The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE NINTH CENTURY.* 1.1* 1.2

To M^r. William and M^r. Robert Christmas, Merchants of London.

YOu are both Brethren by Birth, and by your joynt Bounty on my Endeavours. It is therefore pitty to part you. May no other Difference be in your Hearts, then vvhat Herauldry allovves in your Armes, onely to distinguish the Age of the Elder from the Younger; that so the Memory of your happy Father may survive in you his hopefull Children.

1. THen Kenulph,* 2.1 King of Mercia,* 2.2 sent a Letter to Leo the third,* 2.3 Pope, by Aethelard the Arch-bishop, to this effect: That whereas the Metropolitan Seat by Au∣thority Apostolick was primitively fixed at Canter∣bury, where the blessed Body of Augustine was bu∣ried; and whereas lately King Offa, out of Opposi∣tion to Arch-bishop Lambert, had removed the same Seat to Lichfield, and procured from Pope Adrian the same Translation to be confirmed: Kenulpha 2.4 re∣quested his Holinesse so farre to concurre with the generall Desire of the English Nation, as to revoke the Act of his Predecessour, and restore the Arch-bishop∣rick to it's proper place. And knowing that Sutes in the Court of Rome speed no whit the lesse, when accompanied with Gifts, he sent his Holinesse 120. b 2.5 Mancuses for a Present. The Gift was kindly accepted, the Arch-bishop courteously entertained, the Request bountifully granted; and thus the Arch-bishops See dislocated, or out of joynt, for a time, was by the hands of his Holi∣nesse set right again.

2. Aethelard returning home,* 2.6 called a Synod at Clives-Ho,* 2.7 (in Kent, not farre from Rochester) where by Power from the Pope, he riveted the Arch-bishoprick into the City of Canterbury, the Synod denouncing heavy Penalties to any that hereafter should endeavour to divide them: so that it is believed, that the Arch-bishops See may as easily be wholly dissolved, as hence removed. The Subscriptions in this Council were the most formall and solemn of any so ancient. The Reader will not be offended with their hardc 2.8 Names here following, seeing his Eye may run them over in perusing them, though his Tongue never touch them in pronouncing them.

Diocese	Bishops	Abbots	Presbyters	Deacons
Canterbury	Aethelard, Arch.	Aethilheah Feologeld	Wulfheard VVernoth Beornmod	Vulfraed, Arch.
Lichfield	Aldulf	Higherth	Lulls Monn VVigfreth Eadhere Cuthberth	00000000
Leicester	Werenberth	Falmund, Pr. Beomia, Pr. Forthrod, Pr. Wigmund, Pr.	Eadberth	00000000
Sydnacester	Eadulf	Eadred, Pr. Daeghelm, Pr.	Plegberth Eadulf Hereberth	00000000
Worcester	Daenebreth	Higberth Thineferth Pega Freotho∣mund, Pr.	Coenferth	00000000
Hereford	Vulfheard	Cuthraed	Srygol Dygoga Monn.	Heathobald
Shireburn	VVigberth	Muda Eadberth Beorthmund	000000	00000000
Winchester	Almund	Cuthberth Mark Cumba Lulla	Northeard Vngthe	00000000
Helmham	Ealheard	000000000	Folcberth Frithoberth Eadberth Vulflab	Hunfride
Dunwich	Fidsrith	Vulfheard Lulla	Ceolhelm Cynulfe Tydberth	Eadberth
London	Osmond	Heahstan Plegberth	VVigheard Tidhun Frithorad Ethelhelme	00000000
Rochester	VVaermund	00000000	Lullingo Tuda Beagnoth Heathoberth VVigheard	00000000
Selsey	VVeothun	Ceolmund	Duud Eadberth Beorcol Hethfridea 2.9 Cynebald	00000000
Arch-Bishop 1	Presbyters 39	82 in all.
Bishops 12	Archdeacon 1
Abbots 26	Deacons 3

3. Now, to make a short, but necessary Digression,* 2.10 in this Synod we may observe, That Bishops appeared personally, and the rest of the Clergy were re∣presented, Monks in their Abbots, and the Seculars in the Priests and Deacons of their Diocese respectively. Such Abbots as in this Catalogue have the addi∣tion of Pr. were also Priests, and so present in a double Capacity; though per∣chance they made onely use of their Abbotship. No Deans appear here, as a Dignity of farre later Institution. The Bishops, in the order of their Sub∣scriptions, seem to observe Seniority of their Consecrations, and not Dignity of their Bishopricks; seeing London lags one of the last, to which our Church. a 2.11 Heraulds did afterwards assign the highest place, next the Arch-bishops: onely Lichfield may seem to have had the Preccedency, by the Courtesie of the Synod, that the lost Dignity thereof might be buried in Honour, being so lately the Seat of an Arch-bishop. Lastly, this was but a Provinciall Council for Canter∣bury alone, York with his two Suffragans (Lindisfern and Hexham) not mentio∣ned in the meeting. Thus, as the Anatomie of a little Child, representing all Parts thereof, is accounted a greater Rarity, then the Sceleton of a man of full Statute: so I conceive it more acceptable to the studious in Antiquity, to behold the Form of these Synods, with the distinct Members thereof, in the Infancy of the Saxon Church, then to see a compleat Council in after-Ages, when grown to full Perfection.

4. Passe we by some Petty Synods celebrated in the Reign and Countrey of King Kenulph of Mercia.* 2.12 Eminent was the Council at Celichyth under VVolfred (who succeeded Aethelard) Arch-bishop of Canterbury.* 2.13 Wherein,* 2.14 amongst other things slight or superstitious, was decreed,

1. That the Catholick Faith should be kept, and ancient Canons observed.

2. Thatb 2.15 new Churches should be consecrated with Holy-water by their Bi∣shops, and the Saint somewhere painted therein to whom the same is dedicated.

3. That all in Christian Charity mutually love one another.

4. That Abbots and Abbesses be blamelesse persons, chosen by the Bishop with the consent of the Convent.

5. That no Scotch-man baptize, or administer the Eucharist in England; it being uncertain, whether, or by whom they are ordained. [We may discover herein some remaining Dreggs of the long-lasting Diffe∣rence about the Celebration of Easter, which made the suspicious English still to harbour a causelesse prejudice against the Scotch Priesthood.]

6. That the judiciall Sentences of Bishops in former Synods remain rati∣fied; as also all their Acts solemnly signed with the Crosse

7. That no Abbey-lands be leased out longer then, in dies, & spatium unius hominis, that is (as I take it) for the single life of one man; except in some case of Extremity; to help against Famine, Invasion of Foes, or for obtaining of Freedome.

8. That things dedicated to God remain so for ever.

9. That the Acts of all Synods be fairly written out, with the Date thereof, and name of the Arch-bishop President, and Bishops present thereat.

10. That Bishops at their death give the full Tithe of their Goods to the Poor, and set free every English-man which in their life-time was a Slave unto them.

11. That Bishops invade not the Diocese prists the Parish, neither the Office of another; save onely when desired to baptize, or visit the Sick. The Re∣fusers whereof in any place are to be suspended their Ministery, till re∣conciled to the Bishop.

12. That they pour not water upon the Heads of Infants, but immerge them in the Font, in imitation of Christ, who (say they) was thricec 2.16 so washed in Iordan.

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But where is this in Scripture?* 2.17 The manifestation indeed of the Trinity plainly appears in thea 2.18 Text;* 2.19 Father in the Voice, Son personally present, Holy Spirit in the Dove; but as for thrice washing him, altum silentium. However, see how our modern Sectaries meet Popery in shunning it, requiring the person to be plunged; though Criticks have cleared it, that Baptize doth import as well Dipping, as Drenching in water.

5. And now we take our farewell of King Kenulph,* 2.20 who, for all his great Bustling in Church-matters for the first twenty yeares in this Century, was (as genus subalternum amongst the Logitians) a King over his Subjects, yet but a Subject to King Egbert,* 2.21 who now at Winchester was solemnly crowned Mo∣narch of the Southern and greater Moiety of this Island,* 2.22 enjoyning all the people therein to term it Engelond, (since England) that so the petty Names of seven for∣mer distinct Kingdomes might be honourably buried in that general Appellation.

6 Some will wonder,* 2.23 seeing this Narion was compounded of Saxons, Iuites, and Angles, why it should not rather be denominated of the first, as in Number greatest, and highest in Reputation. Such consider not that a Grand Continent in Germany was already named Saxony; and it was not handsome for this Land to wear a Name at second hand belonging to another. Besides, England is a name of Credit, importing in Dutch the same with the Land ofb 2.24 Angels. And now the Name stamped with the Kings Command soon became currant, and extin∣guished all the rest. For Kent, Essex, Sussex, Northumberland (though remain∣ing in common Discourse) shrunk from former Kingdomes into modern Coun∣ties: VVestsex, Mercia, and East-Angles were in effect finally forgotten. It will not be amisse to wish that seeing so great a Tract of Ground meets in one Name, the People thereof may agree in Christian Vnity and Affections.

7. King Egbert was now in the Exaltation of his Greatnesse.* 2.25 But never will humane Happinesse hold out full Measure to mans Desire. Freed from home∣bred Hostility, he was ready to repose himself in the Bed of Ease and Honour; when the Danes not onely jogged his Elbows, but pinched his Sides, to the dis∣turbance of his future Quiet.* 2.26 They beat the English in a Navall Fight at Car∣mouth in Dorsetshire,* 2.27 which proved fatall to our Nation. For an Island is never an Island indeed, untill mastered at Sea, cut off from Commerce with the Con∣tinent. Henceforward these Pagans settled themselves in some part of the Land, though claiming it by no other Title, then their own Pride and Covetous∣nesse, and keeping it in no other Tenure, then that of Violence and Cruelty.

8. Athelwolphus his Son succeeded King Egbert in the Throne:* 2.28 a Prince not lesse commended for his Valour,* 2.29 then Devotion,* 2.30 and generally fortunate in his Undertakings; though much molested all his life-time by the Danes. But no∣thing makes him so remarkable to Posterity, as the granting of this Charter, or rather the solemn passing of this Act ensuing.

c 2.31 Regnante Domino nostro Iesu Christo, in perpetuum. Dum in nostris tempori∣bus bellorum incendia, & direptiones opum nostrarum, nec non & vast antium crudelissimas depraedationes hostium barbarorum, Paganarumque gentium multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum usque ad internecionem, cernimus tempora incumbere periculosa:

Quamobrem ego Ethelwolphus Rex Occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum ac Principum meorum, consilium salubre, atque uniforme re∣medium affirmavi: Vt aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam antea pos∣sidentibus omnibus gradibus, sive famulis & famulabus Dei, Deo servientibus, sive laicis, semper decimam mansionem ubi minimum sit, tamen partem deci∣mam in libertatem perpetuam perdonari dijudicavi, ut sit tuta at munita ab omnibus secularibus servitutibus, nec non regalibus tributis majoribus & mi∣noribus sive taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Witereden: Sitque libera omnium rerum pro remissione animarum nostrarum ad serviendum Deo soli sine Ex∣peditione, & pontis instructione, & arcis munitione, ut eo diligentius pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum servitutem in aliqua parte levigarius.

Placuit etiam Episcopis Alhstano Schireburnensis Ecclesiae, & Swithuno Win∣toniensis Ecclesiae,* 2.32 cum suis Abbatibus, & servis Dei, consilium inire, ut omnes fratres, & sorores nostrae, ad unamquamque Ecclesiam omni hebdomada die Mercurii, hoc est, Weddensday, cantent quinquaginta psalmos, & unus∣quisque Presbyter duas Missas, unam pro rege Ethelwolpho, & aliam pro du∣cibus ejus huic dono consentibus, pro mercede & refrigerio delictorum suo∣rum: & pro Rege vivente dicant, Oremus. Deus qui justificas; pro ducibus etiam viventibus, Praetende Domine: postquam autem defuncti fuerint, pro Rege defuncto singulariter, & pro principibus defunctis communiter. Et hoc sit tam firmiter constitutum omnibus Christianitatis diebus, sicut libertas illa constituta est, quamdiu fides crescit in gente Anglorum.

This Athelwolphus was designed by his Father to be Bishop of Winchester,* 2.33 bred in a Monastery,* 2.34 after taken out, and absolved of his Vows by the Pope: and having had Church-education in his Youth,* 2.35 retained to his Old-age the indeleble Character of his affections thereunto. In expression whereof, in a solemn Council kept at Winchester, he subjected the whole Kingdome of En∣gland to the Payment of Tithes, as by the foregoing Instrument doth appear. He was the first born. Monarch of England. Indeed, before his time there were Mo∣narchs of the Saxon Heptarchie; but not successive and fixed in a Family, but fluctuating from one Kingdome to another. Egbert, father to this Athelwolph, was the first that atchieved this Monarchie, and left it to this his Son, not Mo∣narcha factus, but natus, and so in unquestionable Power to make the foresaid Act obligatory over all the Land.

9. Indeed,* 2.36 before his time many Acts for Tithes are produced, which when pressed will prove of no great Validity. Such are the Imperiall Edicts in Civil Law, never possessed of full power in England; as also the Canons of some Councils & Popes, never admitted into plenary Obedience by consent of Prince and People. Adde to these, first, such Laws as were made by King Ina, and Offa, Monarchs indeed of England in their turns, as I may say, but not deriving the same to the Issue of their Bodies: So that their Acts as personall may by some froward Spirits be cavilled at, as determining with their own Lives. Joyn to these (if produceable) any Provinciall Constitutions of an English Arch-bishop (perchance Egbertus of York:) those might obey them, who would obey, being otherwise not subject to any civil Penalty. But now this Act of Athelwolphus appears entire in all the Proportions of a Law, made in his great Council, equivalent to after-Parliaments; not only cum consilio Episcoporum, with the Ad∣vice of his Bishops, (which easily may be presumed willingly to concurre in such a matter of Church-advancement) but also Principum meorum, of my Princes (saith he:) the Consent of Inferiour persons not being required in that Age.

10. However,* 2.37 noting can be so strong but it may meet with Cavills, though not to destroy, to disturb the Validity thereof; as this Act hath: and we will seve∣rally examine the Defects charged upon it.

1. Obj. Some object that Althelwolphus was but King of the West-Saxons, as ap∣pears by his Stile, Rex occidentalium Saxonum, and not universall Mo∣narch of England, whose Act onely is obligatory to his own Subjects. Let those of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, Dorset, Hants, VVilts, and Berks pay Tithes by vertue of this Command; other Parts of the Land are freed from the same, because nihil dat quod non habet, none can derive that to others which they enjoy not themselves; being King but of a Part, he could not lay this Law upon all the Land.

Ans. He is tearmed eminently, not exclusively, King of the VVest-Saxons: being fondest of that Title, as his Fathers first Inheritance, before he acquired the Monarchy of the whole Land. There were indeed at this time two other Royalets, as onely Kings by his leave, (viz) Beorred King of Mercia, and Edmond King of East-Angles, who, as it plainly appears bya 2.38 In∣gulphus, were present at his Council, and consented to the Acts thereof.

2. Obj. The Consideration was superstitious,* 2.39 to say so many Masses for the Souls of this King and his Captains when deceased.* 2.40

Ans. A double Consideration is mentioned in this Grant. The first, gene∣rall; so pious in it's self, no Exception can be taken thereat, viz. to divert the imminents Iudgements of God from the Land, hourly fea∣ring the Invasion of fierce forraign Pagans: so the better to secure the Nine parts thereof to himself and his Subjects, by setting apart, re∣signing, and surrendring a Tenth to God (the supreme Land-lord of all) in such as attended his daily Service. The second Consideration is more restrictive and particular, and resents indeed of the Ignorance of that Age; but yet is proportionable to the best Devotion those dayes produced: and easily may an accidentall Abuse be purged, by the pious Use intended, and designed generally to Gods Glory.

3. Obj. The King onely granted Tithes of his own Crown-land, non in Dominio, sed in Domintco suo, not in all his Dominions, but onely in his Demesnes.

Ans. There needed no such solemn Consent of the Council of the Land, for the passing away of his Private Bounty. And that the Grant ex∣tended to the Kingdome in Generall, appears bya 2.41 other Authours on the same. Adelwolphus decimonono anno regni sui, qui totam terram suam ad opus Ecclesiarum decimavit propter Amorem Dei, &c. More plainly another Authour: In eodem anno decimavit Athulf. rex de omni possessione sua in partem Domini, & in universo regimine sui Principatus sic constituit.

11. Here we insist not on the many Arguments out of Old and New Testa∣ment, * 2.42 to prove Tithes to be Iure Divino; which in due time may be produced, when all Tempests of Tumultuous Spirits are allayed, and when (what the Town-Clerk of Ephesus promised to the Citizens thereof) the Question may be determinedb 2.43 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in a lawfull and ordinary Assembly, without fear of Force, and suspicion of Violence. For two Strings to a Bow do not amisse; being no Hinderance to the Archer for the better hitting of the Mark, who may wind up one, and use that for the present which he sees most for his own Conveience. Mean time most true it is, that men are not so conscientious to obey the Laws of God, as fearfull to resist the Edicts of Men: and therefore (though farre be it from the Clergy to quit their Title to Tithes by Divine Right) they conceive it the surest way sometimes to make use of Humane Injunctions, as having the most potent Influence on mens Affections; especially in this Age, when the love of many (both to God and Goodnesse) begin∣neth to wax cold.

12. A Reverend Doctour in Cambridge,* 2.44 and afterwards Bishop of Sa∣risbury, was troubled at his small living at Hogginton, with a peremptory Anabaptist, who plainly told him, It goes against my Conscience to pay you Tithes, except you can shew me a place of Scripture whereby they are due unto you. The Doctour returned; Why should it not go as much against my Conscience, that you should enjoy your Nine parts, for which you can shew no place of Scripture? To whom the other rejoyned; But I have for my Land, Deeds and Evidences from my Fathers, who purchased, and were peaceably possessed thereof by the Laws of the Land. The same is my Title, saith the Doctour; Tithes being confirmed unto me by many Statutes of the Land time out of mind. Thus he drave that Nail, not which was of the strongest Metall or sharpest Point, but which would go best for the present. It was Argumentum ad hominem, fittest for the person he was to meddle with; who afterwards peaceably payed his Tithes unto him. Had the Doctour inga∣ged in Scripture-Argument, though never so pregnant & pertinent, it had been endelesse to dispute with him, who made Clamour the end of his Dispute, whose Obstinacy and Ignorance made him uncapable of solid Reason; and therefore the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Argument, the better for his Apprehension.

13. Most solid and ingenious was the Answer of a most eminent Serjeant at Law of this Age,* 2.45 to the impertinent Clamours of such against the payment of Tithes, because (as they say) due onely by Humane Right. My Cloak is my Cloak by the Law of Man: But he is a Thief by the Law of God that taketh it away from me.

14. True it is that this Law did not presently find an universall Obedience in all the Land.* 2.46 And the Wonder is not great, if at the first making thereof it met with many Recusants; since corroborated by eight hundred yeares Prescri∣ption, and many Confirmations, it findes Obstacles and Oppositions at this day: for in succeeding Ages severall Kings confirmed the same, though Papall Exem∣ptions of severall Orders, and modus Decimandi according to custome, have al∣most since tithed the Tithes in some places.

15. King Athelwolphus the next year took his (call it Progresse or) Pilgri∣mage to Rome.* 2.47 Where the report of his Piety prevented his Arrivall, & provided both Welcome and Wonder for his Entertainment.* 2.48 Here he confirmed unto the Pope his Predecessours Grant of Peter-pence,* 2.49 and as aa 2.50 Surplusage, bestowed upon him the yearly Revenue of three hundred Marks, thus to be expended.

1. To maintain Candles for St. Peter, one hundred	Marks.
2. To maintain Candles for St. Paul, one hundred
3. For a free Largesse to the Pope, one hundred

16. If any be curious to know how these 300 Marks were in after-Ages divided and collected,* 2.51 let them peruse the following Account: if the Particulars be truely cast up, and (attested to me out of Sir Tho. Cotton's Librarie, and, as they say, out of the Vatican it self) be authenticall.

	l.	s.	d.
Canterbury	8	8	0
London	16	10	0
Rochester	5	12	0
Norwich	21	10	0
Sarisbury	17	0	0
Ely	5	0	0
Lincoln	42	0	0
Chichester	8	0	0
Winchester	17	6	8
Covent. & Lichfield	41	5	0
Excester	9	5	0
Worcester	10	5	0
Hereford	6	0	0
Bathe & Wells	12	5	0
York	11	10	0

These Summes were demanded by Pope Gregory the thirteenth in the 46. of Edward the third, (on that Token, that their payment was much opposed by Iohn of Gaunt.) I dare not discede from my Copy a tittle, coming, as they say, from the Register at Rome: nor will I demand a Reason, why Durham and Carlisle are here omitted; much lesse examine the Equity of their Proportions, as applied to their respective Dioceses; but implicitly believe all done very just∣ly. The reason why the VVelsh Bishopricks were exempted is, because at the grant hereof by King Athelwolph, Wales was not then under his Dominion. This 300 Marks was but a distinct payment by it self, and not the whole Body of Peter-pence (amounting to a greater Summe,) whereof, God willing, hereafter.

17. After the Death of King Athelwolphus,* 2.52 and his two Sons Ethelbald and Ethelbert succeeding him,* 2.53 this Land was in a sad Condition,* 2.54 though nothing so bad as under the Reign of Ethelred his third Son, and Successour: for then indeed most miserable was the state of the English, harassed by the Danes, who, like the running-Gout, shifted from Joynt to Joynt, from place to place; often repelled from the severall Shires, never expelled out of England. The Sa∣xon Folly hurt them more, then the Danish Fury; refusing effectually to unite, to make a joynt-Resistance against a generall Enemy. For some sixty yeares since, the VVest-Saxons had subdued the other six Kings of this Nation; yet so, that they still continued kings, but Homagers to the VVest-Saxon Monarchy. The shortning of their Sceptres stuck in their Stomacks, especially of the Mer∣cian and Northumbrian Kings, the most puissant of all the rest. Whereupon, beholding Ethelred, the VVest-Saxon King (the Staffe and Stay of the whole Na∣tion) embroiled with the Invasion of the Danes, they not only lazily looked on, but secretly smiled at this Sight, as the only way to Conquer the Conquerour.

Yea,* 2.55 such their Envy, that rather then one (once their equal) should be above them in Felicity,* 2.56 they all would be equall with him in Misery. They would more contendly be Slaves to a Forrain Foe, to whom they all stood unre∣lated, then Homagers to him, who had (as they thought) usurped Dominion over them. Never considering, that the Danes were Pagans; (Self-interest is deaf to the Checks of Conscience;) and Revenge (which is wilde at the best) was so mad in them, that they would procure it with the Hazzard, if not Losse, of their God, his Church, and true Religion. Thus the Height of the Saxon Pride and Envy, caused the Breadth of the Danish Power and Cruelty. Indeed the foresaid Saxon Kings, perceiving their Errour, endeavoured at last to help the VVest-Saxon (or rather to help themselves in him) against the Danes. But alas, it was too late. For, the Danish Garisons lay so indented in the Heart of the Land, that the Saxon Troups were blasted, before they could grow in∣to Regiments; and their Strength (dispersed in the gathering) was routed, be∣fore regulated into an Army.

18. This year the Danes made an Invasion into Lincolnshire,* 2.57 where they met with stout Resistance:* 2.58 and let us take a List of the chief Officers on both sides.* 2.59

• Christian Saxons.
  • a 2.60 Count Algar, Generall, with the Youth of Holland.
  • Harding de Rehale with Stanford men, all very young and valiant.
  • Tolie a Monk, with a Band of two hundred Crowlanders.
  • Morcar Lord of Burn, with those of his numerous Fami∣ly.
  • Osgot,b 2.61 Sheriff of Lincolnshire, with five hundred under him.
  • ...

    VVibert; living at VViberton, nigh Boston in Holland.	Places named from their Owners.
    Leofrick; living at Leverton, anciently Lefrinkton.

• Danish Pagans.
  • King Gordroum.
  • King Baseg.
  • King Osketill.
  • King Halfeden.
  • King Hammond.
  • Count Frena.
  • Count Vnguar.
  • Count Hubba.
  • Count Sidroke the Elder.
  • Count Sidroke the Younger.

The Christians had the better the first day, wherein the Danes lost three of their Kings, buried in a place thence called Trekingham: so had they the second, till at night, breaking their Ranks to pursue the Danes in their dissembled Flight, they were utterly overthrown.

19. Theodore Abbot of Crowland,* 2.62 hearing of the Danes Approach, shipped away most of his Monks, with the choicest Relicks and Treasures of his Con∣vent, and cast his most precious Vessels into a VVell in the Cloister. The rest re∣maining were at their Morning-prayers, when the Danes entring, slew

• Theodore the Abbot on the High Altar,
• Asher the Prior in the Vestiary,
• Leth win the Sub-Prior in the Re∣fectory,
• Pauline in the Quire,
• Herbert in the Quire,
• VVolride the Torch∣Bearer in the same place,
• Grimketule and Agamund, each of them an hun∣dred yeares old, in the Cloisters.

These, faith myc 2.63 Author, were first examinati, tortured to betrary their Trea∣sure, and then exanimati, put to death for their Refusall. The same VVriter seems to wonder, that being killed in one place, their Bodies were afterwards found in another. Surely the Corse removed not themselves, but no doubt the Danes dragged them from place to place when dead. There was one Child∣Monk therein, but ten yeares old, (Turgar by name) of most lovely Looks and Person. Count Sidroke the younger pittying his tender yeares (all Devills are not cruell alike) cast a Danishd 2.64 Coat upon him, and so saved him, who onely survived, to make the sad Relation of the Massacre.

20. Hence the Danes marched to Medeshamsted (since called Peterborough)

where finding the Abbey-gates locked against them,* 2.65 they resolved to force their Entrance;* 2.66 in effecting whereof, Tulba, Brother to Count Hubba, was dange∣rously wounded, almost to Death, with a Stone cast at him. Hubba enraged hereat, like another Doeg, killed Abbot Hedda, and all the Monks, being four∣score and four, with his own hand. Count Sidroke gave an Item to young Monk Turgar (who hitherto attended him) in no wise to meet Count Hubba, for fear that his Danish Livery should not be found of proof against his Fury. Then was the Abbey set on Fire, which burned fifteen dayes together, wherein an ex∣cellent Library was consumed. Having pillaged the Abbey, and broke open the Tombes and Coffins of many Saints there interred, these Pagans marched for∣wards into Cambridgeshire, and passing the River Nine, two of their VVagons fell into the Water, wherein the Cattell which drew them were drowned, much of their rich Plunder lost, and more impaired.

21. Some dayes after,* 2.67 the Monks of Medeshamsted were buried altogether in a great Grave, and their Abbot in the middest of them, a Crosse being erected over the same; where one may have four yards square of Martyrs Dust, which no place else in England doth afford. Godric, Successour to Theodore, Abbot of Crowland, used annually to repair hither, and to say Masses two dayes toge∣ther for the Souls of such as were entombed. One would think that by Popish Principles these were rather to be prayed to, then prayed for; many maintaining that Martyrs go the nearest way to Heaven, sine ambage Purgatorii: so that surely Godric did it not to better their Condition, but to expresse his own Affe∣ction, out of the Redundancy of his Devotion; which others will call the Super∣fluity of his Superstition.

22. The Danes spared no Age,* 2.68 Sex, Condition of people such was the Cruelty of this Pagan unpartial Sword. With a violent Inundation they brake into the Kingdome of the East-Angles; wasted Cambridge, and the Countrey thereabouts; burnt (the then City of) Thetford; forced Edmond, King of that Countrey, into his Castle of Framling ham; who perceiving himself unable to re∣sist their Power, came forth, and at the Village of Hoxon in Suffolk tendered his Person unto them, hoping thereby to save the Effusion of his Subjects Blouds. Where, after many Indignities offered unto him, they bound him to a Tree; and because he would not renounce his Christianity, shot him with Arrow after Arrow; their Cruelty taking Deliberation, that he might the better digest one Pain, before another succeeded, so distinctly to protract his Torture (though Confusion be better then Method in matters of Cruelty) till not Mercie, but want of a Mark made them desist; according to thea 2.69 Poets Expression,

Iam loca Vulneribus desunt, nec dum furiosis Tela, sed hyberna grandine plura volant.

Room wants for Wounds, but Arrows do not fail From Foes, which thicker fly then winter Hail.

After-Ages, desiring to make amends to his Memory, so over-acted their part in shrining, sainting, and adoring his Relicks, at Bury S^t. Edmonds; that, if those in Heaven be sensible of the Transctions on Earth, this good Kings Body did not feel more Pain from the Fury of the Pagan-Danes, then his Soul is filled with holy Indignation, at the Superstition of the Christian-Saxons.

23. However, the VVest-Saxon King Ethelbert behaved himself bravely, fighting,* 2.70 with various Successe, nineb 2.71 Battels against the Danes: though ninety nine had not been sufficient against so numerous an Enemy. But we leave these things to the Historians of the State, to relate. We read of anc 2.72 Heap of Stones, made between Iacob and Laban, with a mutuall Contract, that neither should passe the same for Harm. Thus would I have Ecclesiasticall and civil Histo∣rians indent about the Bounds, and Limits of their Subjects that neither inju∣riously incroach on the Right of the other. And, if I chance to make an

Excursion into the matters of the Common-wealth, it is not out of Curio∣sity, or Busybodinesse, to be medling in other mens Lines: but onely in an ami∣cable way, to give a kind Visit, and to clear the mutuall Dependence of the Church on the Common-wealth. Yet let me say, that this War against the Danes was of Church-concernment; for it was as much pro aris, as pro focis, as much for Religion, as civil Interest. But one War must not be forgotten. Im∣portunate Messengers brought the Tidings, that the English were dangerously ingaged with the Danes, at Essendune (haply Essenden now, in surrey) and likely to be worsted. King Ethelhert was at his Devotions, which he would not omit, nor abbreviate for all their Clamour. No suit would he hear on Earth, till first he had finished his Requests to Heaven. Then, having performed the part of pious Moses in thea 2.73 Mount, he began to act valiant Ioshua in the Valley. The Danes are vanquished, leaving Posterity to learn, that time spent in Prayer, is laid out to the best Advantage.

24. But alas,* 2.74 this Danish Invasion was a mortal VVound,* 2.75 Dedecus Saxonica for∣titudinis;* 2.76 the Cure whereof was rather to be desired, then hoped for. Ease for the present, was all Art could perform. King Ethelbert saw, that of these Pa∣gans the more he slew, the more they grew, which went to his valiant Heart. Grief is an heavy Burthen; and generally, the strongest Shoulders are able to bear the least proportion thereof. The good king therefore withered away in the Flower of his Age, willingly preferred to encounter rather Death, then the Danes; for he knew how to make a joyfull End with the one, but endless was his Contest with the other: according to the Observation of the English b 2.77 Historian, that the Saxon-Kings in this Age, magis optabant honestum Exitum, quam acerbum Imperium.

25. In this sad condition God sent England a Deliverer, namely, King Al∣fred, or Alured, born in England, bred in Rome, where, by a Prolepsis, he was a∣nointed King by Pope Leo (though then but a private Prince, and his three elder Brothers alive) in auspicium futuriregnt, in hope that hereafter he should come to the Crown. Nor did this Vnction make Alfred ante-date his kingdome, who quietly waited till his foresaid Brothers successvely reigned, and died be∣fore him, and then took his Turn in the Kingdome of the VVest-Saxons. The worst was, his Condition was like a Bride-groom, who, though lawfully wedded, yet might not bed his Bride, till first he had conquered his Rival; and must redeem England, before he could reign over it. The Danes had Lon∣don, many of the in-land, moe-of the maritime Towns, and Alfred onely three effectuall Shires, Somerset, Dorset and VVilts; yet by Gods Blessing on his Va∣lour, he got to be Monarch of all England. Yea, consider him as a King in his Court, as a Generall in his Camp, as a Christian in his Closer, as a Patron in the Church, as a Founder in his Colledge, as a Father in his Family; his Actions will every way appear no lesse excellent in themselves,* 2.78* 2.79 then exemplary to others.

26. His most daring Design was,* 2.80 when lying hid about Athelney in Somer∣set-shire, * 2.81 and disguised under the habit of a Fidler (being an excellent Musi∣cian) he adventured into the Danish Camp. Had not his spirit been undaun∣ted, * 2.82 the sight of his armed Foes had been enough to have put his Instru∣ment out of Tune. Here going unsuspected through their Army, he discove∣red their Condition, and some of their Intentions. Some would say, that the Danes deserved to be beaten indeed, if they would communicate their Coun∣sels to a Fidler. But let such know, Alfred made this generall Discovery of them, that they were remisse in their Discipline, lay idle and carelesse: and Se∣curity disarmes the best-appointed Army. Themistocles said of himself, that he could not fiddle, but he knew how to make a little city great. But our Alfred could fiddle, and make a little City great too; yea, enlarge a petty and contracted Kingdome,* 2.83 into a vast and absolute Monarchy.

27. But, as the Poets feign of Anteus, the Son of the Earth, who fighting

with Hercules,* 2.84 and often worsted by him, recovered his Strength again every time he touched the Earth,* 2.85 revived with an addition of new Spirits: so the Danes, which may seem the sons of Neptune, though often beaten by the En∣glish in land-Battels, no sooner recovered their Ships at Sea, but presently re∣cruiting themselves, they returned from Denmark, more numerous and formi∣dable then before. But at last (to follow the Poeticall Fancy) as Hercules, to pre∣vent Antaeus his farther reviving, hoised him aloft, and held him strangled in his Armes, till he was stark dead, and utterly expired: so, to secure the Danes from returning to the Sea, who out of the Thames had with their Fleet sailed up the River Ley, betwixt Hartfordshire and Essex, Alfred with Pioneers divided the grand Stream of Ley into severall Rivulets; so that their Ships lay Water-bound, leaving their Mariners to shift for themselves over land, most of which fell into the hands of their English Enemies: so that this proved a mor∣tal Defeat to the Danish Insolence.

28. Alfred having thus reduced England to some tolerable terms of Quiet,* 2.86 made most of the Danes his Subjects by Conquest, & the rest his Friends by Composition, encountred a fiercer Foe, namely, Ignorance and Barbarisme, which had generally invaded the whole Nation. Inso much that the writeth, that South of Thames he found not any that could read English. Indeed in these dayes all men turned Students; but what did they study? onely to live secretly, and safely from the Fury of the Danes. And now, that the next Age might be wiser then this, Alfred intended the founding of an University at Oxford.

29. Indeed,* 2.87 there were anciently standing on the Banks of Isis (which in due time commenceth Thamisis) two Towns; one Crekelade, or Greeklade, in Wiltshire; the other Lechlade, or Latinlade, in Gloucestershire. In the former of these many yeares since (things time out of mind must not be condemned as time out of truth) the Greek Tongue, as in the later the Latine Tongue, are said to be publickly professed by Philosophers. But where was Hebrew-lade, the Hebrew Tongue being more necessarie then both the former, for the under∣standing of the Old Testament? Alas, in this Age it was banished, not onely out of England, but out of Christendome. As in the ordinary method of Na∣ture, the more aged usually die first: so no wonder if Hebrew (generally presumed the oldest Language in the world) expired first in this Age of Ignorance, utter∣ly abolished out of the Western Countries. Yea, it is well the other two lear∣ned Tongues were preserved in these places; Grekelade and Lechlade being then Cities of eminent Note, shrunk now to mean Towns, and content with plain English, where Latine and Greek were formerly professed.

30. But now the Muses swam down the Stream of the River Isis,* 2.88 to be twenty miles nearer to the rising Sun,* 2.89 and were by King Alfred removed from Crekelade and Lechlade,* 2.90 to Oxford, where he founded an University. Yet some say, Alfred did find, and not found Letters therein, seeing there was a sprink∣ling of Students therein before: though Learning was very low, and little therein, till this considerable Accession, when Alfred founded therein three Colledges, one for Grammarians, a second for Philosophers, a third for Di∣vines. Take a List of their primitive Professours.

• In Divinity
  • S^t. Grimbal
  • S^t. Neoth
• In Grammar
  • Asserius, a Monk
• In Logick
  • Iohn of S^t. Davids
• In Mathematicks
  • Ioannes
  • Monachus.

It is credibly reported, that what is now called Vniversity-Colledge, was then one of King Alfred's Foundations, as the Verses written in their Hall, under his Armes, do attest.

Nobilis Alfredi sunt haec Insignia, cujus Primum constructa est haec pietate domus.

And from this time Learning flourished here in great Plenty and Abundance,

though oft-times abated;* 2.91 the Universities feeling the Impressions of the Com∣mon-wealth.* 2.92

31. At the same time wherein King Alfred built Vniversity Colledge in Ox∣ford,* 2.93 he also founded Another House called Kings-great-Hall (intimating a lesser hard by) now included within the compassea 2.94 of Brazen-nose Colledge. And hence it is that at this very day it payeth some chief Rent to Vniversity Col∣ledge, as the ancient Owner thereof. Here he placed Iohannes Scotus (highly endeared in this Kings Affections) Reader therein. On the clearing of whose Extraction and Opinions a long Story doth depend.

32. This Scotus is called Iohannes Scotus Erigena,* 2.95 (with addition sometimes of Sophista:) so that all may amount to a kind of Definition of him as to his In∣dividuall Person. Conceive we Scotus for his Genus, which because homonymous inb 2.96 that Age (as signifying both Scotland and Ireland) Erigena is added for his Difference, that is, born (as some will have it) calledc 2.97 Erin in their own Countrey Language. But Dempster, a Scotchd 2.98 Writer, who will leave nothing that can be gotten above ground (yea, will dive and digge into the wa∣ter and land of others) to the credit of his Countrey, claimeth Scotus as born in Scotland, spelling him Airigena, from Aire, a small place therein. But be∣sides unanswerable Arguments to the contrary, gena is a termination seldome added to so restrictive a word, but (as Francigena, Angligena) denoteth general∣ly the Nation, not petty place of a mans Extraction. As for Dempster, his Credit runneth low with me, ever since he made Pope Innocentius the first a Scotch-man, because calling himself Albanus, (and Scotland, forsooth, is Albania) it be∣ing notoriously known that the said Innocent was born at Long Alba nigh Rome. Yea Bellarmine himself said, reading the three books of Dempster, wherein he hooketh in so many for his Countrymen, that he thought that if he should add a fourth, he would make JESUS CHRIST himself to be a Scotch-man.

33. All this while VVales stands modestly silent,* 2.99 with intention to put in her Claim the last to Scotus his Nativity, whom many Writers make born at c 2.100 Saint Davids. Whilest some will have the Epither of Erigene affixed unto him quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, early-born, because of the timely rising of his Parts (as a Morning-starre) in those dark dayes: which I can better applaud for an inge∣nious Allusion, then approve for a true and serious Assertion. But be Scotus born where he please, most sure it is, by King Alfred he was made a Professour of Learning in Oxford.

34. I confessef 2.101 Cajus maketh this Iohn Scotus Scholar to Bede (as many g 2.102 good Authours also do) and brought up at Cambridge: to which the Sons of our Aunt are loth to consent,* 2.103 that one who was taught in Cambridge, should teach in Oxford; and theirh 2.104 eloquent Oratour falls very soul, save that it is some case to be railed on in good Latine) on him for the same. Now because we Cambridge-men are loth to take a Limbe of Iohn Scotus (or any other Learned man) more then what will come of it self, with the Consent of Chronologie; and because I findi 2.105 Bale dislikes the same, chiefly on the account of his impro∣bable Vivacity of an hundred and seventy years; I can be content to resign my particular Title unto him, provided it be without Prejudice to others of our Vniversity, who hereafter may challenge him with better Arguments.

35. I much wonder that this Scotus should be so degraded in his Old-age from Oxford to Malmesbury; from a Professour in an Vniversity, to a School∣master in a Countrey-town; where pouring Learning into his Ladds (rather in proportion to the Plenty of the Fountain, then to the Receipt of the Vessels) he was severe to such Scholars as were dull in their Apprehensions. This so irritated their Anger against him, that by an universall Conspiracy they dispatched him in the School with their Pen-knives. I find not what Punishment was infli∣cted upon them: VVhipping being too little, if sturdy Youths; and Hanging too much, if but little Boyes. Onely I observe one Cassianus, a Schoolmaster in

Primitive times, sent the same way on the same Occasion; his Death being ele∣gantly described bya 2.106 Prudentius.

36. All the Amends which is made to the Memory of Scotus is, that he was made a Martyr after his Death, and his Anniversary is remembred in the Ka∣lendar on the fourth of the Ides of November, in the Roman Martyrologie, set forth at Antwerp 1586. by the command of Gregory the thirteenth. But since Ba∣ronius hath unmartyred him; and that on good reason, faithb 2.107 Henry Fitz-Simon, attesting that an Apologie is provided, confirmed with approbation of many Popes, Cardinalls, and many learned Doctours, justifying Baronius therein, which we, as yet, have not beheld. Indeed Scotus detested some Superstitions of the times, especially about the Presence in the Lords Supper; and I havec 2.108 read that his Book de Eucharistia was condemned in the Vercellian Synod, for some Pas∣sages therein, by Pope Leo. This makes it suspicious, that some Hands of more age and Heads of more Malice, then School-boyes, might guide the Pen∣knives which murdered Scotus, because of his known Opposition against some Practises and Opinions of that ignorant Age.

37. It is much that this Scotus,* 2.109 though carrying in his Name a Comment on himself, that all should not suffice so distinctly to expound him to some Appre∣hensions, but that still they confound him with others of his Name; sometimes with Iohannes Scotusd 2.110 Mailrossius, sometimes with Iohn Dunce Scotus; though indeed there be Difference enough of Time, Place, and other distinguishing Characters, betwixt them. Our present Scotus being most probably an Irish∣man, a great Linguist in the learned Tongues, a vast Traveller into the Eastern parts, a Monk by profession, killed and buried at Malmesbury. The other Scotus born in Northumberland, skilled onely (and that but meanly) in Latine, never travelling farther then France, and the hither part of Germany, a Franci∣scan by his Order, dying of an Apoplexy, and buried at Colen, of whom (God willing) largely hereafter.

38. To return to King Alfred.* 2.111 As for the Maintenance of the Scholars, it issued forth annually from Alfred's Exchequer, who made a fourefolde 2.112 division of his Wealth; understand it of the Surplusage thereof, more then what his Court and Camp expended: One part to the Poor, of all kinds, that came and craved of him; a second to the Monasteries of his own Erection; a third to the School, understand Oxford, which he himself had founded; the fourth, and last, to the neighbouring Monasteries round about. However, we may easi∣ly believe that after his Death, the Students of Oxford were often at a losse of Livelihood. For, seeing the Coffers of the greatest Kings (especially in the time of War) are subject to a Drought of Coin, there must needs be a Dearth in those Colledges, which are watered thence for their Maintenance. Scholars may in time of Peace, but Souldiers must be paid in time of War. Wherefore, the most certain Subsistence for Scholars (so far forth as inconstant things, as all Sublunary, can be made constant) is, what ariseth from solid Lands, where∣with they are endowed. For, though even such Revenues are subject to Ca∣sualties, yet some Water will ever be running, though the Tide thereof may ebb, or flow, according to the fall, or rise of Commodities.

39. But it is hard so to compose two Swarms of Bees in one Hive,* 2.113 but that they will fall out,* 2.114 and fight.* 2.115 The Colledge of Logick, it seems, from the Foun∣dation thereof, studied Divisions, as well as Distinctions; there happening a dangerous Difference betwixt the Aborigines and the Advenae, the old Stock of Students, and the new Store brought in by S^t. Grimball: the former, standing on their Seniority, expected more Respect unto themselves, deriving their Privi∣ledges from their learned Auncestors, time out of mind; which the Grimbal∣lists would not consent unto. Both sides appealed to Alfred, as their Patron. He coming to Oxford, carried himself with much moderation, as accounting that Agreement most durable, into which the parties were perswaded, not com∣manded. Grimball, expecting King Alfred's zealous ingaging on his side, accor∣ding

to the conceived merits of his Cause,* 2.116 was not a little offended,* 2.117 that the King did not appear more resolute in his behalf. Insomuch that he for∣sook Oxford, wherein he had formerly built the Church of ^St. Peter from the very Foundation, with stone most curiously wrought and polished, and translated both himself, and his intended Tombe thence to VVinche∣ster.

40. Ana 2.118 Antiquary tells us, that the ancient Armes were assigned to Oxford about this time,* 2.119 namely, in a Field Azure, a Bible with seven Seales appendant thereunto, opened (at the beginning of S^t. Iohns Gospel, In the beginning was the word, &c.) betwixt three Crowns Or: which three Crowns (saith he) signifie the three Senses of the Scripture: in the which, I confesse, I do not understand him. For, either we must admit but one Sense of the Scripture, as principally in∣tended therein (which is the generall Opinion of the Protestants:) or, if with the Papists, we will allow moe Senses then one, we must concludeb 2.120 four, namely, the literall, allegoricall, morall, and anagogicall. What if the three Crowns import the three Professions which Alfred here sounded, and all necessary to the understanding of the Book betwixt them? Grammar, to un∣derstand the Letter; Philosophy, the Reason; and Divinity, the Mystery of the Scripture.

41. One of the first Scholars of Note,* 2.121 whom I find bred in Oxford, was one Du••wolphus, once a Swineheard in Athelney, when Alfred lurked therein, be∣ing the Kings Host, who entertained him, or rather his Master, whom the King served. Alfred perceiving in him pregnancy of Parts (though stifled with the Narrownesse, and cripled with the Lownesse of his Vocation) sent him toc 2.122 Oxford; where he became, after some yeares study, Doctour in Divinity, and was by the King, in Gratitude, preferred to be Bishop ofd 2.123 VVinchester. But the Monks of VVinchester are so proud and sullen, they disdain to accept this man for their Bishop, affirming, that their See stoode 2.124 void at this time; more willing to confesse a Vacancy, then admit a Swineheard into their Episcopall Chaire. Whereas surely Alfred, so great a Scholar, and good a man, would not have advanced him per saltum, from a Swineheard to a Bishop, had he not been qualified by intermediate Degrees of Education. For mine own part, I see no reason why VVinchester should be ashamed of him; and for ought I know,* 2.125 Dunwolph might be as good a Bishop as Dunstan,* 2.126 of whom the Monks of VVinchester so boast, both without cause, and mea∣sure.

42. Councils (except Councils of VVarre) were very rare in this Age.* 2.127 Thef 2.128 first I find a solemn one, celebrated by King Alfred; the place not expressed, but the Canons therein fairly transmitted to Posterity. The Preface of these Canons is very remarkable, consisting of three parts.

1. The ten Commandments translated into Saxon, as being the Basis and Foundation of all Humane Laws.

2. Severall pieces of Chapters in Exodus, being the Breviate of the Judiciall Law of the Iews; which though in the Latitude thereof calculated only for the Iewish Common-wealth, yet the Morall Equity therein obligeth all Christians.

3. The fifteenth Chapter of the Acts, containing the Council of Ieru∣salem, as being a Divine Precedent, or Warrant for Christians to con∣vene together, and conclude Orders for regulating mens Conversa∣tions.

It is remarkable, that in the aforesaid ten Commandments, as ••xemplified in this Council of Alfred, the second Commandment is wholly ••xpunged; Image-worship beginning then to grow common in the world, and the Clergy, who gained thereby (hating the second Commandement, on the same

account as Ahab dida 2.129 Mic••iah,* 2.130 because it ever prophesied evill unto them•• dashed it out of the Decalogue.* 2.131 The worst is, when this was wanting, the De∣calogue was but an Ennealogue; and therefore to preserve the number of ten, the Papists generally cleave the last Commandment into two: but in Alfred's Preface, this is made the tenth and last Commandment, Thou shalt not wor∣ship Gods of Gold and Silver. Which, as it comes in out of it's proper place, (and why should not Gods Order be observed, as well as his Number, in the Commandments?) so is it defectively rendered, nothing so full against gra∣ven-Images, as God propounded it. The Canons made in this Council fall under a three-fold Consideration. Some relate onely to the Common-wealth, and by us may properly be forborn. Others concern onely Monks and Friers, (a sixth Finger, and no necessary Member of the Church:) and, as Actio moritur cum persona; so with the Extirpation of those Convents, those Canons may seem to expire.

43. Plegmund an Eremite in the Isle of Chester (now called Plegmundsham) Tutour to King Alfred,* 2.132 was by him preferred to be Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury, * 2.133 then a miserable place,* 2.134 as hardly recovered from the late Sacking of the Danes. By the Kings command, he called the Clergy of England together, and made a Collection of Almes, to be sent to Rome and Ierusalem: and Athelm, Arch-bishop of York, was imployed in the Journey, going personally to the aforesaid Places, to see the Contribution there faithfully delivered, and equally distributed.

44. About the end of this Century died worthy King Alfred,* 2.135 remarkable to Posterity on many Accounts,* 2.136 whereof this not the least, That he turned Davids Psalms into English; so that a Royall Text met with a Royall Translatour. He left his Crown to Edward his Sonne (commonly called the Elder) farre inferiour to his Father in Skill in, but not so much in his Love to good Li∣terature. Indeed he had an excellent Tutour, Asserius Menevensis, Arch-bishop of S^t. Davids, (the faithfull Writer of his Fathers Actions) sup∣posed by some Bishop of Sherburn, which is denied byb 2.137 others, (though one of the same name was some yeares before) as inconsistent with Chrono∣logie.

45. As for principall Clergy-men extant at this time, we take speciall notice of two: the one, Berthulf, Bishop of VVinchester, made one of the Guardians of the Realm against the Incursion of the Danes; the other, Halard, Bishop of Dorchester, advanced also into the same Employment. But alass, what weak Guardians were these to defend the Land, which could not secure their own Sees! And in what Capacity (save in Prayers and Teares) were they Able to make any Resistance? for now the Danes not onely affailed the Skirts and Out-sides of the Land, but also made Inrodes many miles into the Conti∣nent thereof. Insomuch that VVinchester lay void six, and Sherburn seven yeares; such the Pagan Fury, that none durst offer to undertake those Places.

46. True it is,* 2.138 the English oftentimes in Battell got the Advantage of them; when the Pagan Danes being conquered had but one way to shift for them∣selves, namely, to counterfeit themselves Christians, and embrace Baptisme: but no sooner had they got Power again into their hands, but that they turning Apostates were ten times more cruell then ever before. Thus succes∣sively was the Land affected with Sicknesse, Recovery, and Relapses; the peoples Condition being so much the more disconsolate, because promi∣sing a Continuance of Happinesse to themselves upon their Victories, they were on their Overthrows remanded to the same, if not a worse Condi∣tion.

47. It is strange to observe the Alternations of Successe between the En∣glish and Danes,* 2.139 how exactly they took their Turns; God using them to hold up one another, whilest he justly beat both. Mean time commendable the

Temper of late King Alfred,* 2.140 and present King Edward;* 2.141 it being true of each of them,

Si modo Victus erat, ad crastina bella parabat; Si modo Victor erat, ad crastina bella timebat.

If that it happ't that Conquered was he, Next day to fight he quickly did prepare; But if he chanc't the Conquerour to be, Next day to fight he wisely did beware.

But these things we leave to the Historians of the State to prosecute, and con∣fine our selves onely to matters of Ecclesiasticall cognizance.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Regis Egberti
• * 1.2

  Anno Dom.
• * 2.1

  1
• * 2.2

  801
• * 2.3

  The Arch-bishoprick restored to Canterbury at the instance of King Kenulph.
• a 2.4

  Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. lib. 1. c. 4.
• b 2.5

  Mancusae quasimanucusae, a coyn about the valuation whereof is much variety. The first most formall subscription in a Synod.
• * 2.6

  3
• * 2.7

  803
• c 2.8

  The originall is extant in the Records of Canterbury, copied out by S^t. Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 325.
• a 2.9

  Doubtfull whether priests or deacons.
• * 2.10

  Some obser∣vables on the method and manner of their meet∣ing.
• a 2.11

  Harpsfield Hist. Ang. pag. 743.
• * 2.12

  16
• * 2.13

  816
• * 2.14

  The Acts of the Council at Colichyth.
• b 2.15

  See S^r. Hen. Spelman in his Councills, pag. 328.
• c 2.16

  See Sr. Hen. Spelman, pag. 331.
• * 2.17

  Anno Dom. 816
• a 2.18

  Matth. 3. 16, 17.
• * 2.19

  Anno Regis Egberti 16
• * 2.20

  Egbert pro∣claimed Mo∣narch of En∣gland.
• * 2.21

  820
• * 2.22

  20
• * 2.23

  Seven King∣domes swal∣lowed up in Engelond.
• b 2.24

  Verstegan of decayed intel∣ligence.
• * 2.25

  Danes dis∣turb King Egbert.
• * 2.26

  831
• * 2.27

  31
• * 2.28

  Athelwolphus his universal grant of Tithes to the Church.
• * 2.29

  837
• * 2.30

  Ethel∣wolphi 1
• c 2.31

  Ex Ingulph. & Malmesb. Gest. Reg. lib. 2. cap. 2.
• * 2.32

  Anno Dom. 837
• * 2.33

  11
• * 2.34

  848 alias 855
• * 2.35

  18
• * 2.36

  Former Acts for Tithes in∣firme.
• * 2.37

  Objections against this Act answered
• a 2.38

  Exemplified in S^r. Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 348.
• * 2.39

  Anno Dom. 855
• * 2.40

  Anno Rigis Ethel∣wolphi 18
• a 2.41

  Hen, Hun∣ting. Hist. l. 5. pag. 348.
• * 2.42

  Store no sore
• b 2.43

  Acts 19. 39.
• * 2.44

  A pleasant passage.
• * 2.45

  A solid An∣swer of a learned Serjeant,
• * 2.46

  This law not presently and perfect∣ly obeyed.
• * 2.47

  19
• * 2.48

  856
• * 2.49

  King Ethel∣wolph's jour∣ney to Rome, and bounty to the Pope.
• a 2.50

  William Malmesbury, ut prius.
• * 2.51

  How this Summe was divided, and collected out of severall Dioceses.
• * 2.52

  Ethel∣redi 1
• * 2.53

  867
• * 2.54

  The Saxons wilfully ac∣cessory to their own ruine by the Danes.
• * 2.55

  Anno Dom. 867
• * 2.56

  Anno Regis Ethel∣redi 1
• * 2.57

  Fight betwixt Christians and Danes.
• * 2.58

  870
• * 2.59

  4
• a 2.60

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 865.
• b 2.61

  Vicedominus.
• * 2.62

  Crowland Monks mas∣sacred.
• c 2.63

  Iugulphus, pag. 866.
• d 2.64

  In Latine Collobium. Peterbarough Monks kil∣led. Monaste∣ry burned.
• * 2.65

  Anno Regis Ethel∣tedi 4
• * 2.66

  Anno Dom. 870
• * 2.67

  A heap of Martyrs.
• * 2.68

  The cruel Martyrdome of King Edmond.
• a 2.69

  Camden's Britan in the description of Suffolk.
• * 2.70

  King Ethel∣bert his pray∣er-victory.
• b 2.71

  William Malmesbury De Gestis Re∣gum Anglo∣rum, lib. 2. pag. 42.
• c 2.72

  Gen. 31. 52.
• a 2.73

  Exod. 17. 11
• * 2.74

  King Ethel∣bert heart∣broken with grief.
• * 2.75

  871
• * 2.76

  5
• b 2.77

  Malemes∣buriensis ut prims. King Alfred's exemplary Character.
• * 2.78

  872
• * 2.79

  AIfred•• sen A••∣luredi 1
• * 2.80

  Alfred, as a fidler, disco∣vereth the Danish de∣signes.
• * 2.81

  876
• * 2.82

  5
• * 2.83

  The Danish ships left water-bound
• * 2.84

  Anno Regis Alfredi seu A∣luredi 5
• * 2.85

  Anno Dom. 876
• * 2.86

  The general ignorance in England.
• * 2.87

  Ancient Schools at Crekelade and Lechlade.
• * 2.88

  11
• * 2.89

  882
• * 2.90

  The Universi∣ty first found∣ed by Alfred at Oxford.
• * 2.91

  Anno Dom. 882
• * 2.92

  Anno Regis Alfredi seu A∣luredi 11
• * 2.93

  Kings-Hall founded by King Alfred.
• a 2.94

  Rex Plato∣nicus pag. 211.
• * 2.95

  The Birth∣place of Io. Scotus.
• b 2.96

  Iac. War. de Scrip. Hib. pag. 43.
• c 2.97

  Mercat. Atlas pag. 47.
• d 2.98

  Eccles. Hist. Scot. lib. 1. num. 64. & lib. 9. un. 104.
• * 2.99

  Wales it's right to Sco∣tus his birth.
• c 2.100

  Bale de Scrip. Brit. cent. secund. pag. 124.
• f 2.101

  Cajus de Ant. Cant. lib. 1. p. 157.
• g 2.102

  Trithemius & ejus se∣quaces.
• * 2.103

  Scotus (saith Cajus) studied at Cam∣bridge.
• h 2.104

  S^r. Isa. Wake in Reg. Pla∣tonico, pag. 212
• i 2.105

  Baleus Cent. secund. utprius. Miserably murdered by his Scholars.
• a 2.106

  Prudentius in his book peristephanon. Unmartyred by Baronius.
• b 2.107

  In 2. edit. Catal. SS. Hib.
• c 2.108

  Ioh. Pari∣siensis Hist. in anno 877.
• * 2.109

  Scotus con∣founded with other of his namesakes.
• d 2.110

  Iohn Bale ut prius.
• * 2.111

  The Scholars maintenance out of the Kings Ex∣chequer.
• e 2.112

  Asserius Menevensis in Alfredo.
• * 2.113

  14
• * 2.114

  885
• * 2.115

  Dissention betwixt the Students at Oxford.
• * 2.116

  Anno Dom. 885
• * 2.117

  Anno Regis Alfredi seu A∣luredi 14
• a 2.118

  Brian Twine in Apolog. Antiq. Oxton.
• * 2.119

  The Armes of oxford.
• b 2.120

  Aquinas Summes, quae. 1. Art. 10.
• * 2.121

  One, once a swine∣heard, made Bishop of Winchester.
• c 2.122

  Godwin in his Bishops of Winchester, pag. 263.
• d 2.123

  Malmesb. lib. 2. de ••ess. Ponti∣ficum.
• e 2.124

  See M^r. I∣saak sons Chronology in Ca••al. of Bishops.
• * 2.125

  887
• * 2.126

  16
• * 2.127

  The preface to the Ca∣nons made by King Al∣fred.
• f 2.128

  S^r. Henry Spelman's Counc. p. 354.
• a 2.129

  1 King. 22. 8
• * 2.130

  Anno Regis Alfredi seu A∣luredi 16
• * 2.131

  Anno Dom. 887
• * 2.132

  18
• * 2.133

  889
• * 2.134

  A generall Contribu∣tion to Rome and Ierusa∣lem.
• * 2.135

  900
• * 2.136

  Death of King Alfred.
• b 2.137

  Iames U∣sher de Brit. Eccles. primor. in I••dice Chro∣nolog. p. 1177. Weak Guar∣dians God wote.
• * 2.138

  The wofull estate of the English.
• * 2.139

  The com∣mendable temper of King Alfred and King Edward.
• * 2.140

  Anno Dom. 900
• * 2.141

  Anno Regis