many and great offices in this land, should not be able to speak one word of goodf 4.66 English, as the English, as the English were not willing to speak one good word of him.

25. Such as draw up a parallel betwixt this William Longcampe, and Thomas Wolsey (afterward Arch-Bishop of York) finde them to meet in many conformities. First, in the lowness of their birth, the one the son of an Hus∣band-man,

the other of a Butcher.* 4.67 Secondly,* 4.68 in the greatness of their power, both being the Popes Legates, and their Kings principal Officers. Thirdly, height of their pride; Longcampe having fifteen hundred daylie atten∣dants: Wolsey, though but a thousand, equalizing that number with the nobi∣lity of his train. Fourthly, suddenness of their fall, and it is hard to say, which of the two lived more hated, or died less pittied.

26. Yet to give Wolsey his due,* 4.69 he far exceeded the other, Longcampe is accused of covetousness, promoting his base kindred, to the damage and detriment of others: no such thing charged on Wolsey. Longcampes activi∣ty moved in the narrow sphear of Englands Dominions; whilest Wolsey might be said (in some sort) to have held in his hand the scales of Christendome. Up Emperor, down France; and so alternately, as he was pleased to cast in his graines. Wolsey sate at the sterne more then twenty years, whilest Longcampe's impolitick pride outed him of his place, in less then a quarter of the time. Lastly, nothing remains of Longcampe, but the memory of his pride and pomp: whilest Christ-Church in Oxford, and other stately edifices, are the lasting monuments of Wolseys magnificence, to all posterity.

27. But seeing it is just to settle mens memories,* 4.70 on their true bottom; Be it known, that one putteth in a good word in due season, in the excuse of Bi∣shop a 4.71 Longcampe, haply not altogether so bad as the pens of Monks would per∣swade us. It inraged them against him, because Hugh Nonant Bishop of Coventry and Liechfield, drave out Monks out of Coventry, and brought in Secular Priests in the room; which alteration he being not able of himself to effect, used the assistance of Longcampe Bishop of Elie; ordering the same in a Synod called at London. And seeing Monks have no medium betwixt not loving and bitter hating, no wonder if for this cause they paid him their Invectives. But we have done with him, and are glad of so fair a riddance of him, on this account, that most of his misdemeanors were by him committed, not quà Bishop, but quà Vice-roy, and so more properly belon̄ging to the civil Historian.

28. King Richard in his return from Palestine,* 4.72 was taken prisoner by Leopold Duke of Austria,* 4.73 and detained by him in durance,* 4.74 with hard and un∣Prince-like usage. Whilest the English Clergy endeavoured the utmost for his Enlargement. And at last when a fine certain was set upon him to be paid for his Ransome; they with much ado in two years time disbursed the same.

29. The summe was an hundred and fifty thousand and marks,* 4.75 to be paid, part to the Duke of Austria, part to Henry the sixth, Sir-named the sharpe, (Sure such our Richard found him) Emperor of Germany. Some will wonder that the weight of such a summe should then sway the back of the whole Kingdome, (putting many Churches to the sale of their silver Chalices) having seen in our age one City in few dayes advance a larger proportion; But let such con∣sider,

1. The money was never to return, not made over by Bils of Exchange, but sent over in specie, which made it arise the more heavily. For such summes may be said in some sort to be but lent, not lost (as to the Common-wealth) which are not exported, but spent therein in the circulation of Trading.

2. A third of silver went then more to make a marke then now adayes, witness their groats, worth our six pence in the intrinsick value.

3. Before trading to the East and West Indies, some hundred and fifty years since, very little the silver of England, in comparison to the Banks of Modern Merchants.

However Hubert, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with much diligence perfected the work, and on his ransom paid, King Richard returned into England.

30. Now lest his Majesty should suffer any diminution by his long late imprisonment;* 4.76 King Richard was Crowned again by Hubert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 4.77 at Winchester,* 4.78 with great solemnity; and one may say that his durance was well bestowed on him, seeing after the same he was improved in all his relations.

Son. For though he could not revive his dead Father; yet on all occasions he expressed sorrow for his undutifulness.

Husband. Hereafter prising the company of Beringaria his Queen; Daughter to Sanctius King of Navarre, whom formerly he slighted and neglected.

Brother. Freely and fully pardoning the practises of his Brother John aspiring to the Crown in his absence; and being better to his base Brother Geffery, Arch-Bishop of York, then his tumultuous nature did deserve.

Man. Being more strict in ordering his own conversation.

King. In endeavouring the amendment of many things in the Land,* 4.79 in whose dayes a Councel was, kept at York, for Reformation,* 4.80 but little effected.

31. Hubert Walter,* 4.81 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury,* 4.82 had almost finished a fair Covent for Monks at Lambeth,* 4.83 begun by Baldwin his Predecessor. But in∣stantly the Monks of Canterbury are all up in anger against him they feared that in process of time Lambeth would prove Canterbury (viz. the Principal place of the Arch-Bishops residence) to the great impairing of their Priviledges; the vicinity of Lambeth to the Court encreased their jealousie: And now they ply the Pope with Petitions, and with what makes Petitions to take effect in the Court of Rome; never content till they had obtained (contrary to the Kings and Arch-Bishops desire) that the Covent at Lambeth was utterly demolished; many bemoaning the untimely end thereof, before it was ended, murdered, as one may say, by malitious emulation.

32. The death of King Richard is variously reported,* 4.84 but this relation generally received,* 4.85 that he lost his life on this sad occasion.* 4.86 A Viscount in France, subject to King Richard, having found a vast Treasure, (hid probably by some Prince, the Kings Predecessor) sent part thereof to King Richard, re∣serving the rest to himself; who could he have concealed all, had made no discovery, and had he sent all, had got no displeasure; whilest hoping by this middle-way to pleasure the King, and profit himself, he did neither. King Richard disdaines to take part for a gift where all was due; and blame him not, if having lately bled so much money, he desired to fill his empty veines again. The Viscount fled into Poictou, whither the King following, straightly besieged him.

33. The Castle being reduced to distress,* 4.87 a Souldier shoots a poysoned arrow, contrary to the Law of Armes, being a sharp arrow, from a strong bow, is poyson enough of it self, without any other addition. But those Laws of Armes, are onely mutually observed in orderly Armies (if such to be found) and such Laws outlawed by extremity; when the half-famished Souldier, rather for spight then hunger, will champ a bullet. The arrow hits King Richard in the eye, who died some dayes after on the anguish thereof, having first forgiven the souldier that wounded him.

34. By Will he made a tripartite division of his body,* 4.88 and our* 4.89 Author takes upon him to render a reason thereof. His Heart he bequeathed to Roan, because he had ever found that City hearty and cordial unto him: His Body to be buried at Fount-Everard, at his Fathers feet, in token of his sorrow and submision, that he desired to be as it were his Fathers Foot-flool: His

Bowels to be buried in the Parish Church,* 4.90 in the Province of Poictou,* 4.91 where he died (not for any Bowels of affection he bare unto them, but) because he would leave his filth and excrements to so base and treacherous a place. Others more charitably conceive them buried there, because conveniently not to be carried thence, whose corruption required speedy interment. Another Monk telleth us, that his Heart was grossitudinea 4.92 Praestans, gross for the greatness thereof; which is contrary to the received opinion, that that part is the least in a vali∣ant man, and the heart of a Lion (this Richard we know was called Cure de Lion, or Lion-hearted) less then the heart of an Hare.

25. I finde two Epitaphs made upon him,* 4.93 the first, (better for the con∣ceit then the Poetry thereof) thus concludeth:

Sic locab 4.94 per trina se sparsit tanta ruina, Nec fuit hoc funus cui sufficeret locus unsis.

Three places thus, are sharers of his fall, Too little, one, for such a Funeral.

The second may pass for a good piece of Poetry in that age;

Hic Richardec 4.95 jaces, sed mors si cederet, armis Victa timore tui, cederet ipsa tuis.

Richard thou liest here, but were death afraid Of any armes, thy armes had death dismaid.

Dying issueless,* 4.96 the Crown after his death should have descended to Arthur, Duke of Britain, as son to Geffery, fourth son to Henry the second, in whose mi∣nority, John, fift Son to the said King, seized on the Crown, keeping his Nephew Arthur in prison till he died therein. Thus climing the Throne against conscience; no wonder if he sate thereon without comfort, as in the follow∣ing Century, God willing, shall appear.

The End of the Twefth CENTURY.

CENT. XIII.* 4.97

TO M^r JOHN ROBINSON OF Milke-street in London, Merchant.* 5.1

DIVINES generally excuse the* 5.2 dumb man cured by CHRIST, for publishing the same, though contrary to his command. THEOPHYLACT goes farther in his Comment on the Text, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Hence we are taught (saith He) to proclaim and spread the fame of our BENE∣FACTORS, though they themselves be unwilling. On which account I safely may, and justly must, pub∣lickly acknowledge your bountie to me.

1. HIs Christmas King John kept at Guilford,* 5.3 where he bestowed many new holiday-liveries on his Guard,* 5.4 and Hubert the Arch-Bishop,* 5.5 gave the like to his servants at Canterbury; who offended the King not a little, that the Mitre should Ape the Crown, and the Chaplain vie gallantry with his Patron. To make some amends, when the King and Queen, the Easter following, were Crowned at Canterbury; Hubert made them magnificent, yea, superfluous a 5.6 cheer. Yet his offence herein carried an excuse in it; and superfluity at that time seemed but needful to do penance for his former profuseness; and to shew that his Loyalty in entertaining of the King, should surpass his late

vanity, in ostentation of his wealth. However when King John had digested the Arch-Bishops dainty cheer,* 5.7 the memory of his servants coats still stuck in his stomach.* 5.8 Surely if Clergy-men had left all emulation, with the Laity, in outward pomp, and applied themselves onely to piety and painfulness in their calling, they had found as many to honour, as now they made to envy them.

2. But now we enter on one of the saddest Tragedies that ever was acted in England,* 5.9 occasioned by the Monks of Canterbury,* 5.10 after the decease of Hubert,* 5.11 about the election of a new Arch-Bishop. O that their Monkish controversies had been confined to a Cloyster, or else so enjoyned a single life, that their lo∣cal discords might never have begotten any National dissentions. Behold (saith the Apostle) how great a matter a little firea 5.12 kindleth, especially after a long drought, when every thing it meets is Tinder for it. All things at home, (besides forein concurrences) conspired to inflame the difference: King John rather stubborn then valiant, was unwilling to lose, yet unable to keep his right; the Nobility potent and factious; the Clergie looking at London, but rowing to Rome; carrying Italian hearts in English bodies: the Commons pressed with present grievances, generally desirous of change; conceiving any alte∣ration must be for their advantage, barely because an alteration, All im∣proved the discord so long, till Normandy was lost; England embroyl'd; the Crown thereof invassalled; the Kings person destroyed; his posterity en∣danger'd; Foreiners fetch'd in to insult, and Native Subjects made Slaves to their insolencies.

3. The yonger of the Monks of Canterbury,* 5.13 in the night time, without the Kings knowledg or consent, chose Reginald their sub-prior, to be Arch-Bishop. The Seniors of their Covent, solemnly, at a Canonical hour, with the approbation, yea commendation of the King, chose John Gray, Bishop of Norwich for the place; and both sides post to Rome for the Popes confirmation; he finding them violent in their wayes; to prevent further faction, advised them to pitch on a third man: Stephen Langton, born in England, but bred in France, lately Chancellor of the Vniversity of Paris, and sithence made Cardinal of S^t Chrysogone. Which expedient, or middle way, though carrying a plau∣sible pretence of peace, would by the consequence thereof improve the Popes power, by invading the undoubted priviledges of King John. The Monks so∣berly excused themselves, that they durst not proceed to an election without the Kings consent; but affrighted at last with the high threats of his Holiness, menacing them with Excommunication; Stephen Langton was chosen accor∣dingly: One that wanted not ability for the place, but rather had too much, as King John conceived, having his high spirit in suspition, that he would be hardly managed.

4. Then two Letters were dispatch'd from the Pope,* 5.14 to the King.* 5.15 The first had nothing of business,* 5.16 but complement, and four gold Rings with se∣veral stones; desiring him rather to minde the mysterie, then value the worth of the present; wherein the Round form signified Eternity, their Square Number, Constancy, the green Smaragd, Faith, the clear Saphir, Hope, the red Granat, Charity, the bright Topaz, good works; How pretious these stones were in themselves, is uncertain; most sure it is they proved Dear to King John, who might beshrow his own fingers, for ever wearing those Rings, and, as my * 5.17 Author saith, soon after, gemmae commutatae in gemitus. For in the second Letter, the Pope recommended Stephen Langton to the Kings acceptance, close∣ly couching threats in case he refused him.

5. King John returned an answer full of stomach and animosity,* 5.18 that this was an intolerable encroachment, on his Crown and Dignity, which he nei∣ther could nor would digest, to have a stranger, unknown unto him, bred in forrein parts, familiar with the French King his sworn enemy, obtruded up∣on him for an Arch-Bishop. He minded the Pope that he had plenty of Pre∣lates in the Kingdome of England, sufficiently provided in all kind of know∣ledge,

and that he need not to go abroad to seek for judgement and justice,* 5.19 intimating an intended defection from Rome,* 5.20 in case he was wronged. Other passages were in his letter, which deserved memory, had they bee•• as vigorously acted, as valiantly spoken. Whereas now, (because he fouly failed at last) judicious ears hearken to his words no otherwise, then to the empty brags of impotent anger, and the vain evaporations of his discontent∣ment. However, he began high, not onely banishing the Monks of Canter∣bury, for their contempt, out of his Kingdome, but also forbidding Stephen Langton, from once entring into England.

6. Hereupon Pope Innocent,* 5.21 the third, employed three Bishops, William of London, Eustace of Ely, and Mauger of Worcester, to give the King a serious ad∣monition, and upon his denial, or delaying, to receive Stephen Langton, for Arch-Bishop, to proceed to Interdict the Kingdome of all Ecclesiasticall service, saving Baptisme of Children, Confession, and the Eucharist, to the dying in case of necessity, which by them was performed accordingly. No sooner had they Interdicted the Kingdome; but with Joceline Bishop of Bath, and Giles of Hereford, they, as speedily, as secretly, got them out of the Land, like adventurous Empiricks, unwilling to wait the working of their desperate Physick: except any will compare them to fearfull Boyes, which at the first tryall set fire to their squibs, with their faces backwards, and make fast away from them: but the worst was, they must leave their lands, and considerable moveables in the kingdome behind them.

7. See now on a sudden the sad face of the English Church.* 5.22 A face without a tongue; no singing of service, no saying of Masse, no reading of Prayers; as for preaching of Sermons, the lazinesse, and ignorance of those times, had long before interdicted them: None need pity the living, (hear∣ing the impatient complaints of Lovers, for whose marriage no licence could be procured) when he looks on the dead,a 5.23 who were buried in ditches, like dogs, without any prayers said upon them. True, a well informed Christian knows full well, that a corps though cast in a bogge, shall not stick there at the day of judgement; thrown into a Wood, shall then finde out the way; buried by the high wayes side, is in the ready Road to the Resurrection. In a word, that wheresoever a body be put or plac'd, it will equally take the Alarum at the last Trumpet: Yet seeing these People beleeved that a Grave in consecrated ground, was a good step to Heaven, and were taught that pray∣ers after their death were essentaill to their Salvation, it must needs put strange fears into the heads and hearts, both of such which deceased, and their friends which survived them. And although afterwards at the intreaty of Stephen Langton, the Pope indulged to conventuallb 5.24 Churches to have Service once a Week: Yet Parish Churches, where the Peoples need was as much, and number far more, of souls, as dear in Gods sight, were debar'd of that benefit.

8. Some Priests were well pleased that the Interdiction for a time should continue,* 5.25 as which would render their persons and places in more reputati∣on, and procure a higher valuation of Holy mysteries. Yea, this fasting would be wholesome to some souls, who afterwards would feed on Divine Service with greater appetite. Hereby two Grand effects were generally produc'd in the Kingdom. One, a terrible impression made in mens mindes of the Popes Power, which they had often heard of, and now saw and felt, whose long arm could reach from Rome all over England, and lock the doors of all Churches there; an Emblem, that in like manner, he had, or might have bolted the Gates of Heaven against them. The second, an Alienation of the peoples hearts from King John, all being ready to complain; O cruell Tyrant over the souls of his Subjects, whose wilfulnesse depriveth them of the means of their sal∣vation.* 5.26

9. However, if things be well weighed, King John will appear meerly passive in this matter, suffering unjustly, because he would not willingly part

with his undoubted right. Besides, suppose him guilty, what equity was it, that so many thousands in England, who in this particular case, might better answer to the name of Innocent, then his Holinesse himself, should be involved in his punishment: God indeed sometimes most justly punisheth subjects, for the defaults of their Soveraignes; as in the case of the plague, destroying the people for Davids numbring of them. But it appears in thea 5.27 Text, that formerly they had been offenders, and guilty before God, as all men, at all times are. But seeing the English at this present, had not injured his Holi∣nesse, by any personall offence against him, the Pope by Interdicting the whole Realme, discovered as much emptinesse of Charity, as plenitude of Power. But some will say, his bounty is to be praised, that he permitted the People some Sacraments, who might have denied them all, in rigour, and with as much right; yea, 'tis well he Interdicted not Ireland also, as a Coun∣trey under King Johns Dominion deserving to smart, for the perversnesse of their Prince placed over it.

10. But after the continuance of this Interdiction,* 5.28 a year and upwards,* 5.29 the horrour thereof began to abate:* 5.30 Use made ease, and the weight was the lighter, born by many shoulders. Yea, the Pope perceived that King John would never be weary with his single share, in a generall Burden, and there∣fore proceeded Nominatim to excommunicate him. For now his Holinesse had his hand in, having about this time excommunicated Otho the German Emperour; and if the Imperiall Cedar, had so lately been blasted with his Thunderbolts, no wonder if the English Oak felt the same fire. He also Assoiled all English subjects from their Allegiance to King John, and gave not onely Licence, but Incouragement to any Forreigners to invade the land, so that it should not onely be no sinne in them, but an expiating of all their other sinnes to conquer England. Thus the Pope gave them a Title, and let their own swords by Knight-service get them a Tenure.

11. Five years did King John lie under this sentence of Excommunication,* 5.31 in which time we find him more fortunate in his Martiall Affairs,* 5.32 then either before or after.* 5.33 For he made a successefull voyage into Ireland, (as greedy a Grave for English Corps, as a bottomlesse Bag for their Coin) and was very triumphant in a Welsh Expedition, and stood on honourable termes in all Foraine Relations. For as he kept Ireland under his feet, and Wales under his elbow; so he shak't hands in fast friendship with Scotland, and kept France at arms end, without giving hitherto any considerable Advantage against him. The worst was, not daring to repose trust in his Subjects, he was for∣ced to entertain Forainers, which caused his constant anxiety; as those neither stand sure, nor go safe, who trust more to a staffe, then they lean on their legs. Besides, to pay these Mercenary Souldiers, he imposed unconscionable Taxes, both on the English, (Clergy especially) and Jews in the Kingdom. One Jew there was ofb 5.34 Bristoll, vehemently suspected for wealth, though there was no cleer Evidence thereof against him, of whom the King demanded ten thousand Marks of silver, and upon his refusall, com∣manded, that every day a Tooth, with intolerable torture should be drawn out of his head; which being done seven severall times, on the eight day he confessed his wealth, and payed the fine demanded; who yeelding sooner, had sav'd his teeth, or stubborn longer, had spar'd his money; now having both his Purse, and his Jaw empty by the Bargain. Condemn we here mans cruelty, and admire heavens justice; for all these summes extorted from the Jews, by temporall Kings, are but paying their Arrerages to God, for a debt they can never satisfie, namely the crucifying of Christ.

12. About the same time,* 5.35 one Peter of Wakefield in Yorkshire a Hermit,* 5.36 prophesied that John should be King of England,* 5.37 no longer then next Ascen∣sion-day, after which solemn Festivall (on which Christ mounted on his glo∣rious Throne, took possession of his heavenly Kingdom) this Oppose of Christ should no longer enjoy the English Diadem: And as some report, he

foretold that none of King Johns linage should after him be crowned in the Kingdom.* 5.38 The King called this Prophet ana 5.39 Idiot-Knave:* 5.40 which description of him implying a contradiction: the King thus reconciled, pardoning him as an Idiot, and punishing him as a Knave, with imprisonment in Kors-Castle. The fetters of the prophet gave wings to his prophesie, and whereas the Kings neglecting it, might have puft this vain Prediction into wind, men began now to suspect it of some solidity, because deserving a wise Princes notice and displeasure. Farre and neer it was dispersed over the whole Kingdom, it beingb 5.41 generally observed, that the English nation are most superstitious in beleeving such reports, which causeth them to be more common here then in other Countries. For as the Receiver makes the Thief, so popular credu∣lity occasioneth this Propheticall vanity, and Brokers would not set such base ware to sale, but because they are sure to light on chapmen.

13. Leave we the person of this Peter in a dark Dungeon,* 5.42 and his cre∣dit as yet in the Twilight,* 5.43 betwixt Prophet, and Impostor to behold the miserable condition of King John,* 5.44 perplexed with the daily preparation of the French Kings Invasion of England, assisted by many English Male-contents, and all the banish'd Bishops. Good Patriots, who rather then the fire of their Re∣venge should want fuel, would burn their own Countrey which bred them. Hereupon King John having his soul battered without, with forrain fears, and foundred within by the falsenesse of his Subjects, sunk on a sudden be∣neath himself, to an act of unworthy submission, and subjection to the Pope. For on Ascenision Eve, May 15. being in the town of Dover, (standing as it were on tip-toes, on the utmost edge, brink, and labell of that Land, which now he was about to surrender) King John by an Instrument, or Char∣ter, sealed and solemnly delivered in the presence of many Prelates and No∣bles, to Pandulphus the Popes Legat, granted to God, and the Church of Rome, the Apostles Peter and Paul, and to Pope Innocent the third, and his Succe∣ssours the whole Kingdom of England and Ireland. And took an Estate there∣of back again, yeelding and paying yeerly to the Church of Rome, (over and above the Peter-pence) a thousand Marks sterling, viz. 700. for England, and 300. for Ireland. In the passing hereof, this ceremony is observable, that the Kings Instrument to the Pope was* 5.45 sealed with a seal of Gold, and the Popes to the King (which I have beheld and perused, remaining amongst many rarities in the Earl of Arundels Library) was sealed with a seal of Lead. Such bargains let them look for, who barter with his Holinesse, al∣wayes to be losers by the contract. Thy silver (saith thec 5.46 Prophet) is become dross: and here was the change of Glaucus, and Diomedes made, as in the se∣quel of the History will appear.

14. Yet we find not that this Fee-farme of a thousand Marks was ever paid, either by K. John, or by his Successours, but that it is all runne on the score, even unto this present day. Not that the Pope did remit it out of his free bounty, but for other Reasons was rather contented to have them use his power therein. Perchance suspecting the English Kings would refuse to pay it, he accounted it more honour not to demand it, then to be denied it. Or it may be his Holiness might conceive, that accepting of this money might colourably be extended to the cutting him off from all other profits he might gain in the kingdome. The truth is, he did scorn to take so poor a revenue per annum out of two kingdoms, but did rather endeavour to convert all the profits of both Lands, to his own use, as if he had been seised of all in Demesnes.

15. At the same time,* 5.47 King John on his knees surrendred the Crown of England into the hands of Pandulphus, and also presented him with some money, as the earnest of His subjection, which the proud Prelate trampled under hisd 5.48 feet. A gesture applauded by some, as shewing how much his Holinesse (whom he personated) slighted worldly wealth, caring as little for King Johns coin, as his Predecessour Sainte 5.49 Peter did for the money of

Simon Magus.* 5.50 Others,* 5.51 and especially H. Arch-Bishop of Dublin then present, were both grieved, and angry thereat, as an intolerable affront to the King: and there wanted not those, who condemn'd his pride and hypocrisie, knowing Pandulphus to be a most greedy griper (as appeared by his unconsci∣onable oppression, in the Bishoprick of Norwich, which was afterwards be∣stowed upon him.) And perchance he trampled on it, not as being money, but because no greater summe thereof. Five dayes (namely Ascension-day, and four dayes after) Pandulphus kept the Crown in his possession, and then restored it to King John, again. A long eclipse of Royall lustre; and strange it is, that no bold Monk in his blundring Chronicles, did not adventure to place King Innocent, with his five dayes reigne, in the Catalogue of English Kings, seeing they have written what amounts to as much in this matter.

16. Now all the dispute was,* 5.52 whether Peter of Wakefield had acquitted himself a true prophet, or no: The Romiz'd faction were zealous in his be∣half; Iohn after that day not being King in the same sense, and Soveraignty as before; not free, but feodary; not absolute, but dependent on the Pope, whose Legate possess'd the Crown for the time being, so that his prediction was true, in that lawfull latitude justly allowed to all Prophesies. Others, because the King was neither naturally, nor civilly dead, condemn'd him of forgery; for which, by the Kings command, he was dragg'd at the horse-tail from Corf-Castle, and with his sonnea 5.53 hang'd in the Town of Wareham. A punishment not undeserved, if he foretold (as some report) that none of the line, or linage of King Iohn, should after be crowned in England; of whose off-spring some shall flourish, in free and full power on the English Throne, when the Chair of Pestilence shall be burnt to ashes: and neither Triple-Crown left at Rome to be worne, nor any head there, which shall dare to wear it.

17. Next year the Interdiction was taken off of the Kingdom,* 5.54 and a generall Jubilee of joy all over the Land.* 5.55 Banish'd Bishops being restored to their Sees;* 5.56 Service, and Sacraments being administred in the Church as before. But, small reason had King Iohn to rejoyce, being come out of Gods Blessing, (of whom, before he immediately held the Crown) into the Warm Sunne, or rather, scorching-heat of the Popes protection, which proved little beneficiall unto him.

18. A brawl happened betwixt him,* 5.57 and the banished Bishops (now returned home) about satisfaction for their Arrears, and reparation of their damages, during the Interdiction; all which terme the King had retained their revenues in his hands. To moderate this matter, Nicolas, a Tusculane Cardinal and Legat, was imployed by the Pope: who after many meetings, and Synods to audit their Accounts, reduced all at last to the gross summe of fourty thousand Marks, the restoring whereof by the King unto them, was thus divided into three payments.

1. Twelve thousand Marks Pandulphus carried over with him into France, and delivered them to the Bishops, before their return.

2. Fifteen thousand were paid down at the late meeting in Reading.

3. For the thirteen thousand remaining, they had the Kings Oath, Bond, and other Sureties.

But then in came the whole crie of the rest of the Clergy, who stayed all the while in the Land, bringing in the Bills of their severall sufferings, and losses sustained, occasioned by the Interdiction. Yea, some had so much avarice, and little conscience, they could have been contented, the Interdiction had still re∣mained, untill all the accidentall damages were repaired. But Cardinall Nicolas averred them to amount to an incredible summe, impossible to bee paid, and unreasonable to be demanded; adding withall, that in generall grievances, private men may be glad, if the main be made good unto them, not descending to petty particulars, which are to be cast out of course, as in∣considerable in a common calamity. Hereupon, and on some other occasi∣ons,

much grudging,* 5.58 and justling there was,* 5.59 betwixt Stephen, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the Legat, as one in his judgement, and carriage, too propi∣tious, and partiall to the Kings cause.

19. The remnant of this Kings Reign,* 5.60 afforded little Ecclesiastical Story, but what is so complicated with the Interest of State, that it is more proper for the Chronicles of the Common-wealth. But this is the brief thereof. The Barons of England demanded of King John, to desist from that arbitrary and tyrannical power he exercised; and to restore King Edwards Laws, which his great Grand-father King Henrie the first had confirmed to the Church and State, for the general good of his Subjects: yea, and which he himself, when lately absolved from the sentence of Excommunication by Stephen Arch-Bishop of Canterburie, had solemnly promised to observe. But King John, though at the first he condescended to their requests, afterwards repented of his promise, and refused the performance thereof. Hereupon the Barons took up Armes against him, and called in Lewis Prince of France, son to Phi∣lip Augustus, to their assistance, promising him the Crown of England for his reward.

20. Yet the Pope endeavoured what lay in his power,* 5.61 to disswade Prince Lewis from his design,* 5.62 to which at first he encouraged him,* 5.63 and now forbad him in vain. For, where a Crown is the Game hunted after, such hounds are easier laid on, then either rated, or hollowed off. Yea, ambition had brought this Prince into this Dilemma; that, if he invaded England, he was accursed by the Pope; if he invaded it not, forsworn of himself, having pro∣mised upon oath, by such a time to be at London. Over comes Lewis into England, and there hath the principal learning of the Land, the Clergie; the strength thereof, the Barons; the wealth of the same, the Londoners, to joyn with him: Who but ill requited King John, for his late bounty to their City, in first giving them aa 5.64 Mayor for their governour. Gualo the Popes new Legat, sent on purpose, bestirr'd himself with Book, Bell, and Candle; Excommunicating the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with all the No∣bility opposing King John, now in protection of his Holiness. But the com∣monness of these curses, caused them to be contemned; so that they were a fright to few, a mock to many, and an hurt to none.

21. King John thus distressed,* 5.65 sent a base, degenerous, and unchristian-like embassage, to Admiralius Murmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco, then very puissant, and possessing a great part of Spain: offering him, on con∣dition he would send him succour, to hold the Kingdome of England as a vas∣sal from him, and to receive the Lawb 5.66 of Mahomet. The Moor, marvel∣lously offended with his offer, told the Embassadors, that he lately had read Pauls Epistles, which for the matter liked him very well, save onely that Paul once renounced that faith wherein he was born, and the Jewish profes∣sion. Wherefore he neglected King John, as devoid both of piety and poli∣cie, who would love his liberty, and disclaim his Religion. A strange ten∣der, if true. Here, whilest some alledg in behalf of King John, that cases of extremity excuse counsels of extremity (when liberty is not left to chuse what is best, but to snatch what is next, neglecting future safety for present sub∣sistence) we onely listen to the saying of Solomonc 5.67 Oppression maketh a wise man mad. In a fit of which fury, oppressed on all sides with enemies, King John, scarce compos sui, may be presumed to have pitched on this project.

22. King John having thus tried Turk and Pope (and both with bad suc∣cess) sought at last to escape those his enemies,* 5.68 whom he could not resist,* 5.69 by a far,* 5.70 and fast march into the North-eastern Counties. Where turning mischievous instead of valiant, he cruelly burnt all the stacks of Corn, of such as he conceived disaffected unto him: doing therein most spight to the rich for the present, but in fine more spoil to the poor, the prices of grain falling heavy on those, who were least able to bear them. Coming to Lin, he re∣warded the fidelity of that Town unto him, with bestowing on that Corpora∣tion

his owna 5.71 sword;* 5.72 which had he himself but known how well to manage,* 5.73 he had not so soon been brought into so sad a condition. He gave also to the same place a faire silver Cup all gilded. But few dayes after a worse Cup was presented to King John, at Swinshed Abbey in Lincoln-shire, by one Simon,b 5.74 a Monk, of poisoned wine, whereof the King died. A murther so horrid that it concerned all Monks (who in that age had the Monopoly of writing Histories) to conceal it, and therefore give out sundry other causes of his deathc 5.75 Some report him heart-broken with grief, for the loss of his baggage, and treasure drowned in the passage over the washes: it being just with God, that he who had plagued others with fire, should be punished by water, a contrary, but as cruel an element.d 5.76 Others ascribe his death to a looseness, and scouring with bloud; others to a cold sweat; others to a bur∣ning heat, all effects not inconsistent with poyson: so that they in some man∣ner may seem to set down the symptomes, and suppress his disease.

23. It is hard to give the true character of this Kings conditions.* 5.77 For, we onely behold him through such light, as the Friers his foes show him in: who so hold the candle, that with the shaddow thereof they darken his vir∣tues, and present onely his vices. Yea, and as if they had also poisoned his me∣mory, they cause his faults to swell to a prodigious greatness, making him with their pens more black in conditions, then the Morocco-King (whose aid he requested) could be in complexion. A murtherer of his Nephew Ar∣thur; a defiler of the wives and daughters of his Nobles; sacrilegious in the Church; profane in his discourse; wilful in his private resolutions; various in his publick promises; false in his faith to men, and wavering in his Reli∣gion to God. The favourablest expression of him falls from the pen of Roger Hoveden:

Princeps quidem magnus erat, sed minùs felix, At{que} ut Marius, utramque fortunam expertus.

Perchance he had been esteemed more pious, if more prosperous; it being an usual (though uncharitable) error, to account mischances to be misdeeds. But we leave him quietly buried in Worcester Church, and proceed in our storie.

24. Henry,* 5.78 the third of that name,* 5.79 his Son, succeeded him, being but ten years old, and was Crowned at Glocester, by a moiety of the Nobility and Clergie, the rest siding with the French Lewis. Now, what came not so well from the mouth of Abijah the son, concerning his father Rehoboam, posterity may, no less truly, and more properly pronounce of this Henry, even when a man,e 5.80 He was but a childe, and tender-hearted. But, what strength was wanting in the Ivie it self, was supplied by the Oaks, his supporters, his Tutors and Governours; first, William Mareshall, Earl of Pembroke, and af∣ter his death, Peter, Bishop of Winchester. But, of these two Protectors suc∣cessively, a sword-man, and a Church-man; the latter left the deeper im∣pression on this our King Henry, appearing more Religious then resolute; devout then valiant. His Reign was not onely long for continuance, fifty six years, but also thick for remarkable mutations happening therein.

25. Within little more then a twelvemonth,* 5.81 he recovered the entire possession of his Kingdom, many things concurring to expedite so great an al∣teration. First, the insolency of the French, disobliging the English by their cruelty, and wantonness. Secondly, the inconstancy of the English (if start∣ing loyalties return to its lawful Soveraign may be so termed) who, as for their own turns they call'd in Lewis, so for their turns they cast him out. Thirdly, the innocence of Prince Henry, whose harmless age, as it attracted love to him on his own account, so he seemed also hereditarily to succeed to some pitty, as the Son of a suffering Father, Fourthly, the wisdom and valor;

counsel and courage of William Earl of Pembroke,* 5.82 his Protector; who,* 5.83 ha∣ving got the French Lewis out of his covert of the City of London, into the champion field, so maul'd him at the fatal battel of Lincoln, that soon after the said Lewis was fain, by the colour of a composition, to qualifie his re∣treat (not to say his flight) into the honour of a departure. Lastly, and chiefly, the Mercy of God to an injured Orphan, and his Justice that detain∣ed right, though late, yet at last, should return to its proper owner.

26. But it were not onely uncivil,* 5.84 but injurious for us to meddle with these matters, proper to the pens of the civil Historians. We shall therefore confine our selves principally to take notice in this Kings Reign, as of the un∣conscionable extortions of the Court of Rome, on the one side, to the detri∣ment of the King and Kingdom: so of the defence which the King, as well as he could, made against it. Defence, which, though too faint and feeble, fully to recover his right, from so potent oppression; yet did this good, to continue his claim, and preserve the title of his priviledges, until his Son, and Successors, in after-ages, could more effectually rescue the rights of their Crown, from Papal usurpation.

27. Indeed at this time many things imboldened the Pope (not over∣bashful of himself) to be the more busie in the collecting of money.* 5.85 First, the troublesomness of the times, and best fishing for him in such waters. Secondly, the ignorance of most, and the obnoxiousness of some of the En∣glish Clergie. Now, such as had weak heads, must finde strong backs; and those that led their lives loose, durst not carry their purses tied, or grudg to pay dear for a connivence at their viciousness. Thirdly, the minority of King Henry, and (which was worse) his non-age after his full-age; such was his weakness of spirit, and lowness of resolution. Lastly, the Pope conceiving that this King got his Crown under the countenance of his excommunicating his enemies, thought that either King Henrie's weakness could not see, or his goodness would winke at his intolerable extortions; which, how great so∣ever, were but a large shiver of that loaf, which he had given into the Kings hand. Presuming on the premisses, Gualo the Popes Legat, by his Inquisi∣tors throughout England, collected a vast summe of money of the Clergie, for their misdemenours; Hugo Bishop of Lincoln, paying no less for his share, then a thousanda 5.86 marks sterling to the Pope, and an hundred to this his Legat. Yet, when this Gualo departed, such as hated his dwelling here, grieved at his going hence, because fearing a worse in his room, chusing ra∣ther to be suck'd by full, then fresh flies; hoping that those already gorg'd, would be afterwards less greedy.

28. And being now to give the Reader a short account of the long Reign of this King;* 5.87 I shall alter my proceedings, embracing a new course which hi∣therto I have not, nor hereafter shall venture upon. Wherein I hope the variation may be not onely pleasant, but profitable to the Reader, as scientifical and satisfactory in it self; namely, I will for the present leave off consulting with the large and numerous Printed or Manuscript Authors of that Age, and betake my self only to the Tower-Records, all authentical∣ly attested under the hands of William Ryley Norroy, keeper of that pre∣tious Treasury.

29. When I have first exemplified them,* 5.88 I shall proceed to make such observations upon them, as, according to my weakness, I conceive of greatest concernment; being confident that few considerables in that Age (which was the crisis of Regal and Papal power in this Land) will escape our dis∣covery herein.

30. Onely I desire a pardon for the premising of this Touch of State-matters.* 5.89 At this instant the Common-wealth had a great serenity, as lately cleared from such active spirits, who nick-named the calme and quiet of Peace, a sloth of Government. Such Falcatius de Brent,

and others,* 5.90 who had merited much in setting this Henry the third on the Throne; and it is dangerous when Subjects conferr too great benefits on their Sovereigns;* 5.91 for afterwards their mindes are onely made capa∣ble of receiving more reward, not doing more duty. These were offended, when such Lands and Castles, which by the heat of War had unjustly been given them, by Peace were justly took away from them, finding such uprightness in the King, that his Power of Protection, would not be made a wrong doer. But now the old stock of such male-contents, being either worne out with age, or ordered otherwise into Obedience, all things were in an universal tranquillity, within the first seven years of this Kings Reign.

THOMAE HANSON Amico meo.* 6.1* 6.2

DIsplicet mihi modernus Scribendi Mos, quo Monumenta indies exarantur. Literae enim sunt fugaces, ut quae non stabili manu penitus Membra∣nis infiguntur, sed currente Calamo summam ea∣rum Cuticulam vix leviter praestringunt. Hae cum saeculum unum & alterum duraverint, vel Linceis oculis lectu erunt perdifficiles.

Haud ita olim Archiva, in Turre Londinensi, Ro∣tulis, Scaccario, &c. deposita; in quibus ingens Scribarum cura, justa Membranarum firmitas, Atra∣mentum vere Aethiopicum, integra Literarum linea∣menta, ut Calamus Praeli Aemulus videatur. Ita adhuc vigent omnia, in illis quae trecentis ab hinc Annis notata, ut Is, cui Characteris Antiquitas minus cognita, nuperrime descripta judicaret.

Ex his nonnulla decerpsi, ad Rem nostram facientia, & ea Tibi dedicanda curavi, quem o∣mnes norunt Antiquitatis Caniciem venerari: Quo, in Ducatus Lancastrensis Chartulis custodiendis, ne∣mo fidelior, perlegendis, oculatior, communican∣dis, candidior.

HEre we begin with the Kings Precept to the Sheriff of Buckinghamshire,* 6.3 considerable for the Rarity thereof,* 6.4 though otherwise but a matter of private concernment.* 6.5

Vic. Bucks. Precipimus tibi quod Emme de Pink∣ney ux. Laur. Pinkney, qui excommunicatus est, eo quod predict. Emmam af∣fectione maritali non tra∣ctavit, eid. Emme ratio∣nabil. Estover. invenias, do∣nec idem Laur. Vir suus eam tanquam suam tracta∣verit.

To the high Sheriff of Bucking∣hamshire. We command you con∣cerning Emme de Pinkney, Wife of Laurence Pinkney, who is excom∣municated, because he did not use the foresaid Emme with Affection befitting a Husband; that you find for the said Emme Estover in rea∣sonable proportion, untill the said Laurence her Husband shall use her as becometh his Wife.

Of this Laurence Pinkney I can say nothing: onely I find his Family ancient, and

Barons ofa 6.6 Weedon in Northamptonshire.* 6.7 It seemeth strange he should be excom∣municated for not loving usage of his Wife,* 6.8 no Incontinencie appearing (pro∣ved against him:) except his carriage was Cruell in a high degree. By Estover, in our Forrest Towns, we only understand, A certain allowance of Wood; though the extent of the word be far larger, importing Nourishment, or maintenance in Meat and Cloth, as a learnedb 6.9 Lawyer hath observed. This it seems being denied by her husband, the King enjoyneth the Sheriff, that he should appoint the said Emme Pinkney reasonable Alimony, in proportion, no doubt, to her Portion and her Husband estate.

2. Next we take notice of a Writing which the King sent over to the Arch∣bishop of Dublin,* 6.10 and which deserveth the Readers serious perusall.* 6.11* 6.12

REXc 6.13 Dublin. Archiepiscopo, Justiciario Hiberniae, Salutem. Ad ea que vobis nuper nostris dedimus in Mandatis, ut nobis re∣scribertis quatenus fuisset processum in Causa Nicolai de Felda, qui contra Abbatem & Canonicos S^ti. Thomae Dublinensis in Curia nostra, coram Insticiariis nostris, petiit duas Carrucatas Terrae cum pertinentiis in Kelredhery per assisam de morte Antecesso∣ris, cui etiam coram eisdem Insticiariis objecta fuit Bastardia, pro∣pter quod ab ipsis Insticiariis nostris ad vos fuit transmissus, ut in Foro Ecclesiastico de ejus Bastardia five Legitimitate agnosceretis, nobis per litteras vestras significastis; quod cum in Foro (ivili Terram predictam peteret, per litteras nostras de morte Anteces∣soris versus memoratos Abbatem & Canonicos objecta ei fuit nota Bastardie, quare in foro eodem tunc non fuit ulterius processum. Memoratus etiam Nicolaus de mandato Insticiariorum nostrorum in Foro Ecclesiastico corā nobis volens probare se esse Legitimum, testes produxit: & publicatis attestationibus suis, post diuturn. altercationes & disputationes tam ex parte Abbatis, quam ipsius Nicolai, cum ad calculum diffinitived 6.14 Sententie procedere velle∣tis, comparuerunt due Puelle minoris etatis, filie Ricardi de la Feld, patris predicti Nicolai, & appellaverunt ne ad sententiam feren∣dam procederetis, quia hoc in manifestum earum verteretur pre∣judicium: Eo quod alias precluderetur eis via petendi heredita∣tem petitam, nec possit eis subveniri per restitutionem in inte∣grum. Unde de consilio vestrorum prudentum, ut dicitis, Appel∣lationi deferentes causam, secundum quod coram nobis agitata est, DOMINO PAPE transmisistis instructam. De quo pluri∣mum admirantes, non immerito movemur, cum de Legitimitate predicti Nicolai per restium productiones, & attestationum pub∣licationes, plene nobis constet; vos propter appellationem Puel∣larum predictarum, contra quas non agebatur, vel etiam de qui∣bus nulla fiebat mentio in assisa memorata, nec fuerunt alique partes illarum in causa predicta, sententiam diffinitivam pro eo distulstis pronunciare, & male quasi nostrum declinantes exa∣men, & volentes ut quod per nostram determinandum esset juris∣dictionem,

& dignitatem,* 6.15 ad alienam transferretur dignitatem;* 6.16 quod valde perniciosum esset exemplo. Cum etiam si adeptus esset praedictus Nicholaus possessionem terrae praedictae, per assisam praedictam, beneficium Peticionis Haereditatis praedictis puellis plane suppeteret in Curia nostra, per Breve de Recto; maxime cum per litteras de morte Antecessoris agatur de possessione, & non de proprietate, & ex officio vestro in casu proposito nihil aliud ad vos pertinebat, nisi tantū de ipsius Nicholai Legitimitate probationes admittere, & ipsum cum litteris vestris Testimonia∣libus ad Iusticiarios nostros remittere. De consilio igitur Magna∣tum & fidelium nobis assistentium, vobis mandamus firmiter in∣jungentes, quatenus non obstante appellatione praemissa, non differatis pro eo sentenciare, ipsum ad Iusticiarios nostros remit∣tentes, cum litteris vestris testimonialibus, ut eis de loquela post∣modum agitata, postmodum possint secundum legem & consue∣tudinem terrae nostrae Hiberniae Justiciae plenitudinem exhibere. Teste Rege apud Glocester 19. die Novembris.

3. The summe of this Instrument is this.* 6.17 One Nicholas de Feld sueing for a portion of ground detained from him by the Abbot of S^t. Thomas in Dublin, (founded and plentifully endowed in memory of Thomas Becket) had Bastar∣dy objected against him. The clearing hereof was by the Kings Iudges remitted to the Courts Ecclesiasticall, where the said Nicholas produced effectuall proofs for his Legitimation. But upon the appeal of two minor-daughters of the Fa∣ther of the said Nicholas, who never before appeared, and who (if wronged) had their remedy at Common-Law, by a VVrit of Right, the matter was by the Arch-bishop of Dublin transferred to the Court of Rome.

4. The King saith in this his Letter,* 6.18 that he did much admire thereat, and (though all Interests expresse themselves to their own advantage) intimates the Act not usuall. And whereas he saith, that the example would be pernicious; it seems, if this were a leading case, the Kings desire was it should have none to follow it, peremptorily injoyning the Arch-bishop (notwithstanding the a∣foresaid Appeal to the Pope) to proceed to give Sentence on the behalf of the said Nicholas; & not to derive the Kings undoubted right to a forreign Power.

5. Indeed the Kings of England were so Crest-fallen,* 6.19 or rather Crown-fallen in this Age, that the forbidding of such an Appeal, appeareth in him a daring deed. Est aliquid prodire tenus; Essayes in such nature were remarkable, consi∣dering the inundation of the Papall Power. Green Leaves in the depth of VVinter, may be more then full Flowers from the same root in the Spring. It seems some Royall Sap still remained in the English Sceptre, that it durst op∣pose the Pope in so high a degree.

6. In this year 1235. the CAURSINES first came into England,* 6.20 proving the Pests of the Land, and Bane of the people therein. These were Italians by Birth, terming themselves the Pope's Merchants, driving no other Trade then Letting our money, great Banks whereof they brought over into England; dif∣fering little from the Iews, save that they were more merciless to their Debtours. Now because the Pope's Legate was all for ready money, when any Tax by Levy, Commutation of Vows, Tenths, Dispensations, &c. were due to the Pope, from Prelate, Convents, Priests, or Lay persons, these CAURSINES instant∣ly furnished them with present Coin upon their solemn Bonds and Obligations: one form whereof we have inserted.

To all that shall see the present Writing,* 6.21 Thomas the Prior & the Con∣vent of Barnwell wish health in the Lord.* 6.22 Know that we have borrowed and received at London, for our selves, profitably to be expended for the Affaires of our Church, from Francisco and Gregorio, for them and their Partners, Citizens and Merchants of Millain, a hundred and four Marks of lawfull Money Sterling, thirteen shillings four pence sterling being counted to every Mark. Which said one hundred and four Marks we promise to pay back on the Feast of S^t. Peter ad Vincula, being the first day of August, at the New Temple in London, in the year 1235. And if the said money be not throughly paid, at the time and place afore∣said, we bind our selves to pay to the foresaid Merchants, or any one of them, or their certain Atturney, for every ten Marks, forborn two months, one Mark of money for recompence of the Damages, which the foresaid Merchants may incur by the not-payment of the money unto them, so that both Principall, Damages, and Expences, as above ex∣pressed, with the Expences of one Merchant with his Horse and Man, until such time as the aforesaid money be fully satisfied. For Payment of Principal, Interest, Damages and Expences, we oblige our selves, and our Church and Successours, and all our Goods, and the Goods of our Church, moveable or immoveable, Ecclesiasticall, or Temporall, which we have, or shall have, wheresoever they shall be found, to the foresaid Merchants, and their Heirs; and do recognize and acknowledge that we possesse and hold the same Goods from the said Merchants by way of Courtesy, untill the Premises be fully satisfied. And we renounce for our selves, and Successours, all help of CANON and CIVILL LAW, all Priviledges, and Clark-ship, the Epistle of S^t. Adrian, all Customes, Statutes, Lectures, Indulgences, Priviledges, obtained for the King of England, from the See Apostolick: as also we renounce the Benefit of all Appeales, or Inhibition from the King of England, with all other Ex∣ceptions real or Personal, which may be objected against the Validity of this Instrument. All these things we promise faithfully to observe: In witnesse whereof we have set to the Seal of our Convent. Dated at Lon∣don, die quinto Elphegi, in the year of Grace 1235.

Sure bind, sure find. Here were Cords enough to hold Sampson him∣self; an order taken they should never be cut or untîd, the Debtour de∣priving himself of any relief save by full payment.

7. It will not be amisse,* 6.23 to make some brief Notes on the former Obligation, it being better to write on it, then to be written in it, as the Debtour concerned therein.

One hundred and four Marks] the od four seem added for Interest.

Feast of S^t. Peter ad Vincula] The Popish Tradition saith that Eudoxia the Empress, Wife to Theodosius the Younger, brought two great Chains, where∣with Herod imprisoned S^t. Peter, from Ierusalem to Rome, where they are reported seen at this day, and a Solemn Festivall kept on the first of Au∣gust (the quarter-pay-day of Romes Revenues) in Momoriall thereof, But the Name of LAMMAS hath put out S^t. Peter's Chains in our En∣glish Almanack.

New Temple at London] in Fleet-street, founded by the Knights Templers, and dedicated by Heraclius Patriarch of Ierusalem 1185) Called New in relation to ancient Temple, (lesse and lesse convenient) they had formerly in Oldburn.

And our certain Atturney;] Nuncius in the Latine, being one im∣ployed to solicite their Suit.

All the Goods of our Church moveable and immoveable] Hence often∣times they were forced to sell their Chalices and Altar-plate, to pay the Bond, and secure the rest of their Goods, for these Creditcurs.

CANON and CIVILL LAW] Common Law not mentioned here∣in, with which these CAURSINES,* 6.24 being Forrainers, would have no∣thing to do.

Epistle of S^t. Adrian] This seems to be some Indulgence granted by Pope Adrian, the fourth perchance, whereby Churches indicted found some favour against their Creditours.

Die quinto Elphegi] I am not Datary enough to understand this. I know Elphegus to be Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and Martyr, and his day kept the nineteenth of April: so that the money was borrowed but for three moneths; so soon did the Payment, or heavy Forfeiture in de∣fault thereof, return.

8. These CAURSINES were generally hated for their Extorsions.* 6.25 Some will have them called CAURSINES quasi CAUSA URSINI, so Bearish and cruell in their causes: others, CAURSINI quasi CORRASINI, from scraping all toge∣ther. But these are but barbarous Allusions, though best becoming such base practises.

9. Mean time the CAURSINES cared not what they were called,* 6.26 being a-kin to the cunning Creature, which faireth best when cursed, and were indeed Lords of the Land according to Scripture rule, the Borrower is servant to the Lender. Many of the Laity, more of the Clergy and Convents, and the King himself, being deeply indebted unto them. Indeed Roger Black that Valiant, Learned, and Pious Bishop of London, once excommunicated these CAURSINES for their Op∣pression: but they appealing to the Pope (their good friend,) forced him, after much molestation, to desist.

10. These CAURSINES were more commonly known by the Name of LOMBARDS,* 6.27 from Lombardy the place of their Nativity, in Italy. And al∣though they deserted England on the decaying of the Pope's power and profit therein; yet a double memoriall remaineth of them. One of their Habitation, in Lumbard-street in London: the other of their Imployment, A LOMBARD unto this day signifying a Bank for Vsury, or Pawns, still continued in the Low-Countries and elsewhere.

11. Mean time one may lawfully smile at the Pope's Hypocrisy,* 6.28 forbidding Vsury as a sin so detestable under such heavy penalties in his Canon Law, whilst his own Instruments were the most unconscionable Practisers thereof without any control.

12. Otho,* 6.29 Cardinal,* 6.30 Deacon of S^t. Nicholas,* 6.31 was sent the Pope's Legate into England, and going toa 6.32 Oxford, took up his Lodging in the Abbey of Osney. To him the Scholars in Oxford sent a Present of Victuals before dinner; and after dinner, came to tender their attendance unto him. The Porter being an Ita∣lian, demanded their business: who answered him, that they came to wait on the Lord Legate; promising themselves a courteous Reception, having read in b 6.33 Scripture, A man's gift maketh room for him: though here contrary to ex∣pectation they were not received. Call it not Clownishness in the Porter (be∣cause bred in the Court of Rome;) but carefulnesse for the safety of his Master.

13. But whilst the Porter held the Doore in a dubious posture, betwixt open and shut. the Scholars forced their entrance. In this juncture of time, it un∣luckily happened that a poor Irish Priest begged an Almes, in whose face the Clark of the Kitchin cast scalding-water taken out of the Caldron. A Welsh Clerk beholding this, bent his Bow (by this time the Scholars had got VVeapons) and shot the Clark of the Kitchin stark dead on the place.

14. This Man thus killed,* 6.34 was much more then his plain place promised him to be, as no meaner then the Brother of the Legate himself; who being sus∣picious (O how jealous is guiltinesse!) that he might find Italy in England, and fearing to be poisoned, appointed his Brother to over-see all food for his own eating. And now the three Nations of Irish; Welsh, and English, fell down-right on the Italians. The Legate fearing (as they came from the same

VVombe) to be sent to the same Grave with his Brother,* 6.35 secured himself fast locked up in the Tower of Osney Church,* 6.36 and there ••at still and quiet, all atti∣red in his Canonicall Cope.

15. But he, it seems,* 6.37 trusted not so much to his Canonicall Cope, as the Sable Mantle of Night; under the Protection whereof he got out, with a Guide, to make his escape; not without danger of drowning in the dark, being five times to crosse the River then swelling with late rain, as much as the Scholars with anger. He made Fordes where he found none, all known passages being way-laid; and heard the Scholars following after, railing on, and calling him Vsurer, Simoniack, Deceiver of the Prince, Oppressour of the people, &c. whilst the Legate wisely turned his Tongue into Heeles, spurring with might and main to Abington, where the Court then lay. Hither he came being out of all breath and Patience; so that entring the King's presence, his Tears and Sighs were fain to relieve his Tongue, not able otherwise to expresse his Mi∣series: whom the King did most affectionatly compassionate.

16. And now Woe to the poor Clergy of Oxford,* 6.38 when both temporall and spirituall Armes are prepared against them. Next day the King sent the Earle Warren with Forces against them, and a double Commission, Eripere & arripere: to deliver the remainder of the Italians (little better then besieged in Osney Abbey) and to seize on the Scholars; of whom thirty, with one Othe Legista (forward it seems in the Fray against the Legate his Name-sake) were taken Prisoners, and sent like Felons, bound in Carts, to VValling ford-prison, and other places of Restraint.

17. Nor was the Legate lazy the while,* 6.39 but summoning such Bishops as were nearest him, interdicted the Vniversity of Oxford, and excommunicated all such as were partakers in the Tumult; which were not the young fry of Scholars, but Clerks in Order, and many of them Beneficed, and now deprived of the profit of their Livings.

18. From Abington the Legate removed to London,* 6.40 lodging at Durham∣house in the Strand: the King commanding the Major of London to keep him as the Apple of his eye, with watch and ward constantly about him. Hither he assembled the Bishops of the Land, to consider and consult about Reparation for so high an Affront.

19. The Bishops pleaded hard for the Vniversity of Oxford (as being the place wherein most of them had their Education.)* 6.41 They alledged it was Se∣cunda Ecclesia a second Church, being the Nursery of Learning and Religion. They pleaded also that the Churlishnesse of the Porter let in this sad Accident, increased by the Indiscretion of those in his own Family: adding also, that the Clerks of Oxford had deeply smarted, by their long Durance and Sufferings, for their fault therein.

20. Mollified with the Premisses,* 6.42 the Legate at last was over-intreated to pardon the Clergy of Oxford, on their solemn Submission; which was thus per∣formed. They went from S^t. Paul's in London to Durham-house in the Strand, no short Italian, but an English long Mile, all on foot; the Bishops of England, for the more State of the Businesse, accompanying them, as partly accessary to their fault for pleading in their behalf. When they came to the Bishop of Carlile's (now VVorcester) house, the Scholars went the rest of their way bare-foot, sine Capis & Mantulis, which some understand, without Capes or Cloaks. And thus the great Legate at last was really reconciled unto them.

21. The mention of the house of the Bishop of Carlile,* 6.43 minds me how, anciently, every Bishop (as all principall Abbots) had a House belonging to their See (commonly called their Inne) for them to lodge in when their occasions summoned them to London. Not to mention those which still retain their Names, as VVinchester, Durham, Ely, &c. We will only observe such, which are swallowed up into other Houses, conceiving it charitable to rescue their Memory from Oblivion.

House. Salisbury St. Davids Chichester Exeter Bath and Wells Landaf VVorcester Lichfi. & Convent. Carlile Norwich York Hereford

Place. Fleet-street North of Bride wel Chancery lane By Temple-bar Strand Strand Strand Strand Strand Strand VVestminster Old Fish-street hill

Built by Ralph Nevil, Bi∣shop of Chichester. Walter Stapleton, Bishop of Exeter. Walter Lancton, Bishop of Chester. Ralph de Mayden∣ction, Bp. of Heref.

Turned into Dorcet House Small Tenements Lincolns Inne Essex House Arundel House Somerset House Somerset House Somerset House VVorcester House York House VVhite-hall A Sugar-maker's House

I question whether the Bishop of Rochester (whose Country-House at Brumlay is so nigh) had ever a House in the City. Let others recover the rest from Oblivion; a hard task, I believe, they are so drowned in private Houses. O let us secure to our selvesa 6.44 everlasting habitations,* 6.45 seing here no abiding mansion.

22. Come we now to present the Reader with another offer of the Kings, (I fear it was not much more,) to represse Papal oppression.

b 6.46 Rex dilecto sibi in Christo Archi∣diacono Glouc.* 6.47 Salutem.* 6.48 Significavi∣mus, & etiam viva voce exposuimus Magistro P. Rubeo, Nuncio Domi∣in Papae, quod non est intentionis no∣strae, nec etiam volumus aliquatenus sustinere, quod vel viros Relligiosos vel Clericum aliquem ad contributio∣nem faciendam ad opus Domini Papae compellant. Et ideo vobis mandamus inhibentes districte, ne ad mandatum ip sius Magistri Petri vel suorum, vi∣ros religiosos seu Clericos ad contribu∣tionem praedictam faciendam aliqua censura Ecclesiastica compellatis. Sci∣turi quod si secus egeritis, nos contra vos tanquam perturbatorem Pacis Ecclesiasticae, quam conservare tene∣mur, modis quibus expedire videri∣mus, procedemus. Teste Rege apud Glouc. 11. die Iunij.

The King to his beloved in Christ the Archdeacon of Glocester, Greeting. We have signified, & also by word of mouth have declared to M^r. P. Rubeus, Nuncio to the Lord the Pope, that it is not our inten∣tion, nor will we any wayes endure it, that they shall compell Religious Men, or any Clerk, to make a contribution, to sup∣ply the occasions of the Lord the Pope. And therefore we command you, strict∣ly forbidding, that at the command of the same M^r. Peter, or any of his officers, you compel not any Religious Men, or Clerks, by any Ecclesiasticall censures to make the aforesaid Contribution. Knowing that if you do otherwise, we shall proceed a∣gainst you, by means we shall think fit, as against the Disturber of the Peace of the Church, which we are bound to preserve. Witnesse the King at Glocester, the 11. of Iune.

By the way, a Nuncio differed from a Legate, almost as a Lieger from an extra∣ordinary Ambassodour; who though not so ample in his power, was as active in his progging, to advance the profit of the Pope his Master.

23. This Instrument acquainteth us with the Method used by him in manna∣ging his money matters.* 6.49 Such as refused to pay his demands, were proceeded a∣gainst by Church Censures, suspension, excommunication, &c. The cunning Italian (to decline to odium) imploying the Archdeacons to denounce the same in their respective Iurisdictions. Yet this went under the notion of a voluntary

contribution,* 6.50 as free as fire from Flint, forced with Steel and strength out of it.* 6.51

24. Whereas the King counted himself bound to preserve the Peace of the Church,* 6.52 the words well became his mouth. They seem to me to look like DEFENDER OF THE FAITH as yet but in the Bud, and which in due time might grow up to amount to as much. For though every Christian in his calling must keep the peace of the Church; Kings have a coercive power over the disturbers thereof.

25. This Royal resolution,* 6.53 to resist the oppressing of his Subjects, was good as propounded, better if performed. I find no visible effect thereof: but we may believe, it made the Popes Mil go the slower, though it did not wholy hinder his grinding the faces of the Clergy. This Patent is dated from Glocester, more loved of King Henry then London it self, as a strong and loyal City, where he was first crowned, and afterwards did often reside.

26. Amongst the thousands of pounds which the Pope carried out of En∣gland, * 6.54 I meet onely with three hundred Marks yearly, which came back again as a Private Boon, bestowed on an English Knight, Sir Reginald Mohun, by Pope Innocent the fourth, then keeping his Court at Lyons in France. And because these are vestigia sola retrorsum, it will not be amisse to insert the whole Story thereof, as it is in an ancient French Manuscript, pertaining to the Family of the Mohuns.

Quant Sire Reinalda voit Ceo faitz il passa a la Court de Rome que adon∣ques fuist a Lions, purconfirmer & ra∣tifer sa novelle Abbay a grand honor de liu a touz joues & fuist en la Courte le deniergne en quaresme quant len∣chaunce loffice del messe Laetare Ierusa∣lem al quen jour lusage de la Court este que la poistoille doa a plus valiant & a plus honorable home qui puit estre trovez en la deste Courte une Rose ou une flo∣retta de fin or donquez ilz sercherent tote le Courte entroverent Cesti Reinald pur le plus noble de tou te la Courte a oui le Pape Innocent donna Celle rose ou florette dor & la Papa lui Damanda quil home il fuisten son pais il respondi sim∣ple bacheleri, bean fitz fetz la pape Celle rose on florette unquez ne fuist donez fors an Rois ou an Dukes an a Countese pour ceo nous voluns que vous sons le Counte de Est Ceo est Somerset Reinald respondi & Aist O Saincts piere ieo nay dout le mom meinteyner lapos soille donques lui dona ducent mariz per annum receiver sur Cantee saint Paule de Londres de ces deneires d'Engleterre pour son honor mainteyner de quen don∣na il reporta Bulles que enquore aurent en plomps, &c. en semblement odue mol∣tes dis aultres bulles confirmatione de sa novelle Abbay de Newham a pres quen jour il porta la rose ou florette en les armes.

It is as needless, as difficult, to translate this Bull verbatim, being of base, obso∣lete, and ill-pointed French; sufficeth it, that this is the summe thereof. The Pope used on the Lords day called, Lae∣tare Ierusalem, solemnly to bestow a consecrated Rose, on the most Honorable persons, present at Masse with his Ho∣linesse. Enquiry being made, the Rose was conferred on Sir Reginald Mohun, as the best extracted in the present Con∣gregation.

But seeing that Rose used alwayes to be given to Kings, Dukes, and Earles at least (the lowest form of Coronetted No∣bility in that Age) his Holinesse under∣standing the same Sir Reginald to be but a plain Knight Bachelour, created him the Earle of Est, that is, (saith this Bull) of Somerset; and for the better sup∣port of his Honour, he allowed him three hundred Marks out of the pence of England (understand the Peter-Pence) as the most certain Papal Revenue in the Land.

By this Bull the same Sir Reinald was made a Count Apostolick, whereby he had the Priviledges to appoint publick Notaries, and to legitimate Bastards on some Conditions. King Henry the third was so far from excepting against this Act, that he highly honoured him. And yet Master Camden, sometimesa 6.55 ac∣knowledgeth, sometimes deniethb 6.56 him for an English Earle. Not that I accuse him as inconstant to himself, but suspect my self not well attaining his mean∣ing therein.

27. Now though the said Sir Reginald did modestly decline the Pope's Ho∣nour for want of Maintenance, yet had he at that time no fewer then forty three Knights Fees held of his Castle of Dunstar. I have nothing else to adde herein, save that the ancient Armes of the Mohuns, viz. a hand in a Maunch holding a Flower de luce (in that Age more fashionable then a Rose, in Heraldry) seems to relate to this occasion; which their Family afterward changed into a Sable Crosse, in the Atchievements in the Holy land, born at this day by the true∣ly honourable the Lord Mohun, Baron of Oakehampton, as descended from this Family.

28. This year died Robert Grouthead,* 6.57 Bishop of Lincoln,* 6.58 born at Stodebrook in Suffolk,* 6.59 Natalibus pudendis saith myc 6.60 Authour, of Shamefull extraction, inti∣mating suspicion of Bastardy: though the parents, rather then the child, have caused a blush thereat. He got his Surname from the greatness of his head, having large Stoage to receive, and store of Braines to fill it: bred for a time in Oxford, then in France: a great and generall Scholar, (Bale reckoning up no fewer then two hundred books of his making) and a great opposer of the Popes oppression, which now grew intolerable.

29. For it appeared by inquisition made the last year,* 6.61 that the Ecclesiasticall Revenues of Italians in England (whereof many were Boyes, more Blockheads, all Aliens) amounted per annum unto threescore and ten thousand Marks: whereas the Kings Income at the same time was hardlyd 6.62 twenty thousand. Bishop Grouthead offended thereat, wrote Pope Innocent the fourth such a Iuniper Letter, taxing him with extortion, and, other vitious practices, that his Holiness brake out into this expression; VVhat meaneth this doting old man, surdus & absurdus, thus boldly to controll our actions? By Peter and Paul, did not our innate ingenuity restrain us, I would confound him, and make him a prodigie to the whole world. Is not the King of England our Vassall, yea our Slave, to imprison and destroy what persons we please to appoint?

30. The Pope being in this pelt,* 6.63 Aegidius a Spanish Cardinall thus inter∣posed his gravitie. It is not expedient, my Lord, to use any harshness to this Bishop. We must confesse the truths which he saith. He is a holy man, of a more Religious life then any of us, yea Christendome hath not his equall; a great Philosopher, skil∣led in Latine and Greek, a constant reader in the Schools, Preacher in the Pulpit, lover of Chastity, and loather of Simony.

31. Thus the Pope took wit in his anger,* 6.64 and Grouthead escaped for the pre∣sent: though Bale reporteth that he died excommunicate and deprived of his Bishoprick. Popishe 6.65 Authours confidently report a strange vision, or rather a passion of Pope Innocent the fourth, whom Grouthead (appearing after his death) so beat with many blows (it seems he had a heavy hand as well as a great head) that the Pope died thereof soon after. No wonder therefore if his successours would not Canonize this Robert, who notwithstanding was a Saint, though not in the Popes, yet in the peoples Calendar, many miracles being ascribed unto him; and particularly,f 6.66 that a sweet oyl after his death issued out of his monument: which if false in the litterall, may be true in a mysticall meaning, Solomon observing that a good name is as oyntment poured out.

32. England began now to ••urfet of more then thirty yeares Peace and Plenty, which produced no better effects then ingratitude to God, and murmur∣ing at their King. Many active spirits, whose minds were above their means, of∣fended that others beneath them (as they thought) in Merit, were above them

in Employment,* 6.67 cavilled at many errours in the Kings Government,* 6.68 being State-Donatists, maintaining, the perfection of a Commonwealth might, and ought to be attained. A thing easie in the Theory, impossible in the Practice, to conform the actions of mens corrupted natures to the exact Ideas in mens Imaginations.

33. Indeed they had too much matter whereon justly to ground their Discontents:* 6.69 partly because the King (distrusting his Natives) imployed so many French Forrainers in places of power and profit; partly because he had used such indirect courses to recruit his Treasuries, especially by annihilating all Patents granted in his Minority (though indeed he was never more in his Full∣age then when in his Non-age, as guided then by the best counsell) and forcing his Subjects to take out new ones on what Terms his Officers pleased. In a word, ana 6.70 Authour then living complaineth, that Iustice was committed to men unjust, the Laws to such who themselves were Out-laws, and the keeping of the Peace to injurious people delighting in Discords.

34. After many contests betwixt the King and his Subjects (which the Reader may learn from the Historians of the State) four and twenty prime per∣sons were chosen by Parliament to have the supreme inspection of the Land:* 6.71 which soon after (to make them the more cordiall) passed a decoction, and were reduced to three, and they three in effect contracted to one, Simon Mountfort, Earle of Leicester, the Kings Brother in Law: The King himself standing by as a Cypher, yet signifying as much as his ambitious Subjects did desire. These, to make sure work, bound him with his solemn Oath to submit himself to their new-modelled Government.

35. Here the Pope (charitable to relieve all distressed Princes) interposed his power,* 6.72 absolving the King from that Oath, as unreasonable in it self, and forced upon him. His Holinesse was well paid for this great favour; the King hereafter conniving at his Horse-Leeches (Legates and Nuncioes) sucking the bloud of his Subjects with intolerable Taxations. Thus was it not altogether the Flexibility of King Henry, but partly the Flexion of his Condition, (I mean, the altering of his occasions) which made him sometimes withstand, and other∣whiles comply with the Popes extortion. Thus alwayes the Popes Curtesies are very dear; and the Storm it self is a better Shelter then the Bramble, fleecing such Sheep as fly under the shade thereof.

36. Mean time the King, having neither Coyn nor Credit,* 6.73 having pawn'd his Iewels, mortgag'd all his Land in France, and sold much of it in England, want∣ing where withall to subsist, lived on Abbeys and Prioreys; till his often com∣ing and long staying there made what was welcome at the first, quickly to be∣come wearisome Though a Royall Guest, with often coming, his Royalty made not his Guestship the more accepted, but the notion of a Guest rendred his Royal∣ty the lesse to be esteemed. Indeed his visits of Abbeys at first did wear the coun∣tenance of Devotion (on which account this King was very eminent:) but afterwards they appeared in their own likeness, the dimmest eye seeing them to proceed from pure Necessity.

37. Soon after began the Civill Warrs in England,* 6.74 with various success, sometimes the King, and sometimes the Barons getting the better: till at last an indifferent Peace was concluded for their mutuall good, as in the Histo∣rians of the Common-wealth doth plentifully appear.

38. The later part of the reigne of King Henry was not onely eminent in it self,* 6.75 but might be exemplary to others. He reformed first his own naturall errours, then the disorders in his Court, the Expence whereof he measured by the just rule of his proper Revenue. The rigour and corruption of his Iudges he examined, and redressed by strict commission, filled the seats of Iudge∣ment and Counsell with men nobly born, sate himself daily in Counsell, and disposed affairs of most weight in his own person.

39. And now the Charta Magna was very strictly observed,* 6.76 being made in the ninth year of this Kings reign, but the practice thereof much interrupted

and disturbed with Civill Wars, it is beheld by all judicious men as (like the aurea Bulla or golden Bull of Germany) the life of English Liberty, rescued by the bloud and valour of our Auncestours from Tyrannicall incroachment, gi∣ving the due bounds to Prerogative and Propriety, that neither should mutual∣ly intrench on the others, lawfull Priviledges. And although some high Royal∣lists look on it as the product of Subjects animosities, improving themselves on their Princes extremities; yet most certain it is, those Kings flourished the most both at home and abroad, who tyed themselves most conscien∣tiously to the observation thereof.

40. Two Colledges in Oxford were founded in the Reign of this King:* 6.77 One, Bailiol Colledge,* 6.78 by Iohn Bailiol (and Dervorguill his Lady) of Bernads Castle in the Bishoprick of Durham,* 6.79 banisht into England, and Father of Bailiol King of Scotland. Wonder not that an Exile should build a Colledge, Charity being oftentimes most active in the afflicted, willingly giving to others a little of that little they have: witness the Macedonians, whose deepa 6.80 poverty abounded to the riches of their Liberality.

41. True it is,* 6.81 the ancient revenues of this Colledge were not great, allow∣ing butb 6.82 eight pence a week for every Scholar therein of his Foundation (whereas Merion Colledge had twelve pence:) and yet, asc 6.83 one casteth up, their ancient revenues amounted unto ninety nine pounds seventeen shillings & ten pence; which in that Age, I will assure you, was a considerable Summe, enough to make us suspect, that at this day they enjoy not all the Originall lands of their foundation.

42. Indeed, I am informed that the aforesaid King Bailiol bestowed a large proportion of Land in Scotland on this his Fathers Foundation. The Master and Fellows whereof petitioned King Iames, (when the Marches of two King∣domes were newly made the middle of one Monarchy) for the restitution of those Lands detained from them in the Civil Warres betwixt the two Crowns. The King, though an affectionate lover of Learning, would not have his Bounty injurious to any (save sometimes to himself;) and considering those Lands they desired, were long peaceably possessed with divers Owners, gave them notice to surcease their Suit. Thus not King Iames, but the infeacibility of the thing they petitioned for to be done with justice, gave the denyall to their Petition.

43. Being to present the Reader with the Catalogues of this,* 6.84 and other worthy Foundations in Oxford, I am sorry that I can onely build bare Walls, (erect empty Columns) and not fill them with any furniture: which the inge∣nuous Reader I trust will pardon, when he considers, first, that I am no Oxford∣man; secondly, that Oxford is not that Oxford, wherewith ten years since I was ac∣quainted. Wherefore I humbly request the Antiquaries of their respective Foun∣dations (best skill'd in their own worthy Natives) to insert their own observati∣ons: which if they would return unto me against the next Edition of this work, if I live, & it be thought worthy thereof, God shall have the Glory, they the pub∣lick thanks, and the world the benefit of their contribution to my endeavours.

44. The Catalogue of Masters we have taken with an implicite faith,* 6.85 out of M^r. Brian Twine (who may be presumed knowing in that subject) untill the year 1608. where his work doth determine. (Since which time we have supplyed them as well as we may, though too often at a losse for their Christian names.) If M^r. Twine his Register be imperfect, yet he writes right who writes wrong, if following his Copy.

45. The List of Bishops hath been collected out of Francis Godwine Bishop of Hereford,* 6.86 whose judicious paines are so beneficiall to the English Church. Yet Godwinus non vidit omnia, and many no doubt have been omitted by him.

46. As for the Roll of Benefactours,* 6.87 I, who hope to have made the other Catalogues true, hope I have made this not true; upon desire and confidence that they have more then I have, or can reckon up, though following herein

I. Scot his printed Tables,* 6.88 and the last Edition of Iohn Speed his Chronicle.* 6.89

47. The column of learned Writers I have endeavoured to extract out of Bale and Pitts.* 6.90 Whereof the later being a member of this University, was no lesse diligent then able to advance the Honour thereof.

48. Let none suspect that I will enrich my Mother,* 6.91 by rebbing my Aunt. For besides that Cambridge is so conscientious, she will not be accessary to my Felony by receiving stollen goods;

Tros, Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine habetur; A Trojan whether he Or a Tyrian be. All is the same to me.

It matters not whether of Cambridge or Oxford, so God hath the Glory, the Church and State the Benefit of their learned endeavours.

49. However,* 6.92 I am sensible of many defects, and know that they may be supplied by the endeavours of others. Every man knows his own land better then either Ortelius or Mercator, though making the Maps of the whole world. And the members of respective Colledges must be more accurate in the par∣ticularities of their own Foundations, then the exactest Historian who shall write a generall description thereof.

Masters. Io. Fodering hay Robert Twaits Io. Abdy Io. Wickleffe Rob. Burley Ric. Burningham Will. White Geo. Cootes Will. VVright Fran. Babington Rich. Stubbs Ia. Gloucester Anth. Garnet Rob. Hooper Ia. Brookes Io. Piers Adam Squier Edm. Lilly Rob. Abbots Doct. Parkhurst Doct. Laurence Doct. Savadge

Bishops. Roger VVhelp∣dale, Fellow, Bi∣shop of Carlile. Geor. Nevill, Chancellour of the University at twenty yeares of Age, afterwards Arch-bishop of York, and Chan∣cellour of Engl. VVill. Gray, Bi∣shop of Ely. Io. Bell, Bishop of VVorcester. Ioh. Piers, Arch∣bishop of York. Rob. Abbots, Bishop of Salis∣bury. Geo. Abbot, Fel∣low, Arch-bishop of Canterbury.

Benefactours Philip Somer∣vile, & Marg. his wife. Ella de Long-Spee, Countesse of Salisbury. Rich. de Hums∣nigore. L. VVill. Fen∣ton. Hugh de Vien∣na, Knight. Iohn Bell, Bi∣shop of VVorce∣ster. VVil. Hammond, of Gilford, Esq. Peter Blundill, of Teverton. L. Eliz. Periam, of the County of Buck. Tho. Tisdale, of Glymton, Com. Oxon. Esquire. Mary Dunch. Iohn Brown.

Learned Writ. Io. Duns Scotus, first of this, then of Merton Col∣ledge. Humfrey Duke of Glocester, com∣monly called the good. VVill. VValton, Fellow, Chancel∣lour of the Vniver∣sity. Tho. Gascoign, Fellow, Chancel∣lour of the Vniver∣sity. a 6.93 Iohn Tiptoft, Earle of VVorce∣ster. Rob. Abbots.

That Iohn VVickleffe here mentioned may be the great VVickleffe; though others justly suspect him not the same, because too ancient, if this Catalogue be compleat, to be the fourth Master of this House, except they were incre∣dibly vivacious. Nothing else have I to observe of this Foundation, save that at

this day therein are maintained one Master, twelve Fellows, thirteen Scholars, four Exhibitioners; which, with Servants, Commoners, and other Students, late∣ly made up one hundred thirty and six.

50. Nor must we forget that (besides others) two eminent Iudges of our Land were both Contemporaries and Students in this Foundation;* 6.94 the Lord chief Baron Davenport, and the Lord Thomas Coventry, Lord Chan∣cellour of England, (whose Father also, a Iudge, was a Student herein) So that two great Oracles, both of Law and Equity, had here their Education.

51. The other was Vniversity Colledge:* 6.95 whereof I find different Dates, and the founding thereof ascribed to severall Persons.

Founder. 1 King Alfred. 2 VVilliam de Sto. Ca∣rilefo, Bishop of Dur∣ham. 3 VVilliam, Bishop of Durham, though none at this time of the name. 4 VVilliam, Arch-dea∣con of Durham, whom others confi∣dently call VValter.

Time. Anno 882. 1081. the 12. of King VVilliam the Con∣querour. 1217. in the first of Henry the 3. uncertain.

Author. 1 Vniversall Tradition. 2 Stow in his Chronicle Page 1061. to whom Pitz consenteth. 3 Iohn Speed, in his Hi∣story, pag. 817. 4 Camd. Brit. in Oxford∣shire.

I dare interpose nothing in such great differences, onely observe that Master Camden (no lesse skilfull a Herald in ordering the antiquity of Houses, then martialling the precedency of men) makes Vniversity the third in order after Merton Colledge: which makes me believe the founding thereof not so ancient as here it is inserted.

Masters. 1 Roger Caldwell 2 Richard Witton 3 M. Rokleborough 4 Ranulph Hamsterley 5 Leonard Hutchinson 6 Iohn Craffurth 7 Richard Salvaine 8 George Ellison 9 Anthony Salvaine 10 Iames Dugdale 11 Thomas Key 12 William Iames 13 Anthony Gates 14 George Abbot 15 Iohn Bancroft 16 VValker 17 Hoile 18

Bishops. St. Edmond Archb. of Cant. ...

George Ab∣bot, Arch. of Cant. Iohn Ban∣croft, Bi∣shop of Oxford.

Benefactours. VValer Shirlow, Archdeacon of Durham, 3 Fellowsh. Henry Percey, Earle of North∣umberland, 3 Fellowsh. R. Dudley Earle of Leicester, 2 Exhibitions each 20. pou. per Annum. Iohn Freistone 2 Exhibitions, 20. pounds in all per Annum. Gunsley, 2 Exhibitions. Mistris Payn, 1 Exhibition, 8 pounds. Mr. Aston. ...

Sir Simon Bennet, who hath bequeathed good lands (after the decease of his Lady) to en∣crease the Fellows and Scho∣lars. Mr. Charles Greenwood, some∣times Fellow of this Colledge, and Proctour to the Vniversi∣ty, gave a thousand pounds to the building thereof.

Learn. Writ. Some cha∣ritable and a∣ble Antiqua∣ry fill up this vacuity.

So that at this present are maintained therein one Master, eight Fellows, one Bible-Clark: which with Servants, Commoners, and other Students, amount to the number of threescore and nine.

52. Sure it is,* 6.96 at this time Oxford flourished with multitude of Students; King Henry conferring large favours upon them, and this amongst the rest. That no Iewsa 6.97 living at Oxford should receive of Scholars above two-pence a week in∣terest for the loan of twenty shillings, that is eight shillings eight-pence for the in∣terest of a pound in the year. Hereby we may guesse how miserably poor peo∣ple in other places were oppressed by the Iews, where no restraint did limite their Usury; so that the Interest amounted to the half of the Principall.

53. Secondly,* 6.98 whereas it was complained of, That Iustice was obstructed, and Malefactours protected by the Citizens of Oxford, who being partiall to their own Corporation, connived at offenders who had done mischiefs to the Scholars: The King ordered, that hereafter, not onely the Citizens of Oxford, but also any Officers in the Vicinage should be imployed in the apprehending of such who offered any wrong to the Students in the University.

54. Lastly,* 6.99 he enjoyned the Bailiffs of Oxford solemnly to acquaint the Chancellour thereof, of those times when Bread and other Victualls were weighed and prized. But in case the Chancellour had timely notice thereof, & refused to be present thereat, then the Bailiffs notwithstanding his absence might proceed in the foresaid matters of weight and measure.

55. We will conclude this Section with this civil and humble submission of the Dean and Chapter of S^t. Asaph,* 6.100 sent to the King in the vacancy (as it seems) of their Bishoprick; though dislocated, and some yeares set back in the date thereof.

Pat. 33. H. 3. M. 3.

Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit,* 7.1 Decanus & Capitu∣lum de Sancto Asapho salutem in Domino. Con∣suetudini antique & dignitati quas Dominus Henricus illustris Rex Angl. & progenitores sui habuerunt in Ecclesia Anglicana, de petenda licentia eligendi vacantibus Episcopatuum

Sedibus, & de requirendo assensu Regio post factam electionem, obviare nolentes; protesta∣mur & recognoscimus, nos, quotiens Ecclesia nostra Pastore vacaverit, ab illustri Domino Rege Angl. & Heredibus suis debere reveren∣ter petere licentiam eligendi, & post electio∣nem factam assensum eorum requirere. Et ne super hoc futuris temporibus dubitetur, pre∣senti scripto Sigilla nostra fecimus apponi. Dat. apud Sanctum Asaph. Anno Domini M^o. cc. xlix^o. in Crastino Exaltationis Sanctae Crucis.

The substance is this. That the Dean and Chapter promise to depend wholy on the Kings pleasure in the choice of the next Elect: so that now Cathedralls be∣gan to learn good manners. Notwithstanding the Pope usually obtruded whom he pleased upon them. Say not that S^t. Asaph was an inconsiderable Cathedrall, being at great Distance & of small Revenue, which might make them more offi∣cious to comply with the King: seeing the poorest oft times prove the proudest, and peevishest to their Superiours. But although this qualm of Loyalty took this Church for the present, we must confesse that generally, Chapters ask the Kings leave, as Widows do their Fathers to marry; as a Complement not requisite thereunto: as conceiving it Civility to ask, but no Necessity to have his Appro∣bation.

56. Two eminent Arch-bishops of Canterbury successively filled that See,* 7.2 during the most part of this Kings Reign. First, Edmond, Treasurer of Salisbury, born, say some, in London, and Christened in the same Font with Thomas Becket. Mya 7.3 Authour makes him educated in Vniversity Colledge in Oxford, a great Scholar, and lover of learned men, refusing to consecrate Richard VVendover Bishop of Rochester, because of his want of Sufficiency for such a Function: here∣upon he incurred the displeasure of Otho the Popes Legate siding with VVen∣dover (requiring no other Qualification save Money to make a Bishop) & was inforced to undertake a dangerous and expensive journey to Rome, to his great Damage, and greater Disgrace, being cast in his Cause, after the spending of a thousand Marks therein.

57. He took the boldnesse to tell the Pope of his Extortion;* 7.4 though little thereby was amended. After his return he fell into the Kings displeasure: so that overpowered with his Adversaries, and circumvented with their malice, weary of his Native Country (the miseries whereof he much bemoaned) he went in∣to voluntary Banishment. He died and was buried in France: and six years after (which I assure you was very soon, and contrary to the modern Custome) was Sainted by Pope Innocent the fourth: Whose Body Lewes the fourth King of France solemnly removed, and sumptuously inshrined.

58. The other,* 7.5 Boniface by name, was onely eminent on the account of his high Extraction, as Uncle to the Queen, and son of Peter Earle of Savoy; a hor∣rible scraper of money, generally hated, insomuch that he went his Visitation, having a Corslet on under his Episcopall habit: which it seems was no more then needs, the Londoners being so exasperated against him, that they threarned his Death, had not he secured himself by Flight. Only he is memorable to Po∣sterity for paying two and twenty thousand Marks debt of his See (which

his Predecessours had contracted:) for building a fair Hall at Canterbury, and a stately Hospitall at Maidstone, which it seems was indited and found guilty of, and executed for Superstition at the dissolution of Abbeys (when it was valued at above a hundred and fifty pounds of yearly Revenue) being aliened now to other uses.

SECT.* 7.6 III.* 7.7

TO WILLIAM ROBINSON OF The Inward-Temple, Esq

SIR Edward Coke was wont to say, that he never knew a Divine meddle with a matter of Law, but that there∣in he committed some great errour, and discovered gross ignorance. I presume you Lawyers are better Divines, then we Divines are Lawyers; because indeed greater your concernment in your pretious soules, then ours in our poor estates. Having therefore just cause to suspect my own judgement in this Section, wherein so much of Law, I submit all to your Judgment to add, alter, expunge at pleasure; that if my weak endeavours shall appear wor∣thy of a second Impression, they may come forth cor∣rected with your Emendations.

1. QUiet King Henry the third,* 7.8 our English Ne∣stor (not for depth of brains,* 7.9 but lenghth of life) as who Reigned fifty six years,* 7.10 in which terme he buried all his Contemporary Princes in Chri∣stendom twice over. All the moneths in a year may in a manner be carved out of an April-day, Hot, cold, dry, moist, fair, soule weather, being oft presented therein. Such the character of this Kings life, certain onely in uncertainty. Sorrowful, successful, in plenty, in penury, in wealth, in want, Conquered, Conquerour.

2. Yet the Sun of his life did not set in a Cloud,* 7.11 but went down in full lustre; a good token that the next day would be fair, and his Successor prove fortunate. He died at S^t Edmunds-Bury, and though a merciful Prince ended

his dayes in a necessary act of justice,* 7.12 severely punishing some Citizens of Nor∣wich, * 7.13 for burning and pillaging the Priory therein. His corps were buried at Westminster, Church, (founded and almost, finished, by him) with great so∣lemnity, though Prince Edward his Son, as beyond the Seas was not present there at.* 7.14

3. There cannot be a greater Temptation to Ambition to usurpe a Crown,* 7.15 then when it findeth a vacancy on the Throne, and the true heir thereof absent at a great distance. Such an advantage at this instant, had the Adversaries of Prince Edward (not as yet returned from Palestine) to put in, if so minded, for the Kingdom of England. And strange it was, that no Arrears of the for∣mer Rebellion were left, but all the reckonings thereof so fully discharged, that no Corrival did appear for the Crown; But a general concurrence of many things befriended Prince Edward herein.

1. His Father on his death-bed secured his Sons, succession, as much as might be, by swearing the Principal Peers unto him in his absence.

2. The most active and dangerous Military men, the Prince had po∣litickly carried away with him into Palestine.

3. Prince Edward his same (present here in the absence of his person) preserved the Crown for him, as due to him, no less by desert then descent.

The premisses meeting with the love and Loyalty of many English hearts, pa∣ved the way to Prince Edward his peaceable entrance without any oppo∣sition.

4. King Edward was a most worthy Prince,* 7.16 coming off with honour in all his atchievements against Turke, and Pope, and Jews, and Scots, and against whomsoever he encountred. For the Turks, he had lately made a voyage against them, which being largely related in our Holy War, we intend not here to repeat. Onely I will add, that this Forein expedition was politickly undertaken, to rid the Land of many Martialists, wherewith the late Barons Wars had made it to abound. These Spirits thus raised, though they could not presently be conjured down, were safely removed into another room. The fiercest Mastiff-Dogs never fight one with another, whilest they have either Bull or Bear before them to bait; the common foe imploying that fury, which otherwise would be active against those of their own kinde. This diversion of the English souldiery, gave a vent to their animosities, which otherwise would have been mutually mis-spent amongst themselves.

5. Great at this present was the Popes power in England,* 7.17 improving himself on the late tumu••tuous times, and the easiness of King Henry his nature, in∣somuch that within these last seven years ex plenitudine, (or rather ex abundan∣tia & superfluitate) potestatis, he had put in two Arch-Bishops of Canterbury, Robert Kilwarby, and John Peccam, against the mindes of the Monks, who had legally chosen others. Probably the third time would have created a Right to the Pope; and his Holiness hereafter prescribe it as his just due, had not King Edward seasonably prevented his encroachment, by moderating his power in England, as hereafter shall appear. Mean time we are called away on a welcome occasion, to behold a grateful object; namely, the Foundation of one of the first and fairest Colledges in Christendom.

6. For in this year Walter de Merton,* 7.18 Bishop of Rochester and Chancellour of England,* 7.19 finished the Colledge of his own name in Oxford.* 7.20 This Walter was born at Merton in Surrey, and at Maldon in that County had built a Colledg, which on second thoughts (by Gods counsel no doubt) he removed to Ox∣ford, as it seems for the more security; now if the Barons Wars, then (some

fifteen years since) in height,* 7.21 and heat,* 7.22 were as it is probable, any motive of this Vranslation, it was one of the best effects which ever so bad a cause produced; For otherwise, if not removed to Oxford, certainly this Colledg had been swept away, as Rubbish of superstition, at the Dissolution of Abbies.

7. Amongst the many Manors which the firsta 7.23 Founder bestowed on this Colledge,* 7.24 one lay in the Parish of S^t. Peters and West suburbe of Cambridge, be∣yond the Bridg, anciently called Pythagoras house, since Merton Hall. To this belongeth much good Land thereabout (as also the Mills at Grantchester men∣tioned in Chaucer) those of Merton Colledg keeping yearly a Court Baron here. Afterwards King Henry the sixth took away (for what default I finde not) this Manor from them, and bestowed it upon his own Foundation of Kingsb 7.25 Colledg in Cambridge. But his successor, Edward the fourth, restored it to Merton Colledg again. It seemeth equally admirable to me, that Holy King Henry the sixth, should do any wrong, or Harsh Edward the fourth, do any Right to the Muses, which maketh me to suspect that there is more in the matter then what is ge∣nerally known, or doth publickly appear.

8. S^t Henry Savill the most learned Warden of this Colledg,* 7.26 three hundred and more years after Mertons death, plucked down his old Tombe in Rochester Church. (near the North wall, almost over against the Bishops Chair) and built a neat new Monument of Touch and Alabaster, whereon after a large inscri∣ption in Prose, this Epitaph was engraven.

Magne senex titulis, Musarum sede sacrata Major, Mertonidum maxime progenie Haec tibi gratantes post saecula sera nepotes. En votiva locant marmora sancte Parens.

And indeed malice it self cannot deny, that this Colledg (or little Vniversity rather) doth equal, if not exceed any one Foundation in Christendom, for the Famous men bred therein, as by the following Catalogue will appear.

Wardens. 1. Pet. Abyngdon. 2. Rich. Warbisdon. 3. Jo. de la More. 4. Jo. Wantinge. 5. Rob. Trenge. 6. Gul. Durant. 7. Jo. Bloxham. 8. Jo. Wendover. 9. Ed. Beckingham. 10. Tho. Rodburne. 11. Rob. Gylbert. 12. Hen. Abingdon. 13. Elias Holcot. 14. Hen. Sever. 15. Jo. Gygur. 16. Ric. Fitz-James. 17. Tho. Harper. 18. Rich. Rawlins. 19. Rowl. Philips. 20. Jo. Chamber. ...

21. Hen. Tindal. 22. Tho. Raynolds. 23. Jac. Gervase. 24. Jo. Man. 25. Tho. Bickley. 26. HEN. SAVILL. 27. St Nathaneel Brent. 28. Dr Goddard.

Bishops. Rob. Winchelsey, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Ann. 1294. Simon Mepham, Arch-Bishop of Cantebury, Ann. 1327. Simon Isslip, Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury, Anno 1349. John Kemp, Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury, Anno 1462. Ralph Baldock, Bi∣shop of London, Anno 1305. ...

Henry Gower, Bi∣shop of Sr Da∣vids, Ann. 1328. William Read, Bi∣shop of Chiche∣ster, Ann. 1369. Robert Gilbert, Bi∣shop of London, Anno 1435. Thomas Rodebrun, Bishop of St Da∣vids, Ann. 1440. ...John* 7.27 Chadworth, Bishop of Lin∣coln, Ann. 1452. John Marshal Bi∣shop of Landast, Anno 1478. Rich. Fitz-James, Bishop of Lon∣don, Ann. 1500. William, Siveyer, Bi∣shop of Dur∣ham, Ann. 1502. Richard Raulins, Bishop of St Da∣vids, Ann. 1523. John Parkehurst, Bi∣shop of Nor∣wich, Ann. 1560. Thomas Bickley, Bi∣shop of Chiche∣ster, Ann. 1585. George Carleton, Bishop of Chi∣chester. 1626.

Benefactors. John Williot (bred in this Col.) D. D. & Chan∣cellour of Ox∣ford, founded the Portionists Hall, and exhi∣bitions. Will. Read (an ex∣cellent Mathe∣matician) built the Library. Thomas Rudburne, Warden, built the Tower over the Gate. Richard Fitz-James, Warden, built the War∣dens Lodgings. ...

... Henry Abingdon, Warden, gave Bells to the Church. Richard Rawlins wainscoted the inside, and co∣vered the roof thereof with Lead. ... Thomas Leach. Sr THO. BODLEY. Dr Wilson. Mr John Chambers, sometime Fel∣low of Eaton. Doctor Jervice. Doctor Jesop. Sr HEN. SAVIL.

Learned Writers. 1. ROGER BACON a famous Phy∣sitian. 2. JOHN DUNCE Scotus. 3. WALTER BUR∣LEY. 4. WILLIAM OCHAM. 5. THO. BRADWAR∣DINE, Arch-Bi∣shop of Canter∣bury. 6. John Gatisden. 7. Dumbleton. 8. Nicholas Gor∣rham. 9. William Grysant, Father to Gri∣moald Grysant, ...

Pope by the name of Urbane the fift. 11. Roger Switzet. 12. JOHN WICLEP. Henry Caffe, an a∣ble Scholar, but unfortunate. Sr THO. BODLEY, who built Ox∣ford Library. Sr HEN. SAVIE. Sr Isaac Wake Uni∣versity Orator, and Embassa∣dour to Venice. Henry Mason, who worthily wrote De Ministerio Anglicano. John Greaves, an excellent Ma∣thematician. Dr Peter Turner, active in com∣posing the new Statutes of the University.

* 7.28 I purposely Omit such as still, (and may they long) survive, whereof some (as D^r Edward Reynolds, D^r John Earles, D^r Francis Cheynel, M^r Doughty, M^r Francis is Rowse, &c.) have already given the world a Testimony of their great Learning and endowments. Others may in due time, as D^r Higgs, late Dean of Lichfield, D^r Corbet, &c. And surely M^r John Hales, formerly Greek Professor, will not envy Christian man-kinde, his Treasury of Learning; nor can conceive, that onely a Sermon (owned under his name) can satisfie the just expectation from him, of the Church and Common-wealth.

* 7.29 There is a By-Foundation of Postmasters in this House, (a kinde of Colledg in the Colledg) and this Tradition goeth of their Original. Anciently there was over against Merton Colledg, a small un-endowed Hall, whose Scholars

had so run in arrears, that their opposite neighbours, out of charity took them into their Colledg, (then but nine in number) to wait on the Fellows. But since they are freed from any attendance and endowed with plentiful mainte∣nance, M^r Willet being the first Benefactor unto them in that nature, whose good example hath provoked many to follow his liberality. These most justly conceive themselves much honoured, in that Bishop Jewel was a postmaster be∣fore removed hence, to be Fellow of Corpus Christs Colledg. We take our farewell of this House, when we have told it consisted lately (viz. 1635.) of one Warden, twenty one Fellows, fourteena 7.30 Scholars, besides Officers and Servants, of the foundation, with other Students, the whole number being eighty.

9. Come we now to the Kings retrenching the Popes power,* 7.31 grown so exorbitant in England. A principall part whereof consisted in the multitude of Monasteries, daylie increasing in wealth, and all at the Popes absolute devotion. If posterity had continued at this rate, to build and endow Reli∣gious Houses, all England would, in short time, have turned one entire and continued Monastery; and the inhabitants thereof become either Friers, or Founders. Where then should be any Souldiers to fight the Kings battels? Seamen to steer his ships? Husbandmen to plough the Kings land? or rather any land of his to be ploughed by husbandmen?

10. Besides,* 7.32 though these Friers had a living-hand, to take and receive from any; they had Mortmaine, a dead-hand, to restore and return any pro∣fit to the King again. Yea, such alienation of lands in Mortmaine, setled on Monasteries (which as Corporations neither married nor died) afforded nei∣ther Wards, Marriages, Reliefs, nor Knights-service, for the defence of the Realm; in a word, enriched their private coffers, impoverished the publick Exchequer, It was not therefore such a dead band, which could feed so many living mouthes, as the King for his state and safety must maintain. Wherefore for the future he restrain'd such unlimited Donatives to Religious Houses.

11. Ignorance makes many men mistake meer transcripts for Originals.* 7.33 So here, the short-fighted vulgar sort, beheld the Kings Act herein as new, strange, and unprecedented, whereas indeed former times, and forein Prin∣ces had done the like on the same occasion. First, we finde some counte∣nance for it ina 7.34 Scripture, when Moses by proclamation bounded the overflowing bounty of the people to the Tabernacle. And in the Primitive times, Theodosius the Emperor (although most loving and favourable to the Clergie) made a Law of A Mortisation or Mortmain, to moderate peo∣ples bounty to the Church. Yet a great Father, Jerome by name, much dis∣liked this Act, as appears by his complaint to Nepotian of that Law; I am ashamed to say it, the Priests, of Idols, Stage-players, Coach-men, and common Harlots, are made capable of inheritance, and receive Legacies, only Ministers of the Gospel, and Monkes are barred by Law thus to do; and that not by Persecutors, but by Chri∣stian Princes. But that passionate Father comes off well at last; neither do I complain of the Law, but I am sorry we have deserved to have such a Law made against us.

12.b 7.35 S^t Ambrose likewise expresseth much anger on the same occasion, out of his general zeal for the Churches good.* 7.36 But, had the aforesaid Fathers (men rather pious then politick; good Church-men, no States-men) seen the Monasteries swollen in revenues from an inch in their dayes, to an ell (by peoples fondness, yea dotage, on the four sorts of Friers) in King Edwards Reign, they would, no doubt, instead of reproving, have commended his, and the neighbouring Kings care for their Common-wealths.

13. For the like laws for limiting mens liberality,* 7.37 were lately made in Spain and France, and now at last followed by King Edward, according to the tenour ensuing;

WHere of late it was provided,* 7.38 that religious men should not enter into the fees of any without licence and will of the chief Lords of whom such fees be holden immediately:* 7.39 And notwithstanding such religious men have en∣tered as well into their own sees, as in the fees of other men, appropry∣ing and buying them, and sometime receiving them of the gift of others, whereby the services that are due of such fees, and which at the begin∣ginning were provided for defence of the Realme, are wrongfully without own, and the chief Lords do leese their Escheats of the same; we therefore to the profit of our Realm intending to provide convenient remedy, by the advice of our Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other our subjects, being of our Councel, have provided, made, and ordained, That no person, Religious or other, what∣soever he be, that will buy or sell any Lands or Tenements, or under the colour of Gift or Lease, or that will receive by reason of any other title, whatsoever it be, Lands or Tenements, or by any other Craft or Engine will presume to ap∣propriat to himself, under pain of forfeiture of the same, whereby such Lands or Tenements may any wise come into Mortmaine. We have provided also, That if any person, religious or other, do presume either by Craft or Engine, to offend against this Statute; it shall be lawful to us and other chief Lords of the Fee, immediately to enter in the land so aliened, within a year from the time of their alienation, and to hold it in fee, and as Inheritance. And, if the chief Lord immediately be negligent, and will not enter into such Fee with∣in the year, then it shall be lawful to the next chief Lord immediate of the same Fee, to enter in the said land within half a year next following, and to hold it as before is said; and so every Lord immediate may enter into such Land, if the next Lord be negligent in entering into the same Fee, as is aforesaid. And, if all the chief Lords of such Fees being of full age, within the four Seas, and out of prison, be negligent or slack in this behalf, we imme∣diately after the year accomplished, from the time that such purchases, Gifts or Appropriations hap to be made, shall take such tenements into our hand, and shall enfeoffe others therein, by certain Services to be done to Us, for the defence of our Realm, saving to the chief Lords of the same Fees, their Wardes and Escheats, and other Services thereunto due and accustomed. And there∣fore we command you, that ye cause the foresaid Statute to be read before you, and from henceforth to be kept firmly and observed.

Witness my self at Westminster, &c.

Date we from this day, the achme or vertical height of Abbeys, which hencefor∣ward began to stand still, & at last to decline. Formerly it was Endow Monaste∣ries who would, hereafter, who could, having first obtained licence from the King. Yet this Law did not ruine, but regulate, not destroy, but direct well grounded liberality, that bounty to some, might not be injury to others. Here I leave it to Lawyers by profession, to shew how many years after, (viz. the eighteenth of of Edward the third) Prelates Impeached before the Kings Justices for purchasing land in Mortmain, shall be dismissed without further trouble, upon their producing a charter of licence, and process thereupon made, by an Inquest, ad quod damnum, or, (in case that cannot be shewed) by making a convenient Fine for the same.

* 7.40

14. The late mention of the Prelates advise, in passing a Law so malefi∣cial unto them, giveth me just occasion to name some, the principal persons of the Clergie, present thereat; namely,

1. John Peckam, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, a stout man. He after∣wards excommunicated the Prince of Wales, because he went a long journey to perswade him to peace with England, but could not pre∣vaile.

2. William Wickwane,* 7.41 Arch-Bishop of York,* 7.42 accounted a great Scholar, (Author of a Book called Memoriale) and esteemed a petty-saint in that Age.

3. Anthony Beake, soon after Bishop of Durham; the richest and proud∣est, (alwayes good manners to except Cardinal Wolsey) of that place; Patriarch titular of Jerusalem, and Prince of the Isle of Man. Yet in my minde, Gilbert Sellinger, his contemporary, and Bishop of Chi∣chester, had a far better Title, as commonly called, the Father of Or∣phans, and Comforter of the widdows.

These, with many more Bishops consented (though some of them resorben∣tes suam bilem as inwardly angry) to the passing, (or confirming) of the Sta∣tute of Mortmain. To make them some amends, the King not long after favourably stated, what causes should be of spiritual cognizance.

15. For a Parliament was called at Westminster,* 7.43 eminent on this account, * 7.44 that it laid down the limits,* 7.45 and fixed the boundaries betwixt the Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdictions, Hitherto shall you come and no farther; though before and since, both powers have endeavoured to enlarge their own, and contract their Rivals authority. We will present first the Latin out of the Records, and then the English out of our printed Statutes, and make some necessary observations on both.

REX talibus Judicibus Salutem. Circumspectè agatis de negotiis tangentibus Episcopum Norwicensem, & ejus Clerum, non puniend, eos si pla∣citum tenuerint in Curia Christiani∣tatis de bis quae merè sunt spiritualia, viz. de correctionibus quas Prelati fa∣ciunt pro mortali peccato, viz. pro for∣nicatione, adulterio & hujusmodi, pro quibus aliquando infligitur paena corporalis, aliquando pecuniaria, maxi∣mè si convictus fuerit de hujusmodi li∣ber homo.

Item, Si Praelatus puniat pro cemete∣rio non clauso, Ecclesia discooperta, vel non decenter ornata, in quibus casibus alia poena non potest inffigi quam pe∣cuniaria.

Item, Si Rector petat versus paro∣chianos oblationes, & decimas debitas vel consuetas, vel si Rector agat contra Rectorem de decimis majoribus, vel minoribus, dummodo non petatur quar∣ta pars valoris Ecclesiae.

Item, Si Rector petat mortuàrium in partibus ubi mortuarium dari con∣suevit.

Item, Si Praelatus alicujus Ecclesiae, vel advocatus petat à Rectore pensionem si debitam, omnes hujusmodi petitiones sunt faciend, in foro Ecclesiastico. De violenta manuum injectione in Cleri∣cum,

& in causa diffamationis conces∣sum fuit aliàs, quod placitum inde te∣neatur in Curia Christianitatis, cum non petatur pecunia, sed agatur ad correctionem peccati, & similiter pro fidei laesione. In omnibus praedictis ca∣sibus habet judex Ecclesiasticus cogno∣scere regia prohibitione non obstan∣te.

THe KING to his Judges sendeth Greeting. Use your self circum∣spectly in al matters concerning the Bi∣shop of Norwich, & his Clergie, not pu∣nishing them, if they hold plea in Court Christian, of such things as be meerly spiritual, that is to wit of penance en∣joyned for deadly sin, as fornication, a∣dultery, and such like; for the which many times, corporal penance or pe∣cuniary is enjoyned, specially if a free man be convict of such things.

Also if Prelates do punish for lea∣ving Church-yards unclosed, or for that the Church is uncovered, or not conveniently decked, in which cases none other penance can be enjoyned but pecuniary.

Item, If a Parson demand of his pa∣rishioners, oblations and tythes due and accustomed, or if any person plead against another for tythes, more or less, so that the fourth part of the va∣lue of the Benefice be not demanded.

Item, If a Parson demand mortua∣ries in places where a mortuarie hath used to have been given.

Item, If a Prelate of a Church, or if a Patron demand a pension due to themselves, all such demands are to be made in a Spiritual Court. And for laying violent hands on a Priest,

and in cause of defamation,* 7.46 it hath been granted already,* 7.47 that it shall be tried in a Spiritual Court, when money is not demanded, but a thing done for punishment of sin, and likewise for breaking an oath. In all cases afore rehearsed, the Spiritual Judg shall have power to take knowledge notwith∣standing the Kings prohibition.

Something must be premised about the validity of this writing, learned men much differing therein.

Some make it

• 1. Onely a constitutiou made by the Prelates themselves; much too blame, if they cut not large pieces, being their own Carvers.
• 2. A meer Writ issued out from the King to his Judges.
• 3. A solemn Act of Parliament, compleat in all the re∣quisites thereof.

Hear what* 7.48 a Bacon (but neither S^r Nicolas, nor S^r Francis, the two Ora∣cles of Law) writes in this case; A writing somewhat like a Grant of Liberties, which before times were in controversie; and this Grant (if it may be so called) hath by continuance VSURPED the name of a Statute, but in its own nature is no other then a Writ directed to the Judges. Presently after he saith, It is therefore no Grant, nor Release, but as it were a Covenant that the Clergie should hold peaceable possession of what they had, upon this ground. And in the next page more plain∣ly; For my part therefore I shall not apprehend it of a higher nature then the Kings Writ, which in those dayes WENT FORTH AT RANDOM.

16. Come we now to the calme judgment of S^r Edward Cook,* 7.49 on whose decision we may safely rely; Thougha 7.50 some have said that this was no Statute, but made by the Prelates themselves; yet that this is an Act of Parlia∣ment, it is proved, not onely by our books, but also by an Act of Parliament.

17. The King to his Judges] Were it of concernment, it were not dif∣ficult to name the Prime Judges of England at this time:

Viz.

• 1. In the Kings, or Vpper-Bench, either Ralph de Heng∣ham, or (which is more probable) one Wymborne was Judge.
• 2. In the Common-Pleas, Thomas de Weyland, on that token that he was guilty of Bribery.
• 3. In the Exchequer, Adam de Stratton, as faulty as the former.

But by the Judges named in this Writ, (for, as this was an Act of Parliament, so was there a Writ also founded thereon, called Circumspectè agatis) we under∣stand some peculiar Commissioners dispatch'd and employed on this particu∣lar business.

18. Concerning the Bishop of Norwich] It is needless to tell the Reader, that William Middeton was Bishop thereof at this time,b 7.51 charactred to be, Vir in Jure Civili & Canonico peritissmus & elegantissmus. But Norwich is here put onely for example, which equally extended to all the Bishops of the Realme.

19. Si placitum tenuerint, if they hold plea] Placitum, a Plea so called, saith myc 7.52 Author, per antiphrasin, quia non places, none being pleased to go to Law save Barreters, who delight in brangling. But, what if it be called placitum, because the Plaintife is pleased to submit his right in question to the pleasure of the Court to decide it?

20. In Court Christian] These words are left out in Linwood his Con∣stitutions, where all the rest is registred. And, where the recording thereof amongst the Provincial Canons of Canterbury, gave the best countenance to their conjecture, who degrade this Act of Parliament into a meer Church-Constitution. It is called the Court Christian, because therein the Laws of Christ do, or should bear the decisive sway, whilest the Statutes of Secular Princes regulate the proceedings in other Courts.

21. Such things as be meerly spiritual] This furnisheth us with a necessary distinction of all matters;

• Into
  • meerly and purely
  • mixtly and partly
• spiritual.

Of the former we shall finde very few, meerly spiritual. For the Apo∣stles sometimes conceived, that the very distribution of Almes to the poor, had something of worldly drossiness therein (called by themd 7.53 serving of tables) as if onely the preaching of the word were a spiritual employment. Of the latter sort many things are mixtly spiritual. For, seeing man consists of two principles, soul and body, all his actions good or bad, as to the minde-moiety or soul-part thereof, must needs have at least a glance of spiritual reflection. Here then the Quaere will be in matters mixtly spiritual, whether the spiritua∣lity of them shall refine the rest so as to exalt the same into Church-cognisance; or the corporality, or earthliness of them, depress them so as to subject them to civil consideration? the decision hereof dependeth on the practice and cu∣stom of the Land, as will appear hereafter.

22. For deadly sin] Distinguish we here betwixt a sin deadly to the soul, drawing damnation without repentance, and a deadly (commonly called a capital) crime, deserving death by humane Laws. The former onely is here intended, the latter belonging wholly to the Common-Law. Nor did the punishment of every mortal sin (to use the language of that age) belong to Church-men, seeing if so (as Linwood no less Learnedly, then modestly con∣fesseth) Sic periret temporalis gladii jurisdictio, Thereby the power of the temporal sword will wholly be taken away. Long since had Doctors-Commons eaten up all the Inns of Court, if all things reducible to deadly sins had pertained to the Court-Christian. And therefore the Casuists themselves do qualifie and confine these words of indefinite extent, to such crimes, which de sui naturâ spectant ad Forum Ecclesiasticum.

23. As first fornication] Here, saith Linwood, thirteen cases are in specie recited, though I dare not reckon them up, fearing to make them (lying so confusedly) moe or less. Fornication, that is (saith the Casuist) Soluti cum soluta, the uncleanness of a loose (understand unmarried) with a loose person.

24. Adultery] These two alone are specified, because lying in a middle distance, so the more conveniently to reach other sins of this kinde, of higher or lower guilt;

1. Higher	as	Incest.
2. Lower	Soliciting a womans chastity.

If any say that Adultery doth not belong to the Court-Christian, because Christ

himself would not punish ana 7.54 adulteress taken in the act, waving it as an im∣proper imployment. It is answered, that our Saviour appearing in privacy and poverty, and coming not to act but to suffer, not to judg but be judged, justly declined all judicial power. But we see afterward, how the Church of Corinth, by S^t Paul his command, proceeded against the incestuous person, and at this time Church-men cleanly carried the cognisance of such offences. I say at this time, it plainly appearing, that in the Conquerors time, Fornica∣tion and Adultery were punishable in the Kings Court, and the Leets especially, (by the name of LETHERWITE) and the fines of offenders assessed to the King, though now it meerly belonged to the Church. As for a Rape, being Adul∣tery, or, at leastwise, fornication offered with violence, the Common-Law hath justly reserved to it self the trial and punishment thereof.

25. And such like] Here is an interpretative et-caetera inserted in the bo∣dy of a Parliament Act (and a Writ grounded thereon) causing some differen∣ces about the Dimensions thereof. For, if these words, And such like, re∣late onely to the last foregoing, Fornication and Adultery, (in common con∣struction most probable) then they onely fetch in such offences which have some tincture of Carnal uncleanness. But, if they also refer to the me∣diate preceding words, deadly sins, behold a troop cometh, beyond our power exactly to number them. And here Forein Casuists bring in a bundle of mor∣tal sins, all grist for their own Mill, as of Church-cognisance; namely, Sacri∣ledg, Usury, Heresie, Simony, Perjury, Fortune-telling, consulting Astrologers, Drunkenness, &c. But it matters not, how long and large their bills be from beyond the Seas, seeing our Common-Law brings their reckonings to a new ac∣count, defalking a great part of that measure, which they make to themselves in favour of Church-Jurisdiction.

26. For that the Church is uncovered] It belonged ever to the Priests, to provide for the decent reparation of Gods-House. Thus Jehoiadab 7.55 was care∣ful to amend the decayes of the Temple. But though it pertained to Church∣men to see the thing done, yet several persons were to do it.

1. The Steeple with the Body of the Church, and all Chappels lying in common thereunto, are to be repaired at the joyn cost of the Parish.

2. Private Chappels wherein particular persons claim a propriety of sepulture at their own charges.

3. The Chauncel at the expence of the Parson.

However in all these, such respect is had to the custom of the place, time out of minde; that it often over-ruleth the premisses. Quaere, Whether the Fences of the Church-yard be to be made on the Parish-charges, or on the purse of the several persons whose ground surroundeth it, or abutteth on the same.

*Oblations and Tythes] It is a question which I believe will never be deci∣ded to the contentment of both Parties, in what notion Tythes belong to the Court-Christian.

1. The Canonists maintaine,

That Originally and ex sua natura, they are of Ecclesiastical cognizance, as commonly avouched, and gene∣rally believed due, Jure Divino. Besides, such the near relation of the Church and its maintenance, that to part the oyl from the lamp were to destroy it. They produce also

the Confession in the Statute of the first of Richard the second, That pursuit for Tythes ought, and of anci∣ent time did pertain to the Spiritual Court.

2. The Common-Lawyers defend.

That Tythes in their own nature are a civil thing, and therefore by Britton (who being Bishop of Heresord, and learned in the Laws of this Realm, was best qualified for an unpartial Judg herein) omitted, when treating of what things the Church hath cognizance. They * 7.56 affirm therefore that Tythes were

annexed to the Spirituality. Thus they expound those passages in Statutes of Tythes, anciently belonging to Court-Christian, as intended by way of conces∣sion, and not otherwise.

But the Canonists are too sturdy to take that for a gift which they conceive is their due, left thanks also be expected from them for enjoying the same, and so we leave the question where we found it.

27. Mortuary] Because something of history is folded up in this word, which may acquaint us with the practice of this age, we will enlarge a little hereon, and shew what a Mortuary was, when to be paid, by whom, to whom and in what consideration.

1. A Mortuarya 7.57 was the second best quick cattel whereof the party died possessed. If he had but two in all (such forsooth the cha∣rity of the Church) no Mortuary was due from him.

2. It was often bequeathed by the dying, but however alwayes pay∣ed by his Executors after his death, thence called a Mortuary or Corse-present.

3. By whom. No woman under Covert-Baron was lyable to pay it (and by proportion no children unmarried, living under their Fathers tuition) but Widows, and all possessed of an Estate, were subject to the payment thereof.

4. To whom. It was paid to the Priest of the Parish where the party dying received the Sacrament (not where he repaired to prayers) and if his house at his death stood in two Parishes, the value of the Mortuary was to be divided betwixt them both.

5. It was given in lieu of small or personal Tythes (Predial Tythes are too great to be casually forgotten) which the party in his life-time had, though ignorance or negligence, not fully paid. But in case the aforesaid Mortuary fell far short of full satisfaction for such omissions, Casuists maintain the dying party obliged to a lar∣ger restitution.

So much of Mortuaries, as they were generally paid at the present, until the time of Henry the sixth, when learned Linwood wrote his Comment on that Constitution. How Mortuaries were after reduced to a new regulation by a Statute, in the twenty first of Henry the eighth, pertains not to our present purpose.

28. For laying violent hands on a Priest] The Ecclesiastical Judg might proceed ex officio, and pro salute animae, punish the offender who offered vio∣lence to a Priest; but dammages on Action of Battery were onely recoverable at Common-Law: Note, that the arresting of a Clergy-man by Process of Law, is not to be counted a violence.

29. And in cause of Defamation] Where the matter defamatory is spiri∣tual, as to call one Heretick, or Schismatick, &c. the plea lay in Court-Christian. But defamations with mixture, any matter determinable in the Common-Law, as Thief, Murderer, &c. are to be traversed therein.

30. Defamation it hath been granted] From this word granted, Common-Lawyers collect (let them alone to husband their own right) that originally defamations pertained not to the Court-Christian. From the beginning it was not so, until the Common-Law by Acts of Parliament, granted and surrendred such suits to the Spirituality.

31. Thus by this Act and Writ of Circumspectè agatis,* 7.58 King Edward may seem like an expert Artist, to cleave an hair, betwixt the spiritual and temporal juris∣diction, allowing the premisses to the former, and leaving whatever is not

specified in this Act, to the Cognizance of the Common-Law, according to the known and common Maxime, Exceptio firmat regulam in non exceptis. How∣ever, for many years after there was constant heaving and shoving betwixt the two Courts. And, as there are certain lands in the Marches of England and Scotland (whilest distinct Kingdomes) termed Battable-grounds, which may give for their Motto, not, Dentur justiori, but, Dentur fortiori, for alway the strongest sword for the present possessed them: So in controversial cases to which Court they should belong, sometimes the Spirituality, sometimes the Temporality, alternately seized them into their Jurisdiction, as power and fa∣vour best befriended them.* 7.59 But generally the Clergie complained, that, as in the blending of liquors of several colours, few drops of red will give tin∣cture to a greater quantity of white, so the least mixture of Civil concernment in Religious matters, so discolourated the Christian candor and purity thereof, that they appeared in a temporal hue, and under that notion were challenged to the Common-Law. Sad, when Courts that should be Judges, turn them∣selves Plaintiffs and Defendents, about the bounds of their Jurisdiction.

32. We long since mentioned the first coming in of the Jews into England (brought over by William the Conqueror) and now are come this year to their casting out of this Kingdome;* 7.60 having first premised some observables con∣cerning their continuance therein.* 7.61 If hitherto we have not scattered our Hi∣story with any discourse of the Jews,* 7.62 know it done by design: that as they were enjoyned by our Laws, to live alone in streets by themselves (not mix∣ing in their dwellings with Christians) so we purposely singled out their sto∣ry, and reserved it by it self, for this one entire relation thereof.

33. They were scattered all over England.* 7.63 In Cambridg, Bury, Nor∣wich, Lin, Stanford, Northampton, Lincoln, York, and, where not? But their principal aboad was in London, where they had their Arch-Synagogue at the North corner of the Old-Jury, as opening into Lothbury. After their expul∣sion, their Synagogue was turned into the Covent of the Friers of the Sack, or, De Poenitentia Jesu; and after their supression, it became successively the house, first of a Lord, then of a Merchant; since of any man for his money, being turned into a Tavern, with the sign of thea 7.64 Wind-mill. A proper sign to express the moveableness of that place, which with several gales of success, hath been turned about, from so many owners, and to so many uses.

34. As for the civil government of Jews in England,* 7.65 the King set over them one principal Officer, called the Justicer of the Jews, whose place in honor was next to the Barons of the Exchequer. His office was to be the Patron & Pro∣tector of the Jews in their just rights, to decide all suits betwixt Christians and them, and to keep the seal of the Jews their Corporation, with the keys of their Treasury; I conceive of such moneys as they paid as Tribute to the King: otherwise the Jews had age enough to keep the Keys of their own coffers themselves, and wit too much to trust them with others. S^r Robert de Hoo, and S^r Philip Luvel (afterward Treasurer of England) men of signal Nobility, successvely discharged this place. These Justicers often acted very high in defence of their Clients, the Jews; insomuch as I finde itb 7.66 complained of by the English Clergy, as a great grievance; that, when a Jew was con∣vented before the Ecclesiastical Judg, for his misdemeanours (as Sacriledg, violence offered to some Priest, adultery with a Christian woman, &c.) their own Justicer would interpose, and, by a Prohibition obtained from the King, obstruct all legal proceedings against such a Jew, as onely responsible in his own jurisdiction.

35. In their spiritual government they were all under one Pontifex,* 7.67 or High Priest. We finde his name was Elias, who Anno 1254. had that office. He was also called the Presbyter of the Jews, whose place was usually con∣firmed at least, if not constituted by the King, who by his Patent granted the same, as may appear by this copie of King Johns, as followeth.

REXa 7.68 omnibus fidelibus suis,* 7.69 & omnibus Judaeis,* 7.70 & Anglis salutem. Soiatis Nos concessisse, & praesenti Chartâ nostrâ confirmasse Jacobo Judge de Londoniis Presbyterio Judaeorum, Presbyteratum omnium Ju∣daeorum totius Angliae babendum & tenendum quamdiu vixerit, liberè & quietè & bonorificè, & integre, its quòd nemo ei super hoc molestiam aliquam, aut gravamen inferre praesumat: Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus, quod eidem Jacobo quoad vixerit Presbytoratum Judaeorum per totam Angliam, garantetis, manu teneatis, & pacificè defendatis; & si quis ei super eo foriffacere praesumserit, id ei sine dilatione (salva no∣bis emenda nostra) de forisfactura nostra emendari faciatis, tanquam Dominico Judaeo nostro quem specialiter in servitio nostra retinuimus. Prohibemus etiam ne de aliquo ad se pertinente ponatur in placitum, nisi coram Nobis, aut coram Capitali Justitia nostra, sicut Charta Regis Richardi, fratris nostri, testatur. Taeste S. Bathomensi Episcopo &c. Dat. per manus H. Cantuariensis Archi∣episcopi Chancellarii nostri apud Rothomagum 31. die Julii, Anno Regni nostri primo.

I have transcribed this Patent the rather for the rarity thereof, it being a strange fight, to see a Christian Arch-Bishop date an Instrument for a Jewish Presbyter.

36. Their livelihood was all on Usury.* 7.71 One Verse inb 7.72 Deuteronomy (with their Comment thereon) was more beneficial unto them, then all the Old Testament besides. Vnto a stranger thou maiest lend upon usury, but unto thy brother thou shalt not lend upon usury: Now interpreting all strangers who (though neighbours at the next door) were not of their own nation, they be∣came the universal Usurers of all England; and did our Kingdom this courte∣sie, that, because all hated the Jews for their Usury sake; all also hated Usury for the Jews sake, so that Christians generally disdained to be guilty thereof. Now, seeing there are two wayes to wealth, one long and sure, by saving at home; the other short, but not so certain (because probably it may meet with detection and punishment) by oppressing abroad, no wonder if the Jews, using both wayes, quickly arrived at vast estates.

37. For,* 7.73 first for their fare, it was course in the quality, and yet slen∣der in the quantity thereof. Insomuch, that they would, in a manner, make pottage of a flint. Swines-flesh indeed they would not eat, but dogs-meat they would; I mean, beef and mutton, so poor, and lean, that the refuse of all Christians, was the Jews choice in the Shambles. Clothes they wore so poor, and patch'd, beggars would not take them up to have them. Attendants they kept none, every one waiting on himself. No wonder then, if easily they did over-grow others in wealth, who basely did under-live themselves in all convenient accommodations. Nor were they less gripple in keeping, then greedy in catching of goods; who would as soon lose their fingers, as let go what they had clutched therein.

38. I was of the opinion (and perchance not without company in my mistake) that the Jews were not permitted to purchase Lands in England.* 7.74 I thought, onely the ground of their graves (generally buried without Cripple∣gate, in the Jews garden, on the West side of S^t Gyles's Church-yard, now turned into Tenements in Red-cross-street) could be termed theirs. But since I am informed, that Benomyc 7.75 Mittun, a Jew (as certainly many moe be∣sides him) was possessed of much Land, and many houses in several parishes in London. Surely their purchases were limited within some restrictions. But the Jews generally more fancied letting-out of money, then buying in of Land, as which made their estates less subject to discovery, more plenti∣ful in their encreasing, and more portable in the removing thereof.

39. It was an usual punishment legally inflicted on these Jews,* 7.76 for their offences not capital, to Excommunicate them. Thus such Jews should be Excommunicated, who, contrary to the Laws, kept Christian-nursesa 7.77 in their houses; or, who cast off that badg, or cognizance, which they ought

to have worn over their upper garment,* 7.78 to be distinguished from Christians.* 7.79 Surely such Excommunication was no Ecclesiastical censure, needless to keep the Jews out of our Churches, who hated all coming into them. Rather it was a civil penalty (equivalent to the Universities discominoning a Townsman in Cambridg) whereby the Jews were derred all commerce with Christians (worse to them then all the plagues of Egypt) and so the mart of their pro∣fit marred, dearer unto them then life it self.

40. Endless it were to reckon up the indignities offered unto these Jews,* 7.80 on occasion sometime given, but oftner taken▪ Apprentices now adayes do not throw sticks at Cocks on Shrove-tuesday so commonly, as then on that day they used clubs on the Jews, if appearing out of their houses. A people equally unhappy at feasts, and at frays. For, whensoever the Chri∣stians at any revels made great entertaintments, the Jews were made to pay the reckoning. And wheresoever any braule began, in London, it ended al∣wayes in the Old-Jury, with pillaging of the people therein. What good heart can without grief, recount the injuries offered to those, who once were the only people of God? These were they who preferred Barabbas, before Christ their Saviour, which Barabbas was ab 7.81 robber, a raiser ofc 7.82 insurrection, and a murderer. And ever since that time, in all insurections against them (when they desired, and sought safety, and deliverance) it hath been their constant portion, to be robbed and murdered.

41. But the most terrible persecution fell upon them at the Coronation of King Richard the first,* 7.83 which, according to the Jewish computation was their Jubile; and then busie in the observance thereof, though (alas) they had not one merry day in the compass of the whole year. They were for∣bidden, for fear of their inchantments, to approach the Kings Coronati∣on, upon heavy penalties denounced. Now, their curiosity was so far above their covetousness, or rather, their willfulness so far above their curiosity herein, that, out of their old spirit of contradiction, some appeared there, which caused the killing of many, robbing of moe Jews in London. On the same account, within few dayes after (how quickly can cruelty ride post seven score and ten miles?) five hundred Jews besieged in a Tower at York, first beheaded their own wives and children, and then burnt themselves, to escape more cruel torments.

42. In the seventeenth year of the Reign of King John,* 7.84 the Barons brake into the Jews houses, and rifled their coffers, and with the stone of their houses, repaired the gates, andd 7.85 walls of London. Surely such stones must be presumed very hard, like the Jews, their owners, from whom they were taken, and yet they soon mouldred away with winde and weather. Indeed plundered stone never make strong walls. And I impute it as a partial cause of the weakness of London-walls (which no enemy ever since assaulted, but he entered them) that a great part of them (enough to infect all the rest) was built with materials got by oppression.

43. But, of all our English Kings,* 7.86 none ground the Jews with exacti∣ons, like King Henry the third. Onely herein the Jews might, and did com∣fort themselves, that the English, his Native Subjects, also smarted soundly under his oppression. He not onely flead the skin, but raked the flesh, and scarrified the bones of all the Jews estates in England; ut vivere fastidirent, that is was irksome for them to live.e 7.87 Gold he would receive of every Jewish man, or woman, alwayes with his own hand, but consigned other officers to receive the silver from them. One offensive act he wilfully did to their consci∣ence, in giving them leave, at their own cost and charges, to build them a new Synagogue, and when they had finish'd it, He commanded them to dedicate it to the Virginf 7.88 Mary, whereby they utterly lost the use thereof; and after∣wards the King gave it to be a Cell of S^t Anthony of Vienna. A vexatious deed, meerly to despight them, who are (since their smarting for Idolatry in the captivity of Babylon) pertinacious worshippers of one God, and nothing

more retardeth their conversion to Christianity, then the scandal given daylie unto them, by the Popish Saint-ship to their images.

44. It may justly seem admirable,* 7.89 whence these Jews so often pillaged to their bare skins, so suddenly recruited themselves with wealth. What I have heard affirmed of some ground in Glocester-shire, that in a kindly spring, bite it bare over night, next morning the grass will be grown to hide a wande therein, is most certainly true in application to the Jews, so full and fast did wealth flow in upon them. Let their eggs not onely be taken away, but their nests be pluck'd down; yet within few years we shall finde them hatching a new brood of wealth therein. This made many suspect them, for clipping and coyning of money. But, to lessen the wonder of these Jews their speedy recovery, know, that (besides some of their invisible hoardes escaping their plunderers hands) the Jews in other places (where the persecution for the present) furnished them to set up trading again. Indeed commendable was the Jews charity to their own Country-men, save that necessity commanded them to love one another, being hated of all other nations.

45. To avoid these miseries,* 7.90 they had but one shift (and, as used by some of them, it was but a shift indeed) to pretend themselves Christian Converts,* 7.91 and to tender themselves to be baptized. To such persons; in a temporal respect, Baptism washed away all sin; they being cleared and quitted from all ante-facts how hainous soever, by their entrance into Christianity. Thus Anno 1259. Elias Biscop, a London-Jew, charged with many horrible crimes; and, amongst others, that with poisoned drinke he had caused the death of many English Gentlemen, escaped all punishment by being bapti∣zed. For the farther encouragement of their conversion, King Henry the third erected a small house in Chancery-Lane (where the office of the Rolls is now kept) for Convert-Jews to dwell in, allowing a daylie salary to them for their maintenance. It is to be feared many lived therein who were Jews inwardly, but not in the Apostlesa 7.92 acception thereof, in the spirit, but in the letter, whose praise is not of men, but of God; but I mean such, who still retain∣ed the dregs of Judaisme under the fained profession of Christianity. Sure I am, King Edward at this time was so incensed against the Jewish Nation, that now he resolved the total and final extirpation of them, and theirs, out of his Dominions.

46. Many misdemeanours were laid to their charge,* 7.93 amongst which these following were the principal. First, Enchantments. This was an old sin of the Jews, whereof the Prophets alwayes complained,b 7.94 the multitude of thy sorceries, and the great abundance of thine inchantments. And it seemes they still retained their old wicked wont. Secondly, Poisoning. To give the Jews their due, this was none of their faults, whilest living in their own land, not meeting with the word in the whole Bible. It seems they learnt this sin after their disperson in other Nations, and since are grown exquisite in that art of wickedness. Thirdly, Clipping of money. Fourthly, Counterfeit∣ing of Christians hands and seals. Fifthly, Extortion. A Jew occasioned a mutiny in London, by demanding from a poor Christian, above two shillings for the use of twenty shillings for one week, being (by proportion) no less then five hundred and twenty pounds per annum for every hundred. Sxthly, Crucifying of the children of Christians (to keep their hands in ure) always about Easter. So that the time pointed at their intents directly in derision of our Sa∣viour. How sufficiently these crimes were witnessed against them, I know not. In such cases weak proofs are of proof against rich offenders. We may well believe, if their persons were guilty of some of these faults, their estates were guilty of all the rest.

47. Now although it passeth for an uncontrolled truth,* 7.95 that the Jews were by the King violently cast out of the Land, yet a greata 7.96 Lawyer states the case much other∣wise (viz.) that the King did not directly expel them, but only prohibit them to put

money to use; which produced a petition from them to the King, that they might have leave to depart the Land; a request easily granted unto them: some will say it is all one in effect, whether one be starved or stabbed, death inevitably following from both, as here the Jews were famished, on the matter, out of England; usury being their meat and drink, without which they were unable longer to subsist: However this took off much from the Odium of the act, that they were not immediately, but only indirect∣ly and consequentially banished the Realm, or rather permitted a free departure on their own petition for the same. As for the sad accident that some hundreds of them be∣ing purposely shipped out of a spightful design, in a leaking vessel, were all drowned in the Sea, if true, it cannot but command compassion in any Christian heart.

48. It is hardly to be believed,* 7.97 what vast sums of wealth accrewed to the King,* 7.98 by this (call it ejection,* 7.99 or amotion, or) decesion of the Jews. He al∣lowed them only bare viaticum to bear their charges, and seised on all the rest of their estates. Insomuch, that now the King needed not to listen to the counsel of William Marsh, Bishop of Bath and wells,* 7.100 and Treasurer of England (but therein speaking more like a Treasurer then a Bishop) advising him,* 7.101 if in necessity, to take all the plate and money of Churchesa 7.102 and Monasteries, therewith to pay his souldiers. The poor Jews durst not go into France (whence lately they had been solemnly banished) but generally disposed themselves in Germany, and Italy, especially in the Popes territories therein, where profit from Jews and Stews, much advance the constant revenues of his Holiness.

49. King Edward having done with the Jews,* 7.103 began with the Scots, and effectually humbled them, and their country. This the occasion. Two Com∣petitors appearing for the Crown of Scotland, [John Bailiol, and Robert Bruce] and, both referring their title to King Edward's decision, he adjudged the same to Bailiol, or rather to himself in Bailiol. For he enjoyned him to do homage unto him, and that hereafter the Scotish Crown should be held in fe∣alty of the English. Bailiol, or his necessity rather (his person being in King Edward's power) accepted the condition, owning in England one above him∣self, that so he might be above all in Scotland.* 7.104 But,* 7.105 no sooner was he return∣ed into his own Kingdom, and peaceably possessed thereof, but instantly in a Letter of defiance, he disclaimeth all former promises to King Edward, ap∣pealing to the Christian world, whether his own inforced obedience were more to be pitied, or King Edward's insolence (improving it self on a Princes present extremitics) more to be condemned.

50. Offended hereat,* 7.106 King Edward▪* 7.107 advanceth into Scotland,* 7.108 with the forces he formerly intended for France. Power and policy make a good med∣ly, and the one fareth the better for the other. King Edward to strengthen himself, thought fit to take in the title of Robert Bruce, (Bailiols corrival, hitherto living privately in Scotland) pretending to settle him in the Kingdom. Hereupon the Scots, to lessen their losses, and the English victories,b 7.109 affirm, that in this expedition their own Country-men were chiefly conquered by their own Country-men, the Brucian party assisting the Englsih. Sure it is that King Edward took Barwick, Dunbar, Sterling, Edenbrugh, the Crown, Scep∣ter, and (out of Scone) the Royal Chair, and prophetical Marble therein. And though commonly it be observed, that English valour hopefully budding and blossoming on this side of Edenburgh-Frith, is frost-bitten on the North thereof; yet our victorious Edward, crossing that sea, took Montross, and the best Coun∣ties thereabout. In a word, he conquered almost all the Garden of Scotland, and left the wilderness thereof to conquer it self. Then having fetled Warren, Earl of Survey, Vice-Roy thereof, and made all the Scotish Nobility (Doughty Douglas alone excepted, who was committed to prison for his singular recu∣sancy) swear homage unto him, and taking John Bailiol captive along with him, he returned triumphantly into England.

The End of the Thirteenth CENTURY.

CENT. XIV.

TO CLEMENT THROCKMORTON, the Elder, OF Haseley in Warwick-shire, Esq

LEt other boast of their French bloud, whilest your En∣glish family may vie Gentry with any of the Nor∣man Extraction. 1. For Antiquity, four Mono∣syllables being, by common pronuntiation, crouded into your name; THE, ROCK, MORE, TOWN. 2. For Numerosity, being branched into so many Counties. 3. For Ingenuity, charactered by† 7.110 Camden to be FRUITFUL OF FINE WITS, whereof several instances might be pro∣duced.

But a principal consideration, which doth, and ever shall command my respect unto your person, is, your faithful and cordial friendship, in matters of highest concernment, (whatever be the success thereof) to the best of my Relations, which I conceived my self obliged publickly to confess.

1. AMidst these cruel Wars,* 7.111 betwixt the English and Scots,* 7.112 Pope Boniface the eighth,* 7.113 sent his Letters to King Edward, requiring him to quit his claim, and cease his Wars, and release his prisoners, of the Scotch Nation, as a people exempt, and pro∣perly pertaining to his own Chappel. Perchance the Popes right to the Crown of Scotland is written on the back-side of Constantines Donation. And it is strange, that if Scotland be the Popes peculiar De∣meanes, it should be so far distant from Rome, his chief Mansion house; he grounded his Title thereunto, becausea 7.114 Scotland was first converted, by the re∣liques of S^t Peter, to the unity of the Catholick faith. But it seemes, not so much ambition in his Holiness, made him at this present to start this pretence,

but the secret solicitation of the Scots themselves,* 7.115 who now to avoid the storme of the English,* 7.116 ran under this Bush, and put themselves in the Popes protection.

2. Hereupon King Edward called a Councel of his Lords at Lincoln,* 7.117 where perusing the contents of the Popes prescript, he returned a large answer, where in he endeavoured by evident reasons, and ancient predceents, to prove his propriety in the Kingdom of Scotland. This was seconded by another from the English Peerage, subscribed with all their hands, the wholea 7.118 tenor whereof deserves to be inserted, but this passage must not be omitted, being directed to no meaner then his Holiness himself.

Wherefore, after treaty had, and diligent deliberation of the contents of your foresaid Letters, this was the common agreement, and consent with one minde, and shall be without fail, in time to come, by Gods grace, that our foresaid Lord the King ought by no means to answer in judgement in any case, or should bring his foresaid rights into doubt, nor ought not to send any Proctors or messengers to your presence. Especially seeing that the pre∣misses tend manifestly to the disheriting of the Crown of England, and the plain overthrow of the State of the said Realm, and also hurt of the Liberties, Customes, and Laws of our Fathers; for the keeping and defence of which, we are bound, by the duty of the Oath made, and we will maintain them with all power, and will desend them (by Gods help) with all our strength.

The Pope perceived he had met with men, which understood themselves, and that King Edward was no King John, to be frighted or flattered out of his Right, he therefore was loath to clash his Keys against the others sword, to trie which was made of the hardest mettal; but foreseeing the Verdict would go against him, wisely non-suited himself. Whereas had this unjust challen∣ger, met with a timerous Defendant, it had been enough to have created an undeniable title to him and his successors. The best is, Nullum tempus occur∣rit Papae, no process of time doth prejudice the Popes due; but whensoever he plea∣seth to prosecute his right,* 7.119 Scotland lieth still in the same place where it did before.

3. About this time a subject brought in a Bull of Excommunication against another subject of this Realm,* 7.120 and published it to the Lord Treasurer of En∣gland,* 7.121 and this was by the ancienta 7.122 Common-Law of England adjudged Treason against the King, his Crown and dignity, for the which, the offen∣der should have been drawn and hanged, but at the great instance of the chan∣celour and Treasurer, he was onely abjured the Realm for ever. And this case is the more remarkable, because he was condemned by the Com∣mon-Law of England, before any particularc 7.123 Statute was enacted in that behalf.* 7.124

4. But the Courage of the King Edward most appeared in humbling and order∣ing Robert Wincelsey,* 7.125Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.* 7.126 He was an insolent man, ha∣ted even of the Clergie, because though their champion to preserve them from Civil and Secular burdens, yet the Popes Broker, to reserve them for his uncon∣scionable exactions, as if keeping Church-men to be wrong'd by none, but him∣self. Long had the King looked on him with an angry eye, as opposite to his proceedings, and now at the last had him at his mercy, for plottingd 7.127 Trea∣son with some others of the Nobility, against him, against him, projecting to depose him, and set up his Son Edward in his Room.

5. The Arch-Bishop throwing himself prostrate at the Kings feet, with tears ande 7.128 lamentation, confessed his fault in a posture of cowardly dejection, descending now as much beneath himself, as formerly he had arrogantly in∣sulted over others;f 7.129 some are loath to allow him guilty of the crime objected,* 7.130

others conceive him onely to have done this,* 7.131 presuming on the Kings noble disposition for pardon.* 7.132 But such must yield him a Traitor either to the Kings Crown, or to his own innocence by his unworthy acknowledging his offence. Thus that man who confesseth a debt, which he knows not due, hoping his Creditor will thereupon give him an acquittance, scarce deserveth pitty for his folly, if presently sent to prison for non-payment thereof. Then he called the King his Master, a terme, wherewith formerly his tongue was unacquainted, (whom neither by word or letter he would ever acknowledg under that nation) ten∣dering himself to be disposed at his pleasure.

6. No, Quoth the King,* 7.133 I will not be both party and judg, and proceed against you as I might by the Common-Law of the Land. I bear more respect to your order, whereof you are as unworthy as of my favour: having formerly had experience of your malice in smaller matters, when you so rigorously used my Chaplains attending on me in their ordinary service beyond the Seas;* 7.134 so that though I sent my Letters un∣to you, you as lightly regarded what I wrot, as what they pleaded in their own behalf. Wincelsey having but one guard for all blows, persisted in his submission, desi∣ring (a president unparalle'd) that the King would give him his blessing: No, said the King, it is more proper that you should give me your blessing. But, well, I will remit you to your own great Master the Pope, to deal with you according to your deserts. But the Arch-Bishop loath belike to-go-to Rome, and staying longer in England, then the Kings command, and (perchance) his own promise, lurk'd in a Covent, at Canterbury, till fourscoreb 7.135 Monks were by the Kings com∣mand thrust out of their places for relieving him out of their charity; and were not restored till the aforesaid Arch-Bishop was banished the Kingdom.

7. Not long after he appeared before Pope Clement the fift, at Burdeaux,* 7.136 where having been so great a stickler for his Holiness, (insomuch that his present disfavour with the King was originally caused by his activity for the Pope) he might rationally have expected some courtesie. But though he had used both his hands to scrape treasure for the Church of Rome; the Pope would not lend his least finger to his support, but suspended him from office and benefit of his place, till he should clear himself from the crime of Treason wherewith he was charged. Whether done to procure reputation to the Justice of the Court of Rome; where, in publick causes, men, otherwise privately well deserving, should finde, no more favour there, then they brought innocence thither: Or because (which is most probable) the Pope loved the Arch-Bishoprick, better then the Arch-Bishop; and knew during his suspension, both to increase his profit, and improve his power in England, by such cunning Factors, as he imployed in the business; namely, William de Testa, and Peter Amaline, both strangers, to whom the Pope committed the sequestration of Canterbury, whilest the cause of Wincelsey did as yet depend undetermined.

8. These by Papal Authority,* 7.137 summoned before them John Salmon Bi∣shop of Norwich, for exacting the first-fruits of vacant Benefices, from the Cler∣gie of his Diocess. The case was this. Some sixty years since, Pandulph, an Italian, and Popes Legat (a perfect Artist in progging for money) being Bishop of Norwich,c 7.138 pretending his Church to be in debt, obtained of his Ho∣liness the first-firuits of vacant Benefices in Norfolk, and Suffolk, to discharge that engagement. This Grant to him, being but personal, local, and temporary, was improved by his Successors to a constant revenue; yea (covetousness being an apt Scholar, and profit an easie lesson) this example was followed by other English Bishops in their respective Diocesses. Behold here a piece of exemplary Justice. Who could have look'd for less (the illegality of these payments appearing) but that the Clergie should be eased of them? Where∣as these forein Sequestrators did order, that generally throughout England, the first-fruits of all spiritual promotions falling void next, for three years should be paid over to the Popes Chamber at Rome; onelyd 7.139 Cathedral, and Con∣ventual-Churches were excepted herein. No reason is rendered, why the burden fell on Parish-Churches; except any will say, that the Ass must bear

more then the Horse; and the load is best laid on that beast, which hath least mettle to kick it off, and throw it down:* 7.140 the poor Parochial Clergie being most unable to resist the usurpation of his Holiness.

9. Afterwards, this William Testa, who according to his name, came over an empty shell, but departed with the kernel of the English wealth, com∣plained of, for his extortiona 7.141 to the Parliament, was called home, and Peter a Spanish Cardinal sent in his room; where he concluded and cele∣brated a marriage, betwixt Prince Edward and Isabel, the King of France his Daughter. Towards the bearing of his charges, this Cardinal required twelve mark of all Cathedrals, and Convents; and of Parish-Churches eight pence out of every mark of their yearlie revenue. But the King made him con∣tent with the moity of his demand.

10. Mean time intollerable were the taxes, which the English Clergie paid to Rome.* 7.142 The Poets faigne Arethusa, a River in Armenia, to be swal∣lowed up by the earth, and running many miles under the Ocean, in Sicilie (they say) it vents it self up again. But (without any fiction) the wealthy streams, flowing from a plentiful spring in England, did suddenly disappear, and being insensibly conveyed in invisible chanels, not under, but over the Sea, were found far off to arise afresh at Rome, in the Popes Treasury; where the Italians, though (being themselves bred in a clear and subtile Cli∣mate) they scorn'd the dulness of the wits, and hated the gross ayre of this Island, yet hugg'd the heaviness of the gold thereof; this Kingdom being one of the best places for their profit. Although proudb 7.143 Harding saith, that the Popes yearly gains out of England were but as a GNAT to an ELE∣PHANT. Oh the over-grown Beast of Romes Revenues!

11. The death of King Edward the first,* 7.144 gave a great advancement to the Popes incroaching. A worthy Prince he was,* 7.145 fixed in his generation be∣twixt a weak Father,* 7.146 and son; as if made wise and valiant by their Antipe∣ristasis. Equally fortunate in drawing, and sheathing the sword; in war, and peace: having taught the English loyaltie, by them almost forgotten; and the Welsh, subjection, which they never learn'd before. In himself religi∣ously disposed; founded the famousc 7.147 Abbey of Val-royal for the Cistercians in Cheshire, and by Will bequeathing thirty two thousand pounds to the Holy War. Obedient, not servile to the See of Rome. A soe to the pride, and friend to the profession of the Clergie: whom he watered with his bounty, but would not have to spread so broad, as to justle, or grow so high as to overtop the Regal Authority; Dying in due time for himself, almost seven∣ty year old; but too soon for his Subjects, especially for his Son, whose gid∣dy youth lack'd a guide to direct him. In a word, As the Arm of King Ed∣ward the first was accounted the measure of a yard, generally received in En∣gland: so his actions are an excellent model, and a praise-worthy platform for succeeding Princes to imitate.

12. Edward his Son,* 7.148 by Letters to the Pope, requested, that Robert Win∣celsey might be restored to his Arch-Bishoprick, which was done accordingly, though he returned too late to Crown the King; which solemnity was per∣formed by Henry Woodlock, Bishop of Winchester. Here let the peaceable Rea∣der part two contrary reports from fighting together, both avowed by Au∣thors of credit.d 7.149 Some say, Wincelsey, after his return, receiv'd his profits maim'd and mangled, scarce amounting to half; and that poor pittance he was fain to bestow to repair his dilapidated Palace. Others report, his re∣venues not less'ned in quantity, and increas'd in the intireness, were paid him all in a lump; insomuch, that hereby (having learn'd thrift in exile to live of a little) he speedily became the richest of all hise 7.150 Predecessors; so that he gained by losses; and it was his common Proverb, that, There is no hurt in adversity, where there hath been no iniquity; and many make his future success, and evidence of his former innocence.

13. The calamitous Reign of King Edward the Second,* 7.151 afforded little history of the Church,* 7.152 though too much of the Common-wealth except it had been better.* 7.153 A debauched Prince this Edward was; His beauty being the best (not to say onely) commendable thing about him: He had an hand∣some man-case, and better it had been empty with weakness, then (as it was) ill fill'd with vitiousness. Pierce Gaveston first corrupted him, maugre all the good counsel that Robert, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and all his good friends,* 7.154 could give him.* 7.155 And, when Gaveston was kill'd and taken away, the Kings badness was rather doubled, then diminished; exchanging one pandor to vice for two, the two Spencers. In a word, the Court was turn'd Taverne, Stews, Stage, Play-house: wherein as many vain and wanton Comedies were acted before the King in his life time, so a sad, and sorrowful Tragedy was acted by him a•• his death.

14. Robert Bruce, King of Scotland,* 7.156 encouraged by the laziness of King Edward, thought this a sit time to recover his Country, and which the English detained from him. Wereupon he regained Berwick, inroaded England, in∣vaded Ireland. King Edward in wrath advanceth against him, with an Army rather dancing then marching, fitter for a Masque,* 7.157 then a Battel:* 7.158 their hor∣ses rather trapped then armed: In all points it appeared a triumphant Ar∣my, save that no field as yet was fought by them. Thus, excluding all influ∣ence of Divine Providence, and concluding 'twas Fortunes duty to favour them, at Sterling they bid the Scots battel, wherein ten thousand of our men are by our own Authors confessed to be slain. There fell the flowere of the English Nobility, the King with a few, hardly saving himself by flight. Thus, as Malleus Scotorum, the Hammer, or mauler of the Scots, is written on the Tomb of King Edward the first, in Westminster: Incus Scotorum, the Anvile of the Scots, might as properly be written on the Monument (had he any) of Edward the second.

15. But leaving these fights,* 7.159 we proceed to other Polemical Digladiati∣ons,* 7.160 more proper for our Pen;* 7.161 namely the disputes of SCHOOL-MEN, which in this Kings Reign were heightened to perfection; Formerly those were ter∣med Scholastici, who in the Schools were Rethoricians, making therein Decla∣matory Orations. Such Exercises ceasing in this Age, the Terme was Trans∣lated to signifie those who bused themselves in Controversial Divinity, though some will have them so called, from Scolion a Commentary, their studies being generally nothing else then illustrations of the text of Peter Lombard, the Master of the Sentences. Take them here together at one view, intending to resume them again in their several Characters.

Name.* 7.162	Hourished.* 7.163	Title.	Order.
1. Alexander. Hales.	1240. Henry the third.	Dr Irrefragabilis, or, Dr Doctorum.	Franciscan.
2. Roger Bacon.	1280. Edward the first.	Dr Mirabilis.	Franciscan.
3. Richard Middleton, or, De Media Villa.	1290. Edward the first.	Dr Fundatissimus.	Franciscan.
4. John Duns Scotus.	1308. Edward the second.	Dr Subtilis.	Franciscan.
5. Gualter Burley.	1337. Edward the third.	Dr Approbatus.	Secular Priest.
6. John Baconthorpe.	1346. Edward the third.	Dr Resolutus.	Carmelite.
7. William Ocham.	1347. Edward the third.	Dr Singularis, or, Pater Nominalium.	Franciscan.
8. Robert Holcot.	1349. Edward the third.	Dr	Dominican.
9. Thomas Bradwardine.	1350. Edward the third.	Dr Profundus.	Secular Priest.

Born at,	Bred in,	Buried in,
Or night Hales in Glocester-shire.	Hales, ibidem.	The Franciscan Church in Paris.
	Oxford, in Merton Col.	Oxford.
Uncertain whether at Middleton-Stony in Ox∣ford-shire, or Middleton Cheny in Northampton-shire.	Oxford, or, Paris.	Paris.
Dunstan (contracted Duns) in Emildon Pa∣rish in Northumb.	Merton Colledg in Oxford.	Colen.
	Merton Colledg in Oxford.	Paris.
Baconthorpe in Norfolk.	Blackney Abbey in Norfolke.	The Church of his Or∣der in London.
Ocham in Surrey.	Merton Colledg.	Munchin in Bavaria.
Holcot in Northampton-shire.	Oxford.	Northampton, where he died of the Plague.
Bradwardine in Hereford-shire.	Merton Colledg in Oxford.	St Anselme's Chappel in Canterbury.

Besides, many other School-men of inferiour note, which we pass by in si∣lence; Now we may safely dare all Christendome besides to shew so many Eminent School-Divines, bred within the compass of so few years; insomuch that it is a truth what a forreina 7.164 writer saith, Scholastica Theologia, ab Anglis, & in Anglia, sumpsit exordium, fecit incrementum, pervenit ad perfectionem. And although Italy falsly boasteth that Britain had her Christianity first from Rome; England may truly maintain, that from her (immediately by France) Italy first received her School-Divinity.

16. Of these School-men,* 7.165 Alexander Hales goeth the first, Master to Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventure, whose livery in some sort, the rest of the School-men may be said to wear, insisting in his foot-steps. At the com∣mand of Pope Innocent the fourth, he wrote the body of all School-Divinity in four Volumes. He was the first Franciscan who ever took the degree of Doctor in the University (who formerly counted the height of a degree incon∣sistent with the humility of their order) as appeareth by the close of his Epitaph.

Egenorum fit primus Doctor eorum.

So great an honorer of the Virgin Mary, that he never* 7.166 denied such who sued to him in her name: As since our M^r Fox is said never to have denied any who begged of him for Jesus Christ.

17. Roger Bacon succeeds.* 7.167 O what a sin is it to be more learned then ones Neighbours in a barbarous age! being excellently skilled in the Mathema∣ticks (a wonder-working Art, especially to ignorant eyes) he is accused for a Conjurer by Hieronymus de Esculo, Minister general of his Order, and after∣wards Pope, by the name of Nicholas the fourth. The best is, this Hieronymus before he was a Pope was not Infallible, and therefore our Bacon might be scandalized by him; however he was committed to Prison at Rome, by Pope Clement the fourth, and remained in durance a considerable time, before his own innocence, with his friends endeavours, could procure his enlargement.

18. For mine own part,* 7.168 I behold the name of Bacon in Oxford, not as of an Individual man, but Corporation of men; No single Cord, but a twisted Cable of many together. And as all the Acts of Strong men of that nature are attributed to an Hercules: All the predictions of Prophecying women to a Sibyll; So I conceive all the atchievements of the Oxonian Bacons in their liberal stu∣dies, are ascribed to ONE, as chief of the name. And this in effect is confessed by the most learned and ingenious Oratorb 7.169 of that University. Indeed we finde one Robert Bacon who died Anno, One thousand two hundred fourty eight, a Learned Doctor, and Trithemius stileth John Baconthorpe, plain Bacon, which addeth to the probability of the former assertion. How∣ever this confounding so many Bacons in one, hath caused Anticronismes in many Relations. For how could this Bacon ever be a reader of Philosophy in Brasen-Nose Colledg, Founded more then one Hundred years after his death; so that his Brasen head (so much spoken of, to speak) must make time past to be again, or else these inconsistences will not be reconciled. Except any will salve it with the Prolepsis of Brasen-Nose Hall, formerly in the place where the Colledg is now erected. I have done with the Oxford Bacons, only let me add, that those of Cambridg, Father and Son, Nicholas and Francis, the one of Bennet, and the other of Trinity Colledg, do hold [absit in vidia] the Scales of desert, even against all of their name in all the world besides.

19. John Duns Scotus succeeds,* 7.170 who some will have called Scotus, ob c 7.171 profundi ssimam dicendi obscuritatem, from his profound obscurity in writing: Indeed there was one Heracletus, to whom cognomen Scotinond 7.172 fecit ora∣tionis obscuritas, but others conceive him so called, either from Scotland his Country, or John Scott his father. Nor was he called Duns, as some will

have it contractedly from Dominus, but from the place of his Nativity, though three Kingdoms earnestly engage to claim him for their Country-man.

England. It is thus written at the end of his Manuscript works in Merton Col∣ledg in Oxford,* 7.173 whereof he was Fellow; Expli∣cit a 7.174 Lectura a Subtilis in Vniversitate Parisiensi Doctoris Joannis Duns, na∣ti in quadam villula paro∣chiae de Emidon vocata Dunston, in Comitatu Northumbriae, pertinente Domui Scholarium de Merton-hall in Oxonia.

Scotland. Although John Scott dis∣sembled himself an En∣glish-man, to finde the more favour in Merton Colledg, living in an age wherein cruel Wars be∣twixt England and Scot∣land; yet his Tomb ere∣cted at Colen is bold to tell the truth, whereon this Epitaph,b 7.175 Scotia me genuit, Anglia suscepit, Gallia edocuit, Germania tenet. Besides, the very name of Scotus, a voweth him to be a Scotch-man.

Ireland. He is called Joannes Duns, by abbreviation for Dunensis, that is born at* 7.176 Doun••, an E∣piscopal See in Ireland, where Patricius, Dubrici∣us, and St Columba lie in∣terred. And it is notori∣ously known to Criticks, that Scotus signifieth an Irish-man in the most ancient exception ther∣of.

I doubt not but the Reader will give his verdict, that the very Scotiety of Scotus belongeth to England as his Native Country, who being born in Northumber∣land, which Kingdom in the Saxon Heptarchie extended from Humber to Eden∣burgh Frith; it was a facile mistake for Foreiners to write him a Scotch-man on his Monument. As for the name of Scotus, it is of no validity to prove him that Country-man; as a common-Sir-name amongst us, as some four years since, when the Scotch were injoyned to depart this Land, one M^r English in London, was then the most considerable Merchant of the Scotch Nation. The sad manner of Scotus his death is sufficiently known, who being in a fit of a strong Apoplexie, was by the cruel kindness of his over-officious friends, bu∣ried whilest yet alive, and recovering in the grave, dashed out his brains against the Coffin, affording a large field to such wanton wits in their Epi∣grams, who could make sport to themselves on the sad accident of others.

20. I had almost over-seen John Baconthorpe,* 7.177 being so low in stature, as but one remove from a Dwarfe, of whom one saith,

Ingenioc 7.178 magnus, corpore parvus erat. His wit was Tall, in body small.

Insomuch that Corpus non tulisset, quod ingenium protulit, his body could not bear the Books which his brain had brought forth. Coming to Rome (being sent for by the Pope) he was once hissedd 7.179 at in a Publick Disputation, for the badness for∣sooth of his Latin and pronunciation; but indeed because he opposed the Popes power in dispencing with Marriages, contrary to the Law of God, whosee 7.180 judgment was afterwards made use of by the defenders of the di∣vorce of King Henry the eight.

21. William Occam sided with Lewis of Bavaria against the Pope,* 7.181 main∣taining the Temporal power above the Spiritual; he was fain to flie to the Emperour for his safety, saying unto him,

Defende me gladio, & ego te defendam verbo. Defend me with thy sword, and I will defend thee with my word.

This Occam was Luthers chief (if not sole) School-man, who had his works at •• is fingers end; loving him no doubt the better for his opposition to the Pope.

22. Robert Holcot was not the meanest amongst them,* 7.182 who died of the Plague at Northampton, just as he was reading his Lectures on the seventh of Ecclesiasticus; wherein as many Canonical truths, as in any Apocrypha chap∣ter; and although as yet in his publick reading he was not come to the last verse thereof (so proper for mortality) wee may charitably believe he had seriously commented thereon,* 7.183 in his private meditations. Whatsoever thou takest in hand, remember the end, and thou shalt never do amiss.

23. Thomas Bradwardine bringeth up the rear,* 7.184 though in learning and piety (if not superiour) equal to any of the rest, witness his worthy book against Pelagianisme, to assert the freeness of Gods grace in mans con∣version, which he justly intituleth, De causa Dei, of Gods cause; for as God is a Second in every good cause, so he is a Principal in this, wherein his own honour is so nearly concerned. And though the Psalmist saith, plead thine own cause O Lord; yet in this age (wherein Miracles are ceased) God pleadeth his cause, not in his Person, but by the proxie of the tongues, and pens, hands, and hearts, of his Servants. This Bradwardine was afterwards Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and how highly esteemed, let Chaucer* 7.185 tell you.

But I ne cannot boult it to the bren As can the holy Doctour S^t Austin, Dr Boece, or the Bishop Bradwardin.

This testimony of Chaucer by the exact computation of time, written within forty years after Bradwardines death, which addeth much to his honour, that in so short a time his memory was in the peaceable possession of so general a veneration, as to be joyned in company with S^t Augustine and Boethius, two such eminent persons in their several capacities.

24. The School-men principally imployed themselves in knotty and thorny Questions of Controversial Divinity;* 7.186 Indeed as such who live in London, and like populous places, having but little ground for their founda∣tions to build houses on, may be said to enlarge the bredth of their houses in height (I mean increasing their room in many stories one above another; so the School-men in this age, lacking the latitude of general learning and lan∣guages, thought to enlarge their active mindes by mounting up. So im∣proving their small bottom with towring Speculations, though some of things mystical, that might not, more of things difficult, that could not, most of things curious that need not be known unto us.

25. Their Latin is generally barbarous,* 7.187 counting any thing Eloquent that is Expressive, going the nearest way to speak their own Notions, though sometimes trespassing on Grammer, abusing if not breaking* 7.188 Priscians head therein: Some impute this their bald and thred-bare language, to a design that no vermin of Equivocation should be hid under the ••ap of their words;

whilest others ascribe it to their want of change, and their poverty in learning, to procure better Expressions.

26. Yet these School-men agreed not amongst themselves in their judg∣ments.* 7.189 For Burley being Scholar to Scotus, served him as Aristotle did Plato his Master, maintaining a contrary faction against him. Ocham his Scholar, father of the Nominals, opposed Scotus the founder of the Reals; which two sactions divided the School-men betwixt them; Holcot being a Dominican, stifly re∣sisted the Franciscans, about the conception of the Virgin Mary, which they would have without any original sin. However the Papists, when pressed that their Divisions Mar their Viritie, (a mark of the Church whereof they boast so much) evade it, by pleading that these poines are not de side onely, in the out skirts of Religion, and never concluded in any Councel to be the Articles of faith.

27. All of these School-men were Oxford,* 7.190 most Merton Colledg men. As the setting up of an eminent Artist in any place of a City, draws Chap∣men unto him to buy his wares, and Apprentices to learn his Occupation. So after Roger Bacon had begun School-Divinity in Merton Colledg, the whole Gang and Genius of that house successively applied their studies there∣unto, and many repaired thither from all parts of the Land for instruction in that nature. Mean-time Cambridg men were not Idle, but otherwise im∣ployed, more addicting themselves to preaching, whereof though the world took not so much notice, possitive Divinity not making so much noise as contro∣versial (where men ingage more earnestness) yet might be more to Gods glory, and the saving of the souls of men.

28. Some will wonder,* 7.191 seeing School-Divinity was so rise in Oxford in this Age, for some hundred years together (viz. from towards the end of Henries, to the end of Edwards Reign, both the third of their names) how the study thereof, should sink so sodainly in that Vniversity, which afterwards produced not such eminent men in that kinde. But hereof several reasons may be assigned:

1. The Wars betwixt York and Lancaster soon after began; a Con∣troversie indeed, which silenced School-velitations, Students being much disheartened with those martial discords.

2. Once in an Age the appetite of an university alters, as to its diet in learning, which formerly filled (not to say surfeited) with such hard questions, for variety sake, sought out other imploy∣ments.

3. The sparks of Scholars wits, in School-Divinity, went out for want of fuel in that subject, grown so trite and thred-bare, nothing could be, but what had been said of the same before. Wherefore fine wits, found out other wayes to busie themselves.

4. Onely information of the brain, no benefit to the purse, accrued by such speculations, which made others in after ages, to di∣vert their studies, à Quaestionibus, ad Quaestum, from Metaphysical Quaeries, to Case-divinity, as more gainful, and profitable; best inabling them for hearing Confessions, and proportioning Pen∣nance accordingly.

Since the Reformation, School-Divinity in both the Universities, is not used (as anciently) for a sole-profession by it self, to ingross all a mans life therein, but onely taken as a preparative quality to Divinity; Discreet men not drown∣ing, but dipping their mindes in the study thereof.

28. Return we now to the Common-wealth which we left bad,* 7.192 and finde amended, as an old fore without a plaister in cold weather; King Ed∣ward

rather wilsul then weak, (if wilsulness be not weakness, and sure the same effects are produced by both, ruin and destruction) slighted his Queens company, and such a Bed, if left (where Beauty without Grace) seldom stan∣deth long empty. Queen Isabel blinded with fury, mistook the party who had wronged her, and revengeth her husbands faults on her own conscience, living incontinently with R. Mortimer; a man martial enough, and of much merit otherwise, save that an Harlot is a deep pit, therein invisibly to bury the best deserts. The two Spencers ruled all at pleasure, and the King was not more forward to bestow favours on them, as they free to deal affronts to others their superiours in birth and estate. Thus men of yesterday, have Pride too much to remember what they were the day before; and pro∣vidence too little to fore-see what they may be to morrow. The Nobility (then petty Kings in their own Countreys) disdained such Mushrooms should insult over them; and all the Spencers insolencies being scored on the Kings account, no wonder if he (unable to discharge his own engagements) was broken by suretiship for others.

29. I finde it charged on this King,* 7.193 that he suffered the Pope to en∣croach on the dignity of the Crown, to the great damage, and more disho∣nour of the Nation. Indeed his father left him a fair stake, and a winning hand, (had a good Gamester had the playing thereof) having recovered some of his priviledges from the Papal usurpation, which since it seems his Son had lost back again, though the particulars thereof in History do not so plainly ap∣pear. Onely it is plain, that to support himself, and supply his necessities, he complyed with the Clergy (a potent party in that age) favourably mea∣suring out the causes of their cognizances; for although in the Reign of his Father, an hedg was made by an Act in that nature, betwixt the Spiritual and Temporal Courts; yet now a Ditch (an new act) was added to the former scene. So that hereafter (except wilfully) they could not mutually tres∣pass on each others Jurisdictions.

RICHADO SEYMERE, Necessario meo.

INter Amicum meum & Necessarium hoc po∣no discriminis, quod ille ad bene esse, Hic, ad meum esse quodammodo requiratur; Quo nomine Tu mihi es salutandus, qui sine te planè mancus mihi vi∣deor. Tuâ enim artifici dextrâ, usus sum, per totum hoc opus in scutis Gentilitiis depingendis. Macte, vir Ingenue, ac Natales tuos, Generosos satis, novo splendore illustriores reddito.

1. COlledges,* 8.1 yet,* 8.2 were few, and Students now many in Oxford:* 8.3 whereupon Walter Stapleton, (Bishop of Exeter) founded and endowed one therein, by the name of Stapletons Inn, since called Exeter Colledge. This Bishop was one of high Birth and large Boun∣ty, being said to have expended a years re∣venews of his (this rich) Bishoprick in the Solemnity of his instalement. He also foun∣ded Hart-Hall in Oxford. But oh the diffe∣rence betwixt the Elder and Younger Bro∣ther, though Sons to the same Father! the one carrying away the whole Inheritanoe, whilst the other sometimes hath little more than himself left unto Him, as here this Hall is altogether unin∣dowed.

2. This worthy Bishop had an unworthy and untimely death some ten years after.* 8.4 For being Lord Treasurer, and left by the King in his absence, to govern, the (then mutinous) citty of London, the Citizens, (not without incouragement from the Queen) furiously fell upon him, and in Cheapside most barbarously butchered him, and then (as hoping to bury their murder with his body) hudled him obscurely into a hole. But afterward to make his Ghost some reparation and stop the clamour of the Clergy, the Queen or∣dered the removing and interring of his Body and his Brothers (a valiant Knight slain on the same account) in the Cathedral of Excter. One would wonder this Bishop was not made a Martyr and Sainted in that Age, save that his suffering was of civill concernment, and not relating to Religion.

3. This House hath since found two eminent Benefactors,* 8.5 first, Sir Wil∣liam Petre (born of honest Parentage in Exeter) principal Secretary to four successive King and Queens. One who in ticlish and turning times, did good to himself, (got a great estate) injurious to none, (that I ever heard, or read of) but courte••us to many, and eminently to this Colledge, wherein he bestowed much building, and augmented it with eight Fellowships.

4. The other George Hackwel Doctor of Divinity,* 8.6 late Rector thereof, who though married, and having children, (must it not be a quick and large fountain, which besides filling a Pond, had such an over flowing stream?) be∣stowed more than one thousand pounds in building a beautiful Chappel. This is He who wrote the Learned and Religious Apologie for Divine Providence, proving that the World doth not decay. Many begin the reading thereof with much prejudice, but few end it, without full satisfaction, converted to the Authors Opinion, by his unanswerable Arguments.

5. This Colledge consisteth chiefly of Cornish and Devonshire men,* 8.7 the Gentry, of which latter, Queen Elizabeth used to say, were Courtiers by their birth. And as these Western men do bear away the Bell for might and sleight in wrastling, so the Schollars here have alwayes acquitted themselves with credit in Palaestra literarie. The Rectors of this House anciently were an∣nual, (therefore here omitted) fixed, but of latter years, to continue the term of their lives.

Rectors. 1 John Neale. 2 Tho. Glaster. 3 Tho. Holland. 4 John Prideaux. 5 George Hackwel. 6 Conant.

Bishops. John Prideaux Bi∣shop of worce∣cester. Tho. Winniff Bi∣shop of Lincoln.

Benefactors. Edmund Stafford, Bishop of Exeter. Mr. John Piriam, Alderman of Exeter. Sir John Ackland Knight, expend∣ing (besides other Benefa∣ctions) 800. pound in build∣ing the Hall.

* 8.8 Learned Dri∣ters. Judge DOD∣DERIDGE. George Hackwell. John Prideaux. Sir Simon Basker∣vil. Dr. Veluain. Nath. Carpenter Norring∣ton. George Kendal.

So that lately therein were maintained, one Rector, twenty three Fellowes, a Bible-Clerk, two Pensioners, Servants, Commoners and other Students to the number of two hundred.

6. Clergy-men began now to complain,* 8.9 that the Lay-Judges entrenched on their Priviledges, and therefore they presented a Petition to the King in his Parliament at Lincolne, requesting the redresse of sixteen grievances. To most of them the King returned a satisfactory answer, and so qualified his denyals to the rest, that they could not but content any reasonable dispositi∣on.

7. These Concessions of the King were digested into Laws,* 8.10 and are printed at large in the Statutes known by the title of Articuli Cleri. Whereon Sir Edward Coke in the second part of his Institutes, hath made no lesse learn∣ed then large Commentary. So that though the Law of circumspectè agatis had stated this difference; Yet it seems this Statute (as Circumspectivus agatis) was conceived very requisite.

8. Moreover, these Statutes did not so clearly decide the difference be∣twixt the Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdictions,* 8.11 but that many contests hap∣pened afterwards betwixt them, no longer ago then in the fift of King James, when the Doctors of the Commons under Richard Bancroft (Arch-Bishop of Canterbury their General) opposed the Judges about the indeterminable controversies of Prohibitions. Adde hereunto, that the Clergy claimed to themselves the most favourable interpretation of all Statutes in their own behalf, whilst the Temporal Judges (in the not sitting of Parliaments) challenged that priviledge to themselves.

9. The most lasting Monument of the memory of wofull King Edward the second,* 8.12 was the building of Orial Colledge in Oxford.* 8.13 Indeed some make Him,* 8.14 and others Adam Brown his Almoner Founder thereof, and both per∣chance truly, the King allowing, his Almoner issuing money for the building and endowing thereof. Others will have it, that his Almoner perswaded him on consciencious Principles to this good work, pertinently all eadging and pressing this instance, to prove that the Kings nature not bad in it self, but too yielding to the impressions of others. Now whereas the other Alms of this King were perishing, as relieving only poor for the present, these, as more lasting, have done good to many Generations.

10. I meet with no satisfactory reason of the name which some will have to contain something of Easternes therein:* 8.15 So scituated comparatively to some more ancient Foundation. Others deduce it from Criolium an emi∣nent room in* 8.16 Monaesteries, and I cannot but smile at such who will have O Royal, as a Pathetical admiration of Princely Magnificence.

11. However, I do not deny, but that the Kings of England have been ve∣ry indulgent to this Foundation. For besides, King Edward the second the Founder thereof, his Son King Edward gave unto them the Hospital of Saint Bartholmews nigh Oxford, with Lands to maintain eight poor people, subject to the government of the Provost and Fellows of this Colledge. Besides, King James being informed of some Legal defects in this Foundation, granted them a new Corporation Cavill-proof against all exceptions.

12. This Colledge being much decayed,* 8.17 Anthony Blencow late Provost, bequeathed twelve hundred pounds to the new building of a Front thereof: Which being done, lest it should be a disgrace to the rest of the Fabrick, the whole Colledge is rebuilt in a most decent manner.

Provosts.* 8.18 Adam Brown.* 8.19 William de Lever∣ton. William de Hankes∣worth. William Daventre. William Colyntre. John Middleton. John Possell. William Corff. Thomas Lintlewar∣den. Henry Kayle. Nicholas Barry. John Carpenter. Walter Lyhart. John Hales. Henry Sampson. Thomas Hawkins. John Taylower. Thomas Cornish. Edmund Mylforde. James Morc. Thomas Ware. Henry Myn. William Haynes. John Smith. Roger Marbeck. John Belly. Anthony Blencowe. Dr. Lewes. Dr. Tolson. Dr. Sanders.

Benefactors. John Franke gave four Fellow∣ships. John Carpenter Bi∣shop of Worce∣ster, gave one Fellowship. William Smith Bi∣shop of Lincolne gave one Fel∣ship. Richard Dudley D. D. gave two Fellowships, & two Exhibiti∣ons.

Bishops. John Carpenter Bi∣shop of Worce∣ster.

Learned Writers. William Allen, Cardinal. ...* 8.20 Sr Walter Raw∣leigh. William Prin.

So that lately were maintained therein, one Provost, eighteen Fellows, one Bible-Clerk, twelve Exibitioners, with Commoners and Colledge Officers a∣mounted to one hundred and sixty.

13. Let us cast our eye on the Common-wealth only,* 8.21 as it is the Ring wherein the Diamond of the Church is contained, and that now full of Cracks, caused by the severall state-factions. The two Spencers ruled all things till the Queen and her Son (who politiquely had got leave to go beyond the Seas) returned into England with a Navy and Army landing in Suffolk; She denounceth open war against her Husband, unlessse he would presently con∣form to her desires.

14. The King proclaimed that a thousand pound should be given to Him that brought the head of Roger Mortimer.* 8.22 The Queen proclaimed (such who had the better purse may give the greater price) that whosoever brought the head of the young Spencer (it seems his Father was not so considerable) should have two thousand pounds. The Queens party gave out that the King

of France had sent over a vast Army for her assistance,* 8.23 and the Kings side An∣ti-rumoured (who could raise reports easier then Armies) that the Pope had excommunicated all such who sides against him:* 8.24 now though both reports were false, they made true impressions of hope in such hearts as belee∣ved them.

15. Three wayes were presented to King Edward,* 8.25 Fight, Flight, and Concealment, the first he was unable to doe, having no effectuall Forces, on∣ly able for a time to defend the Castle of Bristol, till many of his Complices were taken therein: a Tower therein (given out to be undermined) being in∣deed undermonied with bribes to the defenders thereof. Here the elder Spencer was taken and executed.

16. Flight was no lesse unsafe then dishonourable,* 8.26 For his Kingdome be∣ing an Island, the Sea would quickly put a period thereunto. Indeed there was some thoughts of his Flight into Ireland, which was no better then out of a dirty way, into a very Bogg, besides great the difficulty to recover the Sea, and greater to passe over it, all Ports and passages were so way-layed.

17. Concealment was at the last resolved on,* 8.27 not as the best; but only way of his security, for a time he lay hid amongst the Welsh (not able to help, but willing to pitty him as a Native of their Countrey) concealed in the Abby of Neath, till men are sent down with money (no such ligh: as the shine of silver wherewith to discover a person enquired for) and soon after he was betrayed into their hands. The younger Spencer taken with him, is hung on a Gallows fiftie foot high, and the promised two thousand pounds were duly payed, and equally parted betwixt severall persons imployed in his appre∣hension.

18. Many Persons of quality were sent down from the Parliament then sitting,* 8.28 to King Edward, to Kenelworth Castle, to move (alias to com∣mand) him to resign the Crown, which at last he sadly surrendred. Sir Wil∣liam Trussel a Lawyer of great [abused] abilities (being rather to make then finde a precedent in this kinde) improved his witts in the formalities thereof. Soon after, Prince Eward his Son is Crowned King, whose Father is now no more then plain Edward of Caernarvon, though his mother (whose title was Relative to, and a Derivative from her Husband the dethroned King) was now more Queen Isabel then ever before. Thus the degradation of a Knight (as some have informed me) extendeth not to his Wife, who by the courtesie of England, if once, is ever a Lady.

19. Edward late King,* 8.29 with many Letters Solicited to be admitted into the Queens company. All in vain, she found embraces at a lesse distance, dearer unto her, preferring the society of a Lord, who, in effect, had deposed a King, before a King, who had deposed himself: She made many excuses of sickness, and indisposition to enjoy him. So easily can that Sex make plausible pretences, that they cannot, what they will not do.

20. Roger Mortimer,* 8.30 whose lust and revenge was equally unsatiable, could not be quiet whilst King Edward was alive: he feared King Edward was might play an after game of affection in his Subjects, in order therefore to his death, he is removed from Kenelworth (where the Earl of Leicester his Kee∣per was suspected too, sympathising with his sorrow) unto Berkley Castle, where he was barbarously butchered, being struck into the Postern of his bo∣dy with a hot spit, as it is generally reported.

21. Nothing now remaineth in this Kings reign,* 8.31 save to take notice, how the Clergy (understand such who were Active (for Newters, shall passe for none) stand affected in this great State-difference. I find not enough to call a number of the Bishops cordial to the King. For besides Walter Stapleton Bi∣shop of Exeter (of whom before) only John Stratford Bishop of Winchester heartily adhered unto him, and yet this Stratford was imployed on a mes∣sage from the Parliament to the King at Kenelworth, to perswade him to re∣sign

sign the Crown, though having no other design,* 8.32 then the Kings safety therein. He hoped that in this tempest the casting out of the Lading,* 8.33 would save the Hulke of the Ship, and the surrendring of the Scepter, secure the Kings person.

22. With John Stratford let me couple Robert de Baldock (though no Bi∣shop, * 8.34 a Bishops mate) as a Priest and Chancelour of England. This man unable to assist, resolved to attend the King, and was taken with him in Wales. Hence was he brought up to London, and committed to Adam Tarleton Bishop of Hereford. Here the shadow of Tarleton Miter, (if pleased to put forth his power) might have secured this his Guest-prisoner from any danger, where∣as on the contrary, it is more then suspicious that he gave a signall, to the tumultouous people to seize his person. For he was dragged to Newgate, and there payed his life for his Loyalty: yet was never heard to complain of the dearnesse of his penyworth. If any violence was secretly offered unto his person, he might endure it the more patiently, having read,* 8.35 that the Disciple is not above his Master, nor the servant better then his Lord. This Bal∣dock was a good Justicer, nor charged in our Chronicles with any misdemea∣nour, save faithfulnesse to an unfortunate Master, and his Memory will tra∣vers his Innocence, as confessing the Fact, but denying any fault therein.

23. But we have more then a good number of such Bishops,* 8.36 which un∣gratefully sided with the Queen, against her Husband, and their Soveraign. Walter Reynolds Arch-Bishop of Canterbury leads their Van, preferred to that See, at the Kings great importunity, and by the Pope his Power of Provi∣sion. On the same token that, a Far better Man, Thomas Cobham by name, Deane of Salisbury, (so learned and pious a person, that he was gene∣rally called the good Clergy-men) legally elected by the Commons, was put by, by the Pope, to make room for this Reinolds. He afterwards complied with the Queen, (his new Mistress) against his old Master, active to perform his desires. This some seek in vain to excuse, by pleasing Her imperious spirit, and this Arch-Bishops fearfulness, alleadging, that cowardlinesse is rather a defect in nature, then default in Morality.

24. A word by the way of the nature of the Popes provisions (lately mentioned) which now began to be a general grievance of our Nation.* 8.37 When any Bishoprick, Abbots place, Dignity or good Living (Aquila non capit muscas) was like to be void, the Pope (by a profitable Prolepsis to himself) pre∣disposed such places to such successors as he pleased. By this devise he de∣feated (when so pleased) the Legal election of all Convents, and rightful pre∣sentation of all Patrons. He took up Churches before they fell, yea, before they ever stumbled: I mean, whilst as yet no suspition of sicknesse, in Incum∣bents younger and healthier than his Holiness himself. Yea, sometimes no Act of Provision, was entered in scriptis in the Court, only the Pope was pleased to say by word of mouth, (and who durst confute him?) he had done it. So that Incumbents to Livings, who otherwise had a rightful Title from their Patrons, were, (to purchase their peace) glad to buy of the Popes provisions. Yea, his Holiness sold them aforehand to several persons, so that not he who gave the first, but the most Money, carried away the pre∣ferment.

25. Next we take notice of Henry Burwash Bishop of Lincoln,* 8.38 lately resto∣red to the favour of King Edward, and by him lately esteemed. Yet no soo∣ner did the Queen appear in the field, with an army, against him, but this Bi∣shop was the first, and for wardest, who publiquely repaired unto Her. This Burwash was he, who by meere might, against all right and reason, took in the Land of many poor people, (without making also the least reparation) there∣with to compleat his Park at Tinghurst. These wronged persons, though seeing their own Bread, Beef, and Mutton, turned into the Bishops Venison, durst not contest with him who was Chancelour of England, though neither

Law,* 8.39 nor equity in this his Action;* 8.40 only they loaded him with curses and ex∣ecrations. This mindeth me of a Modern accident, when, (some twenty years since) a Knight went about injuriously to inclose the Commons of a Town, and demanded of his Builiffe what the railing in of the same would amount to; to whom his servant answered, that if he would take in the Com∣mons, the Countrey would find him railings, as here they did this injurious Bi∣shop. Otherwise let me say, that inclosures made without oppres∣sion, are a grand inriching both to private persons and to the Common∣wealth.

26. Here let the Reader smile or frown,* 8.41 I am resolved to write what I find recorded in a* 8.42 Grave Author, deriving it no doubt from good intelli∣gence. This Bishop Burwash is said after his death, to have appeared to one of his former familiar friends, apparelled

Like a Forester all in Green a,

with his Bow and Quiver of Arrows, and his Bugle horn hanging by his side: to him he complained that for the injuries done by him to poor, whilst living, he was now condemned to this penance, to be the Park-keeper of that place, which he so wrongfully had enclosed. He therefore desired him to repair to the Canons of Lincoln, and in his name to request them, that they would take order, that all hedges being cut down, and Ditches filled up, all might be reduced to their property, and the poor men be restored to their inheritance. It is added moreover, that one W. Batheler, was imployed by the Canons afore∣said, to see the premises performed, which was done accordingly.

27. This pretended Apparition seems inconsistent with the nature of Purgatory,* 8.43 as usually by Papists represented to people. Surely the smoake thereof would have sooted his Green suit, and the Penance seems so slight and light for the offence, as having so much liberty and pleasure in a place of Command. Some Poets would have fancied him rather conceived himself turned Acteon-like, into a Deere, to be daily hunted by his own Hound; (guilt of Conscience) untill he made restistution. But it seems there be degrees in Purgatory, and the Bishop not in the Prison itself, but only within the Rules thereof, priviledged to go abroad, (whether on his Parel, or with his Keeper, uncertain) till he could procure Suffrages for his Plenary relaxation.

28. Adam Tarlton Bishop of Hereford,* 8.44 is the last we will insist on, born in that City, where afterward he became Bishop, yet not honoured, but hated, and feared in the place of his Nativity. He was the grand Engineer, and con∣triver of all mischief against the King. Witnesse the Sermon preached by him at Oxford, before the Queen (then in hostile pursuit after her Husband) taking for this Text the words of the sick Son of the Shunamite) My head, my head. Here his wit and malice endeavoured to reape, what Gods Spirit did never intentionally sowe, and urged that a bad King (the distempered head of a State) is past Physick, or Chirurgery to be cured by Receits or Plasters, but the only way is to cut it off from the Body.

29. His writing was worse then his Preaching:* 8.45 For when such Agents set to keep King Edward in Berkley Castle, were (by secret Order from R. Mortimer) commanded to kill him, they by letters addressed themselves for advice to this Bishop (then not far off at Hereford) craving his Counsel, what they should do, in so difficult and dangerous a matter. He returned unto them a Ridling Answer, altogether unpointed, which carried in it Life and Death, yea, Life or Death, as variously construed, resolved to be guided and governed wholy by his direction, not to dispute, but do what from him was recommended unto them, as knowing him able both in Conscience and Policy to advise them.

Life,* 9.1 and Death.* 9.2

To kill King Edward you need not to fear it is good.* 9.3

Life.

To kill King Edward you need not, to fear it is good.

Death.

To kill King Edward you need not to fear, it is good.

30. This Adam Tarlton was afterwards accused of Treason,* 9.4 in the be∣ginning of the reign of King Edward the third, and arraigned by the Kings Of∣ficers, when in the presence of the King, he thus boldly uttered himself,

My Lord the King, with all due respect unto your Majesty, I Adam, an humble Minister and member of the Church of God, and a consecrated Bishop, though unworthy, neither can, nor ought to answer unto so hard Questions, without the conni∣vence, and consent of my Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, my immediate Judge under the Pope, and without the consent of other Bishops who are my Peers.

Three Arch-Bishops were there present in the place, Canterbury, York, and Dublin, by whose intercession, Tarlton escaped at that time.

31. Not long after,* 9.5 he was arraigned again at the Kings Bench, the news whereof so startled the Clergie, that the foresaid Arch-Bishops erected their standards, I mean, set up their Crosses, and with ten Bishops more, attended with a numerous train of well-weaponed servants, advanced to the place of judicature. The Kings Officers frighted at the sight, fled away; leaving Tarlton the Prisoner alone at the Bar; whom the Arch-Bishops took home into their own custody, denouncing a curse on all such who should presume to lay violent hands upon him.

32. The King offended hereat, caused a jury of Lay-men to be impan∣nelled, * 9.6 and to enquire according to form of Law, into the actions of the Bishop of Hereford. This was a leading case, and the first time that ever Lay∣men passed their verdict on a Clergy-man. These Jurors found the Bishop guilty, whereupon the King presently seized on his Temporals, he proscribed the Bishop, and dispoiled him of all his moveables. However, afterwards he came off, and was reconciled to the King, and by the Pope made Bishop of Winchester, where he died, a thorow old man and blinded with age, many en∣vying so quiet a death, to one who living had been so turbulent a person. But these things happened many years after.

SECT.

To Master THOMAS WILLIAMS And Master WILLIAM VANBRVG of London Merchants.

AStronomers affirm that some Planets; [Saturn, Jupi∣ter &c.] are by many degrees greater then the Moon it self; And this they can easily evidence by Demonstra∣tion. However the Moon is bigger, and shews brighter to mens eyes, because of the Vicinity thereof; Whilst other Stars are dimmed, and diminished by their distance.

He is not the happiest man who has the Highest friends (too remote to assist him) whilst others lesser might be nearer at his need. My own experience can avouch the truth there∣of, in relation to your Courtesies bestowed upon me.

SOon after his death, King Edward was much la∣mented by those of whom in his life time he was never beloved. Whether this proceeded from the meer mutability of mens minds (weary to loyter long in the lazie posture of the same af∣fection.)* 10.1 Or whether it proceeded from the pride of Mortimer, whose insolence grew in∣tolerable. Or whither it was because his pu∣nishment was generally apprehended to be too heavie for his fault; So that Deposition without death, or (at the worst) death without such unhumane cruelty had been sufficient.

One of our English* 10.2 Poet-Historians acquainteth us with a passage, which to my knowledge appeareth not in other Authors.

At Gloucester entombed faire, and buried Where some say God shewed for him great grace Sith that time,* 10.3 with Miracles laudisied Oft times,* 10.4 in diverse many case As is written there,* 10.5 in that same place. For which King Richard, called the second To translate him was purposed whole and sound.

It is much that one but a small Saint whilst alive, should be so great an one when dead, as to be miraculously illustrious. But every man may believe his proportion.

2. Indeed great was the conformity betwixt this King Edward and that King Richard,* 10.6 both being secundi, the second of their name: but not secundi, hap∣py in their successe. And had King Richard the second known aforehand what casualtie did attend him, no wonder if he secretly sympathized with his condition. Both sons of valiant and beloved Fathers, both of proper and amiable persons. Both debauched by the ill Counsel of their dissolute companions. Both deposed from their Crowns. Both murdered, whilst prisoners in a Clandestine (and as some report self same) way of Cru∣elty.

3. Ingenuous people are very loath to believe King Edward the third accessa∣ry to his Fathers death,* 10.7 otherwise then by accepting the Crown which he should have resused, and antedating his own Soveraignty. Which may be excused by his tender years, thirteen as some, fifteen as others compute them. Nor is it a weak argument of his innocence with impartiall people, because he reigned above fifty years, and lived to be a thorow old man. An happi∣ness promised by God to such who are obedient to their Parents. Besides, it is considerable, that this King having a numerous issue of active children of both Sexes none visibly appear a crosse unto him, for any notorious unduti∣fulnesse.

4. The former part of this Kings reign affords but little Church-History,* 10.8 as totally taken up with his atchievements in Scotland and France, where his suc∣cesse by Sea and Land was above beliefe and even to admiration. He con∣quered both before his face and behind his back. Whence he came and whither he went. North and South, the one in his person, the other by his substitutes in his absence. Insomuch that he got more then he knew what to do with, exhausting the Land to man, the Cities which he had gained. Herein he stands without a parallel, that he had both the Kings he fought against, viz. John de Dalois of France, and David the King of Scotland his prisoners at one time, not taken by any cowardly surprize, but by fair fight in open field.

5. It soundeth much to the commendation of his modesty and moderation,* 10.9 that intending to found an Order of Knight-hood at his Castle of Windsor,* 10.10 where he had these two Royall prisoners. In the institution thereof he nei∣ther had any insolent relation to his own conquest, nor opprobrious refle∣ction on his enemies captivity, but began the innocent Order of the Garter, unreferring to any of his former atchievements. But more hereof in due time.

6. The King and State began now to grow sensible of the great gain he Ne∣therlands got by our English Wool,* 10.11 in memory whereof the Duke of Burgundy not long after instituted the order of the Golden Fleece, wherein indeed the Fleece was ours, the Golden theirs, so vast their Emolument by the Trade of Clothing. Our King therefore resolved, if possible to reduce the Trade to

his own Country,* 10.12 who as yet were ignorant of that Art,* 10.13 as knowing no more what to do with their Wool, then the sheep that weare it, as to any Ar∣tificiall and curious Drabery, their best Cloathes then being no better then Freezes, such their coursnesse for want of skill in their making. But soon af∣ter followed a great alteration, and we shall enlarge our selves in the manner thereof.

7. The intercourse now being great betwixt the English and the Nether∣lands (increased of late since King Edward married the Daughter of the Earl of Hainalt) unsuspected Emissaries,* 10.14 were imployed by our King into those Countries, who wrought themselves into familiarity with such Dutch men as were Absolute Masters of their Trade, but not Masters of themselves, as either Journeymen or Apprentiees, These bemoaned the slavishnesse of these poore servants, whom their Masters used rather like Heathens then Christians, yea rather like Horses then Men. Early up and late in bed, and all day hard work, and harder fare (a few Herrings and mouldy Cheese) and all to inrich the Churles their Masters without any profit unto themselves.

8. But oh how happy should they be if they would but come over into England,* 10.15 bringing their Mystery with them, which would provide their wel∣come in all places. Here they should feed on fatt Beef and Mutton, till nothing but their fulnesse should stint their stomacks: yea they should feed on the labours of their own hands, enjoying a proportionable profit of their pains to themselves, their beds should be good, and their bedfellows better, see∣ing the richest Yeomen in England would not disdain to marry their Daugh∣ters unto them, and such the English beauties, that the most envious Forreig∣ners could not but commend them.

9. Liberty is a Lesson quickly conn'd by heart,* 10.16 men having a principle within themselves to prompt them in case they forget it. Perswaded with the premises, many Dutch servants leave their Masters and make over for England. Their departure thence (being pickt here and there) made no sensible vacuity, but their meeting here altogether amounted to a conside∣rable fulness. With themselves, they brought over their Trade and their Tools, namely, such which could not [as yet] be so conveniently made in Eng∣land.

10. Happy the Yeomans House into which one of these Dutchmen did enter▪ bringing industry and wealth along with them.* 10.17 Such who came in strangers within their doors, soon after went out Bridegrooms, and returned Son in laws, having married the Daughters of their Landlords who first enter∣tained them. Yea, those Yeomen in whose houses they harboured, soon pro∣ceeded Gentlemen, gaining great estates to themselves, arms and worship to their estates.

11. The King having gotten this Treasury of Forreigners,* 10.18 thought not fit to continue them all in one place, lest on discontent they might im∣brace a generall resolution to return, but bestowed them thorow all the parts of the Land, that Cloathing thereby, might be the better disper∣sed. Here I say nothing of the Colony of old Dutch, who frighted out of their own Country with an Inundation, about the reign of King Henry the first, (possibly before that Nation had attained the cunning of Cloath-making) were seated only in Pembroke-shire. This new Generation of Dutch was now sprinkled every where, so that England (in relation, I mean to her own Counties) may be speak these Inmates in the language of the Poet,

Que regio in terris vestri non plena laboris?

though generally (where left to their own choice) they preferred a Mari∣tine Habitation.

East. 1. Norfolk, Norwich Fustians. 2. Suffolk, Sudbury Bayes. 3. Essex, Colchester Sayes and Ser∣ges. 4. Kent, Rentish Broad-clothes.

West. 1. Devonshire Kir∣ses. 2. Glouce∣stershire 3. Worcester∣shire Cloth 4. Wales, Welsh Friezes.

North. 1. Westmerland, Ken∣dall Cloath. 2. Lancashire, Man∣chester Cotton. 3. Yorkshire, Hali∣fax Clothes. 4.

South. 1. Somersetshire, Taunton Serges. 2. Ham∣shire 3. Berk∣shire. 4. Sussex Cloth.

I am informed that a prime Dutch Cloth-maker in Gloucestershire, had the Sirname of Web given him by King Edward there: a Family still famous for their manufacture, Observe we here that mid-England, Northamptonshire, Lin∣colnshire, and Cambridge, having most of Wo••l, have least of cloathing therein.

12. Here the Dutchmen found Fullers earth,* 10.19 a precious Treasure, where∣of England hath (if not more) better then all Christendom besides: a great Commodity of the Quorum to the making of good Cloath, so that Nature may seem to point out our land for the Staple of Drapery, if the idlenesse of her inhabitants be not the only hinderance thereof. This Fullers Earth is clean contrary to our Jesuites, who are needlesse Drugs, yet still staying here though daily commanded to depart, whilst Fullers earth, a precious ware is daily scowred hence, though by law forbidden to to be transported.

13. And now was the English Wool improved to the highest profit,* 10.20 passing through so many hands, every one having a fleece of the Fleece, Sorters, Kembers, Carders, Spinsters, Weavers, Fullers, Diers, Pressers, Packers, and these Manifactures have been heightned to a higher perfection since the cru∣elty of the Duke de Alva drove over more Dutch into England. But enough of this subject, which let none condemn for a deviation from Church-history; First, because it would not grieve one to goe a little out of the way, if the way be good, as this digression is for the credit and profit of our Country. Se∣condly, it reductively belongeth to the Church-History, seeing many poore people both young and old, formerly charging the parishes (as appeared by the accounts of the Church Officers) were hereby enabled to maintain them∣selves.

14. The extortion of the Pope being now somewhat aba••ed in England,* 10.21 the Caursines or Lumbards formerly the money Merchants of his Holinesse, and the grand Vsurers of England, did not drive so full a Trade as before. Were∣upon they betake themselves to other Merchandize, and began to store Eng∣land with forraign commodities, but at unreasonable rates, whilst England it self had as yet but little and bad shipping, and those lesse imployed.

15. But now King Edward,* 10.22 to prevent the ingrossing of Trade into the hand of Forreigners, and to restore the same to his native Subjects, took or∣der, that these Aliens should no longer prey on the Radical moisture of his Land, but began to cherish Navigation in his own Subjects, and gave a check to such Commodities which Forreiners did import as in ancient Po∣ems

is largely described, whereof so much as concerneth our pur∣pose,

He made a Statute for Lombards in this Land,* 10.23 That they should in no wise take on hand Here to inhabit here to charge and dsscharge, But forty dayes no more time had they large, This good King by wit of such appreise Kept his Merchants and the sea from mischiefe.

But this was a work of time to perform, and took not full effect to the end of this Kings reign, yea the Lombards were not totally routed till the reign of King Richard the third.

16. About this time the Clergie were very bountifull in contributing to the Kings necessities,* 10.24 in proportion to their Benefices. Hereupon a survey was exactly taken of all their Glebeland, and the same (fairly ingrossed in parchment) was returned into the Exchequer, where it remaineth at this day, and is the most usefull Record for Clergie men, (and also for Impropriators as under their claim) to recover their right. Many a stragling Acre, wandring out of the way, had long since by Sacrilegious Guides been seduced into the possession of false owners, had not this Record directed them at last to their true proprietary.

17. The worst is,* 10.25 whilst some Diocesses in this Terreer were exactly done, and remain fairly legible at this day, others were so slightly slub∣bered over that (though kept with equall carefulnesse) they are useless in effect, as not to be read. Thus I was informed, from a Clerk in that Office * 10.26 lately desceased, who when Living, was older and as able as any therein. And thus Manuscripts (like those men who wrote them) though starting with their equals, hold not all out to the same length, their humidum radi∣cale, (their inke I mean) not lasting alike in all Originals.

18. It was now generally complained of as a grand grievance,* 10.27 that the Clergie engrossed all places of Judicature in the Land. Nothing was left to Lay-men, but either military commands, as General, Admiral, &c. or such Judges places as concerned only the very letter of the Common Law: and those also scarcely reserved to the Students thereof. As for Embassies into forraine parts, Noblemen were imployed therein, when expence, not experience was required thereunto, and Ceremony the substance of the service: otherwise when any difficulty in civil-law, then Clergy-men were ever entertained. The Lord Chacellor was ever a Bishop, (as if against Equity to imploy any other therein) yea that Court generally appeared as a Synod of Divines, where the Clerks were Clerks, as generally in Orders. The same was also true of the Lord Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer.

19. Some imputed this to the pragmaticalnesse of the Clergie,* 10.28 active to insinuate themselves into all employment, how improper soever to their profession. Others ascribed it to the Kings necessitie; The war engrossing the maine of his men of merit; so that he was necessitated to make use of Clergie-men. Others attributed it to the Kings election (no way weak in head or hand, plotting or performing) finding such the fittest to serve him; who being single persons, and having no design to raise a family, were as knowing as any in the Mysteries of money,* 10.29 and safest to be entrusted therein.* 10.30 But more hereof hereafter.

20. Robert Eglesfield Batchelour of Divinity, Chaplain to Queen Philippa,

wife to King Edward the third,* 10.31 founded a Colledge on his own ground,* 10.32 by the name of Queens Colledge (commending the Patronage thereof to his La∣dy the Queen, and to the Queens of England successively) which he endowed with Lands and Revenewes for the maintenance of a Provost and twelve Fel∣lows, which were to be augmented as the Revenews increased.

21. Now though this was called Queens,* 10.33 from their Honorarie Patrones∣ses,a 10.34 it may be stiled Princes Colledge from those paire of Students therein. Edward the black Prince, who presently after this foundation had his Educa∣tion therein, and Henry the fift (as yet Prince of Wales) under Henry Beaufort Chancelor of this University and his Uncle, his Chamber was over the Col∣ledge gate, where his picture at this day remaineth in brass with this inscrip∣tion under it

In perpetuam rei memoriam. Imperator Britanniae, Triumphator Galliae, Hostium Victor, & sui, Henricus quintus hujus Collegii, Et cubiculi (minuti satis) Olim magnus Incola.

which lodging hath for this sixteen years belonged to my worthy friend Mr. Thomas Barlow, that most able and judicious Philosopher and Divine, being a Library in himself, and keeper of another (that of Sir Tho. Bodlyes erection) out of which he hath courteously communicated to me some rarities of this University.

22. Now according to the care and desire of the founder.* 10.35 The Queens of England have ever been Nursing Mothers to this Foundation. O what ad∣vantage they have when lying in the bosoms of their Royall Consorts, by whom they cannot be denyed what is equall, and of whom they will not desire what is otherwise. Thus Queen Philippa obtained of her Husband King Edward the third, the Hospital of St. Julians in Southampton, commonly called Gods House. Queen Elizabeth, wife to King Edward the Fourth pro∣cured of him the Priory of Sherbourn in Hampshire, and Queen Mary by her in∣tercession prevailed with King Charles for the perpetual Patronage of cer∣tain Benefices in the same County.

23. Nor let not our Virgin Queen be forgotten,* 10.36 as in effect Refoundresse of this from the third year of her reign, being informed that the Title of the Foundation thereof, with the lands thereunto belonging, were in question, and subject to eviction; by Act of Parliament conferred a sure Estate of the same.

24. I meet in the Records of the Tower Rouls,* 10.37 with a passage concern∣ing this Colledg, and though I do not perfectly understand, I will exemplifie it.

And* 10.38 a little after, upon divers matters moved between the said Arch-bishop, and the Arch-Bishopb 10.39 of York, upon certain priviledges pretended by the said Arch-Bishop of York in the Colledge called QUEEN-HALL in the Vniversity of Oxford. The said Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in presence of the King and of the Lords promi∣sed, a 10.40 that if the said Arch-Bishop of York could sufficiently show any Priviledge, or specially of Record, wherefore the said Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ought not to use his Visitation of the said Colledge, he would then abstain, Saving to himself al∣waies the Visitation of the said Schollars abiding in the said Colledge, according to the judgement and decrees, made and given by K. Richard the second, and by our Lord K. Henry that now is, as in the* 10.41 Record thereof made, thereof more plainly is declared.

It seems hereby (so far as I can apprehend) this Colledge was so parted betwixt the two Metropolitans, that the dead Moity, viz. the Lands and Revenues) thereof belonged to the inspection of the Arch-Bishop of York, whilst the living half, namely the Schollars (especially in matters concerning their Religion) per∣tained to the Visitation of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

Provosts.* 10.42 Richard de Rette∣ford. John de Hotham. Henry Whitfield. Thomas de Carlile. Roger Whelndale. Walter Bell. Rowland Byris. William Spenser. Thomas Langton. Christ Bainbridge. Edward Rigge. John Pantry. William Denyse. Hugh Hodgeson. Thomas Francis. Lancelot Shaw. Alane Scot. Barthol. Bowse field. Henry Robinson. Henry Airy. Barnabas Petter. Christopher Potter. Gerard Langbain.

Benefactors.* 10.43 Robert Langton. Thomas Langton. Edmund Grindal. Christo. Bainbridge. William Fettiplace. Henry Robinson. Henry Ayrie.

Bishops. Henry Baufort Bp. of Winchester, and Cardinall of St. Eusebias. Christopher Bain∣bridge Arch-Bishop of York, and Cardinal of St. Praxes. Henry Robinson Bp. of Carlile. Barnabas Potter, Bp. of Carlile.

Learned Writers. 1 John Wickliffe.* 10.44 2 John de Trevi∣sa, of whom hereafter, an∣no 1397. This house hath lately been happy in learned Lawyers, Sir John Banks, Sir Ro. Berkley, Sir Tho. Tempest Attur∣ney General of Ireland, Judg Atkins courteous to all men of my pro∣fession, and my self especially. Sr. Thomas Over∣bury. Christopher Pot∣ter in his ex∣cellent work of Charity Mistaken. * 10.45 GERARD LANGBAIN. THOMAS BAR∣LOVV.

So that at this present are maintained therein, one Provost, fourteen Fellows, seven Schollars, two Chaplains, two Clerks, and other Students about 160.

25. In the mean time the Pope was not idle,* 10.46 but laid about him for his own profit. Knowing King Edward could not attend two things at once. And therefore whilest he was busied about his wars in France, his Holinesse bestir∣red him in England, cropping the flowers of the best Livings in their bud before they were blown. Yea in a manner he may be said to seethe the Kid in the Mothers milk. So that before Livings were actually void, He provisionally pre-provided Incumbents for them, and those generally Aliens and his own Countreymen.

26. Though late,* 10.47 the King got leisure to look on his own Land,* 10.48 where he found a strange alteration,* 10.49 for as France lately was made English by his Valour, England was now turned Italian by the Popes Covetousnesse. In pre∣vention therefore of future mischief, this Statute of Provision was made: whereby such forestalling of Livings to Forrainers was forbidden.

27. Our Authors assign another accidentall cause of the Kings displea∣sure with the Pope,* 10.50 namely, That when his Holinesse created twelve Cardinals at the request of the King of France, He denied to make one at the desire of this King of England. Surely it was not reasonable in proportion, that his Ho∣linesse giving the whole dozen to the King of France, might allow the advan∣tage to the King of England. However betwixt both, this statute was made to the great enriching of the Kingdom, and contentment of the Subjects therein.

28. Yet this Law,* 10.51 of Provisions (as all others) did not at the first making meet with present and perfect obedience. The Papal party did struggle for a time, till at last they were patient per-force finding the Kings power pre∣dominant. True it is, this grievance did continue, and was complained of, all this, and most of the next Kings Reign, till the Statute of praemunire was

made,* 10.52 which clinted the naile which now was driven in.* 10.53 So that afterwards the Land was cleared from the incumbrance of such Provisions.

29. A good Author tells us,* 10.54 Habent Imperia suos Terminos, huc cùm vene∣rint, sistunt, retrocedunt, ruunt. Empyres have their bounds, whither when they come, they stand still, they go back, they fall down. This is true in respect to the Papal power in England. It went forward untill the Statute of Mort-maine was made in the reign of King Edward the first. It went backward slowly when this Statute of provisions, swiftly when this Statute of Praemunire was made. It fell down when the Papacy was abolished in the reign of King Henry the eighth.

30. Three years after the statute against the Popes Provisions was made,* 10.55 the King presented unto him Thomas Hatlife to be Bishop of Durham,* 10.56 one who was the Kings Secretary,* 10.57 and when this is, all is said that can be, in his commendation, as utterly de∣void of all other Episcopal qualifications. However the Pope confirmed him without any dispute or delay; and being demanded why he consented to the preferment of so worthlesse a person, he answered, that rebus sic stantibus, if the King of England had presented an Ass unto him, he would have, confirmed him in the Bishoprick. Indeed as yet his Holiness was in hope, that either the K. would revoke the foresaid statute, or else mo∣derate the execution thereof.

31. This year,* 10.58 Authors generally agree (some few making it later,* 10.59 viz.* 10.60 after John K. of France was taken prisoner) K. Edward instituted the Order of the Garter, consist∣ing of

1. One Chief Guardian, or Soveraign, being the King of England.

2. Five and twenty Knights, whereof the first set were termed Founders, and their Suc∣cessors ever since called Fellows or Companions of the Order.

3. Fourteen Canons resident being Secular Priests.

4. Thirteen Vicars, or Chorol Priests.

5. Twelve Military Gentlemen of the meaner sort decayed in age, and estate, com∣monly called the poor Knights of Winsor.

6. One Prelate of the Garter, being alwaies the Bishop of Winchester.

7. One Chancelour thereof, being antiently the Bishop of Salisbury (in whose Diocesse Winsor is) but lately a Lay-Person. The truly Honourable and well experienced Statesman and Traveller Sir Thomas Row (if I mistake not) was the last Chancelour of the Garter.

8. One Register, being alwaies the Dean of Winsor.

9. One Usher, who is one of the Ushers of the King his Chamber) called the Black Rod.

10. A chief Herald added for the more Solemnitie by K. Henry the 5. and called Garter. This Order the K. founded within his Castle of Winsor, to the honour of Almighty God, and the blessed Virgin Mary, and of the glorious Martyr St. George, and to the exalta∣tion of the holy Catholick Faith.

32. Four Essentials are requisite in the Persons Eligible into this Order,* 10.61 that they be Gentlemen of Name and Arms by Fathers and Mothers side, for three descents. Se∣condly, that he be without spot or foule reproach, understand it not convicted of Heresie, or attainted of Treason. Thirdly, that he have a competent estate to maintain the dig∣nity of the Order. Fourthly, that he never fled in the day of battle, his Soveraign Lord or his Lieutenant in being in the field.

33. Their habiliments are either ordinary,* 10.62 as a Blew Ribbon with the picture of St. George appendent, and the Sun in his Glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak) added as some say by King charles) being for their daily wearing; or extraordinary, as their Collar of S. S. their Purple Mantle, their Gown, Kirtle, Chaperon, and chiefly their Garter. This being made of Blew is with, Hony Soit qui male pense in Golden Letters, enchased with precious stones, fastened with a Buckle of Gold, and worn on the left leg of the Fellows of this Order.

34. They take an Oath,* 10.63 that to their power, during the time that they are Fellows of the Order, they shall defend the honour, quarrel, rights, and Lordships of their Soveraign, that they shall endeavour to preserve the honour of the Order, and without fraud or Covin, well observe the Statutes thereof. This is taken absolutely by the Natives of this Kingdom, but by Forrainers relatively, and in part, with their reference to some former Or∣der.

35. They oblige themselves,* 10.64 first, to be personally present, (without a just cause specified to, and accepted by the Soveraign or his Deputy) at Winsor on the Festival of St. George. Secondly, that if coming within two miles of that place, (except hindered by

some important businesse) they repair thither,* 10.65 put on their Mantles,* 10.66 (lying constantly Liegers there) proceed to the Chappel and there make their Offe∣ring. Thirdly, that they be never openly seen without their GEORGE'S which they shall neither engage, alien, Fell, nor give away on any necessity whatsoever. Lastly, that they take order their Garter at their death, be safely and solemn∣ly sent back to the Soveraign, to confer the same on one to succeed him in the Order.

36. I have done when I have told that their places may be vacated,* 10.67 on three occasions. First by death, which layeth this (as all other) honour in the dust. Secondly, by deprivation on the persons misdemeanour or want of the foresaid qualifications. Thirdly, by cession, or surrender, when a For∣raign Prince (entreth into enmity with this Crown) is pleased to send his Gar∣ter back again.

37. Excesse in Apparel began now to be great in England,* 10.68 which made the State take order to retrench it. Some had a project, that mens Cloatthes might be their signs to shew their Birth, Degree, or Estate, so that the quality of an unknown person might at the first sight be expounded by his Apparrel. But this was soon let fall as impossible. Statesmen in all Ages (notwithstanding their several laws to the contrary) being fain to connive at mens R••ot in this kind, which maintaineth more poor people than their charity. However, the ensuing passage must not be omitted.

38. Item that the Clerks which have a degree in a Church,* 10.69 Cathedral,* 10.70 Collegial, or in Schools,* 10.71 and the Kings Clerks which have such an estate that requires Fur, do, and use according to the constitution of the same, and all other Clerks which have above two hundred marks rent per annum, use, and do as Knights of the same rent. And other Clerks under that rent, use as Squires of an hundred pound rent.* 10.72 And that all those, aswell Knights as Clerks, which by this Ordinance may use Fur in Winter, by the same manner may use it in Summer.

39. Passe we now from soft Furr,* 10.73 to hard Steel, I mean a command from the King for the arming of all Clergy-men.

40.

And besides this,* 10.74 the King commands,* 10.75 and requires all the Prelates there assembled,* 10.76 that in respect of the great danger and damage, which per∣haps might happen to the Realm and Church of England, by reason of this war, in case his Adversary should enter the Kingdom to destroy and subvert the same, that they will put to their aid in defence of the Kingdom, and cause their Subjects to be arraied, aswell themselves, and their religious men, as Parsons, Vicars, and other men of holy Church whatsoever, to abate the ma∣lice of his Enemies, in case they should enter the Kingdom, which Prelates granted to do, this in aid and defence of the Realm and holy Church. And so the Parliament ended.

Here we see,* 10.77 In hostes publicos omnes homo miles, none are dispenced with, to oppose an invading enemy. But where were these Forraign Foes, France, and Scotland, being now both of them ordered into a defensive posture, whose invasion was expected? Possibly these dangers were represented thorough State-Multiplying Glasses, to quicken the care, and continue the Taxes on the English Nation.

41. The Lords and Commons in Parliament began now to find them∣selves much agrieved,* 10.78 that the Clergy ingrossed all Secular Offices, and thereupon presented the insuing Petition to the King, according to this effect insisting only in the substance thereof.

42.

And because that in this present Parliament it was declared to our Lord the King,* 10.79 by all the Earls,* 10.80 Barons,* 10.81 and Commons of England, that the Government of the Kingdom, hath been performed for a long time, by the men of Holy Church, which are not* 10.82 justifiable in all cases, whereby great mis∣chiefs and damages, have happened in times past, and more may happen in

time to come in disheriting of the Crown and great prejudice of the Kingdom for divers causes that a man may declare—that it will please our said Lord the King,* 10.83 that the Laymen of the said Kingdom which are sufficient and able of e∣state, * 10.84 may be chosen for this, and that no other person be hereafter made Chan∣celour, Treasurer, Clerk of the Privy Seale, Barons of the Exchequer, Chamberlains of the Exchequer, Controler, and all other great Officers and Governours of the said Kingdom, and that this thing be now in such manner established in form a∣foresaid, that by no way it may be defeated or any thing done to the con∣trary in any time to come; Saving alwaies to our Lord the King, the Electi∣on and removing of such Officers, but that alwaies they be Lay-men, such as is abovesaid.

43. To this Petition the King returned,* 10.85 that he would ordain upon this point as it shall best seem to him by the advice of his good Councel. He therefore who considereth the present power of the Clergy, at the Councel-Table, will not wonder, if all things remained in their former Condition, till the Nobility began more openly to favour John Wickliff his Opinions, which the next Book, God willing, shall relate.

44. We will close this with a Catalogue of the Arch-Bishops of Can∣terbury, * 10.86 Contemporary with King Edward the third, and begin with Simon Me∣pham made Arch-Bishop in the first year of his reign, so that the Crown and the Mitre may seem in some sort to have started together, only here was the odds, the King was a young, (yea, scarce a) man, whereas the Arch-Bishop was well stricken in years. Hence their difference in holding out, the King surviving, to see him buried and six more (whereof four Simons inclusively) heart-broken as they say with grief. For when John Grandison Bishop of Exeter (making much noise with his Name, but more with his Activity) re∣fused to be visited by him, (the Pope siding with the Bishop) Mepham so re∣sented it, that it cost him his life.

45. John Stratford was the second,* 10.87 Consecrated first Bishop of Winche∣ster on the Lords day, whereon it was solemnly sung, many are the afflictions of the Righteous, whereof he was very apprehensive then, and more after∣wards, when his own experience had proved a Comment thereon. Yet this might comfort him, whilst living, and make others honour his memory, that a good Conscience without any great crime, generally caused his molesta∣tion. For under King Edward the second, he suffered for being too loyall a Subject, (siding with the King against the Queen and her Son) and under King Edward the third, he was molested for being too faithfull a Patriot, name∣ly, in pittying his poor Countreymens taxations, for which he was accused for correspondency with the French, and complying with the Pope, (Pope and King of France then blowing in one Trumpet) whereat King Edward was highly incensed.

46. However Stratford did but say what thousands thought,* 10.88 viz. that a peace with France was for the profit of England, especially as proffered upon such honourable conditions. This the Arch-Bishop was zealous for, upon a threefold accompt, First, of Pietie, to save the effusion of more Christian blood. Secondly, of Policie, suspecting successe, that the tide might turn, and what was suddenly gotten, might be as suddenly lost. Thirdly, on Charity, sym∣pathizing with the sad condition of his fellow Subjects, groaning under the burthen of Taxes to maintain an unnecessary war. For England sent over her wealth into France, to pay their victorious Souldiers, and received back again honour in exchange, whereby our Nation became exceeding proud, and exceeding poor. However the end (as well as the beginning of the Psalm) was verified of this Arch-Bishop, the Lord delivereth them out of all, dying in great honour and good esteem with the King, a strong argument of his former in∣nocence.

47. The third was Tho. Bradwardine,* 10.89 whose election was little lesse then miraculous. For Commonly the King refused whom the Monks chose: the

Pope rejected whom the Monks and King did elect, whereas all interests met in the choise of Bradwardine. Yea, which was more, the Pope as yet not knowing that the Monks and the King had pre-elected him, of his own accord (as by supernaturall instinct) appointed Bradwardine for that place, who little thought thereon. Thus Omne tulit punctum, and no wonder, seeing he ming∣led his profitable Doctrines with a sweet and amiable conversation:* 10.90 indeed he was skilled in School Learning, which one properly calleth Spinosa Theologia, and though some will say, can figgs grow on thorns, yet his thorny Divinity produced much sweet devotion.

48. He was Confessor to king Edward the third, whose miraculous vi∣ctories in France,* 10.91 some impute more to this mans devout prayers: Then either to the Policy or Prowess of the English Nation He died before he was inthronized few moneths after his consecration, though now advanced on a more Glorious and durable Throne in Heaven, where he hath received the Crown from God, who here defended the* 10.92 Cause of God. I behold him as the most pious man who from Anselm (not to say Augustine) to Cranmer, sat on that Seat. And a better St. Thomas (though not sainted by the Pope) then one of his predecessors commonly so called.

49. Simon Islip was the fourth,* 10.93 a parcimonious (but no avaricious) man, thrifty whilst living, therefore clandestinely Inthronized, and when dead, se∣cretly interred without any solemnity: Yet his frugality may be excused (if not commended herein) because he reserved his estate for good uses, founding Canterbury Colledge in Oxford:* 10.94 Thus generally Bishops founders of many Colledges therein, denominated them either from that Saint to whom they were dedicated, or from their See, (as Exeter, Canterbury, Durham, Lin∣coln) putting thereby a civil obligation on their Successors to be (as Visitors, so) Benefactors thereunto. This Canterbury Colledge is now swallowed up in Christ Church, which is no single Star as other Colledges, but a Constellation of many put together.

50. Simon Langham is the fifth,* 10.95 much merriting by his munificence to Westminster Abbie. He was made Cardinal of St. Praxes, and by the Pope Bishop of Preneste in Italy, with a facultie to hold as many Ecclesiasticall preferments as he could get. Hereupon he resigned his Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, lived for a time at Avenion in France, and there buried (accord∣ing to his own directions) in a temporary Tombe, in a Religious house of his own, till three years after removed to Westminster. William whitlesee suc∣ceeded him, famous for freeing the Vniversity of Oxford, from the jurisdi∣ction of the Bishop of Lincoln, formerly the Diocesan thereof. As for Simon Sudbury, the last Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in the reign of King Edward the third, of him, God willing, hereafter.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Regis Gul. Conq 1.
• * 1.2

  Anno Dom. 1067.
• * 1.3

  Octo. 14.
• * 1.4

  The drunken English con∣quered by the Normans, and foundeth Bat∣tle-Abbey.
• a 1.5

  Mane adhuc ebrii contra ho∣stes incunctan∣ter procedunt.
• b 1.6

  Combdens Brit. in Sussex.
• * 1.7

  William Crowned by the Arch-Bishop of York, whilest many of the English Cler∣gie flie into Scotland.
• * 1.8

  Anno Regis Gul. Conq
• * 1.9

  Dooms-day book made.
• * 1.10

  1068
• * 1.11

  Octo. 2.
• c 1.12

  Ingulphi Hi∣storia, fol. 516.
• d 1.13

  idem ibid.
• e 1.14

  Florentius Wigorniensis & Higd••n make it fini∣shed Anno 1078.
• * 1.15

  1070
• * 1.16

  4.
• * 1.17

  Sugand depo∣sed in a coun∣ed at Winche∣ster.
• f 1.18

  Sir John Da∣vys in his Irish report, case 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Praemunite fol. 87, & 89.
• * 1.19

  The Popes first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Crown of En∣gland.
• * 1.20

  Yet King William inve∣sted ecclesia∣stical pesons.
• g 1.21

  Annal Eccl.〈◊〉〈◊〉 M. S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mr Gelden in his ••ntes on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pag. 14.
• h 1.22

  Gervasius Dorobernensis M. S. cited ibid.
• * 1.23

  1078.
• * 1.24

  And refuseth to do Fealty to the Pope.
• * 1.25

  12.
• i 1.26

  M S codex epislolarum Lansranci ci∣ted by Sr John Davys in his Irish reports of Praemunire fol 89.
• k 1.27

  Or remem∣breth his love to him.
• * 1.28

  King William ordereth the power both of Pope and Arch-Bishop in his own Dominion.
• a 1.29

  Eadmerus Hist. Nov. lib. 1. pag 6.
• b 1.30

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.31

  Barons not to be excommu∣nicated, with∣out the Kings command.
• c 1.32

  J. Selden Sptcilegium ed Eadmeium, pag 168.
• d 1.33

  Robert of Glocester
• e 1.34

  Camdens E∣lizabeth, Anno 1584.
• f 1.35

  Radulphus de diceto. sub An∣no 11••3.
• g 1.36

  L. Cooks Re∣ports, fift part de Jure Regis Ecclesi∣astico, fol. 10.
• * 1.37

  Bishops juris∣dictions first, severed from the Sheriffs.
• a 1.38

  See this clea∣red by Mr Sel∣den in his notes on Ead. merus, pag. 167.
• * 1.39

  The contest betwixt Com∣men and Ca∣non Law, how onely to be reconciled.
• b 1.40

  Lord Bacen in his ad∣vancement of Learning, pag. 463. Aphorisme 96.
• * 1.41

  King William his Charter to the Clergie.
• c 1.42

  See it at large in Mr. Selden of tythes, cap. 8. pag. 225.
• d 1.43

  Others read it adigatur, Let him be compelled.
• * 1.44

  Two contrary characters of King William.
• e 1.45

  See Mr Sel∣den, ut suprd.
• * 1.46

  Our endea∣vours to com∣pass the diffe∣rence.
• * 1.47

  King William his bounty to Battle-Abby.
• * 1.48

  15.
• * 1.49

  1081.
• a 1.50

  In the first paragr. of this book.
• * 1.51

  His hard dea∣ling with the Students at Oxford.
• b 1.52

  Ex monumen∣tis Gollegii Vniversitatis.
• c 1.53

  Br. Twine in Antiq Academ. Oxon. pag. 215.
• * 1.54

  Lanckfranck most kindley treated by the Pope.
• * 1.55

  His charge a∣gainst Thomas, elect of York.
• a 1.56

  Novorum lib. 1. pag. 7.
• * 1.57

  And against Remigius, e∣lect of Lin∣coln.
• b 1.58

  Eadmerus ibid.
• * 1.59

  Lanckfranck his return and imployment.
• * 1.60

  Bishops Sees removed from villages to ci∣ties.
• * 1.61

  Wolstans sun∣plicity faveth his Bisho prick.
• * 1.62

  The original of Secundum usum Sanum.
• * 1.63

  1 Cor. 11. 22.
• * 1.64

  Fulegium an ancient, and authenick Chronicle, cited by Mr. Fox, pag. 233.
• * 1.65

  Anno Dom. 1081
• * 1.66

  The first com∣ing of the Iews into En∣gland.
• a 1.67

  Srows Survey of London, in Coleman street Ward.
• b 1.68

  Slows Sur∣vey of London pag. 288.
• * 1.69

  22. Sept. 9.
• * 1.70

  1088
• * 1.71

  The death of King Wil•••• with the dif∣ficulty of his burial.
• c 1.72

  Stows Chron. at the death of King William
• * 1.73

  Sept. 9.
• * 1.74

  1087
• * 1.75

  The three sons of the Conqueror, how denomi∣nated.
• * 1.76

  Anno Dom. 1087.
• * 1.77

  Anno Regis Ruf. 1.
• * 1.78

  King William Rufus crow∣ned.
• a 1.79

  Gen. 48. 14.
• b 1.80

  Mat. Paris pag. 14.
• * 1.81

  His covetous∣ness and in∣constancy.
• * 1.82

  1088
• * 1.83

  Sept. 2.
• c 1.84

  Chronicon Johannis Brom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, pag. 983.
• d 1.85

  1 King. 12. 11.
• * 1.86

  His enriching himself by Church livings.
• * 1.87

  1089.
• * 1.88

  3.
• e 1.89

  Acts 8. 18.
• f 1.90

  Acts 3. 6.
• g 1.91

  Mat. Paris pag. 17.
• * 1.92

  Anno Regis Gul. Ruf. 1.
• * 1.93

  Anno Dom. 1093.
• * 1.94

  His sickness & resolution of amendment.
• a 1.95

  Eadmerus Noverum, lib. 1 pag. 23.
• * 1.96

  Anselmes ex∣pression que∣stioned.
• b 1.97

  Mr Fox Acts and Monum. vol. 1. pag. 240.
• c 1.98

  Gen. 3.
• * 1.99

  Anselme resu∣seth to send King Rusus 1000. l.
• d 1.100

  Eadmerus Novorum, lib. 1. pag. 22.
• * 1.101

  8.
• * 1.102

  1094
• * 1.103

  Herbert Bi∣shop of Thet∣ford his Simo∣niacal flatte∣ry.
• e 1.104

  2 Kings 5. 14.
• * 1.105

  Anno Dom. 1095
• * 1.106

  Anno Regis Gul. Ruf.
• * 1.107

  Wolstan Bi∣shop of Wor∣cester dieth.
• * 1.108

  1095
• * 1.109

  9.
• a 1.110

  1 Tim. 3. 2 &c. Tit. 1. 6. &c.
• * 1.111

  Duke Robert prepares for the Holy War.
• * 1.112

  variance be∣tween the King and An∣selme.
• * 1.113

  Their several pleadings, and present re∣concilement.
• * 2.1

  They disagree again.
• * 2.2

  14. Aug. 2.
• * 2.3

  1100
• * 2.4

  King Rufus his death.
• * 2.5

  His hurial, and character.
• a 2.6

  John Brom∣ton, pag. 997.
• * 2.7

  Henry the first succeed∣eth Rufus, and is crown∣ed.
• * 2.8

  Anno Dom. 1100.
• * 2.9

  Anno Regis Hen. 1.
• * 2.10

  Anno Regis Hen. 1. 2
• * 2.11

  Anno Dom. 1101.
• * 3.1

  Hen. 1 2.
• * 3.2

  1101
• * 3.3

  The Hellish imprecation of Maud when married to King Henry.
• a 3.4

  Hist. Ang. in Hen. 1. anno 1101.
• * 3.5

  The story o∣therwise told by Eadmerus an eye and ear witness.
• b 3.6

  Eadmerus Novorum, lib. 5. pag. 57, & 58.
• * 3.7

  A grand Sy∣nod of the Clergy and Laytie with the Constitu∣tions thereof.
• * 3.8

  1102
• * 3.9

  3.
• a 3.10

  Fadmerus Hist. Novorum lib. 3. pag. 67. & 68.
• * 3.11

  Ali••er being Canonical.
• * 3.12

  Anno Regis Hen. 1 3.
• * 3.13

  Anno Dom. 1102.
• a 3.14

  Henricus Huntingdon Historia••um lib. 7. pag. 217.
• b 3.15

  Pag. 746. in Catalogo Reli∣giosarum Ae∣dium.
• * 3.16

  Hence pro∣bably the Proverb. He is in a merry Pin.
• c 3.17

  Ingulsus, pag. 512. Edict. Londin.
• d 3.18

  Camdens Brit. pag. 173.
• * 3.19

  Anno Dom. 1105
• * 3.20

  Anno Regis Hen. 16.
• a 3.21

  J. Selden ad Eadmer. speci∣legium, pag. 207.
• b 3.22

  1 Cor. 11. 14.
• c 3.23

  De excid. Britan. fo1. 6.
• * 3.24

  Anno Dom. 1102.
• a 3.25

  See Mr Sel∣den, spicileg. ad Eadmerum, pag. 208.
• b 3.26

  Bale in the Acts of En∣glish Votaries, second part, chap. 74.
• c 3.27

  Eadmerus ut prius.
• * 3.28

  4.
• * 3.29

  1103
• * 3.30

  An selme refu∣seth to con∣secrate the Kings Bi∣shops.
• * 3.31

  Anno Dom. 1105.
• * 3.32

  Anno Regis Hen. 16.
• * 3.33

  Anselme sent to Rome.
• * 3.34

  The king parts with his investing of Bishops.
• * 3.35

  1106.
• * 3.36

  7.
• * 3.37

  Anselme for∣bids Priests marriage.
• * 3.38

  1107
• * 3.39

  8.
• * 3.40

  Onely by a Church Con∣stitution.
• a 3.41

  In. 2. •• q all. 88. art. 11.
• b 3.42

  Lib 7. de Ju∣stitia quaest. 5. aru••. 2.
• * 3.43

  Grounded on double er∣ror.
• c 3.44

  1 Cor. 7. 7.
• * 3.45

  Anno Regis Hen. 18.
• * 3.46

  Paramount holiness in a married per∣son.
• a 3.47

  Gen. 5. 22.
• b 3.48

  Cor. 7. 33.
• * 3.49

  St Paul ex∣pounded.
• * 3.50

  And marriage defended.
• c 3.51

  Eccles. 4. 8.
• d 3.52

  Gen. 33. 9. 11.
• * 3.53

  A Monks ver∣ses, as bald as his crown.
• e 3.54

  Found in Ramsey Ab∣bey, in a Treatise De Monicatu, ci∣ted by John Bale.
• a 3.55

  1 Tim. 4. 1.
• * 3.56

  Well stopped up.
• * 3.57

  Marriage. Bed may be ••or∣born for a time, not to∣tally forbid∣den.
• b 3.58

  Joel 2. 11.
• c 3.59

  1 Cor. 7.
• * 3.60

  H. Huntington his Censure of Anselme.
• * 3.61

  Anno Regis Hen. 19.
• * 3.62

  Anno Dom. 1108
• * 3.63

  Anselme dieth re infecta of Priests Divor.
• * 3.64

  The sloutness of Norwich Clergy.
• * 3.65

  Learned mar∣ried Ealphe∣gus.
• * 3.66

  26.
• * 3.67

  1125.
• a 3.68

  Brit. in De∣von.
• b 3.69

  Printed Anno 1612. pag. 3. 383.
• * 3.70

  A Virgin. Le∣cher unmask∣ed
• c 3.71

  Roger Hove∣den and Han. Huntington.
• d 3.72

  Judg. 5. 6.
• * 3.73

  Priests buy their own Wives.
• * 3.74

  27.
• * 3.75

  1126.
• * 3.76

  Ely-Abbey made a Bisho∣prick.
• * 3.77

  And inriched with Royal∣ties.
• * 3.78

  Anno Regis Hen. 127.
• * 3.79

  St Davids contest with Canterbury.
• * 3.80

  Impar Congres∣sus.
• a 3.81

  Mat. Paris pag. 73.
• * 3.82

  King Henry his death.
• * 3.83

  Stephen usur∣peth the Crown on a fully title.
• * 3.84

  Steph. 1.
• * 3.85

  Dece. 2.
• * 3.86

  Anno Regis. Hen. 1 ••••.
• * 3.87

  Anno Dom. 1135.
• * 3.88

  Maud the south.
• * 3.89

  The perjury of the Clergy.
• * 3.90

  Dece. 26.
• * 3.91

  Variety of peoples opi∣nions.
• * 3.92

  Pro and Con for King Ste∣phen.
• * 3.93

  A second par∣ty with their∣opposers.
• * 3.94

  Anno Regis Steph. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.95

  A third with theirs.
• * 3.96

  A fourth with theirs.
• * 3.97

  Some act at, not for King Stephens com∣mands.
• * 3.98

  Politick pa∣tience.
• * 3.99

  Robert Earl of Glocester singular.
• a 3.100

  Mat. Paris pag.75.
• * 3.101

  Highly con∣scientious.
• * 3.102

  An honest re∣vote of the Clergie.
• * 3.103

  1136.
• * 3.104

  Canons of Pauls soundly paid.
• a 3.105

  Rad. de Di∣ceto in hunc∣anum.
• * 3.106

  What Focariae were.
• b 3.107

  In Anna 1191.
• c 3.108

  1 Cor. 7. 9.
• * 3.109

  A Synod at Westminster.
• * 3.110

  4. Dece. 13.
• * 3.111

  1138
• * 3.112

  Anno Dom. 1138
• * 3.113

  Anno Regis Steph. 7.
• * 3.114

  Henry of Win∣chester Eng∣lands Arch-Prelate.
• * 3.115

  1139.
• * 3.116

  5.
• a 3.117

  William Malmsbury hist. novel. lib. 2. pag. 183.
• * 3.118

  The issuless issue of the Synod at Win∣chester.
• * 3.119

  1140.
• * 3.120

  6.
• * 3.121

  1141.
• * 3.122

  7.
• * 3.123

  Anno Dom. 1141.
• * 3.124

  Why plenty of Religious foundations in these Mar∣tiall dayes.
• * 3.125

  10.
• * 3.126

  1144.
• a 3.127

  Stows Sur∣vey of London pag. 117.
• * 3.128

  Religious houses foun∣ded by King Stephen.
• b 3.129

  Stow in the end of K. Ste∣phens life.
• c 3.130

  Mark 7. 27.
• * 3.131

  16.
• * 3.132

  1150.
• * 3.133

  The constan∣cy of Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
• * 3.134

  19.
• d 3.135

  Mat. Paris in this year.
• * 3.136

  1153.
• * 3.137

  The seasona∣ble death of Prince Eu∣stace.
• * 3.138

  An English-man Pope.
• e 3.139

  Camden in Middlesex.
• f 3.140

  Bale in En∣glish Votaries, fol. 85.
• * 3.141

  Anno Dom. 1153.
• * 3.142

  Anno Regis Hen. 1▪ 19.
• * 3.143

  Jeffery Mon∣mouth defended
• * 3.144

  The death of K Stephen.
• * 3.145

  1154
• * 3.146

  20.
• a 3.147

  Stow in the end of his life.
• * 3.148

  Sobriquets what they were.
• * 3.149

  Hen. 2
• * 3.150

  A••ias Plan∣tagenist.
• * 3.151

  K. Henry his character.
• * 3.152

  Anno Regis Hen 2▪ 4.
• * 3.153

  Anno Dom. 1154
• * 3.154

  What be∣came of Maud the Empress.
• * 3.155

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.156

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.157

  1.
• * 3.158

  1155.
• * 3.159

  The body of the Common-Law compi∣led.
• * 3.160

  2.
• * 3.161

  1156.
• * 3.162

  Castles demo∣lished.
• * 3.163

  Thomas Becket L. Chancellor of England.
• * 3.164

  Anno Dom. 1158.
• * 3.165

  His great re∣formation be∣ing made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
• * 3.166

  1162
• * 3.167

  8.
• * 3.168

  A stubborn defender of the vicious Clergy, against secular Magi∣strates.
• a 3.169

  1 King 1. 6.
• * 3.170

  Rom. 13. 1.
• * 3.171

  1164.
• * 3.172

  10.
• * 3.173

  He incurs the Kings dis∣pleasure.
• * 3.174

  See them at large in Mat. Paris.
• * 3.175

  Anno Regis Hen. 2▪ 10.
• * 3.176

  Anno Dom. 1164
• * 3.177

  Fox his Mon. see the letter at large, pag. 269.
• * 3.178

  The vanity of Beckets path.
• * 3.179

  He flieth be∣yond Sea, without the Kings con∣sent.
• * 3.180

  How employ∣ed in his ba∣nishment.
• * 3.181

  11.
• * 3.182

  1165.
• a 3.183

  See them exemplified at large in Stapleton De Tribus Thomis.
• * 3.184

  13.
• * 3.185

  1167.
• * 3.186

  Is reconciled to the King.
• * 3.187

  Anno Dom 1167.
• * 3.188

  Anno Regis Hen. 2. 13.
• * 3.189

  Returns as obstinate as he went over.
• * 3.190

  1170.
• * 3.191

  16.
• a 3.192

  Parte poste∣ri••••i Henrici secundi, pag. 521.
• * 3.193

  Is slain by four Knights in his own Church.
• b 3.194

  Cand. Brit. in Cumberland, pag. 777.
• c 3.195

  Others call him Walter.
• d 3.196

  Camd. Brit. in Ireland, pag. 10.
• e 3.197

  Prov. 15. 1.
• * 3.198

  Various cen∣sures on his death.
• * 3.199

  Dece 28.
• * 3.200

  Anno Regis Hen. 2 16.
• * 3.201

  Anno Dom. 1170
• * 3.202

  William Som∣ner in his An∣tiquities of Canterbury, pag. 166.
• a 3.203

  Gulielmus Nubrigiensis.
• b 3.204

  In tribus Thomis.
• c 3.205

  Rom. 2. 5.
• * 3.206

  The heavy penance per∣formed by King Henry.
• d 3.207

  Camdens Brit. in Ire∣land, pag. 83.
• e 3.208

  Idem pag. 93.
• * 3.209

  20.
• * 3.210

  1174.
• * 3.211

  Becket after fifty years in∣shrined.
• * 3.212

  Anno Dom 1174.
• * 3.213

  Anno Regis Hen. •• 20.
• a 3.214

  Erasmus his Dialog. in Re∣ligionis ergo.
• b 3.215

  Fox Acts and Monum. pag. 493.
• * 3.216

  The blinde superstition of people.
• c 3.217

  Wil. Somner ut priùs, pag. 249.
• d 3.218

  John 12. 13.
• * 4.1

  Edw. Sandys in suis peregri∣nationibus.
• * 4.2

  20.
• * 4.3

  1174.
• * 4.4

  The unduti∣sulness of young King Henry.
• * 4.5

  Anno Dom. 1174.
• * 4.6

  Anno Regis Hen. 2. 20.
• * 4.7

  Richard made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
• * 4.8

  The contro∣versy betwixt Canterbury & York for pre∣cedency.
• * 4.9

  1176.
• * 4.10

  22.
• * 4.11

  Anno Regis Hen. 2. 22.
• * 4.12

  Anno Dom. 1176.
• * 4.13

  How much carnality in the most spi∣ritual.
• * 4.14

  Luke 22, 24.
• * 4.15

  The Popes decision gives final satisfa∣ction.
• b 4.16

  Mr Jackson out of Flori∣legus, in his Chronologie Anno 1280.
• * 4.17

  The far ex∣tended En∣glish Monar∣chie in this Kings Reign.
• * 4.18

  Anno Dom. 1277.
• * 4.19

  Anno Regis Hen. 2. 23.
• * 4.20

  Could not make him for∣tunate in his own Family.
• * 4.21

  Mat. Paris, pag. 151.
• * 4.22

  1289.
• * 4.23

  39. Rich. 1.
• a 4.24

  Mat. Paris, at prius.
• * 4.25

  Disobedience endeavoured to be expia∣ted by super∣stition
• * 4.26

  An account of our design.
• * 4.27

  1190
• * 4.28

  1.
• * 4.29

  Anno Regis Rich. prim. 1.
• * 4.30

  Anno Dom. 1190
• * 4.31

  Nevil Kill. Lion his per∣formance in Palestine.
• a 4.32

  Mat. Paris Anno Dom 1222.
• b 4.33

  2 Sam. 23. 20.
• c 4.34

  Weavers Fun. Mon. pag. 644.
• d 4.35

  Registrum Cart Abbat. de Waltham.
• * 4.36

  Ancesters to the Noble & numerous Nevils.
• * 4.37

  Giralde de Talbote, whence the house of Shrewsbury.
• e 4.38

  R. Hoveden pars poster 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Rich. primo.
• * 4.39

  Guarrin Fitz Girald, from whom the Earls of Kil∣dare and Ba∣rons of Wind∣sor.
• f 4.40

  See Camd. Brit. in Berk∣shire.
• * 4.41

  A Quaternion more of ad∣ventures.
• * 4.42

  Anno Dom. 1191.
• * 4.43

  Anno Regis Rich. Prim. 2.
• * 4.44

  Ingleram 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his po∣sterity.
• a 4.45

  〈…〉〈…〉. pag. 655.
• * 4.46

  Radulphus De Alta ripa.
• b 4.47

  Camd. Brit. ibid.
• * 4.48

  A mistake freely confest.
• c 4.49

  Camd. Brit. in Cumberland pag. 776.
• * 4.50

  Cressant and Stat why the Device of K. Richard the first in his voyage to the Holy Land.
• * 4.51

  The Armes of the ancient Family of Minshull.
• d 4.52

  Viz. July 4. 1642.
• e 4.53

  Sir Richard Minshull of Burton in Bucks:
• * 4.54

  As also of the noble S. Johns and Sackvile.
• a 4.55

  Robert of Glocester.
• b 4.56

  Jafes, that is Joppa in Palestine.
• c 4.57

  Haekluit in his first vo∣lume of voy∣ages.
• * 4.58

  3.
• * 4.59

  1192.
• * 4.60

  The worship∣ful Family of the Tilnes.
• * 4.61

  The most ho∣nourable An∣cestors of the Villiers.
• d 4.62

  Burton in his description of Leicester-shire.
• * 4.63

  The Armes of the Berkeleys.
• e 4.64

  Chronicon Je∣rusalem, lib. 9. cap. 11.
• * 4.65

  More Church∣men abroad then Church∣business at home.
• f 4.66

  Goodwin in his catalogue of the Bishop of Ely. Longcampe & Wolsey paral∣lel'd.
• * 4.67

  Anno Dom. 1192.
• * 4.68

  Anno Regis Rich. prim. 3.
• * 4.69

  Wolsey the better of the two.
• * 4.70

  Yet a word in excuse of Longcamp.
• a 4.71

  Godwin ut prius.
• * 4.72

  King Richard dearly Ran∣somed.
• * 4.73

  1193.
• * 4.74

  3.
• * 4.75

  Why a small sum great in that age.
• * 4.76

  Anno Regis Rich. prim. 4.
• * 4.77

  Anno Dom. 1194.
• * 4.78

  King Richard better for af∣fliction.
• * 4.79

  6.
• * 4.80

  1196.
• * 4.81

  8.
• * 4.82

  1198
• * 4.83

  Lambeth Co∣vent, why de∣molished.
• * 4.84

  9.
• * 4.85

  1199.
• * 4.86

  King Richard his death.
• * 4.87

  By a poyson∣ed arrow.
• * 4.88

  The three∣fold division of his corps.
• * 4.89

  Mat. Paris in hoc anno, pag. 195.
• * 4.90

  Anno Dom. 1199.
• * 4.91

  Anno Regis Rich. prim. 9.
• a 4.92

  Gervasius D••r••bernensis in Rich. pag. 1628.
• * 4.93

  His double Epitaph and successor.
• b 4.94

  Milles in his catalogue of honor, pag. 120.
• c 4.95

  Camdens Brit. in Ox∣ford-shire,
• * 4.96

  1100
• * 4.97

  Anno Regis
• * 5.1

  Anno Dom.
• * 5.2

  Mark 7. 36.
• * 5.3

  Joh. 3.
• * 5.4

  1201.
• * 5.5

  Huberts indis∣creet emulati∣on of the King:
• a 5.6

  Mat. Paris hist. Ang. in Anno 1201.
• * 5.7

  Anno Dom. 1201.
• * 5.8

  Anno Regis Joh. 3.
• * 5.9

  A search be∣tween the Monks of Can∣terbury widen•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into a dangerous wound.
• * 5.10

  1205.
• * 5.11

  7
• a 5.12

  James 3. 5.
• * 5.13

  Two Arch∣Bishops cho∣sen by the Monks of Canterbury, & the Pope pro∣pounded a third.
• * 5.14

  The Pope sends two Letters of contrary tem∣pers to the King.
• * 5.15

  1207.
• * 5.16

  10.
• * 5.17

  Mat. Paris in Anno 1207. pag. 223.
• * 5.18

  King Johns re∣turn, raising his voice to too high a note at first.
• * 5.19

  Anno Regis Job. 10.
• * 5.20

  Anno Dom. 1207.
• * 5.21

  Three Bi∣shops by com∣mand from the Pope In∣terdict the whole King∣dome.
• * 5.22

  Englands sad case under Interdiction.
• a 5.23

  Corpora de∣functorum more Canum in Bi∣vijs & fossatis sine orationibus & sacerdotum ministerio sepe∣libantur. Matt. Paris. pag. 226
• b 5.24

  Antiq. Brit. in Steph Lang∣ton pag. 159.
• * 5.25

  Two grand ef∣fects wrought by this Inter∣diction.
• * 5.26

  King Johns innocence & the Popes in∣justice in these proceedings.
• a 5.27

  Compare the 2 Sam. 74. 1 with the 1 Chron. 21. 1
• * 5.28

  King John by name excom∣municated.
• * 5.29

  1209.
• * 5.30

  10.
• * 5.31

  Yet is blessed with good successe under the Popes curse.
• * 5.32

  1210.
• * 5.33

  11.
• b 5.34

  Mat. Paris in Anno 1210. pag. 229
• * 5.35

  The Prophe¦sie of Peter of Wakefield a∣gainst K John.
• * 5.36

  1212.
• * 5.37

  13.
• * 5.38

  Anno Regis Joh. 13.
• a 5.39

  Fox Martyr. pag. 229.
• * 5.40

  Anno Dom. 1212.
• b 5.41

  Cominaeus faith, that the English are never with∣out some Pro∣phesie on foot
• * 5.42

  14.
• * 5.43

  1213.
• * 5.44

  King Johns submission to the Pope.
• * 5.45

  Both Instru∣ments for the present were but sealed with Wax, and the next yeer solemnly embossed with mettall, in the presence of Nicholas the Popes Legat.
• c 5.46

  Isai. 1. 22. The Rent ne∣ver paid the Pope, nor de∣manded by him.
• * 5.47

  The proud carriage of Pandulphus to the King.
• d 5.48

  Matt. Paris. pag. 237.
• e 5.49

  Acts 8. 20.
• * 5.50

  Anno Dom. 1213.
• * 5.51

  Anno Regis Joh. 14.
• * 5.52

  Peter the pro∣phet hanged, whether un∣justly, dispu∣ted.
• a 5.53

  Matt. Paris Vt prius.
• * 5.54

  The Interdi∣ction of Eng∣land relaxed.
• * 5.55

  1214.
• * 5.56

  15.
• * 5.57

  The Popes Legate arbi∣trates the ar∣rears betwixt the King and Clergy.
• * 5.58

  Anno Regis Joh. 16.
• * 5.59

  Anno Dom. 1214.
• * 5.60

  The Barons rebel against King John.
• * 5.61

  16.
• * 5.62

  1215.
• * 5.63

  Lewis Prince of France in∣vited by the Barons to in∣vade England.
• a 5.64

  Granted to the City, Anno Dom. 1209. Grafton, fol. 59.
• * 5.65

  An unworthy Embassie of King John to the King of Morocco.
• b 5.66

  Mat. Paris pag. 245. pla∣ceth this two years sooner, viz. An. 1213.
• c 5.67

  Eccles. 7. 7.
• * 5.68

  17.
• * 5.69

  1216.
• * 5.70

  The lamenta∣ble death of King John.
• a 5.71

  Camd. Brit. in Norfolk.
• * 5.72

  Anno Dom. 1216.
• * 5.73

  Anno Regis Joh. 17.
• b 5.74

  Wil. Caxton in his Chron. called Fructus temp. lib. 7.
• c 5.75

  Mat Paris pag. 287.
• d 5.76

  Compare Mr Fox, Mar∣tyr. pag. 234. with Holynshed pag. 194.
• * 5.77

  King Johns character de∣livered in the dark.
• * 5.78

  Henry the third under Tutors and Governors.
• * 5.79

  Hen. 3 1. Octob. 2••.
• e 5.80

  2 Chro. 16. 7.
• * 5.81

  By what means King Henry so quickly reco∣vered his Kingdom:
• * 5.82

  Anno Regis Hen. 3 1.
• * 5.83

  Anno Dom. 1217.
• * 5.84

  Our Principal design in wri∣ting this Kings life.
• * 5.85

  Occasions of the Popes in∣tolerable ex∣tortions.
• a 5.86

  Mat. Paris. pag. 299.
• * 5.87

  A new design.
• * 5.88

  Good Text, what ere the Comments.
• * 5.89

  Serenity in the State.
• * 5.90

  Anno Dom. 1214.
• * 5.91

  Anno Regis Hen. 3 7.
• * 6.1

  Anno Regis
• * 6.2

  Anno Dom.
• * 6.3

  Henri∣•• 3. 7
• * 6.4

  1214
• * 6.5

  A remarka∣ble writ of the King to the Sheriff of Bucking∣hamshire.
• a 6.6

  Camden. Brit. in Northamp∣tonshire.
• * 6.7

  Anno Dom. 1214.
• * 6.8

  Anno Regis Henri∣ci 3. 7
• b 6.9

  Bracton lib. 3. Tract. 2. c. 18. num. 1.
• * 6.10

  A remarka∣ble prohibi∣tion of Papal appeales.
• * 6.11

  1215
• * 6.12

  8
• c 6.13

  Claus. S. Henr. 3. numb. 24. in dorso.
• d 6.14

  Noc di∣phthongs in old Records.
• * 6.15

  Anno Regis Henri∣c•• 3. 8
• * 6.16

  Anno Dom. 1215
• * 6.17

  The effect of the Instru∣ment.
• * 6.18

  Appeale to the Pope pro∣hibited.
• * 6.19

  The time makes it the more remar∣kable.
• * 6.20

  Caursines what they were.
• * 6.21

  Anno Dom. 1235
• * 6.22

  Anno Regis Henri∣ci 3. 19
• * 6.23

  Necessary observati∣ons.
• * 6.24

  Anno Regis Hen. 3. 19
• * 6.25

  Caursines whence so called.
• * 6.26

  Foxes hap¦and happi∣nesse.
• * 6.27

  Caursines and Lombards the same.
• * 6.28

  Deep Hypo∣crisy.
• * 6.29

  22
• * 6.30

  1238
• * 6.31

  The Present of the Oxford Scholars to the Legate,
• a 6.32

  M. Paris in Anno 1238. Ran. Cistren∣sis, l. ult. c. 34. & T. Wal∣singham in Hypodigm. Nenstriae.
• b 6.33

  Prov. 18. 16. Ill requited.
• * 6.34

  The Legate's Brother kill'd by the Scho∣lars of Oxford
• * 6.35

  Anno Dom. 1238
• * 6.36

  Anno Regis Henri∣ci 3. 22.
• * 6.37

  The Legate flies to the King.
• * 6.38

  Oxford in a sad condi∣tion.
• * 6.39

  Interdicted by the Legate
• * 6.40

  Who returns to London.
• * 6.41

  The Bishops interecede for the Univer∣sity.
• * 6.42

  All are re∣conciled.
• * 6.43

  Bishops an∣cient Innes in London.
• a 6.44

  Luke 16. 9.
• * 6.45

  A valiant offer.
• b 6.46

  Pat. 25. of Henry the third, mem. 6.
• * 6.47

  25
• * 6.48

  1241
• * 6.49

  A free-for∣ced gift.
• * 6.50

  Anno Dom. 1241
• * 6.51

  Anno Regis Henri∣ci 3. 25
• * 6.52

  Spoken like a King.
• * 6.53

  Say and do, best.
• * 6.54

  A Pension given by the Pope to an English Earile.
• a 6.55

  In his Brit. in Somerset∣shire.
• b 6.56

  In his Eliz. in the case of Count Arun∣del. There are rich who make them∣selves poor.
• * 6.57

  38
• * 6.58

  1254
• * 6.59

  The death of Bishop Grout∣head.
• c 6.60

  Bishop God∣win in Cata∣logue of Linc. Bish.
• * 6.61

  The Popes fume against this good Bishop,
• d 6.62

  Matthew Paris in Anno 1552.
• * 6.63

  quenched by a Spanish Cardinall.
• * 6.64

  Grouthead the peoples, though not the Pope's Saint.
• e 6.65

  Iohn Burie Mat. Paris, Mat. West∣minster, Mr. Fabian.
• f 6.66

  Godwin, in his Cata∣logue of Bi∣shops. Discontents begin in Eng∣land.
• * 6.67

  Anno Dom. 1254
• * 6.68

  Anno Regis Henri∣ci 3. 38
• * 6.69

  Grounded on too much occasion.
• a 6.70

  Roger Wendover.
• * 6.71

  A Title with∣out power onely lest to the King.
• * 6.72

  The Pope freely gives his curtesies for money.
• * 6.73

  Sad case when the Royall Root is no better then a sucker
• * 6.74

  No part of Church∣work.
• * 6.75

  Bettered by affliction.
• * 6.76

  Charta Magna first fully practised.
• * 6.77

  Bailiol Col∣ledge built by a banisht Prince.
• * 6.78

  46
• * 6.79

  1262
• a 6.80

  2 Cor. 8. 2.
• * 6.81

  Great reve∣nues for that Age.
• b 6.82

  Roger Walden, in his History.
• c 6.83

  Bri. Twine, antiq. Acad. Ox. in Ap∣pendice. Endowed with more land then now it pos∣sesseth.
• * 6.84

  The Au∣thours re∣quest to the learned in Oxford.
• * 6.85

  Four neces∣sary things premised.
• * 6.86

  Whence the Bishops are collected.
• * 6.87

  Whence the Benefactours.
• * 6.88

  Anno Dom. 1262
• * 6.89

  Anno Regis Henri∣ci 3. 46
• * 6.90

  Whence the learned writers.
• * 6.91

  No wilfull wrong done.
• * 6.92

  Adde and mend.
• a 6.93

  See more of him in our de∣dication to the second book.
• * 6.94

  A paire of Learned Iudges.
• * 6.95

  Vniversity▪ Col. found∣ed.
• * 6.96

  Iews dam∣nable extor∣tioners.
• a 6.97

  Claus. 22. of Hen. 3. memb. 9. in dorso.
• * 6.98

  A second priviledge.
• * 6.99

  The third priviledge.
• * 6.100

  The submis∣sion of the Dean and Chapter of S. Asaph.
• * 7.1

  De recogni∣tione Deca∣ni & Ca∣pit. de San∣cto Asapho.
• * 7.2

  Edmond Arch∣bishop of Cant.
• a 7.3

  Godwine in Catalogue of Bishops, pag. 130.
• * 7.4

  Sainted after his death.
• * 7.5

  Boniface a worthlesse Arch-bishop.
• * 7.6

  Anno. Regis
• * 7.7

  Anno Dom.
• * 7.8

  Hen. 3▪ 57.
• * 7.9

  1272.
• * 7.10

  The vivacity of King Henry the third, and the variety of his life.
• * 7.11

  The serenity of his death and solemnity of his Burial.
• * 7.12

  Anno Dom. 1272.
• * 7.13

  Anno Regis Hen. 3. 57.
• * 7.14

  Ed. 1. 1.
• * 7.15

  The advanta∣ges of absent Prince Ed∣ward.
• * 7.16

  His atchieve∣ments against the Turks.
• * 7.17

  The Popes present pow∣er in England.
• * 7.18

  Merton Col. in Oxford found∣ed.
• * 7.19

  1274.
• * 7.20

  3.
• * 7.21

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 3.
• * 7.22

  Anno Dom. 1274
• a 7.23

  Brian Twyn Ant. Acad. Ox. p. 319.
• * 7.24

  A Manor in Cambridg gi∣ven thereun∣to.
• b 7.25

  Caius Hist. Cant. Acad. p. 68.
• * 7.26

  Merton his Monument renewed.
• * 7.27

  He was pre∣vost also of Kings Col. in Cambridg.
• * 7.28

  The Living passed over in silence.
• * 7.29

  The Origi∣nal of Post∣masters.
• a 7.30

  The same I conceive with the Postma∣sters.
• * 7.31

  The Church ready to eat up the Com∣mon-wealth.
• * 7.32

  The mischief of Mortmain to the Crown.
• * 7.33

  This Law not new but re∣newed.
• a 7.34

  Exod 36. 6.
• b 7.35

  In his 31. Epist.
• * 7.36

  Ambrose an∣gry with Mortmaine.
• * 7.37

  The Statute of Mortmaine.
• * 7.38

  Anno Dom. 1279.
• * 7.39

  Anno Regis Ed. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 7. Nov. 4.
• * 7.40

  who the active Prelats of this age.
• * 7.41

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 11.
• * 7.42

  Anno Dom. 1283.
• * 7.43

  13.
• * 7.44

  1285.
• * 7.45

  The Spiritual and Temporal Courts boun∣ded by Parlia∣ment.
• * 7.46

  Anno Dom. 1285
• * 7.47

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 13.
• * 7.48

  Mr Nath. Bacon in his Hist. Dis. of the Govern∣ment of En∣gland, lib. 1. pag. 233.
• * 7.49

  Judg Cokes decision.
• a 7.50

  Second part of his Institut. pag. 487.
• b 7.51

  Chronicon. Osniense.
• c 7.52

  Linwood his Constit. lib. 2. tit. De Foro competenti.
• d 7.53

  Acts 6. 2.
• a 7.54

  John 8. 4. 11.
• b 7.55

  2 Chro. 24.
• * 7.56

  Bracton, lib. 5. fol. 401.
• a 7.57

  Linwood Constit. lib. 1. fol. 11. c. de Con∣suetudine.
• * 7.58

  No end can end an ever∣lasting diffe∣rence.
• * 7.59

  See more hereof on Articuli Cleri, in the Reign of Edward the second.
• * 7.60

  A transition to the entire sto∣ry of our En∣glish Jews.
• * 7.61

  1290.
• * 7.62

  18.
• * 7.63

  Their princi∣pal residence in London.
• a 7.64

  Stow his Sur∣vey of London, pag. 288.
• * 7.65

  The Justicer of the Jews.
• b 7.66

  Additamenta Matthaei Pari∣siensis p. ••02.
• * 7.67

  The High Priest, or Pres∣byter of the Jews.
• a 7.68

  Ret. Cart. 1 Reg. Joh. part. 1. memb. 28. Cart. 171.
• * 7.69

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 18.
• * 7.70

  Anno Dom. 1290.
• * 7.71

  Jews griping Usurers.
• b 7.72

  Deut. 23. 20.
• * 7.73

  Their rapaci∣ousness, and tenaciousness.
• * 7.74

  Jews might purchase hou∣ses.
• c 7.75

  Stows Sur∣vey, pag. 288, and 289.
• * 7.76

  Lay-excommunication, what it was.
• a 7.77

  Additamenta•• Matthaei Pari. pag 202.
• * 7.78

  Anno Dom. 1290.
• * 7.79

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 18.
• * 7.80

  Jew unfortu∣nate at feasts and frays.
• b 7.81

  John 18. 40.
• c 7.82

  Mark 15. 7.
• * 7.83

  A sad Jewish Jubilee.
• * 7.84

  London-wall built with Jewish stones.
• d 7.85

  Stows Survey of London, pag. 288.
• * 7.86

  Henry the third cruel to the Jews.
• e 7.87

  Mat. Paris pag. 605.
• f 7.88

  Stows Sur∣vey, p. 192.
• * 7.89

  The wonder of the Jews speedy re∣cruiting their estates.
• * 7.90

  Crouds of counterfeit converts.
• * 7.91

  Mat. Paris pag. 982.
• a 7.92

  Rom. 2. 29.
• * 7.93

  Misdemea∣nors charged on the Jews.
• b 7.94

  Isai. 47. 9.
• * 7.95

  Jews say o∣thers not cast out, but cra∣ved leave to depart.
• a 7.96

  Sir Ed. Coke.
• * 7.97

  The King gets incredible wealth forfei∣ted by the Jews.
• * 7.98

  1293
• * 7.99

  21.
• * 7.100

  1294
• * 7.101

  22.
• a 7.102

  Polydore Vir∣gil.
• * 7.103

  King Edward arbitrator be∣twixt Bailiol and Bruce.
• * 7.104

  1295
• * 7.105

  23.
• * 7.106

  He proveth Malleus Sco∣torum.
• * 7.107

  1297
• * 7.108

  25.
• b 7.109

  G. Buchanan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scot. libro octavo 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• † 7.110

  Brit. in War∣wick. shire.
• * 7.111

  Ed. 1. 29.
• * 7.112

  1301.
• * 7.113

  The Pope challengeth Scotland as peculiar to himself.
• a 7.114

  Fox Acts & Monuments, lib. 1. p. 444, and 445.
• * 7.115

  Anno Dom. 1301.
• * 7.116

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 29.
• * 7.117

  〈…〉〈…〉
• a 7.118

  〈…〉〈…〉 the first. pag. 311.
• * 7.119

  One condem∣ned for a trai∣tor for bring∣ing the Popes Bull.
• * 7.120

  1302
• * 7.121

  30.
• a 7.122

  Brook tit. p••aemuntre, p. 10.
• c 7.123

  •• part of Sir Ed. Cokes Re∣ports, de jure Reg. Ecc. fol. 12.
• * 7.124

  The Arch∣Bishop of Canterbury humbled by the King.
• * 7.125

  1305
• * 7.126

  33.
• d 7.127

  Annal. Eccl. August Cant. Guiltiness makes proud men base.
• e 7.128

  Antiq Brita. p 20••. 〈…〉〈…〉 W••••singham.
• f 7.129

  Ha••pssield Hist. Eccl. Aug. pag. 446.
• * 7.130

  Worthily see Go••dwin de Ar∣chiepis•• Cant••∣••riens. p. 145.
• * 7.131

  Anno Regis Ed. 1. 33.
• * 7.132

  Anno Dom. 1305.
• * 7.133

  The remark∣able Dialogue betwixt the King and Arch Bish.
• * 7.134

  •• Antiquitates Britiannicae ut prius.
• b 7.135

  Annal. Eccl. August. Cant.
• * 7.136

  Wincelsey finds no ••avour from the Pope, and why.
• * 7.137

  A signal piece of Justice don by forein Se∣questrators.
• c 7.138

  Harpsfield Hist Eccl. Aug. in Seculo 13. cap. 15.
• d 7.139

  Antiquitates Britan. p. 208.
• * 7.140

  Englands gald back•••• chan∣ges a full flie for an hun∣gry one.
• a 7.141

  C••ntra intem∣perantem Testa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pub∣li••e in Parlia∣ment•• querlae quod Clerum immoderatè e∣mu••geret, Harpssield, p. 431.
• * 7.142

  The infinite wealth Rome yearly drain∣ed from Eng∣land.
• b 7.143

  In Consut. Apolog
• * 7.144

  The death & character of K. Edward the first.
• * 7.145

  1307
• * 7.146

  35.
• c 7.147

  Camd. Brit. in Cheshire.
• * 7.148

  Wincelsey at the request of K. Edward the second resto¦red to his Arch. Bisho∣prick.
• d 7.149

  Harpsfield Hist. Ecc. Aug pag. 440.
• e 7.150

  Antiq. Brit pag. 209. ex Adame Mum¦••••ten.
• * 7.151

  Anno Regis Ed. 2. 1.
• * 7.152

  Anno Dom. 1307.
• * 7.153

  The character of K Edward the second.
• * 7.154

  5.
• * 7.155

  1312
• * 7.156

  The satal de∣feat of the English in Scotland.
• * 7.157

  7.
• * 7.158

  1314
• * 7.159

  7.
• * 7.160

  1314
• * 7.161

  Nine Emi∣nent School∣men of the English Na∣tion.
• * 7.162

  Anno Dom. 1314.
• * 7.163

  Anno Regis Ed. 2. 7.
• a 7.164

  Alexander Minutianus in Epistola.
• * 7.165

  Alex. Hales their Father and Founder.
• * 7.166

  Pits descript. Ang.
• * 7.167

  Bacon accused for a Conju∣rer.
• * 7.168

  Many Bacons in one, make a confusion.
• b 7.169

  Sir Isaac Wake in his Rex Platonicus, pag. 2••9, 210.
• * 7.170

  Duns Scotus, why so cal∣led.
• c 7.171

  Sixtut Se∣nensis.
• d 7.172

  Seneca in Epist.
• * 7.173

  Three King∣doms lay claim to his birth.
• a 7.174

  Camd. Brit. in Northum∣berland.
• b 7.175

  Arch-Bish. Spotswood in his History of the Church of Scotland.
• * 7.176

  Hugh Cavel. in vita Scoti.
• * 7.177

  Low, but lear∣ned Baconthorpe.
• c 7.178

  Johannes Trissa Nemau∣sensis in li∣bro de viris il∣lustribus.
• d 7.179

  Baleus in ejus vita.
• e 7.180

  Jacobus Cal∣cus Papiensis.
• * 7.181

  Occam a ••••list 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.182

  Holcots sud∣den death.
• * 7.183

  Bale descript. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cent. fift. pag. 434.
• * 7.184

  The just praise of Tho. Bradwardine.
• * 7.185

  In the Nuns Prieststale.
• * 7.186

  School-men busied in needless diffi∣culties.
• * 7.187

  Excuses for their bad la∣tin.
• * 7.188

  Opus opera∣tum
• * 7.189

  Their several divisions in judgment.
• * 7.190

  All Oxford, most Merton Colledg▪
• * 7.191

  Why School-Divinity not so used in Ox∣ford, after this Age.
• * 7.192

  The sad di∣stemper of England at this time.
• * 7.193

  King Edward accused for betraying his priviledges to the Pope.
• * 8.1

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 9
• * 8.2

  Anno Dom. 1316.
• * 8.3

  Exeter Col∣ledg founded by Bishop Stapleton.
• * 8.4

  Who after∣wards was barbarously murdered.
• * 8.5

  Sir William Petre his bounty
• * 8.6

  Dr Hackwel built this Chappel.
• * 8.7

  Western men here most proper.
• * 8.8

  I am infor∣med that Dr. Prideaux in a Dedication to one of his Sermons, hath reckoned all the Worthy Writers of this house but as yet I have not seen it.
• * 8.9

  The Kings courteous an∣swer to the Prelates com∣plaints.
• * 8.10

  Made a Prin∣ted Statute under the title of Arti∣culi Cleri.
• * 8.11

  Yet the con∣troversie be∣tween the two Jurisdi∣ctions still continued.
• * 8.12

  17
• * 8.13

  1324
• * 8.14

  Orial Colledg built by King Ed. the 2.
• * 8.15

  Quere about the name thereof.
• * 8.16

  M. Paris in vitis 23. Ab. 5 Albani p. 100. Kings nursing Fathers to this house.
• * 8.17

  Lately re∣builded most decently.
• * 8.18

  Anno Dom. 1324.
• * 8.19

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 16
• * 8.20

  Before or after of Christ-church.
• * 8.21

  War between the Queen and King.
• * 8.22

  Counter-pro∣clamations, and counter∣rumours.
• * 8.23

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 18
• * 8.24

  Anno Dom 1326
• * 8.25

  The King un∣able to fight.
• * 8.26

  And flee.
• * 8.27

  After a short concealment is taken.
• * 8.28

  King Edward resigneth his Crown.
• * 8.29

  He is rejected by his own wife.
• * 8.30

  And cruelly murthered.
• * 8.31

  A brace of loyal Sub∣jects.
• * 8.32

  Anno Dom. 1326.
• * 8.33

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 19••
• * 8.34

  And a Loyal Priest-Chan∣celour.
• * 8.35

  St. Mat. 10. 24.
• * 8.36

  W. Reinolds unthankful to the King.
• * 8.37

  The nature of the Popes provisions.
• * 8.38

  Hen. Bishop of Lincoln bad.
• * 8.39

  Anno Regis Ed. secun 18
• * 8.40

  Anno Do. 13 m
• * 8.41

  Smile or frown.
• * 8.42

  Godwin in the Bishop of Lincoln.
• * 8.43

  A grave foo∣lery.
• * 8.44

  A Divell preaching.
• * 8.45

  And as bad writing.
• * 9.1

  Anno Dom. 1326
• * 9.2

  Anno Regis. Ed. sec•••• 19.
• * 9.3

  A strange ap∣parition.
• * 9.4

  Arraigned for treason, he escapes the the first time.
• * 9.5

  Arraigned again, and protected by the Clergy.
• * 9.6

  Cast the third time by a Lay-jury and proscribed.
• * 10.1

  Defunctus a∣mabitur Idem.
• * 10.2

  King Edward the second half-sainted.
• * 10.3

  Anno Dom. 1326
• * 10.4

  Anno Regis Ed. tertii 1.
• * 10.5

  King John Harding in the life of K, Ed. the se∣cond.
• * 10.6

  A paire of Kings well matched.
• * 10.7

  King Edward not active in his fathers deposing.
• * 10.8

  His admirable successe in his wars.
• * 10.9

  And humili∣ty.
• * 10.10

  Others say in London Town.
• * 10.11

  England hitherto ig∣norant in cu∣rious Cloa∣thing.
• * 10.12

  Anno Regis. Ed. tertii 11
• * 10.13

  Anno Dom. 1336.
• * 10.14

  The Kings Agents tempt the Dutch ap∣prentices.
• * 10.15

  To come over into England.
• * 10.16

  And obtain their desire.
• * 10.17

  Their wel∣come recep∣tion.
• * 10.18

  The King po∣litickly dis∣perseth the Dutch.
• * 10.19

  Fullers earth a precious commodity.
• * 10.20

  woollen cloth the English wealth.
• * 10.21

  The Popes Italian Usu∣rers turn Mer∣chants.
• * 10.22

  But at last are prohibi∣ted by the King.
• * 10.23

  Liber de custo∣dia Maris ex∣tant, in Haclu∣its voyages, book 1. p. 191
• * 10.24

  A survey made of the Clear∣gies Glebeland
• * 10.25

  Partly useless by ill engros∣sing.
• * 10.26

  Walt. Hilla∣ry.
• * 10.27

  Clergie-men engrosse all offices.
• * 10.28

  Severall opi∣nions of the causes there∣of.
• * 10.29

  Matters of weight.
• * 10.30

  The founding of Q. Col. in Oxford by R. Englesfield,
• * 10.31

  Anno Dom. 1340.
• * 10.32

  Anno Regis. Ed. tertii 15.
• * 10.33

  A paire of Princes bred therein.
• a 10.34

  Rossus war wicensis M••••in Henric•• quinto
• * 10.35

  Queens nur∣sing Mothers to this Col∣ledge.
• * 10.36

  Queen Eliza∣beths singular bounty.
• * 10.37

  This Colledg parted be∣tween two Arch-bishops.
• * 10.38

  Ex Rot. Parl. Henrici quarti anno 13.
• b 10.39

  Henry Bowet
• a 10.40

  Tho. Arundel.
• * 10.41

  See this re∣corded at larg in the next Book. p. 164.
• * 10.42

  Anno Regis Ed. tertii 12.
• * 10.43

  Anno Dom. 1346
• * 10.44

  Bailiol Mer∣ton and Queens col∣ledges claim him and all perchance rightly) at se∣veral times.
• * 10.45

  Eminent for his review of the Coun∣cil of Trent.
• * 10.46

  The Pope makes use of the Kings ab∣sence.
• * 10.47

  15
• * 10.48

  1343
• * 10.49

  The Statute of provisions reasonably made.
• * 10.50

  Mans anger worketh Gods plea∣sure.
• * 10.51

  Statures of Provisions not presently obeyed.
• * 10.52

  Anno Dom. 1345.
• * 10.53

  Anno Regis. Ed. tertii 15.
• * 10.54

  Papal power in England declines.
• * 10.55

  The Pope takes wit in his anger.
• * 10.56

  1346
• * 10.57

  21
• * 10.58

  The instituti∣on of the Knights of the Garter.
• * 10.59

  1350
• * 10.60

  25
• * 10.61

  The qualifi∣cation of these Knights
• * 10.62

  Their habits.
• * 10.63

  Their Oath.
• * 10.64

  Other Rites they are bound to ob∣serve.
• * 10.65

  Anno Regis Ed. tertii 26.
• * 10.66

  Anno Dom. 1350.
• * 10.67

  Order how voided.
• * 10.68

  Excesse in apparel re∣strained.
• * 10.69

  37
• * 10.70

  1361
• * 10.71

  Rot. Tur. Lon. anno Ed. ter. 37.
• * 10.72

  Pellure in the French Origi∣nal.
• * 10.73

  Clergy-men injoyned to take up arms.
• * 10.74

  43
• * 10.75

  1368
• * 10.76

  Rot. in Tur. Londin. anno Ed. tertii.
• * 10.77

  More se••••ed then hurt.
• * 10.78

  A petition a∣gainst Clergy mens imploy∣ment in Se∣cular places.
• * 10.79

  45
• * 10.80

  1370
• * 10.81

  Ex Rot. Parl. in Turr. Lond. in 45. Ed. tertii.
• * 10.82

  Justifiables in the French Originals, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whether whether not able to do ju∣stice, or not to be justified in their imploy∣ment, as im∣proper for it.
• * 10.83

  Anno Dom. 1370
• * 10.84

  Anno Regis. Ed. tertii 45.
• * 10.85

  The Answer (in effect) a denial.
• * 10.86

  Simon Me∣pham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
• * 10.87

  John Sratford his successor.
• * 10.88

  His last his best dayes.
• * 10.89

  Tho. Bradwar∣dine the third Arch-bishop.
• * 10.90

  Camden in Eliz.
• * 10.91

  The best Arch-Bishop of that See.
• * 10.92

  He wrote de Causae Dei.
• * 10.93

  Simon Islip next Arch-Bishop.
• * 10.94

  Excipe Mer∣ton Colledge.
• * 10.95

  Langham, Witlesee, and Sudbury.