The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.
Fuller, Thomas, 1608-1661., Fuller, Thomas, 1608-1661. History of the University of Cambridge snce the conquest., Fuller, Thomas, 1608-1661. History of Waltham-Abby in Essex, founded by King Harold.
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1. THe sad newes of King James his death was soon brought to White-hall,*** at that very instant, when Dr Land Bishop of St Davids, was preaching there∣in. This caused him toa* break off his Sermon in the middest thereof, out of civil complyance with the sadness of the congregation: and the same day was King Charles proclaimed at White-Hall.

2. On the fourteenth of May following King James his funeralls were performed very solemnly,* in the Collegiate-Church at Westminster, his lively statue being presented on a magificent Herse. King Charles was present thereat. For, though modern state used of late to lock up the chief Mourner in his Chamber, where his grief must be presumed too great for publique appearance; yet the King caused this ceremonie of sorrow so to yeeld to the substance thereof, and pomp herein to stoop to pietie, that in his person he sorrowfully attended the funerals of his Father.

3. Dr. Williams,* Lord Keeper and Bishop of Lincolne, preached the Ser∣mon, taking for his Text 2 Chron. 9. 29, 30. and part of the 31, verse. containing the happy reign, quiet death, and stately buriall of King Solomon. The effect of his Sermon was to advance a parallel betwixt two peace∣able Princes, King Solomon and King James. A parallel which willingly went, (not to say ran of its own accord) and when it chanced to stay, was fairly led on by the art, and ingenoitie of the Bishop, not enforcing, but improving the conformitie betwixt these two Kings in ten particulars, all expressed in the Text, as we read in the vulgar Latin somewhat different from the new Translation.

King Solomon, King James,

1. His eloquence, the rest of the words of Solomon.

2. His actions, and all that he did.

3. A well within to supply the same, and his wisedome.

Page  118 4. The preservation thereof to eter∣nitie, Are they not written in the book of the acts of Solomon, made by Na∣than the Prophet, Ahijah the Shilo∣nite, and Iddo the Seer?

5. He reigned in Jerusalem, a great Citie, by him enlarged, and repai∣red.

6. Over all Israel, the whole Empire.

7. A great space of time, full fourtie years.

8. Then he slept, importing no sudden and violent dying, but a premedi∣tate and affected kinde of slee∣ping.

9. With his fathers, David especially, his Soul being disposed of in hap∣piness.

10. And was buried in the City of David.

Page  117

1. Hadb profluentem, & quae Principem deceret, eloquentiam.

2. Was eminent in his actions of Re∣ligion, Justice, War, and Peace.

3. So wise that there was nothing that anyc would learn, which he was not able to teach.

Page  118 4. As Trajan was nicknamed herba parietaria, a Wal-flower, because his name was engraven on every wal: so King James shall be called her∣ba chartacea, the paper-flower, and his glory be read ind in all writers.

5. He reigned in the capital City of London, by him much augmented.

6. Over great Britain, by him hap∣pily united, and other Dominions.

7. In all fiftie eight (though over all Britain but two and twenty years) reigning asc better, so also longer than King Solomon.

8. Left the world most resolved, most prepared, embracing his Grave for his Bed.

9. Reigning gloriously with God in Heaven.

10. Whilest his body was interred with all possible solemnitie in King Henry the seventh his Chappell.

Be it here remembred, that in this Parallel the Bishop premised to set forth Solomon, not in his full proportion, faults and all, but half-faced (ima∣gine lusca as Apelles painted Antigonus to conceal the want of his eye) ad∣ding, that Solomons vices could be no blemish to King James, who resem∣bled him onely in his choicest vertues. He concluded all with that verse Ecclesiasticus 30. 4. Though his Father die, yet he is as though he were not dead, for he hath left one behinde him that is like himself: in application to his present Majestie.

4. Some Auditors,* who came thither rather to observe than edifie, cavill than observe, found, or made faults in the Sermon, censuring him for touching too often, and staying too long on an harsh string, three times straining the same, making eloquence too essentiall, and so absolutely necessary in a King, that the want thereof made Moses in a mannerfrefuse all Government though offered by God: that nogman ever got great power without eloquence; Nere being the first of the Caesars qui alienae facundiae eguit, who usurp'd another mans language to speake for him. Expressions which might be forborn in the presence of his Sonne, and Successor, whose impediment in speech was known to be great, and mistook to be greater. Some con∣ceived him too long in praising the passed, too short in promising for the present King (though saying much of him in a little) and the Bishops Adversaries (whereof then no want at Court) some took distaste, others made advantage thereof. Thus is it easier, and better for us to please one God, than many men with our Sermons. However the Sermon was publiquely set forth by the Printer (but not the express command) of his Majestie, which gave but the steddier Mark to his enemies, noting the marginall notes thereof, and making all his Sermon the text of their cap∣tious interpretations.

5. Now began animosities to discover themselves in the Court,* whose sad influences operated many years after, many being discontented that on this change they received not proportionable advancement to their Page  119 expectations.** It is the prerogative of the King of Heaven alone, that he maketh all his Sonnes Heires, all his Subjects Favourites, the gain of one being no losse to the other. Whereas the happiest Kings on Earth are un∣happy herein, that unable to gratifie all their Servants (having many Suitors for the same place) by conferring a favour on one, they disoblige all other competitors, conceiving themselves, as they make the estimate of their own deserts, as much (if not more) meriting the same preferment.

6. As for Doctor Preston he still continued,* and increased in the favor of the King, and Duke; it being much observed, that on the day of King James his death, heh rode with Prince, and Duke, in a Coach shut down from Theobalds to London, applying comfort now to one now to the o∣ther, on so sad an occasion. His partie would perswade us, that he might have chose his own mitre, much commending the moderation of his mor∣tified minde, denying all preferment which courted his acceptance; ve∣rifying the Anagram which ai friend of his made on his name Johannes Prestonius, Enstas pius in honore. Indeed he was conceived to hold the Helme of his own partie, able to steere it to what point he pleased, which made the Duke [as yet] much to desire his favor.

7. A booke came forth called Appello Caesarem made by M. Mountague. He formerly had been Fellow of Kings Colledge in Cambridge,* at the pre∣sent a Parson of Essex and Fellow of Eaton. One much skilled in the Fathers, and Ecclesiasticall Antiquity, and in the Latin and Greek Tongues. Our greatk Antiquarie confesseth as much (Graecè simul & Latinè doctus) though pens were brandished betwixt them: and vertues allowed by ones adver∣sarie may passe for undeniable truths. These his great parts were attended with tartnesse of writing, very sharp the neb of his pen, and much gall in his inke, against such as▪ opposed him. However, such the equability of the sharpnesse of his style he was unpartiall therein, be he antient or modern writer, Papist or Protestant, that stood in his way, they should all equally taste thereof.

8. Passe we from the Author to his Book,* whereof this was the occa∣sion. He had lately writen satyrically enough against the Papists in consu∣tation of The Gagger of Protestants: Now two Divines of Norwich Dioces, Mr. Yates, and Mr. Ward informed against him for dangerous errours of Armi∣nianisme and Poperie, deserting our cause, in stead of defending it. M. Moun∣tague, in his own vindication, writes a second Book licensed by Francis White, Dean of Carlile, finished, and partly printed in the reign of James, to whom the Author intended the dedication. But on King James his death, it seems it descended by succession on King Charles his Sonne, to whom Mr. Mountague applyed the words which Ockam once used to Lewes of Bavier, Emperour of Germanie, Domine Imperator defende me gladio, & ego te defendam calamo, Lord Emperour defend me with thy Sword, and I will defend thee with my Pen. Many bitter passages in this his Book gave great exception, whereof largely, hereafter.

9. On Sunday being the twelfth of June,* about seven of the clock at night,* Queen Marie landed at Dover: at what time a piece of Ordinance be∣ing discharged from the Castle, flew in fitters, yet did no bodie any harm. Moe were fearfull at the presage, than thankfull for the providence. Next day, the King coming from Canterburie, met her at Dover, whence with all solemnitie she was conducted to Sommerset-House in London, where a Chap∣pell was new prepared for her devotion, with a Covent adjoyning of Capu∣chin-Friers, according to the Articles of her Marriage.

10. A Parliament began at London,* wherein the first Statute agreed up∣on, was for the more strict observation of the Lords-day. Which day, as it first honoured the King (His Reign beginning thereon) so the King first Page  108 honoured it by passing an Act for the greater solemnitie thereof.* The House of Commons fell very heavie on Mr. Mountague, for many bitter passages in his Book: who in all probability, had now been severely censured, but that the King himself was pleased to interpose in his behalf;* signifying to the House, That those things which were then spoken, and determined concerning Moun∣tague, without his Privitie, did not please Him; who by his Court-friends being imployed in the Kings Service, his Majesty signifiyed to the Parliament that he thought his Chaplains (whereof Mr. Montague was one) might have as much protection as the Servant of an ordinary Burgess: neverthelesse his bond of two thousand pounds wherewith he was tailed, continued uncancelled, and was called on the next Parliament.

11. The Plague increasing in London,* the Parliament was removed to Oxford. But alas! no avoiding Gods hand. The infection followed, or rather met the Houses there, (whereof worthy Dr. Challenor died, much la∣mented) yet were the Members of Parliament, not so carefull to save their own persons from the Plague, as to secure the Land from a worse, and more spreading contagion, the daily growth of Poperie. In prevention whereof they presented a Petition to his Majesty, containing sixteen particulars, all which were most graciously answered by his Majesty, to their full satis∣faction. Thus this meeting began hopefully, and cheerfully; proceeded turbulently, and suspiciously; brake off suddenly, and sorrowfully; the rea∣son whereof is to be fetch'd from our Civil Historians.

12. The Convocation kept here,* is scarce worth the mentioning, seeing little the appearance thereat, nothing the performance therein. Dean Bowles, the Prolocurour, absented himself for fear of infection, Dr. Thomas Good officiating in his place, and their meeting was kept in the Chappell of Mer∣ton-Colledge. Here Dr. James that great Book-man, made a motion, that all Manuscript-Fathers in the Libraries of the Universities, and elswhere in England, might be perused, and that such places in them as had been cor∣rupted in Popish editions (much superstition being generated from such cor∣ruptions) might faithfully be printed, according to those ancient Copies. Indeed, though England at the dissolving of Abbies lost moe Manu∣scripts than any Countrey of Christendome (of her dimensions) ever had, yet still enough were left her, if well improved, to evidence the truth herein to all posteritie. This designe might have been much beneficiall to the Protestant cause, if prosecuted with as great endeavour, as it was pro∣pounded with good intention: but, alas! this motion was ended, when it was ended, expiring in the place with the words of the mover thereof.

13. The King according to his late answer in the Parliament at Ox.** issued out a Commission to the Judges to see the Law against Recusants put in ex∣ecution. This was read in all the Courts of Judicature at Reading (where Michaelmas Terme was kept) and a letter directed to the Arch-bishop of Cant. to take speciall care for the discovery of Jesuits, Seminary Priests &c. within his Province. A necessary severity, seing Papists (presuming on Protection by reason of the late Match) were grown very insolent. And a Popish Lord when the King was at Chappell was heard to prate on pur∣pose lowder in a Gallery adjoyning then the Chaplain prayed, whereat the King was so moved that he sent him this message; Either come and doe as we doe, or I will make you prate further off.

14. In this,* and the next yeer, many Books from persons of severall abi∣lities, and professions, were writen against Mr. Mountague, By

  • 1. Dr. Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter. One who was miles emeritus, age giving him a Supersedeas, save that his zeale would imploy it self, and some conceived, that his choler became his old age.
  • 2. Mr. Henry Burton, who then began to be well (as after∣wards Page  109 wards too well) known to the World.
  • 3. Mr. Francus Rowse, a Lay-man by profession.
  • 4. Mr. Yates, a Minister of Norfolk, formerly a Fellow of Emmanuel in Cambridge: he intitles his Book Ibus ad Caesarem.
  • 5. Dr. Carleton, Bishop of Chichester.
  • 6. Anthonie Wootton, Divinitie-Professour in Gresham-Colledge.

In this Armie of Writers the strength is conceived to consist in the rere, and that the last wrote the solidest confutations. Of these six, Dean Sutcliffe is said to have chode heartily, Mr. Rowse meant honestly, Mr. Burton wrote plainly, Bishop Carleton very piously, Mr. Yates learnedly, and Mr. Wootton most solidly.

15. I remember not at this time any of Master Mountague's partie en∣gaged in print in his behalf.* Whether, because they conceived this their Champion, sufficient of himselfe to encounter all opposers; or, because they apprehended it unsafe (though of the same judgment) to justifie a Book which was grown so generally offensive. Insomuch as his Majesty himself, sensible of his Subjects great distaste thereat (sounded by the Duke of Buckingham to that purpose) was resolved to leave Mr. Mountague to stand or fall,** according to the justice of his cause. The Duke imparted as much to Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint Davids, who conceived it of such ominous concernment, that he entred the same in his Diarie, viz. I seem to see a cloud arising, and threatning the Church of England, God for his mercie dissipate it.

16. The day of the Kings Coronation drawing neer,* his Majesty sent to survey, and peruse the Regalia, or Royal Ornaments; which then were to be used. It happened that the left wing of the Dove on the Scepter was quite broken off, by what casualty God himself knows. The King sent for Mr. Acton then his Goldsmith, commanding him that the very same should be set on again. The Goldsmith replied, that it was impossible to be done so fairly, but that some mark would remain thereof. To whom the King in some passion returned,lIf you will not doe it, another shall. Hereupon Mr. Acton carried it home, and got another Dove of Gold to be artificially set on; whereat, when brought back, his Majesty was well contented, as ma∣king no discovery thereof.

17. The Bishop of Lincolne,* Lord-Keeper, was now dayly descendant in the Kings favour; who so highly distasted him, that he would not have him, as Dean of Westminster, to perform any part of His Coronation; yet so (was it a favour, or a triall?) that it was left to his free choice, to prefer any Prebendary of the Church to officiate in his place. The Bishop met with a Dilemma herein. To recommend Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint Davids (and Prebendary of Westminster) for that performance, was to grace one of his greatest enemies: to passe him by, and prefer a private Prebendary for that purpose before a Bishop, would seem unhandsome, and be inter∣preted a neglect of his own Order. To avoid all exceptions, he presented a list of all the Prebendaries of that Church, referring the election to his Majesty himself, who made choise of Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint Davids, for that attendance.

18. Dr. Senhouse,** Bishop of Carlile (Chaplain to the King when Prince) preached at the Coronation; his text,—And I will give unto thee a Crown of life. In some sort it may be said, that he preached his own funerall, dying shortly after; and even then the black Jaundice had so possessed him (a disease which hangs the face with mourning as against its buriall) that all despaired of his recovery. Now, seeing this Coronation cometh within (if not the pales and Park) the purlews of Ecclesiastical Historie, we will present so much thereof, as was acted in the Church of Westminster. Let Heraulds marshall the solemnitie of their advance from Westminster-HallPage  122 to this Church,*** where our pen takes the first possession of this subject.

19. But first we will premise the equipage, according to which they ad∣vanced from Westminster-Hall, to the Abbey-Church, in order as followeth.

  • 1. The Aldermen of London two by two, ushered by an Herauld.
  • 2. Eightie Knights of the Bath in their Robes, each having an Es∣quire to support, and Page to at∣tend him.
  • 3. The Kings Serjeants at Law, So∣licitour, Atturney, Masters of Re∣quest, and Judges.
  • 4. Privie-Counsellors that were Knights, and chief Officers of the Kings Houshold.
  • 5. Barons of the Kingdome, all bare∣headed, in their Parliament-Robes, with swords by their sides.
  • 6. The Bishops with Scarlet-gowns, and Lawn-sleeves, bare-headed.
  • 7. The Vice-Counts, and Earles (not in their Parliament, but) in their Coronation-Robes, with Coronetted-Caps on their Heads.
  • 8. The Officers of State for the day; whereof these are the principall.
Sr. Richard Winn.
Sr. George Goreing.
The Lord Privie-Seal.
The Archbishop of Canterbury.

The Earl of Dorset carrying The first Sword naked.
The Earl of Essex The second
The Earl of Kent The third
The Earl of Montgomerie The Spurs.
The Earl of Sussex The Globe, and Crosse upon it.
The Bishop of London The Golden Cup for the Com∣munion.
The Bishop of Winchester The Golden Plate
The Earl of Rutland The Scepter.
The Marquesse Hammilton The Sword of State naked.
The Earl of Pembroke The Crown.

The Lord Maior in a crimson Velvet gown, carried a short Scepter before the King, amongst the Serjeants. But I am not satisfied in the criticalness of his place.

The Earl of Arundel, as Earl-Marshall of England, and the Duke of Buckin∣gham, as Lord High-Constable of England for that day, went before his Ma∣jestity in this great solemnity.

20. The King entred at the West-gate of the Church,* under a rich Ca∣nopy carried by the Barons of the Cinque-Ports, his own person being sup∣ported by Dr. Neyle Bishop of Durham on the one hand; and Dr. Lake, Bishop of Bath and Wells, on the other. His train being six yards long of purple Velvet, was held up by the Lord Compton (as belonging to the Robes) and the Lord Viscount Dorcester. Here he was met by the Prebends of Westminster (Bishop Laud supplying the Dean his place) in their rich Copes, who delivered into his Majesties hand the Staff of King Edward the Con∣fessor, with which he walked upto the Scaffold.

21. This was made of wood at the upper end of the Church,* from the Quire to the Altar. His Majesty mounted it, none under the degree of a Baron standing thereon, save only the Prebends of Westminster who at∣tended on the Altar, three Chaires were appointed for him in severall places; one of Repose, the second the ancient Chair of Coronation, and the third (placed on an high square of five Staires ascent) being the Chair of State.

22. All being settled and reposed,* the Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons, East, West, North, South, asking their minds four severall times, if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawfull Soveraign. The King mean time presented him∣self Page  123 bare-headed:** the consent being given four times with great acclama∣tion, the King took his Chaire of repose.

23. After the Sermon (whereof before) the L. Archbishop,* invested in a rich Coape, tendered to the King (kneeling down on cushions at the Communion-Table) a large Oath, then were his Majesties Robes taken off him, and were offered on the Altar. He stood for a while stripped to his Doublet and Hose, which were of white Satten (with Ribbons on the Armes and Shoulders, to open them) and he appeared a proper Person to all that beheld him. Then was he led by the L. Archbishop and the Bishop of St. Davids, and placed in the Chaire of Coronation (a close Ca∣nopie being spread over him) the L. Archbishop anointing his head, shoul∣ders, armes, and hands with a costly ointment, the Quire singing an An∣theme of these words, Zadok the Priest anointed King Solomon.

24. Hence the King was led up in his Doublet and Hose with a white Coyfe on his head to the Communion Table,* where Bishop Laud (Depu∣ty for the Dean of Westminster) brought forth the ancient Habiliments of King Edward the Confessour, and put them upon him. Then was his Ma∣jestie brought back to the Chaire of Coronation, and received the Crown of King Edward (presented by Bishop Laud, and) put on his head by the Archbishop of Canterburie. The Quire singing an Antheme, Thou shalt put a Crown of pure Gold upon his head. Whereupon the Earles and Viscounts put on their Crimson Velvet Caps with Coronets about them (the Ba∣rons and Bishops alwayes standing bare headed) Then every Bishop came severally to his Majesty to bring his benediction upon him, and he in King Edwards Robes with the Crown upon his head, rose from his Chaire, and did bow severally to every Bishop apart.

25. Then was King Edwards Sword girt about him,* which he took off again and offered up at the Communion Table with two Swords more (surely not in relation to Scotland and Ireland, but to some ancient Princi∣palities his Predecessors enjoyed in France.) Then the Duke of Buckingam (as Master of the Horse) put on his Spurres, and thus completely crowned; his Majesty offered first Gold, then Silver at the Altar, and afterwards Bread and Wine which were to be used at the holy Communion.

26. Then was his Majesty conducted by the Nobility to the Throne upon that square Bfs of five ascents,* the Quire singing Te deum. Here his Majesty took an Oath of homage from the Duke of Buckingam (as Lord high Constable for that day) and the Duke did sweare all the Nobilitie besides to be Homagers to his Majestie at his Majesties knees.

27. Then as many Earles and Barons as could conveniently stand about the Thrane,* did lay their hands on the Crowne on his Majesties head, protesting to spend their bloods, to maintain it to him and his lawfull Heirs. The Bishops severally kneeled down, but took no oath as the Barons did, the King kissing every one of them.

28. Then the King took a Scrowle of parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lord Keeper Williams,* who red it to the Commons four severall times, East, West, North and South. The effect whereof was, that his Majesty did offer a pardon to all his Subjects-who would take it un∣der his Broad-Seale.

29. From the Throne,* his Majesty was conducted to the Communion Table, where the Lord Archbishop kneeling on the North side, read prayers in the Quire; and sung the Nicene Creed. The Bishop of Landaff and N••ich, read the Epistle and Gospell, with whom the Bishops of Durham and St. Davids in rich Copes kneeled with his Majesty and re∣ceived the Communion; the bread, from the Archbishop, the wine, from the Bishop of St. Davids, his Majesty receiving last of all, whilest Gloria in Page  124 excelsis was sung by the Quire,** and some prayers read by the Archbishop concluded the solemnity.

30. The King after he had disrobed himself in King Edwards Chappell,* came forth in a short Robe of red Velvet girt unto him, lined with Er∣mins, and a Crown of his own on his head set with very pretious stones, and thus the Train going to the Barges on the water side returned to White Hall in the same order wherein they came, about three a clocke in the afternoon.

31. I have insisted the longer on this Subject moved thereunto by this con∣sideration,* that if it be the last Solemnitie performed on an English King in this kinde, Posteritie will conceive my paines well bestowed, because on the last. But if hereafter Divine providence shall assign England another King, though the transactions herein be not wholly precedentiall, something of State may be chosen out gratefull for imitation.

32. And here if a Blister was not,* it deserved to be on the fingers of that scandalous Pamphleteer, who hath written that King Charles was not Crow∣ned like other Kings. Whereas all essentills of his Coronation were per∣formed with as much ceremonie as ever before, and all Robes of State u∣sed according to ancient prescription. But if he indulged his own fancie for the colour of his clothes, a White Sute &c. Persons meaner than Princes, have in greater matters assumed as much libery to themselves.

33. Indeed one Solemnitie (no part of,* but preface to the Coronation) was declined on good consideration. For whereas the Kings of England used to ride from the Tower, through the City to Westminster; King Charles went thither by water, out of double providence, to save health and wealth thereby. For though the infectious Aire in the City of London had lately been corrected with a sharp Winter, yet was it not so amended, but that a just suspicion of danger did remain. Besides such a procession would have cost him threescore thousand Pounds, to be disbursed on Scarler for his Train. A summe which if then demanded of his Exchequer, would scarce receive a satisfactory answer thereunto; and surely some who since condemne him for want of state, in omitting this Royall Pageant, would have condemned him more for prodigality, had he made use thereof.

34. As for any other alterations in Prayers or Ceremonies,* though heavily charged on Bishop Laud, are since conceived by unpartiall people, done by a Committee, wherein (though the Bi∣shop accused as most active) others did equally consent. In∣deed a passage not in fashion, since the Reign of King Henry the sixt, was used in a prayer at this time. Obtineat gratiam huic populo sicut Aaron in Tabernaculo, Elizeus in Fluvio, Zacharias in Templo, sit Petrus in Clave, Paulus in Dogmate. Let him obtain favor for this people like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the Waters, Zacharias in the Temple, give him Peters Key of dicipline, Pauls Doctrine. This I may call a Protestant passage, though anciently used in Popish times, as fixing more spirituall power in the King, than the Pope will willingly allow, jealous that any should finger Peters Keyes save himself.

35. A few dayes after a Parliament began,** wherein Mr. Mountague was much troubled about his Book, but made a fhift by his powerfull Friends to save himself. During the sitting whereof, at the instance and procurement of Robert Rich Earle of Warwick, a conference was Kept in York house, be∣fore the Duke of Buckingam and other Lords, betwixt Dr. Buckridge, Bi∣shop of Rochester, and Dr. White, Dean of Carlile, on the one side, and Dr. Morton Bishop of Coventry, and Dr. Preston on the other, about Armi∣nian points, and chiefly the possibilitie of one elected to fall from grace. The passages of which conference ar variously reported. For it is not in tongue Page  125 combats,** as in other battails, where the victorie cannot be disguised, as dis∣covering it self in keeping the field, number of the slain, Captives, and Colours taken. Whilest here no such visible effects appearing, the persons present were left to their libertie, to judge of the Conquest, as each one stood affected. However William Earle of Pembrooke was heard to say, that none returned Arminians thence, save such who repaired thither with the same opinions.

36. Soon after a second conference was entertained,** in the same place, on the same points, before the same Persons; betwixt Dr. White Dean of Carlile, and Mr. Mountague, on the on side; and Dr. Morton, Bishop of Lichfield, and Dr. Preston on the other. Dr. Preston carried it clear at the first, by dividing his adversaries, who quickly perceiving their error, pieced themselves together in a joynt opposition against him. The passages also of this conference, are as differently related as the former. Some make∣ing it aaclear conquest on one, some on the other side, and a third sort a drawn battail betwixt both. Thus the success of these meetings, answered neither the commendable intentions, nor hopefull expectations, of such who pro∣cured them. Now whil'st other dare say, Universally of such conferences, what David saith of mankinde, that of thembthere is none that doth good, no not one, we dare onely intimate, that (what Statesmen observe of Interviews be∣twixt Princes; so) these conferences betwixt Divines rather increase the differences than abate them.

37. The Bishop of Lincoln fell now through the Dukes,* into the Kings displeasure; and such who will read the late letters in the Cabala, may con∣jecture the cause thereof, but the certainty we leave to be reported by the Historians of the State; belonging in his Episcopall capacity to my pen, but as Lord Keeper properly to theirs.

38. The Bishop finding his own tottering condition,* addressed himself to all who had intimacie with the Duke to reingratiate himself. But such After-games at Court seldome succeed. All would not doe, for as Amicus omnium optimus was part of the Dukes Epitaph*, so no fiercer foe when dis∣pleased, and nothing under the Bishops removall from his office would give him satisfaction.

39. Sir John Suckling was sent unto him from the King,* to demand the broad Seale of him, which the cautious Bishop refused to surrender into his hands, to prevent such uses as might be made thereof (by him or others) in the intervall betwixt this resigning it, and the Kings con∣ferring it on another; but he charily locked it up in a Box, and sent the Box by the Knight, and Key thereof inclosed in a letter to his Majesty.

40. However his bruise was the less,* because he fell but from the first Loft and saved himself on the second Floere. Outed his Lord Keeper∣ship, but keeping his Bishoprick of Lincoln and Deanarie of Westminster, though forced to part with the Kings Purse, he held his owne and that well replenished; And now he is retired to Bugden-great, where, whither grea∣ter his anger at his enemies for what he had lost, or gratitude to God, for what he had left, though others may conjecture, his owne Conscience on∣ly could decide. Here we leave him at his hospitable Table, where some∣times he talked so loud, that his discourse at the second hand was heard to London, by those who bare no good will unto him.

41. An old Hall turned into a new Colledge,* was this yeare finished at Oxford. This formerly was called Broadegates Hall and had many Stu∣dents therein, amongst whom Edmund Bonner afterwards Bishop of London (Scholar enough and Tyrant too much) had his education. But this place was not endowed with any Revenues till about this time, for Thomas Tisdale of Glimpton in the County of Oxford Esquire, bequeathed five thousand Pounds, wherewith Lands were purchased to the value of two Page  126 hundred and fiftie pounds per annum,** for the maintenance of seven Fel∣lowes and six Scholars. Afterwards Richard Wightwick Bachelor of Divinity, Rector of East-Isle in Barkshire, gave Lands to the yearly value of one hundred pounds, for the maintenance of three Fellowes and four Scholars; whereupon petition being made to King James, this new Col∣ledge was erected, and a Charter of Mortmain of seven hundred pounds per annum, granted thereunto.

42. It was called Pembrook Colledge,* partly in respect to William Earle of Pembrook, then Chancellor of the University, partly in expecta∣tion to receive some favour from him. And probably had not that noble Lord died suddenly soon after, this Colledge might have received more than a bare Name from him. The best, where a Child hath rich parents it needeth the less any gifts from the Godfather.

Masters Benefactors Bishops Learned Writers.

1 Dr. Clayton

2 Dr. Langley

King Charles, who gave the Patronage of St. Aldates the Church adjoyning.


So that this Colledge consisteth of a Master, ten Fellowes, and ten Scho∣lars with other Students and Officers to the number of one hundred six∣ty nine.

43. The Doctor and the Duke were both of them unwilling to an open∣breach, loved for to temporise and wait upon events. Surely Temperise here is taken in the Apostle sense, according to some** copies, serving the Times. And henceforwards the Duke resolved to shake off the Doctor, who would not stick close unto him, betaking himself to the opposite Interest. Nor was the other surprized herein, as expecting the alteration long before.

44. By the late conferences at York-house it appeared,* that by the Dukes cold carriage towards him (and smiling on his Opponents) Dr. Preston was now entring into the Autumn of the Dukes favour. Indeed they were well met, each observing, neither trusting other (as I read in the Doctors Life, written by his judicious Pupil.)

45. This year concluded the life of Arthur Lakes,* Warden of New-Colledge in Oxford, Master of St. Crosses, Dean of Worcester, and at last promoted Bishop of Bath and Wells, not so much by the power of his Brother Sir Thomas (Secre∣tarie to King James) as his own desert; as one whose piety may be justly exem∣plary to all of his Order. He seldom (if at all) is said to have dreamt, justly im∣puted, not to the dulness of his fancie, in which faculty he had no defect, but to the staidness of his judgment, wherein he did much excell, as by his learned Sermons doth appear.)

46. About the sametime Lancelot Andrews ended his religious life,* born at Alhollows-Barking in London, Scholar, Fellow, and Master of Pembrook-Hall in Cambridge. Then Deane of Westminster, Bishop of Chicester, Ely, and at last of Winchester. The world wanted learning to know how learned this Man was, so skil'd in all (especially oriental) Languages, that some conceive he might (if then living) almost have served as an INTERPRETER GENE∣RALL at the confusion of Tongues. Nor are the Fathers more faithfully cited in his books, than lively copied out in his countenance and carriage, his gravity in a manner awing King James, who refrained from that mirth and liberty, in the presence of this Prelate, which otherwise he assumed to himself. He lyeth buried in the Chappell of St. Mary Overees, having on his Monument a large, eleganta, and TRUE Epitaph.

47. Since his death some have unjustly snarld at his memory, accusing him Page  127 for covetousness,*** who was neither rapax, to get by unjust courses (as a pro∣fest enemy to usury, simony, and bribery:) nor tenax, to hold money when just occasion called for it: for in his life time he repaired all places he lived in, and at his death left the main of his Estate to pious uses. Indeed he was wont to say, that Good Husbandry was good Divinity, the truth whereof no wise man will deny.

48. Another falls foully upon him for the ornaments of his Chappel as Popish and superstitious,* in theb superabundant ceremonies thereof. To which I can say little; but this I dare affirm, that wheresoever he was a Parson, a Dean, or a Bishop, he never troubled Parish, Colledge, or Diocess with pressing other ceremonies upon them, then such which he found used there before his coming thither. And it had not been amiss, if such who would be accounted his friends and admirers, had followed him in the footsteps of his moderation, content with the enjoying, without the injoyning their private practises, and opinions, on others.

49. As for such who causlesly have charged his Sermons as affected,*andcsurcharged with verball allusions, when they themselves have set forth the like, it will then be time enough to make this Bishops first defence, against their calumniations. Nor is it a wonder that the Msters Pen, was so in his writings, whose very Servant (a Lay man) was so successefull in the same: I mean Mr. Henry Isackson (lately gone to God) the industrious Author of the usefull Chronologie.

50. It is pitie to part this Patron from his Chaplain,*Nicholas Fuller, born, as I take it, in Hampshire, bred in Oxford, where he was Tutor to Sir Henry Walhop, who afterwards preferred him to the small Parsonage of Aldingeton in Wiltshire: And Robert Abbot, Bishop of Salisbury, made him Canon of that Church. Afterwards a Living of great value was sent by Bishop Andrews (the Patrond thereof) on the welcom errand to finde out Mr. Fuller to accept the same, who was hardly contented to be surprised with a presentation there∣unto; such his love to his former smal Living and retired life. He was the Prince of all our English Criticks; And whereas men of that tribe are gene∣rally morose, so that they cannot dissent from another without disdaining, nor oppose without inveighing against him, it is hard to say whether more candor, learning, or judgement, was blended in his Miscellanies. By discovering how much Hebrew there is in the New-Testament-Greek, he cleereth many reall dif∣ficulties from his verball observations.

51. A Commission was granted unto five Bishops (whereof Bishop Laud of the Quorum) to suspend Archbishop Abbot from exercising his Authority any longer,*** because uncanonicall for casuall Homicide; the proceeding against him being generally condemned as over-rigid and severe.

  • 1. The Act was committed seven years since, in the reign of King James.
  • 2. On a Commission then appointed for that purpose, he was clee∣red from all Irregularity, by Bishop Andrews, in Divinity; Sir Ed. Coke, in Common; and Sir Henr. Martin, in Canon Law.
  • 3. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the Canons of forain Councels, which never were allowed any Legisla∣tive Power in this Land.
  • 4. The Archbishop had manifested much remorse and self-affli∣ction, for this (rather sad than sinful) act.
  • 5. God may be presumed to have forgotten so much as there was of fault in the fact, and why then should man remember it:
  • 6. Ever since he had executed his Jurisdiction without any inter∣ruption.
  • Page  128 7. The Archbishop had both feet in the Grave,** and all his whole Body likely soon after to follow them.
  • 8. Such heighsning of Casual-Homicide, did avour of Intentional malice.

The truth is, the Archbishops own stiffness and aversness to comply with the Court-Designes, advantaged his Adversaries against him, and made him the more obnoxious to the Kings displeasure. But the blame did most light on Bishop Laud, men accounting this a kinde of Filius ante diem, &c. As if not content to succeed, he indeavored to supplant him; who might well have suffered his decayed old age to have died in honor: What needs the felling of the tree a falling?

52. However a double good accrued hereby to the Archbishop.* First, he became the more beloved of Men: (the Countrey hath constantly a blessing for those, for whom the Court hath a curse.) And secondly, he may charitably be presumed to love God the more, whose service he did the better attend, being freed from the drudgery of the World, as that soul which hath the least of Martha, hath the most of Mary therein.

53. And although this Archbishop survived some years after,* yet it will be seasonable here for us to take a fair farewell of his memorie, seeing hence∣forward he was buried to the World. He was bred in Oxford, Master of University Colledge; an excellent Preacher, as appears by his Lectures on Jonah; Chaplain to the Earl of Dunbar (with whom he was once solemnly sent by King James into Scotland to preach there) and afterwards by his means promoted to the Arch-bishop-rick of Canterbury, haply according to his own; but sure I am above, if not against, the expectations of others; A grave man in his conversavion, and unblameable in his life.

54. Indeed it is charged on him that non amavit Gentem nostram,*he loved not our Nation, forsaking the Birds of his own feather to flie with others, and ge∣nerally favoring the Laity above the Clergie, in all cases brought before him. But this he endeavored to excuse to a private friend, by protesting he was himself so severe to the Clergie on purpose to rescue them from the severity of others, and to prevent the punishment of them from Lay Judges to their greater shame.

55. I also reade in a namelesse Author,* that towards his death he was not onely discontented himself, but his house was the randezvouz of all male-contents in Church and State: making mid-night of noon-day, by con∣stant keeping of candles light in his Chamber and Study; as also such visi∣tants as repaired unto him, called themselves Nicodemits, because of their secret addresses. But a crediblef person, and one of his neerest relations knew nothing thereof, which with me much shaketh the probability of the report. And thus we leave this Archbishop, and the rest of his praises to be reported by the poor people of Gilford in Surrey, where he founded and in∣dowed a fair Almes-house in the Town of his Nativity.

56. The Kings Treasury now began to grow low,* and his expenses to mount high. No wonder then if the Statesmen were much troubled to make up the distance betwixt his Exchequer and his Occasions. Amongst other de∣signes, the Papists in Ireland (taking advantage of the Kings wants) proffered to pay constantly 5000 Men, if they might but enjoy a Toleration. But that motion was crusht by the Bishops opposing it, and chiefly by Bishop Doun∣hams sermon in Dublin, on this Text, Luke 1. 74. That we being delivered from the hands of our Enemies might serve him without fear.

57. Many a man,* sunk in his Estate in England, hath happily recovered it by removing into Ireland; whereas, by a contrary motion, this project, bankrupt in Ireland, presumed to make it self up in England: Where the Papists promised to maintain a proportion of Ships, on the aforesaid condi∣tion, Page  129 of free exercise of their Religion.** Some were desirous the King should accept their tender, who might lawfully take what they were so forward to give, seeing no injury is done to them who are willing.

58. It was urged on the other side,* that where such willingness to be injured proceeds from the Principle of an erroneous conscience, there their simpli∣city ought to be informed, not abused. Grant Papists so weak as to buy, Pro∣testants should be more honest than to sell such base wares unto them. Such Ships must needs spring many leaks, rig'd, victualed, and manned withil-gotten money, gained by the sale of Souls. And here all the objections were revi∣ved, which in the reign of King James were improved against such a Tole∣ration.

59. Here Sir John Savil interposed,* that if the King were pleased but to call on the Recusants to pay thirds (legally due to the Crown) it would prove a way more effectual and less offensive to raise a mass of Money: it being but just, who were so rich and free to purchase new Priviledges, should first pay their old Penalties. This motion was listned unto, and Sir John (with some others) appointed for that purpose in the Counties beyond Trent, scarce a third of England in ground, but almost the half thereof for the growth of Re∣cusants therein. But whether the Returns seasonably furnished the Kings oc∣casions is to me unknown.

60. It is suspicious that all such Projects to quench the thirst of the Kings ne∣cessities proved no better then sucking-bottles,*** soon emptied, & but cold the li∣quor they afforded. Nothing so naturall as the milk of the breast, I mean Subsi∣dies granted by Parliament, which the King at this time assembled. But alas, to follow the Metaphor, both the breasts, the two Houses, were so sore with several grievances, that all money came from them with much pain and difficulty; the rather, because they complained of Doctrines destructive to their propriety, lately preached at Court.

61. For towards the end of this Session of Parliament Dr. Manwaring was severely censured for two Sermons he had preached and printed about the power of the Kings Prerogative.* Such is the precipice of this matter (wherein each casual slip of my Pen may prove a deadly fall) that I had ra∣ther the Reader should take all from Mr. Pimm's mouth, than from my hand, who thus uttered himself:

Mastera Speaker,* I am to deliver from the Sub-Committee, a Charge against Mr. Manwaring, a Preacher and Doctor of Divinity, but a man so criminous that he hath turned his titles into accusations; for the better they are, the worse is he that hath dishonoured them. Here is a great Charge that lies upon him; it is great in it self, and great because it hath many great Charges in it: Serpens, qui Serpentem devorat, fit Draco; his Charge, having digested many Charges into it, is become a Monster of Charges. The main and great one is this; A plot and policie, to alter and subvert the frame and fabrick of this State and Commonwealth. This is the great one, and it hath others in it, that gains it more greatness. For, to this end, he labours to infuse into the conscience of his Majesty, the per∣swasion of a power not bounding it self with Laws, which King James of famous memorie calls, in his Speech in Parliament 1619, Tyrannie, yea Tyrannie accompanied with Perjurie.

2. Secondly, He endeavours to perswade the consciences of the Subjects, that they are bound to obey illegal commands; yea, he damns them for not obeying them.

3. Thirdly, He robs the Subjects of the propertie of their goods.

4. Fourthly, He brands them that will not lose this propertie, with most scandalous and odious titles, to make them hatefull both to Prince and People, Page  130 so to set a division between the Head and Members,** and between the Mem∣bers themselves:

5. Fifthly, To the same end (not much unlike to Faux and his fellows) he seeks to blow up Parliaments and Parliamentarie Power. These five be∣ing duly viewed, will appear to be so many Charges, and withall they make up the main and great Charge, A mischievous Plot to alter and subvert the frame and Government of this State and Commonwealth. And now that you may be sure that Mr. Manwaring, though he leave us no propriety in our Goods, yet he hath an absolute propriety in his Charge; Audite ipsam bel∣luam, heare Mr. Manwaring by his own words making up his own Charge.

Here he produced the Book, particularly insisting on pag. 19. 29. and 30. in the first Sermon, pag. 35. 46. and 48 in the second Sermon. All which passages he heightned with much eloquence and acrimonie; thus conclu∣ding his Speech, I have shewed you an evill Tree that bringeth forth evill Fruit; and now it rests with you to determine, whether the following sentence shall follow, Cut it down and cast it into the fire.

62. Four daies after the Parliament proceeded to his censure,** consisting of eight particulars, it being ordered by the House of Lords against him, as followeth:

  • 1. To be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House.
  • 2. To be fined a thousand pounds.
  • 3. To make his submission at the Bar in this House, and in the House of Commons, at the Bar there, in verbis conceptis, by a Committee of this House.
  • 4. To be suspended from his Ministerial function three yeers, and in the mean time a sufficient preaching man to be provided out of the profits of his living, and this to be left to be performed by the Ecclesiastical Court.
  • 5. To be disabled for ever hereafter from preaching at Court.
  • 6. To be for ever disabled of having any Ecclesiastical Dignity in the Church of England.
  • 7. To be uncapable of any secular Office or preferment.
  • 8. That his Books are worthy to be burned, and his Majesty to be moved that it may be so in London, and both the Universities.

But much of this censure was remitted, in consideration of the performance of his humble submission at both the Bars in Parliament:

63. Where he appeared on the three and twentieth of June following,** and on his knees, before both Houses, submitted himself, as followeth, with outward expression of sorrow:

I doe here in all sorrow of heart, and true repentance, acknowledge those many errors and indiscretions which I have committed in preaching and pub∣lishing the two Sermons of mine, which I called Religion and Allegiance, and my great fault in falling upon this theam again, and handling the same rashly, scandalously, and unadvisedly in my own Parish-Church in St. Giles in the fields, the fourth of May last past. I humbly acknowledg these three Sermons to have been full of dangerous passages and inferences, and scandalous asper∣sions, in most part of the same. And I doe humbly acknowledge the just pro∣ceedings of this Honourable House against me, and the just sentence and judg∣ment pass'd upon me for my great offence. And I doe from the bottom of my heart crave pardon of God, the King, and this Honourable House, and the Commonweal in general, and those worthy persons adjudged to be reflected upon by me in particular, for those great offences and errors.

Page  131 How this Doctor, Roger Manwaring (notwithstanding the foresaid censure) was afterwards preferred, first to the Deanarie of Worcester, next to the Bi∣shoprick of St. Davids, God willing in due place thereof.

64. On Thursday the 26th. of this moneth,** ended the Session of Parlia∣ment, wherein little, relating to Religion, was concluded; save onely that diverse abuses on the Lords-day were restained: All Cariers, Carters, Waggo∣ners, Wain-men, Drovers of Cattell forbidden to travell theren, on the forfeit of twenty shillings for every offence. Likewise, Butchers to lose six shillings and eight pence for killing or selling any victuals on that day. A Law was also made, That whosoever goeth himself, or sendeth others beyond the Seas to be trained up in Pope∣rie, &c. shall be disabled to sue, &c. and shall lose all his Goods, and shall forfeit all his Lands, &c. for life. Five entire Subsidies were granted to the King by the Spirituality, and the said Grant confirm'd by the Act of this Parliament, which now was first prorogued to the twentieth of October following, and then, (on some intervening obstructions) put off to the twentieth of January when it began again.

65. As for the Convocation,* concurent [in time] with this Parliament, nothing considerable was acted therein. Dr. Thomas Winniff, Dean of Glo∣cester, preach'd the Latin Sermon; his text Acts 20. 28. Attendite ad vos ipsos, & totum gregem, &c. Dr. Curle was chosen Prolocutor: and a low voice would serve the turn where nothing was to be spoken.

66. On the twentieth of July following Dr. Preston dyed in his native Country of Northamptonshire,** neer the place of his birth, of a consumption, and was buried at Fawsley, Mr. Dod preaching his funeral Sermon: An ex∣cellent Preacher, of whom Mr. Noy was wont to say, that he preached as if he knew Gods Will: a subtile Disputant and great Politician; so that his Foes must confess, that (if not having too little of the Dove) he had enough of the Serpent. Some will not stick to say he had large parts of sufficient re∣ceipt to manage the Broad Seale it self, which if the condition had pleased him, was proffered unto him: For he might have been the Dukes right hand, though at last less than his little finger unto him: Who despairing that this Patriarch of the Presbyterian Party would bring off his side unto him, used him no longer who would not or could not be usefull unto him. Most of this Doctor's posthume-books have been happie in their education, I mean in being well brought forth into the World, though all of them have not lighted on so good guardians: But his life is so largely and learnedly written by one of his own* Pupils, that nothing can be added unto it.

67. About this time George Carleton,* that grave and godly Bishop of Chichester ended his pious life. He was born atbNorham in Northumberland, where his Father was the Keeper of that important Castle in the Marches; an imployment speaking him wise and valiant, in those dangerous and war∣like dayes. He was bred and brought up under Mr. Bernard Gilpin, that Apostolical man (whose Life he wrote in gratitude to his memorie) and retained his youthfull and Poeticall studies fresh in his old age. He was se∣lected by King James one of the five Divines sent over to the Synod of Dort. He wrote many small Tracts (one against Sir John Heydon, about judicial Astrology) which conjoyned would amount to a great volume. Mr. Ri∣chard Mountague, one of a different judgement, succeeded in his See, who at first met with some small opposition on the following occasion.

68. There is a solemnity performed before the consecration of every Bishop,** in this manner. The Royall assent being passed on his election, the Archbishops Vicar-general proceeds to his Confirmation, commonly kept in Bw Church. A Process is issued forth to call all persons to appear, to shew cause why the Elect there present should not be confirmed. For, seeing a Bishop is in a maner married to his See (save that hereafter he taketh his Page  132 surname from his Wife, and not she from him) this ceremony is a kinde of asking the Banes, to see if any can alledge any lawfull cause to forbid them. Now at the confirmation of Mr. Mountague, when liberty was given to any objectors against him, one Mr. Humphreys (since a Parliament Co∣lonel, lately deceased) and William Jones, a Stationer of London (who alone is mentioned in the Record) excepted against Mr. Mountague, as unfitting for the Episcopal office, chiefly on this account, because late∣ly censured by Parliament for his book, and rendered uncapable of all preferment in the Church.

69. But exception was taken at Jones his exceptions (which the Re∣cord calls praetensos articulos) as defective in some legal formalities.* I have been informed, it was alledged against him for bringing in his object∣ions vivâ voce, and not by a Proctor, that Court adjudging all private persons effectually dumbe, who speak not by one admitted to plead therein. Jones returned, that he could not get any Proctor, though pressing them im∣portunately, and proffering them their fee, to present his exceptions, and therefore was necessitated ore tenus there to alledge them against Mr. Moun∣tague. The Registerc mentioneth no particular defects in his exceptions, but Dr. Rives (Substitute at that time for the Vicar-general) declined to take any notice of them, and concludeth Jones amongst the contumacious, quòd nullo modo legitimè comparuit, nec aliquid in hac parte juxta juris exigentiam dice∣ret, exciperet, vel opponeret. Yet this good Jones did Bishop Mountague, that he caused his addresses to the King to procure a pardon, which was granted unto him, in forme like those given at the Coronation, save that some par∣ticulars were inserted therein, for the pardoning of all errors heretofore commit∣ted, either in speaking, writing, or printing, whereby he might hereafter be questi∣oned. The like at the same time was granted to Dr. Manwaring, on whom the rich Parsonage of Stanford Rivers in Essex was conferred, as voyd by Bishop Mountagues preferment.

70. An intention there was for the Bishop and all the companie em∣ployed at his Confirmation,* to dine at a Tavern, but Dr. Thomas Rives utter∣ly refused it, rendring this reason; that he had heard, that the dining at a Tavern gave all the colour to that far-spreading and long-lasting lie, of Matthew Parker his being consecrated at the Nags-Head in Cheapside; and, for ought he knew, captious people would be ready to raise the like report on the same occasion. It being therefore Christian caution, not onely to quench the fire of sin, but also (if possible) to put out the smoak of scandal, they removed their dining to another place.

71. On the twentieth of January the Parliament was reassembled,** which dyed issueless (as I may say) the March following, leaving no Acts (abortions are no Children) completed behind it. Let the Reader who desireth far∣ther instructions of the passages herein consult the Historians of the State. Indeed if the way were good, and weather fair, a travailer, to please his cu∣riosity in seeing the Countrey, might adventure to ride a little out of the rode; but he is none of the wisest, who in a tempest and mirie way will lose time and leave his own journey. If pleasant and generally acceptable were the transactions in this Parliament, it might have tempted me to touch a little thereon, out of the track of my Church-Storie; but finding nothing but stirs and storms therein, I will onely goe on fair and softly in my beaten path of Ecclesiastical affairs. Bishop Land had no great cause to be a Mour∣ner at the Funerals of this Parliament, having entred it in his Diarie, that it endevored his destruction.

72. At this time Richard Smith (distinct from Henrie Smith,*aliàs Lloyd, a Jesuite, whom some confound as the same person) being in title Bishop of Chalcedon in Greece, in truth a dangerous English Priest, acted and exercised Page  133 Episcopal Jurisdiction over the Catholiques here, by Commission from the Pope, appearing in his Pontisicalibus in Lancashire, with his Miter and Crosier to the wonder of poor People, and conferring Orders, and the like. This was much offensive to the Regulars,* as intrenching on their Priviledges, who countermined him as much as they might. His Majestie, having notice of this Romish Agent, renewed his Proclamation (one of a former date taking no effect) for his apprehension, promising an hundred pounds to be presently paid to him that dd it, besides all the profits which accrewed to the Crown, as legally due from the person who entertained him.

72. However such as hid and harbored him,* were neither frighted with the penalty, nor flattered with the profit, to discover him. But Smith, con∣ceiving his longer stay here to be dangerous, conveyed himself over into France, where he became a Confident of Cardinal Richelieu's. The conve∣niencie and validity of his Episcopal power was made the subject of several Books which were written thereon,

    In favor of him.
  • 1. N. de Maistre, a Sorbon-Priest, in his book entituled De persecutione Episcoporum, & De illustrissimo Antistite Chalcedonensi.
  • 2. The Faculty of Paris, which censured all such as opposed him.
    In opposition to him.
  • 1. Daniel, a Jesuite.
  • 2. Horucan.
  • 3. Lumley.
  • 4. Nicolas Smith.

This Chalcedon Smith wrote a book called The Prudential Ballance, much com∣mended by men of his own perswasion; and, for ought I know, is still alive.

74. Within the compass of this year dyed the Reverend Tobie Matthew,* Archbishop of York. He was born in the Somersetshire-side of Bristol, and in his childhood had a marvellous preservation, when with a fall he brake his foot, ancle, and small of his leg, which were so soon recovered to eye,d use, sight, service, that not the least mark remained thereof. Coming to Ox∣ford, he fixed at last in Christ-Church, and became Dean thereof. He was one of a proper person (such People, cateris paribus, and sometimes cateris imparibus, were preferred by the Queen) and an excellent Preacher, Campian himself confessing, that he did dominari in Concionibus. He was of a cheer∣full spirit, yet without any trespass on Episcopal gravity, there lying a real distinction between facetiousness and nugacitie. None could condemn him for his pleasant wit, though often he would condemn himself, as so habited therein, he could as well not be, as not be merrie, and not take up an inno∣cent jeast as it lay in the way of his discourse.

75. One passage must not be forgotten.* After he had arrived at his great∣ness, he made one journey into the West, to visit his two Mothers; her that bare him at Bristol, and her that bred him in learning, the University of Ox∣ford. Coming neer to the latter, attended with a train suitable to his pre∣sent condition, he was met almost with an equall number, who came out of Oxford to give him entertainment. Thus augmented with another troop, and remembring he had passed over a small water a poor Scholar, when first coming to the University, he kneeled down and took up the expression of Jacob, With my staff came I over this Jordan, and now I am become two Bands. I am credibly informed, that, mutatis mutandis, the same was performed by his Predecessor, Archbishop Hutton at Sophisters Hills nigh Cambridge, and am so far from distrusting either, that I beleeve both.

76. He dyed yeerly in report,* and I doubt not, but that in the Apostles sense he dyed dayly in his mortifying meditations. He went over the graves of many who looked for his Archbishoprick; I will not say they catched a cold in waiting barefoot for a living mans shoes. His wife, the Daughter of Bishop Barlow (a Confessor in Queen Maries dayes) was a prudent, and a Page  134 provident matrone.* Of this extraction came Sir Tobie Matthew, having all his Fathers name, many of his natural parts, few of his moral vertues, fewer of his spiritual graces, as being an inveterate enemy to the Protestant Re∣ligion. George Mountaine succeeded him, scarce warm in his Church before cold in his Coffin, as not continuing many moneths therein.

77. I humbly crave the Readers Pardon for omitting due time of the death of reverend Dr. Nicholas Felton Bishop of Ely,* as buried before (though dying some dayes after) Bishop Andrews: and indeed great was the confor∣mity betwixt them. Both being Sons of Seafaring*Men, (who by Gods blessing on their industry, attained comfortable estates) both Scholars, Fellows, and Masters of Pembrook Hall, both great Scholars, painfull Prea∣chers in London for many years, with no less profit to others than credit to themselves, both successively Bishops of Ely. This Bishop Felton had a sound Head and a sanctified Heart, beloved of God, and all good men, very Hospi∣table to all, and charitable to the poor. He died the 5. of October 1626, and lieth buried under the Communion Table in St. Antholins in London, whereof he had been Minister for twenty*eight years. One (whilst a private man) happy in his Curates (whereof two Dr. Bowlles, and Dr. Westfield afterwards became Bishops) and (when a Bishop) no lesse happy in his learned and religious Chaplains.

Page  135


RAre is your hapiness in leaving the Court, before it left you. Not in deserting your attendance on your Master, (of whom none more constantly observant) but in quitting such vanities, which the Court then in Power did tender, and You, then in Prime, might have accepted. Whilest you seasonably retrenched your Self, and redu∣ced your Soul to an Holy Seriousnes, declining such expensive Recre∣ations, (on Principles of Piety, as wel as Providence) wherewith your Youth was so much affected.

And now Sir, seeing you are so judicious in RACING, give me leave to prosecute the Apostles Metaphore, in applying my best wishes to you and to your worthy Lady, which hath repaired the Losses caused by Loyalty, so that you have found in a virtuous Mate, what you have lost for a gracious Master.

Heaven is your Mark, Christ your way thither, the Word the way to Christ, Gods Spirit the Guide to both. When in this Race Impa∣tience shall make you to tire, or Ignorance to stray, or Idleness or Weakness to stumble, or Wilfulnes to fall; may Repentance raise you, Faith quicken you, Patience strengthen you, til Perseverance bring you both to the Mark.

1. QUeen Mary surprised with some fright,*** (as is generally beleeved) antedated the time of her travel by some weeks, and was delivered of a Son.* But a grea∣ter acceleration was endeavoured in his Baptisme, than what happened at his Birth, such the forwardnes of the Popish Priests, to snatch him from the hands of those as dressed him, had not the care of K. Charles prevented tem, assigning Dr. Web (then waiting his Moneth) to Christen him. He died about an houre after; the King very patiently bearing the loss, as receiving the Page  136first fruits of some of his Subjects estates,** and as willingly paying those of his own Body, to the King of Heaven.

2. The University of Oxford,* (Cambridge being then heavily infected with the Plague) at once in their verses congratulated the safe Birth, and con∣doled the short life of this Prince, and a Tetrastich, made by one of Christi∣Church, (thus in making his addresse to the Queen) I must not omit.

Quòd Lucina tuos semel est frustrata Labores,
Nec fortunantes praebuit illa manus,
Ignoscas Regina: uno molimine Ventris,
Non potuit Princeps ad triae Regna dari.

This Prince the next day after was buried by Bishop Laud in the Chappel at Westminster.

3. During the sitting of the last Parliament,** one Leighton a Scotish-man presented a Book unto them: had he been an English man, we durst call him a Furious, and now will terme him a fiery (whence kindled let other ghess) Writer. His Book consisted of a continued railing, from the beginaing to the end; exciting the Parliament and People to kil all the Bishops, and to smite them under the fifth Rib. He bitterly enveyed against the Queen calling her a Daughter of Heth, a Canaanite and Idolatress, and ZIONSPLEA was the specious Title of his Pamplhet; for which he was sentenced in the Star-chamber, to be whipt and stigmatized, to have his eares cropt and nose slit. But betwixt the pronouncing and inflicting this Censure, he makes his escape into Bedford-shire.

4. The Warden of the Fleet was in a Bushel of Troubles about his escape,* though alledging that some helped him over the wal, and that he himself knew nothing thereof til the noon after. But no plea seemed available for one in his place but either the keeping, or recovering of his Prisoner; unfortunate in the former, he was happy in the latter, & brought him back into his custo∣dy; so that the aforesaid censure was inflicted on him. It is remarkable, that amongst the many accusations charged on Archbishop Laud at his trial, the severity on Leighton is not at all mentioned, chiefly because (though he might be suspected active therein) his faults were of so high a nature none then or since dare appear in his defence. The Papists boast that they have beyond the Seas, with them, his Son of an other perswasion.

5. Some three yeers since,* certain feoffees were (though not incorporated by the Kings Letters Patent, or any Act of Parliament) legally setled in trust to purchase in impropriations with their own and other well disposed Persons money, and with their profit to set up and maintain a constant preaching Mi∣nistry in places of greatest need, where the word was most wanting. These consisted of a number neither too few, as the work should burden them, nor so many, as might be a burden to the work, twelve in all, diversly qua∣lified.

  • 1 William Gouge
  • 2 Richard Sibbs
    • Drs. in Divinity.
  • 3 C. Ofspring
  • 4 J. Davenport
  • 5 Ralph Eyre
  • 6 S. Brown
    • of Lincolns Inn.
  • 7 C. Sherland
  • 8 John White
    • of
      • Grayes Inn.
      • Middle Temple.
  • 9 John Geering
  • 10 Richard Davis
  • 11 George Harwood
  • 12 Francis Bridges
    • Citizens.

Page  137 Here were four Divines,** to perswade mens consciences, four Lawyers to draw all conveiances, and four Citizens who commanded rich Coffers, wanting no∣thing, save (what since doth all things) some Swordmen, to defend all the rest. Besides these the Capemerchants (as I may term them) there were other inferiour Factors, Mr. Foxley, &c. who were imployed by appointment, or of officiousnes imployed themselves in this designe.

6. It is incredible,* what large sums were advanced in a short time to∣wards so laudable an imployment. There are indeed in England of Parish Churches, nine thousand two hundred eighty four, endowed with Glebe and Tithes. But of these, (when these Feoffees entered on their work) three thou∣sand eight hundred fourty five were either or

  • Appropriated to Bishops, Cathedrals and Colledges,
  • Impropriated (as Lay-fees) to private persons, as formerly belonging to Abbies.

The redeeming and restoring of the latter, was these Feoffees designe, and it was verily believed (if not obstructed in their end ••vours) within fifty yeers, rather Purchases then Money would have been wanting unto them, buying them generally (as Candle-rents) at or under twelve yeers valuation. My Pen passing by them at the present, may safely salute them with a God speed, as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in the Designe.

7. Richard Smith titulary Bishop of Calcedon taking his honor from Greece,* his profit from England (where he Bishoped it over all the Romtsh Catholiques) was now very busie in his imployment. But when, where and how oft he acted here, is past our discoverie, it being never known when Men of his profession come hither, till they be caught here. Now if any demand why the Pope did not intitle him to some English rather then this Grecian Bishoprick (the grant of both being but of the same price of his Holyness his breath, and the con∣firmation equally cheap in wax and parchment) especially seeing that in Ire∣land he had made Anti-Bishops to all Sees, it is easie for one (though none of his Comclave) to conjecture. For in Ireland he had in every Diocesse and Pa∣rish a Counter-Part of People for number and quality, which he had not in England, and therefore to intitle Bishops here, had but rendered it the more ridiculous in the granter, and dangerous in the accepter thereof.

8. Nicholas Smith a Regular,** (and perchance a Jesuit) much stomacked the advancement and activitie of Richard Smith Bishop of Calcedon and wrote bitterly against him, the hammer of one Smith clashing against another. He fell foul also on Dr. Kellison President of the Colledge of Dowag, who lately set forth a Treatise of the Dignitie and necessity of Bishop and Secular Clergy, ge∣nerally opposing his Doctrine, and particularly in relation to the English Bi∣shops, instancing in the following exceptions.

9. First a Bishop over the English was uselesse,* and might well be spared in times of persecution, there being but two pecuiar performances of a Bishop. viz. Ordination and Confirmation. For the former it might be supplyed by Forreigne Bishops; the Priests of our English nation being generally bred be∣yond the Seas. As for confirmation of the Children of English Catholiques, he much decryed the necessity thereof (though not so far as to un-seven the Sa∣craments of the Church of Rome) affirming it out of St.*Thomas of Aquin, and other Divines, that, by commission from the Pope, a Priest, though no Bi∣shop, might confirme. To this Dr. Kellison his Scholar (or himselfe under the vizard) replyed, that in the definition of St. Ciprian. A Church was a people united to its Bishop, and therefore an absolutenecessity of that function.

10. Secondly he was burthensome to the Church,* considering the present pressures of poor English Catholiques, needing now no unnecessary exspences for the maintenance of the Bishop and his Agents. To this it was answered, that Mr. Nicholas Smith, and his Bretheren, Regulars, dayly put the CatholiquesPage  138 to farre greater charges,* as* appeareth by the stately Houses, Purchases &c. Indeed generally the little finger of a Jesuit was conceived, in his entertain∣ment, heavier than the Loines of a Secular. Mean time in what care were our English Lay Catholiques, with Issachar couching down between two burthens, bear∣ing the weight of both Regulars and Seculars? But who need pity them who will not pity themselves?

11. Thirdly,* he took exceptions at the person of this Bishop of Chalcedon, as not lawfully called in Canonical Criticisme. First, because not estated in his Episcopall inspection over England, during his life (as a Bishop ought to be) but onely constituted ad beneplacitum Papae, at the pleasure of the Pope, which restriction destroyeth his being a Lawfull Ordinary. Secondly, he carpeth at him as made by Delegation and Commission, and therefore a Delegate not an Ordinarie. To which the other replyed, that even Legates have that clause in their Commission, limited to the Popes pleasure, and yet no Catholique will question them to be Lawfull Ordinaries. As to the second exception, the same (saith he) doth not dest•••y his Ordinary-ship, but onely sheweth he was made an Ordinary, in an extraordinary manner: which distinction how farre it will hold good in the Canon Law, let those enquire who are concerned therein.

12. Notwithstanding Dr. Kellison his confutation,* the insolency of the Regulars daily increased in England, so that they themselves may seem the most seculars; so fixed were they to the wealth and vanity of this world. The Irish Regulars exceeded the English in pride, maintaining (amongst other printed propositions) that the Superiours of Regulars are more worthy than Bishops themselves, because the honor of the Pastor is to be measured from the con∣dition of the Flock: quemadmodum Opilio dignior est subulco, as a Shepheard is of more esteem than a Hoggard. In application of the first to themselves, the last to the Seculars, it is hard to say whether their pride was more in their owne praise, or charity lesse in condemning of others. It was therefore high time for the Doctors of Sorbone in Paris (who for many ages have maintained in their Colledge,** the hereditarie reputation of learning) to take these Regulars to taske. Sixty of the Sorbone Doctors censured the aforesaid proposition, and the Archbishop of Paris condemned the Booke of Nicholas Smith, as also ano∣ther tending to the same subject, made by one Daniel a Jesuit.

13. On what tearms the Regulars and Seculars stand in England at this day,* I neither know nor list to enquire. Probably they have learned wit from our woes, and our late sad differences have occasioned their reconcilement. Only I learn this distinction from them, the Catholiques*as Catholiques agree al∣wayes in matters of faith, but the best Catholiques as men may varie in their opinions. I hope they will allow to us, what liberty they assume to themselves.*

14. Dr.*John Davenant Bishop of Salisburie preached his course on a Sunday in Lent at White-Hall before the King and Court, finishing a Text Rom. 6. 23. the former part whereof he had handled the yeer before. In prosecution whereof it seems he was conceived to fall on some forbidden points, in so much that his Majestie (whether at first by his own inclination, or others in∣stigation, is uncertain) manifested much displeasure there at. Sermon ending his Adversaries at Court hoped hereby to make him fall totally and finally from the Kings favour, though missing their mark herein, as in fine it did appear.

15. Two daies after he was called before the Privie Councell;* where he presented himself on his knees, and so had still continued for any favour he found from any of his own function there present. But the Temporall Lords bad him arise and stand to his own defence, being as yet only accused, not convicted. Dr. Harsenet Archbishop of York managed all the businesse against him (Bishop Laud walking by all the while in silence spake not one word) making a long oration uttered with much vehemency to this effect.

Page  139

First, He magnified King James his bounty unto him,** who from a private Master of a Colledge in Cambridge (without any other im∣mediate preferment) advanced him by an unusuall rise to the great and rich Bishoprick of Salisbury.

Secondly, He extolled the piety and prudence of King Charles in setting forth lately an usefull Declaration, wherein he had com∣manded that many intricate questions tending more to distraction then edification of people, should utterly be forborn in preaching, and which had already produced much peace in the Church.

Thirdly, He aggravated the hainousnesse of the Bishops offence, who so ill requited his Majesties favour unto him, as to offer in his own presence, in so great an Auditorie to break his Declaration, inviting others by his example to doe the like.

Fourthly, that high contempt was the lowest tearm could be given to such an offence, seeing ignorance could in no probability be pretended in a person of his reputed learning and eminent Pro∣fession.

What the other answered hereunto will best appear by his own letter wri∣ten to his worthy friend Doctor Ward, giving him an exact account of all pro∣ceedings herein in manner as followeth.

16. As for my Court businesse,* though it grieved me that the establi∣shed Doctrine of our Church should be distasted, yet it grieved me the lesse, because the truth of what I delivered was acknowledged even by those which thought fit to have me questioned, for the deliverie of it. Presently after my Sermon was ended, it was signified unto me by my L. of York, and my L. of Winchester, and my L. Chamberlain, that his Majesty was much displeased, that I had stirred this question which he had for∣bidden to be medled withall, one way or other: My answer was that I had delivered nothing, but the received Doctrine of our Church established in the 17 Article, and that I was ready to justify the truth of what I had then taught. Their answer was, the Doctrine was not gainsaid, but his Highnesse had given command, these questions should not be debated, and therefore he took it more offensively that any should be so bold, as in his own hearing to break his royall commands. And here my L. of York aggravated the offence, from many other circumstances. My reply was only this. That I never understood that his Majesty had forbid a bandling of any Doctrine comprised in the Articles of our Church, but only raising of new questions, or adding of new sense thereunto, which I had not done, nor ever should doe. This was all that passed betwixt us on Sunday night after my Sermon. The matter thus rested, and I heard no more of it, till coming unto the Tuesday Sermon, one of the Clerks of the Councell told me, that I was to attend at the Councell-Table, the next day at two of the clock. I told him I would wait upon their Lord∣ships at the hour appointed. When I came thither, my L. of York made a speech welnigh of half an hour long, aggravating the boldnesse of mine offence, and shewing many inconveniences that it was likely to draw after it. And he much insisted upon this, what good effect his Majesties De∣claration had wrought, how these controversies had ever since been bu∣ried in silence, no man medling with them one way or other. When his Grace had finished his speech, I desired the Lords, that since I was called thither as an offender, I might not be put to answer a long speech upon the suddain, but that my Lords grace would be pleased to charge me point by point, and so to receive my answer, for I did not yet understand wherein I had broken any commandement of his Majesties, which my Lord i his whole discourse took for granted. Having made this motion, Page  140 I gave no further answer, and all the Lords were silent for a while. At length my Lords Grace said I knew well enough the point which was ur∣ged against me, namely the breach of the Kings Declaration. Then I stood upon this Defence, that the Doctrine of Predestination which I taught, was not forbidden by the Declaration: First, because in the De∣claration all the Articles are established, amongst which, the Article of Predestination is one. Secondly, because all Ministers are urged to sub∣scribe unto the truth of the Article, and all Subjects to continue in the profession of that as well as of the rest. Upon these and such like grounds, I gathered, it could not be esteemed amongst forbidden, curious, or need∣less Doctrines; and here I desired that out of any Clause in the Declara∣tion it might be shewed me, that keeping my selfe within the bounds of the Article, I had transgressed his Majesties command; but the Declara∣tion was not produced, nor any particular words in it; onely this was ur∣ged that the Kings will was, that for the peace of the Church these high questions should be forborne. My answer then was, that I was sorry I understood not his Majesties intention, which if I had done before, I should have made choice of some other matter to intreat of, which might have given none offence; and that for the time to come, I should conform my self as readily as any other to his Majesties command. The Earle of Arundell seemed to approve of this my answer, and withall advised me to proceed no further in my defence. This in substance all which was done or said in this matter, and so I was dismissed. The Lords said nothing ei∣ther in approbation of what I had alleadged, to shew that I had not wit∣tingly broken the Kings known command, or in confirmation of the con∣trary, urged against me by my Lords Grace. At my departure I intreated their Lordships to let his Majesty understand, that I had not boldly, or wilfully and wittingly, against his Declaration, medled with the fore∣named point; and that now understanding fully his Majesties minde, and intenion, I should humbly yeeld obedience thereunto. This business thus ended, I went the next day to my L. Chamberlain, and intreated him to doe me the favor, that I might be brought to kisse the Kings hand, be∣fore I went out of Town, which his Lordship most readily promised and performed. When I came in, his Majesty declared his resolution, that he would not have this high point medled withall or debated, either the one way or the other, because it was too high for the peoples understand∣ing; and other points which concern Reformation and newness of life, were more needfull and profitable. I promised obedience herein, and so kissing his Majesties hand departed. I thought fit to acquaint you with the whole cariage of this business, because I am afraid many false reports will be made of it, and contrary one to another, as men stand contrarily affe∣cted. I shewed no letter or instructions, neither have any but these gene∣all instructions, which King James gave us at our going to Dort, which make little or nothing to this business. I sought amongst my papers, but could not finde them on the suddain, and I suppose you have them alrea∣dy. As for my Sermon the brief heads were these:*Eternall life is the gift of god, through Jesus Christ our Lord. As in the former part, I had spoken of the threefold miserie of the wicked; so here I expounded the threefold happiness of the godly to be considered.

  • 1. Happy in the Lord whom the serve: God or Christ Jesus.
  • 2. Happy in the reward of their service: Eternall life.
  • 3. Happy in the manner of their reward: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or gratnitum donurn in Christo.

The two former points were not excepted against. In the third and last I considered eternall life in three divers instances, in the eternall destination Page  141 thereunto which we call Election,** in our Conversion, Regeneration, or Justification, which I termed the Embryo of Eternall life, John 4. 14. And last of all in our Coronation, when full possession of eternall fie is given us. In all these I shewed it to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the free gift of God through Christ, & not procured, or premented, by any speciall Acts depending up∣on the free will of Men. The last point, wherein I opposed the Popish Do∣ctrin of Merit wàs not disliked. The second, wherein I shewed the effectuall Vocation or Regeneration (whereby we have Eternall life in∣choated and begun in us is a free gift, was not expresly taxed. Only the first was it which bred the offence; not in regard of the Doctrin it self, but because (as my Lords grace said) the King had prohibited the deba∣ting thereof. And thus having let you understand the carriage of this bu∣sinesse I commit you to the protection or the Almighty.

17. This yeer Thomas Dove Bishop of Peterborough ended his life.* He was bred in Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, chosen Tanquam therein, which it seems is a Fellow in all things save the name thereof. Afterwards Chaplain to Q. Eliz∣beth who made him Dean of Norwich, being much affected with his Preaching, as wont to say that, The*Holy Ghost was again come down in the Dove. He was a constant Housekeeper and Reliever of the Poor, so that such who in his life time condemned him for Covetousnesse, have since justly praised his Hospitality. Now though Doves are generally said to want gall, yet the Non-conformists in his Diocesse will complain of his severity in asserting Ecclesiasticall Discipline, when he silenced five of them in one morning, on the same token that King James is said to say it might have served for five yeers. He was an aged man, being the only Queen Elizabeths Bishop of that Province which died in the Reign of King Charles, living in a poor Bishoprick, and leaving a plentifull estate: to shew that it is not the moisture of the Place, but the long lying of the stone, which ga∣thereth the great mosse therein. In a word, had he been more carefull in con∣ferring of Orders (too commonly bestowed by him) few of his Order had ex∣ceeded him for the unblamablenesse of his behaviour.

18. Now began great discontents to grow up in the University of Oxford on this occasion.*** Many conceived that Innovations (defended by others for Renovations, and now only reduced, as used in the Primitive times) were mul∣tiplied in Divine service. Offended whereat, they in their Sermons brake our into (what was interpreted) bitter invectives. Yea their very Texts gave some offence, one preaching on Numbers 14. 4. Let us make us a Captain, and let us return into Egypt. Another on 1 Kings 13. 2. And he cried against the Al∣tar in the word of the Lord, and said, O Altar, Altar, &c. In prosecution whereof they had not only tart reflexion on some eminent Persons in the Church, but also were apprehended to violate the Kings Declaration, for the sopiting of all Arminian controversies.

19. Dr.*Smith Warden of Wadham convented the principal persons (viz. Mr. Thorn of Bailiol Col. and Mr. Ford of Magdalen Hall) as offenders a∣gainst the Kings instructions, and ordered them to bring in the Copies of their Sermons. They suspecting partiality in the Vice-Chancellor, appealed from him to the Procters, two men of eminent integrity and ability, Mr. A∣therton Bruch, and Mr. John Doughty, who received their appeal, presuming the same justifiable by the Statutes of the University. But it seems the Pro∣cters were better Scholars than Lawyers, except any will say both Law, and Learning must submit, when Power is pleased to interpose.

20. Archbishop Laud did not like these retrograde appeals,* but sensible that his own strength moved rather ascendendo, than descendendo, procured the cause to be heard before the King at Woodstock, where it was so ordered, that,

  • 1 The Preachers complained of, were expelled the University.
  • Page  142 2 The Procters were deprived of their places for accepting their ap∣peal.**
  • 3 Dr. Prideaux, and Dr. Wilkinson were shrewdly checkt for engaging in their behalf.
The former of these two Doctors ingenuously confessing to the King, Nemo mortalium omnibus horis saepit, wrought more on his Majesties affections, than if he had harangued it with a long oration in his own defence.

21. The expulsion of these Preachers expelled not,* but increased the diffe∣rences in Oxford, which burnt the more for blaZing the lesse, many com∣plaining, that the Sword of Justice did not cut indifferently on both sides, but that it was more Penal for some to touch, than others to break the Kings declaration.

22. This yeare ended the dayes of Mr. Arthur Hildersham,* born at Stechworth in the County, bred in Christ-Colledge in the University of Cambridge, whose education was an experimentall Comment on the words of David,*When my father and mother forsake me, then the Lord taketh me up.

My Father Thomas Hildersham a Gentleman of an ancient Family.
And Mother Anne Poole, daughter to Sir Jeffery, neece to Cardinall Poole, grand∣child to Sir Richard Poole, and Margaret Countess of Sarisbury, who was daughter to George Duke of Clarence.
Forsake me Quite casting him off because he would not be bred a Papist, and goe to Rome.
THEN An emphatical Monosyllable, just in that nick of time.
The Lord ta∣keth me up. Not immediately (miracles being ceased) but in and by the Hands of Henry Earl of Huntingdon (his honorable kinsman) providing plentifull maintenance for him.

23. However,* after he was entred in the Ministery, he met with many molestations, as hereby doth appear.

1 silenced by The High Commission, 1590. in June.
2 Bishop Chaderton, 1605. April 24.
3 Bishop Neile, 1611. in November.
4 The Court at Lecest. 1630. March 4.
1 restored by The High Commission, 1591. in January.
2 Bishop Barlow, 1608. in January.
3 Doctor*Ridley, 1625. June 20.
4 The same Court, 1631. August. 2.

And now me thinks I hear the Spirit speaking unto him, as once to the Pro∣phet *Ezechiel, Thou shal speak and be no more dumb, singing now with the Ce∣lestiall Quire of Saints and Angels. Indeed though himself a Non-confor∣mist, he loved all honest men, were they of a different judgment, minded like Luther herein, who gave for his Motto, In quo aliquid CHRISTI video, illum diligo.

24. He was Minister of Ashby de la Zouch fourty and three yeers.* This put∣teth me in minde of Theodosiue and of Valentinian (two worthy Christian Em∣perors) their constitutions making those Readers of the Civil Law, CountsPage  143 of the first Order, cùm*adviginti annos observatione jugi,**ac sedulo docendi la∣bore pervenerint, when with daly observation and diligent labor of teaching they shall arrive at twenty yeers. Surely the Readers of Gods Law which double that time shal not lose their reward.

25. The same yeer died Robert Bolton,* born in Lancashire, bred in Brasen∣nose Colledge in Oxford, beneficed at Broughton in Northamptonshire. An au∣thoritative Preacher, who majestically became the Pulpiz, and whose life is exactly* written at large, to which I refer such as desire farther satisfacti∣on. And here may the Reader be pleased to take notice, that henceforward we shall on just grounds for bear the description of such Divines, as yeerly deceased. To say nothing of them save the dates of their deaths, will add little to the readers information, to say much in praise or dispraise of them, (wherein their relations are so nearly concerned) may add too much to the Writers danger. Except therefore they be persons so eminent for their learn∣ing, or active for their lives, as their omission may make a mam in our History, we shall passe them over in silence hereafter.

26. Archbishop Laud began to look with a jealous eye on the Feoffees for Impropriations,* as who in process of time would prove a thorne in the sides of Episcopacy, and by their purchases become the prime Patrones, for number and greatness of benefices. This would multiply their dependents; and give a secret growth to Non-conformity. Whereupon by the Archbishops procurement a Bil was exhibited in the Eschequer Chamber, by Mr. Noy the Atturny Generall, against the Feoffees aforesaid, and that great Lawyer ende∣voured to overthrow (as one termed it) their Apocrypha Incorporation.

27. It was charged against them,** first,* that they diverted the charity, wherewith they were intrusted, to other uses,* when erecting a Lecture e∣very morning at St. Antholines in London. What was this but lighting can∣dles to the Sun, London being already the Land of Goshen, and none of those dark and far distant corners, where Soules were ready to famish for lack of the food of the word? What was this but a bold breach of their trust, even in the Eye of the Kingdome?

28. They answered that London being the chief staple of charity and the place where the principall contributers to so pious a work did reside,* it was but fit, that it should share in the benefit of their bounty. That they were not so confined to the uses in their Feoffment, but that in their choice they might reflect as well on the Eminency, as Necessity of the place; that they ex∣pended much of their own (as well as other mens) money, and good reason they should doe therewith as they pleased.

29. It was pressed against them,* that they generally preferred Non con∣formists to the Lectures of their Erection. To this it was answered, that none were placed therein, but such whose Sufficiency and Conformity were first examined and approved by the Ordinary, to be to such a Degree as the Law required. Yea it is said that Mr. White, one of the Feoffees, privately proffered Bishop Laud at his house in Fulham, that if he disliked either the Persons, who managed, or Order which they took in this work, they would willing∣ly submit the alteration to his Lordships discretion.

30. In conclusion the Court condemned their proceedings,* as dange∣rous to the Church and State, pronouncing the Gifts, Feoffments and Contri∣vances made to the Uses aforesaid to be illegall, and so dissolved the same, confiscating their money unto the Kings use. Their criminall part was re∣ferred to, but never prosecuted in, the Star-chamber, because the Design was generally approved, and both discreet and devout men were (as desirous of the Regulation, so) dolefull at the ruin of so pious a Project.

31. Samuel Harsenet about this time ended his life,* born in Colchester, bred Scholar, Fellow, Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, afterwards Page  144 Bishop of Chtchester and Norwich,** Archbishop of York, and privy Counsellor. He was a zealous asserter of ceremonies, using to complain of (the first I believe who used the expression) of CONFORMABLE PURITANS, who practised it out of policy, yet dissented from it in their judgments. He lieth buried in Chigwell Church in Essex, (where he built a School) with this Epitph, Indignus Eptscopus Clcestrensis, indignior Norvicensis, & indig∣nissimus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis.

32. Now the Sabbatarian controversie begun to be revived,* which brake forth into a long and hot contention. Theophilus Bradborn, a Minister of Suf∣folk, founded the first trumpet to this fight, who some five yeers since, namely anno 1628. set forth a Book, dedicated to his Majesty, intituled, A defence of the most ancient, and sacred ordinance of God, The Sabbath Day: main∣taining therein,

  • 1. The fourth Commandement simply, and entirely moral.
  • 2. Christians, as well as Jews, obliged to the everlasting observation of that day.
  • 3. That the Lords-day is an ordinary working-day, it being will-worship, and superstition to make it a Sabbath by vertue of the fourth Commandement.
But whilest Mr. Bradborn was marching furiously, and crying Victoriae to himself, he fell into the ambush of the High Commission, whose well tem∣pered severity herein so prevailed upon him, that, submitting himself to a private conference, and perceiving the unfoundnesse of his own principles, he became a Convert, conforming himself quietly to the Church of Eng∣land.

2. Francis White Bishop (formerly of Norwich) then of Ely,* was employ∣ed by his Majesty, to confute Mr. Bradborn his erroneous opinion. In the writing whereof, some expressions fell from his pen, whereat many strict people (but far enough from Bradborn's conceipt) took great distaste. Here∣upon Books begat Books, and controversies on this subject were multi∣plied, reducible to five principal heads.

  • 1. What is the fittest name to signifie the day set apart for Gods publique service?
  • 2. When that day is to begin, and end?
  • 3. Upon what authority the keeping thereof is bottomed?
  • 4. Whether or no the day is alterable?
  • 5. Whether any recreations, and what kindes of them, be lawfull on that day?

And they are dinstinguishable into three severall opinions:

Page  146
Sabbatarians. Moderate men. Anti-Sabbatarians.

I Are charged to affect the word Sabbath as a Shibo∣leth in their wri∣ting, preaching, and discoursing, to distinguish the true Israelites from lisping Ephraimites, as a badg of more [pretended] puri∣tie. As for Sun∣day, some would Page  145 not have it menti∣oned in Christian mouthes, as re∣senting of Saxon Idolatry, so cal∣led from, and de∣dicated to the Sunne, which they adored.

2. Some make the Sabbath to begin on Saturday night, (The evening and the morning were the first day) and others on the next day in the mor∣ning, both agree∣ing on the extent thereof for four and twenty hours.

3. They found it partly on the law, and light of na∣ture, deriving some counte∣nances for the septenary num∣ber, out of hea∣then authours: and partly on the fourth Comman∣dement, which they avouch e∣qually moral with the rest.

Page  144

I. Sabbath (especially if Christian be premised) may inoffensively be u∣sed, as importing in the original on∣ly a Rest. And it is strange that some who have a dearnesse, yea fondness, for some words of Jewish extraction [Altar, Temple, &c.] should have such an antipathie against the Sabbath. Sunday may not only safely be used, without danger of Paganisme, but with increase of piety, if retaining the name, we alter the notion, and therewith the notion thereof, because Page  145 on that day TheaSunne of Righteous∣nesse did arise with healing in his wings. But the most proper name is the Lords-day, as ancient, used in the A∣postlesb time; and most expressive, being both an Historian, and Prea∣cher. For, the Lords day looking backward mindeth us what the Lord did for us thereon, rising from the dead: and, looking forward, it monisheth us what we ought to doe for him on the same, spending it to his glory, in the proper duties there∣of.

2. The question is not of so great concernment. For, in all circular motions, it matters not so much where one beginneth, so be it he con∣tinueth the same, untill he return unto that point again. Either of the afore∣said computations of the day may be embraced.

—Diés{que} quiés{que} redibit in orbem.

3. In the Lords-day three things are considerable.

  • 1. A day, founded on the light of na∣ture; pure impure Pagans destin∣ing whole daies to their idola∣trous service.
  • 2. One day in seven, grounded on the moral equity of the fourth Com∣mandement, which is like the feet and toes of Nebuchad-nezzar'sc Image, part of potters clay, and part of iron. The clay part, and ceremo∣nial mottie of that Commande∣ment (viz. that seventh day, or Jewish Sabbath) is mouldred a∣way, and buried in Christ's grave. The iron part thereof, viz. a mix∣ture of moralitie therein, one day in seven, is perpetuall, and ever∣lasting.
  • 3. This seventh day (being indeed the eighth from the creation, but one of the seven in the week) is built Sabbatarians.
Page  144

1 The word Sab∣bath (as now used) containeth there∣in a secret Maga∣zeen of Judaism, as if the affecters thereof by spiri∣tuall Necroman∣cy endeavoured the reviving of dead and rotten Mosaicall Cere∣monies.

Page  145 2. They confine the observation of the day, only to the few hours of pub∣lique service.

3. These unhinge the day off from any Divine Right, and hang it meer∣ly on Ecclesiasti∣call authority first introducing it, as custome, and consent of the Church had since established it.

Sabbatarians. Moderate-Men. Anti-Sabbatarians.**

4. The Church, no not ex plenitu∣dine suae potestatis, may, or can, alter the same.

5. No exercises at all (walking ex∣cepted, with which strictnesse it self cannot be offended) are law∣ful on this day. In∣somuch as some of them have been accused of turning the day of rest, into the day of torture, and self-maeration.

on Divine right in a larger sense, having an analogy in the Old, and insinuations in the New Testa∣ment, with the continued practice of the Church.

4. Would be right glad of the gene∣rall agreement of the Christian Church; but, withall, right sorry, that the same should be abused for the alteration of the Lords-day. But, as there is but little hope of the for∣mer: so is there no fear of the latter, it being utterly unexpedient to at∣tempt the altering thereof.

5. The Sabbath (in some sort) was Lord (yea, Tyrant) over the Jews; and they by their superstition, con∣tented vassalls under it. Christ was eLord of the Sabbath, and struck out the teeth thereof. Indeed such re∣creations as are unlawfull on any day, are most unlawfull on that day; yea, recreations doubtfull on other daies, are to be forborn on that day, on the suspicion of unlawfulnesse. So are all those, which, by their over violence, put people past a praying capacity. Add also those, which, though acted after Evening-Service, must needs be preacted by the fancy (such the volatility thereof) all the day before, distracting the minde, though the body be at Church. These recreations forbidden, other innocent ones may be permitted.

4. The Universall consent of the Christian Church may alter it. Yea, d one saith, that the Church of Geneva went a∣bout to translate it to Thursday, but, it seems, it was carried in the ne∣gative.

5. Mixt dancings, Masques, Inter∣ludes, Revells &c. are by them per∣mitted in the in∣tervalls betwixt, but generally af∣ter Evening-Ser∣vice ended.

A worthyf Doctor, who in his Sermons at the Temple, no less piously than learnedly, handled the point of the Lords-day, worthily pressed, that Gentle-folke were obliged to a stricter observation of the Lords-day, than labouring peo∣ple. The whole have no need of the Physitian, but those who are sick. Such as are not annihilated with labour, have no title to be recreated with liberty. Let Servants, whose hands are ever working, whilest their eies are waking; let such, who all the foregoing week had their Cheeks moistned with sweat, and hands hardened with labor; let such have some recreation on the Lords∣day indulged unto them: whilst persons of quality, who may be said to keep Sabbath all the week long, I mean who rest from hard labor, are concerned Page  147 in conscience, to observe the Lords-day with the greater abstinence from recreations.*

34. Pass we now from the pen,* to the practicall part of the Sabba∣tarian difference. Somerset-shire was the stage, whereon the first and fiercest Scene thereof was acted. Here Wakes (much different, I dare say, from the watching prescribed by our Saviour) were kept on thLords day, with Church-Ales, Bid-Ales, and Clerks-Ales. If the Reader know not the criticall meaning, and difference of these words, I list not to be the interpreter; and his ignorance herein, neither is any disgrace, nor can be any damage unto him. The Gentry of that County, perceiving such revells the cause of many, and occasion of moe misdemeanors (many acts of wantonness bearing their dates from such meetings) importuned Sr. Thomas Richardson, Lord Chief Justice, and Baron Denham, then Judges, riding the Western circuit in the Lent-vacation, to make a severe Order for the suppressing of all Ales, and Revells on the Lords-day.

35. In complyance with their desire,** the aforesaid Judges made an order on the 19. day of March (founded on former precedents signed by Judge Popeham, Lord Chief Justice in the latter end of Queen Elizabeth her Reign) therein suppressing such Revells, in regard of the infinite number of inconveniences daily arising by means thereof, injoyning the Constables to deliver a copie thereof to the Minister of every Parish, who, on the first Sunday in February, and likewise the two first Sundays before Easter, was to publish the same every yeare.

36. The Archbishop of Canterbury beheld this as an usurpation on Eccle∣siasticall Jurisdiction,* and complained of the Judges to his Majesty, procu∣ring a Commission to Bishop Pierce, and other Divines, to enquire into the manner of publishing this Order, and the Chief Justice his cariage in this business. Notwithstanding all which, the next Assise Judge Richardson gave another strict charge against these Revels, required an account of the publi∣cation, and execution of the aforesaid Order, punishing some persons for the breach thereof. After whose return to London the Archbishop sent for him, and commanded him to revoke his former Order, as he would answer the contrary at his peril, telling him it was his Majesties pleasure he should reverse it. The Judge alledged it done at the request of the Justices of the Peace in the County, with the generall consent of the whole Bench, on the view of ancient precedents in that kinde.* However, the next Assise he revoked his Order with this limitation, as much as in him lay. At what time also the Justi∣ces of the Peace in Somerset shire (who in birth, brains, spirit and estate were inferiour to no County in England) drew up an humble petition to his Majesty, for the suppressing of the aforesaid unlawfull assemblies, concur∣ring with the Lord Chief Justice therein, sending it up by the hand of the Custos Rotulorum, to deliver it to the Earle of Pembroke, Lord Lieutenant of their County, to present it to his Majesty.

37. Just in this juncture of time a Declaration for sports,* set forth the fifteenth of King James, was revived, and enlarged. For, his Majesty be∣ing troubled with petitions on both sides, thought good to follow his Fa∣thers royal example, upon the like occasion in Lancashire; and we refer the Reader to what we have writen* before, for arguments pro and con about the lawfulnesse of publique reading thereof.

38. It was charged at his triall,* on the Archbishop of Canterbury, that he had caused the reviving, and enlarging of this Declaration, strong presum∣ptions being urged for the proof thereof. He denied it, yet professing his judgment for recreations on that day, alledging the practice of the Church of Geneva, allowing shooting in long Bowes &c. thereon. Adding also, that, though indulging liberty to others, in his own person he strictly ob∣served Page  148 that day.** A self-praise, or rather self-purging, because spoken on his life, which seem'd uttered without pride, and with truth, and was not cleerly confuted. Indeed they are the best carvers of libertie on that day, who cut most for others, and leave least for themselves.

39. However,* there was no express in this Declaration, that the Mi∣nister of the Parish should be pressed to the publishing. Many counted it no Ministers work, and more proper for the place of the Constable, or Ti∣thing-man to perform it. Must they, who were (if not worst able) most un∣fitting; hold the Candle to lighten, and let in licentiousnesse? But, because the Judges had enjoyned the Ministers to read their order in the Church, the Kings Declaration was inforced by the Bishops, to be published by them in the same place.

40. As for such whose consciences reluctated to publish the Declaration,* various were their evasions. Some left it to their Curats to read. Nor was this the plucking out of a thorn from their own, to put it in another Mans consci∣ence, seeing their Curats were perswaded of the lawfulnesse thereof. Others read it indeed themselves, but presently after read the fourth Commande∣ment. And was this fair play, setting God and their King (as they con∣ceived) at odds, that so they themselves might escape in the fray? Others point-blanck refused the reading thereof; for which some of them were suspended ab officio & beneficio, some deprived, and moe molested in the High Commission: it being questionable, whether their sufferings pro∣cured more pity to them, or more hatred to the causers thereof.

41. All Bishops urged not the reading of the Book with rigour alike,* nor punished the refusall with equall severity. I hear the loudest, longest, and thickest complaints come from the Diocess of Norwich, and of Bath and Wells. I knew a Bishop in the West (to whom I stood related in kindred, and service) who, being pressed by some to return the names of such as refused to read the Book, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, utterly denied: and his words to me were these, I will never turn an accuser of my Brethren, there be enough in the World to take that office. As for the Archbishop of Canterbury, much was his moderation in his own Diocess, silencing but three (in whom also a concurrence of other non-conformities) through the whole extent thereof. But oh! The necessity of the generall day of Judgment, wherein all Mens actions shall be expounded according to their intentions, which here are interpretable according to other Mens inclinations! The Archbishops adversaries imputed this, not to his charity, but policy, Fox-like preying farthest from his own den, and instigating other Bishops to doe more than he would appear in himself. As for his own Visitation-Articles, some complained they were but narrow as they were made, and broad as they were measured; his under-officers improving, and enforcing the same, by their enquiries, beyond the letter thereof.

42. Many complain that Mans badness took occasion to be worse,* under the protection of these sports permitted unto them. For, although liberty on the Lords-day may be so limited in the notions of learned men, as to make it lawfull, it is difficult (if not impossible) so to confine it in the actions of lewd people, but that their liberty will degenerate into licentiousness.

43 Many moderate Men are of opinion,* that this abuse of the Lords day was a principall procurer of Gods anger, since poured out on this land, in a long and bloody civil war. Such observe, that our fights of chief concern∣ment were often fought on the Lords-day, as pointing at the punishing of the profanation thereof. Indeed amongst so many battells which in ten yeers time have rent the bowels of England, some on necessity would fall on that day (seeing we have be-rubrick'd each day in the week, almost in the yeer, with English blood) and therefore to pick a solemne providence out of a Page  149common-casualty, savours more of curiosity than conscience. Ye, seeing Edge-hill-fight (which first brake the peace, and made an irreconcileable breach betwixt the two parties) was fought on that day, and some battells since of greatest consequence, there may be more in the observation, than what many are willing to acknowledge. But, whatsoever it is which hence may be collected, sure I am, those are the best Christians, who least cen∣sure others, and most reform themselves.

44. But here it is much to be lamented,* that such who at the time of the Sabbatarian controversie, were the strictest observers of the Lords-day, are now reeled by their violence into another extreme, to be the greatest neglecters, yea, contemners thereof. These Transcendents, accounting themselves mounted above the Predicament of common piety, averr, they need not keep any, because they keep all days Lords-dayes, in their elevated holinesse. But alas, Christian duties said to be ever done, will prove never done, if not sometimes solemnly done. These are the most dangerous Levellers, equal∣ling all times, places, and persons, making a generall confusion to be Gospell-perfection. Whereas to speak plainly, we in England are, rebus sic stantibus, concerned now more strictly to observe the Lords-day, than ever before. Holy-daies are not, and Holy-eves are not, and Wednesday and Friday-Letanies are not, and Lords-day eves are not, and now some (out of errour, and others out of profaneness) goe about to take away the Lords-day also, all these things make against Gods solemn and publique service. Oh let not his publique worship, now contracted to fewer chanells, have also a shallower stream. But enough of this subject; wherein if I have exceeded the bounds of an Histo∣rian, by being to large therein, such will pardon me, who know (if pleasing to remember) that Divinity is my proper profession.

45. At this time miserable the maintenance of the Irish Clergy,* where Scandalous means, made Scandalous Ministers. And yet a Popish Priest would grow fat in that Parish where a Protestant would be famished, as have not their lively-hood on the oblations of those of their own Religion. But now such Impropriations as were in the Crown, by the King were re∣stored to the Church, to a great diminution of the Royall-Revenew, though his Majesty never was sensible of any loss to himself, if thereby gain might redound to God, in his Ministers. Bishop Laud was a worthy In∣strument in moving the King to so pious a work, and yet this his procuring the restoring of Irish, did not satisfy such discontented at his obstructing the buying in of English Impropriations: thus those conceived, to have done hurt at home will hardly make reparations with other good deeds at distance.

46. A Convocation (concurrent with a Parliament) was called and kept at Dublin in Ireland,* wherein the 39. Articles of the Church of England were received in Ireland for all to subscribe unto. It was adjudged fit, seeing that Kingdome complies with England in the Civill government; it should also conform thereto in matters of Religion. Mean time the Irish Articles con∣cluded formerly in a Synode 1616. (wherein Arminianisne was condemned in terminis terminantibus, and the observation of the Lords day resolved jure Divine) were utterly excluded.

47. A Cardinals-Cap once and again offered by the Pope,* to Bishop Laud, was as often refused by him. The fashion thereof, could not fit his Head, who had studied and written so much against the Romish Religion. He who formerly had foiled the Fisher himself in a publick disputation, would not now be taken with so filly a bait, but accquainted the King therewith: timuit Roman vel donaferentem, refusing to receive anything from Rome till she was better reformed.

48. Doctor William Juxon Bishop of London,*** was by Bishop Lauds procure∣ment made Lord Treasurer of England, entring on that Office with many and Page  150 great disadvantages.** First, because no Clergy-man had executed the same, since William Grey Bishop of Ely, almost two hundred yeare agoe, in the raign of King Edward the fourth. Secondly, because the Treasury was very poor, and if in private houses, bare walls make giddy Hous-wives, in Princes Palaces, empty Coffers make unsteady Statesmen. Thirdly, because a very Po∣tent (I cannot say Competitor, the Bishop himself being never a Petitor for the Place, but) desirer of this Office was frustrated in his [almost assured] expectation of the same to himself.

49. However so discreet his carriage in that place,* it procured a gene∣rall love unto him, and politick malice, despairing to bite, resolved not to bark at him. He had a perfect command of his passion, (an happiness not gran∣ted to all Clergy-men in that age, though privy-Counsellors,) slow, not of speech as a defect, but to speak, out of discretion, because when speaking he plenti∣fully payed the principall and interest of his Auditors expectation. No hands, having so much money passing thorough them, had their fingers less soiled there with. It is probable his frugality would have cured the consumption of the Kings Exchequer, had not the [unexpected] Scotch commotion, put it into a desperate relapse. In this particular he was happy above others of his order, that whereas they may be said, in some sort to have left their Bishopricks (flying into the Kings quarters for safety) he staid at home till his Bishoprick left him, roused from his Swans-nest at Fulham for a bird of another feather to build therein.

50. Dr. Laud,* (formerly Archbishop in power) now so in place, after the decease of Bishop Abbots, this yeer kept his metropoliticall visitation, & hence-forward conformity was more vigorously pressed than before. In∣somuch that a Minister was censured in the High-Commission for this ex∣pression in a sermon, That it was suspicious that now the night did approach be∣cause the shadows were so much longer then the body, and ceremonies more in force then the power of godliness. And now many differences about divine worship, be∣gan to arise, whereof many books were writen pro and con. So common in all hands, that my pains may be well spared in rendering a particular account of what is so universally known. So that a word or two will suffice.

51. One controversy was about the Holiness of our Churches,* some maintaining, that they succeed to the same degree of sanctity with the Taber∣nacle of Moses, & Temple of Solomon, which others flatly denyed. First, because the Tabernacle, and Temple, were, and might be, but one at a time, whil'st our Churches, without fault, may be multiplyed without any [se] number. They both for their fashion, fabrick, and utensils, were jure divino, their Architects being inspired, whil'st our Churches are the product of humane fancy. Thirdly, God gloriously appeared both in the Tabernacle and Temple, only gratiously present in our Churches. Fourthly, The Temple was a type of Christs Body, which ours are not. More true it is, our Churches are heirs to the holy∣ness of the Jewish Synagogues, which were many, and to whom a reverence was due as publiquely destined to divine service.

52. Not less the difference about the manner of adoration to be used in Gods-House,* which some would have done towards the Communion-Table, as the most remarkable place of Gods presence. Those used a di∣stinction between bowing ad altare towards the Altar, as directing their ado∣ration that way, and ad altare to the Altar, as terminating their worship there∣in; the latter they detested as Idolatrous, the former they defended as law∣full and necessary, such a* slovenly unmannerlynes had lately possessed many people in their approaches to Gods House that it was high time to reform.

53. But such as disliked the gesture,*could not, or would not, understand the distinction as in the Suburbs of Superstition. These allowing some corporall adoration lawfull, yea necessary, seeing no reason the Moity of Man, yea the Page  152Totall Sunne of Him,** which is visible [his Body,] should be exempted from Gods service, except such a Writ of Ease could be produced and proved from Scripture. But they were displeased with this adoration because such as in∣joyn it maintain one kinde of reverence due to the very place, another to the Elements of the Sacraments, if on the Table, a third to God himself: these severall degrees of reverence ought to be rayled about as well as the Communion-Table and cleerly distinguished, lest that be given to the Crea∣ture which belongs to the Creator, and such as shun profanation run into Idolatry.

54. A controversy was also started about the Pasture of the Lords Board, Communion-Table, or Altar, the last name beginning now in many Mens mouths to out the two former. Some would have it constantly fixed with the sides East and West ends North and South, on a graduated advance next the East-wall of the Chancell, citing a Canon and the practise in the Kings-Chap∣pell for the same. Others pressed the Queens injunctions that (allowing it at other times to stand, but not Altar-wise in the Chancell) it ought to be set in the body of te Church when the Sacrament is celebrated thereon.

55. Such the heat about this Altar till both sides had almost Sacrificed up their mutual charity thereon, and this controversy was prosecuted with much needless animosity. This mindeth me of a passage in Cambridge, when King James was there present, to whom a great Person complained of the inverted situation of a Colledge-Chappell, [North and South] out of de∣signe to put the House to the cost of new building the same. To whom the King answered, It matters not how the Chappell stands, so their hearts who goe thither be set aright in Gods service. Indeed if moderate men had had the managing of these matters, the accommodation had been easy with a little condescension on both sides. But as a small accidentall heat or cold (such as a healthfull body would not be sensible of) is enough to put him into a fit, who was formerly in latitudine febris, so mens minds distempered in this age with what I may call a mutinous tendency, were exasperated with such small occasions which otherwise might have been passed over and no no∣tice taken thereof.**

56. For now came the censure of Mr. Prinne, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Bur∣ton, and we must goe a little backwards to take notice of the nature of their offences.a Mr. William Prinne born (about Bath) in Gloucestershire, bred some time in Oxford, afterwards Utter-Baraster of Lincolns-Inn, began with the writing of some usefull and Orthodox Books. I have heard some of his De∣tractours account him as only the hand of a better head setting forth at first the endeavours of others. Afterwards he delighted more to be numerous with many then ponderous with select quotations, which maketh his Books to swell with the loss oft-times of the Reader, sometimes of the Printer, and his Pen generally querulous hath more of the Plaintiff then of the Defendant therein.

57. Some three yeers since he set forth a Book called Histriomastrix, or the Whip of Stage-players.*Whip so held and used by his hand, that some con∣ceived the Lashes thereof flew into the face of the Queen her self, as much delighted in Masques. For which he was severely censured to lose his EARES on the Pillory, and for a long time (after two removalls to the Fleet) imprisoned in the Tower. Where he wrote, and whence he dispersed new Pamphlets, which were interpreted to be Libells against the established Disci∣pline of the Church of England, for which he was indited in the Star-chamber.

58. Dr. John Bastwick (by vulgar errour generally mistaken to be a Scotchman) was born at Writtle in Essex,* bred a short time in Emanuell-Col∣ledge, then travailed nine yeers beyond the Seas, made Dr. of Physick at Padua. Returning home he practised it at Colchester, and set forth a Book in Latine (wherein his Pen commanded a pure and fluent style) entituled Flagel∣lum Page  152 Pontificis, & Episcoporum Latialium. But it seems he confined not his character so to the Latian Bishops beyond the Alpes, but that our English Prae∣lates counted themselves touched therein. Hereupon he was accused in the High-Commission, committed to the Gate-house, where he wrote a second Book taxing the injustice of the proceedings of the High-Commission, for which he was indited in the Star-Chamber.

59. Mr. Henry Burton Minister rather took a snap then made a meal in any University,* was first Schoolmaster to the Sonnes of the Lord Cary (afterwards Earl of Monmouth) whose Lady was Governesse to King Charles when Prince. And this opportunity (say some) more then his own deserts, preferred him to the service of Pr. Ch. being designed (as I have heard) to wait on him in Spain, but afterwards (when part of his goods were shipped for the voyage) excluded the attendance. Whether because his parts and learning were con∣ceived not such, as to credit our English Church in Forain-Countries, or be∣cause his Principles were accounted uncomplying with that imployment.

60. The crudity of this affront lay long on his minde,*hot stomachs (con∣trary to corporall concoction) being in this kinde the slowest of digestion. Af∣ter the venting of many mediate discontents, on the last fifth of November he took for his Text Pro. 24. 21. My Sonne fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change. This Sermon was afterwards printed, charging the Prelats for introducing of severall innovations into Di∣vine worship, for which, as a Libell, he was indited in the Star-Chamber.

61. But the fault-generall,* which at this day was charged on these three Prisoners at the Barr in the Star-Chamber, was this. That they had not put in their effectuall answer into that Court wherein they were accused, though sufficient notice, and competent time was allowed them for the performance thereof. The Lord-Keeper Coventry minded them, that for such neglect, they had a Precedent, wherein the Court after six daies had taken a cause pro con∣fesso, whereas the favour of six weeks was allowed unto them, and now leave given them to render reason, why the Court should not proceed to present censure.

62. Hereat Mr. Prinne first moved that they would be pleased to accept a cross Bill (which he there tendered) against the Prelates.* This the Lord-Keeper refused to accept of at the present, as not being the business of the day. Then he moved that the Prelates might be dismissed the Court: It being agreeable neither to nature, reason, nor justice, that those who were their Ad∣versaries should be their Judges. This also was rejected by the Lord-Keeper, because by the same proportion, had he libelled against the Temporall Lords, Judges, and Privy Counsellors in the place; by this Plea, none should passe censure upon them, because all were made Parties.

63. Mr. Prinne proceeded to shew he had done his endeavour to pre∣pare his answer,* being hindred first by his close imprisonment, denyed pen, ink and paper; and by the imprisonment also of his Servant, who was to sol∣licit his business. That the Councell assigned him came very late, and though twice payed for their pains, deferred the drawing up of his answer, and durst not set their hands unto it. Mr. Hole, one of his Councell being pre∣sent, confessed that he found his answer would be very long, and of such a nature as he durst not subscribe it, fearing to give their Lordships di∣staste.

64. Dr. Bastwick being spoken to,* to speak for himself, why he brought not in his answer before; laid the blame on the cowardise of his Councell that durst not sign it for fear of the Prelates. He there tendred his answer on oath with his own hand, which would not be accepted. He spake much of his own Abilities, that he had been a Souldier able to lead an Army of men into the Field, and now was a Physitian able to cure Kings, Princes,Page  143 and Emperors; and therefore how unworthy it was to curtalize his EARES, generally given out by the Bishops Servants, as a punishment intended unto him. He minded them of the mutability of all earthly things, and chiefly of the changes in the Court; where he,* lately the chief Judge therein, was the next day to have his own cause censured: wishing them seriously to consider, that some who now sate there on the Bench, might stand Prisoners at the Barre another day, and need the favour which now they denyed.

65. Mr. Burton being asked what he could alledge,* why the Court should not take his Fault pro confesso, pleaded that he had put in his answer, drawn up with great pains and cost, signed by his Councell, and received into the Court. The Lord-Keeper rejoyned that the Judges had cast his answers out as imperfect. Judge Finch affirming that they did him a good turn in ma∣king it imperfect, being otherwise as libellos as his Book, and deserving a cen∣sure alone.

66. Here the Prisoners desiring to speak were commanded silence,* and the premises notwithstanding the Court proceeded to censure: namely, that they should lose their EARES in the Palace Yard at Westminster, fining them also five thousand pound a man to his Majesty, perpetuall imprisonment in three remote places. The Lord Finch added to Mr. Prinnes censure, that he should be branded in each Cheek with S. L. for Slanderous Libeller, to which the whole Court agreed. The Archbishop of Canterbury made a long speech, since printed, to excuse himself from the introducing of any Innova∣tions in the Church, concluding it, that he left the Prisoners to Gods mercie and the Kings justice.

67. It will be lawfull and safe to report the discourse of severall persons hereon.* This censure fell out scarce adaquate to any judgement, as conceiving it either too low, or too high for their offence. High Conformists counted it too low, and that it had been better if the Pillorie had been changed into a Gallowes. They esteemed it improvident (but by their leaves more of Machiavill than of Christ in such Counsell) to kindle revenge, and not to quench life in such tur∣bulent Spirits. The only way with them, had been to rid them out of the way.

68. Most moderate men thought the censure too sharp,* too base and igno∣minious for Gentlemen of their ingenuous vocation. Besides, though it be easie in the notion,* it is hard in the action to fix shame on the Professors, and sever it from the Professions of Divinity, Law, and hysick As for the former, though Burton was first* degraded, yet such who maintain an indelible character of Priesthood hold that Degradation cannot delete what Ordination hath im∣pressed; and gran the censure pronounced ad terrorem, it might have be∣come the Bishops td mediate for a mitigation thereof. Let Canvs be rough and rugged, Lawn ought to be soft and smooth. Meekness, Mildness, and Mercy being more proper for men of the Episcopall Function.

69. Two dayes after,** three Pillories were set up in the Palace-yard, or one double one, and a single one at some distance, for Mr. Prinne as the chief offender. Mr. Burton first suffered, making a long speech in the Pillorie, not entire and continued, but interrupted with occasionall expressions. But the main intent thereof was to parallel his sufferings with our Saviours. For at the first sight of the Pillory, Me thinks, said he, I see Mount-Calvary whereon the three Crosses were erected. If Christ was numbred amongst Theeves, shall a Chri∣stian think much for his sake to be numbred amongst Rogues? And whereas one told an Halberter standing by, who had an old rusty Halbert (the Iron whereof was tacked to the staffe with an old crooked nail) What an old rusty weapon is this? Mr. Burton over-hearing them answered: It seems to be one of those Halberts which accompanied Judas when Christ was betrayed and appre∣hended.

Page  155 70. His Eares were cut off very close,* so that the Temporall or Head Artery being cut, the blood in abundance streamed down upon the Scaffold, all which he manfully endured, without manifesting the least shrinking thereat. Indeed of such who measured his minde by his words, some conceived his car∣riage farre above: others (though using the same scale) suspected the same to be somewhat beside himself. But let such who desire more of his character, consult with his printed life, written with his own hand, though it be hard for the most Excellent Artist truely to draw his own Picture.

71. Dr. Bastwick succeeded him,*making a Speech to this effect. Here are many spectatours of us, who stand here as Delinquents, yet am I not conscious to my self of the least trespasse, wherein I have deserved this outward shame. Indeed I wrote a Book against Antichrist the Pope, and the Pope of Canterbury said it was written against him. But were the Presse open unto us, we would scatter his Kingdome, and fight couragiously against Gog and Magog. There be many here that have set many daies apart on our behalf (let the Prelates take notice thereof) and have sent up strong prayers to God for us, the strength and fruit whereof we have felt all along in this cause. In a word, so farre am I from fear or care that had I as much blood as would swell the Thames (then visible unto him, his face respecting the South) I would lose every drop thereof in this cause.

72. His Friends much admired and highly commended the erection of his minde triumphing over pain and shame,* making the one easie, the other honourable, and imputed the same to an immediate Spirituall support. Others conceived that anger in him acted the part of patience, as to the stout under∣going of his sufferings, and that in a Christian there lyeth a reall distinction be∣twixt Spirit and Stomach, Valour and Stubbornnesse.

73. Mr. Prinne concluded the sad sight of that day,*and spake to this pur∣pose. The cause of my standing here is for not bringing in my Answer, God knoweth, my conscience beareth witnesse, and my Councell can tell, for I paid them twice though to no purpose. But their cowardise stands upon Record. And that's the reason why they did proceed, and take the cause pro confesso against me. But rather then I would have my cause a leading cause to the depriving of the Subjects liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to suffer my body to become an example of this punishment.

74. The censure was with all rigour executed on him,* and he who felt the most, fretted the least; commended for more kindly patience than either of his Predecessours in that place. So various were mens fancies in reading the same letters, imprinted in his face, that some made them to spell the guiltiness of the Sufferer, but others the cruelty of the Imposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause, more for the man, most for humanity sake bestow∣ed pity upon him: and now all three were remanded 〈◊〉 their former Pri∣sons; and Mr. Prinne as he returned by water to the T••er, made this Di∣stick upon his own stigmatizing.

S. L.
Stigmara maxillis referens, insignia Laudis,
Exultans remeo, Victima grata Deo.

Not long after they were removed: Mr. Prinne to Carnarvan-Castle in Wales: Dr. Bastwicke, and Mr. Burton; the one to Lancaster-Castle, the other to Lanceston in Cornewall.

75. But it seems these places were conceived to have,* either too little of Privacy, or too much of Pleasure. The two latter therefore were removed again; One to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the Isle of ernezey; and Mr. Prinne to Mount Orgueile-Castle in Jersey. This in vulgar apprehensions, ad∣ded breadth to the former depth of their sufferings, scattering the same over Page  155 all the English Dominions, making the Islands thereof as well as the Conti∣nent partake of their patience. And here we leave them all in their Prisons, and particularly Mr. Prinne improving the Rocks and the Seas (good Spirituall Husbandrie) with pious meditations. But we shall heare more of them hereafter at the beginning of the Parliament.

76. Next came the Bishop of Lincoln to be censured in the Star-chamber,* and something must be premised preparative thereunto. After the great Seal some ten yeares since was taken from him, he retired himself to Bug∣den in Huntingdonshire, where he may be said to have lived in a publick pri∣vacie. So many his Visitants, hospitall his house-keeping: it being hard to say, whether his Table were more free and full in dyet or discourse: indeed he had a plentifull estate to maintain it, besides his purchased Land. The revenues of his Bishoprick, and Deanery of Westminster, out of which, long since he had been shaken, if not fastned therein, by the Letters Patents of King James. His Adversaries beheld him with envious eyes, and one great Prelate plainly said in the presence of the King, that the Bishop of Lincoln lived, in as much pompe and plenty as any Cardinall in Rome, for Dyt, Musick, and attendance. They resolved therefore to humble his height, the concurrence of many matters ministring occasion thereunto.

77. Sir John Lambe Dean of the Arches formerly a Favourite of Lincoln (fecht off from being prosecuted in Parliament,* and knighted by his means) with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen and Burden (two Proctors as I take them) were entertained at the Bishops talk at Bugden, where their table was (the dis∣course generall of those dayes) against Puritans. The Bishop advised them to take off their heavy hand from them, informing them that his Majesty in∣ended to use them hereafter with more mildnesse, as a considerable party ••ing great influence on the Parliament, without whose concurrence the 〈◊〉 could not comfortably supply his necessities: adding moreover that 〈◊〉 Majesty had communicated this unto him by his own mouth, with his •••tions hereafter of more gentlenesse to men of that opinion.

〈◊〉 Some yeers after upon the deniall of an Officialls place in Leicester∣〈◊〉 (which notwithstanding,* he carried in despight of the Bishop) Sir John •••be fell foul with his old Friend, and in revenge complained of him for evealing the Kings secrets concredited to his privacy. Hereupon Atturney Noy was employ'd to put the same into an Information in the Star-chamber; un∣to which Bishop Williams by good advise of counsell did plead and demurre, as containing no matter fit for the cognizance of that Court, as concerning words spoken of matters done in Parliament, & secrets pretended to be revea∣led by him, a Privy Counsellor and Peere of Parliament, and therefore not to be heard but in that High-Court. This Demurrer being heard & argued by Counsell Pro and Con in open Court for two or three hours (the Lord Keeper and other Lords there present, finding no cause nor colour to overrule it) was referred to Judge Richison (who lately having singded his Coat from blasts at the Court) by him to be smothered, who in a private Chamber presently after dinner over-ruled the same in a quarter of an houre.

79. The Demurrer thus rendred useless in the Bishops defence,* he used what means he could by the Lord Weston (a proper person, because Treasurer to meddle in money matters) to compound with his Majesty: but his Ma∣jesty resolved to have the Bishops answer, and confession of his fault before he would compound with him. Whereupon the Bishop quitting all thoughts of composition, resolved to weather out the Tempest of his Majesties displea∣sure at open sea, either out of confidence of the strength of his tackling, his own innocence, or skill of his Pilots, who were to steere his suit, having the learnedst Counsel of the Land by whose advise he put in a strong plea, which likewise being argued and debated in open Court, came at last to Page  155 70. His Eares were cut off very close,* so that the Temporall or Head Artery being cut,* the blood in abundance streamed down upon the Scaffold,* all which he manfully endured, without manifesting the least shrinking thereat. Indeed of such who measured his minde by his words, some conceived his car∣raige farre above: others (though using the same scale) suspected the same to be somewhat beside himself. But let such who desire more of his character, consult with his printed lite, written with his own hand, though it be hard for the most Excellent Artist truely to draw his own Picture.

71. Dr. Bastwick succeeded him,*making a Speech to this effect. Here are many spectatours of us, who stand here as Delinquents, yet am I not conscious to my self of the least trespasse, wherein I have deserved this outward shame. Indeed I wrote a Book against Antichrist the Pope, and the Pope of Canterbury said it was written against him. But were the Presse open unto us, we would scatter his Kingdome, and fight couragiously against Gog and Magog. There be many here that have set many daies apart on our behalf (let the Prelates take notice thereof) and have sent up strong prayers to God for us, the strength and fruit whereof we have felt all along in this cause. In a word, so farre am I from fear or care that had I as much blood as would swell the Thames (then visible unto him, his face respecting the South) I would lose every drop thereof in this cause.

72. His Friends much admired and highly commended the erection of his minde triumphing over pain and shame,* making the one easie, the other honourable, and imputed the same to an immediate Sprituall support. Others conceived that anger in him acted the part of patience, as to the stout under∣going of his sufferings, and that in a Christian there lyeth a reall distinction be∣twixt Spirit and Stomach, Valour and Stubbornnesse.

73. Mr. Prince concluded the sad sight of that day,*and spake to this pur∣pose. The cause of my standing here is for not bringing in my Answer, God knoweth, my conscience beareth witnesse, and my Councell can tell, for I paid them twice though to no purpose. But their cowardise stands upon Record. And that's the reason why they did proceed, and take the cause pro confesso against me. But rather then I would have my cause a leading cause to the depriving of the Subjects liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to suffer my body to become an example of this punishment.

74. The censure was with all rigour executed on him,* and he who felt the most, fretted the least; commended for more kindly patience than either of his Predecessours in that place. So various were mens fancies in reading the same letters, imprinted in his face, that some made them to spell the guiltiness of the Sufferer, but others the cruelty of the Imposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause, more for the man, most for huanity sake bestow∣ed pity upon him: and now all three were remanded 〈◊〉 their former Pri∣sons; and Mr. Prinne as he returned by water to the T••er, made this Di∣stick upon his own stigmatizing.

S. L.

Stigmara maxillis referens, insignala Laudis,
Exultans remeo, Victima grata Deo.

Not long after they were removed: Mr. Prinne to Carnarvan-Castle in Wales: Dr. Bastwicke, and Mr. Burton; the one to Lancaster-Castle, the other to Lanceston in Cornewall.

75. But it seems these places were conceived to have,* either too little of Privacy, or too much of Pleasure. The two latter therefore were removed again; One to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the Isle of Gernezey; and Mr. Prinne to Mount Orgueile-Castle in Jersey. This in vulgar apprehensions, ad∣ded breadth to the former depth of their sufferings, scattering the same over Page  155 all the English Dominions, making the Islands thereof as well as the Conti∣nent partake of their patience. And here we leave them all in their Prisons, and particularly Mr. Prinne improving the Rocks and the Seas (good Spirituall Husbandrie) with pious meditations. But we shall heare more of them hereafter at the beginning of the Parliament.

76. Next came the Bishop of Lincoln to be censured in the Star-chamber,* and something must be premised preparative thereunto. After the great Seal some ten yeares since was taken from him, he retired himself to Bug∣den in Huntingdonshire, where he may be said to have lived in a publick pri∣vacie. So many his Visitants, hospitall his house-keeping: it being hard to say, whether his Table were more free and full in dyet or discourse: indeed he had a plentifull estate to maintain it, besides his purchased Land. The revenues of his Bishoprick, and Deanery of Westminster, out of which, long since he had been shaken, if not fastned therein, by the Letters Patents of King James. His Adversaries beheld him with envious eyes, and one great Prelate plainly said in the presence of the King, that the Bishop of Lincoln lived in as much pompe and plenty as any Cardinall in Rome, for Dyt, Musick, and attendance. They resolved therefore to humble his height, the concurrence f many matters ministring occasion thereunto.

77. Sir John Lambe Dean of the Arches formerly a Favourite of Lincoln (fecht off from being prosecuted in Parliament,* and knighted by his means) with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen and Burden (two Proctors as I take them) were entertained at the Bishops talk at Bugden, where their table was (the dis∣course generall of those dayes) against Puritans. The Bishop advised them to take off their heavy hand from them, informing them that his Majesty in∣tended to use them hereafter with more mildnesse, as a considerable party having great influence on the Parliament, without whose concurrence the King could not comfortably supply his necessities: adding moreover that his Majesty had communicated this unto him by his own mouth, with his resolutions hereafter of more gentlenesse to men of that opinion.

78. Some yeers after upon the deniall of an Officialls place in Leicester∣shire (which notwithstanding,* he carried in despight of the Bishop) Sir John Lambe fell foul with his old Friend, and in revenge complained of him for revealing the Kings secrets concredited to his privacy. Hereupon Atturney Noy was employ'd to put the same into an Information in the Star-chamber; un∣to which Bishop Williams by good advise of counsell did plead and demurre, as containing no matter fit for the cognizance of that Court, as concerning words spoken of matters done in Parliament, & secrets pretended to be revea∣led by him, a Privy Counsellor and Peere of Parliament, and therefore not to be heard but in that High-Court. This Demurrer being heard & argued by Counsell Pro and Con in open Court for two or three hours (the Lord Keeper and other Lords there present, finding no cause nor colour to overrule it) was referred to Judge Richison (who lately having singded his Coat from blasts at the Court) by him to be smothered, who in a private Chamber presently after dinner over-ruled the same in a quarter of an houre.

79. The Demurrer thus rendred useless in the Bishops defence,* he used what means he could by the Lord Weston (a proper person, because Treasurer to meddle in money matters) to compound with his Majesty: but his Ma∣jesty resolved to have the Bishops answer, and confession of his fault before he would compound with him. Whereupon the Bishop quitting all thoughts of composition, resolved to weather out the Tempest of his Majesties displea∣sure at open sea, either out of confidence of the strength of his tackling, his own innocence, or skill of his Pilots, who were to steere his suit, having the learnedst Counsel of the Land by whose advise he put in a strong plea, which likewise being argued and debated in open Court, came at last to Page  156 the same untimely end with the Demurrer, as referred to Judge Richison, and smothered by him in a Chamber.

80. This Plea thus overruled,* the Bishop put in an especiall answer to the information, declaring, how all was grounded by a conspiracy and combi∣nation of the persons named in the Bill, to wit, (Lambe, Sibthorpe, Allen and Burden) out of an intent to advance themselves, and hatred they bare to him, for not permitting them to pole and pill the Kings Subjects in Leicestershire, in their Ecclesiasticall Courts by haling them into their nets ex officio mero without any previous complaint, under an imaginary colour of Puritanism. To this especiall answer, Atturney Noy rejoyned in issue, admitting the Bishop to prove his especiall matters, who proceeded to the examination of his witnesses therein.

81. Now began Atturney Noy to grow weary of the matter,* and became slow and remisse in the prosecution thereof, whether out of respect to the Bishop whom he honoured (though tart in tearms against him to please a greater Prelate) or out of consciousnesse that more weight was hung there∣on, then the slender Wyres of the cause would bear. Hereupon Richard Kil∣vert was entertained to follow the Suite, (though not entring himself as he ought Prosecutour upon record) at the best being a necessary evill, to doe what an honest man would be ashamed of. Indeed like an English Mastiffe he would fiercely flye upon any person, or project, if set on with promise of profit, and having formerly made his Breakfast on Sir John Bennet, he intend∣ed to dine and supp on the Bishop. And though his strength consisted much in a cunning head, yet farre more in an able back as seconded in this suit and a∣betted from the Court in his undertakings. This Kilvert so wrought himself into Warren an Examiner of the Star-Chamber, that (some say) contrary to his oath he revealed unto him that the Testimony of one John Pregion Register of Lincoln and Leicester was most materiall in the Bishop his defence.

82. Then was it Kilvert his designe to uncredit the Testimony of Pregion,* by charging him with several accusations, particularly getting a Bastard, though being no matters upon record, to take away the validity of his witnesse. The Bishop apprehending himself necessitated to weigh up Pregion his re∣pute, engaged himself more zealously therein, then was conceived con∣sistent with the gravity of so great a Prelate for so inconsiderable a person. Especially to such who knew not that Dr. Morrison and this Pregion, were the only persons of note present at the Bishop his Table when the discourse passed betwixt him and Sir John Lambe. The Bastard laid to his charge, is bandied at Lincoln-Sessions, backward and forward betwixt Pregion and ano∣ther. The first Court fathers it upon him, the next freed him from it, and a third returned it upon him again. This last order of Sessions was again dis∣solved as illegall, by the Judges of the Kings-Bench, and Pregion cleared from the child charged on him. Sir John Munson a Justice of that County ap∣pearing very active against him, and the Bishop no lesse earnest in his be∣half.

Page  157 83. Here hapned the occasion or that wch was afterwards so highly charg∣ed,* and heavily censured on the Bishop Williams, wiz. tampering to 〈◊〉 wit∣nesses Henceforward 〈…〉 all his first information, which from this day sunk 〈◊〉 silence, and employed all his power on the proof of Subornation. That 〈…〉 too hard for his Teeth to enter, and fastned his fangs on a softer place, so to pinch the Bishop to purpose; yea so expensive was the suit that the Bishop (well skilled in the charge of charitable works) might with the same cost have built and endowed a small Colledge.

84. Some daies before she hearing, a Noble Lord of his Majesties Councell,* the Bishops great Friend, interposed himself to compound the matter, pre∣vailing so farre that on his payment of two thousand pound, the Suit should be superseded in the Star-Chamber, and he freed from further molessa∣tion. But at this Lords return the price was risen in the market, and besides the aforesaid 〈◊〉 it was demanded of him, that to procure his peace he must part with his Deanery of Westminster, Parsonage or Walgrave, and Pre∣bend of Lincoln which he kept in commendam. To this the Bishop answered, that he would in no base forgoe those few remainders of the favour which his dead master King James had conferred 〈◊〉 him.

85. Not long after another bargain was driven,* by the well intended endeavours of the same Lord, that seeing his Majesty at that time had much occasion of moneys? if he would but double the former summe, and lay down four thousand pounds, he should be freed from further trouble, and might goe home with all his 〈◊〉 about him. The Bishop returned that he took no delight, 〈◊〉 at law with his Soveraign, and thankfully embracing the motion, prepared himself for the payment. When a great Adversary stepping in, so violented his Majesty to a Tryall, that all was not onely fru∣strated, but this afterwards urged against the Bishop, to prove him conscious of a crime from his forwardness to entertain a composition.

86. The day of censure being come,*Sir John Finch Lord chief Justice fined the Bishop ten thousand pound for tempering to suborn Witnesses,*Secretary Windebank concurred with (that little Bell, being the lowdest and shrillest in the whole pea) as who alone motioned to degrade him; which was lusti∣ly pronounced by a Knight and Layman, having no precedent for the same in former ages. The other Lords brought the fine downe to eight thousand pound, and a thousand marks to Sir John Munson, with suspension ab officio et beneficio, and imprisoning him, during the Kings pleasure. The Earl of Arundell added, that the cause in its self was extraordinary, not so much pro∣secuted by the Atturney, as immediately by the King himself recommended to their justice. Manchester Lord privy Seal said that this was the first precedent, wherein a Master had undone himself to save his Servant.

87. The Archbishop of Canterbury did consent thereunto,* aggravating the fault of subornation of perjury, with a patheticall speech of almost an houre long, shewing how the world was above three thousand years old before ripe enough to commit so great a wickedness, and Jesabell the first in Scrip∣ture branded with that infamie, whose false Witnesses the holy Spirit refused to name, otherwise than under the Character of Men of Belial. Wherefore although (as he said) he himself had been five times down on his knees to his Majesty, in the Bishops behalf; yet considering the guilt so great, he could not but agree with the heaviest censure. And although some Lords, the Bishops Friends, as Treasurer Weston, Earl of Dorset &c. concurred in the fine, with hope the King should have the sole honor of the mitigation thereof, yet his Majesties necessaries, meeting with the person adjudged guil∣ty, and well known for solvable; no wonder if the utmost penny of the fine was exacted.

88. At the same time were fined with the Bishop,*George Walker his Secre∣tary, Page  158 Cadwallader Powell his Steward, at three hundred pounds, a piece, and Thomas Lund the Bishop his Servant at a thousand 〈◊〉 all as 〈◊〉 in the same cause, yet none of them was imprisoned, save Lund for a few weeks, and their fine never called upon into this day, which the Bishop said, was commuted into such Office, as hereafter they were go doe in the favour of Kilvert.

7. To make this our History entire,* the matter, in this particular suite. Be it therefore known to the Reader, than some foure years after, 〈◊〉 1640, when this Bishop was fetch out of the Tower, and restored a Peer in Parliament, he there in presen∣ted severall grievances, concerning the indirect prosecution of this cause a∣gainst him, whereof these the principall.

First, that his Adversaries utterly waed, and declined the matter of their first Information, about revealing the Kings secrets; as hope∣less of success therein, and sprung a new mine to blow up his credit, about perjury in the examination of Witnesses. Whereas he concei∣ved it just, that all accidentalls and occasionalls should sink with the substance of the accusation, otherwise suits would be endless, if the branches thereof should still survive when the root doth ex∣pire.

* Secondly, that he was deprived of the benefit of bringing in any exceptions against the Testimonies of Sir John Lambe and Dr. Sibthorp, to prove their combination against him, because they deposing pro Domino Rege, non must impeach the credit of the Kings Witnesses, who must be reputed holy and sacred in what they 〈◊〉 in so much that after Briefs were drawn by Counsells on both sides, the Court was moved to expunge those Witnesses, which made most against the King, and for the Defendant.

Thirdly, that Kilvert used all wayes to menace, and intimidate the Bishop his Witnesses, frighting them as much as he could, out of their own consciences, with dangers presented unto them. To this purpose, he obtained from Secretary Windebank, that a Messenger of the Star-chamber, one Pechye by name, was directed to attend him all a∣long the speeding of the Commission in the Country, with his Coat of Armes upon him, with power to apprehend, and close imprison any person whom Kilvert should appoint, pretending from the Secretary Warrants for matters of State, and deep consequence so to doe; by ver∣tue whereof, in the face of the Commission, he seised on, and commit∣ted George Walker and Thomas Lund, two materiall Witnesses for the Bishop, and by the terror thereof chased away many more, whose Depositions were necessary to the clearing of the Bishop his integrity: yet when the aforesaid two Prisoners, in the custody of the Messenger were produced before Secretary Winebank, he told them he had no matters of State against them, but turned them over to Kilvert, wish∣ing them to give him satisfaction; and were not permitted to have their liberty, untill after long close imprisonment, they were for∣ced to confess under their own hands, Crimes against themselves and the Bishop, which afterwards they denyed and revoked upon their Oathes.

Lastly and chiefly, that the Judges privately overruled his Pleas, so that what shame, and the honour of the Court, with the inspection of so many eyes, would not permit to be done publickly in the Sun∣shine of Justice, was posted over by a Judge privately in a cor∣ner.

These and many more Kilvertismes, as he calls them, did the Bishop com∣plain Page  159 of in Parliament, who so far tendered his innocency therein, that they ordered all the Records of that Suit in the Star-chamber to be obliterated. Ya we may justly conceive, that these Grievances of the Bishop did much hasten, if not chiefly cause the suppression of that Court.

8. Thirteen dayes after he was suspended by the High-commission,* and im∣prisoned in the Tower for almost four years, during whose durance therein, two Bishops and three Doctors were sent thither unto him, to take his answer to a Book of Articles, of twenty foure Sheets of papes writen on both sides. They proffered him the Bible to take the oath thereon, which he utterly re∣fused, claiming the priviledge of a Peer, adding moreover that being a Bi¦shop, it was against law and Precedent in Antiquity, that young Priests his Gra∣ces (and some who had been his own) Chaplains, and Lay Doctors should sit as Judges of a Bishop his Doctrine, with power to deprive him of his Bishop∣rick, if disliking the same. This was overruled, and he as one of the Kings Subjects required to make his answer.

9. First the article that all Books licenced by his Graces Chaplaines (as Chune his,* and Sala his Book with Doctor Mannering his Sermons) are presumed by all true Subjects to be orthodox, and agreeable to sound Religion. This the Bishop utterly denyed, and wondered at their impudencie, to propound such an Article unto him.

10. Secondly they alleadged, that no Bishop but his Grace,* the Lord of London, and their Chaplains, had power to allow Bookes. This the other de∣nyed, saying that all Bishops, who were as learned as they, had as much power as they, citing for the same the Councell of Lateran under Leo the tenth. Reformatio Cleri, under Cardinall Poole. Queen Elizabeth her injuncti∣ons, and the Decree of the Star-chamber relating to all these: He also stoutly a∣verred the priviledge, to belong onely to the Bishops, and not to their Ser∣vants: howbeit his Grace had shuffled in his Chaplaines to the last printed Star∣chamber decree. More frivolous were the ensuing Articles whereon he was examined.

That he called a Book intitled A cole from the Altar, a Pamphlet.

That he said, that all flesh in England had corrupted their wayes.

That he said scoffingly he had heard of a Mother-Church, but not of a Mother-Chappell, meaning the Kings, to which all Churches in cere∣monies were to conform.

That he wickedly jested upon St. Martins hood.

That he said, that the people are not to be lashed by every mans whip.

That he said (citing a nationall Councell for it) that the people are Gods, and the Kings, and not the Priests people.

That he doth not allow Priests to jeere and make invectives against the People.

11. To all which the Bishop made so warie an answer,* that no advantage could be gained tereby: yea though some dayes after they returned to re∣examine him, upon the same Articles, to try as he thought the steddiness of his memory, or else to plunge him into some crime of perjury, if in any materiall point he dissented from his former depositions; but the Bishop like a good boy said his Lesson over again and again, so that no advantage could be taken against him, & thereupon they gave him leave to play, proceeding no further in this cause; only they painted him out in an ugly shape to the King, as disaffected to the present government, and God willing we shall hear more of their proceedings against him hereafter.

12. But now we are summoned to a sadder subject;* from the sufferings of a Private Person, to the miseries and almost mutuall ruin of two King∣domes, England and Scotland. I confesse my hands have alwaies been un∣willing Page  160 to write of that cold Countrey, for fear my fingers should be frost bitten therewith, but necessity to make our story intire, puts me upon the imploy∣ment. Miseries caused from the sending of the Book of Service, or new Li∣tugy thither, which may sadly be termed a RUBRICK indeed, died with the blood of so many of both Nations, slain on that occasion.

95. It seemes the designe began in the reign of King James,* who desired and endeavoured an uniformity of publique Praiers, through the Kingdome of Scotland. In order whereunto an Act was passed in the generall As∣semblya at Aberdeene 1616, to authorise some Bishops present to compile, and frame a Publique form of Common Praier: and let us observe the mo∣tions thereof.

  • 1. It was committed to the Bishops aforesaid, and principally to the Archbishop of St. Andrews* and William Cooper Bishop of Gallo∣way, to draw up the order thereof.
  • 2. It was transmitted into England to King James, who punctually perused every particular passage therein.
  • 3. It was remitted with the Kings Observations, Additions, Ex∣punctions, Mutations, Accommodations to Scotland again.

But here the designe sunk with the suddain death of King James, and lay not only dormant but dead; till some yeers after it was awakened or rather revived again.

96. In the reign of King Charles,* the project being resumed (but whether the same book or no God knoweth) it was concluded not to send into Scot∣land the same Liturgy of England Totidem verbis, left this should be miscon∣strued a badge of dependence of that Church on ours. It was resolved also, That the two Liturgies should not differ in substance,* left the Romane party should upbraid us with weighty and materiall differences. A Simili∣tude therefore not Identity being resolved of, it was drawn up with some, as they termed them, insensible alterations, but such as were quickly found and felt by the Scotch to their great distaste. These alterations are of two natures. First, ingratiating, which may be presumed, made to gain the af∣fection of that Nation. Secondly, distasting, which (if not in the intent) in the event proved the great grievance and generall cause that the book was hated and rejected. We will insist on three of the first sort.

First,* Whereas there was an ancient complaint, That so much of the Apocrypha was read in Churches, viz. about sixty Chapters for the first les∣son (from the 28. of September till the 24. of November) Canonicall Scrip∣ture is alone appointed to be read in the Scotch Liturgy, one day alone excepted, viz. All Saints day, when Wisdome the 3, and Ecclesiasticus the 14, are ordered for Morning and Evening Praier, on the same token there wanted not such, who said that those two Chapters were left there, to keep possession, that all the rest might in due time be reintroduced.

Secondly,* The word Priest often used in the English Liturgy, gave of∣fence to many, in so much thatcone writeth, To call us Priests as touching our office, is either to call back again the old Priesthood of the Law, which is to deny Christ to be come, or else to keep a memory of the Popish Priesthood of abomination still amongst us; besides we never read in the New-Testament, that the word Priest (as touching office) is used in the good part. Whereupon to prevent exception, it was mollified into Presbyter in the Scotch Rubrick.

97. The names of sundry Saints omitted in the English,* are inserted into the Scotch Kalender (but only in black letters) on their severall daies ac∣cording to the form following.

Page  161

January. February. March.

11 David King.

13 Mungo Bishop, in Latin Kentigernus.

18 Colman.

11 Constantine the 3. King.

17 Patrick.

20 Cutbert.

April. May. June.

1 Gilbert Bishop.

20 Serfe Bishop.


9 Columba.

July. August. September.

6 Palladius.


18 Ninian Bishop.

25 Adaman Bishop.

October. November. December.

16 Margaret Queen.

27 Ode Virgin.

4 Droftane.

Some of these were Kings, all of them Natives of that Countrey, (Scotch and Irish in former ages being effectually the same) and which in probability might render them to the favor of their countrey-men, some of them (as Coleman &c.) zealous opposites to the Church of Rome in the celebration of Easter.

98. But these Scotch Saints were so farr from making the English Latur∣gy acceptable,* that the English Liturgy, rather made the Saints odious unto them. Such the Distasting alterations in the Book reduceable to 1. Additions, 2. Omissions, 3. Variations, 4. and Transpositions. To instance in the most materiall of the first kinde.

  • 1. In the Baptisme, these words are inserteddSanctifie this fountain of water, thou which art the Sanctifier of all things. Which words are enjoyned to be spoken by the Minister, so often as the water in the Fount is changed, which must be at least twice a moneth.
  • 2. In the Praier after the Doxologie, and before the Communion, Page  162 this Passage (expunged by the English Reformers out of our Li∣turgy) is out of the Ordinary of Sarum inserted in the Scotch Praier Book. And of thy almightycgoodnesse vouchsafe so to blesse, and sanctify with thy word and holy word, these thy gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine, that they may be unto us the body and blood of thy most dearly be∣loved Sonne: from which words saith the Scotch Author, allf Pa∣pists use to draw the truth of the Transubstantiation.
  • 3. He that Celebrateth, is injoyned to cover that which remaineth of the consecrated Eleents, with a faire linen Cloth or Corpo∣rallg; a word unknown to vulgar Eares of either Nations, in o∣ther sense then to signify an under-officer in a foot Company, and complained of to be purposely placed here, to wrap up therein all Romish superstition of Christs Carnall Corporall presence in the Sacra∣ment.
  • 4. In the Praier for the State of Christs Church Militant, these words are added. Andh we also blesse thy holy name, for all those thy servants who having finished their course in faith, doe now rest from their labours. And we yeeld unto thee most high praise and hearty thanks, for the wonderfull grace and vertue declared in all thy Saints, who have been the choice vessells of thy grace and the lights of the world in their severall generations: most humbly beseeching thee, that we may have grace to follow the example of their stedfastnesse in thy faith, and obedi∣ence to thy holy commandements, that at the day of the generall Resur∣rection, we, and all they which are of the mysticall body of thy Sonne, may be set on his right hand, and hear that his most joyfull voice, Come yee blessed &c.

99. Amongst the Omissions none more complained of than the deleting these words,* in the delivery of the bread at the Sacrament.

Takei and eat this in remembrance that Christ dyed for thee, and feed on him in thine heart by faith with thanksgiving.

A passage destructive to Transubstantiation, as diverting Communicants from Carnall Munducation, and directing their Soules to a spirituall repast on their Saviour. All which in the Scotch Liturgy is cut off with an Amen from the Receiver.

The Variations and Transpositions are of lesse moment, as where the money gathered at the offer ory, distributable by the English Liturgy to the poor alone, hath a moyety thereof assigned the Minister therewith to buy him books of holy Divinity, and some praiers are transposed from their place, and ordered elsewhere, whereat some doe take no small exception. Other smaller differences (if worth the while) will quickly appear to the curious perusers of both Liturgies.

100. Pass we now from the constitution of the book,* to the condition of the Scotch Nation, in this unhappy juncture of time when it was imposed upon him. For it found them in a discontented posture (and high Roya∣lists will maintain, that murmuring and muting against Princes differ only in degree, nor in kinde) occasioned on severall accounts.

  • 1. Some years since, the King had passed an Act of revocation of Crown Lands (aliened in the minority of his Ancesters) whereby much land of the Nobility became obnoxious to forfeiture.k And though all was forgiven again by the Kings clemency, and no∣thing acted hereby to the prejudice of any, yet it vexed some to hold that as remitted by the Kings bounty, wherein they con∣ceived themselves to be before unquestionably estated.
  • 2. Whereas many formerly in Scotland, were rather Subjects than Tenants, rather Vassalls than Subjects: Such the Land-lords Page  163 Princely (not to say Tyranniolly) power over them, the King had lately freed many from such dangerous dependence. Espe∣cially in point of payment of Tythes to the Lords of the Erection, equivalent to our English lay Impropriators (but allowing the Land lords a valuable consideration, according to the purchases l of that Countrey) whereby the King got the smiles of those who were most in number, but the frowns of such who were grea∣test in power.
  • 3. Many were offended that at the Kings Coronation, some six yeares agoe, and a Parliament following thereon, an act of rati∣fication was passed concerning the Church her liberties and privi∣ledges, which some complained of, was done without Plurality of Suffrages.
  • 4. Some Persons of honor desiring higher Titlesm were offended, that they were denyed unto them, whilst his Majesty conferred them on others.

There want not those also, who confidently suggest it to Posterity, that Pensions constantly payed out of the English Exchequer in the Reign of King James to some principall pastors in the Scottish Church were since detai∣ned. So also the bounty of boons was now restrained in the Reign of King Charles, which could not fall so freely, as in the dayes of his father (the Cloud being almost drained) adding moreover that the want of watering of Scotland with such showers, made them to chap into such Clefts and Chinks of Parties and Faions, disaffected to the Kings proceedings.

101. To increase these distempers, some complain (how justly,* their own Countrey-men best know) of the pride and pragmaticainess of the Scotch Bishops, who being but Probationers on their good behaviour (as but re∣introduced by King James) offended the ancient Nobility, with their medle∣ing in State matters. And I finde two principally accused on this account; Doctor Forbes Bishop of the new Bishoprick of Edenburg, and Doctor Welderburne Bishop of Dumblane. Thus was the Scotch Nation full of dis∣contents, when this Book being brought unto them bare the blame of their breaking forth into more dangerous designs, as when the Cup is brim full before, the last (though least) superadded drop is charged alone to be the cause of all the running over.

102. Besides the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent,* & free as any Church in Christendome (a Sister not Daughter of England) but also had so high an opinion of its own puritie, that it participated more of Moses his platform in the Mount, than other Protestant Churches, being a reformed reformation; So that the practice thereof might be directory to o∣thers, and she fit to give, not take, write, not receive copies from any Neighbouring Church, destring that all others were like unto them, save only in their afflictions.

103. So much for the [complained of] burden of the book,* as also for the sore back of that Nation (gauled with the aforesaid grievances) when this Liturgy was sent unto them: and now we must not forget the hatred they bare to the hand, which they accused for laying it upon them. Gene∣rally they excused the King in their writings, as innocent therein, but char∣ged Archbishop Laud as the principall (and DoctornCosins for the instru∣mentall) compiler thereof, which may appear by what we read, in a Wri∣ter o of that Nation, afterwards imployed into England, about the advancing of the Covenant betwixt both Nations, and other Church affaires.

This unhappy Book was his Gracet invention; if he should deny it, his own deeds would convince him. The manifold letters which in this Pestiferous Page  164 affaire have passed betwixt him and our Prelates are yet extant.* If we might be heard,* we would spread out sundry of them, before the Convocation-House of England, making it clear as the light, that in all this designe his hand had ever been the prime stickler, so that upon his back mainly, nill he will he, would be laid the charge of all the fruits good or evill, which from that Tree are like to fall on the Kings Countries.

Surely if any such evidence was extant, we shall hear of it hereafter at his arraignment, produced and urged by the Scotch-Commissioners.

10. But leaving the Roots to lye under the Earth,* let us look on the Branches spreading themselves above ground,* and passing from the secret Author of this Book, behold the evident effects thereof. No sooner had the Dean of Edenborough began to read the Book in the Church of St. Gyles, in the presence of the Privy-Councell, both the Archbishops, divers Bishops and Magistrates of the City, but presently such a Tumult was raised, that through clapping of hands, cursing, and crying one could neither hear nor be heard. The Bishop of Edenborough indeavoured in vain to appease the Tumult; whom a Stool aimed to be thrown at him, had killed,p if not diverted by one present, so that the same Book had occasioned his Death, and prescribed the form of his buriall, and this Hubbub was hardly suppressed by the Lord Provost and Bayliffs of Edenborough.

105. This first Tumult was caused by such,* whom I finde called the Skum of the City, considerable for nothing but their number: But few dayes after the cream of the Nation (some of the highest and best quality therein) ingaged in the same cause, crying out, God defend all those who will defend Gods cause, and God confoundqthe Service-Book and all the maintainers of it.

106. The Lords of the Councell interposed their power,* and to appease all parties issued out a Proclamation to remove the Session (much like to our Term in London) to Lithgou.* This abated their anger as fire is quenched with Oile, seeing the best part of the Edenburgers livelyhood depends on the Session kept in their City, yea so highly were the People enraged against Bishops as the procurers of all these Troubles, that the Bishop of Galloway passing peaceably along the street towards the CouncellHouse; was way-layedr in his coming thither, if by divine Providence, and by Frances Stewart Sonne to the late Earl of Bothwell, he had not with much adoe been got within the dores of the Councell-House. Indeed there is no fence, but flight, nor counsell, but concealement, to secure any single pary against an offended multitude.

107. These troublesome beginnings afterwards did occasion the solemn League and Covenant,* whereby the greatest part of the Nation united them∣selves, to defend their Priviledges, and which laid the foundation of a long and wofull War in both Kingdomes. And here I crave the Readers par∣don to break off; and leave the prosecution of this sad subject, to Pens more able to undertake it. For first, I know none will pity me, if I need∣lesly prick my fingers with meddling with a Thistle, which belongs not unto me. Secondly, I despaire of perfect notice of particulars, at so great a di∣stance of place, and greater of Parties concerned therein. Thirdly, if exact intelligence were obtained: as ages long agoe are written with more saefety then truth, so the story hereof might be writen with more truth then safety. Lastly, being a civill busines it is aliened from my subject, and may justly be declined. If any object that it is reduceable to Ecclesiasticall story, be∣cause one as they said termed this Bellum episcopale, The Warr for Bishops: I conceive it presumption for so mean a Minister as my self (and indeed for any under that great order) to undertake the writing thereof.

Page  165


NO Gentleman in this Nation is more advan∣taged to be a Scholar born then your self. You may be free of the City of the Muses by the Copy of your Grandfathers.

By your Fathers side, Sir Adam Newton, Tu∣tour to Prince Henry.

By your Mothers side, Mr. Murray, Tu∣tour to K. Charles.

If you be not more then an ordinary Scholar, it will not be lesse then an extraordinary disgrace: Good is not good, where better is expected. But I am confident, if your pains be added to your parts, your prayers to your pains, Gods blessing will be added to your prayers to crown all with successe.

1. NOw Bishop Williams was sentenced the second time in the Star-Chamber on this occsion,* Mr. Lambert Osbaston School-master of Westminster wrote a Letter unto him wherein this passage. The lit∣tle vermin the Urchin and Hocus po∣cus is this stomy Christmas at true and reall variance with the Levia∣than. Now the Bishop was accused for d vulging scandalous Libells on Privy-Counsellors, and that the Archbishop of Canterbury was meant by the former names. The Lord Treasurer Weston by the Le∣viathan, because he should have presented the libellous Letter at the receit Page  166 thereof, to some Justice of Peace,* and not dispersed the same.*

2. The Bishop pleaded, that he remembred not the receiving of any such letter, that he conceived no law directs the subject to bring to a Justice of Peace, Enigmaes or Riddles, but plain literall and grammaticall Libells, against a known and clearly deciphered Person. Mr. Osbaston denyed the words so meant by him, and deposed that he intended one Doctor Spicer a Civilian by Hocus Pocus, and the Lord Richardson (alive when the letter was written, but then dead) for the Leviathan.

3. Here a paper was produced by Mr. Walker the Bishops Secretary, and found in a band-box at Bugden, wherein the Bishop had thus written unto him.

Here is a strange thing, Mr. Osbaston importunes me to contribute to my Lord Treasurers use, some charges upon the little great man, and assures me they are mortally out. I have utterly refused to meddle in this business, and I pray you learn from Mr. S. and Mr. H. if any such falling out be, or whe∣ther some body hath not guld the Schoolmaster in these three last letters, and keep it to your self what I write unto you. If my Lord Treasurer would be ser∣ved by me, be must use a more neere, solid, and trusty Messenger, and free me from the bonds of the Star-chamber, else let them fight it out for me.

Now Mr. Walker being pressed by a friend, why he would discover this let∣ter to his Masters prejudice, averred, he brought it forth as a man witness of his innocency, and as able to clear him of all in the informaton: however it was strongly misunderstood; for by comparing both letters together the Court collected the Bishop guilty.

4. Sir John Finch fined him a just ten thousand pounds, Rotundi nume∣ri causa, whom Secretary Windebank did follow. The rest brought it down to eight thousand pounds only, one Lord thought fitting to impose no fine upon him, rendring this reason, Qui jacet in terra non habet unde cadet.

5. The Bishop already being sequestred from all his Temporall Lands, spirituall preferment, and his Person imprisoned, Mr. Osbaston was sentenced five Thousand pounds, loss of his good living at Whethamstede, and to have his ears tackt to the Pillory in the presence of his Scholars, whom his industry had improved to as great eminency of learning as any of his Predecessors, insomuch that he had at the present above fouresore Do∣ctors, in the two Universities, and three learned faculties, all gratefully ac∣knowledging their education under him. But this last personall penalty he escaped by going beyond Canterbury, conceived seasonably gone beyond the Seas, whilst he secretly concealed himself in London.

6. All this put not a period to the Bishops troubles;* his unsequestred Spirit so supported him,* that some of his Adversaries frowned because he could smile under so great vexations. A design is set a foot, either to make him voluntarily surrender his Bishoprick, Deanary and dignities (permitted perchance a poor Bishoprick in Ireland) or else to press his degradation: in order whereunto a new information with ten Articles is drawn up against him, though for the main, but the consequence and deductions of the fault for tampering with Witnesses, for which in the 13. of King Charles he had been so severely censured.

7. To this the Bishop put in a Plea, and Demurrer, that Deus non judicat bis in id ipsum, God punisheth not the same fault twice: that this is the way to make causes immense and punishments infinite: that whereas there was two things that Philosophers denied, infinitenesse and vacuity, Kilvert had found them both in this prosecution; infinitenesse in the Bishops cause and vacuity in his purse: that the profane wits of this age should begin to Page  167 doubt of the necessity of beleeving a Hell hereafter,* when such eternall pu∣nishments are found here in such kind of prosecution:* he added also that he could prove it that it was a conspiracy of Kilverts with other persons, if he might have freedome to bring his witnesses against them; which because it cast scandal on those who were Pro domino Rege, was now denied him.

8. Then put he in a Rejoynder and an Appeal unto the next Parlia∣ment, whensoever it should be assembled, pleading his priviledge of Peer∣age, as his freehold, and that he could not be degraded of his Orders and Dignities. This was filed in the Sar-Chamber under the Clarks Book; and Copies thereof signed with the usuall Officers. Now although this was but a poor help, no light of a Parliament dawning at that time; yet it so far quashed the proceedings that it never came to farther hearing, and the matter superseded from any finall Censure.

9. And now began Scotland to be an Actor,* and England,* [as yet] a sad Spectator thereof,* as suspecting ere long to feel what e beheld. There is an Hye Hill in Cumberland called Skiddaw, & another answering thereto, [Scrussell by name] in Anandale in Scotland, and the people dwelling by, have an old Rythme.

—If*Skiddaw hath a Cap,
Scrussle wots full well of that.

Meaning that such the vicinity (and as I may say sympathy) betwixt these two Hills, that if one be sick with a mist of clouds, the other soon after is sad on the like occasion. Thus none, seeing it now foul weather in Scotland, could expect it fair sunshine in England, but that she must share in the same mise∣ries: as soon after it came to passe.

10. Let those who desire perfect information hereof,* satisfy them∣selves,* from such as have, or may hereafter write the History of the State. In whom they shall find how King Charles took his journey Northward,* against the Scottish Covenanters. How some weeks after, on certain conditions a Peace was concluded betwixt them. How his Majesty returned to Londons and how this palliated cure soon after brake out again, more dangerous than ever before.

11. In these distracted times a Parliament was called with the wishes of all,* and hopes of most that were honest,* yet not without the feares of some, who were wise, what would be the successe thereof. With this Parliament began a Convocation; all the mediate transactions (for ought I can finde out) are embezled; and therein it was ordered, that none present should take any pri∣vate notes in the House; whereby the particular passages thereof are left at great uncertainty. However, so far as I can remember, I will faithfully relate; being comforted with this consideration, that generally he is ac∣counted an unpartial Arbitratour who displeaseth both sides.

12. On the first day thereof Dr. Turner,* Chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury,* made a Latine Sermon in the Quire of St. Pauls. His text Matth. 10. 16. Behold, I send you forth as Sheep in the mid'st of Wolves. In the close of his Sermon he complained, that all Bshops held not the reins of Church-discipline with an even hand, but that some of them were too easie, and remiss, in the ordering thereof. Whereby whiles they sought to gain to themselves the popular praise of meeknesse, and mildnesse, they occa∣sionally cast on other Bishops (more severe then themselves) the unjust im∣putation of rigour, and tyranny; and therefore he advised them all with e∣quall strictness to urge an universal conformitie.* Sermon ended, we chose Dr. Stewart Dean of Chichester Prolocutor.

13.* Next day of sitting we met at Westminster, in the Chappell of King Page  168Henry the seventh both the Houses of Convocation being joyned together;* when the Archbishop of Canterbury entertained them with a Latin Speech,* welnigh three quarres of an hour gravely uttered, his eies oft-times being but one remove from weeping. It consisted most of generals, bemoaning the distempers of the Church, but concluded it with a speciall passage, ac∣quaining us how highly we were indebted to his Majesties favour so far intrusting the integrity, and ability of that Convocation, as to empower them with his Commission, the like whereof was not granted for may yeers before, to alter old, or make new Canons for the better government of the Church.

14. Some wise men in the Convocation began now to be jealous of the event of new Canons,* yea, became fearfull of their own selves, for having too great power, lest it should tempt them to be over tampering in innovati∣ons. They thought it better, that this Convocation, with its predecessors, should be censured for lazinesse, and the solemn doing of just nothing, ra∣ther than to runne the hazard by over activity to doe any thing unjust. For, as waters long dammed up, oft-times flownce, and fle out too violently, when their sluces are pulled up, and they let loose on a sudden: so the judici∣ous feared, lest the Convocation, whose power of meddling with Church∣matters, had been bridled up for many yeers before, should now, enabled with such power, over-act their parts, especially in such dangerous, and discontented times. Yea, they suspected, lest those who formerly had outrunne the Canons with their additionall conformitie (ceremonizing more then was enjoyned) now would make the Canons come up to them, making it necessary for others, what voluntarily they had prepractised themselves.

15. Matters began to be in agitation,** when on a sudden the Parliament (wherein many things were started, nothing hunted down, or brought to per∣fection) was dissolved. Whilest the immediate cause hereof is commonly cast on the King, and Court, demanding so many Subsidies at once (England being as yet unacquainted with such prodigious payments;) the more con∣scientious look higher, and remoter, on the crying sinnes of our Kingdome. And from this very time did God begin to gather the twiggs of that rod [a civill warr] wherewith soon after he intended to whip a wanton nati∣on.

16. Next day the Convocation came together,** as most supposed, meer∣ly meeting to part, and finally to dissolve themselves. When, contrary to generall expectation, it was motioned, to improve the present opportunity, in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun. And soon after a new Commission was brought from his Majesty, by virtue whereof we were warranted still to sit, not in the capacity of a Convocation, but of a Synod, to prepare our Canons for the Royall Assent thereunto. But Doctor Brownrigg, Doctor Hacket, Doctor Holesworth, Master Warmistre with o∣thers, to the number of thirty six (the whole House consisting of about six score) earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation.

17. These importunately pressed that it might sink with the Parliament,* it being ominous & without precedent, that the one should survive, when the other was expired. To satisfy these, an Instrument was brought into Synod, signed with the hands of the Lord Privy-Seal, the two chief Justices, and o∣ther Judgs, justifying our so sitting in the nature of a Synod, to be legal ac∣cording to the Lawes of the Realm. It ill becometh Clergy-men to pre∣tend to more skill in the Lawes, then so learned Sages in that profession, and therefore unpartiall judgements may take off from the fault of the fol∣lowers, and lay it on the leaders, that this Synod sate when the Parliament was dissolved. This made the aforesaid thirty six dissenters (though so∣lemnly making their orall protests to the contrary, yet) not to dissever Page  169 themselves, or enter any act in Scriptis against the legality of this Assembly: the rather, because they hoped to moderate proceedings with their pre∣sence. Surely some of their own coat, which since have censured these dissenters for cowardly compliance, and doing no more in this cause, would have done lesse themselves, if in their condition.

18. Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod;* and now their disjoynted meeting being set together again, they betook them∣selves to consult about new Canons. Now because great bodies move slowly, and are fitter to be the consenters to than the contrivers of businesse, it was thought fit to contract the Synod into a select Committee of some six and twenty, beside the Proloquutour, who were to ripen matters, as to the propounding and drawing up the formes to what should passe, yet so, that nothing should be accounted the act of the House, till thrice (as I take it) publiquely voted therein.

19. Expect not here of me an exemplification of such Canons,* as were concluded of in this Convocation. Partly, because being printed they are publique to every eie, but chiefly because they were never put in practice, or generally received. The men in Persia did never look on their little ones, till they were seven yeers old (bred till that time with thir Mothers, and Nurses) nor did they account them in their Genealogies amongst their children (but amongst the more long-lived abortives) if dying before se∣ven yeers of age. I conceive such Canons come not under our cognizance, which last not (at least) an apprenticeship of yeers in use, ad practice, and therefore we decline the setting down the Acts of this Synod. It is enough for us to present the number, and titles of the severall Canons.

  • 1. Concerning the Regal power.
  • 2. For the better keeping of the day of his Majesties most happy Inau∣guration.
  • 3. For suppressing of the growth of Popery.
  • 4. Against Socinianism.
  • 5. Against Sectaries.
  • 6. An Oath injoyned for the pre∣venting of all Innovations in Do∣ctrine and Government.
  • 7. A Declaration concerning some Rites, and Ceremonies.
  • 8. Of Preaching for Conformity.
  • 9. One Book of Articles of inquiry to be used at all Parochiall Visi∣tations.
  • 10. Concerning the Conversation of the Clergy.
  • 11. Chancellors Patents.
  • 12. Chancellors alone not to cen∣sure any of the Clergy in sundry Cases.
  • 13. Excommunication, and Abso∣lution not to be pronounced but by a Priest.
  • 14. Concerning the Commutations, and the disposing of them.
  • 15. Touching concurrent Jurisdicti∣ons.
  • 16. Concerning Licences to Marry.
  • 17. Against vexatious Citations.

20. As for the Oath concluded on in this Synod,* because since the sub∣ject of so much discourse, it is here set forth at large, according to the true tenour thereof, as followeth.

I A. B. doe swear, That I doe approve the Doctrine and Discipline or Government established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary to salvation: And that I will not endeavour by my self or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any Popish Doctrine contrary to that which is so established: nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church, by Archbishops, Bishops, Deanes, and Archdeacons, &c. as it stands now established, and as by right it ought to stand, nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpation and superstitions of the Sea of Rome. And all Page  170 these things I doe plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according to the plaine and common sense and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation or mentall evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And this I doe heartily, willingly, and truly, upon the faith of a Christian. So help me God, in Jesus Christ.

21. Towards the close of the Convocation Doctor Griffith,* a Clark for some Welsh Diocesse, (whose moderate carriage all the while was very commendable) made a motion that there might be a new edition of the Welsh Church-Bible, some sixty yeers since first translated into Welsh, by the worthy endeavours of Bishop Morgan, but not without many mis∣takes and omissions of the printer. He insisted on two most remarkable, a whole verse left out Exod. 12. concerning the Angels passing over the houses besprinkled with blood, which mangleth the sense of the whole Chapter. Another Habak. 25. where that passage, He is a proud man, is wholly omitted. The matter was committed to the care of the Welsh Bshops, who (I fear) surprised with the troublesome times effected nothing herein.

22. The day before the ending of the Synod,*Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of Glocester, privately repaired to the Archbishop of Canterbury, acquainting him, that he could not in his conscience subscribe the new Canons. It appea∣red afterwards that he scrupled some passages about the Corporal presence. But, whether upon Popish, or Lutheran principles, he best knoweth himself. The Archbishop advised him to avoide obstinacy, and singularity therein. However the next day, when we all subscribed the Canons (suffering our selves, according to the order of such meetings, to be all concluded by the majority of Votes, though some of us in the Committee privately dissent∣ing in the passing of many particulars) he alone utterly refused his subscri∣ption thereunto. Whereupon the Archbishop, being present with us in King Henry the seventh his Chappell, was highly offended at him; My Lord of Glocester, (said he) I admonish you to subscribe: and presently after, My Lord of Glocester, I admonish you the second time to subscribe: and immediately after, I admonish you the third time to subscribe: To all which the Bishop pleaded con∣science, and returned a deniall.

23. Then were the judgements of the Bishops severally asked,* whether they should proceed to the present suspension of Glocester, for his contempt herein. Davenant, Bishop of Sarisbury, being demanded his opinion, con∣ceived it fit some Lawyers should first be consulted with, how far forth the power of a Synod in such cases did extend. He added moreover, that the threefold admonition of a Bishop ought solemnly to be done with some considerable intervalls betwixt them, in which the party might have time of convenient deliberation. However some dayes after he was committed (by the Kings command, as I take it) to the Gate-house, where he got by his restraint what he could never have gained by his liberty, namely, of one re∣puted Popish, to become for a short time popular, as the only Confessor suf∣fering for not subscribing the Canons. Soon after the same Canons were subscribed at York, where the Convocation is but the hand of the Diall, mov∣ing, and pointing as directed by the clock of the Province of Canterbury.* And on the last of June following, the said Canons were publiquely printed, with the Royall Assent affixed thereunto.

24. No sooner came these Canons abroad into publique view,* but va∣rious were mens censures upon them. Some were offended, because bowing toward the Communion-Table (now called Altar by many) was not only left indifferent, but also caution taken, that the observers, or the omitters there∣of should not mutually censure each other: yet many complained, that this ceremony, though left indifferent as hereafter to salvation, was made ne∣cessary as here to preferment. Yea, this knee-mark of bowing or not bow∣ing, Page  171 would be made the distinguishing character, that hereafter all such should be condemned as halting in conformity, who were not through paced in these addition all ceremonies.

25. Many took exception at the hollownesse of the Oath in the middle thereof,* having its bowells puffed up with a windie &c. a cheverel word, which might be stretched as men would measure it. Others pleaded for it, as only inserted to save the enumeration of many mean Officers in the Church, whose mention was beneath the dignity of an Oath, and would but clog the same. Yea since, some have endeavoured to excuse the same by the interpretative &c. incorporated into the body of the Covenant, whereby people are bound to defend the priviledges of Parliament, though what they be is unknown to most that take the same.

26. But most took exception against that clause in the Oath,*we will never give any consent to alter this Church-government, as if the same were in∣tended to abridge the liberty of King and State in future Parliaments, and Convocations, if hereafter they saw cause to change any thing therein. And this obligation seemed the more unreasonable, because some of those Or∣ders specified in the Oath (as Archbishops, Deans, Archdeacons) stand only established jure humano, sive Ecclesiastico; and no wise man ever denied, but that by the same power, and authority they are alterable on just oc∣casion.

27. Yet there wanted not others,* who with a favourable sense enda∣voured to qualify this suspicious clause, whereby the taker of this Oath was tied up from consenting to any alteration. These argued, that if the Au∣thority Civil, or Ecclesiasticall, did not herein impose an Oath, binding those that took it hereafter to disobey themselves, and reject such orders, which the foresaid Civil, or Ecclesiastical power might afterwards law∣fully enact, or establish. For, seeing in all oaths this is an undoubted Maxime, Quacunque forma verborum juratur, Deus sic juramentum accipit, sicut ille cui ju∣ratur intelligit, none can probably suppose, that the governors in this oath intended any clause thereof, to be an abridgment of their own lawfull power, or to debar their inferiours from consenting, and submitting to such alte∣rations, as by themselves should lawfully be made. Wherefore these words, We will never give any consent to alter, are intended here to be meant only of a voluntary, and pragmaticall alteration; when men conspire, consent, la∣bour, and endeavour to change the present government of the Church, in such particulars as they doe dislike, without the consent of their superi∣ours.

28. But the exception of exceptions against these Canons,* is, be∣cause they were generally condemned as illegally passed, to the prejudice of the fundamentall liberty of the Subject, whereof we shall hear enough in the next Parliament. Mean time some Bshops were very forward in pressing this Oath, even before the time thereof. For, whereas a liberty was allowed to all, to deliberate thereon, untill the feast of Michael the Archangel, some presently pressed the Ministers of their Diocesses, for the taking thereof, and, to my knowledge, enjoyned them to take this oath kneeling. A ceremony (to my best remembrance) never exacted, or observed in taking the Oath of Supremacy or Allegiance; which some accounted an essay of their activity, if providence had not prevented them.

29. Many impressions of English-Bibles,* printed at Amsterdam, and moe at Edinburgh in Scotland, were daily brought over hither, and sold here. Little their volumes, and low their prices, as beeing of bad paper, worse print, little Margent, yet greater then the care of the Corrector, many most abominable errata being passed therein. Take one instance for all.

Page  172Jer. 4. 17. speaking of the whole nstead of, because she hath been rebellious against mee, saith the Lord. Common-wealth of Judah. it is printed Edinburgh 1637. because she hath been religious against mee, saith the Lord.

Many complaints were made, especially by the company of Stationers, against these false printed Bibles, as giving great advantage to the Papists, but nothing was therein effected. For in this juncture of time came in the Scotish Army, and invaded the Northern parts of England. What secret solicitations invited them hither, is not my work to enquire. Many beheld them as the only Physitians of the distempered State, and believed, that they gave not their Patient a visit on pure charity, but having either received, or being well promised their fee before.

30. Soon after began the long lasting Parliament,* so known to all po∣sterity for the remarkable transactions therein. The King went to the House privately by water, many commending his thrift in sparing expences, when two Armies in the bowels of the Land expected their pay from his purse. Others distinguishing betwixt needlesse Pomp, and necessary State, suspected this might be misinterpreted as if the Scotch had frighted him out of that Ceremony of Majesty: and some feared such an omission presaged that Parliament would end with sadnesse to him, which began without any so∣lemnity. Abreast therewith began a Convocation though unable long to keep pace together, the latter soon tyreing as never inspirited by commis∣sion from the King to meddle with any matters of Religion: Mr. Warmistre (a Clark for Worcester) made a motion therein, that they should endeavour (according to the Leviticall Law) to cover the pit which they had opened, and to prevent their adversaries intention, by condemning such offensive Ca∣nons, as were made in the last Convocation. But it found no accep∣tance, they being loath to confesse themselves guilty before they were ac∣cused.

31. This day hapned the first fruits of Anabaptisticall insolence,*** when 80 of that Sect meeting at a house in St. Saviours in Southwark, preached that the Statute in the 35. of Eliz. for the administration of the Common-Prayer was no good Law because made by Bishops. That the King cannot make a good Law because not perfectly regenerate. That he was only to be obeyed in Civill matters. Being brought before the Lords they confessed the articles, but no penalty was inflicted upon them.

32. About this time Mr. Prinn,* Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton were brought out of durance and exile, with great Triumph into London, it not sfficing their friends to welcome them peaceably, but victoriously, with bayes and rosemary in their hands and hats. Wise men conceived that their pri∣vate returning to the Town, had signifyed as much gratitude to God, and lesse affront to authority. But some wildnesse of the looks must be par∣doned in such, who came suddenly into the light out of long darknesse.

33. As Bishop Williams and Mr. Osbaston,* were the two first Clergy-men who found the favour of this Parliament, (being remitted their fins, and re∣stored to their livings and liberty) so Doctor Pocklington and Doctor Bray were the two first that felt their displeasures. The former for preaching and printing, the latter for licencing two books, one called Sunday no Sabbath, the other The Christian altar. Bishop Williams moved, that Dctor Bray might recant seven errours in the first, four and twenty in the second Treatise. Soon after both the Doctors deceased, for grief, say some, that they had writen what they should not; for shame, say others, that they had recanted what they would not; though a third sort more charitably take notice neither of the one nor the other, but meerly impute it to the approach of the time of their dissolution.

Page  173 34.* Doctor Cosen soon after was highly accused,* for superstition and un∣just proceedings against one Mr. Smart on this occasion. The Doctor is charged to have set up in the Church of Durham a Marble Altar with Che∣rubins, which cost two thousands pounds, with all the appurtenances there∣of, namely, a Cope with the Trinity, and God the Father in the figure of an old man, another with a Crucifix and the Image of Christ, with a red Beard and blew Cap. Besides he was accused for lighting two hundred wax Candles about the Altar on Candlemas day. For forbidding any Psalmes to be sung before or after Sermon, though making an Anthem, to be sung of the three Kings of Collen (by the names of) Gasper, Balthazar, and Melchior; and for procuring a consecrated Knife only to cut the Bread at the Communion.

35. Mr. Smart a prebendary of the Church,* one of a grave aspect and reverend presence, sharply enveyed in a Sermon against these innovations, taking for his text: I hate all those that hold superstitious vanities, but thy law doe I love.

36. Hereupon he was kept prisoner four moneths by the high Commission of York, before any Articles were exhibited against him, and five moneths before any Proctor was allowed him. Hence was he carried to the High-Commission at Lambeth, and after long trouble remanded to York, fined 500. pounds, committed to prison, ordered to recant, and for that neglect there∣of, fined again, excommunicated, degraded, and deprived, his damage (as brought in) amounting to many thousand pounds.

37. But now Mr. Rows of the House of Commons,* bringing up the charge to the Lords against Doctor Cosen, termed Mr. Smart the Proto mar∣tyr of England in these latter dayes of persecution, and large reparations was al∣lowed unto him, though he lived not long after to enjoy them.

38. Now though none can excuse and defend Doctor Cosen his carriage herein,* yet this must be reported to his due commendation. Some yeers after getting over into France, he neither joyned with the Church of French Protestants at Charentoun nigh Paris, nor kept any communion with the Pa∣pists therein, but confined himself to the Church of old English Protestants therein. Where by his pious living and constant praying and preaching, he reduced some recusants to, and confirmed more doubters in the Protestant Religion. Many his incounters with Jesuits and Priests defeating the suspi∣cions of his foes, and exceeding the expectation of his Friends, in the suc∣cesse of such disputes.

39. The Commons desired the Lords to joyn with them to finde out,** who moved the King to reprieve John Goodman a seminary Priest, who (as they said) had been twice condemned, and now the second time reprieved, whilest the Parliament sate.

40. The King sent a message by the Lord Privy-Seal,* that Goodman was not (as the Commons were informed) condemned and banished, but only sentenced for being a Priest, and therefore that in reprieving him he shewed but the like mercy which Queen Eliz. and King James had shewed in the like cases.

41. The Lords joyned with the Commons in their desire concerning Goodman,* that the Statutes might speedily be executed upon him, as neces∣sary in this juncture of time, wherein Papists swarmed in all parts presu∣ming on indemnity. With what credit or comfort could they sit to enact new Lawes, whilst they beheld former Statutes dayly broken before their eyes?

42. The King acquainted the Houses that though Queen Eliz. and King James never condemned Priest meerly for Religion,* yet rather then he would discontent his Subjects he left him to the judgment of Page  174 both Houses, to be disposed of at their pleasure.

43. Goodman petitioned the King that like Jonah the Prophet,** he might be cast into the Sea,* to still the tempest betwixt the King and his People, conceiving his blood well spent to cement them together. But in fine he escaped with his life, not so much by any favour indulged him, as princi∣pally because the accusations could not be so fully proved against him.*

44. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestation,* to be taken all over England (the Copy whereof is omitted as obvious every where) which some moneths after, was generally performed as containing nothing but what was lawfull and commendable therein. Yet some refused it as suspecting the adding of new, would substract obedience from former othes, (men being prone to love that best which left the last relish in their souls) and in fine such new obligations of conscience like suckers, would draw from the stock of the old oathes of supremacy and alleagiance.

45. March began very blusteringly,* on the first day whereof Archbishop Laud was in Mr. Maxfeild his Coach carried to the Tower,* and not long after the Lords appointed a Committee of their own Members for settling of peace in the Church. What hopefull opinion the aforesaid Archbishop had of their proceedings, will appear by the following note which he entred into his aDiarie.

A Committee for Religion settled in the upper house of Parliament.* Ten Earles, ten Bishops, ten Barons. So the Lay-Votes will be dou∣ble to the Clergy. This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies, and will call some Divines to them to consider of the businesse, as appears by a Letter hereto annexed, sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln to some Divines, to attend this service: up∣on the whole matter, I believe this Committee will prove the Na∣tionall Synod of England, to the great dishonour of the Church. And what else may follow upon it, God knowes.

46. At the same time the Lords appointed a Sub-committee,* to prepare mat∣ters fit for their cognizance, (the Bishop of Lincoln having the Chair in both) authorized to call together divers Bishops and Divines, to consult together for correction of what was amisse, and to settle peace, viz.

  • b The Archbishop of Armagh.
  • The Bishop of Durham.
  • The Bishop of Exeter.
  • Doctor Samuel Ward.
  • Doctor John Prideaux.
  • Doctor William Twisse.
  • Doctor Robert Sanderson.
  • Doctor Daniel Featly.
  • Doctor Ralph Brounrigg.
  • Doctor Richard Holdsworth.
  • Doctor John Hacket.
  • Doctor Cornelius Burges.
  • Master John White.
  • Master Stephen Marshall.
  • Master Edmund Calamy.
  • Master Thomas Hill.

Jerusalem-Chamber in the Dean of Westminsters house, was the place of their meeting, (where they had solemn debates six severall dayes) alwaies entertained at his Table with such bountifull chear as well became a Bi∣shop. But this we behold as the last course, of all publick-Episcopall-Treat∣ments, whose Guests may now even put up their Knives, seeing soon after the Voider was called for, which took away all Bishops lands, and most of Eng∣lish-Hospitality.

47. First they took the Innovations of Doctrine into consideration,* and here some complained, that all the tenets of the Councell of Trent, had (by one or other) been preached and printed, abating only such points of State-Popery gainst the Kings Supremacy, made treason by the Statute. Good works co-causes with faith, by justification; private confession, by particular enumeration of Page  175 sinnes, needfull necessitate medii to salvation, that the oblation (or as others, the consumption) of the Elements, in the Lords-Supper, holdeth the nature of a true sacrifice, prayers for the dead, lawfulnesse of monasticall vowes, the grosse substance of Arminianism, and some dangerous points of Socintanisme.

48. Secondly,* they enquired into preter-canonicall conformity, and inno∣vations in discipline. Advancing Candlesticks in parochiall Churches in the day time, on the Altar so called. Making Canopyes over, with traverses of Curtains (in imitation of the Vaile before the Holy of Holyes) on each side and before it. Having a credentia, or side-Table, (as a Chappel of ease, to the Mother Altar) for divers uses in the Lords Supper. Forbidding a direct prayer before Sermon, and Ministers to expound the Catechism at large to their Parishioners, carrying children (when baptized) to the Altar so called, and there offering them up to God, pretending for some of these innovati∣ons, the injunctions and advertisements of Queen Eliz. which are not in force, and appertaining to the printed Liturgy secundo & tertio Edvardi sexti, which is reformed by Parliament.

49. Thirdly,* they consulted about the Common Prayer-Book, whether some legendary, and some much doubted saints, with some superstitious memorialls were not to be expunged the calendar.c Whether it was not fit that the Les∣sons should be only out of Canonicall Scripture, the Epistles, Gospells, Psalmes, and Hymes, to be read in the nw translation, &c. Whether times prohibited for Marriage, are not totally to be taken away. Whether it were not fit that hereafter none should have a Licence, or have their Banes of Matrimony asked, save such who should bring a Certificate from their Minister, that they were instructed in their Catechism. Whether the Rubick is not to be mended, altered and explained in many particulars.

50. Lastly,* they entered on the regulating of Ecclesiasticall government, which was not brought in, because the Bishop of Lincoln has undertaken the draught thereof, but not finished it, as imployed at the same time in the managing of many matters of State: so easy it is for a great person never to be at leisure, to doe, what he hath no great minde should be done.

51. Some are of opinion that the moderation and mutuall compliance of these Divines,* might have produced much good, if not interrupted, con∣ceiving such lopping might have saved the felling of Episcopacy. Yea they are confident, had this expedient been pursued and perfected,

Troia{que} nunc stares, Priami{que}, arx alta maneres.
Troy still had stood in power,
And King Priams lofty Tower,
Had remained at this hower:
it might, under God, have been a means, not only to have checkt, but choakt our civill War in the infancy thereof. But the Court prelates ex∣pected no good from the result of this meeting, suspecting the Doctrinal Puritans, (as they nicknamed them) joyned with the Disciplinary Puritans, would betray the Church betwixt them. Some hot spirits would not have one ace of episcopal power or profit abated, and (though since confuted by their own hunger) preferred no bread, before half a loaf. These maintained that any giving back of ground, was in effect the granting of the day to the opposit party, so covetous they be to multiply their cravings, on the o∣thers concessions. But what the issue of this conference concluded would have been, is only known to him who knew what*the Men of Keilah would doe, and whose prescience extends not only to things future, but futurable, having the certain cognisance of contingents, which might, yet never actual∣ly shall, come to passe.

52. This consultation continued till the middle of May,* and the weaving thereof was fairly forward on the Loome, when Atropos occat, the bringing Page  176 in the Bill against Deanes and Chapters, Root and Branch,** cut off all the threds, putting such a distance betwixt the fore-said Divines, that never their Judgements, (and scarce their Persons) met after together.

53. In the midst of these troublesome times,*John Davenant Bishop of Salsbury ended his life.* His Father was a wealthy and religious Citizen of London, but born at Davenants-lands in Sible Heningham in Essex. Where his Ancestours had continued in a worshipfull degree from Sir John Dave∣nant, who lived in the time of King Henry the third. He bred his sonne a Fel∣low Commoner in Queens-Colledge in Cambridge, and would not suffer him to accept a Fellowship, though offered, as conceiving it a bending of these places from the direct intent of the Founders, when they are bestowed on such as have plenty. Though indeed such preferments are appointed, as well for the reward of those that are worthy, as the relief of those that want: and after his Fathers death he was chosen into that Society. In his youth∣full exercises, he gave such an earnest of his future maturity, that Dr. Whi∣tacre, hearing him dispute, said, The he would in time prove the Honour of the University. A Prediction that proved not untrue; when afterward he was chosen Margaret Professour of Divinity, being as yet but a private Fellow of the Colledge. Whereof some yeers after he was made Master, and at last Bishop of Salisbury. Where with what gravity, and moderation he be∣haved himself, how humble, hospitable, painfull in preaching and writing, may better be reported hereafter, when his memory (green as yet) shall be mellowed by time. He sate Bishop about twenty yeers, and died of a Consumption anno 1641. to which, sensiblenesse of the sorrowfull times, (which he saw were bad, and foresaw would be worse) did contri∣bute not a little. I cannot omit, how some few hours before his death, having lyen for a long time (though not speechlesse, yet) not speaking, nor able to speak (as we beholders thought, though indeed he hid that little strength we thought he had lost, and reserved himself for pupose) he fell into a most emphaticall prayer for half a quarter of an hour. Amongst many heavenly passages therein, He thanked God for this his fatherly correction, because in all his life time he never had one heavie affliction, which made him of∣ten much suspect with himself, whether he was a true Child of God or no, untill this his last sicknesse. Then he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we softly draw the Curtains about him.

54. The whole Bodies of Cathedrall Churches,* being of too great a bulk, to be blown up by their adversaries at once, they began with the Quires, accu∣sing the members thereof for uselesse and unprofitable. The Prelaticall Court Clergy, were not so active and diligent in defending these founda∣tions, as it was expected from their interest and relations. Whether be∣cause they were disheartned at the imprisonment of their chief the Arch∣bishop of Cant. or because some of them being otherwise obnoxious to the Parliament were loath therein to appear; or because they vainly hoped that this heat once over, all things would continue in their pristine condi∣tion; or because they were loath to plead in that Suit, wherein they despai∣red to prevaile, as foreseeing those places destined to dissolution.

55. Yet some of the same side causelesly complained of the backward∣nesse of other moderate Cathedrall men,* that they improved not their power with their Parliament friends so zealously as they might in this cause, as beginning too late, and proceeding too lazily therein, who should sooner have set their shoulders and backs to those tottering Quires, so either to support them,* or to be buried under the ruines thereof. Whereas they did whatsoever good men could, or wise men would doe in their condition, leaving no stone unturned which might advantage them herein.

56. Indeed it was conceived inconsistent with their gravity, to set them∣selves Page  177 to fight against the shadow of common rumour (and so to feign an ene∣my to themselves) whilest as yet no certainty of the Parliaments intentions to destroy Deanes and Chapters. What had this been but perchance to put that into their brains, which otherwise they charitably beleeved would not enter therein? But no sooner were they certified of the reality of their designe, but they vigorously in their callings endeavoured the prevention thereof.

  • Appointing one in each Cathedrall Church to sollicite their friends on this behalf.
  • Drawing up a Petition (the same mutatis mutandis) to House of Lords and Commons, which (because never formally present∣ed) I forbear to insert.
  • Retaining and instructing learned Councell to move for them in the House.

Untill they were informed that the Orders of the House, would not bear any to plead for them, but that they must personally appear and viva voce plead for themselves.

57. Lest therefore their longer silence should by posterity be inter∣preted,* either Sullennesse,* that they would not; or guiltinesse, that they durst not speak for themselves, by their friends they obtained leave to be ad∣mitted into the House of Commons, and to be heard what they could alledge in their own behalf. They made choice of Dr. John Hacket, Prebendary of Pauls, and Archdeacon of to be the mouth in the behalf of the rest. The brief heads of whose speech, copied (by his leave) out of his own papers, are here inserted.

58. First he craved the favour of that Honourable House, to whom he was to speak on a double disadvantage. One caused from the shortnesse of time, this employment being imposed on him but in the afternoon of the day before. The other because he had not heard what crimes or of∣fences were charged on Deanes and Chapters, (that so he might purge them from such imputations) reports only flying abroad that they were account∣ed of some, of no use, and convenience; the contrary whereof he should endeavour to prove, reducing the same to two heads, quoad res, & quoad Personas, in regard of things of great moment, and divers Persons concern∣ed in such Foundations.

59. To the first. It is fit that to supply the defects of prayer committed by private men, the publick duty thereof should be constantly performed in some principall place (in imitation of the primitive practice) and this is dayly done in Cathedrall Churches. And whereas some complain that such service gives offence for the super-exquisitenesse of the Musick therein, (so that what was intended for Devotion vanished away into Quavers and Aire) he with the rest of his Brethren there present wished the amendment thereof, that it might be reduced to the form which Athanasius commends, ut legentibus sint quàm cantantibus similiores. And here he spake much in prayse of the Church-Musick, when moderated to Edification.

60. Hence he passed to what he tearmeth the other wing of the Cherubin, which is Preaching, first planted since the Reformation in Cathedrall Churches, as appears by the learned Sermons which Dr. Allens (afterwards Bishop of Excester) preached in the Church of St. Pauls, and since continued therein. Where by the way he took occasion to refell that slaunder, which some cast on Lecture-Preachers as an upstart-Corporation, alledging that the locall Statutes of most, or all Cathedrall Churches doe require Lectures on the week dayes. And in the name of his Brethren he requested that Honourable House, that the godly and profitable performance of preaching might be the more exacted.

Page  178 61. In the third place he insisted on the advancement of learning, as the proper use and convenience of Cathedralls, each of them being a small Acade∣mie, for the Champions of Christ his cause against the Adversarie by their learned pens. Here he proffered to prove by a catalogue of their names and works, which he could produce, that most excellent labours in this kinde (excepting some few) have proceeded from persons preferred in Cathedralls or the Universities. Now what a disheartning would it be to young Students, if such promotions were taken away, witnesse the fewnesse of such admitted this last yeer into the Universities, and the deadnesse of the sale of good Books in St. Pauls Church yard, meerly upon a timorous imagination abroad, that we are now shutting up learning in a case and laying it aside. But if the bare threatening make such a stop in literature, what wil the blow given doe thereon?

62. Fourthly, he alledged that the ancient and genuine use of Deans and Chapters was, as Senatus Episcopi, to assist the Bishop in his jurisdiction. Now whereas some of his reverend Brethren had lately complained, that Bishops have for many yeers usurped the sole government to themselves, and their Consistories, the continuing of Chapters rightly used, would reduce it from one Man, to a plurality of assistants.

63. Lastly, the structures themselves should (said he) speak for the structures. Not that he would have then with Christs disciples fondly to ad∣mire the Fabricks, but to put them in remembrance, that Cathedrall Churches were the first monuments of Christianity in the Kingdome.

64. From things, he passed to Persons, and began with the multitude of such members as had maintenance from Cathedralls, (some one of them allowing lively-hood to three hundred, and) the totall amounting to many thousands. All which by the dissolutions of Deans and Chapters, must be exposed to poverty. Next he instanced in their Tenants, who holding Leases from Deans and Chapters, are sensible of their own happinesse, (as enjoying six parts of seven in pure gain) and therefore have petitioned the House to continue their ancient Land-lords. Thirdly, such Cities wherein Cathedrals stand, (if maritime) being very poor in Trade, are inriched by the hospitality of the Clergy, & the frequent resort of strangers unto them.

65. Then proceeded he to speak of the branches of the whole King∣dome, all being in hope to reap benefit by the continuance of Deans and Chapters lands as now emploied. For all men (said he) are not born elder Brothers, nor all elder Brothers inheriters of Land. Divers of low degree, but generous Spirits would be glad to advance themselves, and archieve an estate by qualifying themselves by industry and virtue, to attain a share of Cathedrall Endowments, as the common possession of the Realm, inclosed in no private mens estate.

66. And whereas travailers inform them, that all ranks and degrees of people in England, [Knights, Gentlemen, Yeamen,] live more freely and fashionably, than in any other Countries, he trusted their Honours would account it reasonable, that the Clergy had in some sort, a better mainte∣nance then in neighbouring reformed Churches, and not with Jeroboams Priests, to be the basest of all the People.

67. Then did he instance in some famous Protestants of forrain parts, who had found great relief and comfort by being installed Prebendaries in our Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches, as Dr. Saravia, preferred by Queen Elizabeth, Dr. Casaubon, (Father and Son) by King James, Dr. Primrose, Mr. Vossius, in the reign of King Charles, and Dr. Peter Moulin alive at this day, and who intended to leave Sedan, (if the warlike preparations there pro∣ceeded) and come over into England, where he should have but sad wel∣come if all his livelyhood, were taken away from him.

68. Nor could an Act be done, more to gratify the Church of Rome, Page  179 than to destroy Deans and Chapters, seeing*Sanders himself seemeth to com∣plain, that Queen Elizabeth had left Provosts, Deans, Canons and Prebendaries, in Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches, because he foresaw, such foundations would conduce to the stability of religion, so that by his words, a fatter Sa∣crifice could not be offered up, to such as himself, than the extirpation of them.

69. He went forwards to shew the benefit the King, and Commonwealth reapt by such Lands, as paying greater summs to the Exchequer, for first fruits, tenths and subsidies, according to the proportion, than any other estates, & Cor∣porations in the Kingdome. And are ready (said he) if called upon, cheerfully to contribute in an extraordinary manner to the charge of the Kingdome.

70. Now as he was by their Honours favour admitted to plead under that roof, where their noble Progenitors had given to the Clergy, so many Char∣ters, Priviledges, & Immunities, so he implored to finde the ancient & honoura∣ble justice of the House unto his Brethren, who were not charged, much lesse convicted of any scandalous faults, justly for the same to forfeit their estates.

71. At last he led them to the highest degree of all considerations, viz. the honour of God, to whose worship and service such Fabricks and Lands were dedicated, and barred all alienation with (which he said is tre∣menda vox) curses and imprecations; he minded them of the censers of Korah and his complices, pronounced hallowed,* because pretended to doe God ser∣vice therewith. And left any should wave this as a Leviticall nicety, it was*pro∣verbiall Divinity, as a received rule in every mans mouth. It is a snare to a man that devoureth that which is holy. He added the smart question of St. Paul, Thou that abhorrest Idols, doest thou commit Sacriledge? and concluded, that on the ruins of the rewards of learning, no structure can be raised but ignorance, and upon the chaos of ignorance, nothing can be built but profanenesse and confusion.

72. This his speech was uttered with such becoming gravity,* that it was generally well resented and wrought much on the House for the pre∣sent, so that had the aliening of such Lands been then put to the Vote, some (who conceived themselves knowing of the sense of the House) concluded it would have been carried on the Negative by more than six score suffrages.

73. In the afternoon Dr. Cornelius Burges,* as Speaker for his Party, made a vehement invective against Deans and Chapters, and the unprofitablenesse of such Corporations. He heavily aggravated the debauchednesse of Sing∣ingmen, not only uselesse, but hurtfull by their vicious conversations. Yet he concluded with the utter unlawfulnesse, to convert such Endowments to any private Persons profit. So that the same Doctrine was delivered by both the Doctors, only they differed in their Applications, the former being for the continuing such lands to their ancient, the latter for diverting them to o∣ther, but neither for alienating them from publique and pious imployments.

74. If since Dr. Burges hath been a large purchaser of such lands to himself,* If since St. Andrew*the first converted, and St. Paul the last converted Apostle have met in his purse, I doubt not but that he can give sufficient reason for the same, both to himself and any other, that shall question him therein. The rather because lately he read his learned Lectures in St. Pauls, on the Criticisms of Conscience, no lesse carefully then curiously weigh∣ing satisfaction to scruples, and if there be any fault, so able a Confessor, knows how to get his absolution.

75. A Bill brought up from the Commons to the Lords against Bishops and Clergy-men,* which having severall branches was severally voted.

  • 1. That they should have no votes in Parliament.
  • 2. That they should not be in the Commission of the Peace, nor Judges in Temporall Courts.
  • 3. Nor sit in the Star-Chamber, nor be Privy-Counsellors.

Page  180 The two last branches of this Bill passed by generall consent; not above two dissenting. But the first branch was voted in the Negative, wherein all the Bishops gave their own voices for themselves. Yet had their suf∣frages been secluded, and the question only put to the lay-Lords, it had been carried for the Bishops by sixteen decisive.*

76. After some dayes debate, the Lords who were against the Bishops, protested that the former manner of voting the Bill by branches, was unpar∣lamentary and illegall. Wherefore they moved the House that they should be so joyned together, as either to take the Bill in wholly or cast it all out. Whereupon the whole Bill was utterly cast out by many voices; had not the Bishops (as again they did) given their suffrages in the same.

77. Master Maynard made a Speech in the Committee of Lords against the Canons,* made by rhe Bishops in the last Convocation, therein with much learning indeavouring to prove

  • 1. That in the Saxons times (as Malmesbury, Hoveden, Sir Henry Spelman &c. doe witnesse) Lawes and constitutions Ecclesiasticall had the confirmation of Peers and sometimes of the People,* to which great Councells our Parliaments doe succeed.
  • 2. That it appears out of the aforesaid Authors, and others, that there was some checking about the disuse of the generall making of such Church Lawes.
  • 3. That for Kings to make Canons without consent of Parliament cannot stand, because built on a bad foundation, viz. on the Popes making Canons by his sole Power, so that the groundwork not being good the superstructure sinketh therewith.
  • 4. He examined the Statute 25 of Henry 8, avouching that that clause, The Clergy shall not make Canons without the Kings leave, im∣plyeth not, that by his leave alone they may make them.

Lastly he endeavoured to prove that these Canons were against the Kings Prerogative, the Rights, Liberties and Properties of the Subject, insisting herein on severall particulars.

  • 1. The first Canon puts a penalty on such as disobey them.
  • 2. One of them determineth the Kings Power and the Subjects right.
  • 3. It sheweth that the Ordinance of Kings is by the Law of Na∣ture, and then they should be in all places and all alike.
  • 4. One of the Canons saith that the King may not be resisted.
  • 5. Another makes a Holy Day, whereas that the Parliament saith there shall be such and no more.

This his Speech lost neither life nor lustre, being reported to the Lords by the Bishop of Lincoln a back friend to the Canons, because made during his absence and durance in the Tower.

78. One in the House of Commons heightned the offence of the Clergy herein,* into Treason, which their more moderate adversaries abated into a Premunire. Many much insisted on the Clarks of the Convocation for presuming (being but private men after the dissolution of the Parliament) to grant subsidies,* and so without Law, to give away the estates of their fellow-subjects.

78. A Bill was read to repeal that Statute of 1 Eliz. whereby the High-Commission Court is erected. This Bill afterwards forbad any Archbi∣shop, Bishop &c. deriving power from the King to Assesse, or inflict any pain, penalty, amercement, imprisonment, or corporall punishment for any ecclesiasticall offence or transgression. Forbidding them likewise to ad∣minister the Oath Ex officio or give Oath to Church-Wardens, Sides-men or any others, whereby their own or others offences should be discovered.

Page  182


CUM Insignia tua Gentilitia intueor,** non sum adeò Heraldicae Artis ignarus, quin probè sciam, quid sibi velit Manus illa, Scutello inserta.

Te scilicet Baronettum designat, cùm omnes in il∣lum Ordinem cooptati, ex Institutione sua, ad*Vltoni∣am, (Hiberniae Provinciam) forti dextrâ defendendam teneantur.

At sensum (praeter hunc vulgarem) alium latiorem, & (quoad meipsum) laetiorem, Manui illi expansae, quae in tuo Clypeo spectabilis, subesse video. Index est sum∣mae tuae Munificentiae, quo nomine me tibi divinctissi∣mum profiteor.

1. OMitting matters of greater consequence,* know that the Bill against the High-Com∣mission,* was the third time read in the House of Lords and passed it, which some dayes after was confirmed by his Majesty. Thus the edge of the Spiritual Sword, as to discipline, was taken away. For although I read of a Proviso made in the House of Lords, that the generall words in this Bill should extend only to the High-Commis∣sion Court, and not reach other Ecclesia∣sticall jurisdiction: yet that Proviso being but writen and the Statute printed, all coercive power of Church Consi∣stories were taken away. Mr. Pim triumphed at this successe, crying out, Di∣gitus Page  182 Det, it is the finger of God,* that the Bishops should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power.* Some disaffected to Episcopy ob∣served a Justice, that seeing many simple souls were in the high Commission Court by captious interrogatories circumvented into a self-accusation, an unsuspected clause in this Statute should abolish all their lawfull authority.

2. The Bishop of Lincoln brought up a Bill to regulate Bishops and their jurisdiction,* consisting of severall particulars:*

  • 1. That every Bishop being in his Diocesse not sick should preach once every Lords day, or pay five pounds to the poor to be le∣vyed by the next Justice of Peace, and distresse made by the Constable.
  • 2. That no Bishop shall be Justice of Peace, save the Dean of West∣minster in Westminster, and St. Martines.
  • 3. That every Bishop should have twelve assistants (besides the Dean and Chapter) four chosen by the King, four by the Lords, and four by the Commons, for jurisdiction and ordination.
  • 4. That in all vacancies they should present to the King, three of the ablest Divines in the Diocesse, out of which his Majesty might choose one to be Bishop.
  • 5. Deans and Prebends to be resident at the Cathedralls but sixty dayes.
  • 6. That Sermons be preached therein twice every Lords day, once every Holy day, and a Lecture on Wednesday with a salary of 100. Marks.
  • 7. All Archbishops, Bishops, Collegiate Churches, &c. to give a fourth part of their fines and improved rents, to buy out Im∣propriations.
  • 8. All double beneficed men to pay a moiety of their benefice to their Curates.
  • 9. No appeal to the Court of Arches or Audience.
  • 10. Canons and Ecclesiasticall capitulations, to be drawn up and fitted to the Lawes of the Land by sixteen learned men, chosen six by the King, five by the Lords, and five by the Commons.

This Bill was but once read in the House, and no great matter made thereof: the Antipiscopall party conceived it needlesse to shave their beards, whose heads they intended to cut off, designing an utter extirpation of Bishops.

3. By the way the mention of a moiety to the Curats,* minds me of a crying sin of the English Clergy conceived by the most conscientious amongst them, a great incentive of Divine anger against them; namely, the miserable and scandalous Stipends afforded to their Curats. Which made Lay-men fol∣low their pattern in Vicaridges unindowed, seeing such who knew most what belong to the work, allowed the least wages to the Ministry. Hence is it that God since hath changed his hand, making many who were poor Curats rich Rectors, and many wealthy Incumbents to become poor Curats. It will not be amisse to wish thankfulnesse without pride to the one, and patience without dejection to the other.

4. A Bill was sent up by the Commons against Matthew Wren Bishop of Ely,* containing twenty five Articles,* charging him for being Popishly af∣fected, a suppressor of Preaching, and introducer of Arbitrary Power to the hazard of the estates and lives of many. They desired he might be seque∣stred from the Kings Person and Service.

5. To return to the Bishops,* the Commons perceiving that they were so tenacious of their votes in Parliament, resolved vigorously to prosecute the impeachment against them for making of Canons, expecting the Bi∣shops should willingly quit their votes as Barons to be acquitted of their Page  183premunire, whereby they forfeited all their Personall estates, yet the sound of so great a charge did not so afright them but that they persisted legally to defend their innocence.

6. The Bishops that were impeached for making Canons,* craved time till Michaelmas Term to make their answer.* This was vehemently opposed by some Lords, and two questions were put.

  • 1. Whether the Bishops should sit still in the House though without voting (to which themselves consented) whilst the circumstance of time for their answer was in debate.
  • 2. What time they should have for their answer.

The first of these was carried for them by one present voice, and four Proxies; and for the second, time was allowed them till the tenth of No∣vember. And although the adverse Lords pleaded that in offences crimi∣nall, for matters of fact, no councell should be allowed them, but to answer yea or no: yet on the Lord Keepers affirming it ordinary and just to allow councell in such cases, it was permitted unto them.

7. Bishop Warner of Rochester is chosen by joynt consent,* to solicite the cause, sparing neither care nor cost therein. Of the Councell he retained, two only appeared; Serjeant Jermin, who declined to plead for them, except the Bishops would first procure him a Warrant from the House of Commons (which they refused to doe:) and Mr. Chuite, who being demanded of the Lords whether he would plead for the Bishops, Yea (said he) so long as I have a tongue to plead with. Soon after he drew up a Demurrer in their be∣half, that their offence in making Canons could not amount to a Premu∣nire. This being shown to the Bishop of Lincoln, he protested that he never saw a stronger demurrer all the dayes of his life: and the notice hereof to the Lords was probably the cause, that they waved any further prosecution of the charge, which henceforward sunk in silence.

8. Passe we now from the outworks of Episcopacy (I mean the Deans and Chapters) this fiercely stormed (but as yet not taken) to the Bishops them∣selves,* who began to shake, seeing their interest and respects in the House of Lords did daily decay, and decline. Yea, about this time came forth the Lord Brook his book against Bishops, accusing them in respect of their parentage to be de faece populi, of the dregs of the people; and in respect of their studies no way fit for government, or to be Barons in Parliament.

9. Whereupon the Bishops taking this accusation to heart,* meet toge∣ther; and in their own necessary defence, thought fit to vindicate their ex∣tractions, some publickly, some in private discourse.

Dr. Williams began, then Archbishop of York (Canterbury being in the Tower) was accused, in the Star-Chamber, for purchasing the two ancientest Houses and inheritances in North-Wales (which are Penrhyne and Quowilocke) in regard he was descended from them. So that he might as truely accuse all the ancient Nobility of Britain, as tax him for meanly descended.

Dr. Juxon Bishop of London did or might plead that his pa∣rents lived in good fashion, and gave him large allowance first in the University, then in Grays-Inn, where he lived as fa∣shionably as other Gentlemen, so that the Lord Brooks might que∣stion the parentage of any Inns-of-Court-Gentlemen, as well as his.

Bishop Morton of Durham, averred that his father had been Lord Major of York, and born all the Offices of that City with credit and honour; so that the Lord Brook might as justly quarrell the descent of any Citizens Sons in England.

Bishop Curle of Winchester his father was for many yeers Auditor in Page  184 the Court of Wards,** to Queen Elizabeth, and King James: and the a∣foresaid Lord may as well condemn all the sonnes of Officers to be meanly born as accuse him.

Bishop Cook of Hereford, his Fathers family had continued in Darbyshire, in the same house, and in the same means, four hundred yeers at least, often Sheriffs of that County, and matched to all the best houses therein. So that the Lord Brook might as well have charged all the ancient Gentry of that shire for mean parentage as accuse him.

Bishop Owen of Asaph, that there was not a Gentleman in the two Counties of Carnarvan and Anglesey, of three hundred pounds a yeer, but was his Kinsman or allieman in the fourth degree; which he thinks, will sufficiently justify his parentage.

Bishop Goodman of Glocester, that though his very name seemed to point out his descent from Yeomantry, yet (though the young∣est sonne of the youngest brother) he had more left unto him, than the Lord Brook his father had to maintain him and all his family. That his grandfather by his father side, purchased the whole estate of Sir Thomas Exmew, Lord Maior London 1517. and that by his mothers side he was descended of the best parentage of the City of London.

The rest of the Bishops might sufficiently vindicate their parentage, as most the Sonnes of Ministers, or Lay-Gentlemen, whose extractions ran not so low as to any such feculencie charged upon them.

10. But moe symptomes of their dying power in Parliament daily dis∣covered themselves,* some whereof we will recount, that posterity may per∣ceive by what degrees they did lessen in the House, before they lost their Votes therein.

First, whereas it was customary, that in all Commissions, such a number of Bishops should be joyned with the temporall Lords, of late their due proportions were not observed.

The Clark of the Parliament, applying himselfe to the prevalent party, in the reading of Bills turned his back to the Bishops, who could not (and it seems he intended they should not) distinctly hear any thing, as if their consent or dissent were little concerned there∣in.

When a Bill passed for exchange of Lands, betwixt the Bishop of London and Sir Nicolas Crispe, the temporall Lords were offended that the Bishop was styled Right Honourable therein, which at last was expung'd and he intitled, one of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Councell; the honour being fixed upon his State imployment, not E∣piscopall function.

On a solemn Fast in their going to Church, the temporall Lords first took precedency of the Bishops (who quietly submitted them∣selves to come behind) on the same token, thata one of the Lay-Lords said, Is this a day Humiliation, wherein we shew so much pride, in taking place of those to whom our ancestors ever allow'd it?

But the main matter was, that the Bishops were denied all medling even in the Commission of preparatory examinations concerning the Earl of Straf∣ford, as causa sanguinis, and they as men of mercy not to deal in the condem∣nation of any person. The Bishops pleaded, though it was not proper for them to condemn the guilty, yet they might acquit the innocent, and such an one as yet that Earl was charitably presumed to be, untill legally con∣victed to be otherwise. They alledged also in their own behalf, that a Commission was granted in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, to certain Privy-Counsellors, Page  185 for the examination of the Queen of Scots,* even to her con∣demnation if just cause appear'd,b and John Whitgift Archbishop of Canter∣bury, first named therein. All would not prevaile, the Bishops being for∣bidden any interposing in that matter.

11. It must not be forgotten,* how about this time the Lord Kimbolton made a motion to perswade the Bishops, willingly to depart with their Votes in Parliament; adding, that if the same would surrender their suf∣frages, the temporall Lords who remained in the House, were obliged in honour, to be more tender of and carefull for the Bishops preservation in their Jurisdictions and Revenues. An instrument was imployed by the Earl of Essex (or else he imployed himself, conceiving the service accep∣table) who dealt privately with severall Bishops to secure themselves by prevention, to surrender that which would be taken away from them. But the Bishops persisted in the negative, refusing by any voluntary act to be accessarie to their own injury, resolving to keep possession of their Votes, till a prevalent power outed them thereof.

12. Now no day passed,* wherein some petition was not presented to the Lords or Commons, from severall persons against the Bishops as grand grievancers, causing the generall decay of trade, obstructing the proceed∣ings in Parliament, and what not? In so much, that the very Porters (as they said) were able no longer to undergoe the burden of Episcopall tyran∣ny, and petitioned against it. But hitherto these were but blunt petitions, the last was a sharp one (with point and edg) brought up for the same purpose by the armed Apprentices.

13. Now,* seeing mens judgments are at such a distance, about the na∣ture of this their practice, some terming it a tumult,* mutiny, riot; others calling it courage, zeal, and industry; some admiring them as acted with a publique spirit, above their age and education; others condemning them much, their countenancers more, their secret abetters and contrivers, most of all: I say, when men are thus divided in point of judgement, it will be safest for us to confine our selves, meerly to matter of fact. Wherein also we meet with much diversity of relation; though surely, what ac Parlia∣tary Chronicler writes thereof, must be believed.

Now,* see how it pleased the Lord it should come to passe; some of the Apprentices, and Citizens were again affronted about West∣minster-Abbey, and a great noise and hubbub fell out thereabouts. Others, some of them, watched (as it seems by the sequell) the Bi∣shops coming to the Parliament, who, considering the disquiet and great noise by land all about Westminster, durst not come to Parlia∣ment that way, for fear of the Apprentices, and therefore intended to have come to Parliament, by water in Barges. But the Appren∣tices watched them that way also; and as they thought to come to land, they were so pelted with stones, and frighted at the sight of such a company of them, that they durst not land, but were rowed back, and went away to their places.

Thus the Bishops were fain to shelter themselves from the showre of stones ready to fall upon them, and with great difficulty made their escape. Who otherwise on St. Stephans day, had gone St. Stephans way, to their graves.

14. As for the hubbub at Westminster Abbey lately mentioned,* eye-wit∣nesses have thus informed me of the manner thereof. Of thoses Appren∣ces who coming up to the Parliament cryed, No Bishops, no Bishops, some rudely rushing into the Abby Church, were reproved by a Virger for their ir∣reverent behaviour therein. Afterwards quitting the Church, the doors thereof by command from the Dean were shut up, to secure the Organs and Monuments therein, against the return of Apprentices. For though Page  186 others could not foretell the intentions of such a tumult, who could not cer∣tainly tell their own, yet the suspicion was probable, by what was uttered amongst them. The multitude presently assault the Church, (under pretence that some of their party were detained therein) and force a pane out of the North door, but are beaten back by the officers & Scholars of the Colledge. Here an unhappy tile was cast by an unknown hand, from the leads or bat∣tlements of the Church, which so bruised Sir Richard Wiseman (conductor of the Apprentices) that he died thereof, and so ended that dayes distem∣per.

15. To return to the Bishops,* the next day twelve of them repaired to Je∣rusalem-Chamber in the Deans lodgings; and if any demand where were the rest of them to make up twenty six, take this account of their absence.

13 Dr. Laud Archbishop of Cant. was in the Tower.
14 Dr. Juxon Bishop of London, was keeping his hospitality, (it being Christmas) at Fulham.
15 So was Dr. Curle at Winchester-House, and it was conceived unsafe (though but cross the Thames) to send unto him.
16 So also was Dr. Warner of Roche∣ster, returned to entertain his neighbours in the Country.
17 Dr. Bridgeman of Chester were not as yet come out of the Coun∣try.
18 Dr. Roberts of Ban∣gor
19 Dr. Manwaring Bishop of St. Da∣vids sate not in the house, as dis∣abled long since by his censure in Parliament.
26 Dr. Duppa Bishop of Salisbury, was attending his charge Prince Charles.
21 Dr. John Prideaux were not yet conse∣crated Bi∣shops of Worcester.
22 Dr. Win∣niffe Lincoln.
23 Dr. Ralf Brounrigge. Exeter.
24 Dr. Henry King Chichester.
25 Dr. John Westfield Bristoll.
20 Carlile was void by the late death of Dr. Potter, only confer'd by the King on Archbishop Ussher to hold it in Commendam.

Thus have we made up their numbers, and must not forget that a secret item was given to some of the Bishops, by some of their well-wishers, to absent themselves in this licentious time of Christmas, though they had not the happinesse to make use of the advice.

16. The other twelve Bishops being not yet fully recovered from their former fear,* grief, and anger (which are confest by all, to be but bad coun∣sellors, in cases of importance) drew up in hast and disturbance such a Pro∣testation, that posterity already hath had more years to discusse and exa∣mine, then they had hours, (I had almost said minutes) to contrive and com∣pose, and (most of them implicitly relying on the conceived infallability of the Archbishop of York in point of common law) all subscribed, as followeth.

To the Kings most excellent Majesty and the Lords and Peers, now assembled in Parliament.

WHereas the Petitioners are called up by severall and re∣spective writs,* and under great penalties to attend the Par∣liament, and have a cleer and indubitable right to vote in Bills, and other matters whatsoever debatable in Parliament by the ancient Page  187 customes, Lawes and Statutes of this Realm, and ought to be protected by your Majesty quietly to attend, and prosecute that great service. They humbly remonstrate, and protest before God, your Majesty, and the noble Lords, and Peers, now assembled in Parliament, That as they have an indubitate right to sit and vote in the House of the Lords; so are they, if they may be protected from force and violence, most ready and willing to perform their duties accordingly. And that they doe abominate all actions or opinions tending to Popery, and the maintenance thereof, as also all propension and inclination to any malignant party or any other side or party whatsoever, to the which their own reasons, and conscience shall not move them to adhere. But whereas they have been at severall times violently menaced, affronted and assaulted by multitudes of people in their coming to perform their services in that Honourable House, and lately chased away, and put in danger of their lives, and can finde no redresse or protection upon sundry complaints made to both Houses in these particulars; They humbly protest before your Ma∣jesty, and the Noble House of Peers, that saving unto themselves all their rights and interest of sitting, and voting in that House at other times, they dare not sit or vote in the House of Peers, untill your Majesty shall further secure them from all affronts, indignities and dangers in the pre∣mises. Lastly, whereas their fears are not built upon phantasies and con∣ceits, but upon such grounds and objects as may well terrifie men of reso∣lution and much constancy; they doe in all humility and duty protest be∣fore your Majesty, and Peers of that most Honourable House of Parlia∣ment, against all Lawes, Orders, Votes, Resolutions, and Determinations, as in themselves Null and of none effect, which in their absence, since the 27th of this instant moneth of December 1641. have already passed; as like∣wise against all such as shall hereafter passe in that most Honourable House, during the time of this their forced and violent absence from the said most Honourable House: not denying, but if their absenting of themselves were wilfull and voluntary, that most honourable House might proceed in all their premises, their absence or this protestation notwithstanding. And humbly beseeching your most excellent Majesty to command the Clark of that house of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation among his Records.

They will ever pray God to blesse &c.

  • John Eborac.
  • Jho. Duresme.
  • Ro. Co. Lich.
  • Jos. Norw.
  • Jo. Asaph.
  • Guli. Ba. and Wells.
  • Geo. Heref.
  • Robt. Oxon.
  • Ma. Ely.
  • Godfry Glouc.
  • Jo. Peterburg.
  • Morice Landasf.

This instrument they delivered to Archbishop Williams, who according to their desire, his own counsell, and promise, at the next opportunity, pre∣sented it to his Majesty.

Page  188 17. His Majesty would not meddle therewith in this dangerous juncture of time,* (his great Councell then sitting) but wholly remitted the matter to the Parliament. The next morning, a Privy-Counsellor brought this pro∣testation into the house, at the reading whereof the anti-episcopall party much triumphed, that the Bishops had gratified them with such an advan∣tage against themselves, which their adversaries might wish, but durst not hope for heretofore. A conference is desired with the Commons in the painted Chamber, and therein concluded, that the Bishops should be im∣peached of high Treason, for indeavouring to subvert the fundamentall laws of the land, and the very being of Parliaments.

18. Hereupon the next day the twelve subscribes were voted to be committed to the Tower,** save that Bishop Morton of Durham, and Hall of Norwich, found some favour, partly in respect of their old age; and partly in regard of the great good they had done with their pens and preaching, to the Church of God: So that they alone were sent to the custody of the black rod. The rest being brought into the Tower, had that honour grant∣ed them in the prison which was denied them in the Parliament, to be esteemed equall with, yea above, temporall Lords, as appeared by the fees demanded of them; Though in fine Sir John Biron Lieutenant of the Tower,* proved very courteous in removing the rigor thereof. The Arch∣bishop of Cant. by a civill message, excused himself for not conversing with them, because he was committed on a different account from them, and probably they might mutually fare the worse, for any intercourse. And here we leave them prisoners for eighteen weeks together, and proceed.

19. Now was the Bill against the Bishops sitting in Parliament brought up into the house of Lords,* and the matter agitated with much eagernesse on both sides. Amongst those, who sided with them, none appeared in print more zealous, then the Lord Viscount Newwarke (afterward Earle of King∣stone, &c.) whose two speeches in Parliament although spoken some* moneths before, yet for the entirenesse of the History may now seasonably be in∣serted.

I shall take the boldnesse to speak a word or two upon this subject, first as it is in it self, then as it is in the consequence: For the former, I think he is a great stranger in Antiquity, that is not well acquainted with that of their sitting here, they have done thus, and in this manner, almost since the conquest; and by the same power and the sameright the other Peers did, and your Lordships now doe; and to be put from this their due, so much their due, by so many hundred yeers, strengthned and confirmed, and that without any offence, nay, pretence of any, seems to me to be very severe; if it be jus, I dare boldly say it is summum. That this hinders their Ecclesiasticall vocation, an argument I hear much of, hath in my apprehension more of shadow than substance in it: if this be a reason, sure I am it might have been one six hundred yeers agoe.

Page  189 A Bishop, my Lords, is not so circumscribed within the circumference of his Diocesse, that his sometimes absence can be termed, no not in the most strict sense, a neglect or hinderance of his duty, no more then that of a Lieutenant from his County; they both have their subordinate Mini∣sters, upon which their influences fall, though the distance be remote.

Besides, my Lords, the lesser must yeeld to the greater good; to make wholsome and good Lawes for the happy and well regulating of Church and Common-wealth, is cer∣tainly more advantagious to both, then the want of the personall execution of their office, and that but once in three yeers, & then peradventure but a month or two, can be pre∣judicall to either. I will goe no further to prove this, which so long experience hath done so fully, so demonstratively.

And now my Lords, by your Lordships good leave, I shall speak to the consequence as it reflects both on your Lordships, and my Lords the Bishops. Dangers and in∣conveniences are ever best prevented è longinquo; this Precedent comes neer to your Lordships, the bill indeed hath a direct aspect only upon them, but an oblique one up∣on your Lordships, and such a one, that mutato nomine de vobis. Pretences are never wanting, nay, sometimes the greatest evills appear in the most fair and specious out∣sides; witnesse the Shipmony, the most abominable, the most illegall thing that ever was, and yet this was painted over with colour of the Law; What Bench is secure, if to alleage be to convince, and which of your Lordships can say that he shall continue a member of this House, when at one blow six and twenty are cut off? It then behoves the Neigh∣bour to look about him, cùm proximus ardet Ucalegon.

And for the Bishops, my Lords, in what condition will you leave them? The House of Commons represents the meanest person, so did the Master his Slave, but they have none to doe so much for them, and what justice can tie them to the observation of those Lawes, to whose consti∣tution Page  190 they give no consent?* the wisedome of former times gave proxies unto this House meerly upon this ground, that every one might have a hand in the making of that, which he had an Obligation to obey: This House could not repre∣sent, therefore proxies in room of persons were most justly allowed.

And now my Lords,* before I conclude, I beseech your Lordships to cast your eyes upon the Church, which I know is most dear and tender to your Lordships; you will see her suffer in her most principall members, and deprived of that honour which here and throughout all the Christian World ever since Christanity she constantly hath enjoyed; for what Nation or Kingdome is there in whose great and publique assemblies,* and that from her beginning, she had not some of hers, if I may not say as essentiall, I am sure I may say as integrall parts thereof: and truly my Lords, Christianity cannot alone boast of this, or challenge it only as hers, even Heathenism claims an equall share.

I never read of any of them, Civill or Barbarous, that gave not due honour to their Religion, so that it seems to me to have no other originall, to flow from no other spring, then nature it self.

But I have done, and will trouble your Lordships no longer; how it may stand with the honour and justice of this house to passe this Bill, I most humbly submit unto your Lordships, the most proper and only Judges of them both.

His second Speech.

I shall not speak to the preamble of the Bill that Bishops and Cler∣gy-men ought not to intermeddle in temporall affaires. For, truly, My Lords, I cannot bring it under any respect to be spoken of. Ought is a word of relation, and must either refer to Humane or Divine Law: to prove the lawfulnesse of their intermedding by the former, would be to no more purpose, than to labour to convince that by reason, which is evident to sense. It is by all acknowledged. The unlawfulnesse by the later, the Bill by no means admits of, for, it excepts Universities and such persons as shall have honour descend upon them. And your Lordships know, that circumstance and chance alter not the nature and essence of a thing, nor can except any particular from an universall pro∣position Page  191 by God himself delivered. I will therefore take these two as granted, first that they ought by our Law to intermeddle in Temporall affaires; secondly, that from doing so they are not inhibited by the Law of God, it leaves it at least as a thing indifferent. And now my Lords, to apply my self to the businesse of the day, I shall consider the conveniency, and that in the severall habitudes thereof. But, very briefly; first in that which it hath to them meerly as men, quà tales: then as parts of the Com∣monweale: Thirdly, from the best manner of constituting Laws: and lastly, from the practice of all times both Christian and Heathen.

Homo sum,*nihil humanum à me alienum puto, was indeed the saying of the Comedian, but it might well have become the mouth of the greatest Philosopher. We allow to sense, all the works and operations of sense, and shall we restrain reason? Must only man be hindred from his proper actions? They are most fit to doe reasonable things that are most reasonable. For, Science commonly is accompanied with conscience; so is not ignorance: they seldome or never meet. And why should we take that capacity from them, which God and nature have so liberally be∣stowed?

My Lords,* the politick body of the Common-wealth is analogicall to the body naturall: every member in that contributes something to the preservation of the whole, the superfluity or defect which hinders the per∣formance of that duty, your Lordships know what the Philosopher calls, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, natures sinne. And truly my Lord, to be part of the o∣ther body, and doe nothing beneficiall thereunto, cannot fall under a milder term. The Common-wealth subsists by Lawes and their execution: and they that have neither head in the making, nor hand in the executing of them, confer not any thing to the being or well being thereof. And can such be called members unless most unprofitable ones? only fruges consumere nati.

Me thinks it springs from nature it self,* or the very depths of justice, that none should be tyed by other lawes then himself makes; for, what more naturall and just, then to be bound only by his own consent? to be ruled by anothers will is meerly tyrannicall. Nature there suffers violence, and man degenerates into beast. The most flourishing Estates were ever governed by Lawes of an universall constitution; witnesse this our King∣dome, witnesse Senatus Populus{que} Romanus, the most glorious Com∣mon-wealth that ever was, and those many others in Greece and else∣where of eternall memory.

Some things,* my Lords, are so evident in themselves that they are difficult in their proofs. Amongst them I reckon this conveniency I have spoken of: I will therefore use but a word or two more in this way. The long experience that all Christendome hath had hereof for these 1300. yeers, is certainly, argumentum ad hominem. Nay, my Lords, I will goe further (for the same reason runs through all Religions) never was Page  192 there any Nation that imployed not their religious men in the greatest af∣fairs.* But to come to the businesse that now lyes before your Lordships. Bishops have voted here ever since Parliaments began, and long before were imployed in the publique. The good they have done your Lordships all well know, and at this day enjoy: for this I hope ye will not put them out, nor for the evill they may doe, which yet your Lordships doe not know, and I am confident never shall suffer. A position ought not to be destroyed by a supposition, & à posse ad esse non valet consequentia. My Lords I have done with proving of this positively, I shall now by your good favours doe it negatively in answering some inconveniences that may seem to arise.

For the Text,* No man that wars intangles himself with the affairs of this life, which is the full sense of the word both in Greek and Latine, it makes not at all against them, except to intermeddle and intangle be terms equivalent. Besides my Lords, though this was directed to a Church-man, yet it is of a generall nature and reaches to all, Clergy and Laity, as the most learned and best expositors unanimously doe agree. To end this, Ar∣gumentum symbolicum non est argumentativum.

It may be said that it is inconsistent with a spirituall vocation;* Truly my Lord, Grace and Nature are in some respects incompatible, but in some others most harmoniously agree, it perfects nature, and raises it to a height above the common altitude, and makes it most fit for those great works of God himself, to make lawes, to doe Justice. There is then no in∣consistency between themselves, it must arise out of Scripture, I am confi∣dent it doth not formally out of any place there, nor did I ever meet with any learned writer of these or other times that so expounded any Text.

But though in strict terms this be not inconsistent,* yet it may peradven∣ture hinder the duty of their other calling. My Lords, there is not any that sits here, more for preaching then I am, I know it is the ordinary means to salvation, yet, I likewise know, there is not that full necessity of it as was in the primitive times. God defend that 1600 yeers acquaintance should make the Gospell of Christ no better known unto us. Neither, my Lords, doth their office meerly and wholly consist in preaching, but partly in that, partly in praying and administring the blessed Sacraments, in a godly and exemplary life, in wholsome admonitions, in exhortations to vertue, dehor∣tations from vice, and partly in easing the burthened conscience. These my Lords compleat the office of a Churchman. Nor are they altogether tyed to time or place, though I confesse they are most properly exercised within their own verge, except upon good occasion, nor then the omission of some can be termed the breach of them all. I must add one more, an essentiall one, the very form of Episcopacy that distinguisheth it from the inferiour Ministery, the orderly and good government of the Church: and how many of these, I am sure, not the last, my Lords, is interrupted by their sitting here, once in 3 yeers, and then peradventure but a very short time: and can there be Page  193 a greater occasion than the common good of the Church and State? I will tell your Lordships what the great and good Emperour Constantine did, in his expedition against the Persians, he had his Bishops with him, whom he consulted about his military affairs, as Eusebius has it in his life, lib. 4. c. 56.

Reward and punishment are the great negotiators in all worldly busi∣nesses;* these may be said to make the Bishops swim against the stream of their consciences; And may not the same be said of the Laity? Have these no operations, but only upon them? Has the King neither frown, honour, nor offices, but only for Bishops? Is there nothing that answers their tran∣slations? Indeed my Lords, I must needs say, that in charity it is a suppo∣sition not to be supposed; no nor in reason, that they will goe against the light of their understanding. The holinesse of their calling, their know∣ledge, their freedome from passions and affections to which youth is very ob∣noxious, their vicinity to the gates of death, which, though not shut to any, yet alwayes stand wide open to old age: these my Lords, will surely make them steer aright.

But of matter of fact there is no disputation,* some of them have done ill, Crimine ab uno disce omnes, is a poeticall not a logicall argu∣ment. Some of the Judges have done so, some of the Magistrates, and Of∣ficers; and shall there be therefore neither Judge, Magistrate, nor Officer more? A personall crime goes not beyond the person that commits it, nor can anothers fault be mine offence. If they have contracted any filth or cor∣ruption through their own or the vice of the times, cleanse and purge them throughly: But still remember the great difference between reformation and extirpation. And be pleased to think of your Trienniall Bill which will save you this labour for the time to come; fear of punishment will keep them in order, if they should not themselves through the love of vertue. I have now my Lords, according to my poor ability, both shewed the conveniences, and an∣swered those inconveniences that seem to make against them. I should now propose those that make for them. As their falling into a condition worse then slaves, not represented by any, and then the dangers and inconveni∣ences that may happen to your Lordships; but I have done this heretofore, and will not offer your Lordships, Cramben bis coctam.

These speeches (though they converted none of the opposite) confirmed those of the Episcopall party, making the Lords very zealous in the Bishops behalf.

20. There were in the House,* many other defenders of Episcopacy; as William, Lord Marques of Hartford; the Earle of Southampton, the Earle of Bri∣stol, and the Lord Digby, his Son, and (the never to be forgotten) William, Earle of Bath, a learned Lord, and lover of learning, oftentimes on occasion, speaking for Bishops, once publiquely prefessing it, one of the greatest Ho∣nours which ever happily happened to his family, that one thereof, (Thomas Bourcher by name) was once dignified with the Archbishoprick of Canterbury. Many other Lords (though not haranging iin long Orations,) by their effectu∣all Votes for Bishops, manifested their unfained affections unto them.

Page  194 22. About this time,* there were many vacant Cathedrals,** which the King lately had, or now did furnish with new Bishops; Dr. Joseph Hall being removed from Exeter to Norwich, voyd by the death of Richard Mountague, born in Westminster, bred in Eaton School, Fellow in Kings Colledge; a great Grecian, and Church Antiquary, well read in the Fathers. But (all in his Diocesse, not being so well skilled in Antiquity as himself) some charged him, with superstitious urging of Ceremonies, and being accused in Parliament, he appeared not (being very weak) but* went a more compendious way, to answer all in the High-Court of Heaven.

22. As for new elected Bishops,* his Majesty was most carefull to chuse them out of the most sound for Judgement, and blamelesse for Conversation.

  • 1. Dr. John Prideaux, almost grown to the Kings-Professors-Chair in Oxford, he had set so long and close therein: Procuring by his pain∣full and learned Lectures, deserved repute at home, and amongst Forain Protestants: he was made Bishop of Worcester.
  • 2. D. Thomas Winniffo, Dean of St. Pauls; a grave, learned, and mo∣derate Divine; made Bishop of Lincoln.
  • 3. Dr. Ralph Brownrig, of most quick, and solid parts, equally emi∣nent for disputing, and preaching, made Bishop of Exeter.
  • 4. Dr. Henry King, acceptable on the account of his own merit, and on the score of a Pious, and popular Father, made Bishop of Chiche∣ster.
  • 5. Dr. John Westfield, for many yeers the painfull and profitable Preacher, of great St. Bartholomews London, made Bishop of Bristol. He dyed not long after.

Surely, si urbs defensa, fuisset his dextris, if Divine Providence had appointed, that Episcopacy (at this time) should have been kept up and maintained, more probable Persons for that purpose, could not have been pick'd out of Eng∣land, so that envie and detraction might even feed on their own flesh, their teeth finding nothing in the aforesaid Elects to fasten upon.

23. But Episcopacy was so far from faring the better for them,* that they fared the worse for it, insomuch that many, who much loved them in their Gowns, did not at all like them in their Rochets.

24. The Bill was again brought in,* against Bishops Votes in Parliament, and that in a disadvantageous juncture of time, the Bishops then being under a threefold qualification.

  • 1. Imprisoned in the Tower. Of these eleven besides Archbishop Laud, whose absence much weakned the party.
  • 2. Lately Consecrated, and later inducted into the House of Lords, as the Bishops of Worcester, Lincoln, Exeter, Chichester, Bristol, such their modesty, and manners, they conceived it fitting to practise their hearing, before speaking in the House. So that in some sort, they may be said, to have lost their Voices, before they found them in the Parliament.
  • 3. The remainder of ancient Bishops, London, Salisbury, Bangor, &c. who seldome were seen (detained with other occasions) and more seldome heard in the Parliament.

So that the Adversaries of Episcopacy could not have obtained a fitter oppor∣tunity (the spirits of time at large being distilled thereinto) then in this very in∣stant to accomplish their desires.

25. Only Dr. John Warner Bishop of Rochester,* was he, in whom dying Episcopacy gave the last groan in the House of Lords, one of good speech, and a cheerfull spirit, and which made both, a good Purse, and which made all three, a good cause, as he conceived in his conscience, which made him very perti∣nently and valiantly defend the Antiquity and Justice of Bishops Votes in Par∣liament. Page  195 This is he, of whose bounty many distressed soules since have ta∣sted, whose reward no doubt is laid up for him in another World.

26. The main argument which was most insisted on,* against their tem∣porall Baronies, were the words of the Apostle,*No man which warreth, entangleth himself with the affaires of this life. Their friends pleaded, 1. That the words equally concerned all Militant Christians, Bishops not being particu∣larized therein. 2. That it was uncharitable to conclude their fingers more clasping of the World, or the World more glutinous to stick to their fingers, that they alone, of all persons, could not touch the World, but must be en∣tangled therewith. But it was answered, that then, à fortiore, Clergy-men were concerned in the Text aforesaid not to meddle with Worldly matters, whose Governing of a whole Diocesse, was so great an imployment, that their attendance in Parliament must needs be detrimentall to so carefull a voca∣tion.

27. The Earl of Bristol engaged himself a valiant Champion in the Bishops behalf,* he affirmed, that it was according to the Orders of the House, that no Bill being once cast out, should be brought in again at the same Sessions. Seeing therefore the Bill against Bishops Votes, had formerly been cleerly carried by many decisive Votes for the Bishops, it was not only praeter, but contra Parliamentarie, it should be brought again this Sessions.

28. But seeing this Parliament was extraordinary in the manner and continuance thereof (one Session being likely to last for many yeers)* it was not conceived fit they should be tied to the observance of such punctuall nice∣ties; and the resumption of the Bill was not only overruled by Votes, but also it was cleerly carryed in the Negative, that Bishops never more should vote as Peers in Parliament.

29. Nothing now wanted,* save the Royall Assent, to passe the said Votes into a Law. The King appeared very unwilling therein, partly because he con∣ceived it an injury, to give away the Bishops undoubted right, partly because he suspected, that the haters of the function, and lovers of the Lands of Bishops, would grow on his grants, and improve themselves on his concessions, so that such yeelding unto them, would not satisfie their hunger, but quicken their Appetites to demand the more hereafter.

30. The importunity of others pressed upon him,* that to prune off their Baronies,* was the way to preserve their Bishopricks; that his Majesty lately ob∣noxious to the Parliament, for demanding the five Members, would now make plenary satisfaction, and give such assurance of his affections for the future, that all things would answer his desired expectation. This was set home unto him, by some (not the farthest) relations, insomuch that at last he signed the Bill, as he was in St. Augustines in Canterbury, passing with the Queen towards Dover, then undertaking her voyage into the Low-Coun∣tries.

31. Many expected,* and more desired that the Kings condescension herein should put a period unto all differences.** But their expectations were frustrate, and not long after the King apprehending himself in danger by tumults, de∣serted Whitehall, went into the North, erected his Standard at Nottingham, Edge-Hill-field was fought, and much English blood on both sides shed in severall battles. But I seasonably remember that the Church is my Castle, viz. that the writing thereof is my House and Home, wherein I may stand on my own defence against all who assault me. It was good counsell King Joash gave to King Amaziah,*Tarry at home. The practise whereof shall I hope secure me from many mischiefs.

32. About this time the word Malignant,* was first born (as to the Com∣mon use) in England; the deduction thereof being disputable, whether from malus ignis bad fire; or, malum lignum, bad fewell; but this is sure, betwixt Page  196 both,**the name made a combustion all over England. It was fixed as a note of disgrace on those of the Kings party, and (because one had as good be dumb, as not speak with the Volge) possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensu∣ing Historie. However the Royalists plead for themselves, that Malignity (a*Scripture word) properly denoteth activity in doing evill, whereas they being ever since on the suffring side, in their Persons, Credits, and Estates, con∣ceive the name improperly applied unto them. Which plea the Parliamen∣tary-party smile at in stead of answering, taking notice of the affections of the Royalists, how Malignant they would have appeared, if successe had be∣friended them.

33. Contemporary with Malignant,* was the word, Plunder, which some make of Latine originall, from planum dare, to levell, or plane all to nothing. Others make it of Duch extraction, as if it were to plume or pluck the fea∣thers of a Bird to the bare skin. Sure I am, we first heard thereof in the Swedish wars, and if the name and thing be sent back from whence it came, few English eyes would weep thereat.

34. By this time ten of the eleven Bishops,* formerly subscribing their pro∣testation to the Parliament, were (after some moneths durance) upon good bale given) released; two of them, finding great favour in their fees from the Lieutenant of the Tower, in respect of their great charge, and small estate. These now at liberty severally disposed themselves; some went home to their own Diocesse, as the Bishops, of Norwich, Oxford, &c. Some continued in London, as the Bishop of Durham, not so rich in Age, as in all commendable Episcopall qualities. Some withdrew themselves into the Kings quarters; as Archbishop Williams, &c. Only Bishop Wren was still detained in the Tower, where his long imprisonment, (being never brought in to a publick answer) hath converted many of his adversaries into a more charitable opinion of him.

35. The Bishops Votes in Parliament,* being dead, and departed, (neither to be helpt with flatterie, nor hurt with malice) one word of enquiry in what notion, they formerly voted in Parliament.

Whether, as a distinct third Estate of the Clergy, or, Whether, as so many single Barons in their temporall capacity.

This was formerly received for a trueth, countenanced with some pas∣sages in the old Statutes, reckoning the Lords spirituall, and Lords tempo∣rall, and the Commons, to be the three Estates, the King, (as Paramount of all) not comprehended therein.

This is maintained by those, who account the King, the Lords, and Commons the three Estates, amongst which Lords the Bishops (though spi∣rituall persons) appeared as so many temporall Barons: Whose absence, is no whit prejudiciall to the Acts past in Parliament.

Some of the Aged Bishops had their Tongues so used to the language of a third Estate, that more then once they ran on that [reputed] Rock, in their Speeches, for which they were publickly shent, and enjoyned an acknowledgement of their mistake.

36. The Convocation now not sitting,*** and matters of Religion many being brought under the Cognizance of the Parliament, their Wisdomes adjudged it, not only convenient but necessary, that some prime Clergy-man might be consulted with. In order whereunto, they resolved, to select some out of all Counties, whom they conceived best qualified, for their designe herein, and the first of July was the day appointed for their meeting.

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