The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE TENTH CENTURY.* 1.1

Iacobo Langham,* 2.1 Armigero, amplissimi Senatoris Londinensis Primogenito.

DEcimam hanc Centuriam tibi dedicandam curavi, quòd Nume∣rus Denarius semper aliquid augustum sonet. Sic in Papicolarum Globulis, quibus preculas suas numerant, decimus (ut Decurio) aliis magnitudine praestat.

At dices; Centuria haec inter Ecclesiasticos audit infelix, cùm suâ tantùm Obscuritate sit illustris. Quid Tibi igitur, Feli∣cissimo Viro, cui laetum Ingenium, lauta Haereditas, cum infelici Seculo?

Verbo expediam. Volui Nomen Tuum Historiae meae hic prae∣tendi, ut instar Phosphori, Lectores in hac tenebrosa Aetate oberrantes, splendoris sui Radiis dirigat.

Percurras, quaeso, insequentes paginas; nihil Scientiae, aliquid Voluptatis tibi allaturas, Quo cum nemo sit in ipsis Elegantia∣rum apicibus Latinior, probe scio, Te perquam suaviter risurum, cum Diploma Edvardinum, nimia Barbarie scatens, perlegeris.

1. AT this time there was a great Dearth of Bishops in the Land,* 2.2 which lasted for seven yeares (as long as the Famine in Aegypt) during which time,* 2.3 there was no Bishop in all the West parts of England.* 2.4 Pope Formo∣sus was foully offended hereat, and thereupon, cum magnaa 2.5 Iracundia & Devotione, with much Passion and Piety, by his Curse and Excommunication, interdi∣cted King, Kingdome, and all the Subjects therein. We cannot but gaze at the Novelty of this act, (as we conceive, a leading Case in this kind) whilest the skilfull in the Canon Law can give an account of the Equity of the Popes Proceedings, why all should suffer for some, the guiltlesse with the guilty, and have the VVord and Sacraments taken from them, for the want of Bishops in other places! Otherwise, the Punish∣ment seemeth unjust in the rigid justice thereof, and (if not heavier) larger then the Offence, and beareth no Proportion with common Equity, Christian Cha∣rity, and Gods Proceedings, who saith, the soul that sinneth, shall dye.

2. Not withstanding,* 2.6 this excommunicating of K. Edward bythe Pope is highly

urged bya 2.7 Parsons,* 2.8 to prove the Popes Power in England over Princes,* 2.9 accor∣ding to his constant Solo••cisme clean through the tenure of his Book,* 2.10 to reason à Facto ad Ius, arguing from the Popes barely doing it, that he may justly do it. We deny not but that in this Age, active and ambitious Popes mightily im∣proved their Power upon five sorts of Princes. First, on such as were lazy, and voluptuous; who, on condition they might enjoy their Sports and Delights for the present, cared not for their Posterity. Secondly, on such as were openly vicious, and so obnoxious to Censure; who would part with any thing, out of the apprehension of their Guiltinesse. Thirdly, on such as were tender, and easie-natured; who gave, not so much out of Bounty to give, as out of Bashful∣nesse to deny the Popes Importunity. Fourthly, on those of a timorous spirit; who were affrighted with their own Fancies of the Popes Terriblenesse, and be∣ing captivated unto him by their own Fear, they ransomed themselves at what Price he pleased. Lastly, on pious Princes; whose blind Zeal, and misled De∣votion, thought nothing too precious for him: in which from we rank this Edward the Elder, then King of England. And it is worth our observing, that in point of Power and Profit, what the Popes once get, they ever hold, being as good at keeping, as catching; so that what one got by Encroching, his Succes∣sour prescribed that Encrochment for a Title, which whether it will hold good in matter of Right, it is not for an Historian to dispute.

3. But to return to our Story.* 2.11 We are glad to see Malmesbury so merry, who calleth this Passage of the Popes interdicting England, Iocundum memor atu, pleasant to be reported, because it ended so well. For Pleigmund Arch-bishop of Canterbury posted to Rome, bringing with him honorifica munera, (such Ushers will make one way through the thickest Croud to the Popes Presence) in∣forming his Holinesse that Edward, King of England, in a late-summoned Synod, had founded some new, and supplied all old vacant Bishopricks. Pacified here∣with the Pope turned his Curse into a Blessing, and ratified their Elections. The worst is, a learnedb 2.12 Pen tells me, that in this Story there is an inextricable Er∣rour in point of Chronology, which will not suffer Pope Formosus and this King Edward the Elder to meet together. And Baronius makes the Mistake worse, by endeavouring to mend it. I have so much Warinesse, as not to enter into that Labyrinth, out of which I cannot return; but leave the Doubt to the Popes Datarie to clear, proper to him, as versed in such matters. The samec 2.13 Pen informs me, that the sole way to reconcile the Difference is, to read Pope Leo the fifth instead of Pope Formosus: which for Quietnesse I am content to do, the rather, because such a Roaring Curse best beseems the mouth of a Lion.

4. Hear now the names of the seven Bishops which Pleigmund consecrated in one day:* 2.14 a great dayes-work, and a good one, if all were fit for the Function. Fridstan Bishop of Winchester, (a Learned and Holy man) Werstan of Shireburn, Kenulfe of Dorchester, Beornege of Selsey, Athelme of VVells, Eadulfe of Crediton in Devon, and Athelstan in Cornwall of S^t. Petrocks. These three last VVestern Bishopricks, were in this Council newly erected. But S^t. Petrocks had never long any settled Seat, being much in motion, translated from Bodman in Cornwall (upon the wasting of it by the Danes) to S^t. Germans in the same County, and af∣terward united to Crediton in Devonshire. This Bishoprick was founded princi∣pally for the reduction of the rebellious Cornish to the Romish Rites; who as they used the Language, so they imitated the Lives and Doctrine of the ancient Bri∣tans, neither hitherto,* 2.15 nor long after submitting themselves to the See Apostolick.

5. A Synod was called at Intingford; where Edward the Elder, and Guthurn King of the Danes, in that part of England which formerly belonged to the East-Angles, onely confirmed the samed 2.16 ecclesiasticall Constitutions, which Alured, Edwards Father, with the said Guthurn, had made before. Here the cu∣rious Palats of our Age will complain of Crambe, that two Kings, with their Clergy, should meet together onely actum agere, to do what was done to their hands. But whilest some count all Councils idle, which do not add or alter;

others will commend their Discretion,* 2.17 who can discern what is well ordered already,* 2.18 approve their Policie, in enjoyning such things unto others, and prin∣cipally praise their Piety, for practising them in themselves. And whosoever looks abroad into the world, with a judicious Eye, will soon see, that there is not so much need of New Laws, (the Multitude whereof rather cumbers mens Memories, then quickens their Practise) as an absolute necessity to enforce Old Laws, with a new and vigorous Execution of them.

6. And now King Edward,* 2.19 remembring the pious Example of his Father Alfred in founding of Oxford,* 2.20 began to repair and restore the University of Cambridge.* 2.21 For the Danes (who made all the Sea-coasts of England their Haunt, and kept the Kingdome of the East-Angles for their Home) had banished all Learning from that place; Apollo's Harp being silenced by Mars his Drum: till this Kings Bounty brought Learning back again thither, as by his following Charter may appear.

Ina 3.1 nomine D. Iesu Christi. Ego Edwardus, Dei gratia, Rex Anglorum, divino compulsus amore, praecepto Joannis, Apostolicae Sedis Episcopi, ac Pleigmundi Cantuar. Archiepisc. consilio, omnium Sacerdotum & Prin∣cipum meae Dominationis, universa & singula Privilegia, Doctoribus & Scholaribus Cantabrigiae, nec non servientibus eorundem, (uti ab olim vi∣guit indesinenter Mater Philosophiae, & reperitur in praesenti Fons Cleri∣moniae,) à me data, seu ab Antecessoribus meis quomodo libet concessa, sta∣bili jure grata & rata decerno durare, quamdiu vertigo Poli circa Terras at{que} Aequora Aethera Syderum justo moderamine volvet. Datum in Grantecestria, anno ab Incarnatione D. 915. venerabili Fratri Frith∣stano, Civitatis Scholarium Cantabrig. Cancellario, & Doctori per suum, &c.

The Credit of this Charter is questioned by some, because of the barbarous Stile thereof: as if an University were disgraced with honourable Priviledges granted unto it in base Latine. But know, that Age was so poor in Learning, it could not go to the Cost of good Language. Who can look to find a fair Face in the hotest parts of Aethiopia? Those Times were ignorant: and as it is ob∣served of the Country-people born at the Village ofb 3.2 Carlton in Leicestershire, that they have all (proceeding from some secret cause in their Soil or Water) a strange uncouth VVharling in their Speech; so it was proper to the persons writing in this Age, to have a harsh, unpleasant, grating Stile, (and so much the sowrer to Criticall Eares, the more it is sweetned with an affected Rhythm,) though a Blemish, yet a Badge of their genuine Deeds, which were passed in those times.

7. Hear also what Iohn Rouse, an excellent Antiquary,* 3.3 furnished by King Edward the fourth with Privacy and Pension, to collect the Monuments of this Land, alleageth to this purpose. Who being bred in Oxford, and having written a Book in confutation of those which deduce the Foundation of this Vniversity from Cantaber, may be presumed will allow Cambridge no more then what in right is due unto her. He speaking ofc 3.4 King Edward the Elder, out of an ancient Table and Chronicle of Hyde Abbey by VVinchester, which himself by the favour of the Abbot perused, reporteth of the Restauration of decayed Cambridge at this time, in manner as followeth.

Ioh. Rossus in lib. de Regibus.

Propterea ad Clerimoniam augmen∣tandam, sicut Pater suus Oxoniam, sic ipse ab antiquo cum caeteris Stu∣diis generalibus suspensam, desola∣tam, & destructam Cantabrigiam, iterum ad primam Gloriam erexit:

nec non ibi Aulas Studientium, & Doctorum Magistrorumque Cathe∣dras & Sedilia, ut dilectissimus Cle∣ri nutritor, amator, & defensor, suis sumtibus erigi & fabricari praecepit. Ab Oxonia namque Vniversitate, quā Pater suus nobilis Rex erexerat, Magistros Artiū quas liberales vo∣camus, pariter in sacra Theologia Doctores, advocavit, ibi{que} ad leg en∣dū formaliter, & docendū invitavit.

Therefore for the augmentation of Clerk like Learning, as his Father had done to Oxford, so he again raised up Cam∣bridge to her first Glory, which for a long time, with other generall Schools, had been suspended, desolate, and destroyed:

as also,* 4.1 like a most loving Nourisher of the Clergie,* 4.2 he commanded that Halls for Students, Chairs and Seats of Do∣ctors and Masters, should there be ere∣cted, & built on his own proper Charges: for he called from Oxford Universitie, which his noble Father the King had ere∣cted, Masters of those Arts which we call liberall, together with Doctors in holy Divinity, and invited them there formal∣ly to read and teach.

8. Have we here Cambridge presented in a three-fold Condition.* 4.3 First, what she had been long before King Edward's time; fairly flourishing with Learning. Secondly, in what case he found her; desolate, and decayed. Then then Cup of Cambridge was at the bottom, her Breasts dry, and her Sun in an Ec∣lipse. She was, saith Rosse, suspended, not by the power of any Popes Keyes (as the word may import,) but by the force of Pagan Swords, who here interrupted the exercise of Acts and publick Lectures; as in Spain, Germany, and other For∣rein Parts, places appointed for Learning had shared in the like Calamity. Third∣ly, in what condition Edward left her; under whom, as under the Father of the Act, Cambridge it self did then Commence and take a new Degree. Happy this Edward, who like a wealthy Landlord had two Nurseries of choice Fruit; so that if the one, by any sad accident, chanced to faile, he could supply it from the other, without being beholding to his Neighbours. This was the Love be∣twixt the two Sisters; what either had, neither could want, and Oxford, which lent now, borrowed another time, as in due place shall appear. If the same Au∣thour a 4.4 elsewhere calleth this king Edward Founder of Cambridge, it is by an easie and obvious Errour, because a totall Repairer doth amount to a partiall Foun∣der. Nor doth Cambridge regret thereat; seeing Gratefull Expressions, which had rather transgresse in the Excesse, then the Defect, may in Courtesy call their Mender, their Maker.

9. Athelstan his Son succeeded King Edward,* 4.5 being much devoted to S^t. Iohn of Beverley;* 4.6 on whose Church he bestowed a Freed-Stool,* 4.7 with large Pri∣viledges belonging thereunto. Many Councils were kept in this Kings Reign, at Excester, Feversham, Thunderfield, and London (all of them of uncertain Date.) But one held at Greatlea is of greatest account for the Lawes therein enacted;* 4.8 the principall here insuing.* 4.9

1. That the kings Officers should truely pay Tithes, out of his Demesnes, as well of his quick Cattel, as dead Commodities.

2. That Cyricsceat (that is, First-fruits of Seeds) be duely payed to God in his Church.

3. That the Kings Officers maintain one Poore-body in the Kings Villages; and in case none be found therein, fetch him from other places.

[Christ saith, The poor you have alwayes with you. The Church in generall is well stockt with them, though some particular Parish may want such as are in Want. If any would know the Bill of Fare allowed these poore people; It was monthly a Measure of Meale, una Perna, a Gammon of Bacon, A Ramm worth a Groat, four Cheeses, & 30. Pence on Easter-Wednesday to buy them Cloaths.]

4. That Monyers wilfully corrupting the Coyn, and found guilty, have their Hands cut off, and nailed to the Mint-house.

[Every Burrough was allowed one Mint therein: but besides these,

• Hastings one
• Cirencester one
• Shaftsbury two
• Wareham two
• Exeterb 4.10 Two
• Hampton two
• Lewes two
• Rochester three
• Winchester six
• Canterbury seven
• (viz) For the King four
• For the Arch-bishop two
• For the Abbot one
• London eight

Most of these places were anciently in the West-Saxon Kingdome:* 4.11 to whom the English Monarchs were most favourable,* 4.12 in doubling their Priviledge of Coynage, but single in other places of greater Capacity.]

5. That such who were tryed by Ordall, should ceremoniously be prepared there∣unto with the solemn manner of managing that Tryall.

6. That no Buying or Selling be on the Lords-Day.

[This took not full effect for many yeares after; for Henrya 4.13 the first gran∣ted to Battel Abbey a Market to be kept on that Day, lately (at the motion of Anthony Marquess Montacute) by Act of Parliam▪ removed to another Day.]

7. That one convicted of Perjurie, shall be trusted no more on his Oath, nor be buried in Holy earth, except restored by the Bishop on his Penance.

8. That Witches, confessing themselves to have killed any, be put to death.

[Such as were suspected, and denied the Fact, might be tried by Ordall: which was done either by Fire, whereof hereafter; or by Water. Of the later, Mergator una ulna & dimidia in sune: which I thus understand; Let the Party be tied to a Rope, and drencht an Ell and half above his own Height. And this is the first footstep we find of Swimming of Witches; for which no Law, save Cu∣stome, at this day; and that whether just in it self, and satisfactory (as a means proportionable for the discovery of the Truth) is not my work to determine.

Whosoever desires to have more exact Information of this Council, may re∣pair to Sir Henryb 4.14 Spelman, where he may receive plentifull Satisfaction.

10. Onely I must not omit one Passage in this Council, acquainting us with the Herauldry of that Age, and the Distances and Degrees of Persons, collected from their VVeers or VVeer-Glids, that is Taxes, and Valuations; it being truly to be said in that Age,

Quantum quisque sua Nummorum servat in Arca, Tantum habet et Fidei—

Every ones Testimony in Law-cases in Courts was credited according to his Wealth.

1. Ceorles (whence our Northern word Carles, and common word Churles) being Countrey Clowns, whose VVeer-gild was 200. shil∣lings, or 10. pounds; the same with Villanes, who held land in Villanage of others. These, if by Blessing on their Industry they rose so high as to have five Hides of Land of their own, with a place in the Kings Court, and some other Priviledges, now hardly to be understood, were advan∣ced to be Thanes.

2. The VVeer-gild, or Value of a Thane, was six times as much as a Churle, or a Villane, namely twelve times a hundred shillings, therefore termed a twelve-hind-man: whose Oath in Law was equivalent to six Oaths of Churles, or Villanes; as a Shilling passing in Payment countervaileth six two-pences. Note, that if a Masseer, or Merchant, pass the great Sea thrice (understand the Mediterranian, not the Narrow Seas betwixt us and France) and not in the Notion of a Servant, but on his own account; he then was dignified with the reputation of a Thane. These Thanes were of two sorts: Meset Thanes, Priests qualified to say Masse; and VVor∣rould-Thanes, that is, secular, or temporall Thanes.

3. Of the first, if a Scholar made such proficiency in his Studies, that he took holy Orders, he was reverently respected, and (though not valued as a VVorrould-Thane in Rates and Taxes) Amends were to be made for any Wrongs done unto him, equall to a Thane; and in case he should be kill'd, the Penalty thereof was the higher, the more Orders the person had taken. Observe by the way (so far as we can understand the Saxon Laws) that Man-slaughter was not then punished with Death, but might be redeemed by the proportionable Payment of a Summe of Mony, ac∣cording to the Quality of the Person slain; part thereof payable to the King, part to his Kindred, part to the Countrey thereabouts.

But the further prosecution hereof, (where the Footsteps are almost out-worn

with Time) we leave to more expert Antiquaries; who will tell you, that Alder∣man in that Age was equall to our modern Earle, who with Bishops were of the same Valuation: also that Comes in that Age, sounded as much as Duke in ours, Arch-bishops going along with them in all considerable Equipage.

11. Now began S^t. Dunstan to appear in Court,* 4.15 born at Glassenbury,* 4.16 of Noble Parentage (as almost what Saint in this Age was not honourably extracted?* 4.17) Nephew both to Elphegus Bishop of VVinchester, and Athelm Arch-bishop of Canterbury, yea Kinsman remote to King Athelstane himself: and being thus highly related, he could not misse of Preferment. His Eminencies were Painting and Graving (two Qualities disposing him to be very usefull for Saint-worship∣ping, either for Pictures or Images) an excellent Musician (Preaching in those dayes could not be heard for Singing in Churches) & an admirable Worker in Brass and Iron. These Accomplishments commended him at Court to be ac∣ceptable to Company; and for some time he continued with the King in great Reputation.

12. But it is given to that Bowle which lyes next to the Mark,* 4.18 to have most take aime to remove it.* 4.19 Eminency occasions Envy,* 4.20 which made Dunstan's Enemies endeavour to depresse him. He is accused to the King for a Magician, and upon that account banished the Court. It was brought as Evidence against him, that he made his Harp not onely to have Motion, but make musick of it self; which no VVhite Art could perform.

S^t. Dunstan's Harp fast by the Wall Vpon a Pin did hang-a: The Harp it self, with Ly and all, Vntoucht by hand did twang-a.

For our part, let Dunstan's Harp hang there still, on a double Suspicion twisted together; first, whether this Story thereof were true or false: secondly, if true, whether done by Magick or Miracle. Sure I am, as good a Harper, and a better Saint then Dunstan was, hath no such Miracle reported of him, even David him∣self: who with his Harp praised God, pleased men,a 4.21 frighted Devils; yet took pains with his own rightb 4.22 Hand to play, not lazily commanding Musick by Mi∣racle to be made on his Instrument.

13. Banish'd from Court,* 4.23 Dunstan returns to Glassenbury,* 4.24 and there falls a puffing and blowing in his Forge.* 4.25 Here he made himself a Cell (or rather a Little-ease) being but four foot long, two and a half broad (enough to cripple his Joynts with the Cramp, who could not lye along therein) whilest the height thereof was according to the stature of a man. Wisely and vertuously he would not confine himself upwards, that the Scantness of the earthly Dimensions in his Cell (Breadth and Length) might be enlarged in the Height thereof, and li∣berty left for the ascending of his Meditations. But it matters not how little the Prison be, if a man, with Dunstan, be his own Gaoler, to go in and out at plea∣sure. Leave we him at the Furnace in Smithery-work (excelling Alexander the Copper-smith therein) whilest we find such Monks as wrote his Life, at an∣other Forge, whence they coined many impudent Miracles, pretended done by Dunstan, and this among the rest.

14. Dunstan was in his Vocation making some iron Trinkets,* 4.26 when a Pro∣teus-Devil appeared unto him,* 4.27 changing into Shapes,* 4.28 but fixing himself at last into the form of a Fair Woman. Strange, that Satan (so subtil in making his Temptations most taking) should preferre this form; belike shrewdly guessing at Dunstan's Temper, that a Fair Woman might work upon him, and Vulcan might love a Venus. Dunstan ••••reeiving it, pluckt his Tongs glowing hot out of the Fire, and with them kept him (or her shall I say?) there along time by the Nose roaring and bellowing;* 4.29 till at last he brake loose, by what accident it is not told unto us.

15. I have better imployment then to spend precious time in confuting such

Follies;* 4.30 but give me leave to admire at these new Armes against Satan.* 4.31* 4.32 Take the shield of Faith (faith the Apostle) wherewith ye may quench all the fiery Darts of the VVicked. Dunstan found a new way by himself, with fiery Tongs to do the deed. But let us a little examine this Miracle. The Devil himself we know is a Spirit, and so impatible of materiall Fire. Now if it were a reall Body he as∣sumed, the Snake could slip off his Skin at pleasure, and not be tied to it, much lesse tormented with it. Besides, did Dunstan willingly or unwillingly let the Devil go? If willingly; Mercy to so malicious an Enemy (incapable of being amended) was Cruelty to himself: if unwillingly; was it Dunstan's Fire or his Faith that fail'd him, that he could hold out against him no longer? But away with all Suspicions and Queries: none need to doubt of the truth thereof, finding it in a Sign painted in Fleet-street near Temple-barre.

16. During Dunstan's abode in his Cell,* 4.33 he had to his great Comfort and Contentment the company of a good Lady, Aelfgine by name, living fast by. No Preacher but Dunstan would please her, being so ravisht with his Society, that she would needs build a little Cell for her self hard by him. In processe of time this Lady died, and by her last Will left Christ to be the Heir, and Dunstan the Executor of her Estate. Enabled with the accession thereof, joyned to his paternall Possessions, which were very great, and now fallen into his hands, Dunstan erected the Abbey of Glassenbury, and became himself first Abbot there∣of; a Title till his time unknown in England: he built also and endowed many other Monasteries, filling them with Benedictine Monks, who began now to swarm in England, more then Magots in a hot May, so incredible was their Increase.

17. After the death of King Athelstane,* 4.34 Dunstan was recalled to Court in the reign of King Edmund,* 4.35 Athelstan's Brother,* 4.36 and flourished for a time in great Favour. But who would build on the brittle Bottome of Princes Love? Soon after he falls into the Kings Disfavour;* 4.37 the old Crime,* 4.38 of being a Magi∣cian (and a Wanton with Women to boot) being laid to his charge. Surely Dunstan by looking on his own Furnace, might learn thence, there was no Smoak but some Fire: either he was dishonest, or undiscreet, which gave the Ground-work to their generall Suspicion. Hereupon he is re-banisht the Court, and re∣turned to his desired Cell at Glassenbury; but within three dayes was solemnly brought back again to Court, if the ensuing Story may be believed.

18. King Edmund was in an eager pursuit of a Buck,* 4.39 on the top of a steep Rock, whence no Descent but Destruction. Down falls the Deer, and Dogs after him, and are dashed to pieces. The King follows in full speed on an un∣ruly Horse, whom he could not rein, & is on the Brink of the Brink of the Preci∣pice: yet his Prayers prove swifter then his Horse, he but ran, whilst they did fly to Heaven. He is sensible of his Sin in banishing Dunstan, confesseth it with Sorrow, vowes Amendment, promiseth to restore & preferre him. Instantly the Horse stops in his full Career, and his Rider is wonderfully preserved.

19. Thus farre a strong Faith may believe of the Story:* 4.40 but it must be a wild one which gives credit to the remainder.a 4.41 Cervus & Canes reviviscunt, saith the impudent Monk, The Deer & Dogs revive again. I remember not in Scripture that God ever revived a brute Beast; partly, because such mean subjects are beneath the Majesty, of a Miracle; and partly, because (as the Apostle faith) brute Beastsb 4.42 are made to be taken & destroyed. Well then might the Monk have knockt off when he had done well, in saving the Man and Horse, and might have left the Dogs & Deer to have remained dead on the place; the Deer especially, were it but to make Venison Pasties, to feast the Courtiers at the solemnizing of their Lord and Masters so miraculous Deliverance.

20. Dunstan returning to Court was in higher Favour then ever before.* 4.43 Nor was his Interest any whit abated by the untimely Death of King Edmund (slain by one Leoff a Thief) seeing his Brother Edred,* 4.44 succeeding to the Crown,* 4.45 con∣tinued and increased his Kindness to him. Under him Dunstan was the Doe-all at

Court,* 4.46 being the Kings Treasurer,* 4.47 Chancellour, Counsellour, all things. Bishopricks were bountifully profered him, pick and chuse where he please; but none were honoured with his Acceptance. Whether because he accounted himself too high for the place, and would not stoop to the Employ∣ment; or because he esteemed the place too high for him, unable conscien∣tiously to discharge it in the midst of so many Avocations. Mean time Mona∣steries were every where erected (King Edred devoutly resigning all his Trea∣sure to Dunstan's Disposall) Secular Priests being thrust out of their Convents, and Monks substituted in their rooms.

21. But after Edred's Death,* 4.48 the Case was altered with Dunstan falling into Disgrace with King Edwin his Successour.* 4.49 This King on his Coronation-day was said to be incestuously imbracing both Mother & Daughter,* 4.50 when Dunstan boldly coming into his Bed-chamber, after bitter Reproofs, stoutly fetcht him thence, and brought him forth into the company of his Noblemen. An heroick act, if true, done with a Iohn Baptist spirit: and no wonder if Herod and Herodias, I mean this incestuous King and his Concubines, were highly offended with Dunstan for the same.

22. But good men,* 4.51 and grave Authours give no belief herein, conceiving King Edwin (how bad soever charactered by the Monks his malicious Enemies) to have been a worthy Prince. In witnesse whereof they produce the words of a 4.52 Henry Huntington, a learned man, but no Monk, thus describing him;

Edwin non illaudabiliter regni in∣sulam tenuit.

Et rursus:

Ed win rex, anno regni sui qui∣to, cum in principio regnum ejus de∣centissime flor eret, prospera & laeta∣bunda exordia mors immatura per∣rupit.

Edwin was not undeserving of praise in managing the Sceptre of this Land.

And again:

King Edwin in the fifth year of his Reign, when his Kingdome began at first most decently to flourish, had his prosperous and pleasant Beginnings broken off with untimely Death.

This Testimony considered, makes many men think better of King Edwin, and worse of Dunstan, as guilty of some uncivil Intrusion into the Kings Chamber, for which he justly incurred his royall Displeasure.

23. Hereupon Dunstan is banished by King Edwin,* 4.53 not as before from En∣gland to England, from the Court to his Cell at Glassenbury; but is utterly ex∣pelled the Kingdome, and flieth into Flanders. Where his Friends say that his Fame prepared his Welcome, & the Governour of Gaunt most solemnly enter∣tained him.* 4.54 Mean time,* 4.55 all the Monks in England of Dunstan's Plantation were rooted up, and Secular Priests set in their places. But soon after happened many Commotions in England, especially in Mercia and Northumberland. The Monks which write the Story of these Rebellions, conceive it unfit to impart to Posterity the Cause thereof; which makes wise men to suspect, that Dunstan (who could blow Coals elsewhere as well as in his Furnace) though at distance, vertually (or rather viciously present,) had a Finger, yea, a Hand there∣in. Heart-broken with these Rebellions,* 4.56 King Edwin died in the Flower of his Age.* 4.57

24. Edgar succeeds him,* 4.58 and recalls Dunstan home,* 4.59 receiving him with all possible Affection.* 4.60 Yea now Dunstan's Stomack was come down, and he could digest a Bishoprick, which his Abstemiousness formerly refused. And one Bishoprick drew down another, VVorcester and London, not successively, but both a-breast went down his Conscience. Yea, never Age afforded more Plura∣list Bishops. In this Kings reign Letine heldb 4.61 Lincoln and Leicester; oswald (a great Monk-monger, of whom hereafter) held York and VVorcester; & Aldulph, his Successour in both Churches, did the like, pardoned, yea praised for the same: though Woolstan (because no favourer of Monks) is reproved for the like Plurality. Thus two men though doing the same thing, do not the same thing. Bigamy of Bishopricks goes by Favour; and it is condemnable in one, what

is commendable in another.* 4.62 Odo Severus,* 4.63 Arch-bishop of Canterbury, being ceremoniously to consecrate Dunstan Bishop of VVorcester, used all the Formali∣ties fashionable at the Consecration of ana 4.64 Arch-bishop: And being reproved for the same, he answered for himself, That he foresaw that Dunstan, instantly after his death, would be Arch-bishop of Canterbury. And therefore (a com∣pendious way to spare Paines) he onely by a provident Prolepsis ante-dated his Consecration. Surely, whosoever had seen the decrepit age of Odo, the affe∣ction of King Edgar to Dunstan, the affection of Dunstan to Dignity, needed no extraordinary prophetical Spirit to presage that (on the supposition of Dunstan's surviving him) he should succeed him in the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury.

25. Yea King Edgar was so wholly Dunstanized,* 4.65 that he gave over his Soul, Body, and Estate to be ordered by him and two more (then the Triumvirate who ruled England) namely Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Bi∣shop of Worcester. This Oswald was the man who procured by the Kings Au∣thority the Ejection of all Secular Priests out of Worcester, and the placing of Monks in their Room: which Act was called Oswald's Law in that Age. They might, if it pleased them, have stiled it Edgar's Law; the Legislative Power being then more in the King, then in the Bishop. This Oswald's Law afterwards enlarged it self over all England, Secular Priests being thrown out, and Monks every where fixed in their rooms; till King Henry the eighth his Law outed Os∣wald's Law, and ejected those Drones out of their Habitations.

26. King Edgar violated the Chastity of a Nun at Wilton.* 4.66 Dunstan getting notice thereof, refused at the Kings Request to give him his Hand, because he had defiled a Daughter of God, as he termed her. Edgar hereby made sensible of his Sin, with Sorrow confessed it; and Dunstan (now Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury) enjoyned him seven years Penance for the same. Monks endeavour to inforcea mock-Parallel betwixt David and Edgar, Nathan and Dunstan, herein. Sure I am, on David's profession of his Repentance, Nathan presently pronoun∣ced Pardon;b 4.67 the Lord also hath put away thy Sin, thou shalt not die; consigning him to be punished by God the Principall (using an Undutifull Son, Treache∣rous Servants, and Rebellious Subjects to be the Instruments thereof;) but im∣posing no voluntary Penance, that David should by Will-worship undertake on himself. All that I will adde, is this; If Dunstan did septennary Penance, to expiate every mortall Sin (to use their own Termes) he committed, he must have been a Methusalah, extremely aged, before the day of his Death.

27. More commendable was Dunstan's Carriage towards an English Count,* 4.68 who lived incestuously with his own Kinswoman.* 4.69 Dunstan admonished him once,* 4.70 twice, thrice; nothing prevailed: whereupon he proceeded to Excom∣municate him. The Count slighted his Excommunication, conceiving his Head too high for Church-Censures to reach it. King Edgar (falsly informed) desires Dunstan to absolve him, and is denied. Yea the Pope sends to him to the same Purpose, and Dunstan persists in hisc 4.71 Refusall. At last the Count, conquered with Dunstan's Constancy, and the sense of his own Sin, came into a Nationall Council at Canterbury, where Dunstan sate President (active there∣in to substitute Monks in the places of Secular Priests) on his bare Feet, with a Bundle of Rods, tendering himself to Dunstan's Chastisement. This wrought on Dunstan's mild Nature, scarce refraining from Teares; who presently absol∣ved him.

28. Three things herein are remarkable.* 4.72 First, that Bribes in the Court of Rome may purchase a Malefactor to be innocent. Secondly, that the Pope him∣self is not so infallible, but that his Key may misse the Lock, and he be mistaken in matter of Absolution. Thirdly, that men ought not so with blind Obedience to obey his pretended Holinesse, but that if (with Dunstan here) they see just Cause to the contrary, it is no Mortall Sin to disobey his Commands.

29. The Apprentiship of Edgar's Penance long since expired,* 4.73 he flouri∣shed in all Monarchicall Lustre: sole Founder of many, Co-founder of more,

Benefactor to most Abbeys in England.* 4.74 And as he gave new Cases to most Mo∣nasteries (repairing their outward Buildings) so he gave new Linings to all,* 4.75 sub∣stituting Monks in stead of the Secular Priests, whom he expelled. Many Ec∣clesiasticall Canons were by him ordained, which at large are presented in S^t. Henry Spelman, and which I have neither List nor Leisure to recount in this my History. Our Women have a Proverb, It is a sad Burden to carry a dead mans Child: and surely an Historian hath no heart to take much Pains (which herein are Pains indeed) to exemplify dead Canons, (dead and buried long since, as most relating to Monkery) this Age, wherein we live, being little fond of Anti∣quity, to know those things which were antiquated so many yeares since.

30. Now though the Devotion of King Edgar may be condemned to be by∣assed to Superstition,* 4.76 yet because the Sincerity of his Heart sought to advance Gods Honour, according to the Light in those dark dayes, he appears one of the most puissant Princes that ever England enjoyed, both in Church and Com∣mon-wealth. I have read in a most fair and authentick guildeda 4.77 Manuscript, wherein he stileth himself Gods Vicar in England, for the ordering Ecclesiasti∣call matters: a Title which at this day the Pope will hardly vouchsafe to any Christian Princes. His Reign was blest with Peace and Prosperity, both by Land and Sea; insomuch that in a royall Frolick, eight petty Kings rowed him over the river Dee near to Chester; namely five Princes of VVales (whereof Hoel-Dha was the principall) Kened King of Scotland, Malcolm King of Cumberland, and Mac-huse a great Sea-Robber, who may passe for the Prince of Pirats.

31. This Hoel-Dha,* 4.78 contemporary with King Edgar,* 4.79 was he that held a Na∣tionall Councill for all VVales (at a place called Ty-guin,* 4.80 or the VVhite-house (be∣cause built of white Hurdles, to make it more beautifull) regulated after this manner. Out of every Hundred in Wales he chose six Lay-men, with whom he joyned all the eminent Ecclesiasticall Persons (accounted an hundred & fourty) in his Dominions. Out of those he chose eleven Lay-men and one Clergy-man, (but such a one as who alone by himself might passe vertually for eleven) Blan∣goridus by name, to enact what Laws they pleased, which after the impression of Royall Assent upon them, should be observed by that Nation. One might suspect this Council, thus over-powered with Laicks therein, which pinch on the Priests side; whereas we find the Canons therein wholly made in favour of the Clergy: enacting this among the rest, That the presence of a Priest and a Iudge constitute a legall Court, as the two Persons onely in the Quorum thereof.

32. But methinks the Lawes therein enacted (which a learnedb 4.81 Antiquary presents us at large) fall far short of the Gravity of a Councill:* 4.82 except any will excuse it from the Age thereof; what we count light and triviall, might be esteemed serious and solid in those dayes. Besides, the Laws discover in them a conceited affectation of the Number of Three. In three Cases a Wise may le∣gally leave her Husband: first, if he hath a Leprosy; secondly, if he hath a stinking Breath; thirdly, & if he be unable to give her due Benevolence. In three cases it was lawfull for a man to kisse his Neighbours Wife: first, at a Banquet; secondly, at the Welch Play called Guare-raffau; and thirdly, when he comes from a far Journey, by way of Salutation. If a Man and his Wife were to part asunder, they were to divide their Goods betwixt them so, that she was to have the Sheep; he the Hogs: she the Milk and milk-Vessels, with all the Dishes save one; he all the Beer and Barrels, with the Axe, Saw, &c.

33. But how silly soever these Canons seem to our modern Criticks,* 4.83 they were then conceived of such Weight and Worth,* 4.84 that King Hoel-Dha with his Arch-bishop of S^t. Davids,* 4.85 the Bishops of Bangor, Landaffe & S^t. Asaph, are said to have taken a Iourney to Rome, and procured the Popes Confirmation to them. Nor find I ought else of this Synod, save that the Close thereof presents us with a list of seven Episcopall Seats then in Wales: I. S^t. Davids, 2. Ismael, 3. Degenian, 4. Vssyll, 5. Teylaw, 6. Teuledauc, 7. Kenewc 4.86. I am not Welch man enough to point at these places, and to shew you where they be at this day,

which we leave to some skilfull Antiquary of their own Nation.* 4.87 Onely we find that whereas the Churches were burdened with some Payments out of them,* 4.88 two of the Bishops Seats (Vssyl and Kenew) were freed from the same. And this satisfactory Reason is rendred of their Exemption, quia terris carent, because they had no Lands belonging unto them.

34. King Edgar was peaceably gathered to his Fathers,* 4.89 leaving his Crown to Edward his Son,* 4.90 and his Son (because under age) to the Tuition of Dunstan.* 4.91 In this Kings Reign three Councils were successively called, to determine the Differences between Monks and Secular Priests. The first was at Winchester; where the Priests being outed of their Convents, earnestly pressed for Restitu∣tion, and sought by Arguments to clear their Innocence, and prove their Title to their ancient Possessions. The Council seemed somewhat inclinable to fa∣vour unto them; when presently a Voice, as coming from a Crucifix behind Dunstan, is reported to be heard, saying,

Absit hoc ut fiat, absit hoc ut fiat; Iudicastis bene, mu∣taretis non bene.

God forbid it should be done, God for∣bid it should be done; Ye have judged it well, and should change it ill.

Whether these words were spoken in Latine or English, Authours leave us un∣resolved. Monks equall this (for the truth thereof) to thea 4.92 still small Voice to Elijah, whilest others suspect some Forgery; the rather, because it is reported to come as from a Crucifix: they feare some secret Falsehood in the Fountain, be∣cause visible Superstition was the Cistern thereof. However, this Voice proved for the present the Casting Voice to the Secular Priests, who thereby were over∣born in their Cause, and so was the Council dissolved.

35. Yet still the Secular Priests did struggle,* 4.93 refusing to be finally concluded with this transient aiery Oracle.* 4.94b 4.95 To the Law, and to the Testimony:* 4.96 if they speak not according to this word, &c. They had no warrant to relie on such a vocal De∣cision, from which they appealed to the Scripture it self. A second Council is called at Kirtlington (now Katlage in Cambridge-shire, the Baronry of the right Honourable the Lord North) but nothing to purpose effected therein. Dun∣stan (say the Monks) still answered his Name, that is, Dun, a rocky Mountain, and Stain, a Stone (but, whether a precious Stone, or a Rock of Offence, let others decide) persisting unmoveable in his Resolution; nor was any thing performed in this Council, but that by the Authority thereof, people were sent on Pilgri∣mage to S^t. Mary at Abbington.

36. The same year a third Council was called,* 4.97 at Caln in VViltshire. Hither repaired Priests, and Monks, with their full Forces, to trie the last Conclusion in the Controversie betwixt them. The former, next the Equity of the Cause, relied most on the Ability of their Champion, one Beornelm, a Scottish Bishop; who with no lesse Eloquence then Strength, with Scripture and Reason de∣fended their Cause. When behold, on a sudden, the Beams brake in the Room where they were assembled, and most of the Secular Priests were slain, and bu∣ried under the Ruines thereof. All were affrighted, many maimed; onely the place whereon Dunstan sate, either (as some say) remained firm, or fell in such sort, that the Timber (the Sword to kill others) proved the Shield to preserve him from Danger.

37. Some behold this Story as a notable Untruth:* 4.98 others suspect the Devil therein, not for a Lyer, but a Murtherer, and this Massacre procured by Com∣pact with him: a third sort conceived that Dunstan, who had so much of a Smith, had here something of a Carpenter in him, and some Devise used by him about pinning and propping of the Room. It renders it the more suspicious, because he disswaded King Edward from being present there, pretending his want of Age; though he was present in the last Council, and surely he was ne∣ver the younger for living some Moneths since the same Assembly. If truely performed, Dunstan appears happier herein then Samson himself, who could

not so sever his Foes,* 4.99 but both must die together.* 4.100 Sure I am, no ingenuous Pa∣pist now-a-dayes, will make any uncharitable Inference from such an accident: especially since the Fall of Black Friers 1623. enough to make all good men turn the Censuring of others into an humble Silence, and pious Adoring of Divine Providence.

38. But the Monks made great Advantage of this Accident,* 4.101 conceiving that Heaven had confirmed their Cause (as lately by VVord at VVinchester, so) now by VVork in this Council at Caln. Hereupon Secular Priests are every where outed, and Monks substituted in their Room. Indeed these later in civil re∣spect, were beheld as more beneficiall to their Convents; because Secular Priests did marry, and at their deaths did condere Testamenta, make their VVills, and bequeathed their Goods to their Wives and Children; whilest Monks, having no Issue (which they durst own) made their Monastery Heir of all they had. It was also objected against the Priests, that, by their Loosnesse, and La∣zinesse, left at large in their Lives, they had caused the generall declination of Piety at this time: whilest it was presumed of the Monks, that, by the strict Rules of Observance, to which they were tied, they would repair the Ruines of Religion in all places.

39. It appears not,* 4.102 what Provision was made for these Priests when eje∣cted; and they seem to have had hard Measure, to be dispossessed of their civil Right. Except any will say, it was no Injury to them, to loose their places so soon, but a great Favour, that they enjoyed them so long, living hitherto on the free Bounty of their Founders, and now at the full Dispose of the Church and State. Little can be said in excuse of the Priests, and lesse in commendation of the Monks; who though they swept clean at the first, as new Besomes, yet af∣terwards left more Dust behind them of their own bringing in, then their Pre∣decessours had done. Thus the Hive of the Church was no whit bettered, by putting out Drones, and placing Wasps in their room. Yea, whereas former∣ly Corruptions came into the Church at the Wicket, now the broad-Gates were opened for their Entrance; Monkery making the way for Ignorance and Super∣stition, to overspread the whole World.

40. Another Humour of the former Age (to make one Digression for all) still continued,* 4.103 and encreased, venting it self in the fair Foundations, and stately Structures of so many Monasteries. So that one beholding their Great∣nesse (being Corrivals with some Towns in receipt, and extent) would admire that they could be so neat; and considering their Neatnesse, must wonder they could be so great; and lastly, accounting their Number, will make all three the object of his Amazement. Especially, seeing many of these were founded in the Saxon Heptarchy, when seven Kings put together did spell but one in effect. So that it may seem a Miracle, what invisible Indies those petty Princes were Masters of, building such Structures which impoverish Posterity to repair them. For although some of these Monasteries were the fruit of many Ages, long in ripening, at several times, by sundry persons, all whose Parcels and Additions met at last in some tolerable Uniformity; yet most of them were be∣gun and finished, absolute, and entire, by one Founder alone. And although we allow, that in those dayes Artificers were procured, and Materials purchased at easie Rates; yet there being then scarceness of Coin (as a little Money would then buy much Ware; so much Ware must first in exchange be given to provide that little Money) all things being audited proportionably, the Wonder still re∣mains as great as before. But here we see with what eagernesse those Designes are undertaken and pursued, which proceed from blind Zeal: every Finger be∣ing more then an Hand to build, when they thought Merit was annexed to their Performances. Oh, with what might and main did they mount their Walls, both day and night; erroniously conceiving, that their Souls were advan∣taged to Heaven, when taking the Rise from the top of a Steeple of their own erection.

41. But it will not be amisse,* 4.104 to mind our forgetfull Age, that, seeing De∣votion (now better informed) long sithence hath desisted to expresse it self in such pompous Buildings, she must find some other means, and manner, to evi∣dence and declare her Sincerity. Except any will say, that there is lesse Heat re∣quired, where more Light is granted; and that our Practice of Piety should be diminished, because our Knowledge thereof is increased. God, no doubt, doth justly expect that Religion should testifie her Thankfulnesse to him, by some eminent way, and Works: and where the Fountain of Piety is full, it will find it self a Vent to flow in, though not through the former Chanels of Superstition.

42. King Edward went to give his Mother-in-law at Corfe-Castle a respect∣full Visit,* 4.105 when by her contrivance he was barbarously murthered,* 4.106 so to pave the way for her Son Ethelred his Succession to the Crown.* 4.107 But King Edward, by losing his Life, got the title of a Martyr, so constantly called in our Chro∣nicles. Take the term in a large acception, otherwise restrictively it signifies such an one, as suffers for the Testimony of the Truth. But, seeing this Edward, was cruelly murthered, and is said after death to work Miracles; let him, by the Courtesie of the Church, passe for a Martyr, not knowing any Act or Order to the contrary, to deny such a Title unto him.

43. Ethelred,* 4.108 Edward's half-Brother,* 4.109 succeeded him in the Throne. One with whom Dunstan had a Quarrel from his Cradle, because, when an Infant, he left more Water in the Font then he found there, at his Baptizing. Happy Dunstan himself, if guilty of no greater Fault, which could be no Sin (nor pro∣perly a Slovennesse) in an Infant, if he did as an Infant! Yet from such his ad∣dition, Dunstan prognosticated an Inundation of Danes would ensue in this Island: which accordingly came to passe. But Ethelred is more to be con∣demned, for the Bloud he shed when a man; it being vehemently suspected, that he was accessary with his Mother to the murthering of his Brother Ed∣ward.

44. But Dunstan survived not to see his Prediction take effect,* 4.110 for he was happily prevented by Death,* 4.111 and buried on the South-side of the High Al∣tar in the Church of Canterbury:* 4.112 where his Tombe was famous for some time, till Thomas Becket eclipsed the same; seeing Saints, like new Besomes, sweep clean at the first, and afterwards are clean swept out, by newer Saints which succeed them. Yea, Dunstan's Grave grew so obscure at Canterbury, that the Monks of Glassenbury taking heart thereat (and advantaged by Iohn Capgrave's report, that Anno 1012. Dunstan's Corpse were translated thither) pretended his Buriall, and built him a Shrine in their Convent. Men and Mony met at Glassenbury on this Mistake; and their Convent got more by this eight foot length of Ground (the supposed Tombe of Dunstan) then eight hundred Acres of the best Land they possessed elsewhere. Whereupon VVilliam Ware∣ham, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, to trie the truth, and to prevent farther Fraud herein, caused a solemn search to be made in the Cathedral of Canterbury, af∣ter Dunstan's Corpse, in the place Tradition reported him to be interred.

45. Four of the Friars,* 4.113 fittest for the work (to wit, of stronger Bodies then Braines) undertook to make this Scrutinie Anno 1508. the 22. of April. Great Caution was used, that all should be done semotis Laicis, no Lay-men being present; whether because their Eies were too profane to behold so holy an Ob∣ject, or too prying to discover the Default, if the Search succeeded not. In the Night they so plyed their Work, that ere Morning they discovered Dunstan's Coffin, and rested the day following from more Digging; as well they might, having taken so much Pains, and gained so much Profit by their endeavours.

46. Next Night they on afresh;* 4.114 and, with main Force, plucked up the ponderous Coffin upon the Pavement. A Coffin built (as one may say) three Stories high: the outermost of Wood (but almost made Iron with the multi∣tude of Nailes therein;) within that another of plain Lead; within that a third

of wrought Lead, wherein the bones of Dunstana 4.115 lay in his Pontificall Vests,* 4.116 with this Inscription in a Plate, Hic requiescit Sanctus Dunstanus Archiepisco∣pus. * 4.117 Some lumps of Flesh were found, which were said to smell very sweet (the Reliques perchance of some Spices which embalmed him) and all done in the presence of many worthy Witnesses: amongst whom, Cuthbert Tunstal was one, then the Arch-bishops Chancellour, afterward Bishop of Durham. Hereupon the Arch-bishop sent his Mandate to the Abbot and Convent of Glassenbury, henceforward to desist from any jactitation of Dunstan's Corpse, and abusing people with such Pretences. A Fault most frequent in that Con∣vent, challenging almost the Monopolie of all English Saints, witnesse that impudent Lie of the rhythming Monk, writing thus of Glassenbury;

Hic Tumulus sanctus, hic Scala Poli celebratur; Vix luit Inferni Poenas hic qui tumulatur.

But, who is rather to be believed? S^t. Peter, that saith,b 4.118 The righteous shall scarcely be saved; or this Monk, affirming that, Whoso is buried at Glassenbury, shall scarcely be damned?

47. After the death of Dunstan,* 4.119 their Patrone,* 4.120 the Monks (not much be∣friended by King Ethelred) were cast out of the Convent of Canterbury,* 4.121 or rather cast out themselves by their Misdemeanours.c 4.122 Man in honour hath no un∣derstanding, &c. They wax'd so wanton with possessing the places of Secular Priests, that a Monkd 4.123 himself of Canterbury confesseth, Monachi propter eo∣rum Insolentiam sedibus pulsi, & Clerici introducti. Monks for their Insolencie were driven out of their Seats, and Secular Clerks brought into their room. Thus was it often, In Dock, out Nettle, as they could strengthen their Parties. For Siricius, the next Arch-bishop of Canterbury, endeavoured the re-expulsion of the Priests; which by Alfricus his Successour was effected.

48. But soon after,* 4.124 the Danes revenged the Quarrel of the Secular Priests;* 4.125 and by a firm Ejection outed the Monks,* 4.126 before they were well warm in their Nests. Their Fury fell more on Convents, then Castles: whether, because the former were in that Age more numerous (Castles afterwards were encreased by William the Conquerour;) or because their Prey and Plunder was presumed the richest, and easist to be gotten; or because the Danes, then generally Pagans, principally spited places of Religion. A Relapse is far more dangerous then a simple Disease, as here it proved in the Danes. England for these last sixty years had been cured of, and cleared from their Cruelty, which now returned more terrible then ever before.

49. These Danes were also advantaged by the Unactivenesse of King Ethel∣red, * 4.127 therefore surnamed the Vnready in our Chronicles.* 4.128 The Clock of his Consultations and Executions was alwayes set some Hours too late,* 4.129 vainly stri∣ving with much Industry to redresse, what a little Providence might seasonably have prevented. Now, when this Vnready King met with the Danes his over∣ready Enemies, no wonder, if lamentable was the Event thereof. The best thing I find recorded of this King Ethelred, is, that in his dayes began the tryal of Causes by a Jury of twelve men to be chosen out of the Vicenage, of like quality, as near as may be suited, to the persons concerned therein. Hereby men have most fair play for their Lives: and let it be the desres of all honest hearts, that whilest we pluck off the Badges of all Norman Slavery, we part not with the Livery of our old Saxon Liberty.

50. In this sad condition King Ethelred hearkened to the perswasions of Siricius,* 4.130 Arch-bishop of Canterbury,* 4.131 and with ten thousand Pounds purchased a present Peace with the Danes.* 4.132 Indeed it was conformable to the calling of a Church-man to procure Peace, having not onelyc 4.133 Scripture precepts therein, Seck peace and pursue it; but also Precedents for the same, when gracious f 4.134 Hezekiah with a Present pacified Sennacherib to desist from invading him. However, this Arch-bishop generally suffered in his Reputation, condemned

of all,* 4.135 for counselling of what was,* 4.136 First, dishonourable; that an entire Nation, being at home in their own Land, should purchase a Peace from Forrainers, fewer in Number, and fetching their Recruits, and warlike Provisions from a Far Country: let them be paid in due Coin; not Silver, but Steel. Secondly, unprofitable: If once the Danes got but the Trick, to make the English bleed Money to buy Peace, they would never leave them, till they had sucked out their Heart-bloud, and exhausted the whole Treasure of the Land.

51. Indeed one may safely affirm,* 4.137 that the multitude of Monasteries invited the Invasion, and facilitated the Conquest of the Danes over England; and that in a double respect: First, because not onely the Fruit of the Kings Exchequer (I mean ready Money) was spent by this King his Predecessours on sounding of Monasteries; but also the Root thereof, his Demeasne lands, pluckt up, & parted with, to endow the same: whereby the Sinews of War were wanting, to make effectuall Opposition against Forrein Enemies. Secondly, because En∣gland had at this time more Flesh, or Fat, then Bones (wherein the Strength of a Body consists) moe Monks, then Military men. For instance, Holy-Island near Northumberland is sufficiently known, for the Position thereof, an advantageous Landing-place, especially in relation to Denmark. This place was presently forsaken of the fearfull Monks,* 4.138 frighted with the Danes their Approach;* 4.139 and Aldhunus, the Bishop thereof, removed his Cathe∣dral and Convent to Durham, an Inland place of more Safety. Now, had there been a Castle in the place of this Monastery, to secure the same with Fighters instead of Feeders, men of Armes instead of men of Bellies therein, pro∣bably they might have stopped the Danish Invasion at the first Inlet thereof. England then as much wanting martiall men, asa 4.140 since it hath surfeited with too many of them.

52. The Danes,* 4.141 having received and spent their Money,* 4.142 invaded England afresh, according to all wise mens expectation. It is as easie for armed Might to pick a Quarrel, as it is hard for naked Innocence to make Resistance. The De∣luge of their Cruelty over-ran the Realm; whose Sword made no more diffe∣rence betwixt the Ages, Sexes, and Conditions of people, then the Fire (which they cast on Houses) made distinction in the Timber thereof, whether it was Elme, Oake, or Ash; the Fiercenesse of the one killing, the Fury of the other consuming all it met with. Indeed in some small Skirmishes the English got the better, but all to no purpose. There is a place in Hartfordshire called Danes-end, where the Inhabitants by Tradition report (uncertain of the exact Date thereof) that a fatal blow in a Battel was given to the Danes thereabouts. But alas! this Danes-end was but Danes-beginning; they quickly recovered themselves as many, and mighty in the Field, and it seemed an endlesse end, to endeavour their utter Extirpation. Thus this Century sets with little Mirth, and the next is likely to arise with more Mourning.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Regis
• * 2.1

  Anno Dom.
• * 2.2

  Edvar∣di Se∣nioris 3
• * 2.3

  904
• * 2.4

  England in∣terdicted by the Pope for want of Bishops.
• a 2.5

  Archiv. Cant. in Re∣gist. Priorat. Eccles. Cant. fol. 3. b.
• * 2.6

  The Chara∣cter of those
• a 2.7

  In his answer to the Lord Cooks Re∣port, pag. 136. cap. 6.
• * 2.8

  Kings on whom the Pope most improved himself.
• * 2.9

  Anno Dom. 904
• * 2.10

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Sen. 3
• * 2.11

  The Pope pleased, and England ab∣solved again.
• b 2.12

  Sir Henry Spelman in Conciliis, pag. 389.
• c 2.13

  Idem ibidem
• * 2.14

  Vacant Bi∣shopricks supplied, and new erected.
• * 2.15

  King Edward in a new Sy∣nod confirms his fathers constitutions
• d 2.16

  Lambert in his Saxon Laws, and Sir Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 390.
• * 2.17

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Sen. 5
• * 2.18

  Anno Dom. 906
• * 2.19

  14
• * 2.20

  915
• * 2.21

  Cambridge University repaired by King Edward.
• a 3.1

  Charta extat in MS. codice qui Canta∣brigiae est in Aula Cla∣rensi, ejus∣dem meminit Tho. Rud∣burn, nec non Ioh. Rossus.
• b 3.2

  Camden's Brit. in Lei∣cestershire, pag. 517.
• * 3.3

  The Testi∣mony of Iohn Rouse concerning K. Edward's repairing of Cambridge.
• c 3.4

  Baleus Cent. 8. numero 53.
• * 4.1

  Anno Dom. 915
• * 4.2

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Sen. 14
• * 4.3

  Cambridge re∣presented in a three-fold estate.
• a 4.4

  In his Cata∣logue of the Earles of Warwick.
• * 4.5

  The prin∣cipall Laws enacted in the Council at Greatlea.
• * 4.6

  924
• * 4.7

  Athel∣stani 1
• * 4.8

  928
• * 4.9

  5
• b 4.10

  So in the Sa∣xon Manu∣script, though in libro Iorm••••∣lensi by mi∣stake Oxonia is put for Exo∣nia.
• * 4.11

  Anno Regis Athel∣stani 5
• * 4.12

  Anno Dom. 928.
• a 4.13

  Camden's Brit. in Sus∣sex.
• b 4.14

  In his Coun∣cils, pag. 396. & sequenti∣bus. Dignities and degrees amongst the Saxons.
• * 4.15

  Dunstan his first co∣ming into fa∣vour at the Court.
• * 4.16

  933
• * 4.17

  10
• * 4.18

  Banished thence on suspicion of Magick.
• * 4.19

  935
• * 4.20

  12
• a 4.21

  1 Sam. 16. 23
• b 4.22

  Psal. 137. 5.
• * 4.23

  He retires unto his cell-prison at Glassenbury
• * 4.24

  937
• * 4.25

  14
• * 4.26

  Takes a devil by the nose.
• * 4.27

  938
• * 4.28

  15
• * 4.29

  This false miracle can∣vased.
• * 4.30

  Anno Regis Athel∣stani 15
• * 4.31

  Anno Dom. 938
• * 4.32

  Eph. 6. 16.
• * 4.33

  Aelsgine Dunstan's bountifull friend.
• * 4.34

  16
• * 4.35

  939
• * 4.36

  Recalled to Court, and re-banished thence.
• * 4.37

  Ed∣mundi 1
• * 4.38

  940
• * 4.39

  King Edmund his miracu∣lous delive∣rance.
• * 4.40

  Fy for shame lying Monk.
• a 4.41

  Ross. Histor. Matt. West. Iob. Capgr. Osbernus.
• b 4.42

  2 Pet. ••. 12.
• * 4.43

  6 Edredi 1
• * 4.44

  946
• * 4.45

  King Edred a high Patron of Dunstan.
• * 4.46

  Anno Dom. 946
• * 4.47

  Anno Regis Edredi 1
• * 4.48

  But King Ed∣wine his pro∣fest Enemy.
• * 4.49

  954
• * 4.50

  9 Edwini 1
• * 4.51

  Who, though wronged by the Monks, was a worthy Prince.
• a 4.52

  Hist. lib. 5. pag. 357.
• * 4.53

  He banisheth Dunstan, and dieth heart-broken with grief.
• * 4.54

  956
• * 4.55

  3
• * 4.56

  958
• * 4.57

  5 Edgati 1
• * 4.58

  Dunstan re∣called by King Edgar, and takes a double Bi∣shoprick.
• * 4.59

  959
• * 4.60

  2
• b 4.61

  Vid. Antiq. Britan. p. 83.
• * 4.62

  Anno Regis Edgari 2
• * 4.63

  Anno Dom. 959
• a 4.64

  Antiq. Bri∣tan. ibidem.
• * 4.65

  Oswald's Law to eject se∣cular Priests.
• * 4.66

  Dunstan's dis∣ciplining of king Edgar,
• b 4.67

  2 Sam. 12. 13
• * 4.68

  12
• * 4.69

  969
• * 4.70

  And carriage towards an incestuous Count.
• c 4.71

  Osbern. in vita Dunstani
• * 4.72

  Observations thereon.
• * 4.73

  Edgar's Ca∣nons why by us here re∣lated.
• * 4.74

  Anno Dom. 969
• * 4.75

  Anno Regis Edgari 12
• * 4.76

  Edgar a most triumphant King.
• a 4.77

  Extant in the precious Libra∣ry of S^r. Tho. Cotton.
• * 4.78

  A Nationall Council in Wales.
• * 4.79

  970
• * 4.80

  13
• b 4.81

  S^r. Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 411.
• * 4.82

  The merry Lawes made therein,
• * 4.83

  Confirmed by the Pope.
• * 4.84

  971
• * 4.85

  14
• c 4.86

  Quaere whether Bangor, Lan∣dast, and S^t. Asaph be not compri∣sed under these.
• * 4.87

  Anno Regis Edgari 14
• * 4.88

  Anno Dom. 971
• * 4.89

  17 Regis Edvar∣di Mar∣tyris 1
• * 4.90

  974
• * 4.91

  A Council at Winchester with a mira∣culous voice in it.
• a 4.92

  1 Kings 19. 12.
• * 4.93

  4
• * 4.94

  977
• b 4.95

  Isa. 8. 20.
• * 4.96

  Secular Priests strive still.
• * 4.97

  Aportentous Council at Caln.
• * 4.98

  Several cen∣sures on this sad accident.
• * 4.99

  Anno Dom. 977
• * 4.100

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Mar∣tyris 4
• * 4.101

  Seculars ou∣ted, and Monks ad∣vanced.
• * 4.102

  Priests hard∣ly dealt with.
• * 4.103

  The prodi∣gious prodi∣gality in buil∣ding, and endowing of Abbeys.
• * 4.104

  Caution to our Age.
• * 4.105

  6
• * 4.106

  979
• * 4.107

  King Edward murthered, alias, marty∣red.
• * 4.108

  Ethel∣redi, cog∣nom, the Un∣ready. 1
• * 4.109

  King Ethelred prognostica∣ted unsuc∣cessfull.
• * 4.110

  8
• * 4.111

  987
• * 4.112

  Dunstan's corpse wrongfully claimed by the Convent of Glassen∣bury.
• * 4.113

  A night Hue-and-Cry made after his corpse.
• * 4.114

  Discovered, with the manner of the inter∣ment there∣of.
• a 4.115

  Archiva Eccles. Cant. exemplified by my good friend Mr. Will. Summer in his Descript. of Cant. in Ap∣pendice Script. 12.
• * 4.116

  Anno Dom. 987.
• * 4.117

  Anno Regis Ethel∣redi 8
• b 4.118

  1 Pet. 4. 18
• * 4.119

  Priests and Monks alter∣nately cast out.
• * 4.120

  988
• * 4.121

  9
• c 4.122

  Psal. 49. 20
• d 4.123

  Wil. Thorn cited by Ant. Brit. pag. 90.
• * 4.124

  The Danes re-invade England.
• * 4.125

  989
• * 4.126

  10
• * 4.127

  The unreadi∣nesse of King Ethelred ad∣vantageth the Danes.
• * 4.128

  990
• * 4.129

  11
• * 4.130

  A dear peace bought of the Danes.
• * 4.131

  991
• * 4.132

  12
• c 4.133

  Psal. 34. 14.
• f 4.134

  2 Kings 18. 14.
• * 4.135

  Anno Regis Ethel∣redi 12
• * 4.136

  Anno Dom. 991
• * 4.137

  Multitudes of Monaste∣ries caused the Danish invasion.
• * 4.138

  15
• * 4.139

  994
• a 4.140

  Viz. in the wars between York and Lancaster. The cruelty of the re∣turning Danes.
• * 4.141

  16
• * 4.142

  995