The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN,* 1.1 VI. CENTURIE.

1. IT is wonderfull to see how the Fruits of great Events are vertually comprised in the small Seed of their Causes,* 1.2 and how a Contemptible Accident may give the Occa∣sion of most Considerable Effects;* 1.3 as may appeare by the Conversion of the Saxons to Christianity. For it happened that certain Saxon Children were to be sold for Slaves, at the Market-place at Rome; when Divine Providence, the great Clock-keeper of Time, ordering not onely Houres, but evena 1.4 Instants, to his own Honour, so disposed it, that Gregory, afterwards first Bishop of Rome of that Name, was present to behold them. It grieved the Good man to see the Disproportion betwixt the Faces and Fortunes, the Complexions and Conditions of those Children, condemned to a Servile Estate, though carrying Liberall Looks, so legible was Ingenuity in their Faces. It added more to his Sorrow, when he con∣ceived that those Youths were twice Vassalls, bought by their Masters, and b 1.5 sold under Sin; Servants in their Bodies, and Slaves in their Souls to Sa∣tan: which occasioned thec 1.6 Good man to enter into further enquiry with the Merchants (which set them to Sale) what they were, and whence they came, according to this ensuing Dialogue.

Greg.

Whence come these Captives?

Mer.

From the Isle of Britain.

Greg.

Are those Islanders Christians?

Mer.

O no: they are Pagans.

Greg.

It is sad that the Authour of Darknesse should possesse men with so bright Faces. But what is the name of their particular Nation?

Mer.

They are called Angli.

Greg.

And well may, for their Angel-like Faces: it becometh such to be Coheires with the Angels in Heaven. In what Province of Eng∣land did they live?

Mer.

Ind 1.7 Deira.

Greg.

They are to be freed de Dei ira,* 1.8 from the Anger of God. How call ye the King of that Country?

Mer.

ELLA.

Greg.

Surely Hallelujah ought to be sung in his Kingdome to the Praise of that God who created all things.

Thus Gregorie's gracious Heart set the Sound of every word to the Tune of spiri∣tuall Goodnesse. Nor can his words be justly censured for Levity, if we con∣sider how in that Age, the Elegancy of Poetry consisted in Rhythme, and the Eloquence of Prose in Allusions. And, which was the main, where his Pleasant Conceits did end, there his Pious Endeavours began; which did not terminate in a Verball Jest, but produce Reall Effects, which en∣sued hereupon.

2. For repairing to Pelagius Bishop of Rome,* 1.9 he imparted his Disco∣veries unto him,* 1.10 desiring that some might be sent to endeavour the Conver∣sion of the English Nation, tendering his Personall Service thereunto. But Pelagius was unwilling to expose Gregory to so dangerous a Design, and the People of Rome accounting him a precious Jewell, to be choicely kept for his own wearing, would not cast this Pearle before Swine, by hazarding him to the Insolency of the Pagans. Now Pelagius not long after being called into another VVorld, Gregory succeeded in his place; who rising to new Great∣nesse, did not fall from his old Goodnesse, but prosecuting his Project with more Earnestnesse, sent Augustine the Monk, with Mellitus, and Fourty more, to preach the Gospell in Britain. He himself tarrying behind in Body, went with them in hisa 1.11 Spirit, accompanying them with his effectuall Pray∣ers: and none will deny, but thatb 1.12 Moses in the Mount contributed as much to the conquering of Amalek, as Ioshua in the Valley.

3. These men had not gone far,* 1.13 when they were surprised with a Qualm of Feare, and sending Augustine back again to Gregory, requested to be excused from going to so Barbarous a Nation, not as yet converted to Civi∣lity, whose Language they did not understand. Here some will be ready to deride them for Cowards; who more seriously considering with how many Excuses Moses,c 1.14 being sent by God himself, declined the going to Pharaoh, and how lothd 1.15 Ieremy was to preach to his Countrey-men, the stiffe∣necked Iews, will presently change their Censuring into Commiserating the Frailty of Flesh, and common Condition of Mankind. But those make short Miles, who looking through a Window, travell a Dayes-journey in an instant; whil'st Wayfaring men must honestly pay for every Step, and dearly earn it with their Industry. It is facile for men in their pleasing Specula∣tions to project the Conversion of a Kingdome, and with themselves to dis∣course a Heathen Nation into Christianity; whil'st those must encounter many Difficulties, who really go about to perform it. Gregory perceiving them to tire in their Undertakings, spurr'd them on with his Exhortatory Letter; the Copy whereof is here inserted, to acquaint us with the Stile of the Bishops of Rome in that Age.

e 1.16 GRegory, the Servant of the Servants of God, &c. For so∣much as better it were never to begin a Good Work, then after it is once begun, to go from it again; you must needs (my dear Sons) now fulfill the Good VVork, which by the help of God you have taken in hand. Let therefore neither the Travell of the Iourney, neither the Talk of evill-tongued Men dismay you. But with all Force and Fervour make up that you have by the motion of God begun; assuring your selves, that after your great Labour, eter∣nall Reward shall follow. Be you in all points obedient unto Augu∣stine, whom I have sent back unto you, and appointed him to be your

Abbot;* 1.17 knowing that shall much profit your Souls, which you shall do upon Obedience to his Commandment. Our Almighty Lord defend you with his Grace, and grant me to see the Fruit of your Labours in his Kingdome of Heaven. And though I cannot Labour my self with you, yet I may enjoy part of your Reward, for that I have a Will to labour. God keep you healthy, my dearly beloved Children.

Dated the 23. of July, our Lord MAURICIUS TIBERIUS reigning, our most Vertuous Emperour, in the 14. year of his Empire, the 13. year after his Consulship, Indictione 14.

As yet we see the Chaplain had not lorded it over his Patron; as yet the Popes Crown was not built three stories high, but observed a Distance of Submission towards the Emperour, as appeares by his respectfull Expres∣sions. Yea, this Bishop measured the time by the yeares of the Emperours Reign, whose Successours have learn't a new Arithmetick, in their mo∣dern dates of Charters, onely reckoning by the yeares of their own Con∣secration, without relating to any Imperiall Account. Gregory (by the way) was the first, which in Humility used the Stile of Servus Servorum Dei. But as in the Method of Nature, a Low Valley is immediately seconded with an Ambitious Hill: so after this Humble Gregory, (a submissive Soul) within two yeares followed Boniface the third, in whom was the Pitch of Pride, and Height of aspiring Haughtinesse, to be term'd the Vniversall Bishop of the World.

4. Besides the aforesaid Letter,* 1.18 Gregory wrote many others,a 1.19 one to Theo∣dorick and Theodebert, Kings of France, and severall Epistles to sundry French Bishops, to accommodate and assist Augustine and his Companions in so pious a Design. And, which must not be forgotten, with them he sent overb 1.20 Candidus, a Priest, into France, to receive the Profits and long-de∣tained Arreres of the Popesc 1.21 Patrimoniolum, as he terms it, (the Diminutive is well increased at this time) and with the Mony to buy Cloaths for the Poore, and also to buy English-Pagan-captive Youths in France of 17 or 18 yeare old, that they might be brought up in Christianity in Monasteries; so at once bestowing both Liberty, Religion, and Learning upon them. A Transcendent degree of Charity; an Almes worthy Gregorie's hands to give it. And now Augustine with his Partners well encouraged, effe∣ctually prosecute their Project, passing quietly through France, save onely at the Village of Saye in Anjou, where some gigling Huswives, (Light Leaves will be wagg'd with Little Wind) causelesly fell a flouting at them. But in after-Ages, the People of the same Place, to repaire this Wrong, erected a Masculine Church (Women being interdicted the Entrance thereof) to the Memory of S^t. Augustine; and how soundly one Woman smarted for her Presumption herein, take it on the trust ofd 1.22 my Authour.

Plebs parat Ecclesiam mulieribus haud reserandam: Introitum tent at una, sed illa perit.

They build a Church where Women may not enter: One try'd, but lost her life for her adventure.

Yet Augustine himself found courteous Usage from the Weaker Sex: wit∣nesse the kind Carriage of Brunichilda, the Queen of France, unto him, (for which Gregory in ane 1.23 Epistle, returned her solemn Thanks,) and Bertha the King of France his Daughter, Wife to Ethelbert King of Kent.

5. Augustine safely wasted over the Sea,* 1.24 lands with the rest at Thanet in Kent, taking, as it seems, deep Footing, if it be true what onef 1.25 writes, that the Print of his Steps where he first landed left as perfect a Mark in a main Rock, as if it had been in Wax; and the Romanists will cry shame on our

Hard Hearts,* 1.26 if our obdurate Belief, more stubborn then the Stone, will not as pliably receive the Impression of this Miracle. But it is worthy our consideration, that though Augustine all his way might be track'd by the Wonders he left behind him (when Thirsty miraculously fetchinga 1.27 a Foun∣tain, when Cold a Fire, restoring the Blind and Lame to their Eyes and Limbs) yet for all this he was fain to bring Interpreters out of France with him, by whose help he might understand the English, and be understood by them. Whereas in Holy Writ, when the Apostles (and Papists commonly call Augustine the English Apostle, how properly we shall see hereafter) went to a Forreign Nation, God gave them the Language thereof, least other∣wise their Preaching should have the Vigour thereof abated, taken at the second Hand, or rather at the second Mouth, as Augustine's was; who used an Interpreter (not asb 1.28 Ioseph to his brethren, out of State and Policie, but) out of mere Necessity. This, I say, well thought on, will make our Belief to demurre to the Truth of his so frequent Miracles, being so Redundant in working them on Triviall Occasions, and so Defective in a matter of most Moment. But leaving him and his for a time safely landed and lodged, that our Gratitude to God may be the greater, for freeing the Saxons our Ancestours from the Bondage of Idolatry, let us behold with Horrour the huge Fetters of Errour and Ignorance, wherewith the Devil kept them in Durance, before the Gospell was preached unto them.

6. The SAXONS,* 1.29 like the rest of the Germans, whil'st pure impure Pagans, worshipped many Idols, Barbarous in Name, some Monstrous, all Antick for Shape, and Abominable in the Rites and Ceremonies of their Adoration. Some averre that as the Germans (affecting an Autarchy, or Sole-sufficiency amongst themselves,) disdained Commerce in Customes, or Civile Government with the Romans; so they communicated not with them in their Religion. Yet others affirm that in after-Ages, the Dutch did enter Common with the Romish Superstition; at least-wise some Modern Authours have reduced the Saxon Idols (symbolizing with the Romans in Power and Properties) to some conformity with the Roman Deities. Now although, according to Gods command to thec 1.30 Iews, their names shall not be heard out of our Mouth, by way of praising them, praying to them, or swearing by them: yet an Historicall mention of them here ensuing, is as free from Of∣fence, as usefull for Information. Besides the SUN and MOON, the Saxons sacrificed to

NAME.	SHAPE.	OFFICE.	Correspondent with
d 1.31 Thor or Thur, abbreviated of Thunre, which we now write Thunder. Thurs∣day named from him.	A Corpulent Statue reposed on a covered Bed, wearing a Crown of Gold, about which twelve Starres; a King∣ly Sceptre in his right Hand.	He governed the VVind & Clouds, causing Light∣ning, Thunder, Tempest, Faire or Foul VVeather.	The Roman IUPITER.
Woden, that is wood, fierce, or fu∣rious, giving the Denomination to Wednesday, or Wodensday.	Armed cap a pe, with a Military Coronet on his head.	He was the God of Battel, by whose aid and furthe∣rance they hoped to obtain Victory.	e 1.32 MARS.

Friga or Frea, remembred on Friday.	An Hermaphrodite, perchance because the reputed Patronesse of Generation, wherein both Sexes are joyned.	The giver of Peace and Plenty, the causer of Love, Amity, and Increase.	VENUS.
Seater, still re∣maining on Satur∣day.	Of a lean Visage, long Haire, bare Head, hold∣ing in one Hand a wheel, in the other a Paile of Flowers.	Conceived to have a great In∣fluence on the kindly Fruits of the Earth.	SATURNE.
Tuyse, whence Tuesday took it's name.	Covered with a Skin, Armes and Feet naked, with an ancient Aspect, and a Sceptre in his Hand.	The Peculiar Tutelar God of the Duy••sh, whence they had their name.	OOOOOOOOO
Ermensewl, that is, the Pillar or stay of the Poor.	Pictured with a Ban∣ner in one Hand with a Red Rose, in the other a pair of Ballance, on his Head a Cock, Breast a Beare, before him an Es∣cocheon, &c.	The Pretended bestower of VVit and Cunning in Bargains & Con∣tracts.	MERCURIE.
Heile.	His stately Statue stood at Cern in Dorcetshire.	The Preventer of Diseases, pre∣server & restorer of Health.	AESCULAPIUS.

Thus we see the whole Week bescattered with Saxon Idols, whose Pagan-Gods were the God-fathers of the Dayes, and gave them their Names. This some Zealot may behold as the Object of a necessary Reformation, de∣siring to have the Dayes of the Week new dipt, and called after other Names. Though indeed this Supposed Scandall will not offend the wise, as beneath their Notice, and cannot offend the Ignorant, as above their Know∣ledge. Wherefore none need so hastily to hurry to the Top of the Main Mast, thence to pluck down the Badge ofa 1.33 Castor and Pollux: but rather let them be carefull, steadily to steere their Shipto the Heaven, for which it is bound; and let us redeem the Time, for the Dayes are evill: not because in their Name they bear the Cognizance of the Pagan-Gods; but because swarming with the Sins of Prophane men, which all should labour to re∣prove in others, and amend in themselves.

7. But it was not a Week or a Moneth,* 1.34 yea scarce a yeare of Dayes, which could severally containe the numerous Saxon Idols. Besides the fore-named, they hadb 1.35 Neptune, to whom in their abominable Decima∣tions, they sacrificed every tenth Captive, whom they had taken in War; so making that Sea-God to swim in Man's Bloud, per hujusmodi, non tam sacrificia purgati, quam sacrilegia polluti, saith an ancient Christianc 1.36 Authour. Secondly, Eoster or Goster, a Goddesse, which they worshipped in the Spring∣time, wherein the Feast of Easter afterwards was celebrated, and so thence named, as Bede observeth. Thirdly, Flynt, so termed because set on a great Flint-stone, which, I dare boldly say, had more Sparks of Divine nature, then that Idol which thereon was erected. Lastly, Tacitus observeth, that

the Saxons worshipped the Peculiar God Herthus, the self-same which in English we call the Earth, adoring that whereon they did daily trample.

8. Besides these,* 1.37 they had other Lesser Gods, of a Lower Form and Young∣er House; as Helmsteed, Prono, Fridegast and Siwe: all which at this day (to use thea 1.38 Prophets Expression) are cast to the Moles and the Bats; fit Company for them, which have Eyes and see not, Blind to the blind, like all those which put Confidence in them. And as the true and reallb 1.39 Serpent of Aaron, did swallow up and devour the seening Serpents, which Iannes and Iambres, the Aegyptian Inchanters, did make▪ so, long since in England, the Religion of the true God hath out-lived and out-lasted, con∣suted and confounded all false and ••eigned Deities. To conclude this Dis∣course. I have heard of a man, who being Drunk, rode over a Narrow Bridge (the first and last that ever passed that Way, as which in likelyhood led him to imminent Death,) and next morning viewing how he had es∣caped, he fell into a Swound, with acting over again the Danger of his Adventure in his bare Apprehension. So, should England (now, thanks be to God, grown sober and restored to her self) seriously recollect her sad Condition, when Posting in the Paths of Perdition, being intoxicated with the Cup of Idolatrie, she would fall into a Trance of Amazement, at the consideration of her desperate state, before Christianity recove∣red her to her right Senses: the manner whereof we now come to re∣late.

9. When Augustine the Monk (as is afore said) landed in Thanet,* 1.40 Ethelbert was then King of Kent. One, who had very much of Good Nature in him; of a Wild Olive well civilized, and a Stock fit to be grafted upon. Yea, he was already, withc 1.41 King Agrippa (though not in the same sense) almost a Christian; because his other half,d 1.42 Queen Berhta, daughter to the King of France, was a Christian: to whom he permitted the free use of her Re∣ligion, allowing her both Luidhard a Bishop, for her Chaplain, and an old Church in Canterbury (formerly dedicated by the Romans to S^t. Mar∣tin) to exercise her Devotion therein. Besides, at this time, this Ethel∣bert was in effect Monarch of England; whilest his Person had Residence chiefly in Kent, his Power had Influence even to Humber, all the rest of the Saxon Kings being Homagers unto him: which afterward much expe∣dited the passage of the Gospel in England. Thus each officious Accident shall dutifully tender his Service to the advance of that Design, which God will have effected.

10. Then Augustine acquainted this Ethelbert with his Arrivall,* 1.43 inform∣ing him by his Messengers, that he brought the best Tidings unto him, which would certainly procure eternall Happinesse in Heaven, and endless Reigning in Bliss with the true God, to such as should entertain them. Soon after Ethel∣bert repaired into Thanet; to whom Augustine made his addresse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with a deal of [spiritual, carnall] Pompe;e 1.44 having a Silver Cross carried before him for a Banner, the Image of our Saviour painted in a Table, and singing the Letanie in the way as they went. King Ethelbert de∣sired all things betwixt them might be transacted in the open Aire, refusing to come under a Roof, for fear of Fascination. And indeed a Stranger (who had never seen the like before) beholding Augustine with such abun∣dance of Trinkets about him, being formerly jealous, might hereby have his Suspicion encreased, that he went about some strange Machination. However, Ethelbert returned him a civil Answer; That their Promises were fair and good; but because new and uncertain, he could not pre∣sently assent unto them, and leave the ancient Customes of the English, which had been for so long time observed. But because they were Strangers,

coming from Far Countries, to communicate to him and his such things as they conceived were good and true; he would not forbid any Converts whom their Preaching could perswade to their Opinion, and also would provide them Necessaries for their comfortable Accommoda∣tion.

11. Hence Augustine,* 1.45 with his Followers,* 1.46 advanced to Canterbury, to the aforesaid old Church of S^t. Martin's Here they lived so piously, prayed so fervently, fasted so frequently, preached so constantly, wrought Miracles so commonly, that many people of Inferiour Rank, and at last King Ethelbert himself was baptized, and embraced the Christian Religion. The same Ethelbert also ordered, that none should bea 1.47 forced into Reli∣gion, having understood, that Christs Service ought to be voluntary, and not compelled. And if his Courtiers had been as cautious, not to em∣brace Religion for Fashion, as the King was carefull they should not receive it for Fear, there had not at that time been made so many Christians, for Conveniency (probably) rather, then for Conscience, who soon after re∣turned again to Paganisme▪ However, as it is rendered a reason in the dayes of Hezekiah, why the Iews at so short warning, so unanimously kept the Passeover, God had prepared the People, for the thing was done suddenly: so, on the same account it came to passe, that in so little a time (besides temporary Believers) so many true and sincere Converts embraced the Christian Faith.

12. Then Augustine by his Letters informed Gregory of the Progresse,* 1.48 and Proficiency of his Paines in England. Gregory returned him a dis∣creet Answer, rejoycing with him, and advising of him, not to be puffed up by Pride, for the great Miracles wrought by him; but, timendo gau∣dere, & gaudendo pertimescere. He minded him how, when the Disciples triumphed at theirb 1.49 casting out of Devils, Christ more spirituallized their Joy, rather to rejoyce that their Names were written in Heaven. And indeed; as some eminent in Piety never attained this Honour (c 1.50 Iohn [Baptist] did no miracle:) so many, finally disavowed of God, as unknown unto him, shall plead for themselves (and truly no doubt)d 1.51 in thy Name have we cast out Devils. Yet, this Admonition of Gregory is with me (and ought to be with all unprejudiced persons) an Argument beyond exception, that (though no discrect man will believe Augustine's Miracles in the latitude of Monkish Relations) he is ignorantly and uncharitably peevish and mo∣rose, who utterly denies some Miracles to have been really effected by him. About the sametime, S^t. Gregory sent from Rome Mellitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffinianus, to be Fellow-labourers with Augustine in the English Harvest.

13. Thus was Kent converted to Christianity.* 1.52 For such as account this a Conversion of all England,* 1.53 to make their words good, do make use of a long and strong Synecdoche, a Part for the Whole, farre more then Half of the Land lying some yeares after in the Darkness of Paganisme; which others afterward enlightned with the Beams of the Gospel. But, as he is esteemed the Architect, or Master-workman, not who builds up most of the Wall; but, who first designeth the Fabrick, and layeth the Foundation thereof: in the same respect, Augustine carrieth away the Credit of all that came after him, because the primitive Planter of the Gospel amongst the Saxons. And it is observeable that this Conver∣sion was done without any Persecution (yea considerable Opposition;) costing some Pain, no Torture, some Sweat, no Bloud; not one Martyr being made in the whole managing thereof. Mean time, the poor Chri∣stian Britans, living peaceably at home, there enjoyed God, the Gospell, and their Mountains; little skilfull in, and lesse caring for the Ceremonies al a mode, brought over by Augustine: and indeed their Poverty could

not go to the Cost of Augustine's Silver Crosse,* 1.54 which made them wor∣ship the God of their Fathers after their own homely, but hearty Fashion; not willing to disturb Augustine and his Followers in their new Rites, but that he had a mind to disquiet them in their old Service, as in the se∣quele of the History will appeare.

THE SEVENTH CENTURY.* 1.55

AMICO SVO GR. B.

SOcrates interrogatus, quo Philtro Natura Sympathias concilia∣ret, quidve esset in causa, ut alii hominum primo occursu ament medullitus, alii sibi mutuò sint infensi; hanc rationem reddidit.

Deus, inquit, ab aeterno quicquid futurum esset animarum crea∣vit; creatas, per immensum temporis spatium in uno cumulo collocavit; collocatas, corporibus, prout indies generantur, in∣fundit. Hinc est, si contingat vel fortuitum consortium inter eos homines, quorum animae in hoc acervo propinquiores, quòd primo visu (quasi veteris vicinitatis memores) se invicem diligant; dum isti, primo intuitu, antipathiae stimulis urgeantur, quorum animae adversantes diametricè opponebantur.

Fateor commentum hoc Socraticum à Theologia abhorrere; & in Philosophia plurimis asystatis laborare. Quod si ei sub∣esset tantum veritatis, quantum ingenii, sanct▪ ssimè voverem, in hoc animarum cumulo Tuam & Meam contiguas olim jacuisse; cum Te primum conspectum & animitus amarem, & à Te redamarer.

1. MUch about this time Pope Gregory sent two Arch-Bi∣shops Palls into England;* 2.1 the one fora 2.2 London,* 2.3 the other for York. The former of these Cities had been honoured with an Arch-bishop's See some hun∣dred yeares since King Lucius. But at the instance of Augustine, and by a new Order of the foresaid Gregory, this Pall sent to London, was removed thence to Canterbury, (whereof Augustine was made Arch-Bishop) and there, for the future, fixed and confirmed for severall Reasons. First, London already had Lustre enough, be∣ing the biggest City in Britain; and it was needlesse to adde new Spirituall to her old Temporall Greatnesse; which conjoyned, might cause Pride in any one place, whilest divided▪ they might give Honour to two Cities. Secondly, London, by reason of the Receit thereof, was likely to prove the residing place for the English Monarch; and it was probable that the Archiepiscopall Dignity would there be eclipst and out-shined by the Regall Diadem. Thirdly, had Augustine been Arch-Bishop of London, he might have seemed to succed the British Arch-Bishops, and to have derived some Right from them, con∣trary

to his Humour,* 2.4 who would Lead All, but Follow None; and therefore would not wear an Old Title, but have a span-New Arch-Bishops Chaire carved out for himself. Lastly, Canterbury was the place, wherein Chri∣stianity was first received by the Saxons, and therefore deserved to be ho∣noured, to perpetuate the Memory thereof. Thus London hereafter must be contented with the plain Seat of a Bishop, the Mother being made a Daughter, and must come behind Canterbury, which did much wrong, and perchance something trouble her. But Churches have more Discretion and Humility, then to break their Hearts about earthly Precedency: and the matter is not much, which See went first, when living; seeing our Age hath laid them both alike levell in their Graves.

2. Augustine thus armed with Archiepiscopall Authority,* 2.5 to shew a Cast of his Office, by the Aid of Ethelbert King of Kent, called a Councill, for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together, in the Confines of the Wic∣cians and West-Saxons. An indifferent Place, for mutuall Ease, in mid-way be∣twixt both; haply presaging, that as their distant Persons met on equall termes, so their opposite Opinions might agree in some Moderation. The particular Place was called AUGUSTINES AKE (that is his Oak, in our modern Dialect) whicha 2.6 Stapleton (mistaken by the affinity of Wiccii or Veccii, with Vectis, the Latine name for the Isle of Wight) seeketh near Southampton; where, indeed, he may find many Oaks in the New Forest, and yet misse the right one. For this Oak stood in the Confines ofb 2.7 VVorcester and Herefordshire (though at this day Time hath confounded it Root and Branch) and therefore this Meeting is in Latine called Synodusc 2.8 Vigorniensis. Many solemn Entertainments, we know, were anciently made underd 2.9 Trees: and a Palm-tree served Deborah for her VVestminster-Hall, wherein she judgede 2.10 Israel. But severall reasons are assigned, why Augustine kept this Council under an Oak. First, so publick a place was free from Exceptions; whereunto none were debarred Accesse. Secondly, being congregated under the view of Hea∣ven, and not pent within the Walles of a private House, they were minded of clear, fair, and open Proceedings, without secret Ends, or sinister Intents. Thirdly, perchance some Pagan Saxons (allured with Novelty) would re∣pair to the Council, whose Icalousy was such, as in no case they would come under a Roof, for fear off 2.11 Fascination, as hath been formerly observed. Lastly, Augustine knowing that the Pagan Britans performed their Supersti∣tions under ang 2.12 Oak, celebrated his Synod under the same, in some Imitation, and yet a Correction of their Idolatry: As in a religious Parallel, Pagan Tem∣ples had formerly by him been converted into Churches of Saints. But when all is done, the matter is not so clear, but that the place called Augustine's Oak, may as well be a Town as a Tree, so called from some eminent Oak in, at, or near it: as the Vine in Hampshire, so named from Vines anciently growing there, is a beautifull House, and principall Seat, where the Barons Sandes have their Habitation. And, what is most apposite for our purpose, Sozo∣men calleth the Place where Theophilus kept a Synod against S^t. Chrysostome, the Oak; which, notwithstanding, is notoriously known to have been a populous Suburb of the City of Chalcedon.

3. At the first Sessions of this Synod there was a very thin Appearance of the Britans:* 2.13 of whom Augustine demanded, that they should mutually con∣tribute with him their Paines to convert the Heathen in Britain, and that they should submit to the Pope, and embrace an Uniformity with the Romish Rites, especially in the Celebration of Easter. What their Answer was, it is pitty it should be delivered in any other Words, then what the Abbot of Ranchor, be∣ing the Mouth for the rest, represented, as followeth; and let it shift, as well as it can, for its own authenticalness.

BId ispis a diogel i, chwi ynbod ni holl vn ac arral, yn vuidd ac ynn ostingedig i Eglwys Duw, ac ir Paab o Ruvam, ac i Boob Kyar grisdic n dwyuel, y garu pawb yn i radd mewn ka∣riad parfaich, ac ihelpio pawb o honaunt ar air a guec∣thred i vod ynn blant yDaw, ac amgenach wyddod nc hwn nidadwen i vod ir neb yr yddeck chwi y henwi yn Paab ne in Daad o Daad, yw glemio ac ywo ovunn: ar uvyd∣dod hivn idden in yn varod yw rodde ac yw dalu iddo ef ac i pob Krisdion yn drag∣widdol. He uid yry dym ni dan lywodrath Esoob Kaer∣llion ar Wysc, yr hien ysidd yn oligwr dan Duw ar nom ni, y wuenthud i ni gadwr fordd ysbrydol.

BE it knovvn and vvithout doubt unto you,* 2.14 that vve all are, and every one of us, obedient and subjects to the Church of God, and to the Pope of Rome, and to every godly Christian, to love every one in his degree in perfect Charity, and to help every one of them, by vvord and deed to be the children of God: and other Obe∣dience then this I do not knovv due to him vvhom you name to be Pope, nor to be the Father of Fa∣thers, to be claimed and to be de∣manded. And this Obedience vve are ready to give, and to pay to him, and to every Christian conti∣nually. Besides, vve are under the government of the Bishop of Kaerlion upon Uske, vvho is to oversee under God over us, to cause us to keep the vvay spiri∣tuall.

See we here the Pedigree of the British Church, which the shorter the ancien∣ter, the fewer Steps it had, the higher it reached. They were subject in Spirituall matters to the Bishop of Caer-lion, and above him unto God, with∣out any subordination unto the Pope: so that it was more then a Presump∣tion, that Religion came into Britain, not by the Semicircle of Rome, but in a Direct Line from the Asiatick Churches. We must not forget, that though many yeares since, the Archiepiscopal See of the Britans was removed from Caer-lion to S^t. Davids; yet it still retained the Title of Caer-lion, as of the first and most famous place.

4. A late Papist much impugneth the Credit of this Manuscript (as made since the Dayes of King Henry the eighth) and cavilleth at the VVelsh there∣of, * 2.15 as modern, and full of false Spelling. He need not have used so much Violence to wrest it out of our Hands, who can part with it without con∣siderable Losse to our selves, or Gain to our Adversaries; for it is but a Breviate or Abstract of those Passages, which in Bede and other Authours appear most true, of the British refusing Subjection to the See of Rome. Whilest therefore the Chapter is Canonicall, it matters not if the Contents be Apocrypha (as the Additions of some wel-meaning Scribe.) And though this VVelsh be far later then the Dayes of Abbot Dinoth, and the English (added in the ori∣ginall) later then the VVelsh; yet the Latin, as ancienter then both, containeth nothing contrary to the sense of all Authours, which write this Intercourse betwixt Augustine and the VVelsh Nation.

5. But this Synod in fine proved ineffectuall,* 2.16 the British Bishops refusing to submit, and Augustine to communicate with them without such Sub∣mission. Whereupon, at Augustine's motion, a Blind man was publick∣ly

presented amongst them: on whom the British Bishops practised in vain with their Prayers, to restore him to his Sight; which, at the Request of Au∣gustine to God, wasa 2.17 presently and perfectly performed. This Miracle con∣vinced the Britans, that Augustine was in the right for the criticall Observa∣tion of Easter. But yet, they could not absque suorum consensu ac licentia, without the National Consent of their own People, and principall Elders therein, renounce their ancient Customes, to embrace new Practices. In∣deed, as for their submitting to Augustine's Jurisdiction, they apprehended it unsafe for the present, and mischievous for the future; having another Civil Government under Kings of their own, and suspecting his Spirituall Power might in processe of time intrench upon their Temporall Liberty.

6. Departing hence,* 2.18 the Britans repaired to an Aged Anchoret, chara∣ctered by Beda to be sanctus & prudens, holy and wise (and none would wish his Counseller better qualified) and craved his Advise, how hereafter they should behave themselves in the next Synod, wherein they had pro∣mised to give Augustine a meeting: which out of our Authour may thus be Dialogue-wise digested.

British Bishops. Anchoret.

Brit. B.

Are we bound to desert our Traditions at the Preaching of Augustine?

Anch.

If he be a Man of God, follow him.

Brit. B.

But how shall we be able to make Triall thereof?

Anch.

Theb 3.1 Lord saith, Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek, and lowly in heart. If therefore this Augustine be Milde, and Humble in heart, it is credible that he himself beareth the Yoke of Christ, and tendereth the same to be born of you: but if he be Cruel, and Proud, it appeareth that he is not of God, neither ought ye to heed what he saith.

Brit. B.

But how shall we make Discovery hereof?

Anch.

Contrive it so, that he & his may come first into the Place of the Synod. And if he rise up when you draw near unto him, hear him then obe∣diently, knowing him for a Servant of Christ: but if he slighteth you, and vouchsaseth not to rise up unto you (seeing you are moe in Number) let him be slighted by you.

Armed with these Instructions, the British Bishops advance to the second Synod. Where Augustine, Pontifically sitting in his Chair, at their En∣trance, entertained them onely with Neglect and Contempt; which by the Britans was accordingly requited.

7. Herein that stately Prelate forgot S^t. Gregorie's Precept to him,* 3.2 Notc 3.3 to proceed too rigorously in the Alteration of Ceremonies, but to allow a Latitude according to Time and Place. Oh, for a little in him of S^t. Paul's Temper, who wasd 3.4 made all things to all men, that by all means he might gain some. Had Au∣gustine's Joynts been suppled with the Oyl of Humility, one bended Knee might probably have bowed many Hearts unto him; whereas now he lost their Affections. Pride being an unwinning Quality, rendering the Proud party scorned by his Betters, hated by his Equals, feared (perchance) by his In∣feriours, but loved by None. Had not he, who is said to have cured the Blind, need to have his own Eies opened herein? Who, though he be commonly called Augustine the lesse, in distinction from his Name-sake, Father S^t. Augustine of Hippo; yet may be allowed Augustine the great, if a Measure be taken from the Dimensions of his Pride and Haughtinesse.

8. We passe now from this Augustine's Pride,* 3.5 to his Prophesie: who en∣raged at the British Bishops, for denying Subjection unto him, flatly fell a menacing them; that, seeing they would not submit to his Motion, and

joyn with him in Preaching to the Saxons, soon after they should feel the force of their Enemies Sword, and be suddenly confounded by those, whom they would not endeavour to convert. Which accordingly came to passe.

9. For not longafter,* 3.6 Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northumberland,* 3.7 ha∣ving conquered Chester, invaded VVales, and bade the Britans battel. A∣mongst them was a Regiment of the Monks of Bangor,* 3.8 all naked, and unar∣med, save with Tears and P••ayers (whole Vollies whereof they discharged to Heaven for the good Successe of their Country-men) being all by them∣selves upon an Advantage of Ground; and one Brockmaile a Britan (as Captain of their Life-guard) had a Company of Souldiers to defend them. Ethelfride being informed that these Monks prayed against him, concluded them to be his effectual Enemies, though otherwise offering him no Hostility; and fiercely falling on them, put twelve hundred of them to the Sword, fifty onely escaping: Brockmaile most basely deserting them, whom he was set to defend.

10. But here some Birds sing a different Note from the rest,* 3.9 which must be listened unto; namely, such Authours, considerable for their Number, Antiquity, Gravity, and Learning, who accuse this Augustine for the Designer of the Death and Destruction of these innocent British Monks: so that he cunningly foretold, what he himself cruelly intended to fulfill. Thus, well might Iezabel, whoa 3.10 calleth herself a Prophetesse, certainly foreshew the death of Naboth, for denying his Vine-yard to Ahab, when she had purposely be∣fore-hand packed and plotted the same. An heavy Accusation if true, that Augustine (to use myb 3.11 Friend's Expression) Gregorii Vicarius, should be Gregis sicarius; & Ecclesiae futurae Anglicanae Conversor, should be praesentis Britannicae everfor; so that instead of a Prophets Reward, he deserved the Punish∣ment of a Murderer. But to clear this point, conceive we a Grand-Jury of four and twenty judicious Readers empannelled, before whom the Memory of Augustine is indicted of Murder, and Witnesses produced on both Sides. Let none censure me, if in these Proceedings my Pen failes in legal Forma∣lities, such Exactnesse not being by me intended, but onely some general Conformity with a Law-triall, to fix the History in our Fancies with more Pleasure and Delight.

11. The Bill first was solemnly read,* 3.12 running to this effect, That Augu∣stine the Monk (commonly called the English Apostle) not having the Feare of God before his Eyes, out of fore-thought Malice, feloniously did plot, project, and contrive the Murther of twelve hundred Monks of Bangor, by soliciting Ethel∣bert the Christian King of Kent, to move Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northum∣berland, with force of Armes to kill and slay the Monks aforesaid, &c. An Ac∣cusation so hainous, that at first it filled the whole Jury with Silence, Hor∣rour, and Amazement; till afterwards they recollected themselves to attend unto the following Witnesses.

1. Ieffery Monmouth, whose Welsh Bloud was up, as concern'd in the Cause of his Country-men; Ethelbert King of Kent (saidc 3.13 he) when he saw the Britans disdaining to yield Subjection to Augustine, and that they scorned to be subject to himself, stirred up the Northumberlanders, and other Saxon Princes, that gathering a great Army against the City of Ban∣gor, they should go forth to destroy the Abbot Dionoth, and the other Clergy, who had formerly slighted them.

2. Thomas Gray, an oldd 3.14 Chronicler (as it is written in French) brought in this Evidence, That Augustine being refused of the Christian Britans, enflamed Ethelbertus King of Kent to levy his Power, and to war against them, himself being also in company, (as in the old Abstract of Chro∣nicles is recorded) and marching with him towards the Slaughter; Where they had no more regard of Mercy, then a Wolf hath upon a Sheep.

3. Nicolus Trivet,* 3.15 a Dominican, who wrote some three hundred years since,a 3.16 deposed, That Ethelbert King of Kent, being highly offended in∣cited Ethelfride King of Northumberland, and other petty Saxon Kings, because they had contemned Augustine in the Council, &c.

4. Elsebiensis Monachus commenting on those words of Merlin, Delebitur iterum Religio, Religion shall again be destroyed, thusb 3.17 expoundeth them; This was afterwards fulfilled, either by Gormund, or by Augustine, who caused twelve hundred Monks to be slain at Bangor in Wales, because they obeyed him not in a Councill.

These Testimonies much moved the Jury; who, notwithstanding, reserved their other Eare, as it became Honest men, to hearken to the Depostions in Augustine's behalf.

12. Amongst these,* 3.18 that ofc 3.19 Bede was most materiall: Sicque completum est praesagium sancti Pontificis Augustini [quamvis ipso jam multo antè tempore ad coelest▪ a regna sublato] ut etiam temporalis interitus ultionem sentirent perfidi, quòd oblata sibi perpetuae salutis consilia spreverant. Which words (for, it is sea∣sonably remembred, all Pleas must now be in English) may thus be translated; And so the prophesy of holy Bishop Augustine was fulfilled [although himself long before that was taken out of this Life to the Kingdome of Heaven] that also the treacherous People might feel the Revenge of Temporal Ruine, because they had despised the Counsells of Eternall Salvation offered unto them.

13. Much Difference arose hereabouts:* 3.20 the rather, because some urged that Parenthesis (Although himself long before, &c.) to have been studious∣ly interpolated in Bede, on purpose for the Purgation of Augustine, by some in after-Ages that favoured him; alledging, that it is not in the ancient Saxon Copies, being put in as a piece of new Cloth into an old Garment, with intent to fill it up, but in event making it worse; because this Passage checketh the Pen of Bede in the full Speed thereof (no lesse against the Rules of History, then of Horsemanship) as he was writing the Life of Augustine, the Story where∣of notwithstanding still runs on, and continues untill the end of the next Chapter. Here some of the Jury betook themselves to the point of Chrono∣logie, as most proper to decide the matter now depending; but such was the Variety of Authors, that no Certainty could thence be extracted. For, though the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor is generally noted to bed 3.21 Anno 603. which falls out before the Death of Augustine: yet the Annals of Vlster (whose Authority is not to be contemned)e 3.22 observe the same in the year 613. which undoubtedly was after Augustine's Decease.

14. Then a second sort of Witnesses presented themselves, asf 3.23 M. Parker, g 3.24 Bishop Iewel, and others, somewhat sharp against Augustine in their Expres∣sions: which wrought the lesse with the Jury; partly, because of such Authours their known Opposition to the Romish Church; and partly, because of their Modern writing, almost a thousand years after the matter in fact. Onely the Moderate Testimony of Reverend M^r. Fox much moved the whole Court, as one throughly well-affected in Religion, and averse from all Popery and Cruelty, thus expressing himself:h 3.25 This seemeth rather suspicious then true, that Ethelbert being a Christian King, either could so much prevail with a Pa∣gan Idolater, or else would attempt so far to commit such a cruel Deed: But of un∣certain things I have nothing certainly to say, lesse to judge. This (I say) pre∣vailed so far with the Iury, that consulting with themselves, they found an Ignoramus. With whose commendable Charity I concurre; preferring rather to clear a Twi-light Innocence into Noon-day, then to darken it into Midnight.

15. To return to the Monks of Bangor. Their innocent Bloud went not long unrevenged: for we findi 3.26 recorded,* 3.27 how three British Princes, namely, Blederick Duke of Cornwall Margaduc Duke of South-VVales, and Cadwan Duke of North-VVales, bade Battel to the Northumberlanders, as they were invading

VVales, and not onely dangerously wounded the aforesaid Ethelfride their King, but also discomfited his Army, and slew ten thousand and sixty of his Souldiers, forcing him at last to Articles of Composition; that he should con∣fine himself within his own Country, North of Trent, and leave all VVales to be entirely and peaceably enjoyed by the Britans, the true Owners thereof.

16. However here, to our great Grief, we are fain to take our Farewell,* 3.28 for some hundreds of years, of the British Church, wanting Instructions concerning the Remarkable Particulars thereof. Yet D^r. Harpsfield deserves a Check, both for his falsea 3.29 Ground-work, and presumptuous. Inference built thereupon. For, first, he slighteth the British Nation, as such an one, as since this their Dissenting from Augustine, and the Romish Church in Ceremonies, never archieved any Actions of Renown, or mounted to any Eminency in the world. Then, he imputeth their being so long depressed, and at last subdued by the English, as a just Punishment of God, on their not Complying with Rome: so pragmaticall a Prier he is into Divine Secrets. But he who thus casteth forth a National Abuse, can never see where such a Stone lighteth; for (besides the Nation for the time being) their Posterity ingaged therein have just cause either to find, or make Reparation to themselves. I could, and would my self assert the British from this Scandalous Pen, were it not against the Rules of Manners and Discretion, to take this Office out of the hands of some of their own Nation, for whom it is more proper, as they are more able to perform it.

17. Onely give me leave to insert a Line or two (some Pleasant Discourse will not do amiss,* 3.30 after so much Sad matter) in Commendation of the British Tongue, and Vindication thereof, against such as causelesly traduce it. First, their Language is Native. It was one of those which departed from Babel: and herein it relates to God, as the more immediate Authour thereof; where∣as most Tongues in Europe ow their Beginning to humane Depraving of some Original Language. Thus the Italian, Spanish, and French, Daughters, or Neeces to the Latine, are generated from the Corruption thereof. Secondly, Unmixed. For, though it hath some few Forrain Words, and useth them sometimes; yet she rather accepteth them out of State, then borroweth them out of Need, as having besides these, other Words of her own to express the same things. Yea, the Romans were so far from making the Britans to do, that they could not make them to speak as they would have them: their very Language never had a perfect Conquest in this Island. Thirdly, Unaltered. Other Tongues are daily disguised with forrain Words, so that in a Century of years, they grow Strangers to themselves: as now an English-man needs an Interpreter to understand Chaucer's English. But the British continues so constant to it self, that the Prophesies of old Teliessin (who lived above a thousand years since) are at this day intelligible in that Tongue. Lastly, Durable; which had it's Beginning at the Confusion of Tongues, and is likely not to have it's Ending till the Dissolution of the World.

18. Some indeed inveigh against it,* 3.31 as being hard to be pronounced, ha∣ving a conflux of many Consonants, and some of them double-sounded; yea, whereas the Mouth is the place wherein the Office of Speech is generally kept, the British words must be uttered through the Throat. But this rather argues the Antiquity thereof, herein running parallel with the Hebrew (the common Tongue of the Old World, before it was inclosed into severall Languages) and hath much Affinity therewith, in joynting of words with Affixes, and many other Correspondencies. Some also cavil, that it grates and tortures the eares of Hearers with the Harshnesse thereof: whereas indeed it is unpleasant onely to such as are Ignorant of it. And thus every Tongue seems stammering, which is not understood; yea, Greek it self is Barbarisme to Bar∣barians. Besides, what is nick-named Harshness therein, maketh it indeed more full, stately, and masculine. But such is the Epicurisme of Modern

Times, to addulce all words to the Eare, that (as in the French) they melt out, in pronouncing, many essentiall Letters, taking out all the Bones, to make them bend the better in speaking: and such Hypocrites in their Words speak them not truly in their native Strength, as the plain-dealing British do, which pronounce every letter therein more manly, if lesse melodious. Lastly, some condemn it unjustly as a Worthlesse Tongue, because leading to no matter of moment; and, who will care to carry about that Key, which can unlock no Treasure? But this is false; that Tongue affording Monuments of Antiquity, some being left, though many be lost; and moe had been extant, but for want of Diligence in Seeking, and Carefulnesse in Preserving them.

19. But,* 3.32 craving pardon of the Reader for this Digression, we reassume our Augustine, who all this while was very industrious, and no lesse successefull in converting the Saxons to the Christian Faith. Insomuch that a certain a 3.33 Authour reporteth, how in the River Swale near Richmond in Yorkshire, Au∣gustine on one day baptized above ten thousand; adding withall, that the People not onely passed without Danger through so deep a River, but also they who weresick, and deformed when they went in, were wholeb 3.34 and hand∣some when they came forth again. The judicious Reader may in this Mi∣racle discover, how the Authour thereof (no doubt some ignorant Monk) hath therein jumbled and confounded three distinct Seripture-Histories, to make a mock-Parallel betwixt the Rivers Iordan and Swale;

• Borrowing
  • 1. The Peoples safe pas∣sing through it,
  • 2. Their being baptized in it,
  • 3. The curing of their Infirmities by it,
• from
  • Ioshuasc 3.35 conducting the Israelites through
  • Iohn'sd 3.36 baptizing the Iews in
  • Elisha'se 3.37 healing Naa∣man's leprosie in
• Iordan.

But here it must be remembred, that Bede maketh no mention at all hereof, and ascribeth this numerous Baptizing to Paulinus Arch-Bishop of York many years after. It would argue too much Morosity in us, to demurre in our saith to the whole Fact, till Authours are all agreed about the Doer thereof. For mine own part, I conceive Paulinus the more probable Person, as question∣ing whether Augustine most conversant amongst the South and VVest-Sa∣xons) ever moved so far Northward.

20. And,* 3.38 if so many were baptized in one day, it appeares plainly, that in that Age, the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those Superstitious Ceremonies, as essentiall thereunto, of Crossing, Spittle, Oyl, Cream, Salt, and such like Trinkets; which Protestants generally as little know what they are, as Papists why they use them. I say, in that Age nothing was used with Baptisme but Baptisme; the VVord and the VVater made the Sacrament. Yea, the Arch-Bishop is said to havef 3.39 commanded by the voice of Cryers, that the People should enter the River confidently, two by two, and, in the name of the Trinity, baptize one another by turns. This, indeed, was the most compendious way; otherwise Ioshua's day, wherein the Sun stood still, had been too short for one mans personal performance of such an Employ∣ment.

21. Another considerable Accession was made to Christianity in the South∣West part of this Isle,* 3.40 and particularly in Dorsetshire; where Augustine at Cern, destroyed the Idol of Heale, or Aisculapius, which the Saxons formerly g 3.41 adored. But in his journey hither (Reader, they are not mine, but my h 3.42 Authours words) with his Holy Company, they were cruelly oppressed with the three familiar Discommodities of Travellers, Hunger, Thirst, and VVearinesse; when Augustine striking his Staffe into the Ground, fetch'd forth a crystal Foun∣tain, which quenched the extremity of their Thirst: whence the Place was after∣ward

called Cernel, from Cerno in Latine, to see, and El in Hebrew, God. A Com∣position of a Name hardly to be precedented, that a Word should commence per saltum, from Latine into Hebrew, without taking Greek by the way there∣of. Why not rather Cernwell, Behold the fountain; or Cernheal, See the De∣struction of the Idol? But in truth, in all Books ancient anda 3.43 modern, the Place is plainly written Cern, without any paragogical apposition there∣unto.

22. Indeed,* 3.44 most of the Miracles assign'd unto this Augustine, intended with their Strangenesse to raise and heighten, with their Levity and Absur∣dity do depresse and offend true Devotion. Witnesse, how when the Villa∣gers in Dorsetshire beat Augustine, and his Fellows, and in Mockery fa∣stened Fish-tailes at their Backs, in punishment hereof, All thatb 3.45 Genera∣tion had that given them by Nature, which so contemptibly they fastened on the Backs of these Holy men. Fy for shame! he needs an hard Plate on his Face that reports it, and a soft Place in his Head that believes it.

23. However,* 3.46 for the main, we undoubtedly believe that the Preach∣ing of Augustine and his Fellows took good Effect, finding the visible Progresse, and the Improvement thereof, in the Conversion of so many from Paganisme to Christianity. For, Sebert King of Essex (nephew to Ethel∣bert King of Kent, by Ricula his Sister) embraced the Faith, with all his Kingdome, by the Ministery of Mellitus, whom Augustine ordained Bishop of London; much about the same time making one Iustus a Roman (who was vir sui nominis, a man answering his Name) Bishop of Rochester. Many other remarkable matters happened in the Life of Augustine, especially those Que∣stions and Answers, which passed betwixt him and Gregory the Great; by us purposely omitted, partly, because they are too voluminous to insert; and partly, because they are at large in manyc 3.47 Authours, to whom we remit the Reader.

24. And now was the time come of Augustine's Dissolution,* 3.48 whose Body was buried in the Northern Porch of the New Church in Canterbury,* 3.49 de∣dicated to Peter, and Paul,* 3.50 having (asd 3.51 Bede informs us) this Inscription writ∣ten upon his Monument; Here resteth Lord Augustine the first Arch-Bi∣shop of Canterbury; who being in times past sent hither from Blessed Gregory Bi∣shop of the Roman City, and supported by God with the working of Miracles, brought King Ethelbert and his Countrey, from the worshipping of Idols to the Faith of Christ: and the dayes of his Office being finished in Peace, he died the seventh of the Calends of Iune, the same King reigning.

25. But in this Epitaph one thing is wanting,* 3.52 and that mainly materiall; namely the Year when he died. Strangely is that Watch contrived, and is generally useless, which shews the Minute of the Hour, not the Hour of the Day. As this Epitaph points at the Day, of smaller consequence; lea∣ving out the Year, of greater concernment. This hath put mens Fanisies on various Conjectures. Some make it a mere Omission of Bede: which not∣withstanding is very strange, because otherwise he is most Criticall, and Pun∣ctuall in the Notation of Time. Others conceive it a fault of Commission, in some of after-Ages, who purposely expunged the Year (beshrew their Fingers that thrust out the Eyes, the Date of this Epitaph) lest the same should make too clear Discoveries of Augustine's surviving after the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor; which would increase the Suspicion of his having a Fin∣ger therein. Others place the Neglect in the Monument maker, and not in Bede; seeing he was but the bare Relater of the Epitaph, and therefore loath to add, or alter any thing thereof. Perchance the Tombe-maker registred the Day, as a Nicity most likely to be forgotten; omitting the Year, as a thing generally, universally, and notoriously known, all men keeping a Record thereof, which in processe of time became wholly forgotten. Thus, those things are not long effectually kept by any, which are equally to be kept by

All,* 3.53 and not charged on any One mans particular Account. Sure I am, the setting up of this Land-mark, the nothing of the Year of his Death, had given excellent Direction to such as travel in the Saxon Chronologie, who now wander at Randome for the want of it.

26. And now we take our Farewell of Augustine,* 3.54 of whom we give this Character. He found here a plain Religion (Simplicity is the Badge of Anti∣quity) practised by the Britans, living some of them in the Contempt, and many moe in the Ignorance of Worldy Vanities, in a barren Country: And surely, Piety is most healthful in those places, where it can least surfeit of Earthly Pleasures. He brought in a Religion spun with a Courser Threed, though garded with a Finer Trimming, made luscious to the Senses with pleasing Ceremonies; so that many, who could not judge of the Goodnesse, were cour∣ted with the Gaudinesse thereof. Indeed the Papists brag, that he was the A∣postle of the English; but not one in the Stile of S^t. Paul,a 3.55 neither from men, nor by man, but by Iesus Christ; being onely a derivative Apostle, sent by the second hand: in which sense also he was not our sole Apostle; though he first put in his Sickle, others reaped down more of the English Harvest, propagating the Gospel farther, as shall appear hereafter. But because the Beginnings of things are of greatest consequence, we commend his Paines, condemn his Pride, allow his Life, approve his Learning, admire his Miracles, admit the Foundation of his Doctrine Iesus Christ; but refuse the Hay and Stubble he built thereupon. We are indebted to God his Goodnesse in moving Gregory, Gregorie's Carefulnesse in sending Augustine, Augustine's Forwardnesse in preaching here: but above all, let us blesse God's exceeding great Favour, that that Doctrine which Augustine planted here but impure, and his Successours made worse with watering, is since, by the happy Reformation, cleared and refined to the Purity of the Scriptures.

27. After the death of Augustine,* 3.56 Laurentius a Roman succeeded him, whom Augustine in his Life-time not onely designed for, but ordainedb 3.57 in that Place, out of his abundant Caution, that the Infant-Church might not be Orphan an Hour, lest Satan should assault the Breach of such a Vacancy, to the Disadvantage of Religion. Such a super-Ordination in such cases was Ca∣nonicall, it being* 3.58 a Tradition, that S^t. Peter in like manner consecrated Cle∣ment his Successour in the Church of Rome. And sure it is, the Prophet Elijah (no doubt to his great Comfort whilest living)c 3.59 anointed Elishe to minister in his Room, in his Propheticall Function. In one respect Laurentius exceeded Augustine, that he reduced the Recusant Britans and Scots, (probably de∣meaning himself more humbly then his Predecessour) to some tolerable Con∣formity to the Romish Ceremonies, especially in the Celebration of Easter. Now, seeing frequent Mention hath formerly been made, of the Difference between the Romish and British Churches, in Observation of that Festivall; we will endeavour, as truly as briefly, to state the Controversie betwixt them, with Arguments each side produceth in their own behalf.

28. But,* 3.60 because the Point in hand is so nice (rather then necessary) that a little Variation therein may be materiall, I will carefully follow the truest Copy I can get, in stating the Question, taking it from a Learnedd 3.61 Pen exactly skilled therein.

The Romans kept

Easter upon that Sunday which fell betwixt the 15. & 21. day of the* 3.62 Moon (both terms inclu∣ded) next after the 21. day of March, which they accounted to be the seat of the Vernall Equino∣ctiall. And in reckoning the Age of the Moon, they followed the Alexandrian Cycle of 19 yeares, as it was explained unto them by Dionysius Exiguus.

The Britans kept

Easter upon the Sunday that fell betwixt the 14. and 20. day of the Moon, following in their Account thereof, not the 19 yeares Computa∣tion of Anatolius, but Sul∣pitius Severus his Circle of 84 yeares.

It is enough to prove the Practice of Rome was the right, that it was the Pra∣ctice of Rome; yea, did it not deserve the Stab of Excommunication, for any dissenting from her practice, tantamountingly to give her the Lie? However, it seems the Reputation of Rome's Infallibility was yet in the Nonage thereof, that the British durst so boldly differ from them, without danger of Damnation.

29. Yea,* 3.63 they pretended ancient Tradition on their side, from the Pri∣mitive Times, derived from S^t. Iohn himself; as by the ensuing Verses (which we thought fit to translate) may appear:

Nos seriema 3.64 patriam, non frivola scriptatenemus, Discipulo* 3.65 eusebii Polycarpo dante Iohannis. Ille etenim bis septene sub tempore Phaebae Sanctum praefixit nobis fore Pascha colendum, Atque nefas dixit, si quis contraria sentit. No writings fond we follow, but do hold Our Country Course, which Polycarp of old, Scholar to Blessed Iohn, to us hath given. For he, when th' Moon had finish'd Dayes twice seven, Bad us to keep the holy Paschal Time, And count Dissenting for an hainous Crime.

Time was, when once the Activity of Peter and Iohn with holy Zeal was ex∣cellently emploied, contending in a Race, which should first come to the Grave of ourb 3.66 Saviour: but see here the Romans and the Britans, the pretended Followers of these two Apostles, not running, but wrestling in a violent Conten∣tion, who should most truly observe the Resurrection of Christ out of his Grave.

30. Strange!* 3.67 that so Good, and Wise men, should thus fall out about the Mint and Cummin of Religion, a Ceremony not at all decided in Scripture. It is to be feared, that the When marred the How of Easter; and the Controversie about the Time, spoiled a more materiall Circumstance, of the Manner of keeping this Feast; these opposite Parties searce being mutually in Charity at the receiving of the Sacrament, at that solemn Festivall, kept among the Iews with unleavened Bread, celebrated among Christians with too much Leaven (sowre and swelling) of Anger and Passion.* 3.68 The best is, for the present Lau∣rentius composed the Quarrel, and brought bothc 3.69 Britans and Scots (that is, the Inhabitants of Ireland) to complie with the Romans therein. But as every small Wrinch, or stepping a wrie, is enough to put an ill-set Bone out of joynt: so each petty Animosity was great enough to discompose this Agreement. But enough of this Controversie for the present, we shall meet it too soon again; which like a restlesse Ghost, will haunt our English History, for more then an hundred and fifty yeares together.

31. Onely I will adde that,* 3.70 although about Augustine's time, this Contro∣versie was then most heightned and inflamed; yet an old Grudge it was long before, betwixt the Romans and Britans. For, if old Taliessyn (stiled Chief of Bards by the Britans) lived (asd 3.71 Pitseus, a Catholick Writer, will have it) in the year five hundred and fourty; and if the following verses be Taliessyn's, as it is e 3.72 undoubtedly believed; then this Difference was on foot fifty yeares before Au∣gustine came into England.

Gwae'r offeiriad byd Nys engreifftia gwyd Ac ny phregetha: Gwae ny cheidwey gail Ac efyn vigail Ac nys areilia: Gwae ny cheidwey dheuaid Rhac bleidhie Rhufemaid Aiffon gnwppa.

Wo be to that Priest yborn That will not cleanly weed his Corn, And preach his charge among: Wo be to that Shepheard (I say) That will not watch his Fold alway, As to his Office doth belong. Wo be to him that doth not keep From Romish Wolves his Sheep With staffe and weapon strong.

These words,* 3.73 From Romish Wolves, relate to the Vigilancy of the British Pastours, to keep their People from Rome's Infection in these points. Thus, whilest the Britans accounted the Romans Wolves, and the Romans held the Britans to be Goats, what became of Christ's little flock of Sheep the whiles? The best is, the good God, we hope, will be mercifull in his Sentence on Men, though passionate Men be merciless in their Censures one on another.

32. To return to Laurentius.* 3.74 The great Joy for the Agreement made by him,* 3.75 was quickly abated with Grief, at the Death of King Ethelbert: who ha∣ving reigned fifty six, and been a Christian one and twenty yeares, was buried nigh to his good Wife, Queen Bertha (who died a little before him) in the Porch of S^t. Martin's Church in Canterbury; which Fabrick, with some other Churches, by him were beautifully built, and bountifully endowed. In Ethel∣bert's Grave was buried much of the Kentish Christianity: for Eadbald his Son both refused His Father's Religion, and wallowing in Sensuality, was guilty of that Sin not so much as named amongst the Gentiles, in keeping his Father's se∣cond Wife. Such as formerly had took up Christianity, as the Court-Fashion, now left it; & whom Ethelbert's Smiles had made Converts, Eadbald's Frowns quickly made Apostates. Yea, at the same time (so infectious are the bare Examples of Great men) the three Sons of the King of the East-Saxons fell back to Pagnisme. These refused to be baptized, and yet, in Derision, demanded of the Bishop Mellitus, to receive the Eucharist; which he flatly denied them; Baptisme being an Introductory Sacrament, and it being unlawfull to break into the Church, without going through this Porch. Yet they gave Mellitus fair Warning, and free leave to depart; who coming into Kent, held there a Councill with Laurentius and Iustus, what was best to be done. At last they concluded, that it was in vain, prodigally to lose their Paines here, which they might expend with more profit in their own Country: and seeing Martyr∣dome, as it is not cowardly to be declined, so it is not ambitiously to be affected; they resolved to go the way which Divine Providence directed them, and to return into France: which Mellitus and Iustus did accordingly.

33. Was this well done of them,* 3.76 to leave their Charge? Did not God place them Centinells in his Church, and could they come off from their Duty, before they were relieved by Order? But surely their ill Usage was an interpreta∣tive Discharge unto them. In warrant whereof, we have not onely Christs a 3.77 Precept, to leave the unworthy House with a witnesse (namely with the Dust of our Feet shaken off as a Testimony against it;) but also his Practice, going from theb 3.78 Gadarenes, when they desired he should depart their Coasts. Indeed, the VVord of Life is a quick Commodity, and ought not, as a Drug, to be obtruded on those Chapmen who are unwilling to buy it; yea, in whose Nostrills the very Savour of Life unto Life doth stink, because profered unto them.

34. Laurentius entertained the like Resolution of Departure;* 3.79 when, lying on his Bed, S^t. Peter isc 3.80 said to have taken him to task in a Vision. Yea, S^t. Pe∣ter was not onely seen, but felt, sharply and soundly Whipping him, for his unworthy Intention to forsake his Flock; who rather should have followed S^t. Peter's Example (as he imitated Christ's) whom no Losses or Crosses could so deterre, as to desert his Charge. Some will say, Peter herein appeared a partial Parent, so severely disciplining this his Son, whilest two other of his Children, being more guilty, Mellitus and Iustus (who had actually done what Lauren∣tius onely designed) escaped without any Correction. But we must know, though these seemed more faulty, by what appeares in open View, yet the Pas∣sages behind the Curtain (Considerables concealed from us) might much alter the case. And indeed, Pastours leaving their people is so ticklish a Point, and sub∣ject to such secret Circumstances, that God and their own Consciences are onely the competent Judges of the Lawfulnesse or Unlawfulnesse thereof.

35. Thus,* 3.81 all black and blew, Laurentius repaireth to Eadbald King of Kent, and presenteth himself unto him in that sad Condition. The King, much ama∣zed

thereat, demands, who durst offer such Violence to so Good a man? Whereby it plainly appears, that though Eadbald himself refused Christianity, yet he afforded Civility and Protection to Laurentius, and to all in Kent of his Religion. He largely relates what had happened unto him; and in fine so prevailed on Eadbald, that he not onely put away his VVife-Mother-VVhore, but also embraced Christianity, and at his desire, Iustus and Mellitus returned a∣gain into England.

36. Rochester readily received Iustus their Bishop,* 3.82 being a little Place, of few Persons, and they therefore the easier all to be brought to be of one Mind. But large London (though then, for Greatnesse, but the Suburbs to the present City) I say, London then, was even London then, as wanton in the Infancy, as now wayward in the Old-age thereof; where generally the People, long radicated in Wickednesse, refused to entertain their good Pastour returning unto them. But here my gooda 3.83 Friend, in his Notes on this Passage, makes an ingenious Reservation, that (though the major part must be confessed peevish in all populous places) London in all Ages afforded emi∣nent Favourers of Learned and Religious men. And would I could (being the meanest of Ministers) as truly entitle my self to the foresaid Qualifications, as I heartily concurre with him in my gratefull Confession, that I have effectually found plenty of good Patrons in that Honourable Corporation. Mellitus thus rejected, was glad to lead a private life in London, till that after the * 3.84 Death of Laurentius, he succeeded him in the Church of Canterbury.

37. A grave,* 3.85 and good man, but much afflicted with the Gout, and highly meriting of his See of Canterbury; especially if true, what Bede* 3.86 reports, that, when a grievous Fire happened in that City, Mellitus accosted the very Fury thereof with faithfull Prayer, and his own bare Hands (strange! that no modern Monk hath since in his Relation put a Crucifix, or Holy-Wa∣ter-sprinkle into them) and so presently quenched the Raging of the Flames. Say not, why could he not as easily have cured his own Gout, as quenched this Fire? seeing Miracles are done, not for mens ordinary Ease, but God's so∣lemn Honour. Yea, the Apostles themselves were not at pleasure Masters of their miraculous Power, for their personal use; seeing S^t. Paul could neither cure theb 3.87 often Infirmities of his dear Son Timothy; nor remove the acute, de∣sperate Disease, wherewith he himself inc 3.88 Asia was afflicted. Five years sate Mel∣litus in Canterbury: after whose* 3.89 Death, Iustus Bishop of Rochester succeeded him, and had his Pall solemnly sent him by Pope Boniface.

38. By the way,* 3.90 the Pall is a Pontificall Vestment, considerable for the Matter, Making, and Mysteries thereof. For the Matter, it is made of Lambs Wooll, and Superstition. I say, of Lambs VVooll,d 3.91 as it comes from the Sheeps Back, without any other artificiall Colour, spun (say some) by a peculiar Order of Nunnes, first cast into the Tombe of S^t. Peter, taken from his Body (saye 3.92 others) surely most sacred if from both; and [superstitiously] adorned with little black Crosses. For the Form thereof; thef 3.93 Breadth exceeded not three Fingers (one of our Bachelours Lamb-skin Hoods in Cambridge would make three of them) having two Labells hanging down before and behind, which the Arch-Bishops onely, when going to the Altar, put about their Necks, above their other Pontificall Ornaments. Three Mysteries were couched therein. First, Humi∣lity, which beautifies the Clergy above all their costly Copes. Secondly, Inno∣cency, to imitate Lamb-like Simplicitie. And thirdly, Industry, to follow g 3.94 him who fetched his wandring Sheep home on his Shoulders. But to speak plainly, the Mystery of Mysteries in this Pall was, that the Arch-Bishops re∣ceiving it, shewed therein their Dependence on Rome; and a Mote in this man∣ner ceremoniously taken, was a sufficient Acknowledgement of their Subje∣ction. And, as it owned Rome's Power; so in after-Ages it encreased their Profit. For, though now such Palls were freely given to Arch-Bishops, whose Places in Britain for the present were rather cumbersome then commodious,

having little more then their Paines for their Labour;* 3.95 yet in after-Ages the Arch-Bishop of Canterburie's Pall wasa 3.96 sold for five thousandb 3.97 Florenes: so that the Pope might well have the Golden Fleece, if he could fell all his Lambs-Wooll at that rate. Onely let me adde, that the Authour ofc 3.98 Canterbury-Book stiles this Pall, Tanquam grande Christid 3.99 Sacramentum. It is well tanquam came in to help it, or else we should have had eight Sacraments. But, leaving these Husks to such Palats as are pleased to feed on them, we come to the Kernell of Religion, how the same was propagated in other Parts of England. And first, of the Preparative for the Purge of Paganisme out of the Kingdome of Northumberland.

39. Edwine,* 3.100 the King thereof, was Monarch of all England, with the Isles of Man and Anglesey, more puissant then any of His Predecessours. And this, saithe 3.101 Bede, was In auspicium suscipiendae Fidei, in good Handsell of the Faith he was hereafter to receive. God first made him Great, and after Gracious; that so by his Power, he might be the more effectuall Instrument of his Glory. Now he had married Edelburge, daughter of Ethelbert King of Kent: to whom he not onely permitted free Exercise of Religion, to her self and her Ser∣vants, * 3.102 but also promised himself to embrace it, if, on Examination, it appeared the most Holy, and fittest for Divine Service. In the Court of this Queen was one Paulinus, a pious Bishop, who, with much Pains and little Profit, long la∣boured in vain to convert the Pagans. God hereby both humbling him, and shewing, that the Hour of his Mercy shall not be ante-dated one Minute, by any humane Endeavours. However, Paulinus, seeing he could not be happy to gain, would be carefull to save; and daily plyed the Word and Sacraments, thereby to corroborate his owne People in Piety.

40. Now it happened that one Eumere,* 3.103 a Swash-buckler (a Contemner of his own life,* 3.104 and thereby Master of another man's) sent from Guichelm, King of the VVest-Saxons, with an envenomed Dagger sought to kill King Edwine: when Lilla, one of his Guard, foreseeing the Blow, and interposing himself, shielded his Sovereign with his own Body, yea, deaded the Stroak with his own Death. Loyalty's Martyr; in a Case which is likely to find moe to commend, then imitate it, on the like occasion. Edwine, notwithstanding slightly hurt, was very sensible of the Deliverance, and promised, that if he might con∣quer the treacherous VVest-Saxon King, with his Adherents, he would be∣come a Christian. And though there be no indenting, and conditional capi∣tulating with God (who is to be taken on any terms) yet this in a Pagan was a good step to Heaven, and Paulinus was glad he had got him thus far; especially, when in Earnest of the Sincerity of his Resolution, he consigned over his infant-Daughterf 3.105 Eansled, to be baptized, whom Paulinus christened, with twelve moe of the Queen's Family. Well, the VVest-Saxon King was quickly overcome, and all his Complices either killed, or conquered, and yet King Edwine demurred to embrace Christianity. But he communicated with the sagest of his Counsell, with whom he had daily Debates, being loth rashly to rush on a matter of such Moment. And truly, that Religion which is rather suddenly parched up, then seasonably ripened, doth commonly ungive after∣wards. Yea, he would sit long alone, making company to himself, and silently arguing the Case in his own Heart, being partly convinced in his Iudgement of the Goodnesse of the Christian Religion; and yet he durst not entertain Truth, a lawfull King, for fear to displease Custome, a cruell Tyrant.

41. Amongst the many Debates he had with his Counsell about altering his Religion,* 3.106 two Passages must not be forgotten; whereof one was the Speech of Coify, the prime Pagan-Priest. Surely (saidg 3.107 he) these Gods, whom we worship, are not of any Power, or Efficacy in themselves; for none hath served them more conscientiously then my self, yet other men, lesse meriting of them, have received moe and greater Favours from their hand, and prosper better in all things they undertake. Now, if these were Gods of any Activity, they would

have been more beneficiall to me,* 3.108 who have been so observant of them. Here the Reader will smile at Coify his Solecisme, wherein the Premisses are guilty of Pride, as the Inference thereon of Errour and Mistake. If he turn Chri∣stian on these termes, he will be taught a new Lesson: how not onely all out∣ward things happen alike, to good and bad, toa 3.109 him that sacrificeth, as to him that sacrificeth not; but also, thatb 3.110 Iudgement beginneth at the house of God, and the best men meet with the worst Successe in Temporal matters. However, God was pleased to sanctifie this mans Errour, as introductory to his Con∣version: and let none wonder, if the first Glimmering of Grace in Pagans, be scarce a degree above Blindnesse.

42. Better,* 3.111 in my opinion, was the plain Comparison, which another namelesse Courtier made at the same time. Mans life (saidc 3.112 he) O King, is like unto a little Sparrow, which, whilest your Majesty is feasting by the Fire in your Parlour with your royall Retinue, flies in at one VVindow, and out at ano∣ther. Indeed we see it that short time it remaineth in the House, and then is it well sheltred from VVind and VVeather; but presently it passeth from Cold to Cold, and whence it came, and whither it goes, we are altogether ignorant. Thus, we can give some account of our Soul, during it's abode in the Body, whilest housed and harboured therein; but where it was before, and how it fareth after, is to us altogether unknown. If therefore Paulinus his Preaching will certainly in∣form us herein, he deserveth, in my opinion, to be entertained.

43. Long looked for comes at last.* 3.113 King Edwine almost three yeares a Candidate at large of Christianity,* 3.114 cordially embraceth the same, and with many of his Nobles, and Multitudes of his Subjects, is solemnly bapti∣zed by Paulinus, in the little Church* 3.115 of S^t Peters in York, hastily set up by the King for that purpose, and afterward by him changed into a firmer and fairer Fabrick. Thus, as those Children which are backward of their Tongues, when attaining to Speech, pronounce their words the more plainly and distinctly: so Edwine, long, yea tedious before his turning to Chri∣stianity, more effectually at last embraced the same. And when it was put to the Question, what Person most proper to destroy the Heathen Altars? Coify the chief Priest tendered his Service, as fittest for the purpose, solemn∣ly to demolish what he had before so superstitiously adored. Down go all the Pagan Altars, and Images at God-mundingham (now Godmanham, a small d 3.116 Village in the East-Riding of Yorkshire) and those Idols with their Hands were so far from defending themselves, that their mock-Mouths could not afford one word, to bemoan their finall Destruction.

44. VVhen thou art converted,* 3.117 strengthen thy Brethren, was the personall Precept given toe 3.118 Peter, but ought generally to be the Practice of all good men; as here it was of King Edwine, restlesse, untill he had also perswaded Earpwald, King of the East-Angles, to embrace the Christian Faith. In∣deed Redwald, Earpwald's Father, had formerly at Canterbury (to ingratiate himself with King Ethelbert) professed Christianity; but, returning home, he revolted to Paganisme at the instance of Hisf 3.119 Wife. So great is the Power of the Weaker Sex, even in matters of Religion. For, as Bertha and Edel∣burge, the Queens of Ethelbert and Edwine, occasioned, and expedited the Conversion of their Husbands Kingdomes: so here a Female-instrument ob∣structed that holy Design. Yea, Redwald afterwards in the same Church set up ag 3.120 Samaritane-mongrel-Religion, having Altareh 3.121 & Arulam, a Communion-Table and an idolatrous Altar in the same Temple. You cannot be partakers (saith thei 3.122 Apostle) of the Lords Table, and of the table of Devils; that is, You cannot lawfully, conscionably, comfortably; but, de facto it may be done, was done by Bedwald in this his miscellaneous Religion.

45. But three yeares after,* 3.123 the Conversion of the East-Angles was more ef∣fectually advanced by King Sigebert,* 3.124 Brother, and after the death of Earp∣wald his Successour in the Kingdome. This Sigebert had lived an Exile in

France,* 3.125 and got the benefit of Learning by his Banishment. For, wanting ac∣commodations to appear in Princely Equipage, he applyed himself the more close to his Studies: seeing, that Means which would maintain a Prince but like a Scholar, would maintain a Scholar like a Prince. Yea, which was best of all, on his Learning he grafted true Religion; Bede giving him this Chara∣cter, that he became Vir Christianissimus & doctissimus: (can more be said in so few words?) and returning home, assisted by the Preaching of Felix, a Monk of Burgundy, Iuxta nominis sui sacramentum, saith Bede (happy was his Name, and Happinesse was with him) converted his Subjects to Christia∣nity. This Felix was made the first Bishop of Dunwich in Suffolk; a place for∣merly furnished witha 3.126 two and fifty Churches, and hath scarce two now re∣maining, the rest being swallowed up by the Sea. I can hardly hold my self from calling the Sea sacrilegious; save that, on second thoughts, considering that Element to be but a Naturall Agent, yea, such whose Motions are or∣dered by Divine Providence, Hither shalt thou come, and no farther, I will ra∣ther reserve this Epithete, sacrilegious, to be bestowed on those men, who willingly and wilfully demolish the places appointed for God's Service.

46. This Sigebert is generally reputed the Founder of the University of Cambridge.* 3.127 And because the point in hand is somewhat litigious,* 3.128 we will take the more Paines in clearing thereof, two things being warily premised. First, that Sigebert's founding the University of Cambridge ought not by any to be extended to lessen and abate, much lesse to drown and destroy her more ancient Title to Learning, which she deriveth (according to goodb 3.129 Au∣thours) from many hundred yeares before. Valeant, quantum valere possint, let such her over grown Evidences stand as valid as they may, by us neither confirmed, not confuted for the present. And indeed, all such Old things in either University, though specious to the Eye, must be closely kept, and ten∣derly touched, lest otherwise, being roughly handled, they should moulder into Dust. Secondly, let none suspect, my Extraction from Cambridge will betray me to partiality to my Mother, who desire in this Difference to be like Melchisedec, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without Descent, onely to be directed by the Truth. And here I make this fair and free Confession, which, I hope, will be accepted for ingenuous: That, as in Thamar's travell ofc 3.130 Twins, Zarah first put out his Hand, and then drew it in again, whilest Pharez first came forth into the World: so I plainly perceive Cambridge with an extended Arme, time out of mind, first challenging the Birth-right; and Priority of place for Lear∣ning; but afterwards drawing it in again, she lay for many yeares desolate, and of lesse account; whilest Oxford, if later, larger, came forth in more entire Proportion, and ever since constantly continued in the full Dimen∣sions of an University.

47. These things being thus cautiously stated,* 3.131 we proceed, beginning with Bede, on whose Testimony all the following History is founded.

Beda lib. 3. Eccles. Hist. cap. 18.

Sigebertus, ubi Regno poti∣tus est, mox ea quae in Galliis bene disposita vidit, imitari cu∣piens, instituit Scholam, in qua pueri literis erudirentur, juvante se Episcopo Felice (quem de Cantia acceperat) eisque paedagogos ac magistros, juxta morem Cantuariorum, praebente.

Sigebert, when he had obtained the Kingdome, presently desiring to imitate those things which he had seen well∣ordered in France, instituted a School, wherein Youths might be trained up in Learning, Felix the Bishop (whom he had received out of Kent) assisting him, and providing for them Teachers, and Masters, according to the Custome of those in Canterbury.

See here,* 4.1 King Sigebert, to make his School complete, united therein such Conveniences for Education, as he had observed commendable

1. Abroad, in France: where Learning at, and before his time, was brought to great Perfection; S^t. Hieromea 4.2 affirming, that even in his Age, he had seen Studia in Galliis florentissima, most flourishing Universities in France.

2. At home, in Canterbury: where even at this time Learning was pro∣fessed, though more increased some fourty yeares after; when as the same Bedeb 4.3 reports, that in the dayes of Theodorus the Arch-Bi∣shop, there were those that taught Geometry, Arithmetick and Musick (the fashionable studies of that Age) together with Divinity, The perfect Character of an University, where Divinity the Queen is waited on by her Maids-of-Honour.

But I question, whether the Formality of Commencing was used in that Age: inclining rather to the negative, that such Distinction of Graduates was then unknown, except in S^t. Paul's sense,c 4.4 Such as used the office of a Deacon well, purchased to themselves a good Degree.

48. So much for Bede's Text.* 4.5 Come we now to ancient Authours com∣menting upon him. Ancient I call those, who wrote many yeares before the Differences were started about the Seniority of the Universityes, and there∣fore are presumed unpartiall, as unconcerned in a Controversie which did not appear. First, Polydored 4.6 Virgil, who from Bede's words plainly collects, that Sigebert then founded the University of Cambridge. Nor see I any cause for that Passage in thee 4.7 Assertion of Oxford's Antiquity, charging Polydore, Quod affectibus indulgens, adamatae studet Academiae; who being a Forrainer, and an Italian, had nothing to byass his Affection to one University more then the other. Learnedf 4.8 Leland succeeds, who being employed by King Henry the eighth to make a Collection of British Antiquities (much scattered at the Dissolution of Abbies) thus expresseth himself.

Olim Granta fuit Titulis Vrbs inclyta multis, Vicini à Fluvii nomine, Nomen habens. Saxones hanc Belli deturbavere procellis; Sed nova, pro veteri, non procul inde sita est: Quam Felix Monachus, Sigeberti jussa sequutus, Artibus illustrem reddidit, atque Scholis. Haec ego, perquirens Gentis Monumenta Britannae, Asserui in Laudem, Granta diserta, tuam.

Grant, long ago a City of great Fame, From neighbouring River doth receive her Name. When storms of Saxon-warres her overthrew, Near to the old, sprang up another new. Monk Felix, whil'st he Sigebert obeys, Light'ned this place with Schools, and Learning's rayes. Searching the Monuments of British Nation, This I assert in Grant's due Commendation.

Here we omit the severall Testimonies ofg 4.9 Bale, George Lilie, and Thomas Cooper, in their severall Histories Anno 636. with many moe, concluding Si∣gebert then the Founder of the University of Cambridge.

49. But our Cousin-germans of Oxford will scarce give Credit hereunto, multiplying Objections against it. Obj. There were (say they) many places (besides Cambridge) in the Kingdome of the East-Angles (conteining Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire) which, with equall Probability, may pretend to this School of Sigebert's Foundation, seeing Bede doth not nominatim affirm Cambridge for the particular Place, where this University was erected.

50. Ans.* 4.10 Though Bede be Dumb in this particular, notnaming Cam∣bridge; yet he makes such Signes, that most intelligent Antiquaries by us alledged, understand him to intend the same: especially seeing Cambridge is acknowledged by all Authours, time out of mind, to have been a place for the Education of Students in Literature.

51. Obj.* 4.11 If any such University was founded by Sigebert, it was at Grantchester, differing, as in Appellation, so in Situation from Cambridge (as being a good mile South West thereof.) Cambridge therefore cannot entitle it self, but by apparent Usurpation, to the ancient Priviledges of Grantchester.

52. Ans.* 4.12 Most usuall it is for ancient places to alter their Names (Babylon to Bagdet, Byzantium to Constantinople, our old Verulam to S^t. Albans) still retaining the numerical Nature they had before. Oxford (they tell us) was once calleda 4.13 Bellositum, and yet not altered from it's same self by another Name. Nor is it any news for great Cities, in processe of time (as weary of long standing) to ease themselves a little, by hitching into another place. Thus, some part of modern Rome is removed more then a mile from the ancient Area thereof. Thus, Ierusalem at this day is come down from Mount Sion, and more South-West climbed up Mount Calvary. Yet, either of these Places would account themselves highly injured, if not reputed, for the main, the same with the former. Sufficeth it, that some part of Cambridge stands at this day, whereb 4.14 Grantchester did (which ancientlyc 4.15 extended North-West, as far as the Village called Howse) and that's enough to keep possession of the Priviledges of Grantchester, as properly belonging thereunto. Especially, see∣ing Oxford at this day layes claim to the Antiquityes of Crekelade and Lechlade (Towns distant sixteen miles off, the one in VVilts, the other in Glocestershire) two ancient Schools of Greek and Latine (as some will have it) removed af∣terwards to Oxford, from whence some of her Assertours do date her Be∣ginning.

53. Obj. Sigebert founded but Scholam, which makes little to the Honour of Cambridge: For thereby her Professours are degraded to Pedants; and by a retrograde Motion Cambridge is sent back to Eaton, I mean, is made no better then a great Grammar-School.

54. Ans. If the best of Latine Oratours may be believed, Schola properly signi∣fies the Place where all Arts are publickly professed.d 4.16 Ex Platonis schola Pon∣ticus Heraclides, Ponticus Heraclides came out of the school of Plato: Which is notoriously known to have been an Academie; yea, all his Scholars known by the name of Academicks to this day. Those of Salerno in Italy, dedicating a book of Physick to our Henry (the second, I take it) begin thus,

Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni.

School-boys deserve to be whipped indeed, if presuming to prescribe Re∣ceipts to a King: But that Schola there is sufficiently known to have been a famous University. And under the favour of the University, the word Vni∣versitas is but a base, and barbarous Latine (whiles Schola is pure Greek ori∣ginally) to design, either the Place where generall Learning is publickly professed, or the Persons studying therein. And, though I dare not totally concurre with thate 4.17 Learned Critick, that Vniversit as was first used in the fore∣said sense, about the reign of King Henry the third; yet, I believe, it will not be found in any Classicall Authour, in that modern acception.

55. Obj. In good Authours, Sigebert is said to have founded not only Scholam, a School, but Scholas, Schools, in the plurall. If Schola therefore be an Univer∣sity, either he made moe Universities then one in Cambridge (which is absurd to affirm;) or else he erected moe Universities in other places of his King∣dome, which Cantabrigians will not willingly confesse.

56. Ans.* 4.18 The variation of the Number is of no Concernment. For, if respect be had to the severall Arts there professed, Sigebert founded Schools in the

plurall: but if regard be taken of the Cyclopaedy of the Learning resulting from those severall Sciences, he erected but one Grand School. Every Fresh-man knows that the single Quadrant, wherein the publick Lectures are read, and Acts kept, is called plurally the Schools, in each University.

57. Obj.* 4.19 But Bede terms them Pueros, Boyes, properly under the Rod, and Ferula, whom Sigebert placed in his School: and the word Paedagogi, Vshers, placed over them, imports the same; that they were no University-Students, but a company of little Lads, that lived there under Correction.

58. Ans.* 4.20 Criticks will satisfie you, that the word Pueri signifies even those of more Maturity, especially if living sub regimine, under the Discipline of Supe∣riours. Secondly, Bede, being a great Divine, and conversant in Scripture-phrase, borroweth an expression thence; Christ calling his Disciples 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a 4.21 Children. He useth also Paedagogos in the same notion withb 4.22 S^t. Paul's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which our last Translatours reade Instructours in Christ, even to the Corinthians, who still needed such Paedagogues or Teachers, though alreadyc 4.23 enriched in all utterance and knowledge. Thirdly, the Saxon ancient Copy of Bede, which (doubtlesse) doth emphatically render the Latine, translates pueri ••eon••e menn. Fourthly, Asserius Menevensis, speaking of Alfred's founding of Oxford, faith, that he endowed the same, Suae propriae Gentis nobilibus Pueris, & etiam ignobilibus; and it is but equal, that the Pueri at Cambridge should be allowed as much man in them, as those at Oxford. Lastly, the young Frie of Scholars, when first admitted, is such, to whom* 4.24 Pueri, in the proper sense thereof, may well be applyed. And here it may seasonably be remembred, how and 4.25 Oxford Antiquary af∣firmeth, that Edward the fifth Prince of VVales, and Richard his brother, Duke of York, Oxoniae studuerunt, studied at Oxford, in the life-time of their Father. Stout Students no doubt, whereof the Elder could not then be ten, the Younger not nine yeares old. But I forget what Lawyers hold, that the Kings eldest Son is at full Age (for some Purposes) at the day of his Birth (in which respect he may sue out his Liveries for the Dukedome of Cornwall:) and this (perchance) may somewhat mend the matter.

59. But enough of this matter,* 4.26 which some will censure as an Impertinency to our Church-History, and scarcely coming within the Church-yard thereof. My Prayers shall be, that each University may turn all Envy into generous, yea gracious, yea glorious Emulation; contending by laudable means, which shall surpasse other in their Serviceablenesse to God, the Church, and Com∣mon-wealth: that so Commencing in Piety, and Proceeding in Learning, they may agree against their two generall Adversaries, Ignorance, and Profanenesse. May it never be said of them, what Naomie 4.27 said of her self, that she was too old to bear Sons: may they never be superannuated into Barrennesse, but like the good Trees in Gods Garden, They shall still bring forth Fruit in their old age, they shall be fat and flourishing.

60. Seasonably Sigebert erected an University at Cambridge,* 4.28 thereby in part to repair the late great Losse of Christianity in England when (the year after) Edwine,* 4.29 King of Northumberland, was slain inf 4.30 Battel by Cadwald King of VVales, and Penda King of the Mercians. After whose Death, his whole Kingdome relapsed to Paganisme; and Paulinus, Arch-Bishop of York, taking with him Queen Ethelburge, returned into Kent, and there became Bishop of the (then vacant) Church of Rochester. Mortified man, he minded not whether he went up, or down hill, whilest he went on strait in his Calling to glorifie God, and edifie others; sensible of no Disgrace, when degrading himself from a great Arch-Bishop, to become a poor Bishop. Such be∣tray much Pride and Peevishnesse, who, outed of eminent Places, will ra∣ther be Nothing in the Church, then any thing lesse then what they have been before.

61. After the death of King Edwine,* 4.31 his Kingdome of Northumberland was divided into two parts,* 4.32 both petty Kingdomes;

1. Bernicia, reachinga 4.33 from the River Tees to Edenburgh Frith, where∣of Eanfrith was King.

2. Deira (whence (say some) Deirham, or Durham) lay betwixt Tees and Humber, whereof Osrick was King.

These both proved Apostates from the Christian Faith: and God in his ju∣stice let in Cadwald, King of the Britans, upon them, who slew them, harassed their Countrey,* 4.34 and made a lamentable Desolation, within the compasse of one year, without respect to Age or Sex; untill Oswald (bred and brought up in Scotland) next of the Bloud-Royall, came to be King of Northumberland, whom God sent to redeem that miserable Country from the hands of their Enemies, and many eminent Victories he obtained.

62. The fatall year,* 4.35 wherein so many Outrages were committed on the Apostate Northumberlanders, by Cadwald King of the Britans, is detested by all Saxon Chronologers. And therefore all the Annalists, and writers of Histories in that Age, by joynt-consent, universally resolved to damn and drown the Memoriall of that Annus infaustus (as they call it) Vnlucky year, but made so by Vngodly men. Yea, they unanimouslyb 4.36 agreed to allow those two Apostate Kings, no yeares reign in their Chronicles, adding the time (subtracted from them) to Oswald, their Christian Successour, accounting him to have reignedc 4.37 nine yeares; which indeed were but eight of his own, and one of these Historians their Adoption. Yet is it no news even in Scri∣pture it self, to bury the reign of Tyrants, under the Monument of a good Prince succeeding them. Thus when Ehud isd 4.38 said to have judged the land four∣score year; those eighteene 4.39 yeares are included, wherein Eglon the Moabite op∣pressed Israel.

63. Amongst the many Victories atchieved by this Oswald,* 4.40 one most re∣markable was gained by him near Hexam in Northumberland,* 4.41 against the Pa∣gans, against whom he erected the Standard of the Crosse, in a place which time out of mind was called Heafen-feld (Haledon at this day,) by a Prolepsis, not answering the name thereof untill this time. Hence a Poet writing the life of Oswald;

Tunc primum scivit causam cur nomen haberet Heafen-feld, hoc est, coelestis campus; & illi Nomen ab antiquo dedit appellatio Gentis Praeteritae, tanquam belli praesaga futuri.

Then he began the reason first to know Of Heafen-feld, why it was called so; Nam'd by the Natives long since by foresight, That in that field would hap an heavenly fight.

Thus it is generally reported, that the place nigh Lipsick, where the King of Sweden got one of his signal Victories, was, time out of mind, termed by the Dutchf 4.42 Gots Acre, or, Gods ground. And thus, as Onesimus and Eutychus were so called from their Infancy, but never truely answered their Names, till after theg 4.43 Conversion of the one, and Reviving of theh 4.44 other: so Places (whether casually, or prophetically) have Names anciently imposed upon them, which are sometimes verified many Ages after.

64. About this time Honorius the Pope sent his Letter to the Scotch Na∣tion, * 4.45 advising them to an Uniformity with the Church of Rome in the Cele∣bration of Easter. His main Reason is thought to have more of State, then Strength; humane Haughtinesse, then holy Divinity in it. Namely he coun∣selleth them, Ne paucitatem suam in extremis terrae finibus constitutam, sapien∣tiorem omnibus Christi Ecclesiis aestimarent. This is that Honorius, of whom Leo

the second,* 4.46 his Successour, complaineth in hisa 4.47 Epistle to the Bishops of Spain, Flammam haertici dogmatis non (ut decuit Apostolicam authoritatem) incipientem extinxit, sed negligendo confovit; By his negligence he did coun∣tenance the heretical Opinions (meaning of the Monothelites, then beginning afresh to spring up again) which he ought to have suppressed. Thus he, who could stickle about the Ceremony of keeping, Easter, could quietly connive at, yea (interpretatively) consent to the depraving of the Doctrinall part of Religion. But his Letter to the Scotch took little effect, who kept their Easter not one Minute the sooner, or later, for all his writing unto them.

65. In a better Work,* 4.48 and with better Successe, was Birinus employed, an Italian by Birth, sent over by Pope Honorius for the Conversion of the re∣mainder of England; and to that purpose (that his Preaching belike might be the more powerfull) made a Bishop before hisb 4.49 coming over, by Asterius Bishop of Genoa. Here I am at a losse. Bishop of what? Where was his Dio∣cese or Bishoprick? Were not Bishop and Bishoprick so correlated in that Age, that they must be together? the trick of making Titular Bishops not as yet being used in Rome. It is impossible, that Bishops here should import no more then a plain Priest; and, that he onely took Orders before he came over into England. Well, commend me to the Memory of this man, who first was made Bishop, and then made himself a Bishoprick, by earning it out of the Pagan English, whom he intended to convert to Christianity. Yea, he passed his solemn Promise in the presence of the Pope, that he would preach the Gospel in the heart of thec 4.50 uttermost coasts of England (meaning the Northern parts thereof) whither no Teacher had at any time gone before him. Minded herein liked 4.51 S^t. Paul, not to boast in another mans line, of things made ready to his hand.

66. This his Promise Birinus,* 4.52 though he literally brake,* 4.53 Virtually kept; for he chanced to land amongst the West-Saxons (then called Gevises) in the South-VVest part of England, where as yet the Inhabitants were pure-impure Pagans. Having here found a fit subject for his Pains, why should he go far∣ther to seek the same? Is not Providence the best Herauld to marshal us? and ought we not to sit down where it disposeth us? Besides, according to Military Rules, it was best to clear the Coasts as he went, and not to leave a Pagan-Foe behind his back. Moved herewith, Birinus here sets up his Staffe [Episcopal,] fixeth himself; falls a preaching, converts many, and a∣mongst the rest, Kyngils the VVest-Saxon King, whom he baptized. Oswald, King of Northumberland, chanced to bee 4.54 present at that time, and was first God-Father, then Father in Law to King Kyngils, to whom he gave his Daughter to Wife.

67. Dorchester (not the Town which denominates Dorsetshire,* 4.55 but) an old City in Oxfordshire (not in Barkshire, as Stapletonf 4.56 mistakes it) was made the Seat of Birinus his Bishoprick. Bede faith, Donaverunt autem ambo Reges eidem Episcopo civitatem, quae vocatur Dorinca, &c. Both the Kings (Oswald, and Kynglls) gave to the said Bishop the City Dorinca, or Dorchester. Both of them] Hence observe, first, that Oswald (whose Concurrence in this Grant was required) though particular King of Northumberland, was also Monarch of all England. To justifie our former Observation, that amongst the seven Saxon Kings, alwayes one was paramount above the rest. Secondly, that this Dorchester (though it lay North of Thames in Oxfordshire, which properly be∣longed to the Kingdomes of Mercia) pertained now to the VVest-Saxons, beyond the ordinary Limits assigned to that Kingdome.

68. In this year Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury divided England (un∣derstand, * 4.57 so much thereof as was Christian) into Parishes.* 4.58 But that most ex∣quisite g 4.59 Antiquary seems very unwilling to admit so early and ancient Parishes, in the modern proper Acception of the word. Who knoweth not, that Parochia at large, signifieth the Diocese of the Bishop? and two new

Dioceses,* 4.60 (Dunwich and Dorchester) were erected under Honorius in the Pro∣vince of Canterbury. But whether Parishes, as usually understood for, places bounded in regard of the Profits from the people therein, payable onely to a Pastour incumbent there; I say, whether such Parishes were extant in this Age, may well be questioned, as inconsistent with the Community of Ecclesiastick Profits, which then seemed joyntly enjoyed by the Bishop and his Clergy.

69. No sooner was Oswald (whom we formerly mentioned) settled in his Kingdome of Northumberland,* 4.61 but his first Princely Care was, to provide Pa∣stours to instruct his People in Christianity. In order where unto he sends into Scotland (where he had his own Education) for some Eminent Preachers. Unu∣suall the Sun should come out of the North, to enlighten the South, as here it came to passe. One Preacher was sent him thence, whose Name we find not, but thus much of his Nature; that being over-rigid and severe, his Ser∣mons made no Impression on his English Auditory. Hard with hard (saith the Proverb) makes no VVall: and no Wonder, if the spirituall Building went on no better, wherein the Austerity and Harshnesse of the Pastour, met with the Ignorance and Sturdinesse of the People. Home he returns, complaining of his ill Successe; and one Aidan, of a Milder temper, and more Discretion (a Grace which none ever spake against, but such as wanted it) was sent back in his room.

70. Aidan coming into England,* 4.62 settled himself at Lindisfern, or Holy-Island, in Northumberland; a place which is an Island and no Island twice in twenty four hours, as divided by the Tide from, so conjoyned at Low-water to the Continent. His exemplary Life was a Pattern for all pious Pastours. First, he left to the Clergy, Saluberrimum abstinentiae, vel continentiae exemplum; though we read not he vowed Virginity himself, or imposed in on others. He lived as he taught; and, whatsoever the Bounty of Princes or great Persons bestowed on him, he gave to the Poor. He seldome travelled but on Foot; and, when invited to large Feasts at Court, used to arise after a short Refection, and betake himself to his Meditations. He redeemed many Slaves from Captivity, making them first Free-men, then Christians.

71.* 4.63 All these his excellent Practices Bedea 4.64 dasheth with this Allay, that▪ He had a Zeal of God, although not fully according to Knowledge; merely because he dissented from the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter. But whe∣ther those words ofb 4.65 S^t. Paul, spoken of his Country-men the Iews, in refe∣rence to their Stumbling at Christ, the Saviour of Mankind, be fitly appliable to Aidan, onely differing in an outward Ceremony, let others decide. True it is, this Aidan was a prime Champion of the Quartadecimans, as who had been brought up under, or with S^t. Colme, in Ireland. The writer of the Life of this S^t. Colme (let this be inserted by the way) reports, how the said Saint had a Revelationc 4.66 of the Holy Ghost, which prophesied unto him of this Dis∣cord, which after many dayes should arise in the Church, about the diversity of the Feast of Easter. Yet he telleth us not, that the Holy Ghost reproved this Colme (whose Example animated others against the Roman Rite) for his Errour; as if God cared not, which of both Sides carried the Controversie.

72. But all which Bede speaketh in Diminution of Aidan,* 4.67 may freely be forgiven him, were it but for his faithfull recording of the following Passage in Aidan's Life: and take it with Stapleton's own Translation thereof.

Omnes qui cum eo incede∣bant, sive Attonsi, sive Lai∣ci, meditari deberent; id est, aut legendis Scripturis, aut Psalmis discendis ope∣ram dare.

All they which went with him, were they professed into Religion, or were they Lay∣brethren, gave themselves continually to Contemplation; that is to say, bestowed all their time in reading Scripture, or learning the Psalter.

Bede, speaking hereof, addeth moreover, tantum vita illius à nostri temporis

segnitia distabat, so much differed his life from the Lazinesse of our Age: taxing those of his Time for Neglect of the Scriptures. And the Ignorance be∣moaned in his Age, continued and encreased after his Death.

73. When Aidan came first into England,* 4.68 he was not perfect in the Language of our Country. For although the Speech of the modern Southern-Scot be onely a Dorick Dialect of, no distinct Language from English; yet Aidan, who naturally spoke Irish, was not intelligible of his English Con∣gregation. Wherefore King Oswald, a better Scotch-man (as bred amongst them) then Aidan was English-man, interpreted to the People, what the other preached unto them. Thus these two put together made a perfect Preacher. And although some will say, Sermons thus at the Second-hand must lose much of their Life and Lustre; yet the same Spirit working in both, the Ordinance proved effectuall to the Salvation of many Souls.

74. This year the first Lent was kept in England;* 4.69 conceive it in those Parts thereof which obeyed the Roman Celebration of Easter.* 4.70 Otherwise it is suspi∣cious, that the Quartadecimans were no good Quadragesimarians, and no such conscientious Observers of Lent on the Romish Account. Surely, if people were taught in Lent to fast (as from Flesh, so) from a proud and false opi∣nion of Meriting thereby, Policy would be well pleased and Piety not offended at the Observing thereof; whilest Continent-Countries might keep it with∣out any Losse to their Souls, and Islands with great Gain to their Estates.

75. Oswald,* 4.71 King of Northumberland,* 4.72 at Maserfield (since Oswa∣stree) in Shropshire, against Penda the Pagan Prince of Mercia, was overthrown, slain, and his Body most barbarously abused, and chopped in Pieces. Yea, it is observable that such Saxon Kings, which were first converted to Chri∣stianity, and such who were the most active Restorers of Religion after a generall Apostasie, commonly came to Violent Deaths, by the hands of Heathens. As,

Edwine, first Christian King of Northumberland, slain by Pagan Penda, Anno 632.

Erpenwald, first Christian King of East-Angels, slain by his own People, Anno 639.

Peada, first Christian King of Mercia, slain by his own Wife, Anno 659.

Edelwald, or Ethelwald, first Christian King of Sussex, slain likewise.

Oswald, the most Religious Restorer of Christianity in Northumberland, slain Anno 642.

Anna, the most Pious King of the East-Angels, slain by Penda, Anno 654.

Edmond, the most Devout King of the East-Angels, martyred by the Danes, Anno 870.

Inquiring into the Causes hereof, we find, First, that the Lustre of their Lives shining before men, made them the fairer Mark for their malicious Enemies. Secondly, Satan, accounting them Traitours against his Kingdome of Darknesse, left no stone unturned, thereby to bring them to Temporall De∣struction, the greatest Hurt which his Power could inflict. Thirdly, God, to try the Patience of his Infant-Church, acquainted them with Afflictions from their very Cradle. Such therefore are mistaken, who make Prosperity a note either of Piety in particular Persons, or Verity in a whole Church; seeing, take it one time with another, and it misseth the Mark oftner then it hits is As for our Oswald, Legions of Miracles are attributed unto him after Death; all which we willingly omit, insisting onely on One as most remarkable.

76. The Story goes thus.* 4.73 On an Easter-day Oswald was sitting in his Pa∣lace at Dinner with Bishop Aidan: when in comes one of his Servants, and informeth him, that abundance of Poor people from all parts fate in the Streets expecting some Almes for their Relief. Presently King Oswald com∣mands,

not onely that the Meat set before him should be given them,* 4.74 also that the large Silver-Charger holding the same should be broke in pieces, and (in want perchance of present Coin) parted betwixt them. Whereupon, Aidan laying hold on Oswald's right Hand (and that alone, we know, ought to be thea 4.75 Almoner) May this hand (said he)b 4.76 never be consumed: which is said accordingly to come to passe. So that when all the other Members of King Oswald's Body (torn asunder by his barbarous Enemies) were pu∣trified, his right Hand alwayes remained unconsumed.

Nulloc 4.77 Verme perit; nulla Putredine tabet. Dextra viri; nullo constringi Frigore, nullo Dissolvi Fervore potest: sed semper eodem Immutata statu persistit, mortua vivit.

No Worm, no Rottennesse taints his right Hand; Corruption-free in vain the Cold doth strive To freeze, or Heat to melt it, which doth stand Still at one stay; and though dead, is alive.

But it is not enough for us, that we have the Poets Pen for it; if we also had Oswald's Hand to shew for the same, much might be wrought on our belief herein.

77. For my own part,* 4.78 I conceive that Aidan his words to Oswald; that his Handshould never wax old, or be consumed, were spiritually spoken, in a My∣sticall Meaning, parallel to those Scripture-expressions; The Righteous shall be ind 4.79 everlasting Remembrance, even, when the name of the VVicked shalle 4.80 rot. The bountifull hand never consumes: neither actually, it never wastes nor em∣pairs an Estate, God so ordering it, that the more he giveth the more he hath; nor passively, it is not consumed, the Acts thereof remaining in a perpetuall Memoriall here, and hereafter. But, grant this Miracle of Oswald's Hand literally true in the Latitude thereof; I desire any ingenuous Papist to consider the Time wherein it was acted. It was Easter-day, yea, such an Easter-day as was celebrated by the Quartadecimans, Aidan being present thereat, contrary to the time which the Canons of Rome appointed. Now, did not a Divine Finger in Oswald his miraculous Hand, point out this Day then to be truly observed? Let the Papists produce such another Miracle, to grace and credit their Easter Roman-stile, and then they say something to the Pur∣pose.

78. It plainly appears,* 4.81 that the Survivers had not onely, a charitable Opi∣nion, but a comfortable Presumption, yea, an infallible Perswasion, that the Soul of King Oswald was possessed of Heavenly Happinesse, instantly after his Death. What better Demonstration of his present being in perfect Blisse, then those many Miracles, which the Papists confidently report to be done by him after his Death, in curing Sick people of their severall Maladies? For such Souls which they fancy in Purgatory, are so farre from healing others, that they cannot help themselves. Yea,f 4.82 Bede calleth this Oswald, jam cum Domino regnantem, now reigning with the Lord. Yet the sameg 4.83 Authour attest∣eth, that even in his time it was the anniversary Custome of the Monks of He∣xam, to repair to Heofen-feld (a place hard by, where Oswald, as aforesaid, ob∣tained his miraculous Victory) and there to observe Vigils for the Salvation of his Soul, plurima{que} Psalmorum laude celebrata, victimam pro eo, mane sacrae obla∣tionis offerre. A Mongrel Action, betwixt Good-will and VVill-worship: though the eyes of their Souls in those Prayers looked not forward to the future, pe∣titioning for Oswald's Happinesse; but backward to what was past, gratulatory to the Blisse he had received. Purgatory therefore cannot properly be founded on such Suffrages for the dead. However, such over-Officiousnesse (though at first it was like the Herb in the Pot, which doth neither good nor ill) in af∣ter-Ages

became like that wilda 4.84 Gourd,* 4.85 poysoning mens Souls with Supersti∣tion,* 4.86 when they fell to down-right Praying for the departed.

79. This year Paulinus,* 4.87 late Arch-Bishop of York, since Bishop of Rochester, ended his Life; and one Ithamar succeeded him, born in Kent, and the first English-man Bishop, all being Forrainers before him. As he was the first of his Nation, I believe him the second of his Name, meeting with no moe save onelyb 4.88 Ithamar, the youngest Son of Aaron, High-Priest of Israel.

80. After King Oswald his Death,* 4.89 four Christian contemporary Kings flou∣rished in England.* 4.90 First Oswy, King of Northumberland, more commendable for the Managing, then the Gaining of his Kingdome; except any will say, that no good Keeping can make amends for the ill Getting of a Crown, see∣ing he defeated Ethelwald (Oswald's Son, and) the true Heire thereof, Bede c 4.91 termeth him Regem Christianissimum, The most Christian King; a Stile where∣with the present Majesty of France will not be offended, as which many years after was settled on his Ancestours. Long had this Oswy endeavoured in vain by Presents to purchase Peace from Penda, the Pagan King of Mercia, who miserably harassed his Country; and refused any Gifts, (though never so rich and great) which were tendered unto him. At last, saith myd 4.92 Authour, Oswy resolved, VVe will offer our Presents to such a King, who is higher in Command, and humbler in his Courtesie, as who will not disdain to accept them. Whereupon he devoted his Daughter to God, in her perpetuall Virginity, and soon after obtained a memorable Conquest over his Enemies, and cleared the Country from his Cruelty.

81. Secondly,* 4.93 Sigebert, King of Essex, and the Restorer of Religion in his Kingdome (which formerly had apostatized after the Departure of Mellitus) valiant, and pious, though taxed for his contumacious Company-keeping (contrary to his Confessours command) with an Excommunicated Count, in whose House he was afterward murdered by two Villains: Who, being de∣manded the Cause of their Cruelty, why they killed so harmlesse and inno∣cent a Prince, had nothing to say for themselves, but they did it, because his e 4.94 Goodnesse had done the Kingdome hurt; such his pronenesse to pardon Offenders, on their (though but seeming) Submission, that his Meeknesse made many Malefactours. But I hope, and believe, that the Heirs of Sigebert (though the Story be silent herein) finding his Fault, amended it in themselves, and exercised just Severity in the Execution of these two damnable Trai∣tours.

82. Anna may be accounted the third Successour to Sigebert,* 4.95 and happy in a numerous and holy Off-spring.* 4.96 Yea, all his Children (save Firminus the eldest, slain with his Father in a Fight against Pagan Penda) were either Mitred, or Vailed, when Living; Sainted, and Shrined, when Dead: as Erkenwald, Bi∣shop of London; Ethelred, or Audrey, and Sexburga, successively Foundresses and Abbesses of Elie; VVithgith, a Nun therein; and Ethilburg, Abbesse of Beorking, nigh London.

83. Peada,* 4.97 Prince of Mercia,* 4.98 may make up the Quaternion, who married Alfrede, Daughter of Oswy King of Northumberland; and thereupon renoun∣cing Paganisme, embraced Christianity, and propagated it in his Dominions. Indeed Penda, his Father, that Persecuter of Piety, was still alive (and sur∣vived two yeares after) persisting an Heathen till Death, but mollified to per∣mit a Toleration of Christianity in his Subjects. Yea, Penda in his Old-age used an expression (which might have beseemed the Mouth of a better man) namely. That he hated not Christians, but onely such whof 4.99 professed Christ's Faith, without his VVorks; accounting them contemptible, who pretended to Believe in God, without Obeying him.

84. A brace of Brethren,* 4.100 both Bishops, both eminent for Learning and Religion, now appeared in the Church, so like in Name, they are oft mistaken in Authours one for another. Now, though it be pleasant for Brethren to

live together in Vnity;* 4.101 yet it is not fit, by Errour they should be jumbled to∣gether in Confusion. Observe their Difference therefore.

S^t. Cedde (in Latine Ceddus) I believe the elder, born at a 4.102 London (where afterward he was Bishop) bred in Holy Is∣land, an active promoter in making the East-Saxons Con∣verts (or rather Reverts) to the Faith. He is remembred in the Romish Kalendar, Ia∣nuary the seventh.

S^t. Chad (in Latine Cedda) born inb 4.103 Nor∣thumberland, bred likewise in Holy Island, and Scholar to Aidanus. He was Bishop of Lich∣field; a milde, and modest man, of whom more hereafter. His death is celebrated in the Kalender March the second, and the Dust of his Tombe is by Papists reported to cure all Diseases [alike] in Man and Beast. I believe it might make the dumb to see, and the lame to speak.

The later of these was, as the Longest Liver, so the most eminent in his Life; who made many Christians, and amongst the rest VVulfade and Rufine, Sons to Wulphere King of Mercia, succeeding Peada therein, who was sudden∣ly slain, and his untimely Death was a great Loss to Religion.

85. Look we now on the See of Canterbury,* 4.104 where (to our comfort) we have gotten one of our own Country-men into the place, Fridona a Saxon. Yet, for the more State of the businesse, he assumed the name of Deus-dedit. We know, Arch-Bishops of his See are termed Alterius orbis Papae, and such changing of Names was fashionable with the Popes. He was consecrated by Ithamar alone, Bishop of Rochester, the first English Bishop consecrating the first English Arch-Bishop. Let no Sophister cavill with his thread-bare Maxime, Nihil dat quod non habet, and therefore a single Bishop could not conferre Archiepiscopal Power; but leave it to the Canon-Lawyers, to decide what may be done in case of Extremity. Mean time, how causelesse is the Caption of the Papistsc 4.105 at the Consecration of Matthew Parker, because no Arch-Bishop (though four Bishops) was present thereat. Seeing, though an Arch-Bishop be requisite ad Dignitatem, Bishops will suffice ad Honestatem; and a single Bishop (asd 4.106 Ithamar here) may be effectuall ad essentiam of an Archiepi∣scopal Consecration. No wonder therefore if Evagrius was acknowledged a legitimate Bishop by thee 4.107 Pope himself, though contrary to the Rigour of the Canon, consecrated byf 4.108 Paulinus alone. Deus-dedit answered his Name (A good Arch-Bishop is Gods Gift) and for nine yeares and more, ruled the Church to his great Commendation.

86. A barbarous Murther was committed by Wolphere,* 4.109 King of Mercia, who understanding that his two Sons, Wulfade and Rufine, had embraced Chri∣stianity, cruelly slew them with his own Hands. But afterwards, repenting of so soul a Fact, he himself turned Christian; and in Testimony thereof, finished the fair Fabrick of the Monastery at Peterborough, begun by Peada his Brother. The whole Story thereof was, till lately, set forth in Painting, and Poetry (such as it was) in the Glass-windows, round about the Cloisters of Peter∣borough.

Wulfade pray'd Chad, that ghostly Leach, The Faith of Christ him for to teach.

87. And now,* 4.110 having fallen on the mention of Glasse, be it seasonably re∣membred, that just at this time one Benault, a forrain Bishop (but of what place I find not) brought the Mystery of making Glasse into England, to the great Beautifying of our Churches and Houses; the Eyes being the Grace of the Body, as Windows are of Buildings. I conceive, his Invention was White Glasse alone, more ancient then Painted Glasse in this Island, as Plain-song is much seniour to all Descanting, and running of Division.

88. The Paroxisme continued and encreased,* 4.111 betwixt the Scotish Bishops (headed, after Aidan's Death, by Finan, Bishop of Holy-Island) and such who celebrated Easter after the Roman Rite. The later so bitterly detested the

former,* 4.112 that they would not receive Consecration of them, or Imposition of Hands; as if their very Fingers ends were infected with Schisme, for dissen∣ting from Rome. Yea, they would neither give the Sacrament of the Euacharist to them, nor receive it from them: and yet they never quarrelled at, or que∣stioned the validity of Baptisme conferred by them; seeing Bishop Finan chri∣stened the King of the East-Saxons, and all his Subjects. Some what more mo∣derate were the Scots, or Quartadecimans, in their Cariage to the other, seeing S^t. Chad (Scotized in his Judgement) refused not Consecration from Wyni, Bi∣shop of Winchester, though one of the contrary Opinion.

89. Nor was this Controversie consined to Cloisters and Colledges,* 4.113 but derived it self from the Kings Court, down into private Families. Thus Oswy, King of Northumberland, was of the Scotish Perswasion, whilest his Queen and eldest Son were of the Romish Opinion, in Celebration of Easter. One Board would not hold them, whom one Bed did contain. It fell out so sometimes, that the Husband's Palm-Sunday was the Wife's Easter-day; and in other Fami∣lies, the Wife fasted, and kept Lent still, whilest her Husband feasted, and ob∣served Easter. Say not, that Wife deserved to fast alwayes, who in so indiffe∣rent a Ceremony would not conform to her Husband's Judgement. For Con∣sciences, in such kinds, are to be led, not drawn. Great was the Disturbance in every great Family; onely the Poor gained by the Difference, causing a Dupli∣cate of Festivalls, two Easters being kept every year in the same House.

90. To compose this Controversie (if possible) a Councill was called at Streanch-Hall (now Whitby in Yorkshire) by the procurement of S^t. Hilda,* 4.114 Ab∣bess therein.* 4.115 Here appeared, amongst many others,

• For the Romish Easter,
  • VVilfride, an Abbot, a zealous Cham∣pion.
  • Romanus, a Priest, ve∣ry hot in the Quar∣rel: And others.
• Moderatours.
  • Hilda, the Abbess of Streanch-Hall.
  • S. Cedd, Bishop of Lon∣don, propending to the Scotish, but not throughly perswaded.
• For the Scotish Easter.
  • S^t. Coleman, Bi∣shop of Holy-Island, who succeeded Fi∣nan in that place.

But Baronius and Binnius will in no case allow this for a Councill (though elsewhere extending that name to meaner Meetings) onely they call it a Col∣lation; because (forsooth) it wanted some Council-Formalities, all Bishops not being, solemnly summoned, but onely some Voluntiers appearing therein. Besides, as there was something too little, so something too much for a Ca∣nonicall Councill; Hilda, a Woman, being Moderatresse therein; which seemed irregular.

91. In this Councill,* 4.116 or Collation (call it which you please) after much ar∣guing pro and con, VVilfride at last knockt all down with this Argument; That the Romish Celebration of Easter was founded on the Practice of S^t. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and Porter of Heaven. King Oswy hearing this was af∣frighted, who had rather anger all the other eleven Apostles, then offend S^t. Pe∣ter, one so high in Power and Place; for fear (as he said) left coming to Heaven∣gate, S^t. Peter should deny him a Cast of his Office, and refuse to let him into Happinesse. S^t. Coleman, being on the other side, was angry, that so slight an Argument had made so deep an Impression on the King's Credulity. And, to manifest his Distaste, after the Councill was broken up, carried all those of his own Opinion home with him into Scotland. One Tuda succeeded him in his Bishoprick of Holy-Island, the first of that See that conformed himself in this Controversie to the Romish Church, and died in the same year, of the Plague.

92. As for VVilfride,* 4.117 he was well rewarded for his Paines in this Councill, being presently promoted to be Bishop of York, which, since Paulinus his Death, was no longer an Arch-Bishop's, but a plain Bishop's See. But, though

appointed for the place by King Oswy,* 4.118 he refused Consecration from any En∣glish Bishops, being all irregular, as consecrated by the schismaticall Scots; onely VVyni, late Bishop of VVinchester, now of London, was ordained cano∣nically, but lately he had contracted just Shame for his Simony, in buying his Bishoprick. Over goes VVilfride therefore to Rome for Consecration, and stayes there so long, that in his Absence the King put S^t. Chad into the Bishoprick of York. The writer of VVilfride's Life complains lowdly hereof;

—Audacter sponsam vivo rapuere marito. Boldly in the Husban's life, Away from him they took his Wife.

But, by the Poets leave, York was but espoused, not married to VVilfride, whilest he was in England: and after his going over beyond-Sea, he stayed so long, that his Church presumed him dead, and herself a Maid-Widow, which lawfully might receive another Husband. At last VVilfride returning home had York restored unto him, and S^t. Chad was removed to the new-founded Bishop∣rick of Lichfield.

93. The Abbess Hilda,* 4.119 whom we mentioned before, was like another Huldah, which lived in thea 4.120 Colledge, superiour to most of her Sex in Learning, inferiour to none in Religion. Monks ascribe it to her Sanctity, that she turned many Serpents in that Country into Stones. Plenty of which Stones are found at this day about VVhitby, the place of her Aboad, having the Shape of Serpents, but most headlesse; as the Tale is truthlesse, relating it to her Miraculous Operation. Who knows not, but that at Alderly in Glocestershire, there are found Stones resembling Cockles, or Periwincles, in a place far from the Sea? which are esteemed by the Learned the Gamesome Work of Nature, sometimes pleased to disport it self, and pose us by propoun∣ding such Riddles unto us.

94. Some impute it also to Hilda her Holinesse,* 4.121 that Wilde-geese, when flying over the Grounds near her Convent, fell down to the ground, as doing Homage to the Sanctity thereof. As the Credit of the Reporters hath conver∣ted wise men to believe the Thing: so they justly remain incredulous, that it proceedeth from any Miracle, but secret Antipathy. But as Philosophers, when posed in Nature, and prosecuted to render Reasons of her Mysteries, took San∣ctuary at Occulta Qualitas: Monks in the same kind make their Refuge to the Shrine of some Saint, attributing all they cannot answer, to His, or Her mira∣culous Operation. Yea sometimes such is Monkish Impudence, falsely to assign that to a Saint (though all Chronologies protest against the Possibility thereof) which is the plain and pregnant effect of Nature. Witnesse when theyb 4.122 write, that Richard de la VVich, Bishop of Chicester, with his fervent Prayers obtained, that the VViches, or salt Springs, should boil out of the earth in Durtwich in VVorcestershire; which are mentioned, and described by ancient Authours dead before the Cradle of the said Richard de la VVich was made.

95. Look we now on the See of Canterbury,* 4.123 and there after the Death of the last Arch-Bishop (and four yeares Vacancy) we find that Church hath changed her Latine into Greek,* 4.124 I mean, dead Deus-dedit, into Theodorus his Suc∣cessour, put in by the Pope. This Theodorus was a Grecian by Name, and Na∣tion, fellow-Citizen with S••. Paul, born inc 4.125 Tarsus in Cilicia; and herein like him, that hed 4.126 spake with Tongues more then they all, had more skill in learned Languages then all his Brethren, Bishops of England, in that Age. Yea, as Chil∣dren when young, are permitted to Play; but when of some yeares, are sent to learn their Book: so hitherto the Infant-Church of England may be said to have lost time for matter of Learning, and now Theodorus set it first to School, brought Books to it, and it to Books; erecting a well-furnished Library, and teaching his Clergie how to make use thereof.

96. I could wish this Theodorus had had one Quality more of S^t. Paul;* 4.127 that in matters Indifferent, he would have beene 4.128 made all things to all men, that by

all means he might save some.* 4.129 Whereas he most rigourously pressed Confor∣mity to Rome, in the Observation of Easter: and to that purpose a Councill was called at Herad-ford, now Hartford, and not Hereford, as judicious and in∣dustrious Bishop Godwine (partiall to the place where of he himself was Bishop) doth mistake it. Here Easter was settled after the Romish Rite; and we are not sorry for the same, willing rather it should be any way ordered, then that the Reader (with whom I sympathize, more then grutch my own Pains) should be troubled any longer with such a small-great Controversie, low in it's own Merit, but heightned with the Spleen and Passion of such as prosecuted it. In this Synod nine other Articles were concluded of, as they follow here in order, out of Bede,a 4.130 as Stapleton himself hath translated them.

1. That no Bishop should have ought to do in another Diocese, but be contented with the Charge of the people committed unto him.

2. That no Bishop should molest, or any wise trouble such Monasteries as were consecreated, and given to God, nor violently take from them ought that was theirs.

3. That Monks should not go from place to place, that is to say, from one Monastery to another, unlesse by the leave of their own Abbot; but should continue in the Obedience which they promised at the time of their Conversion, and entring into Religion.

4. That none of the Clergie forsaking his own Bishop, should run up and down where he list, nor when he came any whither, should be received without Letters of Commendation from his Diocesan. And, if that he be once received, & will not return, being warned and called, both the Receiver and he that is Received shall incurre the Sen∣tence of Excommunication.

5. That such Bishops and Clerks as are Strangers, be content with such Hospitality as is given them; and that it be lawfull for none of them to execute any Office of a Priest, without the permission of the Bishop in whose Diocese they are known to be.

6. That whereas by the ancient Decrees, a Synod and Convocation ought to be assembled twice a year; yet because diverse Inconve∣niences do happen among us, it hath seemed good to us all, that it should be assembled once a year, the first day of August, at the place called Clofeshooh.

7. That no Bishop should ambitiously preferre himself before another, but should all acknowledge the time, and order of their Consecra∣tion.

8. That the Number of Bishops should be encreased, the number of Christian folk waxing daily greater; but hereof at this time we said no further.

9. That no man commit Advoutry nor Fornication; that no man for∣sake his own Wife, but for onely Fornication, as the Holy Gospel teacheth. And, if any man put away his Wife being lawfully married unto him, if he will be a right Christian man, let him be joyned to none other: but let him so continue still sole, or else be reconciled a∣gain to his own Wife.

I wonder, no mention herein of settling the Tonsure of Priests (a Controversie running parallel with that of Easter) according to the Roman Rite. To con∣clude, let not the Reader expect the like exemplification of all Articles in following Synods, so largely as here we have presented them. For this Synod Stapletonb 4.131 calls the first of the English Nation (understand him, whose Canons are completely extant) and therefore more Patrimony is due to the Heir and Eldest Son, then to the younger Brethren, who shall be content to be con∣fined to their Pensions, I mean, to have their Articles not exemplified, but epi∣tomized hereafter.

97. Theodorus,* 4.132 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, beheld VVilfride, Bishop of York (one of great Parts, and greater Passions) with envious eyes; and therefore, to abate his Power, he endeavoured that the Diocese of York might be di∣vided. VVilfride offended hereat goes over to Rome to impede the Project, and by the way is tossed with a grievous Tempest. It is an ill wind whicch bloweth no man Profit. He is cast on the Shoar of Freezland in Belgia, where the In∣habitants, as yet Pagans, were by his Preaching converted to Christianity. This may be observed in this Wilfride, his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were better then his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, his casuall and occasionall were better then his intentionall Performances (which shews plainly, that Providence acted more vigourously in him, then his own Prudence:) I mean, when at Ease in Wealth, at home, he busied himself in Toyes and Trifles of Ceremonious Controversies; but when (as now, and afterwards) a Stranger, and little better then an Exile, he effectually promoted the Honour and Glory of God.

98. And as it is observed of Nightingales,* 4.133 that they sing the sweetest,* 4.134 when farthest from their Nests: so this VVilfride was most diligent in God's Ser∣vice, when at the greatest distance from his own Home. For though return∣ing into England, he returned not unto York, but stayed in the Pagan King∣dome of the South-Saxons, who also, by God's Blessing on his Endeavours, were perswaded to embrace the Christian Faith.

99. These South-Saxons,* 4.135 of all the seven Kingdomes, were the last which submitted themselves to the perfect Freedome of God's Service, and yet their Country was in Situation next to Kent, where the Gospel was first planted. Herein it was verified, Many that are first, shall be last; and the last, first. Yea, the Spirit, which bloweth where it listeth, observeth no visible Rules of Motion; but sometimes taking no notice of those in the middle, reacheth to them which are farthest off. Indeed Edilwalch their King, was a little before Christened by the perswasion of VVolphere, King of Mercia (who was his Godfather, and at his baptizing gave him for a Gift the Isle of VVight, & provinciama 4.136 Meanuarorum in gente Occidentalium Saxonum) but his Country still remained in Paganisme. And although Dicul, a Scot, with some six of his Brethren, had a small Monastery at Bosenham in Sussex; yet they, rather enjoying themselves, then medling with others, were more carefull of their own Safety, then their Neighbours Conversion. And in∣deed, the Pagans neither heeded their Life, nor minded their Doctrine.

100. However,* 4.137 these South-Saxons paid for their Stubbornnesse, in stand∣ing out so long against the Gospel; for they alwayes were a miserable people, and at this present afflicted with a great Famine, caused by three years Drought; so that fourty men in arow, holding hand in hand, used to throw themselves into the Sea, to avoid the misery of a Lingering Death. In this wofull Con∣dition did VVilfride, Bishop of York, find them, when he first preached the Gospel unto them; and on that very day wherein he baptized them (as if God from Heaven had powred water into the Font) he obtained store of Rain, which procured great Plenty. Observe (though I am not so ill-na∣tured as to wrangle with all Miracles) an Apish Imitation of Elijah (who car∣ried the Key of Heaven at his Girdle, to lock, or unlock it by his Prayer:) onely Elijah gave Rain after three yeares and six moneths, VVilfride after bare three yeares; it being good manners to come a little short of his Bet∣ters.

101.* 4.138 Also (saith myb 4.139 Authour) he taught the people (who till then knew not how to catch any Fishes, but Eeles) how to take all kind of Fish in the Sea, and Rivers. Strange! that thus long they should live in Ignorance of so usefull a Trade, being (though Infidels) no Idiots: especially seeing mens Capacities come very soon to be of age to understand their own Profit; and the Examples of their Neighbours might have been Tutours unto them.

But Wilfride afterward wanted no Hearers,* 4.140 People flocking unto him; as when Christ made his Auditours his Guests, they followed after him, be∣cause they ate of the Loaves, and were filled. The Priests Eappa, Padda, Bruchelin, and Oidda, assisted in baptizing the common people; and King Edilwalch gave VVilfride a piece of Land, containing eighty nine Families, at Selsey, where he erected a Bishops See, since translated to Chichester.

102. Amongst other good deeds,* 4.141 VVilfride freed two hundred and fifty men and maid-Servants, both out of Soul-Slavery, and Bodily Bondage. For, having baptized them, he procured their Liberty of their Masters, which they (no doubt) chearfully embraced, according to S^t. Paul'sa 4.142 coun∣sel, Art thou called a Servant? care not for it: but if thou maist be made free, use it rather. And thus by God's Blessing, in the space of eighty and two yeares (from five hundred ninety seven, to six hundred seventy nine) was the whole Saxon Heptarchie converted to Christianity, and did never again re∣lapse to Paganisme.

103.* 4.143 Mention beingb 4.144 lately made of VVolphere, the Mercian King, his being Godfather unto Edilwalch, King of the South-Saxons, some will much admire, that one arrived at yeares of Maturity, able to render an Account of his Faith, should have a Godfather, which (with Swadling-clouts) they conceive belong to Infants alone. Yet this was very fashionable in that Age: not onely for the greater state, in Kings, Princes, and Publick Persons; but, in majorem cautelam, even amongst Private people. For such Susceptors were thought to put an Obligation on the Credits (and by reflection on the Con∣sciences) of new Christians (whereof too many in those dayes were bap∣tized out of civile Designes) to walk worthy of their Profession, were it but to save their Friends Reputation, who had undertaken for their Sincerity therein.

104. Cadwallader,* 4.145 the last King of VVales, wearied out with Warre, Fa∣mine, and Pestilence, left his own Land, and (with some small Treasure) fled to Alan, King of Little Britain. But Princes are welcome in forrain parts, when Pleasure (not Need) brings them thither; or, whilest they are so considerable in themselves, as to command their own Entertainment. Whereas this distressed King his Company was beheld not onely as Uselesse, and Expensive, but Dangerous, as likely to draw with it the Displeasure of the Saxon Kings (his Enemies) on his Entertainer. But it seems, Cadwal∣lader had better Friends in Heaven,* 4.146 then any he found on Earth, if it be true what confidently is reported, that anc 4.147 Angel appeared unto him, ad∣vising him to go to Rome, there to take on him the Habite of a Monk, and spend the remainder of his Life. Here he purchased Lands, all by the fore∣said Angelicall Direction, built an House (after his Death converted into an Hospitall) and by his Will so ordered it, that certain Priests of his own Country should for ever have the Rule and Government thereof. These were to entertain all VVelsh-Pilgrims with Meat, Drink, and Lodging, for the space of a moneth, and to give them a certain Summe of Money for a viaticum at their Departure, towards their Charges in returning to their own Country.

105. Many a year did this Hospitall flourish in good Plenty,* 4.148 till the middle of Queen Elisabeth her Reign; when fair the Revenues belonging, and few the VVelsh-Pilgrims repairing thereto. This made Father Parsons, with the rest of our English Iesuites, cast an envious eye thereon, who would never be quiet, until they had obtained of Pope Gregory the 13. to eject the old British, and unite this Hospitall to the English Colledge at Rome. This, no doubt, stirred up the VVelsh bloud of D^r. Morris, D^r. Lewes, D^r. Smith, M^r. Griffith, who in vain stickled to the utmost of their Power, to continue this Foundation to their Country-men. In my poor Opinion, seeing an An∣gel is said to direct in the Founding and endowing of this Hospitall, it was

but fit that either the same Angel appearing again,* 4.149 or some other of an higher (or at least equall Dignity and Degree, in the Celestiall Hierarchie) should have altered the Use, and confirmed the Alienation thereof. But of this morea 4.150 hereafter.

106. Ina,* 4.151 King of the VVest-Saxons, about this time set forth his Saxon Laws, translated into English by M^r. Lambert. Eleven of his Laws concer∣ned Church-matters; Kings in that Age understanding their own Power, the Pope having not as yet intrenched on their just Prerogative. These Constitutions were concluded on by the King, through the Perswasion of Kenred his Father. Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops, and all his Alder∣men and wise Senatours of the People. Let none wonder that Ina, in his Preface to these Laws, termeth Erkenwald His Bishop, whose See of Lon∣don was properly under the King of the East-Saxons. For he might call him his in Affection, (whose Diocese was in another King's Possession;) Ina highly honouring Erkenwald for his Piety, and therefore inviting him (for∣ward of himself to all Goodnesse) to be present at the passing of these Laws. Besides,b 4.152 some assign Surrey as part of the Kingdome of the VVest-Saxons: Probably at this present Ina's Puissance sallied over the Thames, and London might be reduced into his Honorary-Protection. But see here a Breviate of his Church-Laws.

1. That Ministersc 4.153 observe their appointed form of living.

2. That every Infant be baptized within thirty dayes after his Birth, on the Penalty of his Parents forfeiting thirty shillings; and if the Child chance to die before he be baptized, all his Estate.

3. If the Servant doth any Work on the Lords day at the Masters Com∣mand, the Servant shall bed 4.154 acquitted, and the M^r. pay thirty shillings. But if he did that work without his Masters Command, let him be bea∣ten, or redeem it with Money, &c. A Priest offending in this kind was to be double punished.

4. The First-fruits of Seeds were to be paid to the Church on the Feast of S^t. Martin, on the Penalty of fourty shillings, besides the payment of the said First-fruits twelve times over.

5. If any deserving Stripes shall flie to a Church, his Stripes shall be forgiven him. If guilty of a Capitall Crime, he shall enjoy his Life, but make Re∣compence according to what is right and due.

6. Fighters in the King's Court, to lose their Goods, and to be at the King's Mercy for their Life. Such as fight in the Church, to pay 120 shil∣lings. If in the house of an Alderman, 60 shil. &c.

7. Such as falsifie their Witnesse or Pawn in the presence of the Bishop, to pay 120. shillings.

8. Severall Penalties of Money imposed on those that should kill a Stranger.

9. Such as are breakers of the Peace in the Town of the King or Arch-Bi∣shop, punishable with one hundred and twenty shillings; in the Town of an Alderman, eight shillings; in the Town of one of the King's Ser∣vants, sixty shillings, &c.

10. First-fruits of all Seeds were to be paid by House-keepers as due to that place wherein they themselves were resident on the day of Christ's Nativity.

11. What Summes of Money are to be paid by such who have killed their God-fathers or God-sons.

In this last Law, expresse Provision is made, Episcopi filius si occidatur, in case the Son of a Bishop be kill'd: a Passage impertinently alledged by some, for the Proof of Bishops married in that Age; seeing neither Sons natural, nor conjugal, but onely spirituall, at the Font, are thereby intended. Now let the learned in the Law render the Reason, why Murder in that Age was not punishable with Death, but might be bought off with Money.

107. A great Council (for so it is tituled) was held at Becanceld by VVithred,* 4.155 King of Kent,* 4.156 and Bertuald, Arch-Bishop of Britain (so called therein) under∣stand him of Canterbury; wherein many things were concluded in favour of the Church. Five Kentish Abbesses, namely, Mildred, Etheldred; Aete, Wil∣nolde, and Hereswide, were not onely present, but subscribed their Names and Crosses to the Constitutions concluded therein. And we may observe, that their Subscriptions are not onely placed before and above all Presbyters, but also abovea 4.157 Botred a Bishop, (but of what Diocese not specified) present in this great Council. It seems it was the Courtesy of England to allow the upper hand to the weaker Sex, as in their Siting, so in their Subscriptions.

108. We will conclude this Century with the miraculous Holiness of Ethelreda, or S^t. Audre: professing at first to be afraid to adventure on so high a Subject, disheartened in reading a Popish Authour to rant so in her Commendation.

Letb 4.158 the fabulous Greeks talk no more of theirchast Penelope, who in the twenty yeares absence of her Husband Vlysses lived continently, in despite of the tempting Importunity of many noble Woers: and let the proud Romans cease to bragg of their fair Lucretia, that chose rather to become the bloudy instrument of her own Death, then to live after the violent Ravishment of her Honour: and let all the world turn their Minds to admire, and their Tongues and Pens to sound the Praises of the Christian Vertues and Chastity of our blessed Ethelreda,

&c. But leaving the Bubbles of his Rhetorick to break of themselves, on serious considerations we are so far from admiring, 'tis more then we can do to ex∣cuse this S^t. Audre, as her Story is reported.

109. This Audre was Daughter to Anna King of the East-Angles,* 4.159 and from her Infancy a great affecter of Virginity. However, she was over-per∣swaded to marry one Tombert, Prince of the Fen-land, with whom she lived three yeares in the Bands of unexperienced Wedlock, both, by mutuall Consent, abstaining from Carnal Copulation. After his Death, so importunate were her Friends with her that she married with Egfride King of Northumberland.

110. Strange,* 4.160 that being once free, she would again entangle her self; and stranger, that being married, she utterly refused to afford her Husband what the c 4.161 Apostle calls due Benevolence, though he by importunate▪ Intreaties re∣quested the same. Being Benevolence, it was Uncharitable to deny it; being Due, it was Unjust to detain it; being both, she was uncharitable and unjust in the same action. Was not this a Mockage of Marriage (if in that Age counted a Sacrament) solemnly to give her self unto her Husband, whom formerly she had passed away by a previous Vow of Virginity? At last she wrested leave from her Husband to live a Nun in the Monastery of Ely, which she built and endowed. After her entrance therein she ever wore Wool∣len, and neverd 4.162 Linen about her: which whether it made her more Holy, or lesse Cleanly, let others decide. Oure 4.163 Authour tells us, that in Memory of her, out English Women are wont to wear about their Necks a certain Chain made of fine small Silk, which they call Ethelred's Chain. I must professe my self not so well acquainted with the Sex, as either to confute or confirm the truth thereof. At last she died of a Swelling in her Throat, and was buried in Ely.

111. Sixteen yeares her Corps slept in a private Grave near her own Con∣vent; when it came into the head of Bishop VVilfride and her Friends, to be∣stow on her a more costly Buriall. But alass, the soft and fenny Ground of Ely Isle (where scarce a stone bigg enough to bury a Worm under it) afforded not a Tombe-stone for that purpose. Being thus at a Losse, their wantf 4.164 is said to be miraculously supplyed;* 4.165 for under the ruined Walls of Grantchester, or Cambridge, a Coffin was found, with a Cover correspondent, both of white Marble, which did fit her Body so exactly, as if (which one may believe was true) it was made for it. Herein was Audre's Corps stately inshrined, and for many yeares superstitiously adored.

112. But Io. Cajus,* 4.166 Fellow of Gonvile-Hall,* 4.167 within ten Miles of Ely, at the Dissolution of Abbyes, being reputed no great Enemy to the Romish Religion, doth on his own Knowledge report,

In his Histor. Cantab. lib. 1. pag. 8.

Quamquam illius aevi caecitas admirationem in eo paret, quod re∣gnante Hen. nuper 8. dirutum i∣dem sepulchrum ex lapide communi fuit, non, ut Beda narrat, ex albo marmore.

Although the blindnesse of that Age bred Admiration therein: yet when the Tombe was pluckt down in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, it was found made of common Stone, & not of white Marble, as Bede reporteth.

Thus was her Tombe degraded & debased one degree, which makes the Truth of all the rest to be suspected. And if all Popish Miracles were brought to the Test, they would be found to shrink from Marble to Common Stone, nay from Stone to Dirt and untempered Morter.* 5.1* 5.2

113. It is needlesse here to insert the Canons concluded on at Bergham∣steed, by VVithred King of Kent, and Bertuald Arch-bishop of Canterbury. First, because Topicall, confined to that small Kingdome. Secondly, hard to be un∣derstood, as depending on some Saxon Law-terms, whereon Conjectures are the best Comment. Thirdly, such as are understood are obsolete; viz. If a Master gave his Servant Flesh to eat on a Fasting-day, his Servant was on the Refusall, and Complaint thereof, to be madea 5.3 free. Some punishments therein were very absurdly proportioned; viz. Six shillings or a Whipping was to be paid by that Servant who ate flesh on Fasting-dayes: and just the same Penalty was inflicted on him if convicted of offering Oblations to the Devil: as if equall their Offences. And be it remembred, that this Council was kept cum viris quibusdam Militaribus, some Souldiers being present thereat; and yet the fifth Canon therein was made to punish Adultery in men of their Profession.* 5.4

114. As for Bishop VVilfride, whom lately we mentioned so active about the removall of S^t. Audre's Corps, he was about this time restored to his Bishoprick of York. Whereupon he fairly quitted the Bishoprick of Sel∣sey, which Edilwalch, and after Cedwall, Kings of Sussex, bestowed upon him, and returned to York. It is much this Rowling Stone should gather so much Mosse, and get Wealth enough to sound two Monasteries; who sometimes had three Bishopricks together, York, Lindisfern, and Hagulsted; sometimes none at all, living many yeares together in Exile. And indeed he continued not long in York, but being expelled thence again, was for a time made Bishop of Lei∣cester. Nor was the King of Northumberland content with his bare Expulsion, but also he would have him confesse the same Legall, and resign it according to the late Decrees which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury had made against him. But more hereof, God willing, in the next Century.

THE EIGHTH CENTURY.* 5.5

Thomae Adamidi, Senatori Londinensi, Mecoenati meo.

IN hac tanta rerum Vicissitudine, quis, qui te novit, Constantiam tuam non suspicit? Vndique turbatur; Tu interim tibimet ipsi tota Tranquillitas, cum Deo, & Bonis, & Studiis tuis vacas.

Perlegas, quaeso, hanc Centuriam, vel eo nomine, quod Fu∣nera Tui & Mei Bedae exhibeat. Tuum dico, quia haud ita pridem sub auspiciis Patronatus tui, typis Saxonicis pulcherri∣mus prodiit: Meum, quo Authore (vel potius Authoribus) in hoc Opere toties usus sum. Pluribus Viro occupatissimo mo∣lestus esse nolo. Vale.

PAinfull VVilfride was no sooner out of one Trouble,* 6.1 but he was engaged in another.* 6.2 Hereupona 6.3 Harps∣field calls him the Athanasius of that Age; one∣ly saith he, that Father was persecuted by Here∣ticks, and this VVilfride by Catholicks. He might have added, that Athanasius was troubled for Essentiall and Doctrinall Truths, whilest VVilfride was vexed about Ceremonious and Circumstan∣tiall matters. And now Alfride, who succeeded Egfride, King of Northumberland, powerfully opposed him, being the paramount Prince, and in effect Monarch of the Sa∣xon Heptarchie. For, as we have noted before, amongst these seven Kings, as amongst the Planets, there was ever one Sun that out-shined all the rest. This Alfride, joyning with Bertuald Arch-bishop of Canterbury, called a b 6.4 Council, and summoned Wilfride, who appeared there accordingly. But be∣ing demanded, whether he would obey the Decrees of Theodore late Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, he warily returned; That he was willing to obey them so farre as they were consonant to the Holy Canons. This Answer was not satisfactory to his Adversaries, as having in it too little of a Grant, to please them, and yet not enough of a Deniall, to give them a just Offence. Then they sought by fair means to perswade him, because much Trouble had arose in the Church about him, voluntarily to resign under hand and seal his Posses∣sions, and Arch-Bishoprick; affirming, it would be a glorious act, to preferre the Publick Good before his Private Profit. But Wilfride persisted loyall to his own Innocence, affirming, such a Cession might be interpreted a Conses∣sion of his Guiltinesse; and appealed from that Councill to his Holinesse: and

this tough old man, being 70. yeares of age, took a Journey to Rome, there to tugg it out with his Adversaries.

2. They accused him of Contumacy,* 6.5 that he had contemptuously denied Canonicall Obedience to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury.* 6.6 He cleared him∣self, and complained that he had been unjustly deprived, and that two Mona∣steries of his own Founding (Rippon and Hexham) were violently detained from him. No fewer then seventy severalla 6.7 Councils, (understand them so many severall Meetings of the Conclave) were assembled in four moneths, and employed onely, or chiefly about deciding of this Difference: belike there were Intricacies therein more then are specified in Authours (Knots to employ so many cunning Fingers to unty them) or else the Court of Rome was well at Leasure. The Sentence of Pope Iohn the seventh passed on his side, and his Opposers were sent home with Blame and Shame, whilest Wil∣fride returned with Honour, managing his Successe with much Moderation; equally commendable, that his Innocence kept him from Drooping in Affli∣ction, and his Humility from Insulting in Prosperity.

3. Bertuald,* 6.8 Arch-bishop of Canterbury, humbly entertained the Popes Letters in behalf of Wilfride, and welcomed his Person at his Return. But Alfride, King of Northumberland, refused to re-seat him in his Bishoprick, stoutly maintaining,b 6.9 that 'twas against reason to communicate with a man twice condemned by the Council of England, notwithstanding all Apostolick Commands in favour of him. But soon after he fell dangerously sick, a consequent of, and therefore caused by his former Stubbornnesse; as those that construe all Events to the advantage of the Roman See, interpret this a Punishment on his Obsti∣nacy. Suppled with Sicknesse, he confessed his Fault; and so Wilfride was re∣stored to his Place: whose Life was like an April-day (and a Day thereof is a Moneth for Variety) often interchangeably fair and foul; and after many Al∣terations, he set fair in full Lustre at last. Being fourty five yeares a Bishop, in the seventie-sixth year of his age, he died, and was buried in his Monastery at Rippon. And as he had been a great Traveller, when living; so his Bones took one Journey after his death, being translated byc 6.10 Odo Arch-bishop of Canterbury, from Rippon to Canterbury; in Reparation (perchance) for those many Wrongs, which the Predecessours of Odo had done to this Wilfride. Let not therefore the Papists vaunt immoderately of the Unity of their Church, neither let them uncharitablie insult on our unhappy Differences; see∣ing by the confession of their own Authours, there was Digladiabile Odium, Hatred (as one may say) even to Daggers-drawing, betwixt Wilfride, and cer∣tain Principall Persons, conceived signall for Sanctity in that Age, and sithence put into the Calender of their Saints. And it is as sure, as sad a Truth, that as long as Corruption resides in the bosomes of the Best, there will be Dissen∣sions, inflamed by malicious Instruments, betwixt Pious people, which other∣wise agree in main matters of Religion.

4. The Bishoprick of Sherborn was taken out of the Bishoprick of Winche∣ster, by King Ina, and Adelme his Kinsman made first Bishop thereof. I find no Compensation given to the See of Winchester, for this great Canton cut out of it: as in after-Ages, when Ely was taken out of Lincoln Diocese, the Manour of Spaldwick in Huntingtonshire was given by King Henry the first to Lincolne, in Reparation of it's Loss, for so much of the Jurisdiction taken from it. But at this time, when Sherborn was parted from Winchester, the Damage to Winchester accruing thereby, was not considerable; Episco∣pall Jurisdiction in that Age not being beneficiall, but rather burthensome. So that Winchester might turn her Complaints into Thankfulnesse, be∣ing thus eased of her cumbersome Greatnesse. This Adelme, Bishop of Sherborn, was thed 6.11 first of our English Nation, who wrote in Latine; and the first that taught English-men to make Latine Verse, according to his Promise.

Primus ego in Patriam mecum, modò vita supersit, Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas.

If life me last, that I do see that Native Soile of mine, From Aon top I'll first with me bring down the Muses nine.

He wrote many Works: onea 6.12 of Virginity, another of the Celebration of Easter: And about this time, the Libraries of Monasteries began to be re∣plenished with Books, many being written in that Age.

5. By the way,* 6.13 one Mistake (I could not have discerned it my self, had not a learnedb 6.14 Writer discovered it unto me) makes Books of this Age more numerous, and the Kings therein more Learned then indeed they were. Name∣ly, because every Latine Charter, granted by any King to a Monastery, is termed by the Saxon Writers, Liber, or Libellus, a Book. Wherefore, when they tell us of such and such Books, made by the Saxon Kings; understand we most of them of their Charters of Donation. In which sense King Edgar, who, some two hundred yeares after this time, founded as many Monasteries as Weeks in the year (and consequently made as many Charters) was a volu∣minous Writer, of no lesse then fifty two Books. And yet this large acception of Books will not make up the Number, which Bale and Pitz pretend they have seen in this Age. A Vanity in them to affect a Title-learning; (though a Stationers Apprentice, after some weeks Experience, might excell them there∣in) and the greater, because many imaginary Authours, which they make as if they had seen, either were never extant, or long since extinguished.

6. But the multitude of Books encreaseth not our Marvel so much,* 6.15 as the Numerosity of Saints (such as they were) in this Age; whereof four parts of five (according to the Herauldry of such who wrote their Lives) were of Royall, or Noble Extraction. It addeth to the wonder, because S^t. Paul c 6.16 saith, Not many Noble are called: except any confine that Observation of the Apostle to times of Persecution, whereas Christianity now in England flourished in all Peace and Prosperity. But, to render their noble Parentage at this time the more probable, know, that under the Saxon Heptarchy, Roy∣alty was encreased seven-fold in England, which must beget a proportionable multiplication of Nobility attending them. Yet, when all is done, as the Iewish Rabbins, on their bare Tradition, without ground from Scripture, make Ruth the Daughter to Eglon, King of Moab, merely to make the Descent of their King David from her the more illustrious: so it is suspicious, that to advance the Temporall Reputation of these Saints, such Monks as wrote their Lives causelesly ••••arified, and refined many of their Blouds into Noble Extraction. However, if truely pious indeed, such Saints have the best Nobility in the Scripture-sense,d 6.17 These were more noble, because they received the word with all readinesse of mind.

7. Of these noble Saints,* 6.18 S^t. Guthlake, a Benedictine Monk,* 6.19 was the first Saxon that professed an Heremitical life in England; to which purpose he chose a Fenny place in Lincolnshire, called Crowland, that is, the raw or crude∣land; so raw indeed, that before him no man could digest to live therein. Yea, the Devils are said to claim this place as their peculiar, and to call ite 6.20 their own land. Is any place, but the Prison of Hell, properly theirs? Yet wonder not at their Presumption, pretending this Spot of ground to be theirs, whose Impudence durst affirm, that God had given themf 6.21 all the World, and the Glory thereof. Could those infernal Fiends, tortured with immateriall Fire, take any Pleasure, or make any Ease to themselves, by padling here in Puddles, and dabling in the moist dirty Marishes? However Guthlake took the Boldnesse to enter common with them, and erect his Cell in Crowland. But if his prodi∣gious Life may be believed, Ducks and Mallards do not now flock thither faster in September, then Heards of Devils came about him; all whom he is

said victoriously to have vanquished.* 6.22 But, whom Satan's Power could not foil, his Policy had almost destroyed; by perswading Guthlake to fast fourty dayes and nights together, after the Example of Mosesa 6.23 and Elias: till, find∣ing this Project destructive to Nature, he was forced in his own Defence, to take some necessary, but very sparing Refection. He died in his own Cell, and Pega his sister, an Anchoritesse, led a solitary life, not far from him.

8. Doves also,* 6.24 a poor plain man, was eminent in this Age: a Shepheard, say some; a Neatheard, others; Swineheard, say the third sort, and that most pro∣bable. For whilest he lived in Worcestershire, not far from the River Avon, the Virgin Mary is said to have appeared unto him, even where (fare well all good Tokens) he found a lost Sowb 6.25 with seven Piggs sucking upon her; and to have given order, that in that very place a Monastery should be erected to her Honour. The beastly Monk, who made this Vision, had e'ne learned as far as Virgil's Aeneids, whence he fetched the Platform of this pretty Conceit, a place so marked being foretold fortunate to Aeneas, to found Alba [since Rome] therein.

c 6.26 Litories ingens inventa sub ilicibus Sus Triginta capitum faetus enixa jacebit Alba solo recubans, albi circum ubera nati: Hic locus Vrbis erit, requies ubi certa laborum.

Where under Oakes on Shore there shall be found A mighty Sow, all white, cast on the ground, With thirty sucking Piggs; that place is 'sign'd To build your Town, and ease your wearied Mind.

Here the Monk, mutatis mutandis, (but principally shrinking the Number of the Pigs from thirty to seven, as more mystical) he applies the Apparition to his Purpose. A pretty Parallel, that Pagan-Rome, and Popish Superstition (if Hue-and-cry should be made after them) might be discovered by the same Marks. This gave the first motion to the Foundation of Eovesham Abbey (so called from Eoves aforesaid) first built in that Sow-place.

9. But the Building thereof was hastened by a second,* 6.27 more neat and clean∣ly, Apparition of the Virgin Mary in the same place; who is pretended to have shewed her self, with two Maiden-attendants, to Egwin, Bishop of Worcester, prompting him to expedite a Structure therein.d 6.28 Egwin posts presently to Rome, and makes faith of this Vision to Constantine the Pope; who convinced in his judgement of the truth thereof, dispatcheth his Commands to Bright∣wall, Arch-bishop of Canterbury,* 6.29 to assemble a Synod at Alncester in VVorce∣stershire, to promote the building of an Abbey in that place: which was done accordingly, and the same was bountifully endowed by Offa, and other Mercian Kings, with very large Revenues. And not long after, another Synod (saith my c 6.30 Authour) was called at London, to introduce into England the Doctrine of Image-worship, not heard of before, and now first beginning to appear in the publick practice thereof.

10. Here we expected that Binnius and Baronius, two of the Romish Cham∣pions, should have been both joyfull at and thankfull for this London Synod, in favour of Image-worship, a point so beneficiall to the Popish Coffers. But behold them, contrary to our expectation, sad and sullen; insomuch as they cast away the Credit of this Synod, as of no account, and disdain to accept the same. For, say they, long before, by Augustine the Monk, Worship of Images was introduced into England. But let them shew us when, and where the same was done. We deny not but that Augustine brought in with him, in a Banner, thef 6.31 Image of Christ on the Crosse, very lively depictured; but this makes nothing to the Worshipping thereof. Vast the distance in their own nature, betwixt the Historical Use, and Adoration of Pictures; though, through

humane Corruption,* 6.32 the former, in after-Ages, hath proved introductory to the later. Nor was it probable, that Augustine would deliver Doctrine point-blank against Gregory, that sent him, who most zealouslya 6.33 inveigheth against all Worshipping of Images. Wherefore, let Binnius and Baronius make much of this London-Synod for Image-worship, or else they must be glad to accept of later Councils in England to prove the same, seeing before this time none can be produced tending thereunto.

11. Now also flourished another noble-born Saint,* 6.34 namely Iohn of Bever∣ley, Arch-bishop of York, a Learned man, and who gave theb 6.35 Education to one more learned then himself, I mean, Venerable Bede. Now, though Iohn Baptist didc 6.36 none, yet Iohn of Beverley is said to have done many Miracles. But, did not the Monk over-do, who reports in his Relation, that this Iohn of Beverley, by making the Sign of the Crosse on a Dumb Youth, with a scalled head, not onely restored him to Speech, and an Head of Haire, but Eloquent Discourse, and braved 6.37 Curled Locks? Some yeares before his Death, he quit∣ted his Arch-bishoprick,* 6.38 and retired himself to his Monastery at Beverley, where he died: and which afterwards King Athelstan made (I will not call it a SANCTUARY, because unhallowed with the largenesse of the Liberties allowed thereunto, but) a place of Refuge for Murderers and Malefactours: so that the FREED-STOOL in Beverley, became the Seat of the Scorn∣full; and, such hainous Offenders as could recover the same, did therein secure∣ly desie all Legall Prosecution against them.

12. About this time it grew fashionable with Kings and Queens in En∣gland,* 6.39 to renounce the World, and turn Monks and Nuns, commonly in Convents of their own Foundation. Surely, it is not onely lawfull, but com∣mendable for men to leave the World, before it leaveth them, by being e 6.40 crucified thereunto, and using it as if they used it not: But let others dispute, whether this properly be Renouncing the World, for Christians to bury their Parts and Persons in a Cloister, which, put forth to the Bank, would turn to good Account for Church and Common-wealth. David (I dare say) as holy a man as any of these, lived a King, and died a King: the swaying of his Scep∣tre did not hinder the tuning of his Harp; his Dignity being no Impediment to his Devotion. And whilest these Kings turning Monks, pretended to go out of the World, a world of spirituall Pride and Superstitution went into them, if (as it is too too supicious) they had an high opinion to Merit Heaven there∣by.

13. Amongst the Saxon Princes who thus renounced the World,* 6.41 in this and the next Century, these nine following were the principall.

• 1. Kinigilsus, King of VVest-Saxons.
• 2. Ina, King of VVest-Saxons.
• 3. Ceololfus, King of Northumberland.
• 4. Edbertus, King of Northumberland.
• 5. Ethelredus, King of Mercia.
• 6. Kenredus, King of Mercia.
• 7. Offa, King of East-Saxons.
• 8. Sebbi, King of East-Saxons.
• 9. Sigebertus, King of East-Angles.

Of all whom King Ina was paramount, for his reputed Piety; who account∣ing himself to hold all that he had of God, his Land-Lord in chief, paid not onely a great Fine, but settled a constant Rent on the Church; then accounted the Receiver-general of the God of Heaven. Great Fine; for besides his Bene∣faction to other, he bestowed on the Church of Glassenbury two thousand six hundred fourty poundsf 6.42 weight, in the Utensills thereof, of massie Gold and Silver. So that whiles some admire at his Bounty, why he gave so much; others wonder more at his Wealth, how he got so much; being in that Age wherein such Dearth of Coin, and he (though perchance, the honorary Mo∣narch of England) but the effectuall King of the VVest-Saxons. The constant Rent he settled,* 6.43 where theg 6.44 Peter-pences to the Pope of Rome, to be paid out of

every fire-house in England (a small Summe in the single Drops,* 6.45 but swelling great in the general Chanel) which (saith Polydore Virgil) this King Ina be∣gan in England. I say, Polydore Virgil (and let every Artificer be believed in his own Art) seeing (as he confesseth) this place was his first Preferment in En∣gland, which brought him over to be the Popes Publicane, or Collectour of that Contribution. Afterwards this King went to Rome, & there built a School for the English, and a Church adjoyning unto it, to bury their Dead.

14. But,* 6.46 if my Judgement mistake not,* 6.47 Winnifride, an English-man, was better employed, being busied, about this time, to convert to Christ the Pro∣vinces of Franconia and Hassia in Germany. True it is, the English were indebted to the Dutch, from them formerly deriving their Originall, by Naturall Genera∣tion: and now none will censure them for Incest, if the Son begate his Parents; and this VVinnifride, descended from the Dutch, was an active Instrument of their Regeneration.

15. Now,* 6.48 although many in this Age posted from England to Rome, pos∣sessed with an high opinion of the Holinesse thereof; yet sure I am, one of the best Judgement (namely Venerable Bede) was often sent for by Pope Ser∣gius himself, to come to Rome, yet, for ought we can find, never went thither: which, no doubt, he would not have declined, if sensible of any transcendent Sanctity in that Place, to advantage the Dwellers therein the nearer to Heaven. This Bede was born in the Kingdome of Northumberland, ata 6.49 Girwy [now Yarrow] in the Bishoprick of Durham, brought up by S^t. Cuthbert, and was the profoundest Scholar in his Age, for Latine, Greek, Philosophy, History, Divinity, Mathematicks, Musick, and what not? Homilies of his making were read in his Life-time, in the Christian Churches; a Dignity afforded to him alone. We are much beholding to his Ecclesiasticall History, written by him, and dedicated to Ceolwoolfus King of Northumberland. A worthy Work indeed, though, in some respect, we could heartily wish that his Faith had been lesse, and his Charity more. Faith lesse, in believing and reporting so many prodi∣gious Miracles of the Saxons: except any will say, that this in him was not so much Vitium Hominis, as Seculi. Charity more, I mean to the Britans, being no Friend to them, and over-partial to his own Country-men; slightly, and slenderly touching British matters, onely thereof to make a Pedestall, the more fairly to reare and advance his Saxon History thereupon.

16. Some report that Bede never went out of his Cell,* 6.50 but lived and died therein. If so, the Scholars of Cambridge will be very sory, because thereby deprived of their Honour, by Bede's living once in their University; whose House they still shew, betwixt S^t. Iohn's Colledge and Round-Church, or S^t. Sepulchres. Surely Bede was not fixed to his Cell, as the Cockle to his Shel, seeing no Observance of his Benedictine Order imposed such a Penance upon him. Indeed his own words, in the end of his Book, give some Countenance to their Conjecture of his voluntary Confinement, speaking of himself, Cun∣ctum tempus vitae in ejusdem Monasterii habitatione peragens. But his Expres∣sion imports onely his generall Residence therein, that he was no Gadder abroad, or Discontinuer from his Convent, for a long time; though he might for some short space make his Abode elsewhere. Thus, when of the Prophe∣tesse it is said,b 6.51 that she departed not from the Temple: we understand it not so, as if she never went out thereof; but that for the main, she spent the most of her time therein.

17. He is generally surnamed Venerable,* 6.52 but why, Authours differ therein. Some say, a Dunce-Monk, being to make his Epitaph, was non-pluss'd to make that Dactyle, which is onely of the Quorum in the Hexameter, and therefore at Night left the Verse thus gaping,

Hic sunt in fossa Bedae—ossa.

till he had consulted with his Pillow, to fill up the Hiatus. But returning in the morning, an Angel (we have often heard of their Singing, see now of their

Poetry),* 6.53 had filled up the Chasma with Venerabilis. Others, disclaiming this Conceit, assign this Reason: Because Bede's Homilies were (as aforesaid) read in alla 6.54 Churches in his Life-time; plain Bede was conceived too little, and S^t. Bede too much; because, according to Popish; (but not S^t. Paul's) Prin∣ciples, Saint is too much Flattery to be given to any whilest alive; Solon allowing none happy, and this mine Authour none, in this degree, holy, be∣fore their Death. Wherefore Venerable was found out as an Expedient to ac∣commodate the Difference, luckily hitting the Mark, as a Title neither too high, nor too low; just even to so good a man, and great a Scholar, whilest alive. This is observable in all those who have written the Life of Bede; that, whereas such Saxon-Saints, as had not the tenth of his Sanctity, nor hundredth part of his Learning, are said to have wrought Miracles ad Lectoris nauseam; not one single Miracle is reported to have been done by Bede. Whereof (under favour) I conceive this the Reason: Monks, who wrote the Lives of many of their Saints, knew little more of many of them then their bare Names, and Times wherein they lived; which made them Historiae vacua miraculis sup∣plere, to plump up the Hollownesse of their History with improbable Mi∣racles, swelling the Bowells of their Books with empty Wind, in default of sufficient solid Food to fill them. Whereas Bede's Life affording plenty and variety of reall and effectuall Matter, the Writer thereof (why should a Rich man be a Thief, or Lyar?) had no Temptation (I am sure no Need) to farse his book with fond Miracles, who might rather leave, then lack of materiall Passages therein.

18. One of the last things he did,* 6.55 was the translating of the Gospel of S^t. Iohn into English.* 6.56 When Death seised on him, one of his devout Scholars, whom he used for his Secretary, or Amanuensis, complained, My beloved Master, there remains yet one Sentence unwritten. Write it then quickly, replied Bede: and summoning all his spirits together (like the last Blaze of a Candle going out) he indited it, and expired. Thus Gods Children are immortall, whiles their Father hath any thing for them to do on Earth; and Death, that Beast, cannot overcome and kill them, till first they haveb 6.57 finished their Testimony: which done, like Silk-worms, they willingly die, when their Web is ended, and are comfortably entombed in their own Endeavours. Nor have I ought else to observe of Bede, save onely this; A forreign Embassadour, some two hundred yeares since, coming to Durham, addressed himself first to the high and sum∣ptuous Shrine of S^t. Cuthbert, If thou beest a Saint, pray for me: then coming to the plain, low, and little Tombe of Bede, Because (said he) thou art a Saint, good Bede, pray for me.

19. Now began the Saxons to be infected with an universall Vitiousnesse.* 6.58 The cause whereof was;* 6.59 Ethelbald, King of Mercia, contemned Marriage: and though Abstinence from it in some cases may be commendable, the Contempt thereof alwayes is dangerous, yea damnable; as it proved in him. For, his un∣lawfull Lust made no difference of Places, or Persons. Castles, or Cloisters; com∣mon-Kerchief, or Nuns-vaile; all came alike to him. But, oh the legislative power which is in a great Prince his Example. His Subjects presumed, they might not onely impune, but legitime, follow his Precedent; which made the Land swarm with Wickednesse.

20. This caused the Letter of Boniface, Arch-bishop of Ments an English-man born,* 6.60 and lately very eminent for converting the Germans to Christianity) to King Ethelbald; wherein he observed the prudent method of S^t. Paul to thec 6.61 Corinthians. As the Apostle first commended them, I praise you, Brethren, that you remember me in all things, &c. so he began with a large Encomium of King Ethelbald his Charity, and bountifull Almes-giving. Hence seasonably he descended to his Faults; shall I praise you in this? I praise you not; and soundly and roundly told him of his notorious Incontinency; proving, both by Scri∣pture, and Reason, the Hainousnesse of that Sin, and heavy Iudgements of

God upon it. In fine,* 6.62 this wrought so farre on the King's good Nature, that he not onely reformed himself, but, with Cuthbert Arch-bishop of Canterbury, called a solemn Synod at Cloves-Ho, or Clives-at-Ho, for the Reformation of others.

21. But where this Cloves-Ho should be,* 6.63 Authours make much Inquiry. It is generally conceived the same with Cliff, near Gravesend, in Kent. Though a learneda 6.64 Authour will hardly consent thereunto; and his Intimations to the contrary are of no great Validity. For, whereas he alledgeth that this Cliff is in Kent, whilest Ethelbald, who called this Synod, was King of Mercia; He minded not mean time (what, no doubt, he knew well) that this Ethelbald is stiled in theb 6.65 Letter of Boniface Arch-bishop of Ments unto him, Inclyta An∣glorum Imperii sceptra gubernans, Ruling the famous Sceptre of the English Em∣pire. And whereas he objecteth, the Site of that place inconvenient for such an Assembly; It seems fit enough (though confessed dirty in Winter, and un∣healthy at all times) for the Vicinity thereof to London and Canterbury, the residing places of the King and Arch-bishop, the two Persons in this Synod most concerned. Nor doth the modern Meanness of the place make any thing against it; it might be a Gallant in that Age, which is a Beggar now-a-dayes. And though, we confesse, there be many Cliffs in the In-land Shires (properly belonging to Mercia;) yet the addition of Ho, or Haw, speaketh the maritime positure thereof. So that Clives-Ho,c 6.66 or Haw, seems to be a Cliff near the Sea, well agreeing to the Situation of Cliff in Kent aforesaid.

22. But the Acts of this Synod are more certain, then the Place thereof, being (generally accounted) one and thirty Canons (although some small Va∣riation in their Number, and Order) all extant at large ind 6.67 Malmesbury; and of which we take notice of these four, as of most Concernment;

1. That the Priestse 6.68 learn, and teach to know the Creed, Lords Prayer, and words of Consecration in the Masse [or Eucharist] in the English tongue. It seems, Learning then ran low, that the Priests themselves had need to learn them: yet Ignorance was not then so high, but that the people were permitted to be taught them.

2. That the Lords Day be honourably observed. We understand it not so, as if the Sanctity of that Day depended onely upon Ecclesiasticall Con∣stitutions; or, that the Command thereof in Scripture is so infirm, in point of right to oblige mens Consciences, that it needs the title of mans Power, ad corroborandum: Onely, Humane Authority was here cast in as over-weight, for the better Observation of the day. Carnalmen being more affected, and affrighted with Corporal Penalties of mans inflicting (as nearer unto them,) then with Eternal Punishments, which Divine Iustice, at distance, denounceth against them.

3. That the sin of Drunkennesse be avoided, especially in the Clergy. Indeed it was high-time to suppresse that Sin, which was grown so rife, that (as Boniface, Arch-bishop of Ments, doth observe in his Letter tof 6.69 Cuth∣bert, Arch-bishop of Canterbury) the English Bishops were so farre from punishing it, that they were guilty of the same. Moreover he ad∣deth, Ebrietas speciale malum nostrae Gentis: hoc nec Franci, nec Galli, nec Longobardi, nec Romani, nec Graeci faciunt; Drunkennesse is a speciall Evill of our Nation (namely of the Saxons, of which Country this Boni∣face was a Native) for neither Franks, nor Gauls, nor Lombards, nor Romans, nor Greeks (understand him, anciently, for we know the mo∣dern Proverb, of a merry Greek) are guilty thereof.

4. That Prayers be publickly made for Kings and Princes. An excellent Canon indeed, because Canonicall Scripture, and long before made byg 6.70 S^t. Paul himself; I exhort therefore, that Supplications be made for all men, for Kings, &c.

This Synod being finished,* 6.71 with the Royall Assent, & all the Bishops their Sub∣scriptions thereunto; Cuthbert, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, with wonderfull Ce∣lerity, returned the Canons concluded therein, by Rinebert his Deacon, to Boni∣face Arch-bishop of Ments, who was affected with great Joy at the sight thereof.

23. At this time flourished Egbert, Arch-bishop of York,* 6.72 famous in his Generation for, First his Royall Extraction, being Brother to Eadbert, King of Northumberland; both of them lovingly lying buried together, in the Porch of the Church of York. For in that Age, the greatest Princes and Prelates their Corpses came no nearer then the Church-Porch, and (as I may say) onely knoc∣ked at the Church-Doors; though, in after-Ages the Bodies of Meaner per∣sons were admitted into the Church, and buried therein. Secondly, for his procuring the Archiepiscopal Pall to his See. For after the Departure, or ra∣ther the Banishment of Paulinus from York, his Successours were content with the plain Title of Bishop, untill this Egbert (to do something extraordinary, proportionable to his Princely Extraction) procured the Restitution of his Pall, which ipso facto re-advanced his Church into an Arch-bishoprick. Thirdly, for furnishing the same with a plentifull Library, highly commended by Alcuinus, in his Epistle to Charles the Great, wishing France had the like; which though exceeding England in Paper, till of late years, ever came short of it in Books. Fourthly,* 6.73 for his Canons, for the regulating of his Province. Whereof one sort is called, Egbert hisa 6.74 Excerptions out of Fathers, and is generally good: the other intituled, Canons for the remedie of Sin, and are fraught with abundance of abominable Beastlinesse, and Superstition.

24. I will give the Reader onely a Taste (or rather a Distasie) of these Ca∣nons, by which he may guesse the rest. If a Lay-man hath carnal knowledge of a Nun, let him doe Penance for two yeares &c. she three. If a Child be begotten be∣twixt them, then four yeares: if they kill it, then seven yearesb 6.75 Penance. Penance also is provided for Bestiality, and Sodomie, in the same Canons. Thus, where God in Scripture denounceth Death,c 6.76 Whoso sheddeth mans Bloud, by man shall his bloud be shed; they now changed it into Penance, and in after-Ages commuted that Penance into Money; so by degrees making the word of God of none effect, by their paltry Canons. See we here also, how forced Virgi∣nity was the Mother of much Uncleannesse; it being appliable to them, what the Apostle speaketh of others:d 6.77 It is a shame even to speak of those things, which are done of them in secret. And one may justly admire how these Ca∣nonists, being pretended Virgins, could arrive at the knowledge of the Criti∣cismes of all Obscenity; so that chast Love may lye seven and seven yeares in the undefiled Marriage bed, and be utterly ignorant what the Language of Lust meaneth in such filthy Canons. Yea, when such Love, by the help of an Inter∣preter, shall understand the same, it would blush for Shame; were it not that that Red would be turned into Palenesse, as amazed at so horrid Uncleanness.

25. Some five yeares after,* 6.78 Kenulphus,* 6.79 King of West-Saxons, conferred large Priviledges on the Monastery of Abbington. We will recite so much of his e 6.80 Charter, as concerns us, because usefull to shew the Power which Kings in that Age had in Ecclesiasticall Matters.

Kenulphus, Rex, &c: per liter as suas patentes, consilio & consensu Episcopo∣rum, & Senatorum gentis suae, largi∣tus fuit Monasterio de Abbindon in Comitatu Barke, ac cuidam Richino tunc Abbati Monasterii &c. quan∣dam ruris sui portionem, id est, quin∣decim Mansias in loco, qui à ruricolis tunc nuncupabatur Culnam, cum o∣mnibus utilitatibus ad eandem per∣tinentibus, tam in magnis, quam in

modicis rebus, in aeternam haeredita∣tem. Et, quod praedictus Richinus, &c. ab omni Episcopali jure in sempiter∣num esset quietus, ut inhabitatores ejus nullius Episcopi, aut suorum Officia∣lium jugo inde deprimantur; sed in cunctis rerum eventibus, & discus∣sionibus causarum, Abbatis Monaste∣rii praedicti decreto subjiciantur. Ita quod, &c.

Kenulphus, King, &c. by his Letters Patents, with the advice and consent of the Bishops, and Counsellours of His Country, hath given to the Monastery of Abbindon in the County of Barks, and to one Richine then Abbot of the Monastery, &c. a certain portion of his land, that is to say, fifteen Mansions, in a place which then of the Inhabitants was called Culnam, with all Profits to the same belonging, as well in great, as

mean matters,* 6.81 as an inheritance fore∣ver. And, that the aforesaid Richine, &c. should be for ever acquit from all Epi∣scopal jurisdiction, that the Inhabitants thereof be thenceforth oppressed with the yoke of no Bishop, or his Officials; but in all events of matters, and discus∣sions of causes, they be subject to the decree of the Abbot of the aforesaid Monastery. So that, &c.

From this Charter, S^t. Edwarda 6.82 Cook the Kings Attorney inferreth, that King Kenulphus had Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction in himself, in that he had power to discharge and exempt this Abbot from the Iurisdiction of the Bishop. Which Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction was alwayes invested in the Imperiall Crown of En∣gland: and therefore the Statute made under Henry the eighth, concerning the Kings Spirituall Authority, was not introductory of a new Law, but declaratory onely of an old.

26. But Father Parsons (for he it is who stands under the Vizard of the Catholick Divine,* 6.83 in a Book wrote of set purpose against Master Attorney, in this point) will by no means allow King Kenulphus any Ecclesiasticall Power; but by many Fetches seeks to evade so pregnant a Proof.

Arg. 1. First heb 6.84 pleadeth, that in this Charter, Kenulphus did not exempt the Abbot from all Iurisdiction Spirituall of the Bishop, but from some Tem∣porall Interest, or Pretense, which, perhaps, the Bishop of the Diocese clai∣med over the Lordship of Culnam.

Answ. Perhaps (commend not his Modesty, but thank his Guiltinesse, for his timorous Assertion) saith he: but, how doth this appeare? for he bringeth no proof: and, if he affirmeth it on free cost, we can con∣fute it as cheap, by denying it.

Arg. 2. Secondly, saith he, the King exempted the Abbot, ab omni Episcopali jure, that is, from all Right of the Bishop, and not Iurisdiction.

Answ. Sharp Wit, to cut so small a Mote in two parts, for no purpose; seeing, jus and Iurisdiction are often known to import the same sense.

Arg. 3. Thirdly, he objecteth, the words no way seem fitly to agree to be spoken of the Bishops Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction, which run thus, That the Abbot should be quiet from the Bishops Right, and that the Inhabitants from thenceforward should not be oppressed by the Yoke of the Bishops of∣ficers.

Answ. Why? what Incongruity, but that these words may be spoken, as they are, of Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction? Is the word Yoke too course a Phrase to be applied to the Bishops Spirituall Power, as they some∣times did manage it? I appeale to those who felt it: for no Yoke is heavy to him that puts it on, but to those who bear it. Mark by the way, the word he rendereth Officers, is in the Charter (not Officiarii, Lay-Latine, but) Officiales, which is Church-language, and the very dialect of the Court-Christian, and should be translated Officials, to whom Bishops committed their Spirituall Power. But Parsons knew well how to lay his Thumb on what he would not have seen.

Arg. 4. Fourthly, Howsoever it were, it is manifestly false, saith he, that this Ec∣clesiasticall Iurisdiction of King Kenulphus was derived from his Crown; it might be, he had it from the Pope, which is most likely.

Answ. Which is most unlikely; for no Clause in the Charter relates to any delegate power; and yet such a Passage might easily have been inser∣ted, yea, could not justly have been omitted, if he had claimed his Iuris∣diction by Deputation from the Pope.

Arg. 5. Lastly, (which, he saith, seemeth to convince the whole matter, and decide the very Case) onea 6.85 Rethurus, Abbot of Abbington, went afterwards to Rome, to obtain confirmation of the Priviledges of his Monastery from the See Apostolick.

Answ. What of this? This post-fact of Rethurus argues no Invalidity in Kenulphus his former Grant, but rather shews the over-Officiousnesse of a pragmaticall Abbot, who, to ingratiate himself with the Pope, craved of him what he had before. Yea, such cunning▪ Compliance of the Clergy with his Holinesse, by degrees fixed in him a supposed Ec∣clesiasticall Power paramount, which really he never had, nor rightly ever ought to have.

See here the King's Power in Church-matters, in conferring Ecclesiasticall Priviledges; and this single Threed we will twist with another Instance, so strong, that the Iesuites Art shall be unable to break it in sunder.

27. By the Constitution of Augustine,* 6.86 first Arch-bishop of Canterbury,* 6.87 confirmed by the authority of Gregory the Great, Bishop of Rome, it was de∣creed, that no Corpse, either of Prince or Prelate, should be buried within the Walls of a City, but onely in the Suburbs thereof; and that alone in the Porch of the Church, and not in the Body. Now Cuthbert, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, having built Christ-Church therein, was desirous to adorn it with the Corpses of great Persons, therein afterwards to be interred. In pursuance of this his Design, he durst not adventure on this Innovation by his own Power, nor did he make his applications to the Pope of Rome (as most proper to repeal that Act, which the See Apostolick had decreed) but onely addres∣seth himself to Eadbert, King of Kent, and from him, partim precario, partim etiam pretio, partly praying, partly paying for it, saith myb 6.88 Authour, obtained his Request. Behold here an ancient Church-Canon recalled at the Suit of an Arch-bishop, by the Authority of a King. This Cuthbert afterwards handselled Christ-Church with his own Corpse; whose Predecessours were all buried in S^t. Augustines, without the Walls of Canterbury. Thus began Corpses to be buried in the Churches, which by degrees brought in much Superstition; especial∣ly after degrees of inherent Sanctity were erroneously fixed in the severall parts thereof: the Porch saying to the Church-yard, the Church to the Porch, the Chancel to the Church, the East-end to all, Stand farther off, for I am holier then you. And, as if the Steps to the High Altar, were the Stairs to Heaven, their Souls were conceived in a nearer degree to Happinesse, whose Bodies were mounted there to be interred.

28. About this time the Bill of fare of Monks was bettered generally in England,* 6.89 and more liberty indulged in their Diet. It was first occasioned some twenty yeares since, when Ceolwolphus, formerly King of Northumberland, but then a Monk in the Convent of Lindisfern, or Holy Island,c 6.90 gave leave to that Convent to drink Ale and Wine, anciently confined by Aidan, their first Foun∣der, to Milk and Water. Let others dispute, whether Ceolwolphus thus dispen∣sed with them by his new Abbatical, or old Regal Power; which he so resigned, that in some cases he might resume it, especially to be King in his own Convent. And indeed, the cold, raw, and bleak Situation of that place, with many bitter Blasts from the Sea, and no Shelter on the Land, speaks it self to each Inhabi∣tant there,d 6.91 Drink no longer VVater, but use a little VVine for thy Stomacks sake, and thine often Infirmities. However, this locall Priviledge, first justly indulged to the Monks of Lindisfern,* 6.92 was about this time extended to all the Monasteries of England; whose primitive over-Austerity in Abstinence was turned now into a Self-sufficiency, that soon improved into Plenty, that quickly depraved into Riot, and that at last occasioned their Ruine.

29. This Year the English have cause to write with Sable letters in their Almanack,* 6.93 on this sad Occasion,* 6.94 that therein the Danes first invaded England

with a considerable Army.* 6.95 Severall Reasons are assigned for their coming hither, to revenge themselves for some pretended Injuries; though the true Reason was, because England was richer and roomthyer then their own Countrey.

30. It is admirable to consider what Sholes of people were formerly vented out of Cimbrica Chersonesus,* 6.96 take it in the largesta 6.97 extent for Denmark, Norway and Swedeland, who by the terrible Names of Gothes, Ostro-Gothes, Vi••i-Gothes, Huns, Vandals, Danes, Nortmans, overranne the fairest and fruitfullest parts of Christendome; whereas now, though for these last three hundred yeares (the Swedish Warres in Germany excepted) that Countrey hath sent forth no visible Numbers of People, and yet is very thinly inhabited, so that one may travell some hundreds of Miles therein through mere Desarts, every man whom he meeteth having a Phoenix in his right hand. Yea, so few the Natives, that some of their Garrisons are manned with Forreigners, and their Kings sain to enter∣tain mercenary Dutch and Scotch to manage their Warres.

31. Strange,* 6.98 that this Countrey, formerly all on the giving, should now be onely on the taking hand. Someb 6.99 impute their modern comparative Barren∣nesse to their excessive Drinking (a Vice belike which lately hath infected that Nation) drinking themselves past Goats into Stocks, out of Wantonnesse into Stupidity, which by a contracted Habit debilitateth their former Fruitfulnesse. Others, morec 6.100 truely, ascribe their former Fruitfulnesse to their promiscuous Copulations with Women during their Paganisme, which are not so numerous since Christianity hath confined them to the Marriage of one VVife.

32. If I might speak according to my own Profession of a Divine (soaring over Second Causes in Nature) I should ascribe their ancient Populousnesse to Divine Operation.* 6.101 As the Widow her Oyle multiplyed till her Debts were satisfied, and that effected for which the Miracle was intended, which done, the Increase thereof instantly ceased: So these Northern Parts flowed with Crouds of People, till their Inundations had payed the Scores of sinfull Chri∣stians, and then (the Birch growing no more, when the wanton Children were sufficiently whipped) the Procreativenesse of those Nations presently stinted and abated.

33. The Landing of these Danes in England was ushered with many sad Prognosticks:* 6.102d 6.103 Starres were seen strangely falling from Heaven, and sundry ter∣rible Flames appeared in the Skies. From the firing of such extraordinary Bea∣cons, all concluded some new Enemie was approaching the Nation. Serpents were seen in Sussex, and Bloud reigned in some parts of the Land. Lindes∣fern or Holy Island was the first that felt the Fury of these Pagans, but soon after no place was safe and secure from their Cruelty; whereof more hereafter.

34. At this time the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury was in part removed to Lichfield,* 6.104 five essentiall things concurring to that great Alteration.* 6.105

1. The Puissance and Ambition of Offa, King of Mercia, commanding in Chief over England. He would have the brightest Mitre to attend the biggest Crown.

2. The complying nature of Pope Adrian: except any will call it his Thank∣fulnesse, to gratifie King Offa, for the large Gifts received from him.

3. The easy and unactive Disposition of Iambert (or Lambert) Arch-bishop of Canterbury: unlesse any will term it his Policy, that finding himself un∣able to resist (a Pope and a Prince over-match for a Prelate) he would not strive to keep what must be taken away from him.

4. The commodious Situation of Lichfield, almost in the Navell of the Land: and where should the highest Candlestick stand (the Metropolitan Cathedrall) but in the middest of the Table? whereas Kent it self was but a Corner (whence it taketh it's Name) and Canterbury seated in the Corner of that Corner, a remote Nook thereof.

5. The Antiquity of Lichfield in Christianity,* 6.106 where the British Church suf∣fered a Massacrea 6.107 from the Pagans three hundred yeares before S^t. Au∣gustine's coming to Canterbury; witnesse the name of the place, being another Helkath-hazzurim,b 6.108 or Field of strong men, where so many VVor∣thies died for the Testimony of the Truth.

On these and other considerations, Aldulph was made the first (and last) Arch-bishop of Lichfield (though others make Humbert and Higbert his Successours in that Dignity) and six Suffraganes (viz. VVorcester, Hereford, Leicester, Sidna∣cester, Helmbam, and Dunwich,) subjected to his Jurisdiction. Yet was not the Archiepiscopall See removed (as some seem to conceive) but communicated to Lichfield: Canterbury still retaining it's former Dignity, and part of it's Province; the Bishops of London, Rochester, VVinchester, and Sarisbury continuing still sub∣ject unto him.

35. King Offa having settled an Arch-bishoprick at Lichfield, his next Design was to enshrine the Corps of S^t.* 6.109 Alban: fivec 6.110 hundred and seven years had passed since his Death and plain Buriall. For as Iohn Baptist, the last Martyr before Christ, and S^t. Steven, the first Martyr after him, were fairly interred by their Friends and Followers, without any more adoe: so the Corps of S^t. Alban were quietly committed to the Earth, and there some Centuries of yeares peace∣ably reposed. But now Offa, they say, was admonished in a Vision, to bestow more publick Sepulture upon him. A Starre, we know, directed to the place of Christ's Birth, whereas a brightd 6.111 Beam (say the Monks) discovered the place of S^t. Alban's Buriall. A Beam suspected by some shot by him, who can turn him∣self into an Angell of Light, because gaining so much by their Superstition. Then was Alban's Body in pompous manner taken up, enshrined, and adored by the Beholders. No wonder then if the Danes now invaded the Dominious of the En∣glish, seeing the English invaded the Prerogative of God, diverting the Worship due to him alone, to the rotten Relicks of Dead men: And henceforth the old Romans City of Verulam, lost it's Name under the new Saxon Town of S^t. Albans.

36. King Offa went to Rome,* 6.112 and there confirmed and enlarged to Pope Adrian the Gift of Peter-pence,* 6.113 what Ina King of the VVest-Saxons had former∣ly bestowed. For this Favour the Pope granted him, that no Englishman for Penance imposed should be banished out of his own Countrey.

37 But bold Beggars are the Bane of the best Bounty,* 6.114 when grown so im∣pudent, that what at first was given them for Almes, in processe of time they chal∣lenge for Rent. Some call this a Tribute (Badge of Subjection) of England to the See of Rome; among whom is Polydore Virgil, once Collectour of those Peter-pence in England. But blame him not for magnifying his own Office; who, had be owned this Money (as indeed it was) given in frank-Almonage, had then ap∣peared no better then a gentle Beggar, whereas now he hopes to advance his Employment to a nobler Notion.

38. Offa having done all his work at Rome,* 6.115 namely procured the Canoniza∣tion of S^t. Alban,* 6.116 the Absolution of his own Sins and many Murders, and visited and endowed the English Colledge there; returned home, fell to found the Mona∣stery of S^t. Albans, bestowing great Lands and Liberties upon it; as freeing it from the Payment of Peter-pence, Episcopall Iurisdiction, and the like. This is alleadged and urged by our Regians, to prove the Kings Paramount Power in Ecclesiasticis; seeing none can give, save what they are formally or eminently possessed of. And whereas Papists plead that Offa had fore-requested the gran∣ting of these Priviledges from the Pope; no mention at all thereof appears in the Chartere 6.117 of his Foundation (here too large to insert) but that all was done by his own absolute Authority. Next year Offa ended his Life; buried at Bedford, on that Token that the River Ouse swelling on a suddain swept his Corps clean away.

* 6.118

39. Offa being dead,* 6.119 down fell the best Pillar of Lichfield Church, to support

the Archiepiscopality thereof.* 6.120 And now Canterbury had got Athelard a new Arch-bishop,* 6.121 who had as mcuh Activity to spare, as his Predecessour Iambert is said by some to want. Wherefore he prevailed with Kenulph King of Mercia, and both of them with Leo the new Pope, to restore back the Archiepisco∣pall See to Canterbury; as in the next Century was perfectly effected.

40. We will conclude this Century with two eminent men (to leave at last a good Rellish in the memory of the Reader) now flourishing therein.* 6.122 The one Alcuinus, or Albinus: it being questionable whether he were more famous for Venerable Bede, who was his Master, or Charles the Great, who was his Scholar; whilest it is out of doubt that he is most honoured for his own Learning and Re∣ligion. And because English-men may be presumed partiall in the praise of an English-man; hear what a Character a learneda 6.123 Forreigner gives of him: Vir in divinis scriptis eruditissimus, & in saecularium literarum peritia nulli suotem∣pore secundus, Carmine excellens & Prosa. But he got himself the greatest credit by opposing the Canons of the second Nicene Council,b 6.124 wherein the superstitious Adoration of Images was enjoyned. These Canons, some seven years since, were sent by Charles the Great to King Offa, to be received of the English; who not∣withstanding generally distasted and rejected them, the aforesaid Alcuinus wri∣ting a learned Epistle against the same. He was fetcht by Charles his Scholar, cal∣ling him his Delicious Master; where he first founded the Vniversity of Paris, and died Abbot of S^t. Martins in Tours.

41. The other was Egbert,* 6.125 who in this very year made himself sole Monarch of England.* 6.126 True it is,* 6.127 in the Saxon Heptarchy there was generally one who out-powered all the rest. But such Monarchy was desultory and moveable, some∣times the West-Saxon, sometimes the Mercian, sometimes the Northumberland King ruled over the rest. But henceforward Egbert fixed the supreme Sove∣raignty in himself and his Posterity: for though afterwards there continued some other Petty Kings, as Kenulph King of Mer••ia, &c. yet they shined but dimly (as the Moon when the Sun is risen) and in the next Age were utterly extinguished. So that hereafter we shall double our Files, and for the better regu∣lating of time, next the Columne of the year of our Lord, adde another of the Reign of our English Kings.

THE NINTH CENTURY.* 6.128* 6.129

To M^r. William and M^r. Robert Christmas, Merchants of London.

YOu are both Brethren by Birth, and by your joynt Bounty on my Endeavours. It is therefore pitty to part you. May no other Difference be in your Hearts, then vvhat Herauldry allovves in your Armes, onely to distinguish the Age of the Elder from the Younger; that so the Memory of your happy Father may survive in you his hopefull Children.

1. THen Kenulph,* 7.1 King of Mercia,* 7.2 sent a Letter to Leo the third,* 7.3 Pope, by Aethelard the Arch-bishop, to this effect: That whereas the Metropolitan Seat by Au∣thority Apostolick was primitively fixed at Canter∣bury, where the blessed Body of Augustine was bu∣ried; and whereas lately King Offa, out of Opposi∣tion to Arch-bishop Lambert, had removed the same Seat to Lichfield, and procured from Pope Adrian the same Translation to be confirmed: Kenulpha 7.4 re∣quested his Holinesse so farre to concurre with the generall Desire of the English Nation, as to revoke the Act of his Predecessour, and restore the Arch-bishop∣rick to it's proper place. And knowing that Sutes in the Court of Rome speed no whit the lesse, when accompanied with Gifts, he sent his Holinesse 120. b 7.5 Mancuses for a Present. The Gift was kindly accepted, the Arch-bishop courteously entertained, the Request bountifully granted; and thus the Arch-bishops See dislocated, or out of joynt, for a time, was by the hands of his Holi∣nesse set right again.

2. Aethelard returning home,* 7.6 called a Synod at Clives-Ho,* 7.7 (in Kent, not farre from Rochester) where by Power from the Pope, he riveted the Arch-bishoprick into the City of Canterbury, the Synod denouncing heavy Penalties to any that hereafter should endeavour to divide them: so that it is believed, that the Arch-bishops See may as easily be wholly dissolved, as hence removed. The Subscriptions in this Council were the most formall and solemn of any so ancient. The Reader will not be offended with their hardc 7.8 Names here following, seeing his Eye may run them over in perusing them, though his Tongue never touch them in pronouncing them.

Diocese	Bishops	Abbots	Presbyters	Deacons
Canterbury	Aethelard, Arch.	Aethilheah Feologeld	Wulfheard VVernoth Beornmod	Vulfraed, Arch.
Lichfield	Aldulf	Higherth	Lulls Monn VVigfreth Eadhere Cuthberth	00000000
Leicester	Werenberth	Falmund, Pr. Beomia, Pr. Forthrod, Pr. Wigmund, Pr.	Eadberth	00000000
Sydnacester	Eadulf	Eadred, Pr. Daeghelm, Pr.	Plegberth Eadulf Hereberth	00000000
Worcester	Daenebreth	Higberth Thineferth Pega Freotho∣mund, Pr.	Coenferth	00000000
Hereford	Vulfheard	Cuthraed	Srygol Dygoga Monn.	Heathobald
Shireburn	VVigberth	Muda Eadberth Beorthmund	000000	00000000
Winchester	Almund	Cuthberth Mark Cumba Lulla	Northeard Vngthe	00000000
Helmham	Ealheard	000000000	Folcberth Frithoberth Eadberth Vulflab	Hunfride
Dunwich	Fidsrith	Vulfheard Lulla	Ceolhelm Cynulfe Tydberth	Eadberth
London	Osmond	Heahstan Plegberth	VVigheard Tidhun Frithorad Ethelhelme	00000000
Rochester	VVaermund	00000000	Lullingo Tuda Beagnoth Heathoberth VVigheard	00000000
Selsey	VVeothun	Ceolmund	Duud Eadberth Beorcol Hethfridea 7.9 Cynebald	00000000
Arch-Bishop 1	Presbyters 39	82 in all.
Bishops 12	Archdeacon 1
Abbots 26	Deacons 3

3. Now, to make a short, but necessary Digression,* 7.10 in this Synod we may observe, That Bishops appeared personally, and the rest of the Clergy were re∣presented, Monks in their Abbots, and the Seculars in the Priests and Deacons of their Diocese respectively. Such Abbots as in this Catalogue have the addi∣tion of Pr. were also Priests, and so present in a double Capacity; though per∣chance they made onely use of their Abbotship. No Deans appear here, as a Dignity of farre later Institution. The Bishops, in the order of their Sub∣scriptions, seem to observe Seniority of their Consecrations, and not Dignity of their Bishopricks; seeing London lags one of the last, to which our Church. a 7.11 Heraulds did afterwards assign the highest place, next the Arch-bishops: onely Lichfield may seem to have had the Preccedency, by the Courtesie of the Synod, that the lost Dignity thereof might be buried in Honour, being so lately the Seat of an Arch-bishop. Lastly, this was but a Provinciall Council for Canter∣bury alone, York with his two Suffragans (Lindisfern and Hexham) not mentio∣ned in the meeting. Thus, as the Anatomie of a little Child, representing all Parts thereof, is accounted a greater Rarity, then the Sceleton of a man of full Statute: so I conceive it more acceptable to the studious in Antiquity, to behold the Form of these Synods, with the distinct Members thereof, in the Infancy of the Saxon Church, then to see a compleat Council in after-Ages, when grown to full Perfection.

4. Passe we by some Petty Synods celebrated in the Reign and Countrey of King Kenulph of Mercia.* 7.12 Eminent was the Council at Celichyth under VVolfred (who succeeded Aethelard) Arch-bishop of Canterbury.* 7.13 Wherein,* 7.14 amongst other things slight or superstitious, was decreed,

1. That the Catholick Faith should be kept, and ancient Canons observed.

2. Thatb 7.15 new Churches should be consecrated with Holy-water by their Bi∣shops, and the Saint somewhere painted therein to whom the same is dedicated.

3. That all in Christian Charity mutually love one another.

4. That Abbots and Abbesses be blamelesse persons, chosen by the Bishop with the consent of the Convent.

5. That no Scotch-man baptize, or administer the Eucharist in England; it being uncertain, whether, or by whom they are ordained. [We may discover herein some remaining Dreggs of the long-lasting Diffe∣rence about the Celebration of Easter, which made the suspicious English still to harbour a causelesse prejudice against the Scotch Priesthood.]

6. That the judiciall Sentences of Bishops in former Synods remain rati∣fied; as also all their Acts solemnly signed with the Crosse

7. That no Abbey-lands be leased out longer then, in dies, & spatium unius hominis, that is (as I take it) for the single life of one man; except in some case of Extremity; to help against Famine, Invasion of Foes, or for obtaining of Freedome.

8. That things dedicated to God remain so for ever.

9. That the Acts of all Synods be fairly written out, with the Date thereof, and name of the Arch-bishop President, and Bishops present thereat.

10. That Bishops at their death give the full Tithe of their Goods to the Poor, and set free every English-man which in their life-time was a Slave unto them.

11. That Bishops invade not the Diocese prists the Parish, neither the Office of another; save onely when desired to baptize, or visit the Sick. The Re∣fusers whereof in any place are to be suspended their Ministery, till re∣conciled to the Bishop.

12. That they pour not water upon the Heads of Infants, but immerge them in the Font, in imitation of Christ, who (say they) was thricec 7.16 so washed in Iordan.

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But where is this in Scripture?* 7.17 The manifestation indeed of the Trinity plainly appears in thea 7.18 Text;* 7.19 Father in the Voice, Son personally present, Holy Spirit in the Dove; but as for thrice washing him, altum silentium. However, see how our modern Sectaries meet Popery in shunning it, requiring the person to be plunged; though Criticks have cleared it, that Baptize doth import as well Dipping, as Drenching in water.

5. And now we take our farewell of King Kenulph,* 7.20 who, for all his great Bustling in Church-matters for the first twenty yeares in this Century, was (as genus subalternum amongst the Logitians) a King over his Subjects, yet but a Subject to King Egbert,* 7.21 who now at Winchester was solemnly crowned Mo∣narch of the Southern and greater Moiety of this Island,* 7.22 enjoyning all the people therein to term it Engelond, (since England) that so the petty Names of seven for∣mer distinct Kingdomes might be honourably buried in that general Appellation.

6 Some will wonder,* 7.23 seeing this Narion was compounded of Saxons, Iuites, and Angles, why it should not rather be denominated of the first, as in Number greatest, and highest in Reputation. Such consider not that a Grand Continent in Germany was already named Saxony; and it was not handsome for this Land to wear a Name at second hand belonging to another. Besides, England is a name of Credit, importing in Dutch the same with the Land ofb 7.24 Angels. And now the Name stamped with the Kings Command soon became currant, and extin∣guished all the rest. For Kent, Essex, Sussex, Northumberland (though remain∣ing in common Discourse) shrunk from former Kingdomes into modern Coun∣ties: VVestsex, Mercia, and East-Angles were in effect finally forgotten. It will not be amisse to wish that seeing so great a Tract of Ground meets in one Name, the People thereof may agree in Christian Vnity and Affections.

7. King Egbert was now in the Exaltation of his Greatnesse.* 7.25 But never will humane Happinesse hold out full Measure to mans Desire. Freed from home∣bred Hostility, he was ready to repose himself in the Bed of Ease and Honour; when the Danes not onely jogged his Elbows, but pinched his Sides, to the dis∣turbance of his future Quiet.* 7.26 They beat the English in a Navall Fight at Car∣mouth in Dorsetshire,* 7.27 which proved fatall to our Nation. For an Island is never an Island indeed, untill mastered at Sea, cut off from Commerce with the Con∣tinent. Henceforward these Pagans settled themselves in some part of the Land, though claiming it by no other Title, then their own Pride and Covetous∣nesse, and keeping it in no other Tenure, then that of Violence and Cruelty.

8. Athelwolphus his Son succeeded King Egbert in the Throne:* 7.28 a Prince not lesse commended for his Valour,* 7.29 then Devotion,* 7.30 and generally fortunate in his Undertakings; though much molested all his life-time by the Danes. But no∣thing makes him so remarkable to Posterity, as the granting of this Charter, or rather the solemn passing of this Act ensuing.

c 7.31 Regnante Domino nostro Iesu Christo, in perpetuum. Dum in nostris tempori∣bus bellorum incendia, & direptiones opum nostrarum, nec non & vast antium crudelissimas depraedationes hostium barbarorum, Paganarumque gentium multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum usque ad internecionem, cernimus tempora incumbere periculosa:

Quamobrem ego Ethelwolphus Rex Occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum ac Principum meorum, consilium salubre, atque uniforme re∣medium affirmavi: Vt aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam antea pos∣sidentibus omnibus gradibus, sive famulis & famulabus Dei, Deo servientibus, sive laicis, semper decimam mansionem ubi minimum sit, tamen partem deci∣mam in libertatem perpetuam perdonari dijudicavi, ut sit tuta at munita ab omnibus secularibus servitutibus, nec non regalibus tributis majoribus & mi∣noribus sive taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Witereden: Sitque libera omnium rerum pro remissione animarum nostrarum ad serviendum Deo soli sine Ex∣peditione, & pontis instructione, & arcis munitione, ut eo diligentius pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum servitutem in aliqua parte levigarius.

Placuit etiam Episcopis Alhstano Schireburnensis Ecclesiae, & Swithuno Win∣toniensis Ecclesiae,* 7.32 cum suis Abbatibus, & servis Dei, consilium inire, ut omnes fratres, & sorores nostrae, ad unamquamque Ecclesiam omni hebdomada die Mercurii, hoc est, Weddensday, cantent quinquaginta psalmos, & unus∣quisque Presbyter duas Missas, unam pro rege Ethelwolpho, & aliam pro du∣cibus ejus huic dono consentibus, pro mercede & refrigerio delictorum suo∣rum: & pro Rege vivente dicant, Oremus. Deus qui justificas; pro ducibus etiam viventibus, Praetende Domine: postquam autem defuncti fuerint, pro Rege defuncto singulariter, & pro principibus defunctis communiter. Et hoc sit tam firmiter constitutum omnibus Christianitatis diebus, sicut libertas illa constituta est, quamdiu fides crescit in gente Anglorum.

This Athelwolphus was designed by his Father to be Bishop of Winchester,* 7.33 bred in a Monastery,* 7.34 after taken out, and absolved of his Vows by the Pope: and having had Church-education in his Youth,* 7.35 retained to his Old-age the indeleble Character of his affections thereunto. In expression whereof, in a solemn Council kept at Winchester, he subjected the whole Kingdome of En∣gland to the Payment of Tithes, as by the foregoing Instrument doth appear. He was the first born. Monarch of England. Indeed, before his time there were Mo∣narchs of the Saxon Heptarchie; but not successive and fixed in a Family, but fluctuating from one Kingdome to another. Egbert, father to this Athelwolph, was the first that atchieved this Monarchie, and left it to this his Son, not Mo∣narcha factus, but natus, and so in unquestionable Power to make the foresaid Act obligatory over all the Land.

9. Indeed,* 7.36 before his time many Acts for Tithes are produced, which when pressed will prove of no great Validity. Such are the Imperiall Edicts in Civil Law, never possessed of full power in England; as also the Canons of some Councils & Popes, never admitted into plenary Obedience by consent of Prince and People. Adde to these, first, such Laws as were made by King Ina, and Offa, Monarchs indeed of England in their turns, as I may say, but not deriving the same to the Issue of their Bodies: So that their Acts as personall may by some froward Spirits be cavilled at, as determining with their own Lives. Joyn to these (if produceable) any Provinciall Constitutions of an English Arch-bishop (perchance Egbertus of York:) those might obey them, who would obey, being otherwise not subject to any civil Penalty. But now this Act of Athelwolphus appears entire in all the Proportions of a Law, made in his great Council, equivalent to after-Parliaments; not only cum consilio Episcoporum, with the Ad∣vice of his Bishops, (which easily may be presumed willingly to concurre in such a matter of Church-advancement) but also Principum meorum, of my Princes (saith he:) the Consent of Inferiour persons not being required in that Age.

10. However,* 7.37 noting can be so strong but it may meet with Cavills, though not to destroy, to disturb the Validity thereof; as this Act hath: and we will seve∣rally examine the Defects charged upon it.

1. Obj. Some object that Althelwolphus was but King of the West-Saxons, as ap∣pears by his Stile, Rex occidentalium Saxonum, and not universall Mo∣narch of England, whose Act onely is obligatory to his own Subjects. Let those of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, Dorset, Hants, VVilts, and Berks pay Tithes by vertue of this Command; other Parts of the Land are freed from the same, because nihil dat quod non habet, none can derive that to others which they enjoy not themselves; being King but of a Part, he could not lay this Law upon all the Land.

Ans. He is tearmed eminently, not exclusively, King of the VVest-Saxons: being fondest of that Title, as his Fathers first Inheritance, before he acquired the Monarchy of the whole Land. There were indeed at this time two other Royalets, as onely Kings by his leave, (viz) Beorred King of Mercia, and Edmond King of East-Angles, who, as it plainly appears bya 7.38 In∣gulphus, were present at his Council, and consented to the Acts thereof.

2. Obj. The Consideration was superstitious,* 7.39 to say so many Masses for the Souls of this King and his Captains when deceased.* 7.40

Ans. A double Consideration is mentioned in this Grant. The first, gene∣rall; so pious in it's self, no Exception can be taken thereat, viz. to divert the imminents Iudgements of God from the Land, hourly fea∣ring the Invasion of fierce forraign Pagans: so the better to secure the Nine parts thereof to himself and his Subjects, by setting apart, re∣signing, and surrendring a Tenth to God (the supreme Land-lord of all) in such as attended his daily Service. The second Consideration is more restrictive and particular, and resents indeed of the Ignorance of that Age; but yet is proportionable to the best Devotion those dayes produced: and easily may an accidentall Abuse be purged, by the pious Use intended, and designed generally to Gods Glory.

3. Obj. The King onely granted Tithes of his own Crown-land, non in Dominio, sed in Domintco suo, not in all his Dominions, but onely in his Demesnes.

Ans. There needed no such solemn Consent of the Council of the Land, for the passing away of his Private Bounty. And that the Grant ex∣tended to the Kingdome in Generall, appears bya 7.41 other Authours on the same. Adelwolphus decimonono anno regni sui, qui totam terram suam ad opus Ecclesiarum decimavit propter Amorem Dei, &c. More plainly another Authour: In eodem anno decimavit Athulf. rex de omni possessione sua in partem Domini, & in universo regimine sui Principatus sic constituit.

11. Here we insist not on the many Arguments out of Old and New Testa∣ment, * 7.42 to prove Tithes to be Iure Divino; which in due time may be produced, when all Tempests of Tumultuous Spirits are allayed, and when (what the Town-Clerk of Ephesus promised to the Citizens thereof) the Question may be determinedb 7.43 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in a lawfull and ordinary Assembly, without fear of Force, and suspicion of Violence. For two Strings to a Bow do not amisse; being no Hinderance to the Archer for the better hitting of the Mark, who may wind up one, and use that for the present which he sees most for his own Conveience. Mean time most true it is, that men are not so conscientious to obey the Laws of God, as fearfull to resist the Edicts of Men: and therefore (though farre be it from the Clergy to quit their Title to Tithes by Divine Right) they conceive it the surest way sometimes to make use of Humane Injunctions, as having the most potent Influence on mens Affections; especially in this Age, when the love of many (both to God and Goodnesse) begin∣neth to wax cold.

12. A Reverend Doctour in Cambridge,* 7.44 and afterwards Bishop of Sa∣risbury, was troubled at his small living at Hogginton, with a peremptory Anabaptist, who plainly told him, It goes against my Conscience to pay you Tithes, except you can shew me a place of Scripture whereby they are due unto you. The Doctour returned; Why should it not go as much against my Conscience, that you should enjoy your Nine parts, for which you can shew no place of Scripture? To whom the other rejoyned; But I have for my Land, Deeds and Evidences from my Fathers, who purchased, and were peaceably possessed thereof by the Laws of the Land. The same is my Title, saith the Doctour; Tithes being confirmed unto me by many Statutes of the Land time out of mind. Thus he drave that Nail, not which was of the strongest Metall or sharpest Point, but which would go best for the present. It was Argumentum ad hominem, fittest for the person he was to meddle with; who afterwards peaceably payed his Tithes unto him. Had the Doctour inga∣ged in Scripture-Argument, though never so pregnant & pertinent, it had been endelesse to dispute with him, who made Clamour the end of his Dispute, whose Obstinacy and Ignorance made him uncapable of solid Reason; and therefore the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Argument, the better for his Apprehension.

13. Most solid and ingenious was the Answer of a most eminent Serjeant at Law of this Age,* 7.45 to the impertinent Clamours of such against the payment of Tithes, because (as they say) due onely by Humane Right. My Cloak is my Cloak by the Law of Man: But he is a Thief by the Law of God that taketh it away from me.

14. True it is that this Law did not presently find an universall Obedience in all the Land.* 7.46 And the Wonder is not great, if at the first making thereof it met with many Recusants; since corroborated by eight hundred yeares Prescri∣ption, and many Confirmations, it findes Obstacles and Oppositions at this day: for in succeeding Ages severall Kings confirmed the same, though Papall Exem∣ptions of severall Orders, and modus Decimandi according to custome, have al∣most since tithed the Tithes in some places.

15. King Athelwolphus the next year took his (call it Progresse or) Pilgri∣mage to Rome.* 7.47 Where the report of his Piety prevented his Arrivall, & provided both Welcome and Wonder for his Entertainment.* 7.48 Here he confirmed unto the Pope his Predecessours Grant of Peter-pence,* 7.49 and as aa 7.50 Surplusage, bestowed upon him the yearly Revenue of three hundred Marks, thus to be expended.

1. To maintain Candles for St. Peter, one hundred	Marks.
2. To maintain Candles for St. Paul, one hundred
3. For a free Largesse to the Pope, one hundred

16. If any be curious to know how these 300 Marks were in after-Ages divided and collected,* 7.51 let them peruse the following Account: if the Particulars be truely cast up, and (attested to me out of Sir Tho. Cotton's Librarie, and, as they say, out of the Vatican it self) be authenticall.

	l.	s.	d.
Canterbury	8	8	0
London	16	10	0
Rochester	5	12	0
Norwich	21	10	0
Sarisbury	17	0	0
Ely	5	0	0
Lincoln	42	0	0
Chichester	8	0	0
Winchester	17	6	8
Covent. & Lichfield	41	5	0
Excester	9	5	0
Worcester	10	5	0
Hereford	6	0	0
Bathe & Wells	12	5	0
York	11	10	0

These Summes were demanded by Pope Gregory the thirteenth in the 46. of Edward the third, (on that Token, that their payment was much opposed by Iohn of Gaunt.) I dare not discede from my Copy a tittle, coming, as they say, from the Register at Rome: nor will I demand a Reason, why Durham and Carlisle are here omitted; much lesse examine the Equity of their Proportions, as applied to their respective Dioceses; but implicitly believe all done very just∣ly. The reason why the VVelsh Bishopricks were exempted is, because at the grant hereof by King Athelwolph, Wales was not then under his Dominion. This 300 Marks was but a distinct payment by it self, and not the whole Body of Peter-pence (amounting to a greater Summe,) whereof, God willing, hereafter.

17. After the Death of King Athelwolphus,* 7.52 and his two Sons Ethelbald and Ethelbert succeeding him,* 7.53 this Land was in a sad Condition,* 7.54 though nothing so bad as under the Reign of Ethelred his third Son, and Successour: for then indeed most miserable was the state of the English, harassed by the Danes, who, like the running-Gout, shifted from Joynt to Joynt, from place to place; often repelled from the severall Shires, never expelled out of England. The Sa∣xon Folly hurt them more, then the Danish Fury; refusing effectually to unite, to make a joynt-Resistance against a generall Enemy. For some sixty yeares since, the VVest-Saxons had subdued the other six Kings of this Nation; yet so, that they still continued kings, but Homagers to the VVest-Saxon Monarchy. The shortning of their Sceptres stuck in their Stomacks, especially of the Mer∣cian and Northumbrian Kings, the most puissant of all the rest. Whereupon, beholding Ethelred, the VVest-Saxon King (the Staffe and Stay of the whole Na∣tion) embroiled with the Invasion of the Danes, they not only lazily looked on, but secretly smiled at this Sight, as the only way to Conquer the Conquerour.

Yea,* 7.55 such their Envy, that rather then one (once their equal) should be above them in Felicity,* 7.56 they all would be equall with him in Misery. They would more contendly be Slaves to a Forrain Foe, to whom they all stood unre∣lated, then Homagers to him, who had (as they thought) usurped Dominion over them. Never considering, that the Danes were Pagans; (Self-interest is deaf to the Checks of Conscience;) and Revenge (which is wilde at the best) was so mad in them, that they would procure it with the Hazzard, if not Losse, of their God, his Church, and true Religion. Thus the Height of the Saxon Pride and Envy, caused the Breadth of the Danish Power and Cruelty. Indeed the foresaid Saxon Kings, perceiving their Errour, endeavoured at last to help the VVest-Saxon (or rather to help themselves in him) against the Danes. But alas, it was too late. For, the Danish Garisons lay so indented in the Heart of the Land, that the Saxon Troups were blasted, before they could grow in∣to Regiments; and their Strength (dispersed in the gathering) was routed, be∣fore regulated into an Army.

18. This year the Danes made an Invasion into Lincolnshire,* 7.57 where they met with stout Resistance:* 7.58 and let us take a List of the chief Officers on both sides.* 7.59

• Christian Saxons.
  • a 7.60 Count Algar, Generall, with the Youth of Holland.
  • Harding de Rehale with Stanford men, all very young and valiant.
  • Tolie a Monk, with a Band of two hundred Crowlanders.
  • Morcar Lord of Burn, with those of his numerous Fami∣ly.
  • Osgot,b 7.61 Sheriff of Lincolnshire, with five hundred under him.
  • ...

    VVibert; living at VViberton, nigh Boston in Holland.	Places named from their Owners.
    Leofrick; living at Leverton, anciently Lefrinkton.

• Danish Pagans.
  • King Gordroum.
  • King Baseg.
  • King Osketill.
  • King Halfeden.
  • King Hammond.
  • Count Frena.
  • Count Vnguar.
  • Count Hubba.
  • Count Sidroke the Elder.
  • Count Sidroke the Younger.

The Christians had the better the first day, wherein the Danes lost three of their Kings, buried in a place thence called Trekingham: so had they the second, till at night, breaking their Ranks to pursue the Danes in their dissembled Flight, they were utterly overthrown.

19. Theodore Abbot of Crowland,* 7.62 hearing of the Danes Approach, shipped away most of his Monks, with the choicest Relicks and Treasures of his Con∣vent, and cast his most precious Vessels into a VVell in the Cloister. The rest re∣maining were at their Morning-prayers, when the Danes entring, slew

• Theodore the Abbot on the High Altar,
• Asher the Prior in the Vestiary,
• Leth win the Sub-Prior in the Re∣fectory,
• Pauline in the Quire,
• Herbert in the Quire,
• VVolride the Torch∣Bearer in the same place,
• Grimketule and Agamund, each of them an hun∣dred yeares old, in the Cloisters.

These, faith myc 7.63 Author, were first examinati, tortured to betrary their Trea∣sure, and then exanimati, put to death for their Refusall. The same VVriter seems to wonder, that being killed in one place, their Bodies were afterwards found in another. Surely the Corse removed not themselves, but no doubt the Danes dragged them from place to place when dead. There was one Child∣Monk therein, but ten yeares old, (Turgar by name) of most lovely Looks and Person. Count Sidroke the younger pittying his tender yeares (all Devills are not cruell alike) cast a Danishd 7.64 Coat upon him, and so saved him, who onely survived, to make the sad Relation of the Massacre.

20. Hence the Danes marched to Medeshamsted (since called Peterborough)

where finding the Abbey-gates locked against them,* 7.65 they resolved to force their Entrance;* 7.66 in effecting whereof, Tulba, Brother to Count Hubba, was dange∣rously wounded, almost to Death, with a Stone cast at him. Hubba enraged hereat, like another Doeg, killed Abbot Hedda, and all the Monks, being four∣score and four, with his own hand. Count Sidroke gave an Item to young Monk Turgar (who hitherto attended him) in no wise to meet Count Hubba, for fear that his Danish Livery should not be found of proof against his Fury. Then was the Abbey set on Fire, which burned fifteen dayes together, wherein an ex∣cellent Library was consumed. Having pillaged the Abbey, and broke open the Tombes and Coffins of many Saints there interred, these Pagans marched for∣wards into Cambridgeshire, and passing the River Nine, two of their VVagons fell into the Water, wherein the Cattell which drew them were drowned, much of their rich Plunder lost, and more impaired.

21. Some dayes after,* 7.67 the Monks of Medeshamsted were buried altogether in a great Grave, and their Abbot in the middest of them, a Crosse being erected over the same; where one may have four yards square of Martyrs Dust, which no place else in England doth afford. Godric, Successour to Theodore, Abbot of Crowland, used annually to repair hither, and to say Masses two dayes toge∣ther for the Souls of such as were entombed. One would think that by Popish Principles these were rather to be prayed to, then prayed for; many maintaining that Martyrs go the nearest way to Heaven, sine ambage Purgatorii: so that surely Godric did it not to better their Condition, but to expresse his own Affe∣ction, out of the Redundancy of his Devotion; which others will call the Super∣fluity of his Superstition.

22. The Danes spared no Age,* 7.68 Sex, Condition of people such was the Cruelty of this Pagan unpartial Sword. With a violent Inundation they brake into the Kingdome of the East-Angles; wasted Cambridge, and the Countrey thereabouts; burnt (the then City of) Thetford; forced Edmond, King of that Countrey, into his Castle of Framling ham; who perceiving himself unable to re∣sist their Power, came forth, and at the Village of Hoxon in Suffolk tendered his Person unto them, hoping thereby to save the Effusion of his Subjects Blouds. Where, after many Indignities offered unto him, they bound him to a Tree; and because he would not renounce his Christianity, shot him with Arrow after Arrow; their Cruelty taking Deliberation, that he might the better digest one Pain, before another succeeded, so distinctly to protract his Torture (though Confusion be better then Method in matters of Cruelty) till not Mercie, but want of a Mark made them desist; according to thea 7.69 Poets Expression,

Iam loca Vulneribus desunt, nec dum furiosis Tela, sed hyberna grandine plura volant.

Room wants for Wounds, but Arrows do not fail From Foes, which thicker fly then winter Hail.

After-Ages, desiring to make amends to his Memory, so over-acted their part in shrining, sainting, and adoring his Relicks, at Bury S^t. Edmonds; that, if those in Heaven be sensible of the Transctions on Earth, this good Kings Body did not feel more Pain from the Fury of the Pagan-Danes, then his Soul is filled with holy Indignation, at the Superstition of the Christian-Saxons.

23. However, the VVest-Saxon King Ethelbert behaved himself bravely, fighting,* 7.70 with various Successe, nineb 7.71 Battels against the Danes: though ninety nine had not been sufficient against so numerous an Enemy. But we leave these things to the Historians of the State, to relate. We read of anc 7.72 Heap of Stones, made between Iacob and Laban, with a mutuall Contract, that neither should passe the same for Harm. Thus would I have Ecclesiasticall and civil Histo∣rians indent about the Bounds, and Limits of their Subjects that neither inju∣riously incroach on the Right of the other. And, if I chance to make an

Excursion into the matters of the Common-wealth, it is not out of Curio∣sity, or Busybodinesse, to be medling in other mens Lines: but onely in an ami∣cable way, to give a kind Visit, and to clear the mutuall Dependence of the Church on the Common-wealth. Yet let me say, that this War against the Danes was of Church-concernment; for it was as much pro aris, as pro focis, as much for Religion, as civil Interest. But one War must not be forgotten. Im∣portunate Messengers brought the Tidings, that the English were dangerously ingaged with the Danes, at Essendune (haply Essenden now, in surrey) and likely to be worsted. King Ethelhert was at his Devotions, which he would not omit, nor abbreviate for all their Clamour. No suit would he hear on Earth, till first he had finished his Requests to Heaven. Then, having performed the part of pious Moses in thea 7.73 Mount, he began to act valiant Ioshua in the Valley. The Danes are vanquished, leaving Posterity to learn, that time spent in Prayer, is laid out to the best Advantage.

24. But alas,* 7.74 this Danish Invasion was a mortal VVound,* 7.75 Dedecus Saxonica for∣titudinis;* 7.76 the Cure whereof was rather to be desired, then hoped for. Ease for the present, was all Art could perform. King Ethelbert saw, that of these Pa∣gans the more he slew, the more they grew, which went to his valiant Heart. Grief is an heavy Burthen; and generally, the strongest Shoulders are able to bear the least proportion thereof. The good king therefore withered away in the Flower of his Age, willingly preferred to encounter rather Death, then the Danes; for he knew how to make a joyfull End with the one, but endless was his Contest with the other: according to the Observation of the English b 7.77 Historian, that the Saxon-Kings in this Age, magis optabant honestum Exitum, quam acerbum Imperium.

25. In this sad condition God sent England a Deliverer, namely, King Al∣fred, or Alured, born in England, bred in Rome, where, by a Prolepsis, he was a∣nointed King by Pope Leo (though then but a private Prince, and his three elder Brothers alive) in auspicium futuriregnt, in hope that hereafter he should come to the Crown. Nor did this Vnction make Alfred ante-date his kingdome, who quietly waited till his foresaid Brothers successvely reigned, and died be∣fore him, and then took his Turn in the Kingdome of the VVest-Saxons. The worst was, his Condition was like a Bride-groom, who, though lawfully wedded, yet might not bed his Bride, till first he had conquered his Rival; and must redeem England, before he could reign over it. The Danes had Lon∣don, many of the in-land, moe-of the maritime Towns, and Alfred onely three effectuall Shires, Somerset, Dorset and VVilts; yet by Gods Blessing on his Va∣lour, he got to be Monarch of all England. Yea, consider him as a King in his Court, as a Generall in his Camp, as a Christian in his Closer, as a Patron in the Church, as a Founder in his Colledge, as a Father in his Family; his Actions will every way appear no lesse excellent in themselves,* 7.78* 7.79 then exemplary to others.

26. His most daring Design was,* 7.80 when lying hid about Athelney in Somer∣set-shire, * 7.81 and disguised under the habit of a Fidler (being an excellent Musi∣cian) he adventured into the Danish Camp. Had not his spirit been undaun∣ted, * 7.82 the sight of his armed Foes had been enough to have put his Instru∣ment out of Tune. Here going unsuspected through their Army, he discove∣red their Condition, and some of their Intentions. Some would say, that the Danes deserved to be beaten indeed, if they would communicate their Coun∣sels to a Fidler. But let such know, Alfred made this generall Discovery of them, that they were remisse in their Discipline, lay idle and carelesse: and Se∣curity disarmes the best-appointed Army. Themistocles said of himself, that he could not fiddle, but he knew how to make a little city great. But our Alfred could fiddle, and make a little City great too; yea, enlarge a petty and contracted Kingdome,* 7.83 into a vast and absolute Monarchy.

27. But, as the Poets feign of Anteus, the Son of the Earth, who fighting

with Hercules,* 7.84 and often worsted by him, recovered his Strength again every time he touched the Earth,* 7.85 revived with an addition of new Spirits: so the Danes, which may seem the sons of Neptune, though often beaten by the En∣glish in land-Battels, no sooner recovered their Ships at Sea, but presently re∣cruiting themselves, they returned from Denmark, more numerous and formi∣dable then before. But at last (to follow the Poeticall Fancy) as Hercules, to pre∣vent Antaeus his farther reviving, hoised him aloft, and held him strangled in his Armes, till he was stark dead, and utterly expired: so, to secure the Danes from returning to the Sea, who out of the Thames had with their Fleet sailed up the River Ley, betwixt Hartfordshire and Essex, Alfred with Pioneers divided the grand Stream of Ley into severall Rivulets; so that their Ships lay Water-bound, leaving their Mariners to shift for themselves over land, most of which fell into the hands of their English Enemies: so that this proved a mor∣tal Defeat to the Danish Insolence.

28. Alfred having thus reduced England to some tolerable terms of Quiet,* 7.86 made most of the Danes his Subjects by Conquest, & the rest his Friends by Composition, encountred a fiercer Foe, namely, Ignorance and Barbarisme, which had generally invaded the whole Nation. Inso much that the writeth, that South of Thames he found not any that could read English. Indeed in these dayes all men turned Students; but what did they study? onely to live secretly, and safely from the Fury of the Danes. And now, that the next Age might be wiser then this, Alfred intended the founding of an University at Oxford.

29. Indeed,* 7.87 there were anciently standing on the Banks of Isis (which in due time commenceth Thamisis) two Towns; one Crekelade, or Greeklade, in Wiltshire; the other Lechlade, or Latinlade, in Gloucestershire. In the former of these many yeares since (things time out of mind must not be condemned as time out of truth) the Greek Tongue, as in the later the Latine Tongue, are said to be publickly professed by Philosophers. But where was Hebrew-lade, the Hebrew Tongue being more necessarie then both the former, for the under∣standing of the Old Testament? Alas, in this Age it was banished, not onely out of England, but out of Christendome. As in the ordinary method of Na∣ture, the more aged usually die first: so no wonder if Hebrew (generally presumed the oldest Language in the world) expired first in this Age of Ignorance, utter∣ly abolished out of the Western Countries. Yea, it is well the other two lear∣ned Tongues were preserved in these places; Grekelade and Lechlade being then Cities of eminent Note, shrunk now to mean Towns, and content with plain English, where Latine and Greek were formerly professed.

30. But now the Muses swam down the Stream of the River Isis,* 7.88 to be twenty miles nearer to the rising Sun,* 7.89 and were by King Alfred removed from Crekelade and Lechlade,* 7.90 to Oxford, where he founded an University. Yet some say, Alfred did find, and not found Letters therein, seeing there was a sprink∣ling of Students therein before: though Learning was very low, and little therein, till this considerable Accession, when Alfred founded therein three Colledges, one for Grammarians, a second for Philosophers, a third for Di∣vines. Take a List of their primitive Professours.

• In Divinity
  • S^t. Grimbal
  • S^t. Neoth
• In Grammar
  • Asserius, a Monk
• In Logick
  • Iohn of S^t. Davids
• In Mathematicks
  • Ioannes
  • Monachus.

It is credibly reported, that what is now called Vniversity-Colledge, was then one of King Alfred's Foundations, as the Verses written in their Hall, under his Armes, do attest.

Nobilis Alfredi sunt haec Insignia, cujus Primum constructa est haec pietate domus.

And from this time Learning flourished here in great Plenty and Abundance,

though oft-times abated;* 7.91 the Universities feeling the Impressions of the Com∣mon-wealth.* 7.92

31. At the same time wherein King Alfred built Vniversity Colledge in Ox∣ford,* 7.93 he also founded Another House called Kings-great-Hall (intimating a lesser hard by) now included within the compassea 7.94 of Brazen-nose Colledge. And hence it is that at this very day it payeth some chief Rent to Vniversity Col∣ledge, as the ancient Owner thereof. Here he placed Iohannes Scotus (highly endeared in this Kings Affections) Reader therein. On the clearing of whose Extraction and Opinions a long Story doth depend.

32. This Scotus is called Iohannes Scotus Erigena,* 7.95 (with addition sometimes of Sophista:) so that all may amount to a kind of Definition of him as to his In∣dividuall Person. Conceive we Scotus for his Genus, which because homonymous inb 7.96 that Age (as signifying both Scotland and Ireland) Erigena is added for his Difference, that is, born (as some will have it) calledc 7.97 Erin in their own Countrey Language. But Dempster, a Scotchd 7.98 Writer, who will leave nothing that can be gotten above ground (yea, will dive and digge into the wa∣ter and land of others) to the credit of his Countrey, claimeth Scotus as born in Scotland, spelling him Airigena, from Aire, a small place therein. But be∣sides unanswerable Arguments to the contrary, gena is a termination seldome added to so restrictive a word, but (as Francigena, Angligena) denoteth general∣ly the Nation, not petty place of a mans Extraction. As for Dempster, his Credit runneth low with me, ever since he made Pope Innocentius the first a Scotch-man, because calling himself Albanus, (and Scotland, forsooth, is Albania) it be∣ing notoriously known that the said Innocent was born at Long Alba nigh Rome. Yea Bellarmine himself said, reading the three books of Dempster, wherein he hooketh in so many for his Countrymen, that he thought that if he should add a fourth, he would make JESUS CHRIST himself to be a Scotch-man.

33. All this while VVales stands modestly silent,* 7.99 with intention to put in her Claim the last to Scotus his Nativity, whom many Writers make born at c 7.100 Saint Davids. Whilest some will have the Epither of Erigene affixed unto him quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, early-born, because of the timely rising of his Parts (as a Morning-starre) in those dark dayes: which I can better applaud for an inge∣nious Allusion, then approve for a true and serious Assertion. But be Scotus born where he please, most sure it is, by King Alfred he was made a Professour of Learning in Oxford.

34. I confessef 7.101 Cajus maketh this Iohn Scotus Scholar to Bede (as many g 7.102 good Authours also do) and brought up at Cambridge: to which the Sons of our Aunt are loth to consent,* 7.103 that one who was taught in Cambridge, should teach in Oxford; and theirh 7.104 eloquent Oratour falls very soul, save that it is some case to be railed on in good Latine) on him for the same. Now because we Cambridge-men are loth to take a Limbe of Iohn Scotus (or any other Learned man) more then what will come of it self, with the Consent of Chronologie; and because I findi 7.105 Bale dislikes the same, chiefly on the account of his impro∣bable Vivacity of an hundred and seventy years; I can be content to resign my particular Title unto him, provided it be without Prejudice to others of our Vniversity, who hereafter may challenge him with better Arguments.

35. I much wonder that this Scotus should be so degraded in his Old-age from Oxford to Malmesbury; from a Professour in an Vniversity, to a School∣master in a Countrey-town; where pouring Learning into his Ladds (rather in proportion to the Plenty of the Fountain, then to the Receipt of the Vessels) he was severe to such Scholars as were dull in their Apprehensions. This so irritated their Anger against him, that by an universall Conspiracy they dispatched him in the School with their Pen-knives. I find not what Punishment was infli∣cted upon them: VVhipping being too little, if sturdy Youths; and Hanging too much, if but little Boyes. Onely I observe one Cassianus, a Schoolmaster in

Primitive times, sent the same way on the same Occasion; his Death being ele∣gantly described bya 7.106 Prudentius.

36. All the Amends which is made to the Memory of Scotus is, that he was made a Martyr after his Death, and his Anniversary is remembred in the Ka∣lendar on the fourth of the Ides of November, in the Roman Martyrologie, set forth at Antwerp 1586. by the command of Gregory the thirteenth. But since Ba∣ronius hath unmartyred him; and that on good reason, faithb 7.107 Henry Fitz-Simon, attesting that an Apologie is provided, confirmed with approbation of many Popes, Cardinalls, and many learned Doctours, justifying Baronius therein, which we, as yet, have not beheld. Indeed Scotus detested some Superstitions of the times, especially about the Presence in the Lords Supper; and I havec 7.108 read that his Book de Eucharistia was condemned in the Vercellian Synod, for some Pas∣sages therein, by Pope Leo. This makes it suspicious, that some Hands of more age and Heads of more Malice, then School-boyes, might guide the Pen∣knives which murdered Scotus, because of his known Opposition against some Practises and Opinions of that ignorant Age.

37. It is much that this Scotus,* 7.109 though carrying in his Name a Comment on himself, that all should not suffice so distinctly to expound him to some Appre∣hensions, but that still they confound him with others of his Name; sometimes with Iohannes Scotusd 7.110 Mailrossius, sometimes with Iohn Dunce Scotus; though indeed there be Difference enough of Time, Place, and other distinguishing Characters, betwixt them. Our present Scotus being most probably an Irish∣man, a great Linguist in the learned Tongues, a vast Traveller into the Eastern parts, a Monk by profession, killed and buried at Malmesbury. The other Scotus born in Northumberland, skilled onely (and that but meanly) in Latine, never travelling farther then France, and the hither part of Germany, a Franci∣scan by his Order, dying of an Apoplexy, and buried at Colen, of whom (God willing) largely hereafter.

38. To return to King Alfred.* 7.111 As for the Maintenance of the Scholars, it issued forth annually from Alfred's Exchequer, who made a fourefolde 7.112 division of his Wealth; understand it of the Surplusage thereof, more then what his Court and Camp expended: One part to the Poor, of all kinds, that came and craved of him; a second to the Monasteries of his own Erection; a third to the School, understand Oxford, which he himself had founded; the fourth, and last, to the neighbouring Monasteries round about. However, we may easi∣ly believe that after his Death, the Students of Oxford were often at a losse of Livelihood. For, seeing the Coffers of the greatest Kings (especially in the time of War) are subject to a Drought of Coin, there must needs be a Dearth in those Colledges, which are watered thence for their Maintenance. Scholars may in time of Peace, but Souldiers must be paid in time of War. Wherefore, the most certain Subsistence for Scholars (so far forth as inconstant things, as all Sublunary, can be made constant) is, what ariseth from solid Lands, where∣with they are endowed. For, though even such Revenues are subject to Ca∣sualties, yet some Water will ever be running, though the Tide thereof may ebb, or flow, according to the fall, or rise of Commodities.

39. But it is hard so to compose two Swarms of Bees in one Hive,* 7.113 but that they will fall out,* 7.114 and fight.* 7.115 The Colledge of Logick, it seems, from the Foun∣dation thereof, studied Divisions, as well as Distinctions; there happening a dangerous Difference betwixt the Aborigines and the Advenae, the old Stock of Students, and the new Store brought in by S^t. Grimball: the former, standing on their Seniority, expected more Respect unto themselves, deriving their Privi∣ledges from their learned Auncestors, time out of mind; which the Grimbal∣lists would not consent unto. Both sides appealed to Alfred, as their Patron. He coming to Oxford, carried himself with much moderation, as accounting that Agreement most durable, into which the parties were perswaded, not com∣manded. Grimball, expecting King Alfred's zealous ingaging on his side, accor∣ding

to the conceived merits of his Cause,* 7.116 was not a little offended,* 7.117 that the King did not appear more resolute in his behalf. Insomuch that he for∣sook Oxford, wherein he had formerly built the Church of ^St. Peter from the very Foundation, with stone most curiously wrought and polished, and translated both himself, and his intended Tombe thence to VVinche∣ster.

40. Ana 7.118 Antiquary tells us, that the ancient Armes were assigned to Oxford about this time,* 7.119 namely, in a Field Azure, a Bible with seven Seales appendant thereunto, opened (at the beginning of S^t. Iohns Gospel, In the beginning was the word, &c.) betwixt three Crowns Or: which three Crowns (saith he) signifie the three Senses of the Scripture: in the which, I confesse, I do not understand him. For, either we must admit but one Sense of the Scripture, as principally in∣tended therein (which is the generall Opinion of the Protestants:) or, if with the Papists, we will allow moe Senses then one, we must concludeb 7.120 four, namely, the literall, allegoricall, morall, and anagogicall. What if the three Crowns import the three Professions which Alfred here sounded, and all necessary to the understanding of the Book betwixt them? Grammar, to un∣derstand the Letter; Philosophy, the Reason; and Divinity, the Mystery of the Scripture.

41. One of the first Scholars of Note,* 7.121 whom I find bred in Oxford, was one Du••wolphus, once a Swineheard in Athelney, when Alfred lurked therein, be∣ing the Kings Host, who entertained him, or rather his Master, whom the King served. Alfred perceiving in him pregnancy of Parts (though stifled with the Narrownesse, and cripled with the Lownesse of his Vocation) sent him toc 7.122 Oxford; where he became, after some yeares study, Doctour in Divinity, and was by the King, in Gratitude, preferred to be Bishop ofd 7.123 VVinchester. But the Monks of VVinchester are so proud and sullen, they disdain to accept this man for their Bishop, affirming, that their See stoode 7.124 void at this time; more willing to confesse a Vacancy, then admit a Swineheard into their Episcopall Chaire. Whereas surely Alfred, so great a Scholar, and good a man, would not have advanced him per saltum, from a Swineheard to a Bishop, had he not been qualified by intermediate Degrees of Education. For mine own part, I see no reason why VVinchester should be ashamed of him; and for ought I know,* 7.125 Dunwolph might be as good a Bishop as Dunstan,* 7.126 of whom the Monks of VVinchester so boast, both without cause, and mea∣sure.

42. Councils (except Councils of VVarre) were very rare in this Age.* 7.127 Thef 7.128 first I find a solemn one, celebrated by King Alfred; the place not expressed, but the Canons therein fairly transmitted to Posterity. The Preface of these Canons is very remarkable, consisting of three parts.

1. The ten Commandments translated into Saxon, as being the Basis and Foundation of all Humane Laws.

2. Severall pieces of Chapters in Exodus, being the Breviate of the Judiciall Law of the Iews; which though in the Latitude thereof calculated only for the Iewish Common-wealth, yet the Morall Equity therein obligeth all Christians.

3. The fifteenth Chapter of the Acts, containing the Council of Ieru∣salem, as being a Divine Precedent, or Warrant for Christians to con∣vene together, and conclude Orders for regulating mens Conversa∣tions.

It is remarkable, that in the aforesaid ten Commandments, as ••xemplified in this Council of Alfred, the second Commandment is wholly ••xpunged; Image-worship beginning then to grow common in the world, and the Clergy, who gained thereby (hating the second Commandement, on the same

account as Ahab dida 7.129 Mic••iah,* 7.130 because it ever prophesied evill unto them•• dashed it out of the Decalogue.* 7.131 The worst is, when this was wanting, the De∣calogue was but an Ennealogue; and therefore to preserve the number of ten, the Papists generally cleave the last Commandment into two: but in Alfred's Preface, this is made the tenth and last Commandment, Thou shalt not wor∣ship Gods of Gold and Silver. Which, as it comes in out of it's proper place, (and why should not Gods Order be observed, as well as his Number, in the Commandments?) so is it defectively rendered, nothing so full against gra∣ven-Images, as God propounded it. The Canons made in this Council fall under a three-fold Consideration. Some relate onely to the Common-wealth, and by us may properly be forborn. Others concern onely Monks and Friers, (a sixth Finger, and no necessary Member of the Church:) and, as Actio moritur cum persona; so with the Extirpation of those Convents, those Canons may seem to expire.

43. Plegmund an Eremite in the Isle of Chester (now called Plegmundsham) Tutour to King Alfred,* 7.132 was by him preferred to be Arch-bishop of Canter∣bury, * 7.133 then a miserable place,* 7.134 as hardly recovered from the late Sacking of the Danes. By the Kings command, he called the Clergy of England together, and made a Collection of Almes, to be sent to Rome and Ierusalem: and Athelm, Arch-bishop of York, was imployed in the Journey, going personally to the aforesaid Places, to see the Contribution there faithfully delivered, and equally distributed.

44. About the end of this Century died worthy King Alfred,* 7.135 remarkable to Posterity on many Accounts,* 7.136 whereof this not the least, That he turned Davids Psalms into English; so that a Royall Text met with a Royall Translatour. He left his Crown to Edward his Sonne (commonly called the Elder) farre inferiour to his Father in Skill in, but not so much in his Love to good Li∣terature. Indeed he had an excellent Tutour, Asserius Menevensis, Arch-bishop of S^t. Davids, (the faithfull Writer of his Fathers Actions) sup∣posed by some Bishop of Sherburn, which is denied byb 7.137 others, (though one of the same name was some yeares before) as inconsistent with Chrono∣logie.

45. As for principall Clergy-men extant at this time, we take speciall notice of two: the one, Berthulf, Bishop of VVinchester, made one of the Guardians of the Realm against the Incursion of the Danes; the other, Halard, Bishop of Dorchester, advanced also into the same Employment. But alass, what weak Guardians were these to defend the Land, which could not secure their own Sees! And in what Capacity (save in Prayers and Teares) were they Able to make any Resistance? for now the Danes not onely affailed the Skirts and Out-sides of the Land, but also made Inrodes many miles into the Conti∣nent thereof. Insomuch that VVinchester lay void six, and Sherburn seven yeares; such the Pagan Fury, that none durst offer to undertake those Places.

46. True it is,* 7.138 the English oftentimes in Battell got the Advantage of them; when the Pagan Danes being conquered had but one way to shift for them∣selves, namely, to counterfeit themselves Christians, and embrace Baptisme: but no sooner had they got Power again into their hands, but that they turning Apostates were ten times more cruell then ever before. Thus succes∣sively was the Land affected with Sicknesse, Recovery, and Relapses; the peoples Condition being so much the more disconsolate, because promi∣sing a Continuance of Happinesse to themselves upon their Victories, they were on their Overthrows remanded to the same, if not a worse Condi∣tion.

47. It is strange to observe the Alternations of Successe between the En∣glish and Danes,* 7.139 how exactly they took their Turns; God using them to hold up one another, whilest he justly beat both. Mean time commendable the

Temper of late King Alfred,* 7.140 and present King Edward;* 7.141 it being true of each of them,

Si modo Victus erat, ad crastina bella parabat; Si modo Victor erat, ad crastina bella timebat.

If that it happ't that Conquered was he, Next day to fight he quickly did prepare; But if he chanc't the Conquerour to be, Next day to fight he wisely did beware.

But these things we leave to the Historians of the State to prosecute, and con∣fine our selves onely to matters of Ecclesiasticall cognizance.

THE TENTH CENTURY.* 7.142

Iacobo Langham,* 8.1 Armigero, amplissimi Senatoris Londinensis Primogenito.

DEcimam hanc Centuriam tibi dedicandam curavi, quòd Nume∣rus Denarius semper aliquid augustum sonet. Sic in Papicolarum Globulis, quibus preculas suas numerant, decimus (ut Decurio) aliis magnitudine praestat.

At dices; Centuria haec inter Ecclesiasticos audit infelix, cùm suâ tantùm Obscuritate sit illustris. Quid Tibi igitur, Feli∣cissimo Viro, cui laetum Ingenium, lauta Haereditas, cum infelici Seculo?

Verbo expediam. Volui Nomen Tuum Historiae meae hic prae∣tendi, ut instar Phosphori, Lectores in hac tenebrosa Aetate oberrantes, splendoris sui Radiis dirigat.

Percurras, quaeso, insequentes paginas; nihil Scientiae, aliquid Voluptatis tibi allaturas, Quo cum nemo sit in ipsis Elegantia∣rum apicibus Latinior, probe scio, Te perquam suaviter risurum, cum Diploma Edvardinum, nimia Barbarie scatens, perlegeris.

1. AT this time there was a great Dearth of Bishops in the Land,* 8.2 which lasted for seven yeares (as long as the Famine in Aegypt) during which time,* 8.3 there was no Bishop in all the West parts of England.* 8.4 Pope Formo∣sus was foully offended hereat, and thereupon, cum magnaa 8.5 Iracundia & Devotione, with much Passion and Piety, by his Curse and Excommunication, interdi∣cted King, Kingdome, and all the Subjects therein. We cannot but gaze at the Novelty of this act, (as we conceive, a leading Case in this kind) whilest the skilfull in the Canon Law can give an account of the Equity of the Popes Proceedings, why all should suffer for some, the guiltlesse with the guilty, and have the VVord and Sacraments taken from them, for the want of Bishops in other places! Otherwise, the Punish∣ment seemeth unjust in the rigid justice thereof, and (if not heavier) larger then the Offence, and beareth no Proportion with common Equity, Christian Cha∣rity, and Gods Proceedings, who saith, the soul that sinneth, shall dye.

2. Not withstanding,* 8.6 this excommunicating of K. Edward bythe Pope is highly

urged bya 8.7 Parsons,* 8.8 to prove the Popes Power in England over Princes,* 8.9 accor∣ding to his constant Solo••cisme clean through the tenure of his Book,* 8.10 to reason à Facto ad Ius, arguing from the Popes barely doing it, that he may justly do it. We deny not but that in this Age, active and ambitious Popes mightily im∣proved their Power upon five sorts of Princes. First, on such as were lazy, and voluptuous; who, on condition they might enjoy their Sports and Delights for the present, cared not for their Posterity. Secondly, on such as were openly vicious, and so obnoxious to Censure; who would part with any thing, out of the apprehension of their Guiltinesse. Thirdly, on such as were tender, and easie-natured; who gave, not so much out of Bounty to give, as out of Bashful∣nesse to deny the Popes Importunity. Fourthly, on those of a timorous spirit; who were affrighted with their own Fancies of the Popes Terriblenesse, and be∣ing captivated unto him by their own Fear, they ransomed themselves at what Price he pleased. Lastly, on pious Princes; whose blind Zeal, and misled De∣votion, thought nothing too precious for him: in which from we rank this Edward the Elder, then King of England. And it is worth our observing, that in point of Power and Profit, what the Popes once get, they ever hold, being as good at keeping, as catching; so that what one got by Encroching, his Succes∣sour prescribed that Encrochment for a Title, which whether it will hold good in matter of Right, it is not for an Historian to dispute.

3. But to return to our Story.* 8.11 We are glad to see Malmesbury so merry, who calleth this Passage of the Popes interdicting England, Iocundum memor atu, pleasant to be reported, because it ended so well. For Pleigmund Arch-bishop of Canterbury posted to Rome, bringing with him honorifica munera, (such Ushers will make one way through the thickest Croud to the Popes Presence) in∣forming his Holinesse that Edward, King of England, in a late-summoned Synod, had founded some new, and supplied all old vacant Bishopricks. Pacified here∣with the Pope turned his Curse into a Blessing, and ratified their Elections. The worst is, a learnedb 8.12 Pen tells me, that in this Story there is an inextricable Er∣rour in point of Chronology, which will not suffer Pope Formosus and this King Edward the Elder to meet together. And Baronius makes the Mistake worse, by endeavouring to mend it. I have so much Warinesse, as not to enter into that Labyrinth, out of which I cannot return; but leave the Doubt to the Popes Datarie to clear, proper to him, as versed in such matters. The samec 8.13 Pen informs me, that the sole way to reconcile the Difference is, to read Pope Leo the fifth instead of Pope Formosus: which for Quietnesse I am content to do, the rather, because such a Roaring Curse best beseems the mouth of a Lion.

4. Hear now the names of the seven Bishops which Pleigmund consecrated in one day:* 8.14 a great dayes-work, and a good one, if all were fit for the Function. Fridstan Bishop of Winchester, (a Learned and Holy man) Werstan of Shireburn, Kenulfe of Dorchester, Beornege of Selsey, Athelme of VVells, Eadulfe of Crediton in Devon, and Athelstan in Cornwall of S^t. Petrocks. These three last VVestern Bishopricks, were in this Council newly erected. But S^t. Petrocks had never long any settled Seat, being much in motion, translated from Bodman in Cornwall (upon the wasting of it by the Danes) to S^t. Germans in the same County, and af∣terward united to Crediton in Devonshire. This Bishoprick was founded princi∣pally for the reduction of the rebellious Cornish to the Romish Rites; who as they used the Language, so they imitated the Lives and Doctrine of the ancient Bri∣tans, neither hitherto,* 8.15 nor long after submitting themselves to the See Apostolick.

5. A Synod was called at Intingford; where Edward the Elder, and Guthurn King of the Danes, in that part of England which formerly belonged to the East-Angles, onely confirmed the samed 8.16 ecclesiasticall Constitutions, which Alured, Edwards Father, with the said Guthurn, had made before. Here the cu∣rious Palats of our Age will complain of Crambe, that two Kings, with their Clergy, should meet together onely actum agere, to do what was done to their hands. But whilest some count all Councils idle, which do not add or alter;

others will commend their Discretion,* 8.17 who can discern what is well ordered already,* 8.18 approve their Policie, in enjoyning such things unto others, and prin∣cipally praise their Piety, for practising them in themselves. And whosoever looks abroad into the world, with a judicious Eye, will soon see, that there is not so much need of New Laws, (the Multitude whereof rather cumbers mens Memories, then quickens their Practise) as an absolute necessity to enforce Old Laws, with a new and vigorous Execution of them.

6. And now King Edward,* 8.19 remembring the pious Example of his Father Alfred in founding of Oxford,* 8.20 began to repair and restore the University of Cambridge.* 8.21 For the Danes (who made all the Sea-coasts of England their Haunt, and kept the Kingdome of the East-Angles for their Home) had banished all Learning from that place; Apollo's Harp being silenced by Mars his Drum: till this Kings Bounty brought Learning back again thither, as by his following Charter may appear.

Ina 9.1 nomine D. Iesu Christi. Ego Edwardus, Dei gratia, Rex Anglorum, divino compulsus amore, praecepto Joannis, Apostolicae Sedis Episcopi, ac Pleigmundi Cantuar. Archiepisc. consilio, omnium Sacerdotum & Prin∣cipum meae Dominationis, universa & singula Privilegia, Doctoribus & Scholaribus Cantabrigiae, nec non servientibus eorundem, (uti ab olim vi∣guit indesinenter Mater Philosophiae, & reperitur in praesenti Fons Cleri∣moniae,) à me data, seu ab Antecessoribus meis quomodo libet concessa, sta∣bili jure grata & rata decerno durare, quamdiu vertigo Poli circa Terras at{que} Aequora Aethera Syderum justo moderamine volvet. Datum in Grantecestria, anno ab Incarnatione D. 915. venerabili Fratri Frith∣stano, Civitatis Scholarium Cantabrig. Cancellario, & Doctori per suum, &c.

The Credit of this Charter is questioned by some, because of the barbarous Stile thereof: as if an University were disgraced with honourable Priviledges granted unto it in base Latine. But know, that Age was so poor in Learning, it could not go to the Cost of good Language. Who can look to find a fair Face in the hotest parts of Aethiopia? Those Times were ignorant: and as it is ob∣served of the Country-people born at the Village ofb 9.2 Carlton in Leicestershire, that they have all (proceeding from some secret cause in their Soil or Water) a strange uncouth VVharling in their Speech; so it was proper to the persons writing in this Age, to have a harsh, unpleasant, grating Stile, (and so much the sowrer to Criticall Eares, the more it is sweetned with an affected Rhythm,) though a Blemish, yet a Badge of their genuine Deeds, which were passed in those times.

7. Hear also what Iohn Rouse, an excellent Antiquary,* 9.3 furnished by King Edward the fourth with Privacy and Pension, to collect the Monuments of this Land, alleageth to this purpose. Who being bred in Oxford, and having written a Book in confutation of those which deduce the Foundation of this Vniversity from Cantaber, may be presumed will allow Cambridge no more then what in right is due unto her. He speaking ofc 9.4 King Edward the Elder, out of an ancient Table and Chronicle of Hyde Abbey by VVinchester, which himself by the favour of the Abbot perused, reporteth of the Restauration of decayed Cambridge at this time, in manner as followeth.

Ioh. Rossus in lib. de Regibus.

Propterea ad Clerimoniam augmen∣tandam, sicut Pater suus Oxoniam, sic ipse ab antiquo cum caeteris Stu∣diis generalibus suspensam, desola∣tam, & destructam Cantabrigiam, iterum ad primam Gloriam erexit:

nec non ibi Aulas Studientium, & Doctorum Magistrorumque Cathe∣dras & Sedilia, ut dilectissimus Cle∣ri nutritor, amator, & defensor, suis sumtibus erigi & fabricari praecepit. Ab Oxonia namque Vniversitate, quā Pater suus nobilis Rex erexerat, Magistros Artiū quas liberales vo∣camus, pariter in sacra Theologia Doctores, advocavit, ibi{que} ad leg en∣dū formaliter, & docendū invitavit.

Therefore for the augmentation of Clerk like Learning, as his Father had done to Oxford, so he again raised up Cam∣bridge to her first Glory, which for a long time, with other generall Schools, had been suspended, desolate, and destroyed:

as also,* 10.1 like a most loving Nourisher of the Clergie,* 10.2 he commanded that Halls for Students, Chairs and Seats of Do∣ctors and Masters, should there be ere∣cted, & built on his own proper Charges: for he called from Oxford Universitie, which his noble Father the King had ere∣cted, Masters of those Arts which we call liberall, together with Doctors in holy Divinity, and invited them there formal∣ly to read and teach.

8. Have we here Cambridge presented in a three-fold Condition.* 10.3 First, what she had been long before King Edward's time; fairly flourishing with Learning. Secondly, in what case he found her; desolate, and decayed. Then then Cup of Cambridge was at the bottom, her Breasts dry, and her Sun in an Ec∣lipse. She was, saith Rosse, suspended, not by the power of any Popes Keyes (as the word may import,) but by the force of Pagan Swords, who here interrupted the exercise of Acts and publick Lectures; as in Spain, Germany, and other For∣rein Parts, places appointed for Learning had shared in the like Calamity. Third∣ly, in what condition Edward left her; under whom, as under the Father of the Act, Cambridge it self did then Commence and take a new Degree. Happy this Edward, who like a wealthy Landlord had two Nurseries of choice Fruit; so that if the one, by any sad accident, chanced to faile, he could supply it from the other, without being beholding to his Neighbours. This was the Love be∣twixt the two Sisters; what either had, neither could want, and Oxford, which lent now, borrowed another time, as in due place shall appear. If the same Au∣thour a 10.4 elsewhere calleth this king Edward Founder of Cambridge, it is by an easie and obvious Errour, because a totall Repairer doth amount to a partiall Foun∣der. Nor doth Cambridge regret thereat; seeing Gratefull Expressions, which had rather transgresse in the Excesse, then the Defect, may in Courtesy call their Mender, their Maker.

9. Athelstan his Son succeeded King Edward,* 10.5 being much devoted to S^t. Iohn of Beverley;* 10.6 on whose Church he bestowed a Freed-Stool,* 10.7 with large Pri∣viledges belonging thereunto. Many Councils were kept in this Kings Reign, at Excester, Feversham, Thunderfield, and London (all of them of uncertain Date.) But one held at Greatlea is of greatest account for the Lawes therein enacted;* 10.8 the principall here insuing.* 10.9

1. That the kings Officers should truely pay Tithes, out of his Demesnes, as well of his quick Cattel, as dead Commodities.

2. That Cyricsceat (that is, First-fruits of Seeds) be duely payed to God in his Church.

3. That the Kings Officers maintain one Poore-body in the Kings Villages; and in case none be found therein, fetch him from other places.

[Christ saith, The poor you have alwayes with you. The Church in generall is well stockt with them, though some particular Parish may want such as are in Want. If any would know the Bill of Fare allowed these poore people; It was monthly a Measure of Meale, una Perna, a Gammon of Bacon, A Ramm worth a Groat, four Cheeses, & 30. Pence on Easter-Wednesday to buy them Cloaths.]

4. That Monyers wilfully corrupting the Coyn, and found guilty, have their Hands cut off, and nailed to the Mint-house.

[Every Burrough was allowed one Mint therein: but besides these,

• Hastings one
• Cirencester one
• Shaftsbury two
• Wareham two
• Exeterb 10.10 Two
• Hampton two
• Lewes two
• Rochester three
• Winchester six
• Canterbury seven
• (viz) For the King four
• For the Arch-bishop two
• For the Abbot one
• London eight

Most of these places were anciently in the West-Saxon Kingdome:* 10.11 to whom the English Monarchs were most favourable,* 10.12 in doubling their Priviledge of Coynage, but single in other places of greater Capacity.]

5. That such who were tryed by Ordall, should ceremoniously be prepared there∣unto with the solemn manner of managing that Tryall.

6. That no Buying or Selling be on the Lords-Day.

[This took not full effect for many yeares after; for Henrya 10.13 the first gran∣ted to Battel Abbey a Market to be kept on that Day, lately (at the motion of Anthony Marquess Montacute) by Act of Parliam▪ removed to another Day.]

7. That one convicted of Perjurie, shall be trusted no more on his Oath, nor be buried in Holy earth, except restored by the Bishop on his Penance.

8. That Witches, confessing themselves to have killed any, be put to death.

[Such as were suspected, and denied the Fact, might be tried by Ordall: which was done either by Fire, whereof hereafter; or by Water. Of the later, Mergator una ulna & dimidia in sune: which I thus understand; Let the Party be tied to a Rope, and drencht an Ell and half above his own Height. And this is the first footstep we find of Swimming of Witches; for which no Law, save Cu∣stome, at this day; and that whether just in it self, and satisfactory (as a means proportionable for the discovery of the Truth) is not my work to determine.

Whosoever desires to have more exact Information of this Council, may re∣pair to Sir Henryb 10.14 Spelman, where he may receive plentifull Satisfaction.

10. Onely I must not omit one Passage in this Council, acquainting us with the Herauldry of that Age, and the Distances and Degrees of Persons, collected from their VVeers or VVeer-Glids, that is Taxes, and Valuations; it being truly to be said in that Age,

Quantum quisque sua Nummorum servat in Arca, Tantum habet et Fidei—

Every ones Testimony in Law-cases in Courts was credited according to his Wealth.

1. Ceorles (whence our Northern word Carles, and common word Churles) being Countrey Clowns, whose VVeer-gild was 200. shil∣lings, or 10. pounds; the same with Villanes, who held land in Villanage of others. These, if by Blessing on their Industry they rose so high as to have five Hides of Land of their own, with a place in the Kings Court, and some other Priviledges, now hardly to be understood, were advan∣ced to be Thanes.

2. The VVeer-gild, or Value of a Thane, was six times as much as a Churle, or a Villane, namely twelve times a hundred shillings, therefore termed a twelve-hind-man: whose Oath in Law was equivalent to six Oaths of Churles, or Villanes; as a Shilling passing in Payment countervaileth six two-pences. Note, that if a Masseer, or Merchant, pass the great Sea thrice (understand the Mediterranian, not the Narrow Seas betwixt us and France) and not in the Notion of a Servant, but on his own account; he then was dignified with the reputation of a Thane. These Thanes were of two sorts: Meset Thanes, Priests qualified to say Masse; and VVor∣rould-Thanes, that is, secular, or temporall Thanes.

3. Of the first, if a Scholar made such proficiency in his Studies, that he took holy Orders, he was reverently respected, and (though not valued as a VVorrould-Thane in Rates and Taxes) Amends were to be made for any Wrongs done unto him, equall to a Thane; and in case he should be kill'd, the Penalty thereof was the higher, the more Orders the person had taken. Observe by the way (so far as we can understand the Saxon Laws) that Man-slaughter was not then punished with Death, but might be redeemed by the proportionable Payment of a Summe of Mony, ac∣cording to the Quality of the Person slain; part thereof payable to the King, part to his Kindred, part to the Countrey thereabouts.

But the further prosecution hereof, (where the Footsteps are almost out-worn

with Time) we leave to more expert Antiquaries; who will tell you, that Alder∣man in that Age was equall to our modern Earle, who with Bishops were of the same Valuation: also that Comes in that Age, sounded as much as Duke in ours, Arch-bishops going along with them in all considerable Equipage.

11. Now began S^t. Dunstan to appear in Court,* 10.15 born at Glassenbury,* 10.16 of Noble Parentage (as almost what Saint in this Age was not honourably extracted?* 10.17) Nephew both to Elphegus Bishop of VVinchester, and Athelm Arch-bishop of Canterbury, yea Kinsman remote to King Athelstane himself: and being thus highly related, he could not misse of Preferment. His Eminencies were Painting and Graving (two Qualities disposing him to be very usefull for Saint-worship∣ping, either for Pictures or Images) an excellent Musician (Preaching in those dayes could not be heard for Singing in Churches) & an admirable Worker in Brass and Iron. These Accomplishments commended him at Court to be ac∣ceptable to Company; and for some time he continued with the King in great Reputation.

12. But it is given to that Bowle which lyes next to the Mark,* 10.18 to have most take aime to remove it.* 10.19 Eminency occasions Envy,* 10.20 which made Dunstan's Enemies endeavour to depresse him. He is accused to the King for a Magician, and upon that account banished the Court. It was brought as Evidence against him, that he made his Harp not onely to have Motion, but make musick of it self; which no VVhite Art could perform.

S^t. Dunstan's Harp fast by the Wall Vpon a Pin did hang-a: The Harp it self, with Ly and all, Vntoucht by hand did twang-a.

For our part, let Dunstan's Harp hang there still, on a double Suspicion twisted together; first, whether this Story thereof were true or false: secondly, if true, whether done by Magick or Miracle. Sure I am, as good a Harper, and a better Saint then Dunstan was, hath no such Miracle reported of him, even David him∣self: who with his Harp praised God, pleased men,a 10.21 frighted Devils; yet took pains with his own rightb 10.22 Hand to play, not lazily commanding Musick by Mi∣racle to be made on his Instrument.

13. Banish'd from Court,* 10.23 Dunstan returns to Glassenbury,* 10.24 and there falls a puffing and blowing in his Forge.* 10.25 Here he made himself a Cell (or rather a Little-ease) being but four foot long, two and a half broad (enough to cripple his Joynts with the Cramp, who could not lye along therein) whilest the height thereof was according to the stature of a man. Wisely and vertuously he would not confine himself upwards, that the Scantness of the earthly Dimensions in his Cell (Breadth and Length) might be enlarged in the Height thereof, and li∣berty left for the ascending of his Meditations. But it matters not how little the Prison be, if a man, with Dunstan, be his own Gaoler, to go in and out at plea∣sure. Leave we him at the Furnace in Smithery-work (excelling Alexander the Copper-smith therein) whilest we find such Monks as wrote his Life, at an∣other Forge, whence they coined many impudent Miracles, pretended done by Dunstan, and this among the rest.

14. Dunstan was in his Vocation making some iron Trinkets,* 10.26 when a Pro∣teus-Devil appeared unto him,* 10.27 changing into Shapes,* 10.28 but fixing himself at last into the form of a Fair Woman. Strange, that Satan (so subtil in making his Temptations most taking) should preferre this form; belike shrewdly guessing at Dunstan's Temper, that a Fair Woman might work upon him, and Vulcan might love a Venus. Dunstan ••••reeiving it, pluckt his Tongs glowing hot out of the Fire, and with them kept him (or her shall I say?) there along time by the Nose roaring and bellowing;* 10.29 till at last he brake loose, by what accident it is not told unto us.

15. I have better imployment then to spend precious time in confuting such

Follies;* 10.30 but give me leave to admire at these new Armes against Satan.* 10.31* 10.32 Take the shield of Faith (faith the Apostle) wherewith ye may quench all the fiery Darts of the VVicked. Dunstan found a new way by himself, with fiery Tongs to do the deed. But let us a little examine this Miracle. The Devil himself we know is a Spirit, and so impatible of materiall Fire. Now if it were a reall Body he as∣sumed, the Snake could slip off his Skin at pleasure, and not be tied to it, much lesse tormented with it. Besides, did Dunstan willingly or unwillingly let the Devil go? If willingly; Mercy to so malicious an Enemy (incapable of being amended) was Cruelty to himself: if unwillingly; was it Dunstan's Fire or his Faith that fail'd him, that he could hold out against him no longer? But away with all Suspicions and Queries: none need to doubt of the truth thereof, finding it in a Sign painted in Fleet-street near Temple-barre.

16. During Dunstan's abode in his Cell,* 10.33 he had to his great Comfort and Contentment the company of a good Lady, Aelfgine by name, living fast by. No Preacher but Dunstan would please her, being so ravisht with his Society, that she would needs build a little Cell for her self hard by him. In processe of time this Lady died, and by her last Will left Christ to be the Heir, and Dunstan the Executor of her Estate. Enabled with the accession thereof, joyned to his paternall Possessions, which were very great, and now fallen into his hands, Dunstan erected the Abbey of Glassenbury, and became himself first Abbot there∣of; a Title till his time unknown in England: he built also and endowed many other Monasteries, filling them with Benedictine Monks, who began now to swarm in England, more then Magots in a hot May, so incredible was their Increase.

17. After the death of King Athelstane,* 10.34 Dunstan was recalled to Court in the reign of King Edmund,* 10.35 Athelstan's Brother,* 10.36 and flourished for a time in great Favour. But who would build on the brittle Bottome of Princes Love? Soon after he falls into the Kings Disfavour;* 10.37 the old Crime,* 10.38 of being a Magi∣cian (and a Wanton with Women to boot) being laid to his charge. Surely Dunstan by looking on his own Furnace, might learn thence, there was no Smoak but some Fire: either he was dishonest, or undiscreet, which gave the Ground-work to their generall Suspicion. Hereupon he is re-banisht the Court, and re∣turned to his desired Cell at Glassenbury; but within three dayes was solemnly brought back again to Court, if the ensuing Story may be believed.

18. King Edmund was in an eager pursuit of a Buck,* 10.39 on the top of a steep Rock, whence no Descent but Destruction. Down falls the Deer, and Dogs after him, and are dashed to pieces. The King follows in full speed on an un∣ruly Horse, whom he could not rein, & is on the Brink of the Brink of the Preci∣pice: yet his Prayers prove swifter then his Horse, he but ran, whilst they did fly to Heaven. He is sensible of his Sin in banishing Dunstan, confesseth it with Sorrow, vowes Amendment, promiseth to restore & preferre him. Instantly the Horse stops in his full Career, and his Rider is wonderfully preserved.

19. Thus farre a strong Faith may believe of the Story:* 10.40 but it must be a wild one which gives credit to the remainder.a 10.41 Cervus & Canes reviviscunt, saith the impudent Monk, The Deer & Dogs revive again. I remember not in Scripture that God ever revived a brute Beast; partly, because such mean subjects are beneath the Majesty, of a Miracle; and partly, because (as the Apostle faith) brute Beastsb 10.42 are made to be taken & destroyed. Well then might the Monk have knockt off when he had done well, in saving the Man and Horse, and might have left the Dogs & Deer to have remained dead on the place; the Deer especially, were it but to make Venison Pasties, to feast the Courtiers at the solemnizing of their Lord and Masters so miraculous Deliverance.

20. Dunstan returning to Court was in higher Favour then ever before.* 10.43 Nor was his Interest any whit abated by the untimely Death of King Edmund (slain by one Leoff a Thief) seeing his Brother Edred,* 10.44 succeeding to the Crown,* 10.45 con∣tinued and increased his Kindness to him. Under him Dunstan was the Doe-all at

Court,* 10.46 being the Kings Treasurer,* 10.47 Chancellour, Counsellour, all things. Bishopricks were bountifully profered him, pick and chuse where he please; but none were honoured with his Acceptance. Whether because he accounted himself too high for the place, and would not stoop to the Employ∣ment; or because he esteemed the place too high for him, unable conscien∣tiously to discharge it in the midst of so many Avocations. Mean time Mona∣steries were every where erected (King Edred devoutly resigning all his Trea∣sure to Dunstan's Disposall) Secular Priests being thrust out of their Convents, and Monks substituted in their rooms.

21. But after Edred's Death,* 10.48 the Case was altered with Dunstan falling into Disgrace with King Edwin his Successour.* 10.49 This King on his Coronation-day was said to be incestuously imbracing both Mother & Daughter,* 10.50 when Dunstan boldly coming into his Bed-chamber, after bitter Reproofs, stoutly fetcht him thence, and brought him forth into the company of his Noblemen. An heroick act, if true, done with a Iohn Baptist spirit: and no wonder if Herod and Herodias, I mean this incestuous King and his Concubines, were highly offended with Dunstan for the same.

22. But good men,* 10.51 and grave Authours give no belief herein, conceiving King Edwin (how bad soever charactered by the Monks his malicious Enemies) to have been a worthy Prince. In witnesse whereof they produce the words of a 10.52 Henry Huntington, a learned man, but no Monk, thus describing him;

Edwin non illaudabiliter regni in∣sulam tenuit.

Et rursus:

Ed win rex, anno regni sui qui∣to, cum in principio regnum ejus de∣centissime flor eret, prospera & laeta∣bunda exordia mors immatura per∣rupit.

Edwin was not undeserving of praise in managing the Sceptre of this Land.

And again:

King Edwin in the fifth year of his Reign, when his Kingdome began at first most decently to flourish, had his prosperous and pleasant Beginnings broken off with untimely Death.

This Testimony considered, makes many men think better of King Edwin, and worse of Dunstan, as guilty of some uncivil Intrusion into the Kings Chamber, for which he justly incurred his royall Displeasure.

23. Hereupon Dunstan is banished by King Edwin,* 10.53 not as before from En∣gland to England, from the Court to his Cell at Glassenbury; but is utterly ex∣pelled the Kingdome, and flieth into Flanders. Where his Friends say that his Fame prepared his Welcome, & the Governour of Gaunt most solemnly enter∣tained him.* 10.54 Mean time,* 10.55 all the Monks in England of Dunstan's Plantation were rooted up, and Secular Priests set in their places. But soon after happened many Commotions in England, especially in Mercia and Northumberland. The Monks which write the Story of these Rebellions, conceive it unfit to impart to Posterity the Cause thereof; which makes wise men to suspect, that Dunstan (who could blow Coals elsewhere as well as in his Furnace) though at distance, vertually (or rather viciously present,) had a Finger, yea, a Hand there∣in. Heart-broken with these Rebellions,* 10.56 King Edwin died in the Flower of his Age.* 10.57

24. Edgar succeeds him,* 10.58 and recalls Dunstan home,* 10.59 receiving him with all possible Affection.* 10.60 Yea now Dunstan's Stomack was come down, and he could digest a Bishoprick, which his Abstemiousness formerly refused. And one Bishoprick drew down another, VVorcester and London, not successively, but both a-breast went down his Conscience. Yea, never Age afforded more Plura∣list Bishops. In this Kings reign Letine heldb 10.61 Lincoln and Leicester; oswald (a great Monk-monger, of whom hereafter) held York and VVorcester; & Aldulph, his Successour in both Churches, did the like, pardoned, yea praised for the same: though Woolstan (because no favourer of Monks) is reproved for the like Plurality. Thus two men though doing the same thing, do not the same thing. Bigamy of Bishopricks goes by Favour; and it is condemnable in one, what

is commendable in another.* 10.62 Odo Severus,* 10.63 Arch-bishop of Canterbury, being ceremoniously to consecrate Dunstan Bishop of VVorcester, used all the Formali∣ties fashionable at the Consecration of ana 10.64 Arch-bishop: And being reproved for the same, he answered for himself, That he foresaw that Dunstan, instantly after his death, would be Arch-bishop of Canterbury. And therefore (a com∣pendious way to spare Paines) he onely by a provident Prolepsis ante-dated his Consecration. Surely, whosoever had seen the decrepit age of Odo, the affe∣ction of King Edgar to Dunstan, the affection of Dunstan to Dignity, needed no extraordinary prophetical Spirit to presage that (on the supposition of Dunstan's surviving him) he should succeed him in the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury.

25. Yea King Edgar was so wholly Dunstanized,* 10.65 that he gave over his Soul, Body, and Estate to be ordered by him and two more (then the Triumvirate who ruled England) namely Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Bi∣shop of Worcester. This Oswald was the man who procured by the Kings Au∣thority the Ejection of all Secular Priests out of Worcester, and the placing of Monks in their Room: which Act was called Oswald's Law in that Age. They might, if it pleased them, have stiled it Edgar's Law; the Legislative Power being then more in the King, then in the Bishop. This Oswald's Law afterwards enlarged it self over all England, Secular Priests being thrown out, and Monks every where fixed in their rooms; till King Henry the eighth his Law outed Os∣wald's Law, and ejected those Drones out of their Habitations.

26. King Edgar violated the Chastity of a Nun at Wilton.* 10.66 Dunstan getting notice thereof, refused at the Kings Request to give him his Hand, because he had defiled a Daughter of God, as he termed her. Edgar hereby made sensible of his Sin, with Sorrow confessed it; and Dunstan (now Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury) enjoyned him seven years Penance for the same. Monks endeavour to inforcea mock-Parallel betwixt David and Edgar, Nathan and Dunstan, herein. Sure I am, on David's profession of his Repentance, Nathan presently pronoun∣ced Pardon;b 10.67 the Lord also hath put away thy Sin, thou shalt not die; consigning him to be punished by God the Principall (using an Undutifull Son, Treache∣rous Servants, and Rebellious Subjects to be the Instruments thereof;) but im∣posing no voluntary Penance, that David should by Will-worship undertake on himself. All that I will adde, is this; If Dunstan did septennary Penance, to expiate every mortall Sin (to use their own Termes) he committed, he must have been a Methusalah, extremely aged, before the day of his Death.

27. More commendable was Dunstan's Carriage towards an English Count,* 10.68 who lived incestuously with his own Kinswoman.* 10.69 Dunstan admonished him once,* 10.70 twice, thrice; nothing prevailed: whereupon he proceeded to Excom∣municate him. The Count slighted his Excommunication, conceiving his Head too high for Church-Censures to reach it. King Edgar (falsly informed) desires Dunstan to absolve him, and is denied. Yea the Pope sends to him to the same Purpose, and Dunstan persists in hisc 10.71 Refusall. At last the Count, conquered with Dunstan's Constancy, and the sense of his own Sin, came into a Nationall Council at Canterbury, where Dunstan sate President (active there∣in to substitute Monks in the places of Secular Priests) on his bare Feet, with a Bundle of Rods, tendering himself to Dunstan's Chastisement. This wrought on Dunstan's mild Nature, scarce refraining from Teares; who presently absol∣ved him.

28. Three things herein are remarkable.* 10.72 First, that Bribes in the Court of Rome may purchase a Malefactor to be innocent. Secondly, that the Pope him∣self is not so infallible, but that his Key may misse the Lock, and he be mistaken in matter of Absolution. Thirdly, that men ought not so with blind Obedience to obey his pretended Holinesse, but that if (with Dunstan here) they see just Cause to the contrary, it is no Mortall Sin to disobey his Commands.

29. The Apprentiship of Edgar's Penance long since expired,* 10.73 he flouri∣shed in all Monarchicall Lustre: sole Founder of many, Co-founder of more,

Benefactor to most Abbeys in England.* 10.74 And as he gave new Cases to most Mo∣nasteries (repairing their outward Buildings) so he gave new Linings to all,* 10.75 sub∣stituting Monks in stead of the Secular Priests, whom he expelled. Many Ec∣clesiasticall Canons were by him ordained, which at large are presented in S^t. Henry Spelman, and which I have neither List nor Leisure to recount in this my History. Our Women have a Proverb, It is a sad Burden to carry a dead mans Child: and surely an Historian hath no heart to take much Pains (which herein are Pains indeed) to exemplify dead Canons, (dead and buried long since, as most relating to Monkery) this Age, wherein we live, being little fond of Anti∣quity, to know those things which were antiquated so many yeares since.

30. Now though the Devotion of King Edgar may be condemned to be by∣assed to Superstition,* 10.76 yet because the Sincerity of his Heart sought to advance Gods Honour, according to the Light in those dark dayes, he appears one of the most puissant Princes that ever England enjoyed, both in Church and Com∣mon-wealth. I have read in a most fair and authentick guildeda 10.77 Manuscript, wherein he stileth himself Gods Vicar in England, for the ordering Ecclesiasti∣call matters: a Title which at this day the Pope will hardly vouchsafe to any Christian Princes. His Reign was blest with Peace and Prosperity, both by Land and Sea; insomuch that in a royall Frolick, eight petty Kings rowed him over the river Dee near to Chester; namely five Princes of VVales (whereof Hoel-Dha was the principall) Kened King of Scotland, Malcolm King of Cumberland, and Mac-huse a great Sea-Robber, who may passe for the Prince of Pirats.

31. This Hoel-Dha,* 10.78 contemporary with King Edgar,* 10.79 was he that held a Na∣tionall Councill for all VVales (at a place called Ty-guin,* 10.80 or the VVhite-house (be∣cause built of white Hurdles, to make it more beautifull) regulated after this manner. Out of every Hundred in Wales he chose six Lay-men, with whom he joyned all the eminent Ecclesiasticall Persons (accounted an hundred & fourty) in his Dominions. Out of those he chose eleven Lay-men and one Clergy-man, (but such a one as who alone by himself might passe vertually for eleven) Blan∣goridus by name, to enact what Laws they pleased, which after the impression of Royall Assent upon them, should be observed by that Nation. One might suspect this Council, thus over-powered with Laicks therein, which pinch on the Priests side; whereas we find the Canons therein wholly made in favour of the Clergy: enacting this among the rest, That the presence of a Priest and a Iudge constitute a legall Court, as the two Persons onely in the Quorum thereof.

32. But methinks the Lawes therein enacted (which a learnedb 10.81 Antiquary presents us at large) fall far short of the Gravity of a Councill:* 10.82 except any will excuse it from the Age thereof; what we count light and triviall, might be esteemed serious and solid in those dayes. Besides, the Laws discover in them a conceited affectation of the Number of Three. In three Cases a Wise may le∣gally leave her Husband: first, if he hath a Leprosy; secondly, if he hath a stinking Breath; thirdly, & if he be unable to give her due Benevolence. In three cases it was lawfull for a man to kisse his Neighbours Wife: first, at a Banquet; secondly, at the Welch Play called Guare-raffau; and thirdly, when he comes from a far Journey, by way of Salutation. If a Man and his Wife were to part asunder, they were to divide their Goods betwixt them so, that she was to have the Sheep; he the Hogs: she the Milk and milk-Vessels, with all the Dishes save one; he all the Beer and Barrels, with the Axe, Saw, &c.

33. But how silly soever these Canons seem to our modern Criticks,* 10.83 they were then conceived of such Weight and Worth,* 10.84 that King Hoel-Dha with his Arch-bishop of S^t. Davids,* 10.85 the Bishops of Bangor, Landaffe & S^t. Asaph, are said to have taken a Iourney to Rome, and procured the Popes Confirmation to them. Nor find I ought else of this Synod, save that the Close thereof presents us with a list of seven Episcopall Seats then in Wales: I. S^t. Davids, 2. Ismael, 3. Degenian, 4. Vssyll, 5. Teylaw, 6. Teuledauc, 7. Kenewc 10.86. I am not Welch man enough to point at these places, and to shew you where they be at this day,

which we leave to some skilfull Antiquary of their own Nation.* 10.87 Onely we find that whereas the Churches were burdened with some Payments out of them,* 10.88 two of the Bishops Seats (Vssyl and Kenew) were freed from the same. And this satisfactory Reason is rendred of their Exemption, quia terris carent, because they had no Lands belonging unto them.

34. King Edgar was peaceably gathered to his Fathers,* 10.89 leaving his Crown to Edward his Son,* 10.90 and his Son (because under age) to the Tuition of Dunstan.* 10.91 In this Kings Reign three Councils were successively called, to determine the Differences between Monks and Secular Priests. The first was at Winchester; where the Priests being outed of their Convents, earnestly pressed for Restitu∣tion, and sought by Arguments to clear their Innocence, and prove their Title to their ancient Possessions. The Council seemed somewhat inclinable to fa∣vour unto them; when presently a Voice, as coming from a Crucifix behind Dunstan, is reported to be heard, saying,

Absit hoc ut fiat, absit hoc ut fiat; Iudicastis bene, mu∣taretis non bene.

God forbid it should be done, God for∣bid it should be done; Ye have judged it well, and should change it ill.

Whether these words were spoken in Latine or English, Authours leave us un∣resolved. Monks equall this (for the truth thereof) to thea 10.92 still small Voice to Elijah, whilest others suspect some Forgery; the rather, because it is reported to come as from a Crucifix: they feare some secret Falsehood in the Fountain, be∣cause visible Superstition was the Cistern thereof. However, this Voice proved for the present the Casting Voice to the Secular Priests, who thereby were over∣born in their Cause, and so was the Council dissolved.

35. Yet still the Secular Priests did struggle,* 10.93 refusing to be finally concluded with this transient aiery Oracle.* 10.94b 10.95 To the Law, and to the Testimony:* 10.96 if they speak not according to this word, &c. They had no warrant to relie on such a vocal De∣cision, from which they appealed to the Scripture it self. A second Council is called at Kirtlington (now Katlage in Cambridge-shire, the Baronry of the right Honourable the Lord North) but nothing to purpose effected therein. Dun∣stan (say the Monks) still answered his Name, that is, Dun, a rocky Mountain, and Stain, a Stone (but, whether a precious Stone, or a Rock of Offence, let others decide) persisting unmoveable in his Resolution; nor was any thing performed in this Council, but that by the Authority thereof, people were sent on Pilgri∣mage to S^t. Mary at Abbington.

36. The same year a third Council was called,* 10.97 at Caln in VViltshire. Hither repaired Priests, and Monks, with their full Forces, to trie the last Conclusion in the Controversie betwixt them. The former, next the Equity of the Cause, relied most on the Ability of their Champion, one Beornelm, a Scottish Bishop; who with no lesse Eloquence then Strength, with Scripture and Reason de∣fended their Cause. When behold, on a sudden, the Beams brake in the Room where they were assembled, and most of the Secular Priests were slain, and bu∣ried under the Ruines thereof. All were affrighted, many maimed; onely the place whereon Dunstan sate, either (as some say) remained firm, or fell in such sort, that the Timber (the Sword to kill others) proved the Shield to preserve him from Danger.

37. Some behold this Story as a notable Untruth:* 10.98 others suspect the Devil therein, not for a Lyer, but a Murtherer, and this Massacre procured by Com∣pact with him: a third sort conceived that Dunstan, who had so much of a Smith, had here something of a Carpenter in him, and some Devise used by him about pinning and propping of the Room. It renders it the more suspicious, because he disswaded King Edward from being present there, pretending his want of Age; though he was present in the last Council, and surely he was ne∣ver the younger for living some Moneths since the same Assembly. If truely performed, Dunstan appears happier herein then Samson himself, who could

not so sever his Foes,* 10.99 but both must die together.* 10.100 Sure I am, no ingenuous Pa∣pist now-a-dayes, will make any uncharitable Inference from such an accident: especially since the Fall of Black Friers 1623. enough to make all good men turn the Censuring of others into an humble Silence, and pious Adoring of Divine Providence.

38. But the Monks made great Advantage of this Accident,* 10.101 conceiving that Heaven had confirmed their Cause (as lately by VVord at VVinchester, so) now by VVork in this Council at Caln. Hereupon Secular Priests are every where outed, and Monks substituted in their Room. Indeed these later in civil re∣spect, were beheld as more beneficiall to their Convents; because Secular Priests did marry, and at their deaths did condere Testamenta, make their VVills, and bequeathed their Goods to their Wives and Children; whilest Monks, having no Issue (which they durst own) made their Monastery Heir of all they had. It was also objected against the Priests, that, by their Loosnesse, and La∣zinesse, left at large in their Lives, they had caused the generall declination of Piety at this time: whilest it was presumed of the Monks, that, by the strict Rules of Observance, to which they were tied, they would repair the Ruines of Religion in all places.

39. It appears not,* 10.102 what Provision was made for these Priests when eje∣cted; and they seem to have had hard Measure, to be dispossessed of their civil Right. Except any will say, it was no Injury to them, to loose their places so soon, but a great Favour, that they enjoyed them so long, living hitherto on the free Bounty of their Founders, and now at the full Dispose of the Church and State. Little can be said in excuse of the Priests, and lesse in commendation of the Monks; who though they swept clean at the first, as new Besomes, yet af∣terwards left more Dust behind them of their own bringing in, then their Pre∣decessours had done. Thus the Hive of the Church was no whit bettered, by putting out Drones, and placing Wasps in their room. Yea, whereas former∣ly Corruptions came into the Church at the Wicket, now the broad-Gates were opened for their Entrance; Monkery making the way for Ignorance and Super∣stition, to overspread the whole World.

40. Another Humour of the former Age (to make one Digression for all) still continued,* 10.103 and encreased, venting it self in the fair Foundations, and stately Structures of so many Monasteries. So that one beholding their Great∣nesse (being Corrivals with some Towns in receipt, and extent) would admire that they could be so neat; and considering their Neatnesse, must wonder they could be so great; and lastly, accounting their Number, will make all three the object of his Amazement. Especially, seeing many of these were founded in the Saxon Heptarchy, when seven Kings put together did spell but one in effect. So that it may seem a Miracle, what invisible Indies those petty Princes were Masters of, building such Structures which impoverish Posterity to repair them. For although some of these Monasteries were the fruit of many Ages, long in ripening, at several times, by sundry persons, all whose Parcels and Additions met at last in some tolerable Uniformity; yet most of them were be∣gun and finished, absolute, and entire, by one Founder alone. And although we allow, that in those dayes Artificers were procured, and Materials purchased at easie Rates; yet there being then scarceness of Coin (as a little Money would then buy much Ware; so much Ware must first in exchange be given to provide that little Money) all things being audited proportionably, the Wonder still re∣mains as great as before. But here we see with what eagernesse those Designes are undertaken and pursued, which proceed from blind Zeal: every Finger be∣ing more then an Hand to build, when they thought Merit was annexed to their Performances. Oh, with what might and main did they mount their Walls, both day and night; erroniously conceiving, that their Souls were advan∣taged to Heaven, when taking the Rise from the top of a Steeple of their own erection.

41. But it will not be amisse,* 10.104 to mind our forgetfull Age, that, seeing De∣votion (now better informed) long sithence hath desisted to expresse it self in such pompous Buildings, she must find some other means, and manner, to evi∣dence and declare her Sincerity. Except any will say, that there is lesse Heat re∣quired, where more Light is granted; and that our Practice of Piety should be diminished, because our Knowledge thereof is increased. God, no doubt, doth justly expect that Religion should testifie her Thankfulnesse to him, by some eminent way, and Works: and where the Fountain of Piety is full, it will find it self a Vent to flow in, though not through the former Chanels of Superstition.

42. King Edward went to give his Mother-in-law at Corfe-Castle a respect∣full Visit,* 10.105 when by her contrivance he was barbarously murthered,* 10.106 so to pave the way for her Son Ethelred his Succession to the Crown.* 10.107 But King Edward, by losing his Life, got the title of a Martyr, so constantly called in our Chro∣nicles. Take the term in a large acception, otherwise restrictively it signifies such an one, as suffers for the Testimony of the Truth. But, seeing this Edward, was cruelly murthered, and is said after death to work Miracles; let him, by the Courtesie of the Church, passe for a Martyr, not knowing any Act or Order to the contrary, to deny such a Title unto him.

43. Ethelred,* 10.108 Edward's half-Brother,* 10.109 succeeded him in the Throne. One with whom Dunstan had a Quarrel from his Cradle, because, when an Infant, he left more Water in the Font then he found there, at his Baptizing. Happy Dunstan himself, if guilty of no greater Fault, which could be no Sin (nor pro∣perly a Slovennesse) in an Infant, if he did as an Infant! Yet from such his ad∣dition, Dunstan prognosticated an Inundation of Danes would ensue in this Island: which accordingly came to passe. But Ethelred is more to be con∣demned, for the Bloud he shed when a man; it being vehemently suspected, that he was accessary with his Mother to the murthering of his Brother Ed∣ward.

44. But Dunstan survived not to see his Prediction take effect,* 10.110 for he was happily prevented by Death,* 10.111 and buried on the South-side of the High Al∣tar in the Church of Canterbury:* 10.112 where his Tombe was famous for some time, till Thomas Becket eclipsed the same; seeing Saints, like new Besomes, sweep clean at the first, and afterwards are clean swept out, by newer Saints which succeed them. Yea, Dunstan's Grave grew so obscure at Canterbury, that the Monks of Glassenbury taking heart thereat (and advantaged by Iohn Capgrave's report, that Anno 1012. Dunstan's Corpse were translated thither) pretended his Buriall, and built him a Shrine in their Convent. Men and Mony met at Glassenbury on this Mistake; and their Convent got more by this eight foot length of Ground (the supposed Tombe of Dunstan) then eight hundred Acres of the best Land they possessed elsewhere. Whereupon VVilliam Ware∣ham, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, to trie the truth, and to prevent farther Fraud herein, caused a solemn search to be made in the Cathedral of Canterbury, af∣ter Dunstan's Corpse, in the place Tradition reported him to be interred.

45. Four of the Friars,* 10.113 fittest for the work (to wit, of stronger Bodies then Braines) undertook to make this Scrutinie Anno 1508. the 22. of April. Great Caution was used, that all should be done semotis Laicis, no Lay-men being present; whether because their Eies were too profane to behold so holy an Ob∣ject, or too prying to discover the Default, if the Search succeeded not. In the Night they so plyed their Work, that ere Morning they discovered Dunstan's Coffin, and rested the day following from more Digging; as well they might, having taken so much Pains, and gained so much Profit by their endeavours.

46. Next Night they on afresh;* 10.114 and, with main Force, plucked up the ponderous Coffin upon the Pavement. A Coffin built (as one may say) three Stories high: the outermost of Wood (but almost made Iron with the multi∣tude of Nailes therein;) within that another of plain Lead; within that a third

of wrought Lead, wherein the bones of Dunstana 10.115 lay in his Pontificall Vests,* 10.116 with this Inscription in a Plate, Hic requiescit Sanctus Dunstanus Archiepisco∣pus. * 10.117 Some lumps of Flesh were found, which were said to smell very sweet (the Reliques perchance of some Spices which embalmed him) and all done in the presence of many worthy Witnesses: amongst whom, Cuthbert Tunstal was one, then the Arch-bishops Chancellour, afterward Bishop of Durham. Hereupon the Arch-bishop sent his Mandate to the Abbot and Convent of Glassenbury, henceforward to desist from any jactitation of Dunstan's Corpse, and abusing people with such Pretences. A Fault most frequent in that Con∣vent, challenging almost the Monopolie of all English Saints, witnesse that impudent Lie of the rhythming Monk, writing thus of Glassenbury;

Hic Tumulus sanctus, hic Scala Poli celebratur; Vix luit Inferni Poenas hic qui tumulatur.

But, who is rather to be believed? S^t. Peter, that saith,b 10.118 The righteous shall scarcely be saved; or this Monk, affirming that, Whoso is buried at Glassenbury, shall scarcely be damned?

47. After the death of Dunstan,* 10.119 their Patrone,* 10.120 the Monks (not much be∣friended by King Ethelred) were cast out of the Convent of Canterbury,* 10.121 or rather cast out themselves by their Misdemeanours.c 10.122 Man in honour hath no un∣derstanding, &c. They wax'd so wanton with possessing the places of Secular Priests, that a Monkd 10.123 himself of Canterbury confesseth, Monachi propter eo∣rum Insolentiam sedibus pulsi, & Clerici introducti. Monks for their Insolencie were driven out of their Seats, and Secular Clerks brought into their room. Thus was it often, In Dock, out Nettle, as they could strengthen their Parties. For Siricius, the next Arch-bishop of Canterbury, endeavoured the re-expulsion of the Priests; which by Alfricus his Successour was effected.

48. But soon after,* 10.124 the Danes revenged the Quarrel of the Secular Priests;* 10.125 and by a firm Ejection outed the Monks,* 10.126 before they were well warm in their Nests. Their Fury fell more on Convents, then Castles: whether, because the former were in that Age more numerous (Castles afterwards were encreased by William the Conquerour;) or because their Prey and Plunder was presumed the richest, and easist to be gotten; or because the Danes, then generally Pagans, principally spited places of Religion. A Relapse is far more dangerous then a simple Disease, as here it proved in the Danes. England for these last sixty years had been cured of, and cleared from their Cruelty, which now returned more terrible then ever before.

49. These Danes were also advantaged by the Unactivenesse of King Ethel∣red, * 10.127 therefore surnamed the Vnready in our Chronicles.* 10.128 The Clock of his Consultations and Executions was alwayes set some Hours too late,* 10.129 vainly stri∣ving with much Industry to redresse, what a little Providence might seasonably have prevented. Now, when this Vnready King met with the Danes his over∣ready Enemies, no wonder, if lamentable was the Event thereof. The best thing I find recorded of this King Ethelred, is, that in his dayes began the tryal of Causes by a Jury of twelve men to be chosen out of the Vicenage, of like quality, as near as may be suited, to the persons concerned therein. Hereby men have most fair play for their Lives: and let it be the desres of all honest hearts, that whilest we pluck off the Badges of all Norman Slavery, we part not with the Livery of our old Saxon Liberty.

50. In this sad condition King Ethelred hearkened to the perswasions of Siricius,* 10.130 Arch-bishop of Canterbury,* 10.131 and with ten thousand Pounds purchased a present Peace with the Danes.* 10.132 Indeed it was conformable to the calling of a Church-man to procure Peace, having not onelyc 10.133 Scripture precepts therein, Seck peace and pursue it; but also Precedents for the same, when gracious f 10.134 Hezekiah with a Present pacified Sennacherib to desist from invading him. However, this Arch-bishop generally suffered in his Reputation, condemned

of all,* 10.135 for counselling of what was,* 10.136 First, dishonourable; that an entire Nation, being at home in their own Land, should purchase a Peace from Forrainers, fewer in Number, and fetching their Recruits, and warlike Provisions from a Far Country: let them be paid in due Coin; not Silver, but Steel. Secondly, unprofitable: If once the Danes got but the Trick, to make the English bleed Money to buy Peace, they would never leave them, till they had sucked out their Heart-bloud, and exhausted the whole Treasure of the Land.

51. Indeed one may safely affirm,* 10.137 that the multitude of Monasteries invited the Invasion, and facilitated the Conquest of the Danes over England; and that in a double respect: First, because not onely the Fruit of the Kings Exchequer (I mean ready Money) was spent by this King his Predecessours on sounding of Monasteries; but also the Root thereof, his Demeasne lands, pluckt up, & parted with, to endow the same: whereby the Sinews of War were wanting, to make effectuall Opposition against Forrein Enemies. Secondly, because En∣gland had at this time more Flesh, or Fat, then Bones (wherein the Strength of a Body consists) moe Monks, then Military men. For instance, Holy-Island near Northumberland is sufficiently known, for the Position thereof, an advantageous Landing-place, especially in relation to Denmark. This place was presently forsaken of the fearfull Monks,* 10.138 frighted with the Danes their Approach;* 10.139 and Aldhunus, the Bishop thereof, removed his Cathe∣dral and Convent to Durham, an Inland place of more Safety. Now, had there been a Castle in the place of this Monastery, to secure the same with Fighters instead of Feeders, men of Armes instead of men of Bellies therein, pro∣bably they might have stopped the Danish Invasion at the first Inlet thereof. England then as much wanting martiall men, asa 10.140 since it hath surfeited with too many of them.

52. The Danes,* 10.141 having received and spent their Money,* 10.142 invaded England afresh, according to all wise mens expectation. It is as easie for armed Might to pick a Quarrel, as it is hard for naked Innocence to make Resistance. The De∣luge of their Cruelty over-ran the Realm; whose Sword made no more diffe∣rence betwixt the Ages, Sexes, and Conditions of people, then the Fire (which they cast on Houses) made distinction in the Timber thereof, whether it was Elme, Oake, or Ash; the Fiercenesse of the one killing, the Fury of the other consuming all it met with. Indeed in some small Skirmishes the English got the better, but all to no purpose. There is a place in Hartfordshire called Danes-end, where the Inhabitants by Tradition report (uncertain of the exact Date thereof) that a fatal blow in a Battel was given to the Danes thereabouts. But alas! this Danes-end was but Danes-beginning; they quickly recovered themselves as many, and mighty in the Field, and it seemed an endlesse end, to endeavour their utter Extirpation. Thus this Century sets with little Mirth, and the next is likely to arise with more Mourning.

THE ELEVENTH CENTURY.* 10.143

BALDWINO HAMEY,* 11.1 Medicinae Doctori literatissimo, Mecoenati suo dignissimo.

COnqueruntur nostrates novissimo hoc Decennio, novam rerum faciem indui; nec mutata solum, sed & inversa esse omnia. Hujus indicia pluri∣ma proferunt, tristia sane ac dolenda; Dominos ni∣mirum Servis postpositos, dum alii è Servis Do∣mini repente prodierint.

At, ad Metamorphosin hanc probandam, argumentum suppetit mihi ipsi laetum & me∣moratu jucundum. Solent enim aegroti, si quan∣do Medicum adeant, manus afferre plenas, referre vacuas. At ipse è contra Te saepe accessi & aeger & inops; decessi integer & bene nummatus. Quoties enim opus hoc nostrum radicitus exaruisset, si non imbre munificentiae tuae fuis∣set irrigatum?

THis Century began (as Children generally are born) with cry∣ing; * 11.2 partly for a Massacre made by the English on the Danes, but chiefly for the Cruelty committed by the Danes on the English.* 11.3 Concerning the former;* 11.4 certain Danes fled into a Church at Oxford, hoping the Sanctity thereof (according to the devout Principles of that Age) would secure them: and probably such Pitty might have in∣clined them to Christianity. Whereas by command from K. Ethelred, they

werea 11.5 all burned in the place;* 11.6 whose Bloud remained not long unrevenged.* 11.7 The Danish Fury fell (if not first) fiercest on the City of Canterbury, with Fire and Sword, destroying eight thousand people therein: and which Authours who quadruple that number, surely take in not onely the Vicenage, but all Kent to make up their account. Ealphegus the Archbishop of Canterbury, common∣ly called Alphage, was then slain, and since Sainted; a Church nigh Creeple-gate in London being consecrated to his Memory.

2.b 11.8 A Monk of Canterbury reports,* 11.9 that the Abbey of S^t. Augustine was saved on this occasion; A Danish Souldier stealing the Pall from the Tombe of S^t. Au∣gustine, it stuck so close under his Arme-pits, that it could not be parted from his Skin, untill he had publickly made confession of his Fault: Vltio Raptorem ra∣puit, faith the Authour. And hereupon the Danes of Invaders, turned Defenders of that Monastery. Butc 11.10 others conceive, if it found extraordinary favour, their Money (not this Miracle) procured it. Sure I am, when Achan stole the Babylonish Garment, he was left at large to discovery byd 11.11 Lot, and no Miracle detected him. Next year a namelesse Bishop of London was sacrificed to their Fury,* 11.12 used worse then the Task-Masters of Israel,* 11.13 (on whose Back the number of Bricks wanting, weree 11.14 onely scored in Blows) being killed out-right, for want of present pay of thef 11.15 Tribute promised unto them.

3. Cambridge and Oxford both of them deeply tasted of this bitter Cup at the same time. True it is, some two years since, when the rest of the East-Angles cowardly fled away, homines Comitatus Cantabrigiaeg 11.16 viriliter obstiterunt, unde Anglis regnantibus laus Cantabrigiensis Provinciae splendide florebat. Hence it is that I have read (though unable at the instant to produce my Authour) that Cambridgeshire-men claim an ancient (now antiquated) Priviledge,* 11.17 to lead the Van in all Battels. But Valour at last little befriended them, the Danes burning Cambridge to Ashes, and harassing the Country round about.

4. Here let State-Historians inform the Reader of intestine Warres betwixt Edmund Ironside (so called for his hardy enduring all Troubles) King of Eng∣land, * 11.18 Defendour,* 11.19 and Canutus the Dane, Invader of this Land; till at last, (after a personall Duel fought) the Land was equally divided betwixt them. A division wherewith both seemed, neither were well pleased; seeing the least whole head cannot be fitted with the biggest half Crown; all or none was their de∣sire. * 11.20 Canutus at last with his Silver Hand, was too hard for the other his Iron Side; who by his promised Bribes prevailed with one Edrick to kill this his Corrivall; which being performed he was fairely advanced with ah 11.21 Halter. It would spoil the Trade of all Traytours,* 11.22 if such Coyn onely were currant in paying their Rewards.

5. Canutus or Knot the Dane (from whom a Bird in Lincolnshire is so called,* 11.23 wherewith his Palatei 11.24 was much pleased) bathed himself in English Bloud, whom at this distance of time, we may safely term a Tyrant, so many Murthers and Massacres were by him committed. For his Reli∣gion, as yet he was a Mungrel betwixt a Pagan and a Christian; though at last, the later prevailed, especially after his Pilgrimage to Rome. In his passage thither,* 11.25 he went through France;* 11.26 where understanding that the people paid deep Taxes,* 11.27 he disburst so much of his own money in their behalf, that he brought theirk 11.28 Taxes to be abated to onel 11.29 half: An Act of Pitty in a Prince without Precedent done to Forrainers. It is vain for the English to wish the like Curtesy from the King of France; partly because England lies not in their way to Rome, partly because they are fuller of Complements then Curtesie.

6. Coming to Rome,* 11.30 Canutus turned Convert,* 11.31 changing his Condition with the Climate, shewing there many expressions of Devotion. Much he gave to the Pope, and something he gained from him; namely, an Immunity for Archbishops,* 11.32 from their excessive Charges about their Pall, and some other Fa∣vours he obtained for his Subjects. After his return into his own Country, he laid out all the remainder of his dayes in Acts of Charitie, in founding, or

enriching of religious Houses,* 11.33 and two especially,* 11.34 Saint Bennets in the Holm in Norfolk, and Hyde Abbey near VVinchester.

7. To this latter he gave a Crosse so costly for the Metall,* 11.35 and cu∣rious for the Making,* 11.36 that one yearesa 11.37 revenues of his Crown was ex∣pended on the same.* 11.38 But the Crosse of this Crosse was, that about the Reign of King Henry the sixth, it wasb 11.39 burnt down with the whole Monastery, in a Fire which was very suspicious to have been kindled by in∣tentionall Malice. This Canutus towards the latter end of his Reign, ne∣ver wore a Crown, resigning up the same to the Image of our Saviour: he was also famous for a particular act of Humility done by him on this oc∣casion.

8. A Parasite (and sooner will an hot May want Flies,* 11.40 then a Kings Court such Flatterers) sought to puffe up King Canutus, with an opinion of his Puissance; as if, because England and Norway, there∣fore Aeolus and Neptune must obey him. In confuting of whose false∣hood, Canutus commanded his Chair of State to be set on the Sea∣shore, nigh South-Hampton, and settled himself thereon. Then he c 11.41 imperiously commanded the Waves (as a Fence which walled that Land, belonging unto him) to observe their due Distance, not pre∣suming to approach him. The surly Waves were so far from obey∣ing, they heard him not; who listned onely to the Proclamation of a higher Monarch,d 11.42 Hither shalt thou come, and no further; and made bold to give the Kings Feet so course a Kisse, as wetted him up to the Knees.

9. On this accident King Canutus made an excellent Sermon:* 11.43 First, adoring the infinite Power of God, sole Commander of the Winds and Waves: Secondly, confessing the frailty of all Flesh, unable to stop the least Drop of the Sea: Thirdly, confuting the Profanenesse of Flatterers, fixing an infinite Power in a finite Creature. As for the Laws made by King Canutus,* 11.44 we have purposely omitted them: not so much because many, large, and ordinarily extant; but chiefly because, most, of Civil Concern∣ment.* 11.45

10. Two of his Sons succeeded him,* 11.46 more known by their handsome Sur-names,* 11.47 then any other Desert. First his base Son, (taking advantage of his Brothers absence) called from his Swiftnesse,* 11.48 Harold Harefoot be∣like; anothere 11.49 Asahel in Nimblenesse, but Hares-heart had better befitted his Nature,* 11.50 so cowardly his disposition. Then his legitimate Sonne, called Hardy Canute, more truely bloudy Canute, eminent for his Cruelty. With him expired the Danish Royall Line in England, leaving no Issue behind him, and opening an Opportunity for the banished Sonne of King Ethelred to recover the Crown, whose ensuing Reign is richly worth our description. Mean time it is worth our observing, in how few yeares the Danish Greatnesse shrank to nothing; and from formidable, be∣came inconsiderable, yea contemptible. Indeed Canutus was one of extraor∣dinary Worth, and the Wheel once moved will for a time turn of it self. Had Harold his Son (by what way it skilled not) been one of a tole∣rable disposition, he might have traded in Reputation, on the Stock of his Fathers Memory. But being so very mean, (considerable onely in Cruelty) his Fathers Worth did him the Disadvantage, to render his Vnworthynesse the more conspicuous. Besides, when Hardy Canute his Brother succeeded him, and though better born, shewed himself no better bred in his inhu∣mane Carriage; it caused not onely a Neuseation in the people of England of Danish Kings, but also an appetite, yet a longing after their true and due So∣veraign.

11. Edward the Confessour,* 11.51 youngest Son of King Etherlred,* 11.52 (his elder Bre∣thren being slain,* 11.53 and their Children fled away) came to be King of England. I understand not the Ceremony which I read was used to this Edward, whilest as yet (saith a Monkisha 11.54 Authour, properly enough in his own Language) he was contained in the weak Cloisters of his Mothers VVomb; at which time the Peers of the Land sware Allegiance unto him or her (the Sex as yet being un∣known) before he was born. Indeed I find that Varanes his Child was crowned King whilest yet in his Mothers Body,b 11.55 applicata ad Vterum Corona. But what So∣lemnity soever was done to this Hans-en-Kelder, it did not afterwards embolden him to the Anticipation of the Crown, attending till it descended upon him.

12. A worthy King,* 11.56 no less pious to God, then just to Man: For, whereas for∣merly there were manifold Laws in the Land, made, some by the Britans, others by the Danes, others by the English, swelling to an unmeasurable Number, to the great Mischief of his Subjects; he caused some few of the best to be selected, and the rest, as captious and unnecessary, to be rejected. Hence, say some, they were called the Common Laws, as calculated for the common Good, and no pri∣vate persons Advantage.

13. It is admirable,* 11.57 how the Danes in this Kings Reign were vanished away. They who formerly could scarce be numbered in England, they were so many, could now scarce be numbered they were so few, and those living quietly with their English Neighbours. As for forrein invading Danes in this Kings Reign, as I cannot see them, so I will not seek them, glad of their Room and Riddance. Indeed once I meet with an Assay of them in a Navy bound to infest England: but their King being casually drowned as he entred his own Fleet, put an end to their Hopes, and our Feares for that Designe.

14. Emma,* 11.58 King Edward's Mother,* 11.59 being suspected too familiar with Alwin Bishop of VVinchester,* 11.60 under the colour of Devotion, put herself to be tryed by Ordall; whereof this the manner. Nine Plow-shares glowing hot were laid on the Ground, one foot distant from another; the party suspected was to be brought blind-folded, and bare-footed to passe over them: if he chanced to step in the Intervalls, or on the hot Iron unhurt, he was pronounced Inno∣cent, otherwise condemned for an Offender. An unjust Law, wherein the Tryers had no Precept, the Tryed no Promise. Must Innocence be ruin'd as often as Malice would wrong it, if Miracle would not rescue it? This was not a way to try man, but tempt God: As just a Trying by Fire, as that of our mo∣dern Witches by Water. This Tryall Queen Emma admirably underwent, not sensible of the Plow-shares till past them, saying to such as led her, Oh, when shall I come to the place of my Purgation?

15. By what Power this was performed,* 11.61 I will not dispute, finding amongst thec 11.62 Heathens a City Feronia, twenty miles from Rome, under mount Soracte; where the Inhabitants, possessed with a spirit of a Deity therein worshipped, usually walked upon burning Coales, without any Harm. Onely I wonder, that Bishop Alwin (equally suspected, and equally innocent with Emma) should not profer himself to the like Triall. But, perchance, the prudent Pre∣late remembred, that such barbarous Customes, though kept up amongst the Common People, were forbidden by the ancient Canons, as also by the Letter of Pope Stephen the fifth, which about the year eight hundred eighty and seven he wrote to Humbert, Bishop of Mentz: And now Emma, who went willingly on this sad Errand, did the Businesse for them both, and cleared their Credits. The Church of Winchester got well hereby, viz. nine Mannours, which Queen Emma bestowed thereon, in Commemoration of her Deliverance.

16. King Edward the Confessour was married to the devout Lady Edith;* 11.63 his Wife in Minde, but not in Body; in Consent, not Act; being onely (as my Au∣thour saith) an Abishag to the King. Strange! that two Persons, if loving each other in the prime of their yeares, should light on so happy a Temper, as mutually to warm, not to heat one another; which the Wife-men in our Age

will account difficult,* 11.64 and the Wanton impossible.* 11.65 Such will say, if this was true, that King Edward pass'd as great a Triall, as Queen Emma his Mother; and that his Ordall was as hard, as hers was painfull.

17. Was it not pity,* 11.66 but the World should have more of the Breed of them, who were so godly a Couple? Let Basenesse be barren, and Cruelty childlesse; Pious persons deserve a double Portion in that Charter of Fruitfulnesse,a 11.67 Mul∣tiply and encrease. Yea, the English Crown now wanting an Heir, and, for De∣fault thereof, likely to fall to Forreiners, might (I will not say have tempted, but) have moved King Edward to the Knowledge of his Wife. But whilest Papists crie up this his incredible Continency: others easily unwonder the same, by im∣puting it partly to his Impotence, afflicted with an Infirmitie; partly to the Dis∣taste of his Wife, whom he married onely for Coveniencie, and to the Distrust of her Chastity, on suspition whereof, he confined her to the Monasterie of Whore-well (as I take it) in Hamshire.

18. But grant Queen Edith a chast Woman,* 11.68 as she is generally believed; Daughter she was to a wicked Father, Earle Godwin by name, whence the Proverb,

Sicut spina rosam, genuit God winus Editham. From prickly stock as springs a Rose; So Edith from Earle Godwin grows.

little ill being written of the Daughter, and no good of the Father. Indeed King Edward was Father-in-law-ridden, who feared Earle Godwin rather then trusted him, as who with a long train of his Power could sweep many Depen∣dents after him. This Godwin (like those Sands near Kent which bear his name) never spared what he could spoile, but swallowed all which came within his compass to devoure. Two Instances whereof, because both belonging to Church-matters, we will relate.

19. He cast a cavetous Eye on the fair Nunnery of Berkley in Glocestershire,* 11.69 and thus contrived it for himself. He left there an handsome young man, real∣ly, or seemingly, sick, for their Charity to recover; who quickly grows well, and wanton. He is toying, tempting, taking; such Fire and Flax quickly make a Flame. The Sisters loose their Chastity, and, without taking Wife in the way, are ready to make Mothers. The young man (if sick) returns to Earle God∣win in Health, leaving the healthfull Nuns sick behind him. The same hereof fills the Country, flies to Court, is complained of by Earle Godwin to the King; Officers are sent to enquire, they return it to be true, the Nuns are turned out, their House and Lands forfeited, both bestowed on Earle Godwin; surprized VVeaknesse being put out, and designing VVickednesse placed in the room there∣of. Surely King Edward knew nothing of Godwin's Deceit herein; otherwise it was unjust, that the Whores should be punished, and the principall Pander re∣warded.

20. At another time he had a mind to the rich Mannour of Boseham in Sus∣sex, * 11.70 and complemented it out of Robert Arch-bishop of Canterbury, in this manner. Coming to the Arch-bishop, he saith, Da mihi Basium, that is, Give me a Buss, or a Kisse, an usuall Favour from such a Prelate. The Arch-bishop re∣turns, Dotibi Basium, kissing him therewith. An holy Kiss (perchance) as given, but a crafty one as taken: for Godwin presently posts to Boseham, and takes pos∣session thereof. And though here was neither real Intention in him who passed it away, nor valuable Consideration to him; but a mere Circumvention; yet such was Godwin's Power, and the Arch-bishops Poornesse of spirit, that he quietly enjoyed it. Nor have I ought else to observe either of Berkley or Bose∣ham, but that both these rich and ancient Mannours, Earle Godwin his brace of Cheats, and distant an hundred miles each from other, are now both met in the Right Honourable George Berkeley (as Heir apparent thereof) the paramount Mecoenas of my Studies: whose Ancestors as they were long since justly possessed of them; so I doubt not but their Posterity will long comfortably enjoy them.

21. The Monks that wrote this King Edward's life,* 11.71 had too heavy a hand in over-spicing it with Miracles, which hath made the Relation too hot for the Mouth of any moderate Belief. A poor Cripple chanced to come to him, one who might have stockt a whole Hospitall with his own Maladies. It was que∣stionable, whether the Difficulty of his Crawling caused more Pain, or the Deformity thereof more Shame unto him. The sight of him made all tender Beholders Cripples by Sympathie, commiserating his sad Condition. But it seems, this weak Wretch had a strong Fancy, and bold Face, who durst desire the King himself to carry him on his Back into the Church, on assurance (as he said) that thereby he should be recovered. The good King grants his Desire, and this Royal Porter beares him into the Church, where so strange an Altera∣tion is said to happen; Qui venit quadrupes, decessit bipes, He that came on all four, departed straight, and upright.

22. The Church into which the King carried the Cripple,* 11.72 was S^t. Peter's in VVestminister,* 11.73 built by him on this Occasion.* 11.74 King Edward had made a Vow to visit the Reliques of S^t. Peter in Rome; and, because his Subjects could not safely spare him out of his own Country, the Pope dispensed with him for the Per∣formance thereof. Now, although he went not to S^t. Peter, S^t Peter came to him, and in severall Apparitions advised him to build him a Church in the place now called Westminster, then Thornie, because desolate, and overgrown with Thorns and Briars. Nor is it any news, that populous Cities at this present, were anciently Woods and Bushie plots. What else was Ierusalem it self in the dayes of Abraham, but a Thornie, when in the middest thereof on Mount Mo∣riah, a Ram was caught by thea 11.75 Horns in a Thicket? This Church many yeares before had been dedicated to, and (as the Monks say) consecrated by S^t Peter, till destroyed by the Danes, King Edward raised it from the Ruines, endowing it with large Priviledges, and rich Possessions.

23. Next to St. Peter,* 11.76 our Edward's Darling, he is said to be most in Favour with S^t. Iohn the Apostle, who is reported to have appeared unto him in the shape of a Begging Pilgrim; the King, not having at the present Money to sup∣ply his Wants, pluckt off his Ring from his Finger, and bestowed it upon him. This very Ring, some yeares after, S^t. Iohn sent him back again by two Pil∣grims out of Palestine; but withall telling him, that he should die within six moneths after: a Message more welcome then the Ring to such a mortified man. If any doubt of the truth thereof, it is but riding to Havering in Essex, so called (asb 11.77 they say) from this Ring, where (no doubt) the Inhabitants will give any sufficient Satisfaction therein.

24. Amongst the many Visions in this Kings Reign,* 11.78 one I will not omit, because seeming to have some what more then mere Monk therein. One be∣ing inquisitive, what should become of England after King Edward's Death, received this Answer; The Kingdome of England belongeth to God himself, who will provide it a King at his pleasure. Indeed England is Gods on severall Titles. First, as a Country; the Earth is his, and the Fulnesse-thereof: Secondly, as an Island, which are Gods Demesnes, which he keeps in his own hand of his daily Providence: Thirdly, as a Kingdome on which he hath bestowed miraculous Deliverances. Seeing then England is his own, we know who said,c 11.79 Is it not lawfull to doe what I will with mine own? May he dispose of his own to his own Glory, and the good of his own Servants.

25. Amongst the many resplendent Vertues in King Edward,* 11.80 Contempt of Wealth was not the least, whereof some bring in this for an Instance. The King lay on a Pallet surrounded with Curtains; by him stood a Chest of Silver, which Hugolin, his Treasurer (called away on some sudden Occasion) had left open. In comes a thievish Courtier, takes away as much Money as he could carry, and disposeth thereof. Then cometh he the second time for a new Bur∣den, little suspecting that the unseen King saw him all the while; and having laden himself, departed. Some adde, he returned the third time. Be content

(quoth the King) with what you have, lest,* 11.81 if Hugolin come in and catch you,* 11.82 he take it all from you. Soon after the Treasurer returning, and fretting for loss of the Money, Let him have it quietly (said the King) he needeth it more then we do. Words which spake him a better man then King, as accessary to his own Rob∣bing; who, if pleased to have made this pilfering Fellow to have tasted of the Whip for his pains, had marred a pretty Jast, but made a better Earnest there∣in.

26. Posterity conceived so great an opinion of King Edward's Piety,* 11.83 that his Cloath; were deposited amongst the Regalia, and solemnly worn by our En∣glish Kings on their Coronation; never counting themselves so fine, as when invested with his Robes; the Sanctity of Edward the first Wearer excusing, yea adorning the modern Antiquenesse of his Apparell. Amongst these is the Rod or Sceptre, with a Dove on the Top thereof, (the Emblem of Peace) because in his Reign England enjoyed Halcyon dayes, free from Danish Invasions: as also his Crown, Chair, Staffe, Tunick, close Pall,a 11.84 Tuisni hosen, Sandalls, Spurres, Gloves, &c. Expect not from me a Comment on these severall Cloaths, or rea∣son for the wearing of them. In generall, it was to mind our Kings, when ha∣bited with his Cloaths, to be cloathed with the habit of his vertuous Endow∣ments; as when putting on the Gloves of this Confessour, their Hands ought to be like his, in moderate taking of Taxes from their Subjects. Indeed, Imposi∣tions once raised are seldome remitted, pretended Necessities being alwayes found out for their Continuance. But our Edward released to his Subjects the grievous burden of Dane-gelt, payed to his Predecessours, conceiving it fit, now the Danes were departed, that the Gelt or Tax should go after them. But now Edward's Staffe is broken, Chair overturned, Cloaths rent, and Crown mel∣ted; our present Age esteeming them the Reliques of Superstition.

27. And yet all things being cast up,* 11.85 I confesse I understand not how the name Confessour is proper to King Edward, in the strict acceptance thereof. For a Confessour is one actually persecuted for the testimony of the Truth, and prepared to lose his Life for the same. He is a Martyr in Bullion, wanting onely the Stamp of a Violent Death to be impressed upon him. Now a great part of our Edward's Life, was led by him in Peace and Plenty; nothing bound∣ing his Abundance but his own Moderation, & for twenty years together ha∣ving no visible Foe to offend him. And although in his youth he lived in Normandy, in a middle Condition, betwixt an Exile and a Traveller, flying thither for fear of the Danes; yet such his Sufferings were of Civil Concern∣ment, not directly relating to Conscience, though at distance reducible there∣unto. But seeing in the Titles of great Persons, it is better to give too much then too little; a Confessour we found him, and a Confessour we leave him.

28. Our Eyes have been so intent in beholding the Vertues of this King,* 11.86 we have been little at Leasure to take notice of the Arch-bishops of Canter∣bury, during his Reign. Know then that about ten yeares since, Robert Arch-bishop of Canterbury, who succeeded Eadsin therein, fearing some hard mea∣sure from Earle Godwin (notwithstanding he had been contentedly kissed out of his Mannour of Boseham) conveyed himself away beyond the Seas, to his Monastery in Normandy, whence he came first into England. After whose De∣pature, Stig and Bishop of Winchester intruded himself into that See, eminent onely for Vice, and fordid Covetousnesse.

29. As for the Ecclesiastic all Laws made by this King in his Reign,* 11.87 it will be enough to affix their Principall Titles.

1. That every Clerk and Scholar should quietly enjoy their Goods and Pos∣sessions.

2. What solemn Festivalls people may come and goe of, without any Law-Sutes to disturb them.

3. That in all Courts where the Bishops Proctour doth appear, his Case is first to be heard and determined.

4. That Guilty folk flying to the Church should there have Protection, not to be reprehended by any, but by the Bishop and his Ministers.

5. That Tithes be paid to the Church, of Sheep, Pigs, Bees, and the like.

6. How the Ordall was to be ordered for the Triall of Guilty persons by Fire and Water.

7. That Peter-pence, or Romescot, be faithfully payed to the Pope.

But I loose time, and referre the Reader to read these Constitutions at large, being three and twenty in number, in the worthya 11.88 Work of that no lesse Lear∣ned then Religious Knight Sir Henry Spelman.

30. And now the full time was come,* 11.89 wherein good King Edward ex∣changed this life for a better.* 11.90 Who,* 11.91 as he was famous for many personall Mira∣cles, so he is reported to have entailed (by Heavens Consort) an hereditary Ver∣tue on his Successours the Kings of England, (onely with this Condition,b 11.92 that they continue constant in Christianity) to cure the Kings Evil. This Disease, known to the Greeks by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, termed by La••ines Struma, and Sorophulae, hath it's Cause from Phlegm, it's chief and common outward Re∣sidence, in or near the Neck & Throat, where it expresseth it self in Knobs and Kernells, pregnant often times with corrupted Bloud, & other putrified matter, which on the breaking of those Bunches, floweth forth, equally offensive to Sight, Smell and Touch. And yet this noisome Disease is happily healed by the Hands of the Kings of England stroaking the Soar: & if any doubt of the Truth thereof, they may be remitted to their own Eyes for farther Confirmation. But there is a sort of men, who to avoid the Censure of over-easie Credulity, and purchase the Repute of prudent Austerity, justly incurre the Censure of af∣fected Frowardnesse. It being neither Manners nor Discretion in them, in mat∣ters notoriously known to give daily Experience the Lye, by the Backward∣nesse of their Belief.

31 But whence this Cure proceeds,* 11.93 is much controverted amongst the Learned. Some recount it in the Number of those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whose Reason cannot be demonstrated. For as in vicious Common-wealths Bastards are frequent, who being reputed Filii Populi, have no particular Father: so mans Ignorance increaseth the number of Occult Qualities, (which I might call Chances in Nature,) where the Effect is beheld, but cannot be certainly re∣ferred to any immediate and proper Cause thereof. Others impute it to the powerc 11.94 of Fancie, and an exalted Imagination. For when the poor Patient (who perchance seldome heard of, and never saw a King before) shall behold his Royall Hand dabling in a Puddle of Putrefaction, & with a charitable Con∣fidence rubbing, smoothing, chafing those loathsome Kernells, (which I may call Clouds of Corruption, dissolved oft-times into a feculent Shower;) I say, when the Sick-man shall see an Hand so humble of an Arme so high, such Con∣descention in a King, to stroak that Soar, at which meaner Persons would stop their Nostrills, shut their Eyes, or turn their Faces; this raiseth, erecteth, enthro∣neth the Patients▪ Fancie, summoning his spirits to assist Nature with their ut∣most Might, to encounter the Disease with greater Advantage. And who will look into the Legend of the Miracles of Imagination, shall find many strange, and almost incredible, things thereby really effected.

32. Other Learned men,* 11.95 and particularlyd 11.96 Gaspar Peucenus, though acquit∣ting this Cure from Diabolicall Conjuration, yet tax it as guilty of Superstition. With him all such do side, as quarrell at the Ceremonies and Circumstances used at the Healing of this Maladie. Either displeased at the Collect read, (con∣sisting of the first nine verses of the Gospell of S^t. Iohn) as wholly improper, and nothing relating to the Occasion; or unresolved of the Efficacy of the Gold pendent about the Patients Neck, (whether partly compleating, or a bare Complement of the Cure;) or secretly unsatisfied, what manner and mea∣sure of Belief is required (according to the Modell whereof Health is observed to come sooner or later;) or openly offended with thee 11.97 Sign of the Crosse, which

was used to be made by the Royall Hands on the Place infected.* 11.98 All which Ex∣ceptions fall to the ground,* 11.99 when it shall be avowed, that notwithstanding the Omission of such Ceremonies (as requisite rather to the Solemnity, then Sub∣stance of the Cure) the bare Hands of our Kings (without the Gloves,* 11.100 as I may term it, of the aforesaid Circumstances) have effected the healing of this Disease.

33. Hereupon some make it a clear Miracle,* 11.101 and immediately own Gods Finger in the Kings Hand. That when the Art of the Physitian is posed, the In∣dustry of the Chirurgion tired out, the Experience of both at a Losse, when all humane Means cry craven; then that Wound made by the Hand of God, is cured by the hand of his Vice-gerent. Hath Heaven indued Vegetables (the worst and weak est of living Creatures) with cordiall Qualities? yea, hath it bestowed pretious Properties on dull and inanimate Waters, Stones and Mi∣neralls, insomuch that such are condemned for Silly or Sullen, for Stupid or Stubborn, as doubt thereof? And shall we be so narrow-hearted, as not to con∣ceive it possible, that Christian men, the nobiest of corporeall Creatures; Kings, the most eminent of all Christian men; Kings of Britain, the First-Fruits of all Christian Kings, should receive that peculiar Priviledge, and sanative Power, whereof daily Instances are presented unto us? See here the vast Difference be∣twixt Papists and Protestants. How do the former court those Miracles, which fly from them; and often, in default of Reall ones, are glad and greedy to hug and embrace empty Shadows of things falsly reported to be done, or fondly reputed to be Miracles? Whereas many Protestants, on the contrary, (as in the matter in hand) are scrupulous in accepting Miracles truely tendered unto them. But although our Religion, firmly founded on, and safely senced with the Scriptures, need no Miracles to confirm or countenance the truth thereof: yet when they are by the hand of Heaven cast into our Scales (not to make our Doctrine Weight, but) as superpondium, or an Over-plus freely be∣stowed; sure they may safely without Sin be received; not to say, can scarce be refused, without (at least) some suspicion of Neglect & Ingratitude to the Good∣nesse of God.

34. Nor will it be amisse here to relate a Passage which happened about the middest of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth,* 11.102 after Pope Pius did let fly his Excom∣munication against her. There was a stiffe Roman Catholick (as they delight to term themselves) otherwise a man well accomplished, and of an ingenuous Disposition, who being cast into Prison, (I conceive for his Religion,) was there visited in an high degree, with the Kings Evil. And having with great Pain and Expence, but no Successe, long used the advice of Physitians, at last he humbly addressed himself unto the Queens Majestie; by whom, with Gods help, he was compleately cured. And being demanded, What news;a 11.103 I perceive, said he, now at last by plain experience, that the Excommunication denounced by the Pope against her Majestie is in very deed of none effect, seeing God hath blessed her with so great and miraculous a Vertue.

35. This mention of Queen Elizabeth (there is a magnetick Vertue in Sto∣ries, * 11.104 for one to attract another) minds me of a Passage in the beginning ofher Reign. Making her Progresse into Glocestershire, people affected with this Dis∣case did in uncivil Crowds presse in upon her. Insomuch that her Majestie, betwixt Anger, Grief, and Compassion, let fall words to this effect: Alasse, poor people, I cannot, I cannot cure you; it is God alone that can doe it. Which words some interpreted, (contrary to her Intent and Practice, continuing such Cures till the day of her Death) an utter renouncing and disclaiming of any Instrumentall Efficacy in her self. Whereas she onely removed her Sub∣jects Eyes from gazing on her, to look up to Heaven. For mens Minds natu∣rally are so dull and heavy, that instead of traveling with their Thanks to God, the Cause of all Cures, they lazily take up their Lodging more then half-way on this side, mistaking the Dealer for the Giver of their Recovery. It follows not therefore, that the Queen refused to heal their Bodies, because carefull in

the first place to cure their Souls of this dangerous Mistake. A Princesse, who as she was a most exact Demander of her Due, (observed seldome or never to forgive her greatest Favourites what they owed her) so did she most punctual∣ly pay her Ingagements to others, as to all men, so most especially to God, loth that he should lose any Honour due unto him, by her unjust Detaining thereof.

36. The Kings of France share also with those of England in this miracu∣lous Cure. And Laurentius reports,* 11.105 that when Francis the first, King of France, was kept Prisoner in Spain, he, notwithstanding his Exile and Restraint, daily cured infinite Multitudes of people of that Disease; according to this Epi∣gram:

Hispanos inter sanat Rex Choeradas, estque Captivus Superis gratus, ut ante fuit.

The Captive King the Evil cures in Spain; Dear, as before, he doth to God remain.

So it seemeth his Medicinall Quality is affixed not to his Prosperity, but Person; so that during his Durance he was fully free to exercise the same.

37. Thus farre we patiently hear,* 11.106 and sufficiently credit this Authour; but can no longer afford him either Belief or Attention; when he presumeth to tell us, that the Kings of England nevera 11.107 cured the Kings Evill, a Vertue appropria∣ted onely to his Majestie of France. Onely he confesseth, that long ago some of our English Kings of the Anjouan Race (descended from Ieffery Plantagenet) did heal the Falling Sicknesse, with certain Consecrated Annulets, a Custome long since difused. Thus he seeks to deprive our Princes of their Patrimoniall Vertue, and to make them Reparations (instead of their sanative Power, where∣of they are peaceably possest to them and their Heires, holding it of God in chief) with assigning them an old Lea••e, where the Title at the best was liti∣gious, and the Term long ago expired. But the Reader may be pleased to take notice, that this Laurentius was Physician in ordinary to King Henry the fourth of France, and so had his Judgement herein bowed awry with so weighty a Relation; Flattery being so catching a Disease, wherewith the best Doctors of Physick may sometimes be infected. To cry quits with him, Doctor Tucker, Chaplain to Queen Elizabeth, in a Treatise he wrote of this Subject, denyeth the Kings of France ever originally cured this Evil, but per aliquamb 11.108 Propagi∣nem, by a Sprig of Right derived from the primitive Power of our English Kings, under whose Jurisdiction most of the French Provinces were once sub∣jected.

38. Between these two Authours,* 11.109 violent in Opposition, haply we may find the Truth, whose constant Dwelling-place is pleasantly seated in a moderate Vale, betwixt two swelling Extremes. For it plainly appeareth by uncontrou∣lable Arguments and Evidences, that both the Crowns, of England and France, have for many years been invested with this miraculous Gift; yet so, that our English Kings are the elder Brothers in the Possession thereof. For if S^t. Lewes, King of France (who was contemporary with our King Henry the third) was thec 11.110 first of that Royall Race, which healed this Evil, his Cradle was more then 160, yeares after the Cossin of our Edward the Confessour, from whom, as is aforesaid, our Kings derive this soveraign Power by constant Succession. But methinks my Book in this Discourse, begins to bunch or swell out, and some will censure this Digression for a Struma, or tedious Exuberancy, beyond the just Proportion of our History; wherefore no more hereof: onely I will conclude with two Prayers; extending the first to all Good people, That Divine Providence would be pleased to preserve them from this painfull and loath∣some Disease. The second I shall confine to my self alone (not knowing how it will suit with the Consciences and Judgements of others,) yet so as not ex∣cluding any who are disposed to joyn with me in my Petition; namely, That

if it be the Will of God to visit me (whose Body hath the Seeds of all Sicknesse,* 11.111 and Soul of all Sins) with the aforesaid Malady,* 11.112 I may have the Favour to be touched of his Majesty, the Happiness to be healed by him, and the Thank∣fulness to be gratefull to God the Authour, and Gods Image the Instrument of my Recovery. I'le onely adde this short Story and then proceed. A little be∣fore these Wars began, a Minister (not over-loyally affected,) was accused, and was like to have been troubled for this Passage in his Sermon, that Oppres∣sion was the Kings Evil. But being called to answer it before the Commissioners, he expounded his own words, that he meant Oppression was the Kings Evil, not that the King caused it, but onely cured it, and alone in this Land could re∣medy and redresse the same.

39. King Edward dying Childlesse,* 11.113 caused by his affected Chastity,* 11.114 left the Land at a Losse for an Heir in a direct Line,* 11.115 & opened a Door to the Ambition of Collaterall Pretenders. Indeed the undoubted Right lay in Edgar Atheling, Son to Edward the Out-law, Grand-child to Edmond Iron-side King of England: But he being tender in Age, and (as it seems) soft in Temper, and of a forrein Garb, because of his Education in Hungary, (his most potent Alliance in Ger∣many, out of Distance to send him seasonable Assistance,) was passed by by the English Nobility. These chose Harold to be King, whose Title to the Crown is not worth our deriving of it, much less his relying on it. But having endeared Martiallists by his Valour, engaged Courtiers by his Bounty, and obliged all sorts of People by his Affability, he was advanced to the Crown by those, who more considered his Ability to defend, then his Right to deserve it.

40. William Duke of Normandy was Competitour with Harold,* 11.116 who sup∣plying in Number what he wanted in Strength of his Titles, claimed the Crown by Alliance, Adoption, and Donation from Edward the Confessour; though he was as unable to give and bequeath, as VVilliam, being a Bastard, in the Strictnesse of Saxon Laws, was uncapable to receive it. But his Sword was stronger then his Titles, and the Sins of the English more forceable then either, to deliver that Nation (now grown, as Authours observe, intolerably vicious) into his Subjection. So that in a pitch'd Field, he overcame and killed King Harold, with the prime of the English Nobility, (a just Punishment on their Perjury, for their deserting their Lawfull Prince;) and such as survived, were forced either to hold the Stirrup, or Lackey by the Side of many a mean-born Norman, mounted to Places of Profit and Honour. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered; first by Romans, secondly by Picts and Scots, thirdly by Saxons, fourthly by the Danes, and fifthly by the Normans. This mindeth me of the Prophet Elisha's speech toa 11.117 Ioash King of Israel; Thou shouldest have smitten Syria 5. or 6. times, then hadst thou smit∣ten Syria, till thou hadst consumed it. (It seemeth five may, but six must dispatch a People.) God hath already smitten this Island five times with a Rod of Forrein Invasion; let us beware the sixth time (that finall, fatall Number) for fear it prove the last, and utter Confusion and Destruction of our Nation.

41. Thus King VVilliam came in by Conquest,* 11.118 though in the later part of his Reign, growing more mild and moderate, he twisted his Right of Vi∣ctory with Composition: as such who have ravished a Woman against her will, endeavour afterwards to make her Reparation by Wooing and Wedding her, whom formerly they had wronged; so with Love to cover their Lust, by the most excusable way of Marriage. So King VVilliam, though he had for∣ced this Land, yet afterwards, not so much out of Remorse as Policy, (to suppresse frequent Tumults, and procure Security to himself and Successours) is said to have closed with the Commons in a fair way of Agreement, resto∣ring many ancient Priviledges unto them. Thus, though Conquest was more honourable for his Credit, Composition was comfortable for his Con∣science, and accounted most safe for his Posterity. Witnesse that judiciall Sen∣tence, which King William in open Court pronounced against himself, ad∣judging

the Lord ofa 11.119 Sharnborn in Norfolk,* 11.120 being an English-man,* 11.121 true owner of that Mannour; contrary to that Grant, wherein he had formerly bestowed it on one Warren a Norman. Herein the Conquerour confessed himself conque∣red, submitting his Arbitrary Power and Pleasure to be regulated by Justice, and the ancient Rights of English-men.

42. But what Impression the Norman Victories made on the State,* 11.122 let Poli∣ticians observe; what Change it produced in the Laws, we leave to the Lear∣ned of that Faculty to prosecute: whilest that which renders the Conquest to Consideration in our Church-Story is, the manifest Change of Religion, from what formerly was publickly professed in England. To make this Muta∣tion in it's due time more conspicuous, we will here conclude this Book with a brief Character of the principall Doctrines generally taught and believed by the English, in these four last Centuries, before tainted with any Norman Infe∣ction. For though we must confesse and bemoan, that Corruptions crept into the Church by Degrees, and Divine Worship began to be clogg'd with superstitious Ceremonies; yet that the Doctrine remained still sound and intire, in most materiall Points, will appeare by an Induction of the dominative Con∣troversies, wherein we differ from the Church of Rome.

1. Scripture generally read.

For such as were with the Holy Bishop Aidan, sive Attonsi, sive b 11.123 Laici, either Clergy or Laity, were tied to exercise themselves in reading the Holy Word, and learning of Psalms.

The Originall preferred.

For Ricemarch ac 11.124 Britan, a right Learned and Godly Clerk, Son to Sulgen Bishop of Saint Davids, flourishing in this Age, made this Epi∣gram on those who translated the Psalter out of the Greek, so taking it at the Second hand, and not drawing it immediatly out of the first Vessel.

Ebreisd 11.125 Nablam custodit liter a signis, Pro captu quam quisque suo sermone Latino Edidit, innumeros lingua variante libellos, Ebreum que jubar suffuscat nube Latina. Nam tepefacta ferum dant tertia Labra Saporem. Sed sacer Hieronymus, Ebreo fonte repletus, Lucidius nudat verum, breviusque ministrat.

This Harp the holy Hebrew Text doth tender, Which, to their Power, whil'st every one doth render In Latine Tongue with many Variations, He clouds the Hebrew Rayes with his Translations. Thus Liquors when twice shifted out, and powr'd In a third Vessel, are both cool'd and sowr'd. But Holy Ierome Truth to light doth bring Briefer and fuller, fetcht from th' Hebrew Spring.

No Prayers for the Dead, in the modern notion of Papists.

For, though we find Prayers for the Dead, yet they were not in the nature of Propitiation for their Sins, or to procure Relaxation from their Sufferings: but were onely an honourable Commemoration of their Memo∣ries, and a Sacrifice of Thanksgiving for their Salvation. Thus S^t. Cuth∣bert, after he had seen the Soul of one Hadwalduse 11.126 carried by Angels into Heaven, did celebrate Obsequies of Prayers in his behalf.

Purgatory, though nevvly hatched, not yet fledged.

For, although there are frequent Visions and Revelations in this Age pretended, thereon to build Purgatory (which had no Foundation in Scripture) yet the Architects of that fancy-full Fabrick had not so hand∣somely contrived it, as it stands at this day in the Romish Belief. Fora 11.127 Bede, out of the Vision of Furseus, relateth certain great Fires above the Aire, appointed to examine every one according to the merits of his VVork, dif∣fering from the Papists Purgatory; which Bellarmine, by the common Consent of the School-men, determineth to be within the Bowels of the Earth. Thus nothing can be invented, and perfected at once.

Communion under both kinds.

For,b 11.128 Bede relateth, that one Hildmer, an Officer of Egfride King of Northumberland, intreated our Cuthbert to send a Priest that might mini∣ster the Sacrament of the Lords Body and Bloud unto his Wife, that then lay a dying. And Cuthbert himself, immediately before his own Departure out of this Life, received the Communion of the Lords Body and Bloud. And, lest any should fondly hope to decline so pregnant an Instance, by the novel conceit of Concomitancy (a Distinction that could not speak, be∣cause it was not born in that Age) it is punctually noted, that he distinct∣ly received the Cup.

Poculac 11.129 degustat vitae, Christique supinum Sanguine munit iter— His Voyage steep the easier to climbe up, Christs Bloud he drank out of Lifes healthfull Cup.

So that the Eucharist was then administred entire, and not maimed (as it is by Papists at this day) serving it, asd 11.130 Hanun the Ammonite did the Cloaths and Beards of David's Ambassadours, cutting it off at the Middle. And, though the word Mass was frequent in that Age (gene∣rally expressing all Divine Service;) yet was it not known to be offered as a propitiatory-Sacrifice for the quick and dead.

43. But if any desire farther Information herein,* 11.131 let him repair to the worthy Work, which Iames, the right learned and pious Arch-bishop of Armagh, hath written of the Religion professed by the ancient Irish and British. From whom I have borrowed many a Note (though not alwayes thanking him in the Margin, by citing his Name) and therefore now must make one generall Acknowledgement of my Engagement. In Cities we see, that such as sell by Re∣taile (though of lesse Credit) are of great Use, especially to poor people, in parcelling out Peny-worths of Commodities to them, whose Purses cannot extend to buy by Whole-sale from the Merchant. Conceive I in like manner, my Pains will not be altogether unprofitable, who in this History have fetch'd my Wares from the Store-house of that Reverend Prelate (the Cape-Merchant of all Learning) and here in little Remnants, deliver them out to petty-coun∣try-Chapmen, who hitherto have not had the Hap, or Happinesse to under∣stand the original Treasuries, whence they are taken. And clean through this Work in point of Chronologie, I have with implicite Faith followed hise 11.132 Com∣putation, setting my Watch by his Dial, knowing his Dial to be set by the Sun, and Account most exactly calculated, according to the critical truth of Time. Long may he live for the Glory of God, and Good of his Church. For where∣as many learned men, though they be deep Abysses of Knowledge, yet (like the Caspian Sea, receiving all, and having no Out-let) are loth to impart ought to others; this bright Sun is as bountifull to deal abroad his Beams, as such dark Dales as my self, are glad, and delighted to receive them.

SEVERALL COPIES OF BATTEL-ABBEY ROLL.

To the right worshipfull S^r. Simon Archer, of Tanvvorth in Warvvickshire.

SOme report, that the Toad, before her death, sucks up (if not pre∣vented vvith suddain surprisall) the precious Stone (as yet but a Jelly) in her Head, grudging Mankind the Good thereof. Such generally the Envy of Antiquaries, preferring that their Rarities should die vvith them, and be buried in their Graves, rather then others receive any Benefit thereby.

You cross the current of common Corruption; it being questionable vvhether you be more skilfull in knovving, carefull in keeping, or courteous in communicating your curious Collections in that kind.

Iustly therefore have I dedicated these severall Copies of Bat∣tel-Abbey Roll unto you: first, because I have received one of the most authentick of them from your ovvn Hand: secondly, because your ancient Name chargeth through and through most of these Catalogues. Yea, as the Archers came over vvith the Con∣querour, so the Conquerour may be said to come over vvith the Archers, (therefore placed in a List by themselves,) because their Valour atchieved the greatest part of his Victory.

PErusing the worthy Pains of grave and godly M^r. Fox,* 12.1 in his Book of Martyrs; I find him in the Reign of VVilliam the first, exemplifying a double Catalogue of such emi∣nent Persons as came over at the Conquest. Now, seeing so Reverend a Writer accounted the inserting thereof no Deviation from his Church-History, we presume accor∣dingly, by way of Recreation of the Reader, to present him with a larger List of those Names, with some brief Notes thereupon.

Here will I premise nothing about the ancient Original of Names,* 12.2 which argued the undoubted Dominion of him who first gave them, over those on whom they were imposed. Thus Evea 12.3 named Cain; to shew the command, even of the Mother, over the eldest (and therefore over all her) Children. Adamb 12.4 named Eve, She shall be called VVoman; to signifie the Husbands So∣vereignty over his Wife. God namedc 12.5 Adam, Let us make Adam, or Man; to denote his Power and Authority over Man. And God named himself,d 12.6 I am hath sent me unto you; importing his absolute and independent being in, and from himself. But, waving what may be said of the beginning of Names, we shall digest what we conceive necessary for our present Purpose, into the fol∣lowing Propositions.

The first is;* 12.7 Surnames were fixed in Families in England, at, or about the Con∣quest. I say, fixed. Formerly, though men had Surnames, yet their Sons did not, as I may say, follow suit with their Fathers, the Name descended not hereditarily on the Family. At, or about. Fourty years under or over will break no squares. It began somewhat sooner, in the Confessours time, fetch'd out of France, but not universally settled till some hundred years after. When men therefore tell us, how their Surnames have been fastened on their Families, some Cen∣turies of years before the Conquest, we hear them say so. His Chronology was no better then his Herauldry, who boasted that his Auncestours had given the three Gun-holes (which indeed were the three Annulets) for their Armes these thousand yeares, when Guns themselves have not been extant three hundred yeares in Europe. The same soloecisme in effect is committed by such, who pretend to the Antiquity of Surnames, before the same were settled in rerum natura.

The second;* 12.8 Kings had fixed Surnames later then Common people. Our four first Norman Kings had no Surnames, Henry the second being the first of the Plantagenists. Wonder not that a gentile Fashion should come later into the Court, then into the Country, and last to the Crown it self. For Names be∣ing made to distinguish men, they were more necessary for common people, whose Obscurities would be lost in a Multitude, were they not found out by the signe of their Surnames, having no other Eminency whereby they might be differenced. But Princes (being comparatively few in respect of private persons) are sufficiently discovered by their own Lustre, and Sove∣reignty may be said to be a Surname to it self; and therefore Kings, not of Necessity, but mere Pleasure have accepted additions to their Christian-names.

The third;* 12.9 Many who cameover out of Normandy, were Noble in their native Country. Especially such who are stiled from their Places, as le Sire de Soteville, le Sire de Margneville, le Sire de Tancarville, &c. whereby we under∣stand them Lords and Owners of such Mannours, Towns, and Castles from whence they took their Denomination. However this particle de such a place (when without le Sire going before it) doth not always give Livery and Seisin, and presently put the person so named into Possession of the Place; sometimes barely importing that he was born there, and not Owner thereof.

The fourth;* 12.10 All that came over with the Conquerour were not Gentlemen untill they came over with the Conquerour. For, instantly upon their Victory, their Flesh was refined, Bloud clarified, Spirits elevated to a•• higher Puri∣ty and Perfection. Many a Peasant in Normandy commenced Monsieur by coming over into England, where they quickly got Goods to their Gentry, Lands to their Goods, and those of the most honourable Tenure in Capite it self. What Richard the third said, no lesse spitefully then falsely, of the VVood∣viles (Brethren to the Wife of his Brother King Edward the fourth, by whom they were advanced) that Many were made noble who formerly were not worth a Noble, was most true of some of the Norman Souldiery, suddenly

starting up honourable from mean Originalls. These cruelly insulted over the Saxon ancient Gentry, whom they found in England. Thus on the new casting of a Die, when Ace is on the Top, Sise musts needs be at the Bot∣tome.

The fifth;* 12.11 Besides native Normans, many of the neighbouring Countries ingaged in England's Invasion. As Flemings, which Baldwin Earle of Flan∣ders, and Father in law unto the Conquerour, sent to aide him: VValloons, with many from Picardy, Britain, Anjou, and the very Heart of France. Thus when a Fair of Honour and Profit is proclaimed, Chapmen will flock from all parts unto it. Some will wonder, that any would be such wilfull Losers, as to exchange France for England, a Garden for a Field. Was not this degrading of their Souls in point of Pleasure, going backward from VVine to Ale, from VVheat to Oates, then the generall Bread-corn of England? Besides, coming Northward they left the Sun on their Backs; the Sun, who is a comfortable Vsher to go before, but bad Train-bearer to come behind one. But let such know, that England in it self is an excellent Country (too good for the unthankfull people which live therein) and such Forreiners, who seemingly slight, secretly love, and like the Plenty and Profit thereof. But, grant England far short of France in Goodnesse, yet such Adventurers hoped to atchieve to themselves a better Condition in a worse Country. Many a younger Brother came over hither, in hope here to find an elder Brother∣ship, and accordingly procured an Inheritance to him, and his Posterity. As for the great French Nobility, Store was no sore unto them: such Pluralists retained still their old Patrimonies in France, with the additions of their new Possessions in England.

The sixth;* 12.12 Names coming over with the Conquest, beginning with VV. were not out of France, but the Vicinage thereof. As the Britans disclaim X. the Latines Y. (save when the badge of a Greek word Latinized:) so the French disown VV. When we find it therefore the initiall letter of a Name (whereof many occur in the ensuing Catalogue) it argueth the same Walloon, or Al∣main. Yea, I am credibly informed, that some of the English here, wearied with Harold's Usurpation, fled over into Normandy to fetch in the Con∣querour; so that, when King William entred, they returned into England. And this particularly hath been avouched of the noble Family of the Wakes, who were here before the Conquest, yet found among the Norman Inva∣ders.

The seventh;* 12.13 Battel-Abbey Roll is the best extant Catalogue of Norman Gentry, if a true Copy thereof could be procured.

• 1. Battel-Abbey Roll. Because hung up in that Abbey, as fixt to the Free∣hold thereof, where the Names of such as came over with the Con∣quest were recorded.
• 2. Best extant. Otherwise Industry, with Honesty, Leisure, and Liberty to peruse Dooms-day-book, might collect one more perfect, out of im∣partiall Records, which neither fear, nor flatter. Such a Cata∣logue were to be believed on it's Word, before Battell Roll on it's Oath.
• 3. Yet that Abbey Roll deserved Credit, if a true Copy might be procu∣red. One asked, which was the best S^t. Augustine? To whom this An∣swer was given (generally true of all ancient Authours) even that Au∣gustine which is least corrected. For Corrections commonly are cor∣ruptive, as following the Fancy and Humour of the Correctour.

Battel-Abbey Roll hath been practiced upon with all the Figures of Diction, Prothesis, Aphaeresis, &c. some names therein being augmented, subtracted, extended, contracted, lengthened, curtailed. The same Scruple therefore which troubleth Sophisters, Whether Jason's weather-beaten Ship, so often clouted and patched with new Boards, were the same numerically with the first; may

be propounded of Battel-Abbey Roll, whether that extant with us, after so many Alterations, be individually the same with the Original? See what a deadly Gash our greata 12.14 Antiquary gives to the Credit thereof; VVhosoever considereth it well, shall find it to be forged, and those Names to be inserted, which the Time in every Age favoured, and were never mentioned in that Authenticall Record.

Obj. If such be the depraving of Battel-Abbey Roll,* 12.15 then no Credit at all is due unto it. Let it be pilloried for a mere Cheat, and be suffered no longer to go about, to deceive the honest Reader thereof: seeing we cannot hear the true Tone of Names therein, Monks have so set them to the Tune of their present Benefactours, and Minions of the Age they lived in.

Ans. Though there be much Adulteration therein,* 12.16 yet I conceive, the main Bulk and Body thereof uncorrupted. As they therefore overvalue this Roll, who make it the Grammer of French-Gentry, the Heraulds Institutes, and of Canonicall Credit amongst them: so such too much decry the same, who deny all trust thereunto. Yea, we may confidently relie on this Roll, where we find a Concurrence of ancient English Historians therewith: and this will appear in the generality of Names which that Roll presenteth unto us.

We find in our English Chroniclers two printed Copies (a Manuscript there∣of worth mentioning, I have not met with) of Battel-Abbey Roll. Wherein such various Lections, they agree neither in Number, Order, nor Spelling of the Names; which, though generally digested in an Alphabeticall way, are neither of them exactly ordered according to the same. But behold both.

Holinshead, pag. 3.	Stow, pag. 105.
Aumarle	Aumeic
Aincourt	Audley
Audeley	Angilliam
Angilliam	Argentoun
Argentoun	Arundell
Arundéll	Avenant
Abell	Abell
Auverne	Awgers
Aunwers	Angenoun
Angiers	Archer
Angenoun	Aspervile
Archere	Amonerduil
Anvay	Arey
Aspervile	Albeny
Albevile	Akeny
Andevile	Asperemound.
Amoverduile	16
Arcy
Akeny
Albeny
Aybevare
Amay
Aspermound
Amerenges.
24
Bertram	Bertram
Buttecourt	Butrecourt
Brehus	Braehus
Byseg	Byseg
Bardolfe	Bardolf
Basset	Basset
Bigot	Bohun
Bohun	Baylife
Bailif	Bondevile
Bondevile	Barbason
Brabason	Beer
Baskervile	Bures
Bures	Bonylayne
Bounilayne	Barbayon
Bois	Berners
Botelere	Braybuf
Bourcher	Brand
Brabaion	Bonvile
Berners	Burgh
Braibuf	Busshy
Brande	Blundell
Bronce	Breton
Burgh	Belasyse
Bushy	Bowser
Banet	Bayons
Blondell	Bulmere
Breton	Broune
Bluet	Beke
Baious	Bowlers
Browne	Banistre
Beke	Belomy
Bickard	Belknape
Banastre	Beachamp
Baloun	Bandy
Beauchamp	Broyleby
Bray	Burnell
Bandy	Belot
Bracy	Beufort
Boundes	Baudewine
Bascoun	Burdon
Broilem	Bertevyley
Brolevy	Barre
Burnell	Bussevile
Bellet	Blunt
Baudewin	Beawper
Beaumont	Bret
Burdon	Barret
Bertevilay	Barnevale
Barre	Barry
Bussevile	Bodyt
Blunt	Bertevile
Beaupere	Bertine
Bevill	Belew
Bardvedor	Bushell
Brette	Beleneers
Barrett	Buffard
Bonret	Boteler
Bainard	Botvile
Barnivale	Brasard
Bonett	Belhelme
Barry	Braunch
Bryan	Bolesur
Bodin	Blundel
Bertevile	Burdet
Bertin	Bagot
Berenevile	Beaupount
Bellewe	Bools
Bevery	Belefroun
Busshell	Barchampe.
Boranvile	69
Browe
Belevers
Buffard
Botelere
Bonveier
Botevile
Bellire
Bastard
Bainard

Brasard
Beelhelm
Braine
Brent
Braunch
Belesuz
Blundell
Burdet
Bagot
Beauvise
Belemis
Bisin
Bernon
Boels
Belefroun
Brutz
Barchamp.
96
Camois	Camos
Camvile	Canville
Chawent	Chawent
Chauncy	Chancy
Conderay	Couderay
Colvile	Colvile
Chamberlaine	Chamberlain
Chamburnoun	Chambernoune
Comin	Cribet
Columber	Corbine
Cribet	Corbet
Creuquere	Coniers
Corbin	Chaundos
Corbett	Coucy
Chaundos	Chaworth
Chaworth	Claremaus
Cleremaus	Clarel
Clarell	Camuine
Chopis	Chaunduyt
Chaunduit	Clarevays
Chantelow	Chantilowe
Chamberay	Colet
Cressy	Cressy
Curtenay	Courtenay
Conestable	Constable
Cholmely	Chaucer
Champney	Cholmelay
Chawnos	Cornevile
Comivile	Champeney
Champaine	Carew
Carevile	Chawnos
Carbonelle	Clarvaile
Charles	Champaine
Cherberge	Carbonel
Chawnes	Charles
Chaumont	Chareberge
Caperoun	Chawnes
Cheine	Chawmont
Curson	Cheyn
Coville pag. 4.	Cursen
Chaiters	Conell
Cheines	Chayters
Cateray	Cheynes
Cherecourt	Cateray
Cammile	Cherecourt
Clerenay	Chaunvile
Curly	Clereney
Cuily	Curley
Clinels	Clifford.
Chaundos	49
Courteney
Clifford.
52
Denaville	Deanvile
Dercy	Dercy
Dive	Dine
Dispencere	Dispencer
Daubeny	Daniel
Daniell	Denyse
Denise & Druell	Druel
Devaus	Devause
Davers	Davers
Dodingsels	Doningsels
Darell	Darel
Delaber	De la bere
Delapole	De la pole
Delalinde	De la lind
Delahill	De la Hill
Delaware	De la ware
Delavache	De la watch
Dakeny	Dakeny
Dauntre	Dauntry
Desny	Desny
Dabernoune	Dabernoun
Damry	Damry
Daveros	Daveros
Davonge	De la Vere
Duilby	De liele
Delavere	De la ward
Delahoid	De la plance
Durange	Danway
Delee	De Hewse
Delaund	Disard
Delaward	Durant
Delaplanch	Drury
Damnot	32

Holinshead, pag. 4.	Stow, pag. 105.
Danway
Dehense
Devile
Disard
Doiville
Durant
Drury
Dabitot
Dunsterville
Dunchampe
Dambelton
44
Estrange	Estrange
Estutevile	Escutavile
Engaine	Escriols
Estriels	Engain
Esturney	Evers
5	Esturney
Ferrerers	6
Folville	Folvile
Fitz Water	Fitzwatter
Fitz Marmaduke	Fitz-Marmaduke
Flevez	Fibert
Filberd	Fitz-Roger
Fitz Roger	Fitz-Robert
Favecourt	Fanecourt
Ferrers	Fitz-Philip
Fitz Philip	Fitz-VVilliam
Filiot	Fitz-Pain
Furniveus	Fitz-Alyne
Furnivaus	Fitz-Ralfe
Fitz Otes	Fitz-Broun
Fitz VVilliam	Foke
Fitz Roand	Frevile
Fitz Pain	Faconbridge
Fitz Auger	Frissel
Fitz Aleyn	Filioll
Fitz Kauff	Fitz-Thomas
Fitz Brown	Fitz-Morice
Fouke	Fitz-Hugh
Frevil	Fitz-VVarren
Front de Boef	Faunvile
Facunberge	Formay
Fort	Formiband
Frisell	Frison
Fitz Simon	Finer
Fitz Fouk	Fitz-Vrey
Filioll	Furnivall
Fitz Thomas	Fitz-Herbert
Fitz Morice	Fitz-Iohn
Fitz Hugh	31
Fitz Henry

Holinshead, pag. 4.	Stow, pag. 106.
Fitz VVaren
Fitz Rainold
Flamvile
Formay
Fitz Eustach
Fitz Laurence
Formibaud
Frisound
Finere and
Fitz Robert
Furnivale
Fitz Geffrey
Fitz Herbert
Fitz Peres
Fichet
Fitz Rewes
Fitz Fitz
Fitz Iohn
Fleschampe
53
Gurnay	Gargrave
Gressy	Granson
Graunson	Gracy
Gracy	Glaunvile
Georges	Gouer
Gower	Gascoyne
Gaugy	Gray
Goband	Golofer
Gray	Grauns
Gaunson	Gurly
Golofre	Gurdon
Gobion	Gamages
Grensy	Gaunt
Graunt	13
Greile
Grevet
Gurry
Gurley
Grammori
Gernoun
Grendon
Gurdon
Gines
Grivel
Grenevile
Glatevile
Gurney
Giffard
Goverges
Gamages
30
Haunteney	Hansard

Haunsard	Hastinges
Hastings	Haulay
Hanlay	Husie
Haurell	Herne
Husee	Hamelyn
Hercy	Harewell
Herioun	Hardell
Herne	Hecket
Harecourt	Hamound
Henoure	Harcourd
Hovell	11
Hamelin
Harewell
Hardell
Haket
Hamound
Harcord
18
Iarden	Iarden
Iay	Iay
Ieniels	Ianvile
Ierconvise	Iaspervile
Ianvile	4
Iaspervile
6
Kaunt	Karre
Karre	Karron
Karrowe	Kyriell
Koine	3
Kimaronne
Kiriell
Kancey
Kenelre
8
Loveny	Lestrange
Lacy	Levony
Linneby	Latomere
Latomer	Loveday
Loveday	Logenton
Lovell	Levell
Lemare	Le Scrope
Levetot	Lemare
Lucy	Litterile
Luny	Lucy
Logevile	Lislay, or Liele
Longespes	Longspes
Loverace	Longschampe
Longechampe	Lastels
Lascales	Lind-Sey
Lacy	Loterell
Lovan	Lindsey
Leded	Longvaile
Luse	Le Vawse
Loterell	Loy
Loruge	Lave
Longevale	Le Dispenser
Loy	22
Lorancourt
Loians
Limers
Longepay
Laumale
Lane
Lovetot
30
Mohant	Marmilou
Mowne	Moribray
Maundevile	Morvile
Marmilon	Manley
Moribray	Malebranch
Morvile	Malemaine
Miriell	Muschampe
Manlay	Musgrave
Malebraunch	Menilebillers
Malemaine	Mortmain
Mortimere	Muse
Mortimaine	Mountbocher
Muse	Malevile
Marteine	Marteine
Mountbother	Mountney
Mountsoler	Maleherbe
Malevile	Musegross
Malet	Musard
Mounteney	Mautravers
Monfichet	Merke
Maleherbe	Murres
Mare	Montague
Musegros	Mantalent
Musard	Mandute
Moine	Manle
Montravers	Malory
Merke	Merny
Murres	Muffet
Mortivale	Menpincoy
Monchenesy	Mainard
Mallory	Morell
Marny	Morley
Mountagu	Mountmartin
Mountfort	Myners
Maule	Mauley
Monhermon	Mainwaring
Musett	Mantell
Menevile	Mayel
Mantevenat	Morton
Manfe	39

Menpincoy
Maine
Mainard
Morell
Mainell
Maleluse
Memorous
Morreis
Morleian
Maine
Malevere
Mandut
Mountmarten
Mantelet
Miners
Mauclerke
Maunchenel
Movet
Meintenore
Meletak
Manvile
Manlay
Maulard
Mainard
Menere
Martinast
Mare
Mainwaring
Matelay
Malemis
Maleheire
Moren
Melun
Marceans
Maiell
Morton
76
Noers	Nevile
Nevile	Neumarch
Newmarch	Norton
Norbet	Norbet
Norice	Norece
Newborough	Newborough
Neiremet	Neele
Neile	Normanvile
Normavile	8
Neofmarch
Nermitz
Nembrutz
12
Otevel	Otenel
Olibet	Olibet
Olifant	Olifaunt
Osenel	Oysel
Oisel	Oliford
Olifard	Oryol
Orinal	6
Oriol
8
Pigot	Pigot
Pery	Percy
Perepount	Perecount
Pershale	Pershale
Power	Power
Painel	Paynel
Perche	Peche
Pavey	Peverel
Peurell	Perot
Perot	Picard
Picard	Pudsey
Pinkenie	Pimeray
Pomeray	Pounsey
Pounce	Punchardon
Pavely	Pynchard
Paifrere	Placy
Plukenet	Patine
Phuars	Pampilion
Punchardoun	Poterel
Pinchard	Pekeney
Placy	Pervinke
Pugoy	Penicord
Patefinc	22
Place
Pampilioun
Percelay
Perere
Pekeny
Poterell••
Peukeny
Peccel
Pinel
Putril
Petivol
Preaus
Pantolf
Peito
Penecord
Prendirlegast
Percivale
39
Quincy	Quincy
Quintiny	Quintine
2	2
Ros	Rose

Holinshead, pag. 5.	Stow, pag. 107.
Ridell	Ridle
Rivers	Rynel
Rivell	Rous
Rous	Russel
Rushell	Rond
Raband	Richmond
Ronde	Rochford
Rie	Reymond
Rokell	9
Risers
Randvile
Roselin
Rastoke
Rinvill
Rougere
Rait
Ripere
Rigny
Richemound
Rochford
Raimond
22
Souch	Seuche
Shevile	Seint Quintine
Seucheus	Seint Omer
Senclere	Seint Amond
Sent Quintin	Seint Leger
Sent Omere	Sovervile
Sent Amond	Sanford
Sent Legere	Somery
Somervile	Seint George
Siward	Seint Les
Saunsovere	Savine
Sanford	Seint Glo
Sanctes	Seint Albine
Savay	Seint Barbe
Saulay	Sandevile
Sules	Seint More
Sorell	Seint Scudemore
Somerey	17
Sent Iohn
Sent George
Sent Les
Sesse
Salvin
Say
Solers
Saulay
Sent Albin
Sent Martin
Sourdemale
Seguin
Sent Barbe
Sent Vile
Souremount
Soreglise
Sandvile
Sauncey
Sirewast
Sent Cheverol
Sent More
Sent Scudemore
40
Toget	Towrs
Tercy	Toget
Tuchet	Talybois
Tracy	Tuchet
Trousbut	Truslot
Trainel	Trusbut
Taket	Traynel
Trussel	Taket
Trison	Talbot
Talbot	Tanny
Touny	Tibtote
Traies	Trussel
Tollemach	Turbevile
Tolous	Turvile
Tanny	Totet
Touke	Tavers
Tibtote	Torel
Turbevile	Tirel
Turvile	Totels
Tomy	Taverner
Taverner	20
Trenchevile
Trenchelion
Tankervile
Tirel
Trivet
Tolet
Travers
Tardevile
Turbarvile
Tinevile
Torel
Tortechappel
Tr••sbote
Treverel
Tenwis
Totelles
37
Vere	Valence
Vernoun	Vancord
Vescy	Vavasour

Verdoune	Vender
Valence	Verder
Verdeire	Verdon
Vavasour	Vere
Vendore	Vernoune
Verlay	Venables
Valenger	Venoure
Venables	Verland
Venoure	Verlay
Vilan	Vernois
Verland	Verny
Valers	Vilan
Veirny	Umframvile
Vavurvile	Unket
Veniels	Urnall
Verrere	18
Uschere
Veffay
Vanay
Vian
Vernays
Urnal
Unket
Urnaful
Vasderol
Vaberon
Valinford
Venicorde
Valive
Viville
Vancorde
Valenges
35
Wardebois	Wake
Ward	Walenger
Wafre	Warde
Wake	Wardebus
Wareine	Waren
Wate	Wate
Watelin	Wateline
Watevile	Watevile
Wely	Woly
Werdonel	Wyvel
Wespaile	10
Wivell
12
The total summe of all in Ralph Holinshed, 629	The total summe of all in Iohn Stow, 407

Besides this Roll of Battel Abbey, there is another extant, not (as this) Alphabe∣tically modelled, (the work of some Monk well at Leisure) but loose, without any literal Order. An argument, in my opinion, of the more native Purity there∣of, (lesse soiled with partiall Fingers) as not so much tampered with by Art and Industry. It is reputed by many to be the Muster-roll of such principal Souldiers, as embargued with Duke William at S^t. Valeries: and it is said that after the Fight ended; this List was called over, and all persons solemnly summoned, to an∣swer to their Names therein; though many made no vous-avez, as either sick of their Wounds, or slain out-right amongst the six thousand and odd, which lost their Lives on the place. Were we assured hereof, we would preferre this before the former Roll, believing a French Muster-master, rather then any English Monk, (though the Abbot of Battel himself) as not so subject to the suspicion of Flattery herein. This Catalogue is taken out of Guilliam Tayleur a Norman Chronicler of good Credit: but the worst is, we want Tayleur's French Originall, and I fear it hath passed through some Botchers hands, before it came to us. For there be three Editions thereof in our English Historians, which (like the feet of a Badger) fall out of unequal Length, (if the Reader be pleased to measure them) so different the Number of names therein. However, because this Catalogue may conduce to the supplying of Defects, clearing of Doubts, and amending of Faults in that former, we here present the several Copies thereof.

Fox, Acts & Mon. pag. 182. Odo Bishop of Bayeux Robert Count de Mor∣taigne, Duke Wil∣liam's half brethren Baudwin de Buillon Roger Count de Beau∣mont, surnam'd with the bread Guillaume Malet le sire de Monfort sur Rille Guil. de Viexpont Neel de S. Sauveur le Viconte le sire de Fougiers Henry Seigneur de Ferieres le sire Daubemare Guil. sire de Romare le sire de Lithehare le sire de Touque le sire de la Mare le sire de Neauhou le sire de Pirou Rob. sire de Beaufou le sire Danou le sire de Soteville le sire de Margneville le sire de Tancarville Eustace Dambleville le sire de Magneville le sire de Grantmesnil Guil. Crespin le sire de S. Martin Guil. de Moulins le sire de Puis Geoffray sire de May∣enne Auffroy de Bohon Auffroy, & Maugier de Cartrait Guil. de Garennes Hue de Gournay, sire de Bray le Conte Hue de Gour∣nay Euguemont de l' Aigle le Viconte de Touars Rich. Dawverenchin le sire de Biars le sire de Solligny le Bouteiller Daubigny ...

le sire de Maire le sire de Vitry le sire de Lacy le sire du val Dary le sire de Tracy Hue sire de Montfort le sire de Piquegny Hamon de Kayeu le sire Despinay le sire de Port le sire de Torcy le sire de Iort le sire de Riviers Guil. Moyonne Raoul Tesson de Tingue∣leiz Roger Mar mion Raoul de Guel Avenel des Byars Paennel du Monstier Hubert Rob. Bertran le Tort pag. 183. le sire de Seulle le sire de Dorival le sire de Breval le sire de S. Iehan le sire de Bris le sire du Homme le sire de Sauchoy le sire de Cailly le sire de Semilly le sire de Tilly le sire de Romelli Mar de Basqueville le sire de Preaulx le sire de Gonis le sire de Sainceaulx le sire de Moulloy le sire de Monceaulx The Archers du val de Reul, and of Bre∣theul, and of many other places. le sire de S. Saen, i. de S. Sydonio le sire de la Kiviere le sire de Salnarville le sire de Rony Eude de Beaugieu le sire de Oblie le sire de Sacie

Holinshed, Chron. pag. 2. Odo Bishop of Bayeulx Robert Erle of Mor∣taing Roger Earle of Beau∣mont, surnamed a la Barbe Guillaume Mallet, seig. de Montfort Henry seign. de Fer∣rers Guil. d' Aubellemare, seig. de Fougieres Guil. de Roumare, seig. de Lithare le seig. de Touque le seig. de la Mare Neel le Viconte Guil. de Vepont le seig. de Magneville le seig. de Grosmenil le seig. de S. Martin le seig. de Puis Guil. Crespin Guil. de Moyenne Guil. Desmoullins Guil. Desgarennes Hue de Gourney, aliàs Genevay le seig. de Bray le seig. de Govy le seig. de Laigle le seig. de Tovarts le seig. de Aurenchin le seig. de Vitrey le seig. de Trassy, aliàs Tracy le seig. de Picquigny le seig. d' Espinay Osmond seig. du Pont le seig. de Estoutevile le seig. de Torchy le seig. de Barnabost le seig. de Breval le seig. de Seeulme le seig. de Houme le seig. de Souchoy le seig. de Cally le seig. de la Rivere Euldes de Beavieu le seig. de Roumilly le seig. de Glotz le seig. du Sap ...

le seig. de Vanville le seig. Branchou le seig. Balleul le seig. de Beausault le seig. de Telleres le seig. de Senlys le seig. de Bacqueville le seig. de Preaulx le seig. de Iovy le seig. de Longue∣ville le seig. de Aquigny le seig. de Passy le seig. de Tournay le seig. de Colombieres le seig. de Bollebec le seig. de Garensieres le seig. de Longveile le seig. de Houdetot le seig. de Malletot le seig. de la Haie Ma∣lerbe le seig. de Porch Pinche le seig. de Ivetot The Earle of Tanquer∣vile The Earle d' Eu The Earle d' Arques pag. 3. The Earle of Anjou The Earle of Nevers le seig. de Rouvile le Prince de Ale∣maigne le seig. de Pavilly le seig. de S. Cler le seig. d' Espinay le seig. de Bremetot Alain Fergant Earle of Britaigne le seig. de la Ferte Rob. fils Hervays, Duc de Orleans le seig. de la Lande le seig. de Mortimer le seig. de Clare le seig. de Magny le seig. de Fontnay Roger de Montgomery Amaury de Touars le seig. de Hacquevile le seig. de Neanshou

Stow, Chron. pag. 103. Odo Bishop of Bayon Robert Earle of Mor∣taigne Bandonni de Buillon Roger E. of Beamont with the beard Guilliam Mallet Guil. Fitz Osberne le sire de Montfort sus Rille Guil. de Vielz pont Neel de Saint Saveur le Vicont le sire de Feugiers Henry sire de Ferrers le sire Dambemare Guil. sire de Romare le sire de Lichare le sire de Tonque le sire de la Mare le sire de Nahabon le sire de Piron le sire de Beauson le sire de Damnon le sire de Soteville le sire de Margneville le sire de Tankerville Eustace Dambleville le sire de Magneville le sire de Grimsville Guil. Crespin le sire de S. Martin pag. 104. Guil. de Moulineus le sire de Pins Gieffray sire de May∣enne Affroy de Behaunt Affroy & Mavigr. de Cartaict Guil. de Garennes Hue de Gournay, sire de le Bray le Conte Hue de Dour∣nay Enguemount le Laigle le Vicont de Tovars Rich. Donnemchin le sire de Biars le sire de Salligny le Boutellier Daube∣gny ...

le sire de Marre le sire de Victry le sire de Lacy le sire du vall Darie le sire de Tracy Hue sire de Montfort le sire de Piqgny Hamon de Brayen le sire de Spinay le sire de Port le sire de Torchy le sire de Iort le sire de Rivers Guil. Moyon Raoul Tesson de Chignelois Rogier Marmion Raoul de Gael Ave Neel de Biars Parnel du Monstier Bertram le Tort Hubert Robert le sire de Seukee le sire de Dormal le sire de Brenall le sire de S. Iehan le sire de Bois le sire de Homme le sire de Saussay le sire de Cailly le sire de Semilly le sire de Tilly le sire de Romely Martell de Basquevill le sire de Praux le sire de Gonys le sire de Sainteaulx De Mullox These Archers of the vale of Rueill, and of Bretviel, and of many other places. le sire de S. Saen le sire de la Rimer le sire de Salnarnille le sire de Tony Eude de Beaugien le sire de Ollie.

Fox, Acts & Mon. pag. 183. le sire de Nassie le Visquaius de Chaymes le sire du Sap le sire de Glos le sire de Mine le sire de Glanville le sire de Brcencon le Vidam de Partay Raoul de Morimont Pierre de Bailleul sire de Fiscamp le sire de Beausault le sire de Tillieres le sire de Pacy le Seneschal de Torcy le sire de Gacy le sire Doully le sire de Sacy le sire de Vacy le sire de Tourneeur le sire de Praeres Guil. de Coulombieres Hue sire de Bollcbec Rich. sire Dorbec le sire de Bonneboz le sire de Tresgoz le sire de Montfiquet Hue le Bigot de Maletot le sire de la Haye le sire de Brecy le sire de Mombray le sire de Saye le sire de la Ferte Boutevillain Trousseb••••t Guillaume Patric de la Laund Hue de Mortomer le sire Danvillers le sire Donnebaut le sire de S. Cler Rob. le filz Herneys Duc d'Orleans le sire de Harecourt le sire de Crevecoeur le sire de Deyncourt le sire de Brimetot le sire de Combray le sire Daunay le sire de Fontenay le Conte Deureux ...

le sire de Rebelchil Alain Fergant, Conte de Bretaigne le sire de S. Vallery le Conte Deu Gaultier Giffard Conte de Longueville le sire Destouteville le Conte Thomas Daub∣malle Guil. Conte de Hoymes. & Darques le sire de Bereville le sire de Breante le sire de Freanville le sire de Pavilly le sire de Clere Toustan du Bec le sire de Maugny Roger de Montgome∣ry Amaury de Touars

Holinshed, Chron. pag. 2. le seig. de Perou Robert de Beaufou le seig. Meauvon le seig. de Sotevile Eustace de Hamblevile Geoffray Bournom le seig. de Blainvile le seig. de Maunevile Geoffray de Moienne Auffray, and Mauger de Carteny le seig. de Freanvile le seig. de Moubray le seig. de Iafitay Guil. Patais, seig. de la Lande Eulde de Mortimer Hue Earle of Gournay Egremont de Laigle Richard d' Aurinchin le seig. de Bearts le seig. de Soulligny Bouteclier d' Aubigny le seig. de Marcey le seig. de Lachy le seig. de Valdere Eulde de Montfort Henoyn de Cahieu le seig. de Vimers Guil. de Movion Roul Tesson de Tig∣nolles Anguer and Earle of Her∣court Roger Marmion Raoul de Gaiel Avenel de Viers Pauvel du Montier Hu∣bert Rob. Bertraule Tort le seig. de Seulle le seig. Dorival le seig. de la Hay le seig. de S. Iohn le seig. de Saussy le seig. de Brye Richard Dollebec le seig. du Monfiquet le seig. de Bresey le seig. de Semilly le seig. de Tilly le seig. de preaux ...

le seig. de Meuley le seig. de Monceaux The Archers of Bretvile The Archers of Vau∣drevile le seig. de S. Sain le seig. de Breansou le seig. de Sassy le seig. de Nassy le Vidam de Chartres le seig. de Ieanvile le Vidam du Passais Pierre du Bailleul seig. de Fescampe le seneschal de Torchy le seig. de Grissey le seig. de Bassey le seig. de Tourneur Guil. de Colombieres le seig. de Bonnebault le seig. de Ennebault le seig. de Danvillers le seig. de Bervile le seig. de Creveceur le seig. de Breate le seig de Coutray The Earle of Eureux le seig. de S. Valery Thomas Earle d' Aumale The Earle de Hiesmes

Stow, Chron. pag. 104. le sire de Sacy le sire de Vassie le Bisquams de Chaymes le sire de Sap le sire Duglosse le sire de Nime le sire de Blamville le sire de Brencon le Vidam de Partenay Roult de Mormont Pierre de Bailleul sire de Fescamp le sire de Beaufault le sire de Tillieres le sire de Pacy le Seneschall de Torchy le sire de Gacy le sire de Doully le sire de Sancy le sire de Bacy le sire de Tourneur le sire de Praores Guilliam de Colom∣bieres Hue sire de Bollebec Richard sire Dorbec le sire de Donnebos le sire de Troisgros le sire Mont Fiquet Hue le Vigot, aliàs Bigot de Maletot le sire de la Haye le sire de Bracy le sire de Moubray le sire de Say le sire de Lasert Bontevillam Tronse∣bours Guilliam Patris de la Laud Hue de Mortimer le sire Donviller le sire Donnebant le sire de S. Cler Robert le Fitz Herneys Duke Dorlians le sire de Harecourt le sire Crevecure le sire de Dancourt le sire de Brunetot le sire de Cambray ...

le sire Dauncy le sire Fonteney le Counte Deureux le sire de Roberchil Alan sergent Counte de Britaigne le sire de sainct Walle∣ry le Counte Deden Gualtar Guisart, Counte de Longne∣ville le sire de Scouteville le Counte Thomas Danbinale Guil. de Hoimes, & Darques le sire de Barrevile le sire de Breante le sire de Freanvile le sire de Panilly le sire de Clere Tostamdubee le sire de Mangny Roger du Montgomery Comes Almary de Tovaers

There is still another Catalogue, late in the possession of Thomas Scriven Esquire. I confesse, Quantus Author, tanta fides, and the Gentleman, long since dead, being generally unknown, some will question the Authority thereof. But know he was a good Promus-condus of ancient Records. Condus, in keep∣ing them faithfully himself; and Promus, in imparting them freely to others. This his Catalogue is exemplified by Iohn Stow in his Chronicle. Of whom though a Cambridge Comedian was pleased pleasantly to say, that Mendacio now and then jogg'd on the Elbow; yet indeed he deservetha 12.17 Camden's commendation of a famous Chronicler, lacking Learning rather then Truth, seldome omitting what is, sometimes recording what is not observeable. But see theb 12.18 Catalogue.

• Achard
• Averenges
• Aielard
• Alard
• Aubeney
• Avenel
• Asprevil
• Audeny
• Ak••in
• Arcy
• Amile
• Aunmidvile
• Abbevile
• Andvile
• Albemarke
• Aubrey
• Archer
• Bastarde
• Baignard
• Barvile
• Brassard
• Berad
• Boygnard
• Barkarvile
• Bares
• Basset
• Bars
• Belet
• Beil
• Breit
• Boneit
• Bluet
• Brachet
• Buket
• Biset
• Blundet
• Burdet
• Blete.
• Barry
• B••rri
• Bracy
• Brenenile
• Bounttuile
• Butenile
• Beamchampe
• Burnel
• Bussel
• Bele••ce
• Bonere
• Bodler
• Botiler
• Bogod
• Burle
• Baul
• Brenbe
• Brus
• Butelem
• Bricourt
• Brian
• Boch
• Bozim
• Bion
• Bailoil
• Brocheris
• Bardulfe
• Bancan
• Bussey
• Beamvis
• Bleis
• Baventre
• Camule
• Carenile
• Cardevile
• Condrey
• Cursey
• Caution
• Caily
• Corbet
• Clare
• Curtais
• Curthose
• Chamlin
• Costentin
• Comthense
• Cozmit
• Chalenges
• Chastlem
• Courtueis
• Chawers
• ...

• Curty
• Conun
• Crioile
• Charles
• Chen
• Chaucer
• Chandos
• Cunly
• Curly
• Crely
• Colcuile
• Cabot
• Charnel
• Chamel
• Charel
• Cheinie
• Darcy
• Dunstervile
• Douchampe
• Despenser
• Duredent
• Drivall
• Duket
• Dreward
• Delamare
• Drunall
• Dela
• Deincourt
• Eurous
• Estotkirke
• Faberburt
• Fossard
• Fresel
• Frevile
• Fressenile
• Folenile
• Firmunde
• Fizgessray
• Firpers
• Fitzwaters
• Feskampe
• Fizhu
• Fizurs
• Ferrer
• Fornitall
• Fineit
• Fitzbrian
• Frison
• Ferers
• Fohamble
• Frignes
• Fitzgariz
• Formentin
• Gangy
• Greminle
• Gieunile
• Gornumile
• Gemule
• Gerard
• Giffard
• Gondrel
• Gorger
• Goner
• Gigod
• Gaibit
• Giptot
• Garin
• Gunter
• Gras
• Grauntson
• Gournay
• Greis
• Gamage
• Gautere
• Gorge
• Hainule
• Hantvile
• Humchampe
• Herebrace
• Henile
• Herenile
• Havel
• Hachet
• Haket
• Harvy
• Hanesy
• Hersy
• Hai
• Hasard
• Hausard
• Hasser
• Hubert
• Hamelin
• Harecurte
• Hus
• Hense
• Iardin
• Kemes
• Keines
• Kusac
• Kosin
• Kamais
• Laci
• Liar
• Lunecy
• Luret
• Lucy
• Lidet
• Linguenile
• Levener
• Licot
• Lonecot
• Lovell
• Lescei
• Lambert
• Lenn
• Limare
• Lisle
• La.
• Maignard
• Maureward
• Mountford
• Mountague
• Mountbray
• Maundevile
• Mortmer
• Mansel
• Maschy
• Mungomer
• Morvile
• Meisy
• Munty
• Mounteni
• Mulet
• Mumfitchet
• Martell
• Morell
• Musard
• Maleit
• Milere
• Molevorer
• Manturners
• Moreiis
• Muelent
• Meigne
• Menul
• Manne
• Maceis
• Mabuom
• Mortem
• Mansey
• Maresthall
• Morley
• Martinas
• Murdacke
• Metun
• Mameisin
• Morin
• Mire
• Morim
• Neemarch
• Nepunt
• Orniall
• Osevile
• Orware
• Passemer
• Passenaunt
• Picot
• Poorvanger
• Pers
• Purcel
• Pichard
• Pypard
• Pamel
• Panel
• Piterel
• Penerel
• Pleisy
• Paveli
• Pilet
• Parly
• Palet
• Piket
• Percy
• Punchet
• Pachet
• Punis
• Pandulfe
• Pulem
• Penir
• Penne
• Phanecourt
• Pales
• Prouz
• Pirim
• Peisim
• Parteben
• Punifrait.
• Quinsi
• Quatramart
• Russel
• Rydel
• Roter
• Rochell
• Rooz
• Richmount
• Semtenile
• Somery
• Say
• Suneli
• Sorel
• Seteplace
• Spivenile
• Saundernile
• Sonule
• Soler
• Sourrile
• Stutenile
• Soleny
• Spigurnel
• Seintbrenel
• Soylard
• Swywar
• Saucer
• Sausaver
• Seniler
• Saintcler
• Senittomer
• Seintleger
• Saundenal
• Savage
• Seintion
• Saint-mareis
• Saucei
• Sal
• Seignes
• Seintlis
• Seintmoris
• Seintgorge
• Seintiore
• Seint-quintin
• Seintmore
• Sauntzire
• Saintchy
• Setuans
• Seinte-royiz
• Seinteleme
• Toret
• Tavit
• Turpet
• Tramel
• Torchapel
• Tonny
• Trussel
• Tuchet
• Torevile
• Trevet
• Tirel
• Trans
• Talebot
• Turbenile
• Tracy
• Trussebut
• Toc
• Tailpas
• Truan
• Tener
• Tisiure
• Tayleboys
• Verer
• Vilers
• Vesty
• Vinframile
• Veily
• Vaieus
• Veisin
• Vorill
• Venur
• Vavasue
• Vaus.
• Widenile
• Wimle
• Wilby
• Wadel
• Ward
• Wyschard
• Waldeboef
• Wastueis
• Warem
• Weirim
• Tuoire,

To these six Catalogues let me adde one more; not that I am an affecter of a Septenarie Number, but because confident it is the best and most authentick of all the rest. I find it ina 12.19 M^r. Fox; but surely collected by some (more skilfull then himself in this kind) out of severall ancient Chronicles. It containeth such Persons who after the Battel were advanced to Seignories in this Land. It pre∣senteth us onely with the initial Letters of their Christian Names, save for the first seven therein. And although hereby we are left at an Uncertainty, as whe∣ther G. signifieth George or Gilbert, I. Iames or Iohn; yet more then a Conjecture may be made by observing what Christian Name was predominant in their Po∣sterity.

• Iohn de Maunde vile
• Adam Vndevile
• Bernard de Frevile
• Rich. de Rochvile
• Gilbert de Frankvile
• Hugo de Dovile
• Symond de Rotevile
• R. de Evile
• B. de Kneuvile
• Hugo de Morvile
• R. de Colevile
• A. de Warvile
• C. de Karvile
• R. de Rotevile
• S. de Stotevile
• H. Bonum
• I. Monum
• W. de Vignoum
• K. de Vispount
• VV. Bailbeof
• S. de Baleyn
• H. de Matreys
• I. Aguleyne
• G. Agilon
• R. Chamburlayn
• N. de Vendres
• H. de Verdon
• H. de Verto
• C. de Vernon
• H. Hardul
• C. Cappan
• VV. de Camvile
• I. de Cameres
• R. de Rotes
• R. de Boys
• VV. de VVaren
• T. de VVardboys
• R. de Boys
• VV. de Audely
• K. Dynham
• R. de Vaures
• G. de Vargenteen
• I. de Hastings
• G. de Hastank
• L. de Burgee
• R. de Butvileyn
• H. de Malebranch
• S. de Malemain
• G. de Hautevile
• H. Hauteyn
• R. de Mor••eyn
• R. de Mortimer
• G. de Ranovile
• E. de Columb
• VV. Paynel
• C. Panner
• H. Pontrel
• I. de Rivers
• T. de Revile
• VV. de Beauchamp
• R. de Beaupale
• E. de Ou
• F. Lovel
• S. de Troys
• I. de Artel
• I. de Montebrugge
• H. de Mounteserel
• W. Trussebut
• VV. Trussell
• H. Byset
• R. Basset
• R. Molet
• H. Malovile
• G. Bonet
• P. de Bonvile
• S. de Rovile
• N. de Norbeck
• I. de Corneux
• P. de Corbet
• VV. de Mountague
• S. de Mountfychet
• I. de Genevyle
• H. Gyffard
• I. de Say
• T. Gilbard
• R. de Chalons
• S. de Chauward
• H. Ferret
• Hugo Pepard
• I. de Harecourt
• H. de Haunsard
• I. de Lamare
• P. de Mautrevers
• G. de Ferron
• R. de Ferrers
• I. de D'esly
• VV. de VVerders
• H. de Bornevile
• I. de Saintenys
• S. de Syncler
• R. de Gorges
• E. de Gemere
• VV. de Feus
• S. de Filberd
• H. de Turbervile
• R. Troblenuer
• R. de Angon
• T. de Morer
• T. de Rotelet
• H. de Spencer
• R. de S^t. Quentin
• I. de Saint Martin
• G. de Custan
• Saint Constantin
• Saint Leger & Sains Med.
• M. de Cronu & de S. Viger
• S. de Crayel
• R. de Crenker
• N. Meyvel
• I. de Berners
• S. de Chumly
• E. de Charers
• I. de Grey
• VV. de Grangers
• S. de Grangers
• S. Baubenyn
• H. Vamgers
• E. Bertram
• R. Bygot
• S. Tre••ly
• I. Trigos
• G. de Feues
• H. Filiot
• R. Taperyn
• S. Talbot
• H. Santsaver
• T. de Samford
• G. de Vandien
• C. de Vautort
• G. de Mountague
• Tho. de Cham∣bernon
• S. de Montfort
• R. de Fernevaulx
• VV. de Valence
• T. Clarel
• S. de Clervaus
• P. de Aubermale
• H. de Saint Arvant
• E. de Auganuteys
• S. de Gant
• G. de Malearbe
• H. Mandut
• VV. de Chesun
• L. de Chandut
• R. Filzurz
• B. Vicount de Low
• G. de Cantemere
• T. de Cantlow
• R. Breaunce
• T. de Broxeboof
• S. de Bolebec
• B. Mol de Boef
• I. de Muelis
• R. de Brus
• S. de Brewes
• I. de Lille
• T. de Bellile
• I. de VVatervile
• G. de Nevile
• R. de Neuburgh
• H. de Burgoyne
• G. de Bourgh
• S. de Lymoges
• L. de Lyben
• VV. de Helyoun
• VV. de Hildrebron
• R. de Loges
• S. de Saint Low
• I. de Maubank
• P. de Saint Malow
• R. de Leofern
• I. de Lovotot
• G. de Dabbevile
• H. de Appelot
• VV. de Percy
• H. de Lacy
• G. de Quincy
• E. Tracy
• R. de la Souche
• V. de Somery
• I. de Saint Iohn
• T. de Saint Gory
• P. de Boyly
• R. de Saint Valery
• P. de Pinkeny
• S. de Pavely
• G. de Monthaut
• T. de Mountchesy
• R. de Lymozy
• G. de Lucy
• I. de Artois
• N. de Arty
• P. de Grenvile
• I. de Greys
• V. de Cresty
• F. de Courcy
• T. de Lamar
• H. de Lymastz
• I. de Moubray
• G. de Morley
• S. de Gorney
• R. de Courtenay
• P. de Gourney
• R. de Cony
• I. de la Huse
• R. de la Huse
• V. de Longevile
• P. Longesly
• I. Pouchardon
• R. de la Pomercy
• I. de Pountz
• R. de Pontlarge
• R. Estraunge
• Tho. Savage.

I presume the Reader sufficiently wearied with so many dull Prose-Catalogues; and now we will refresh him a little with an Old Song, as I find their Names me∣trically composed in the Chronicle of Iohn Brompton the Abbot. Indeed the Rythms may be said to make themselves; such is the like Cadency of many Nor∣man-names; and if the Verses do but chime and tinck in the Close, it is enough to the purpose.

• Vous que desyrez assaver
• Les Nons de grauntz de la la mer
• Que vindrent Od le conquerour
• William Bastard de graunt vigoure,
• Lours surnons issi nous denys,
• Com je les trova en escris.
• Car des propres nons force ny a,
• Purce qillis sont chaunges sa & la;
• Come de Edmond en Edwarde,
• De Baldwyn en Barnard.
• De Godwyn en Godard.
• De Elys en Edwin:
• Et issint de toutz autrez nons,
• Come ils sont levez dufons.
• Purce lour surnons que sont usez,
• Et ne sont pas sovent chaungez,
• Vous ay escript; ore escotez.
• Si vous oier les voylletz.

• Maundevyle & Daundevyle
• Ounfravyle & Downefrevyle
• Bolvyle & Baskarvyle
• Evyle & Clevyle
• Morevyle & Colevyle
• Warbevyle & Carvyle
• Botevyle & Sotevyle
• Deverous & Cavervyle
• Mooun & Bo••••
• Vipoun & Vinoun
• Baylon & Baylaun
• Maris & Marmyoun
• Agulis & Aguloun
• Chaumberleyn & Chaumber soun
• Vere & Vernoun
• Verdyers & Verdoun
• Cryel & Caroun
• Dummer & Dammoun
• Hastyng & Cammois
• Bardelse, Botes & Boys
• Warenne & Wardeboys
• Rodes & Dev••rois
• Auris & Argenten
• Botetour & Botevelyn
• Malebouch & Malemeyn
• Hautevyle & Hauteyn
• Danvey & Dyveyn
• Malure & Malvesyn
• Morten & Mortimer
• Braunz & Columber
• Seynt Denis & Seynt Cler
• Seint A••byn & Seynt omer
• Seynt Fylbert, Fyens & Gomer
• Turbevyle & Turbemer
• Gorges & Spenser
• Brus & Boteler
• Crevequel & Seynt Quinreyn
• Deverouge & Seynt Martin
• Seynt Mor & Seynt Leger
• Seynt Vigor & Seynt Per
• Avynel & Paynell
• Peyvere & Perverell
• Rivers & Rivel
• Beauchamp & Beaupel
• Lou & Lovell
• Ros & Druell
• Mountabours & Mountsorell
• Trussebot & Trussell
• Bergos & Burnell
• Bra & Boterell
• Biset & Basset
• Malevyle & Malet
• Bonevyle & Bonet
• Nervyle & Narbet
• Coynale & Corbet
• Mountayn & Mounsychet
• Geynevyle & Gyssard
• Say & Seward
• Chary & Chaward
• Pyryton & Pypard
• Harecourt & Haunsard
• Musegrave & Musard
• Mare & Mautravers
• Frenz & Ferters
• Bèrnevyle & Berners
• Cheyne & Chalers
• Daundon & Daungers
• Vessi, Gray & Graungers
• Bertram & Bygod
• Traylliz & Tragod
• Penbri & Pypotte
• Freyn & Folyot
• Dapisoun & Talbote
• Sanzaver & Saunford
• Vadu & Vatorte
• Montagu & Mounford
• Forneus & Fornyvaus
• Valens, Yle & Vaus
• Clarel & Claraus
• Aubevyle & Seint Amauns
• Agantez & Dragans
• Malerbe & Maudut
• Brewes & Chaudut
• Fizowres & Fizde Lou
• Cantemor & Cantelou
• Braybuffe & Huldbynse
• Bolebeke & Molyns
• Moleton & Besyle
• Richford & Desevyle
• Watervyle & Dayvyle
• Nebors & Nevyle
• Hynoys, Burs, Burgenon
• Ylebon, Hyldebrond, Ho∣lyon
• Loges & Seint Lou
• Maubank & Seint Malou
• Wake & Wakevyle
• Condree & Knevyle
• Scales & Clermount
• Beauvys & Beamount
• Mouns & Mountchampe
• Nowers & Nowchampe
• Percy, Crus & Lacy
• Quincy & Tracy
• Stokes & Somery
• Seynt Iohan & Seynt Iay
• Greyle & Seynt Walry
• Pynkeney & Panely
• Mohant & Mountchen∣sy
• Loveyn & Lucy
• Artoys & Arcy
• Grevyle & Courcy
• Arras & Cressy
• Merle & Moubray
• Gornay & Courtnay
• Haustlayng & Tornay
• Husee & Husay
• Pounchardon & Pomeray
• Longevyle & Longespay
• Peyns & Pountlarge
• Straunge and Sauvage.

Passe we now from Poetry to Painting, seeing great the affinity betwixt them, Fancy being predominant in both. Present we here the Reader with the Names and Armes of fourty Souldiers of King William the Conquerour, matched with as many Monks; but how, and on what occasion, the ensuing Writing will acquaint us.

In the time of Thurston, our Abbot of Ely, born of worshipfull Parentage in the Village of Wichford near Ely, King Harold, Son of Godwin, and together with him all the States of England almost, were slain by the Souldiers of William Duke of Normandy, Nephew to Saint Edward the King, upon the Feast of S^t. Calixt the Pope, in the year of our Lord God one thousand sixty and six.

VVhereupon Egelwine Bishop of Durham, Egfride Abbot of S^t. Albans, the Earle of Margary, and Edward Byarn, with sundry other chief of the Land, toge∣ther with their Friends, laden with great Treasures, fled unto us, desirous to with∣stand, so far as lay in them, the enterprise of the Bastard: by whose Aide we withstood the tempestuous Threats of the Normans seven yeares; untill such time as Belase, who at that time was General of the Kings Army, and from whom the circuit of certain Hills at the South end of Alderhithe-Causey, which at this day are corruptly called Belsar's-Hills, took their name, being cast up on purpose, that the Army in the Night time might lodge there safely, astonied us by the means of an huge number of Boats gathered together upon a sudden. Á Councell then being called, it seemed good to our Captains in convenient time to crave the Kings Mercy. VVhereupon certain were sent to the Kings Court, being then at Warwick, carrying with them to the King a mighty Treasure, a competent Price & Satisfaction to pacify him con∣cerning an unadvised Attempt. VVhere with the Honourable King was appeased, yet with this Covenant and Condition, that so long as it pleased him, fourty of the Kings Souldiers should be maintained at the charge of the Monastery. For the King feared, lest that whilest he bent his forces against the Scots not yet subdued, the Isle of Ely (being indeed a dreadfull Strength) should again revolt to his great Danger. The Souldiers with their Retinue are sent, they come and here abide. VVhereof each one is delivered to some principall Monk, as a Captain to his

Lieutenant, or a Guest to his Host. Now the King decreed that Bertwolde, the Butler, should minister Food to the Souldiers and Monks joyntly together, one with another, in the common Hall of the Monastery. VVhat need many words? These Captains to their Lieutenants, these Guests to their Hosts, these Souldiers to their Monks were most welcome: for all of them entertained each one, each one en∣tertained all, and every one mutually one another, with all duties of Humanity. At the length the Fire of the civil VVar being quenched, and the King established accor∣ding to his Hearts desire, five yeares after, his Severity in punishing being in godly manner pacified, it pleased the King to withdraw this Yoke, wherewith the Pride of the Monks was now sufficiently abated. And the Conquerour reclaimed his Soul∣diers, to punish the ungodly Insolency of his Son Robert, who at that time in out∣ragious manner kept Riot in Normandy. But our Monks (which is a wonder to report) did not onely with Teares bewaile the departure of their dearest Mates, the heroicall Souldiers, and welcome Guests; but howled out most fearfully, and beat their Breast as destitute of Hope, after the manner of a new-married Wife, whose Husband is violently taken away, at an unseasonable time, out of her sweet Armes unto the VVars. For they doubted lest that, being thus for saken, they should be subject to the Spoil; whereas they had lived securely at ease, with their armed Guests, to whose trust they had committed themselves and their Goods. They being now all ready for their Iourney, every one of our Monks, many in number, investured in their Copes, in dutifull manner accompanied these Gentlemen departing, unto Hadenham, with Songs, Crosses, Censers, Processions, and all Solemnity that might be used. And returning home, took order that the Armes of each Souldier should be lively depainted upon the VVall of the common Hall, where they took their Repast together, to the perpetuall memory of the customed Kindness of their Souldier-like Guests, the which from time to time, from the Predecessours to the Successours, and from obscure Antiquity to our Posterity at this day, are curiously set forth to be viewed of all men, not without a pleasant Delight, in such manner as they glitter and shine honourable in the Margent of this Table.

This Writing was composed about the Reign of King Henry the seventh, but the Armes set up in Ely-Hall (as may appeare by inserting the Coat of Ro∣bert Orford, the fourteenth Bishop of Ely) about the year 1306. Which Hall was destroyed at the Dissolution; but another Transcript of the Armes of these Knights being depicted on the Wall of the Deanes Dining-room, was lately extant, whence our Draught here presented was taken (rather truly then neat∣ly done, out of desire to conform to the Original) and communicated to me by that worthy Knight, and able Antiquary, S^t. Simon Archer of VVar∣wickshire.

Some will wonder that M^r. Camden maketh no mention hereof, whose Omnisciencie in these things may be presumed of. Yea, which is more, there is (saitha 12.20 he) a Rampire of mean Height, but of very large Compasse, which they call Belsar's-Hills, of one Bellisar, I wot not who; taking no notice of Belasis, the Norman Generall, who subdued Elie, and from whom our late-produced Writing attesteth those Hills to be so named. But, besides that Camdenus non vi∣det omnia, great Antiquaries are sometimes subject to fits of Sullennesse, & will not see what they do see, when resolved to take no Notice thereof.

And now we have presented the Reader with eight severall Catalogues, two of Holinshead's, two of Stow's, two of M^r. Fox, one of Scriven's, one of Frier Brompton's, besides the List of Elie Knights, I could wish a good Herauld would make a Mono-ogdoon, that is, one out of eight, and Alphabetically digest the same; also note what Names are extant, and which, how, and when ex∣tinct.

By names which I call extinct, understand, not existent in any signal and re∣markable lustre proportionable to their former greatness, though possibly some obscure under-boughs, truly derived thence, may still be in being. That worthy b 12.21 Doctour hath made many Converts in Physick to his seeming Paradox,

maintaining the Circulation of Bloud running round about the Body of man. Nor is it lesse true, that gentile Bloud fetcheth a Circuit in the body of a Na∣tion, running from Yeomanrie, through Gentry to Nobility, and so retrograde, returning through Gentry to Yeomanrie again. My Father hath told me from the mouth of S^r. Robert Cotton, that that worthy Knight met in a Morning a true and undoubted Plantagenet holding the Plough in the Country.

He might adde Arms to ancient names, where he could recover any Certain∣ty therein; for I am confident that hereditarie Arms are not so ancient as the Conquest, but fixed in Families about the beginning of Henry the third, finding before that time the warlike Devises of the Sons, not the same with the Fancies of their Fathers, and their Grand-children differing from both.

If any say that I have already gone too far in this Subject, who am no Herauld by Profession, but onely K 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Praeco, a Crier in the spirituall acception of the Office: yea, that this favours of Revenge, as if, because so many in this Age in∣vade my Calling, I in requitall have made Incursion into other mens Profes∣sions; like men that take Letters of Mart, not caring whom they wrong, so they repair themselves for their former sustained, or pretended Losses: Let such know that I adventure on Herauldry, not as a Calling, but as an accessorie quality for Recreation. And, in evidence of my Loyalty to the Kings of Arms, I submit what here I have written to their Censure and Correction, who have obliged me un∣to them with their many and great Civilities.

Onely I will add some Corollaries to this Roll, and so conclude.

First Coroll.* 12.22 When any Name begins with a Vowel, or an H, the prefixing of D' createth a (seeimg) new Name: as Arcy, D' Arcy; Aunvers, D' Aunvers; Haurel or Hairel, D' Hairel.

Second Coroll.* 12.23 French Surnames are generally discernable by their Termi∣nations

• In
  • Age
  • Ard
  • Champe
  • Court
  • Cy
  • Ell
  • Er
• As
  • Savage
  • Giffard
  • Beauchampe
  • Harcourt
  • Darcy
  • Terrell
  • Archer
• In
  • Ers
  • Eux
  • Et
  • Lay
  • Nay
  • Ot
  • Vile
• As
  • Danvers
  • Devereux
  • Barret
  • Cholmelay
  • Courtnay
  • Talbot
  • Nevile

Some few Names whose Endings are exceptions from these Rules, are easily observed by reading, and known to be of French Extraction.

Third Coroll.* 12.24 Wivil is the last name in most Catalogues. First fixed at Stan∣ton VVivil in Leicestershire, where they continued in the twenty fourth year of the Reign of King Henry the sixth, on this Token, that VVilliam VVivill (being sworn and examined) did depose that he could expend twenty pounds a year of old Rents besides all Charges. Of this House was Robert de VVivil Bishop of Salisbury, one neither Handsome, nor Learned, but eminent for his long Life, (fourty five years Bishop there) and high Spirit, that he would not suffer the Castle of Sarum to be parted from his See, challenged by VVilliam Mountacute Earle of Salisbury, without putting it upon Tryall of Battel. Long since the Wivils here are extinct, bearing Gules, Frettey Vary, a Chief Or. But there is extant an ancient Family of that name in the North (though different in Armes) augmented in State and Honour by Matches with the Heires of Pigot, Scroope of Vpsall, and Bointon: whereof S^r. Marmaduke Wivil of Constable-Burton in Richmondshire was created Baronet by King Iames, whose Grand-child Mar∣maduke Baronet Wivil married the Daughter of Coniers Lord Darcy. And I am glad that I may auspiciously close, and conclude my Catalogue with so worthy a Gentleman; bearing Gules, three Cheveronels braced in Base, Gobonee Argent and Azure, a Chief Or.

Fourth Coroll.* 12.25 All names of Gentry which by authenticall Records came

over at the Conquest, are not expressed in any of these Catalogues; as Saukvil, or Sackvil, and Walgrave, we finding two of that Surname.

One Iohn Walgrave a Saxon, living at Walgrave in Northamptonshire, and possessed of that Mannour before the Conquest.

The other a Walloon of that name, coming over with the Conquerour, and employed by him in many Services.

The later of these, on the former his consent that he should marry his onely Daughter, procured from the Conquerour a Pardon for his Father in Law, that he might quietly enjoy his Lands and Livings, descending on this Walloon VValgrave after the other his Death. Which Pardon, legible in French, was Anno 1612. in the possession of thea 12.26 Walgraves, still flourishing in Suffolk.

Fifth Coroll. Let none wonder, if some names of VVorshipfull and Honourable Families, undoubtedly of French Originall (but since the Conquest) have not appeared in the aforesaid Catalogues. For know that after the Conquest, sundry French-men of signall Worth entred England at severall times, chiefly

At the Marriage

• First of King Henry the second to Queen Eleanor, who brought the Dukedome of Aquitain & Earledome of Poictiers for her Dowrie.
• Secondly of Edward the second to Isabella Daughter to Philip the Fair King of France, when three thousand French came over with her (complained of as a great Grievance) and many settled here.

Not to speak of the Conquests of King Edward the third and Henry the fifth in France, causing such an Intercourse of the Nations, that then England and France may be said to have born counterchangeably each others Natives.

Sixth Coroll.* 12.27 Many will admire no mention of Tradesmen in all these Cata∣logues, being of absolute necessity both in War and Peace. For soon would the Head of the best Monsieur ake without a Capper, Hands be tanned without a Glover, Feet be foundred without a Tanner, Currier, Shoemaker, whole Body be straved, cold, without VVeaver, Fuller, Tailour, hungry, without Baker, Brewer, Cook, harbourless, without Mason, Smith and Carpenter. Say not, it was beneath the French Gallantry to stoup to such mean Employments, who found all these Trades here amongst the English their Vassall••. For (besides that no∣thing is base which is honest, and necessary for humane Society) such as are ac∣quainted with the French, both ancient & modern, finicall humour, know they account our Tailours Botchers, Shoemakers Coblers, Cooks Slovens, compared to the exactnesse of their Fancy and Palate; so that certainly such Trades came over with them.

Seventh Coroll.* 12.28 But hear what our greatb 12.29 Antiquary faith herein. In that most authenticall Register, Doomesday Book in the Exchequer, ye shall have Cocus, Aurifaber, Pictor, Pistor, Accipitrarius, Camerarius, Venator, Piscator, Me∣dicus; Cook, Goldsmith, Painter, Baker, Falconer, Chamberlain, Huntsman, Fisher, Leach, Marshall, Porter, and others, which then held land in capite, and without doubt left these Names to their Posterity; albeit haply they are not men∣tioned in those Tables of Battel Abbey of such as came in at the Conquest.

Eighth Coroll.* 12.30 Now let me bespeak the Readers Pity (though possibly his ingenuous Sympathie hath given it before it was requested) for those poor English-men who were to find Free-quarter for all these French. Where could their Land-lords lodge them? or rather how could they long continue Land∣lords, when such potent Guests came to their Houses? O the severall wayes which their Necessities dictated unto them! Some fought, as the Kentish; who capitulated for their Liberty: some fled, as those in the North into Scotland: some hid themselves, as many in middle England in the Isle of Ely: some, as those of Norfolk, traversed their Title by Law, and that with good Successe in the Old age of King William the Conquerour. Most betook themselves to Patience, which taught many a Noble Hand to work, Foot to travel, Tongue to intreat; even thanking them for their Courtesie, who were pleased to restore a Shiver of their own Loaf which they violently took from them.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno. Dom.
• * 1.2

  585
• * 1.3

  The first oc∣casion of the Saxons con∣version to Christianity.
• a 1.4

  Luke 2. 38.
• b 1.5

  Rom. 7. 14.
• c 1.6

  Bede Hist. ecclesiast. l. 2. cap. 1.
• d 1.7

  VVhich at this day is the Bishoprick of Deirham, or Durham.
• * 1.8

  Anno. Dom. 585
• * 1.9

  Gregory would con∣vert England in his person, but doth it by his proxy.
• * 1.10

  586
• a 1.11

  1 Corinth. 5. 3
• b 1.12

  Exod. 17. 11.
• * 1.13

  Augustine and his fel∣lows shrink for fear.
• c 1.14

  Exod. ch. 3. and 4.
• d 1.15

  Ior. 1. 6.
• e 1.16

  Bede's Hi∣story of the Church of England, 1 Book, 23. Chap. transla∣ted by Staple∣ton.
• * 1.17

  Anno Dom. 586
• * 1.18

  Augustine troubled with mock∣ing Michals in his Passage through France.
• a 1.19

  Gregor. lib. 5. Epist. 58
• b 1.20

  Idem lib. 5. Epist. 10.
• c 1.21

  Idem lib. 5. Epist. 57.
• d 1.22

  Alexander Elsebiensis in his Annall of Saints, and Iohn Cap∣grave.
• e 1.23

  Lib. 7. Ep. 5.
• * 1.24

  596
• f 1.25

  Flores Sanctorum Maii 26. in the life of S. Augustine pag. 499. Augustine for all his Power of working Miracles, needs inter∣preters to preach to the English.
• * 1.26

  Anno Dom. 596
• a 1.27

  Idem p. 498.
• b 1.28

  Gen. 42. 23.
• * 1.29

  The Rabble of Saxon Idols.
• c 1.30

  Exod. 23. 13
• d 1.31

  Verstegan's restitution of Decaied In∣telligence, ch. 3 pag. 74.
• e 1.32

  So Verste∣gan, pag. 72. but Camden, Brit. pag. 135. makes him to be Mercury.
• a 1.33

  Acts 28. 11.
• * 1.34

  A recruit of their Idols.
• b 1.35

  Selden of Tithes, 10. ch. pag. 269.
• c 1.36

  Sidonius Apollinaris, lib. 8, Epist.
• * 1.37

  All these an∣tiquated by Christianity.
• a 1.38

  I saiah 2. 20.
• b 1.39

  Exod. 7. 12.
• * 1.40

  The chara∣cter of King Ethelbert.
• c 1.41

  Acts 26. 28.
• d 1.42

  Bede Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 25.
• * 1.43

  Augustine's addresses, and Ethelbert's answer.
• e 1.44

  Beda, ut prists.
• * 1.45

  597
• * 1.46

  Ethelbert and others con∣verted to the Christian Faith.
• a 1.47

  Bede Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 26.
• * 1.48

  Gregorie's an∣swer to Au∣gustine's letters.
• b 1.49

  Luke 10. 17
• c 1.50

  Iohn 10. 41.
• d 1.51

  Matt. 7. 22.
• * 1.52

  600
• * 1.53

  Conclusion of this Cen∣tury.
• * 1.54

  Anno Dom. 600
• * 1.55

  Anno. Dom.
• * 2.1

  601
• a 2.2

  Rog. Wendo∣ver, Matth. Florileg. and Roff. Histor.
• * 2.3

  Why the Arch-bishops See was re∣moved from London to Canterbury.
• * 2.4

  Anno. Dom. 601
• * 2.5

  Augustine summons a Synod of Saxon and British Bi∣shops.
• a 2.6

  In his Trans∣lation of Bede, 2 Book, 2 Ch.
• b 2.7

  Camden's Britannian in Worcester∣shire.
• c 2.8

  Spelman in Concilus, Anno 601. pag. 107.
• d 2.9

  Gen. 18. 4.
• e 2.10

  Iudges 4. 5.
• f 2.11

  This reason is given by Sir Henry Spelman, ut prius.
• g 2.12

  See first Cen∣tury 3. Parag.
• * 2.13

  The British Clergy re∣fuse submis∣sion to the Pope of Rome.
• * 2.14

  Copied exactly many yeares since by S^r. Henry Spelman out of an ancient British manu∣script of Mr. Peter Mostons a Welch Gentle∣man; Spel∣man's Concilia pag. 108.
• * 2.15

  The Cedit of this Manu∣script impu∣gneth.
• * 2.16

  The Synod proves inef∣factual.
• a 2.17

  Bede's Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 2.
• * 2.18

  The Dialogue betwixt the British Bishops and the Anchoret
• b 3.1

  Matth. 11. 29.
• * 3.2

  Proud ••io∣trephes Au∣gustine.
• c 3.3

  See his an∣swer to Augu∣stine's third question.
• d 3.4

  1 Cor. 9. 22.
• * 3.5

  Augustine's Prophesie.
• * 3.6

  603 alias
• * 3.7

  The massacre of the Monks of Baugor.
• * 3.8

  605
• * 3.9

  Augustine suspected to be their mur∣derer.
• a 3.10

  Revel. 2. 20.
• b 3.11

  M^r. Abra∣ham Whee∣lock is his notes on Bede, pag. 115.
• * 3.12

  Witnesses produced a∣gainst him.
• c 3.13

  Manuscript. in pub. lib. Can∣tab. pag. 167.
• d 3.14

  Cited in Iewel's Apo∣log. part 1. pag. 11.
• * 3.15

  Anno Dom. 603
• a 3.16

  Sir Henry Spelman's Councills, pag. 111.
• b 3.17

  Manus••r. in Bennet Coll. Librar. Camb.
• * 3.18

  Testimonies in his behalf.
• c 3.19

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. editione VVho∣lochiana.
• * 3.20

  The Para∣graph in Bede's testi∣mony que∣stioned.
• d 3.21

  Matt. West. Chichestr. MS. Bibl. pub. Canta∣b••ig.
• e 3.22

  Iames U∣sher Brit. Eccles Antiq. pag. 1157. Mr. Fox his moderation much moveth the Iury.
• f 3.23

  Antiq. Bri∣tan. pag. 48.
• g 3.24

  Apol. part 1 page. 11.
• h 3.25

  Acts and Monum. part 1. p. 154. col. 2.
• i 3.26

  Nicolas Tri∣vet, largely cited by Sir Henry Spelman in his Councills, pag. 112.
• * 3.27

  The bloud of Bangor Monks re∣venged.
• * 3.28

  Farewell ta∣ken for some years of the British Church.
• a 3.29

  Eccles. Hist. Seculo 7. c. 39. pag. 114.
• * 3.30

  Commenda∣tion of the British lan∣guage,
• * 3.31

  Causelesly traduced by ignorance.
• * 3.32

  Augustine bapitzeth 10000. in one day.
• a 3.33

  Cited by Mr. Camden, Presace of Brit. pag. 136.
• b 3.34

  Flores San¦ctorum: tom. 1. wrote by Hie∣rome Porter pag. 515.
• c 3.35

  Ios. 4. 1.
• d 3.36

  Matth. 3. 6.
• e 3.37

  2 Kin. 5. 14.
• * 3.38

  The simpli∣city of an∣cient Bap∣tisme.
• f 3.39

  Camden ut prius.
• * 3.40

  The Idol Healedestroi∣ed by Augu∣stine at Cern.
• g 3.41

  Camden's Brit. in Dor∣setshire.
• h 3.42

  Flores San∣ctorum in the life of Augu∣stine, P. 515, 516.
• a 3.43

  So both in Camden, and Harpsfield.
• * 3.44

  A ridiculous miracle.
• b 3.45

  Flores San∣ctorium ut prinus
• * 3.46

  The great improve∣ment of the Gospel.
• c 3.47

  Bede, Book of Mareyrs, and others. Augustine's death and Epitaph.
• * 3.48

  610 alias
• * 3.49

  611 alias
• * 3.50

  612
• d 3.51

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 5.
• * 3.52

  The date of the year, how wanting therein.
• * 3.53

  Anno Dom. 610
• * 3.54

  Farewell to S. Augustine.
• a 3.55

  Gal. 1. 1.
• * 3.56

  Laurentius succeedeth Augustine.
• b 3.57

  Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 4.
• * 3.58

  Idem Ibidem
• c 3.59

  1 Kings 19. 16.
• * 3.60

  The contro∣versie about Easter be∣twixt Rome and the Bri∣tans, stated.
• d 3.61

  Iames U∣sher, in the Religion of the ancient Irish, cap. 9. pag. 63.
• * 3.62

  Hence is it, that Beza tartly termeth the controversie Lunatica quaestio.
• * 3.63

  The Britans their plea.
• a 3.64

  Fridgodus in the life of Wilfrid.
• * 3.65

  i. e. Sancti, ••el Beati.
• b 3.66

  Iohn 20. 4.
• * 3.67

  The contro∣versie recon∣ciled by Lau∣rentius.
• * 3.68

  613
• c 3.69

  Bede's Hist. lib. 2. cap. 4.
• * 3.70

  The antiqui∣ty of this dif∣ference.
• d 3.71

  De Britan. Scriptoribus aetale 6^a. pag. 95.
• e 3.72

  Chron. of Wales p. 254.
• * 3.73

  Anno Dom. 613
• * 3.74

  The death of Ethelbert, and decay of Christianity.
• * 3.75

  Febr. 24.
• * 3.76

  Mellitus and Iustus their departure defended.
• a 3.77

  Matt. 10. 14.
• b 3.78

  Matth. 8. 34. and cap. 9. 1.
• * 3.79

  Laurentius, intending to depart, rebu∣ked.
• c 3.80

  Bede lib. 2. cap. 6.
• * 3.81

  Eadbald be∣comes a Christian.
• * 3.82

  Iustus recei∣ved at Roche∣ster, and Mellitus reje∣cted at Lon∣don.
• a 3.83

  Mr. Whee∣lock on the place in Bede.
• * 3.84

  619 Feb. 3.
• * 3.85

  Mellitus his character.
• * 3.86

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 7.
• b 3.87

  1 Tim. 5. 23.
• c 3.88

  2 Cor. 1. 8.
• * 3.89

  624 April 24.
• * 3.90

  What a Pall is
• d 3.91

  Flores San∣ctorum Maii 26. pag. 506.
• e 3.92

  Latine Camden in Kent pag. 238
• f 3.93

  Flores San∣ctorum ut prius.
• g 3.94

  Camden ut prius, & Luke 15.
• * 3.95

  Anno. Dom. 624
• a 3.96

  Godwin's Cat. Episc. pag. 225.
• b 3.97

  A Florene is worth 4^s. 6^d.
• c 3.98

  A Manu∣script in Trin. Hall Library in Cambridge
• d 3.99

  Mr. Whee∣lock on Bede, pag. 99.
• * 3.100

  Edwine his preparatory promise to Christianity.
• e 3.101

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 9.
• * 3.102

  625
• * 3.103

  His condi∣tion perfor∣med, and yet he demurres.
• * 3.104

  626
• f 3.105

  Idem ibidem.
• * 3.106

  The speech of Coify the Priest.
• g 3.107

  Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 13.
• * 3.108

  Anno. Dom. 626
• a 3.109

  Eccles. 9. 2.
• b 3.110

  1 Pet. 4. 17.
• * 3.111

  The Cour∣tier's Com∣parison.
• c 3.112

  Idem ibid.
• * 3.113

  627
• * 3.114

  Edwine con∣verted, and baptized.
• * 3.115

  Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 14.
• d 3.116

  Camden's Britannia.
• * 3.117

  The East-Angles con∣verted to Christianity.
• e 3.118

  Luk. 22. 32.
• f 3.119

  Bede Hist. Ecc. l. 2. c. 15.
• g 3.120

  2 Kings 17. 41.
• h 3.121

  Bede ut prius.
• i 3.122

  1 Cor. 10. 21.
• * 3.123

  630
• * 3.124

  The Religion and learning of King Sigebert.
• * 3.125

  Anno. Dom. 630
• a 3.126

  Weaver's Funerall Monuments in Suffolk.
• * 3.127

  Difference about the antiquity of the Uni∣versity of Cambridge.
• * 3.128

  631 But some make it four yeares after.
• b 3.129

  See Cajus on the antiqui∣ty of Cam∣bridge.
• c 3.130

  Gen. 38. 28.
• * 3.131

  The leading testimony of Bede explai∣ned.
• * 4.1

  Anno. Dom. 631
• a 4.2

  In Epistola ad Rusticum.
• b 4.3

  Hist. Eccles.
• c 4.4

  1 Tim. 3. 13
• * 4.5

  Authours commenting on Bede's text.
• d 4.6

  Lib. 4. & lib. 5. pag. 107.
• e 4.7

  Written Anno 1566. pag. 20.
• f 4.8

  In his Com∣ment. in Cy∣gneam Cantio∣nem.
• g 4.9

  In Sigeber∣to, & rursus Cent. 13. in Felice. First obje∣ction against Sigebert's founding of Cambridge.
• * 4.10

  Answer.
• * 4.11

  Second Ob∣jection.
• * 4.12

  Answer.
• a 4.13

  Bryan Twine Antiq. Acad. Ox. pag. 114.
• b 4.14

  Mr. Cam∣den an Ox∣ford-man in his description of Cam∣bridgeshire, alloweth Grantchester and Cam∣bridge for the same place. Third Obje∣ction.
• c 4.15

  Cajus de Antiq. Can∣tab. (ex libro Barnwel∣lensi) pag. 11. Answer.
• d 4.16

  Tully De natura Deo∣rum.
• e 4.17

  Mr. Cam∣den in his Britannia, pag. 381. in Oxfordshire. Fourth Obje∣ction.
• * 4.18

  Answer.
• * 4.19

  Fifth Obje∣ction.
• * 4.20

  Answer.
• a 4.21

  Iohn 21. 5.
• b 4.22

  1 Cor. 4. 15.
• c 4.23

  1 Cor. i. 5.
• * 4.24

  All the Scho∣lars of Pem∣broke Hall in Cam∣bridge, not being Fellows, are termed pueri in their Statutes.
• d 4.25

  Bryan Twine Antiq. Oxon. p. 322.
• * 4.26

  Conclusion with prayer.
• e 4.27

  Ruth 1. 12.
• * 4.28

  632
• * 4.29

  Edwine, King of Northum∣berland, slain.
• f 4.30

  Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 10.
• * 4.31

  The unhappy year.
• * 4.32

  Anno Dom. 632
• a 4.33

  Camden's Brit. pag. 797.
• * 4.34

  633
• * 4.35

  A lost year well found.
• b 4.36

  Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 1.
• c 4.37

  Idem lib. 3. cap. 9.
• d 4.38

  Iudg. 3. 30.
• e 4.39

  Vers. 14.
• * 4.40

  A victory given from heaven.
• * 4.41

  635
• f 4.42

  Swedish In∣telligencer.
• g 4.43

  Philem. v. 11
• h 4.44

  Acts 20. 12.
• * 4.45

  Pope Hono∣rius his inef∣fectual letter.
• * 4.46

  Anno Dom. 635
• a 4.47

  Tom. 2. De∣cret. Epist. ed. Romae 1591. pag. 654.
• * 4.48

  Birinus con∣verts the VVest-Saxons to the faith.
• b 4.49

  Bede lib. 3. cap. 7.
• c 4.50

  Idem ibid.
• d 4.51

  2 Cor. 10. 16.
• * 4.52

  636
• * 4.53

  A broken promise well kept.
• e 4.54

  Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 3. cap. 7.
• * 4.55

  Dorchester made a Bi∣shops See.
• f 4.56

  In his trans∣lation of Bede Pol. 82.
• * 4.57

  637
• * 4.58

  England di∣vided into Parishes.
• g 4.59

  Mr. Selden in his Hist. of Tithes, cap. 9. pag. 256.
• * 4.60

  Anno Dom. 637
• * 4.61

  A morose Preacher little the edifieth.
• * 4.62

  Aidan his due commenda∣tion.
• * 4.63

  Bede his al∣lay.
• a 4.64

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 3.
• b 4.65

  Rom. 10. 2.
• c 4.66

  Arch-Bishop Usher in the Religion of the Irish p. 99.
• * 4.67

  Lay-mens di∣ligence in reading Scripture.
• * 4.68

  The royall interpreter.
• * 4.69

  640
• * 4.70

  The first Lent in En∣gland.
• * 4.71

  642
• * 4.72

  The ill suc∣cesse of good Kings.
• * 4.73

  Oswald's hand said never to putrifie.
• * 4.74

  Anno Dom. 642
• a 4.75

  Matth. 6. 3.
• b 4.76

  So Staple∣ton transla∣teth what is, Bede is, in∣veterascat.
• c 4.77

  Camden's Brit. in Lin∣colnshire.
• * 4.78

  Mystically true.
• d 4.79

  Psal. 112. 6.
• e 4.80

  Prov. 10. 7.
• * 4.81

  Over offici∣ousnesse oc∣casioned pur∣gatory.
• f 4.82

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 12.
• g 4.83

  Lib. 3. cap. 2
• a 4.84

  2 King. 4. 40▪
• * 4.85

  Anno Dom.
• * 4.86

  644
• * 4.87

  The death of Paulinus.
• b 4.88

  Exod. 6. 23.
• * 4.89

  645
• * 4.90

  Most Chri∣stian King Oswy.
• c 4.91

  Lib. 3. c. 21.
• d 4.92

  Idem.
• * 4.93

  Sigebert the too good.
• e 4.94

  Beda lib. 3. cap. 22.
• * 4.95

  654
• * 4.96

  Anna happy in an holy issue.
• * 4.97

  656
• * 4.98

  The conver∣sion of the Mercians to Christianity. under Prince Peada.
• f 4.99

  Beda lib. 3. cap. 21.
• * 4.100

  St. Cedde, and St. Chad.
• * 4.101

  Anno Dom. 656
• a 4.102

  Flores San∣ctorum pag. 35.
• b 4.103

  Idem p. 224.
• * 4.104

  Fridona first English Arch-bishop.
• c 4.105

  Sanders de Schism. pag. 297
• d 4.106

  Bede Hist. lib. 3. p. 217.
• e 4.107

  Binnius Tom. 1. p. 579. in Notis in Epist. 17. In∣nocentis primi. Wolphere's murther of his two Sons.
• f 4.108

  Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 23.
• * 4.109

  662
• * 4.110

  The making of Glasse brought first into England.
• * 4.111

  Scotish Bi∣shops dissent from others in keeping Easter.
• * 4.112

  Anno Dom. 662
• * 4.113

  This contro∣versy spreads into private families.
• * 4.114

  663
• * 4.115

  A Councell is called to compose this controversie.
• * 4.116

  Wilfride his prevailing argument.
• * 4.117

  His intended, but disap∣pointed pre∣ferment.
• * 4.118

  Anno Dom. 663
• * 4.119

  Abbess Hilda.
• a 4.120

  2 Chro. 34. 22.
• * 4.121

  A miracle imputed to her holiness.
• b 4.122

  As Camden saith in Wor∣cestershire.
• * 4.123

  Theodorus Arch-bishop of Canterbury.
• * 4.124

  668
• c 4.125

  Acts 22. 3.
• d 4.126

  1 Cor. 14. 18
• * 4.127

  67 ⅔
• e 4.128

  1 Cor. 9. 22. His fierce∣ness to keep Easter after the Romish rite.
• * 4.129

  Anno Dom. 67 ⅔
• a 4.130

  Lib. 4. cap. 5.
• b 4.131

  In his trans∣lation of Bede fol. 118.
• * 4.132

  He envieth Wilfride Bi∣shop of York.
• * 4.133

  The South-Saxons (as formerly the Freezlanders) converted by Wilfride.
• * 4.134

  679
• * 4.135

  The first, the last.
• a 4.136

  Bede lib. 4. cap. 13.
• * 4.137

  Pagan obsti∣nacy punish∣ed with famine.
• * 4.138

  South-Saxons first taught to fish.
• b 4.139

  Bede ibidem
• * 4.140

  Anno Dom. 680
• * 4.141

  A double good deed.
• a 4.142

  1 Cor. 7. 21.
• * 4.143

  Godfathers used to men of nature Age.
• b 4.144

  Parag. 99.
• * 4.145

  Cadwallader founds a VVelsh Hos∣pital at Rome.
• * 4.146

  685
• c 4.147

  Lewes Owen his running Re∣gister, pag. 17.
• * 4.148

  Since, injuri∣ously taken from the VVelsh.
• * 4.149

  Anno Dom.
• a 4.150

  Vide Annum Domini 1569. The Ecclesiasticall Laws of King Ina.
• * 4.151

  692
• b 4.152

  Iac. Usser. Arch. Armach. de Brit. Eccles. primord. p. 394
• c 4.153

  S^r. Henry Spelman his Councils pag. 182. &c.
• d 4.154

  The Latine, Liber esto, may not onely import a free∣dome from fault, but also, that such a sla••e-servant should be ma∣numis'd from servitude. See the following 113. paragraph.
• * 4.155

  Anno Dom. 694
• * 4.156

  Women pre∣sent at the great Coun∣cil of Becan∣celd.
• a 4.157

  S^r. Henry Spelman's Councills pag. 190. Romish braggs of S^t. Andre's Chastity.
• b 4.158

  The Flowers of the Saints written by Hierome Porter.
• * 4.159

  Twice a Wife, still a Maid.
• * 4.160

  Pretended chastity, real injustice.
• c 4.161

  1. Cor. 7. 3.
• d 4.162

  Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 4. c. 19.
• e 4.163

  Hierome Porter in his Flowers of the Saints, and Harpsfield sec. 7. cap. 24. Her miracu∣lous Monu∣ment of Marble.
• f 4.164

  Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 19.
• * 4.165

  696
• * 4.166

  Confuted by a credible witnesse.
• * 4.167

  Anno Dom. 696
• * 5.1

  The Council at Bergham∣steed.
• * 5.2

  697
• a 5.3

  S^r. Henry Spelman's Councils p. 1904. &c.
• * 5.4

  Wilfride re∣stored to York, and out∣ed again.
• * 5.5

  Anno Dom.
• * 6.1

  701
• * 6.2

  Wilfride per∣secuted a∣fresh by Al∣fride King of Northumber∣land.
• a 6.3

  Hist. Eccles. Angl. pag. 95.
• b 6.4

  Malme••b. de Gestis Pont. lib. 3. See Sr. Henry Spelman in Conciliis Anno 701.
• * 6.5

  Wilfride ap∣p••aleth to Rome, and is acquitted.
• * 6.6

  705
• a 6.7

  Septuaginta concil••abula coacta, Malms¦bury ut prius.
• * 6.8

  He is at last restored, and dyeth in peace.
• b 6.9

  Contra ratio∣nem, homini jam bis à toto Anglor••m consilio dam∣nato, propter quaelibet Apo∣stolica Scripta communicare. Malmesbury de Gestis Pon∣tificum, lib. 3.
• c 6.10

  Godwin in his catalogue of the Arch∣bishops of York, pag. 11. viri illi quos sanctissimos celebrat anti∣quitas, Theo∣dorus, Bertu∣aldus, Iohan∣nes Bosa, & Hilda Abba∣tis••a, digladia∣bili odio impe∣tierunt Wil∣fridum deo ac∣ceptissimum. Sherborn ta∣ken out of Winchester Bishoprick.
• d 6.11

  Camden's Britannia in Wiltshire.
• a 6.12

  Bede.
• * 6.13

  Multitude of books crea∣ted by a mistake.
• b 6.14

  Spelman in Conciliis pag. 210.
• * 6.15

  The nume∣rosity of noble Saints in this Age.
• c 6.16

  1 Cor. 1. 26.
• d 6.17

  Acts 17. 11.
• * 6.18

  708
• * 6.19

  S^t Guthlake the first Saxon Heremite.
• e 6.20

  Flores San∣ctorum written by Hierome Porter in the life of St. Guthlake, pag. 348.
• f 6.21

  Matth. 4. 8.
• * 6.22

  Anno Dom. 708
• a 6.23

  Idem. P. 347.
• * 6.24

  Aswinish conceit of a Monk.
• b 6.25

  Godwin in Catalogo Epi∣scoporum, pag. 301.
• c 6.26

  Aeneidosl. 3.
• * 6.27

  The first Synod for Image-wor∣ship in En∣gland.
• d 6.28

  See Sir Henry Spel∣man's Coun∣cils pag. 210.
• * 6.29

  709
• c 6.30

  Magdebur∣genses Cent. sed ex recentio∣ribus authori∣bus, Nauclero viz. & Balaeo. Binnius and Baronius sul∣len, and why.
• f 6.31

  See our se∣cond Book, Cent. 6. pa∣ragr. 10.
• * 6.32

  Anno Dom. 709
• a 6.33

  In his epistle ad Serenum Massiliensem.
• * 6.34

  The miracle-working of S^t. Iohn of Be∣verley.
• b 6.35

  Bede ac∣knowledgeth that he recei∣ved the order of Priesthood from him.
• c 6.36

  Iohn 10. 41.
• d 6.37

  Flowers of the lives of English Saints pag. 416.
• * 6.38

  718
• * 6.39

  Kings and Queens turn Monks and Nuns.
• e 6.40

  Gal. 6. 14.
• * 6.41

  King Ina his fine, and rent to the Church.
• f 6.42

  Sir Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 229.
• * 6.43

  726
• g 6.44

  Antiq. Brit. sol. 58.
• * 6.45

  Anno Dom. 726
• * 6.46

  Winnisride an English∣man conver∣teth the Ger∣mans.
• * 6.47

  730
• * 6.48

  Bede, though sent for, went not to Rome.
• a 6.49

  Camden's Brit. pag. 743.
• * 6.50

  Bede probably went out of his Cell.
• b 6.51

  Luke 2. 37.
• * 6.52

  Bede why sur∣named Vene∣rabilis.
• * 6.53

  Anno Dom. 730
• a 6.54

  Flores San∣ctorum in the life of Bede, pag. 528.
• * 6.55

  734
• * 6.56

  Bede's last blaze, and the going out of the candle of his life.
• b 6.57

  Revel. 11. 7.
• * 6.58

  735
• * 6.59

  The general viciousnesse of the Saxons, how occasio∣ned.
• * 6.60

  The effect of Boniface his letter to the King of Mer∣cia.
• c 6.61

  1 Cor. 11. 2. and 22.
• * 6.62

  Anno Dom. 735
• * 6.63

  Cliff in Kent probably the ancient Cloves Ho.
• a 6.64

  Camden's Brit. in Kent.
• b 6.65

  Extant in S^t. Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 233.
• c 6.66

  Plimmouth Haw. See Speed his Survey of London, the meaning of Haw. The chief Canons of this Synod.
• d 6.67

  De Gestis Pont. lib. 1. in Cuthberto.
• e 6.68

  Discant, & doceant. Malmesbury.
• f 6.69

  Extant in S^t. Henry Spelman's Councils p. 241.
• g 6.70

  1 Tim. 2. 1.
• * 6.71

  Anno Dom. 747
• * 6.72

  Egbert Arch-bishop of York famous in severall respects.
• * 6.73

  750
• a 6.74

  At large in S^t. Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 258. The beastly Canons of Egbert.
• b 6.75

  See Sr. Hen. Spelman's Councils, pag. 282.
• c 6.76

  Gen. 9. 6.
• d 6.77

  Ephes. 5. 12.
• * 6.78

  755
• * 6.79

  The Charter of Kenulphus to the Abbot of Abbington.
• e 6.80

  Cited by Stanford, l. 3. fol. 111. and this Char∣ter was pleaded primo Hen. 7. fol. 23. & 25.
• * 6.81

  Anno Dom. 755
• a 6.82

  His Reports part 5. fol. 9.
• * 6.83

  The Cavills of Parsons against S^t. Edw. Cook. confuted.
• b 6.84

  Catholick Divine, alias Parsons, in his answer to the Kings At∣torney, p. 95, 96, &c.
• a 6.85

  Harpsfield Hist. Aug. seculo primo c. 9. ex Maria∣no Scoto.
• * 6.86

  758
• * 6.87

  Bodies first brought to be buried in Churches.
• b 6.88

  Tho. Spot in his Hist. of Canterbury. Also Archiv. Caniuariens. cited by Antiq. Brit. in Cuthbert.
• * 6.89

  The occasion of Monks their first drinking of wine in England.
• c 6.90

  Roger. Hoved. in parte priori.
• d 6.91

  1 Tim. 5. 23
• * 6.92

  760
• * 6.93

  789
• * 6.94

  Danes their first arrivall in England.
• * 6.95

  Anno Dom. 789
• * 6.96

  Denmark for∣merly fruit∣full, is now become bar∣ren of men.
• a 6.97

  Otherwise strictly, it containeth one∣ly part of Denmark, Continent to Germany.
• * 6.98

  Two reasons thereof.
• b 6.99

  Barklay in Icon anima∣••um.
• c 6.100

  G. Tayl. in his Chronicle of Normandy
• * 6.101

  The reason of reasons.
• * 6.102

  Bad presages of the Danes approach.
• d 6.103

  Sim. Dunel. Ranulphus Cestrensis, & alii.
• * 6.104

  The Arch∣episcopal Pall removed to Lichfield.
• * 6.105

  790
• * 6.106

  Anno Dom. 790
• a 6.107

  Vide supra, Cent. 4. par. 8.
• b 6.108

  2 Sam. a. 16.
• * 6.109

  S^t. Alban's body enshri∣ned.
• c 6.110

  Vita Offae secundi, annex∣ed to the new Edition of M. Paris, p. 28.
• d 6.111

  Ibid. p. 26.
• * 6.112

  794
• * 6.113

  Peter-pence re-confirmed to Rome.
• * 6.114

  Gift no debt.
• * 6.115

  795
• * 6.116

  The Royall foundation of S^t. Albans Abbey.
• e 6.117

  Amongst S^t. Tho. Cot∣ton his Manu∣scripts, and is exemplified in Weaver his Fun. Mon. p. 99.
• * 6.118

  Canterbury re∣covereth it's former di∣gnity.
• * 6.119

  799
• * 6.120

  Anno Dom. 799
• * 6.121

  Anno Regis
• * 6.122

  Learned Alcuinus con∣futeth Image∣worship.
• a 6.123

  Trithemius Abbas lib. de Script. Eccle∣siasticis fol. 61.
• b 6.124

  R. Hoved. Annal. part. 1. p. 405.
• * 6.125

  Egbert the first fixed Monarch of England.
• * 6.126

  800
• * 6.127

  Egber∣ti, primi Mo∣narche Anglie. 1
• * 6.128

  Anno Regis Egberti
• * 6.129

  Anno Dom.
• * 7.1

  1
• * 7.2

  801
• * 7.3

  The Arch-bishoprick restored to Canterbury at the instance of King Kenulph.
• a 7.4

  Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. lib. 1. c. 4.
• b 7.5

  Mancusae quasimanucusae, a coyn about the valuation whereof is much variety. The first most formall subscription in a Synod.
• * 7.6

  3
• * 7.7

  803
• c 7.8

  The originall is extant in the Records of Canterbury, copied out by S^t. Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 325.
• a 7.9

  Doubtfull whether priests or deacons.
• * 7.10

  Some obser∣vables on the method and manner of their meet∣ing.
• a 7.11

  Harpsfield Hist. Ang. pag. 743.
• * 7.12

  16
• * 7.13

  816
• * 7.14

  The Acts of the Council at Colichyth.
• b 7.15

  See S^r. Hen. Spelman in his Councills, pag. 328.
• c 7.16

  See Sr. Hen. Spelman, pag. 331.
• * 7.17

  Anno Dom. 816
• a 7.18

  Matth. 3. 16, 17.
• * 7.19

  Anno Regis Egberti 16
• * 7.20

  Egbert pro∣claimed Mo∣narch of En∣gland.
• * 7.21

  820
• * 7.22

  20
• * 7.23

  Seven King∣domes swal∣lowed up in Engelond.
• b 7.24

  Verstegan of decayed intel∣ligence.
• * 7.25

  Danes dis∣turb King Egbert.
• * 7.26

  831
• * 7.27

  31
• * 7.28

  Athelwolphus his universal grant of Tithes to the Church.
• * 7.29

  837
• * 7.30

  Ethel∣wolphi 1
• c 7.31

  Ex Ingulph. & Malmesb. Gest. Reg. lib. 2. cap. 2.
• * 7.32

  Anno Dom. 837
• * 7.33

  11
• * 7.34

  848 alias 855
• * 7.35

  18
• * 7.36

  Former Acts for Tithes in∣firme.
• * 7.37

  Objections against this Act answered
• a 7.38

  Exemplified in S^r. Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 348.
• * 7.39

  Anno Dom. 855
• * 7.40

  Anno Rigis Ethel∣wolphi 18
• a 7.41

  Hen, Hun∣ting. Hist. l. 5. pag. 348.
• * 7.42

  Store no sore
• b 7.43

  Acts 19. 39.
• * 7.44

  A pleasant passage.
• * 7.45

  A solid An∣swer of a learned Serjeant,
• * 7.46

  This law not presently and perfect∣ly obeyed.
• * 7.47

  19
• * 7.48

  856
• * 7.49

  King Ethel∣wolph's jour∣ney to Rome, and bounty to the Pope.
• a 7.50

  William Malmesbury, ut prius.
• * 7.51

  How this Summe was divided, and collected out of severall Dioceses.
• * 7.52

  Ethel∣redi 1
• * 7.53

  867
• * 7.54

  The Saxons wilfully ac∣cessory to their own ruine by the Danes.
• * 7.55

  Anno Dom. 867
• * 7.56

  Anno Regis Ethel∣redi 1
• * 7.57

  Fight betwixt Christians and Danes.
• * 7.58

  870
• * 7.59

  4
• a 7.60

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 865.
• b 7.61

  Vicedominus.
• * 7.62

  Crowland Monks mas∣sacred.
• c 7.63

  Iugulphus, pag. 866.
• d 7.64

  In Latine Collobium. Peterbarough Monks kil∣led. Monaste∣ry burned.
• * 7.65

  Anno Regis Ethel∣tedi 4
• * 7.66

  Anno Dom. 870
• * 7.67

  A heap of Martyrs.
• * 7.68

  The cruel Martyrdome of King Edmond.
• a 7.69

  Camden's Britan in the description of Suffolk.
• * 7.70

  King Ethel∣bert his pray∣er-victory.
• b 7.71

  William Malmesbury De Gestis Re∣gum Anglo∣rum, lib. 2. pag. 42.
• c 7.72

  Gen. 31. 52.
• a 7.73

  Exod. 17. 11
• * 7.74

  King Ethel∣bert heart∣broken with grief.
• * 7.75

  871
• * 7.76

  5
• b 7.77

  Malemes∣buriensis ut prims. King Alfred's exemplary Character.
• * 7.78

  872
• * 7.79

  AIfred•• sen A••∣luredi 1
• * 7.80

  Alfred, as a fidler, disco∣vereth the Danish de∣signes.
• * 7.81

  876
• * 7.82

  5
• * 7.83

  The Danish ships left water-bound
• * 7.84

  Anno Regis Alfredi seu A∣luredi 5
• * 7.85

  Anno Dom. 876
• * 7.86

  The general ignorance in England.
• * 7.87

  Ancient Schools at Crekelade and Lechlade.
• * 7.88

  11
• * 7.89

  882
• * 7.90

  The Universi∣ty first found∣ed by Alfred at Oxford.
• * 7.91

  Anno Dom. 882
• * 7.92

  Anno Regis Alfredi seu A∣luredi 11
• * 7.93

  Kings-Hall founded by King Alfred.
• a 7.94

  Rex Plato∣nicus pag. 211.
• * 7.95

  The Birth∣place of Io. Scotus.
• b 7.96

  Iac. War. de Scrip. Hib. pag. 43.
• c 7.97

  Mercat. Atlas pag. 47.
• d 7.98

  Eccles. Hist. Scot. lib. 1. num. 64. & lib. 9. un. 104.
• * 7.99

  Wales it's right to Sco∣tus his birth.
• c 7.100

  Bale de Scrip. Brit. cent. secund. pag. 124.
• f 7.101

  Cajus de Ant. Cant. lib. 1. p. 157.
• g 7.102

  Trithemius & ejus se∣quaces.
• * 7.103

  Scotus (saith Cajus) studied at Cam∣bridge.
• h 7.104

  S^r. Isa. Wake in Reg. Pla∣tonico, pag. 212
• i 7.105

  Baleus Cent. secund. utprius. Miserably murdered by his Scholars.
• a 7.106

  Prudentius in his book peristephanon. Unmartyred by Baronius.
• b 7.107

  In 2. edit. Catal. SS. Hib.
• c 7.108

  Ioh. Pari∣siensis Hist. in anno 877.
• * 7.109

  Scotus con∣founded with other of his namesakes.
• d 7.110

  Iohn Bale ut prius.
• * 7.111

  The Scholars maintenance out of the Kings Ex∣chequer.
• e 7.112

  Asserius Menevensis in Alfredo.
• * 7.113

  14
• * 7.114

  885
• * 7.115

  Dissention betwixt the Students at Oxford.
• * 7.116

  Anno Dom. 885
• * 7.117

  Anno Regis Alfredi seu A∣luredi 14
• a 7.118

  Brian Twine in Apolog. Antiq. Oxton.
• * 7.119

  The Armes of oxford.
• b 7.120

  Aquinas Summes, quae. 1. Art. 10.
• * 7.121

  One, once a swine∣heard, made Bishop of Winchester.
• c 7.122

  Godwin in his Bishops of Winchester, pag. 263.
• d 7.123

  Malmesb. lib. 2. de ••ess. Ponti∣ficum.
• e 7.124

  See M^r. I∣saak sons Chronology in Ca••al. of Bishops.
• * 7.125

  887
• * 7.126

  16
• * 7.127

  The preface to the Ca∣nons made by King Al∣fred.
• f 7.128

  S^r. Henry Spelman's Counc. p. 354.
• a 7.129

  1 King. 22. 8
• * 7.130

  Anno Regis Alfredi seu A∣luredi 16
• * 7.131

  Anno Dom. 887
• * 7.132

  18
• * 7.133

  889
• * 7.134

  A generall Contribu∣tion to Rome and Ierusa∣lem.
• * 7.135

  900
• * 7.136

  Death of King Alfred.
• b 7.137

  Iames U∣sher de Brit. Eccles. primor. in I••dice Chro∣nolog. p. 1177. Weak Guar∣dians God wote.
• * 7.138

  The wofull estate of the English.
• * 7.139

  The com∣mendable temper of King Alfred and King Edward.
• * 7.140

  Anno Dom. 900
• * 7.141

  Anno Regis
• * 7.142

  Anno Regis
• * 8.1

  Anno Dom.
• * 8.2

  Edvar∣di Se∣nioris 3
• * 8.3

  904
• * 8.4

  England in∣terdicted by the Pope for want of Bishops.
• a 8.5

  Archiv. Cant. in Re∣gist. Priorat. Eccles. Cant. fol. 3. b.
• * 8.6

  The Chara∣cter of those
• a 8.7

  In his answer to the Lord Cooks Re∣port, pag. 136. cap. 6.
• * 8.8

  Kings on whom the Pope most improved himself.
• * 8.9

  Anno Dom. 904
• * 8.10

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Sen. 3
• * 8.11

  The Pope pleased, and England ab∣solved again.
• b 8.12

  Sir Henry Spelman in Conciliis, pag. 389.
• c 8.13

  Idem ibidem
• * 8.14

  Vacant Bi∣shopricks supplied, and new erected.
• * 8.15

  King Edward in a new Sy∣nod confirms his fathers constitutions
• d 8.16

  Lambert in his Saxon Laws, and Sir Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 390.
• * 8.17

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Sen. 5
• * 8.18

  Anno Dom. 906
• * 8.19

  14
• * 8.20

  915
• * 8.21

  Cambridge University repaired by King Edward.
• a 9.1

  Charta extat in MS. codice qui Canta∣brigiae est in Aula Cla∣rensi, ejus∣dem meminit Tho. Rud∣burn, nec non Ioh. Rossus.
• b 9.2

  Camden's Brit. in Lei∣cestershire, pag. 517.
• * 9.3

  The Testi∣mony of Iohn Rouse concerning K. Edward's repairing of Cambridge.
• c 9.4

  Baleus Cent. 8. numero 53.
• * 10.1

  Anno Dom. 915
• * 10.2

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Sen. 14
• * 10.3

  Cambridge re∣presented in a three-fold estate.
• a 10.4

  In his Cata∣logue of the Earles of Warwick.
• * 10.5

  The prin∣cipall Laws enacted in the Council at Greatlea.
• * 10.6

  924
• * 10.7

  Athel∣stani 1
• * 10.8

  928
• * 10.9

  5
• b 10.10

  So in the Sa∣xon Manu∣script, though in libro Iorm••••∣lensi by mi∣stake Oxonia is put for Exo∣nia.
• * 10.11

  Anno Regis Athel∣stani 5
• * 10.12

  Anno Dom. 928.
• a 10.13

  Camden's Brit. in Sus∣sex.
• b 10.14

  In his Coun∣cils, pag. 396. & sequenti∣bus. Dignities and degrees amongst the Saxons.
• * 10.15

  Dunstan his first co∣ming into fa∣vour at the Court.
• * 10.16

  933
• * 10.17

  10
• * 10.18

  Banished thence on suspicion of Magick.
• * 10.19

  935
• * 10.20

  12
• a 10.21

  1 Sam. 16. 23
• b 10.22

  Psal. 137. 5.
• * 10.23

  He retires unto his cell-prison at Glassenbury
• * 10.24

  937
• * 10.25

  14
• * 10.26

  Takes a devil by the nose.
• * 10.27

  938
• * 10.28

  15
• * 10.29

  This false miracle can∣vased.
• * 10.30

  Anno Regis Athel∣stani 15
• * 10.31

  Anno Dom. 938
• * 10.32

  Eph. 6. 16.
• * 10.33

  Aelsgine Dunstan's bountifull friend.
• * 10.34

  16
• * 10.35

  939
• * 10.36

  Recalled to Court, and re-banished thence.
• * 10.37

  Ed∣mundi 1
• * 10.38

  940
• * 10.39

  King Edmund his miracu∣lous delive∣rance.
• * 10.40

  Fy for shame lying Monk.
• a 10.41

  Ross. Histor. Matt. West. Iob. Capgr. Osbernus.
• b 10.42

  2 Pet. ••. 12.
• * 10.43

  6 Edredi 1
• * 10.44

  946
• * 10.45

  King Edred a high Patron of Dunstan.
• * 10.46

  Anno Dom. 946
• * 10.47

  Anno Regis Edredi 1
• * 10.48

  But King Ed∣wine his pro∣fest Enemy.
• * 10.49

  954
• * 10.50

  9 Edwini 1
• * 10.51

  Who, though wronged by the Monks, was a worthy Prince.
• a 10.52

  Hist. lib. 5. pag. 357.
• * 10.53

  He banisheth Dunstan, and dieth heart-broken with grief.
• * 10.54

  956
• * 10.55

  3
• * 10.56

  958
• * 10.57

  5 Edgati 1
• * 10.58

  Dunstan re∣called by King Edgar, and takes a double Bi∣shoprick.
• * 10.59

  959
• * 10.60

  2
• b 10.61

  Vid. Antiq. Britan. p. 83.
• * 10.62

  Anno Regis Edgari 2
• * 10.63

  Anno Dom. 959
• a 10.64

  Antiq. Bri∣tan. ibidem.
• * 10.65

  Oswald's Law to eject se∣cular Priests.
• * 10.66

  Dunstan's dis∣ciplining of king Edgar,
• b 10.67

  2 Sam. 12. 13
• * 10.68

  12
• * 10.69

  969
• * 10.70

  And carriage towards an incestuous Count.
• c 10.71

  Osbern. in vita Dunstani
• * 10.72

  Observations thereon.
• * 10.73

  Edgar's Ca∣nons why by us here re∣lated.
• * 10.74

  Anno Dom. 969
• * 10.75

  Anno Regis Edgari 12
• * 10.76

  Edgar a most triumphant King.
• a 10.77

  Extant in the precious Libra∣ry of S^r. Tho. Cotton.
• * 10.78

  A Nationall Council in Wales.
• * 10.79

  970
• * 10.80

  13
• b 10.81

  S^r. Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 411.
• * 10.82

  The merry Lawes made therein,
• * 10.83

  Confirmed by the Pope.
• * 10.84

  971
• * 10.85

  14
• c 10.86

  Quaere whether Bangor, Lan∣dast, and S^t. Asaph be not compri∣sed under these.
• * 10.87

  Anno Regis Edgari 14
• * 10.88

  Anno Dom. 971
• * 10.89

  17 Regis Edvar∣di Mar∣tyris 1
• * 10.90

  974
• * 10.91

  A Council at Winchester with a mira∣culous voice in it.
• a 10.92

  1 Kings 19. 12.
• * 10.93

  4
• * 10.94

  977
• b 10.95

  Isa. 8. 20.
• * 10.96

  Secular Priests strive still.
• * 10.97

  Aportentous Council at Caln.
• * 10.98

  Several cen∣sures on this sad accident.
• * 10.99

  Anno Dom. 977
• * 10.100

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Mar∣tyris 4
• * 10.101

  Seculars ou∣ted, and Monks ad∣vanced.
• * 10.102

  Priests hard∣ly dealt with.
• * 10.103

  The prodi∣gious prodi∣gality in buil∣ding, and endowing of Abbeys.
• * 10.104

  Caution to our Age.
• * 10.105

  6
• * 10.106

  979
• * 10.107

  King Edward murthered, alias, marty∣red.
• * 10.108

  Ethel∣redi, cog∣nom, the Un∣ready. 1
• * 10.109

  King Ethelred prognostica∣ted unsuc∣cessfull.
• * 10.110

  8
• * 10.111

  987
• * 10.112

  Dunstan's corpse wrongfully claimed by the Convent of Glassen∣bury.
• * 10.113

  A night Hue-and-Cry made after his corpse.
• * 10.114

  Discovered, with the manner of the inter∣ment there∣of.
• a 10.115

  Archiva Eccles. Cant. exemplified by my good friend Mr. Will. Summer in his Descript. of Cant. in Ap∣pendice Script. 12.
• * 10.116

  Anno Dom. 987.
• * 10.117

  Anno Regis Ethel∣redi 8
• b 10.118

  1 Pet. 4. 18
• * 10.119

  Priests and Monks alter∣nately cast out.
• * 10.120

  988
• * 10.121

  9
• c 10.122

  Psal. 49. 20
• d 10.123

  Wil. Thorn cited by Ant. Brit. pag. 90.
• * 10.124

  The Danes re-invade England.
• * 10.125

  989
• * 10.126

  10
• * 10.127

  The unreadi∣nesse of King Ethelred ad∣vantageth the Danes.
• * 10.128

  990
• * 10.129

  11
• * 10.130

  A dear peace bought of the Danes.
• * 10.131

  991
• * 10.132

  12
• c 10.133

  Psal. 34. 14.
• f 10.134

  2 Kings 18. 14.
• * 10.135

  Anno Regis Ethel∣redi 12
• * 10.136

  Anno Dom. 991
• * 10.137

  Multitudes of Monaste∣ries caused the Danish invasion.
• * 10.138

  15
• * 10.139

  994
• a 10.140

  Viz. in the wars between York and Lancaster. The cruelty of the re∣turning Danes.
• * 10.141

  16
• * 10.142

  995
• * 10.143

  Anno Dom.
• * 11.1

  Anno Regis Ethel∣redi.
• * 11.2

  Murther of the Danes in a Church.
• * 11.3

  1002
• * 11.4

  25
• a 11.5

  Hen. Hunt. Matth. West. Conterbury sacked: Alphage kil∣led by the Danes.
• * 11.6

  Anno Regis Ethel∣redi 34
• * 11.7

  Anno Dom. 1011
• b 11.8

  Thorn in hi•• description of Canterb.
• * 11.9

  Believe what you list.
• c 11.10

  See Will. Somner in his Antiqu. of Canterb. pag. 56.
• d 11.11

  Ioshrea 7. 18 More cruelty
• * 11.12

  35
• * 11.13

  1012
• e 11.14

  Exod. 5. 14.
• f 11.15

  Hen. Hunt. Rog. Hoved. The valour of Cambridge∣••hire-men.
• g 11.16

  Chronicon 10. Bromton pag. 887.
• * 11.17

  Edmu. cog∣nom. Iron∣side 1
• * 11.18

  1016
• * 11.19

  Two English Kings at once.
• * 11.20

  Edm. Iron side teacherously slain.
• h 11.21

  Others say he was be∣headed. Canutus his cruelty.
• * 11.22

  Canu∣ti 1
• * 11.23

  1017
• i 11.24

  Draitons Poly-olbion, pag. 112.
• * 11.25

  14
• * 11.26

  1031
• * 11.27

  Converted into charity.
• k 11.28

  Rodulph. de Diceto, column. 468.
• l 11.29

  Iohannes Bromton, in leg. Canuti column. 912. He goeth to Rome.
• * 11.30

  16
• * 11.31

  1033
• * 11.32

  Returneth improved in devotion.
• * 11.33

  Anno Dom.
• * 11.34

  Anno Canu••i.
• * 11.35

  The para∣mount Crosse of England for richness.
• * 11.36

  1035
• a 11.37

  Camdens Briton. in Hantshire.
• * 11.38

  18
• b 11.39

  Idem ibidem King Canutus his Humi∣lity.
• * 11.40

  Commands the Sea.
• c 11.41

  Hen. Hun∣tington in vita Canuti. But in vain.
• d 11.42

  Iob 38. 11
• * 11.43

  His Sermon thereon.
• * 11.44

  His Laws why omitted.
• * 11.45

  Haroldi Hare∣foot. 1
• * 11.46

  Harold Hare∣foot, succeed∣ed him.
• * 11.47

  1036
• * 11.48

  Hardy Canuti 1
• e 11.49

  2 Sam. 2. 18 Then Hardy Canutus.
• * 11.50

  1040
• * 11.51

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di con∣fessoris 1
• * 11.52

  Anno Dom. 1042
• * 11.53

  Edward the Confessour becomes King of En∣gland.
• a 11.54

  Father Hie∣rome Porter in the flowers of the lives of the Saints, pag. 2.
• b 11.55

  Agathias lib. 4.
• * 11.56

  The original of our Com∣mon Laws.
• * 11.57

  No hostile Danes appear in England.
• * 11.58

  4
• * 11.59

  1046
• * 11.60

  The manner of Ordall by fire.
• * 11.61

  Queen Emma her miracu∣lous purga∣tion.
• c 11.62

  Strab. Geog. lib. 5. & Plin. lib. 7. cap. 2.
• * 11.63

  A Wife no Wife.
• * 11.64

  Anno Dom. 1046
• * 11.65

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Con∣fessoris 4
• * 11.66

  Yet, was there not a cause?
• a 11.67

  Gen. 1. 28.
• * 11.68

  The good daughter of a bad father.
• * 11.69

  Godwin's de∣vice to get Berkley Nunnerie.
• * 11.70

  Another trick to gain the mannour of Boseham.
• * 11.71

  A miracle reported done by King Ed∣ward.
• * 11.72

  19
• * 11.73

  1061
• * 11.74

  Westminster Church re∣built by him.
• a 11.75

  Gen. 22. 13.
• * 11.76

  A Ring said to be sent from St. Iohn to King Ed∣ward.
• b 11.77

  Camden's Britan. in Essex.
• * 11.78

  A Vision worth obser∣ving.
• c 11.79

  Mat. 20. 15
• * 11.80

  King Ed∣ward's con∣tempt of wealth.
• * 11.81

  Anno Dom. 1061
• * 11.82

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Con∣fessoris 19
• * 11.83

  King Ed∣ward's Ward∣robe put in∣to the Rega∣lia.
• a 11.84

  See Mills his Catalogue of honour, p. 59.
• * 11.85

  No Confessour in the slrict∣ness of the word.
• * 11.86

  Stigand the vicious Arch-bishop of Canterbury
• * 11.87

  King Ed∣ward's Eccle∣siasticall Constitu∣tions.
• a 11.88

  In his Coun∣cils, pag. 619.
• * 11.89

  24
• * 11.90

  1066 Jan. 4.
• * 11.91

  How the Kings of En∣gland come to cure the Kings Evil.
• b 11.92

  Primrosius de Vulgat. Error. cap. ultimo.
• * 11.93

  Severall o∣pinions of the Causes thereof.
• c 11.94

  Ferrerius, lib. 2. method, cap. 11. de Homeric. Cu∣rat.
• * 11.95

  Others count it Supersti∣tion.
• d 11.96

  Lib. de In∣cantamentis.
• e 11.97

  Gu. Tucker in Charismate, cap. 7. pag. 96.
• * 11.98

  Anno Dom.
• * 11.99

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Con∣fessoris 24
• * 11.100

  Jan. 4.
• * 11.101

  Many make the Cure miraculous.
• * 11.102

  The inge∣nuouscon∣fession of a Catholick.
• a 11.103

  Gu Tucker in Charismate cap. 6. pag. 92.
• * 11.104

  Queen Eli∣zabeth why displeased with the people in Gloce stershire
• * 11.105

  The Kings of France cure the Kings Evil.
• * 11.106

  La••••rentius falsely denies the Kings of England power in cu∣ring the Kings Evil.
• a 11.107

  De mirabill strumarum curatione c. 2.
• b 11.108

  In his cha∣rismate cap. 6. pag. 84.
• * 11.109

  The indif∣ferent Opi∣nion.
• c 11.110

  So witnes∣seth Andrew Chasne ae French Au∣thour, and others.
• * 11.111

  Anno Dom. 1066 Jan. 4.
• * 11.112

  Anno Regis Edvar∣di Con∣fessoris 24
• * 11.113

  Harold usur∣peth the Crown.
• * 11.114

  1066
• * 11.115

  Haroldi 1
• * 11.116

  William Duke of Normandy twisteth many weak Titles toge∣ther.
• a 11.117

  2 Kings 13. 19.
• * 11.118

  William re∣bateth his conquering Sword with Composi∣tion.
• a 11.119

  Camden's Britannia in Norfolk.
• * 11.120

  Anno Regis Haroldi 1
• * 11.121

  Anno Dom. 1066
• * 11.122

  Abreviate of the Doctrine of England in these Ages before the Norman Conquest.
• b 11.123

  Bedae Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 5.
• c 11.124

  Caradoc. in Chron. of Cambridge.
• d 11.125

  MS. in the Library of the Learned Bi∣shop, William Bedel, and cited by the Arch-bishop of Armagh in the Reli∣gion of the an∣cient Irish, pag. 9.
• e 11.126

  Bede in vita Cuthberti cap. 34.
• a 11.127

  Lib. 3. c. 19.
• b 11.128

  De vita Cuthberti prosa, cap. 15.
• c 11.129

  Idem in vita Cuthberti carmine, cap. 36.
• d 11.130

  2 Sam. 10. 4
• * 11.131

  The Authors engagement to the Archb. of Armagh, and conclu∣sion of this second book
• e 11.132

  In his book, de Brit. Eccl. primord.
• * 12.1

  The Design propounded and asserred.
• * 12.2

  Imposing of names de∣notes domi∣nion.
• a 12.3

  Gen. 4. 1.
• b 12.4

  Gen. 2. 23.
• c 12.5

  Gen. 1. 26.
• d 12.6

  Exod. 3. 14.
• * 12.7

  Fixt Sur∣names not long before the Con∣quest.
• * 12.8

  Surnames late in (be∣cause not needfull to) Kings.
• * 12.9

  Many of the Normans most noble by birth.
• * 12.10

  Yet some not so much as Gentle∣men.
• * 12.11

  Many of the neighbour∣ing Nations under the notion of Normans.
• * 12.12

  W-names Walloons.
• * 12.13

  The twilight credit of Battel-Abbey Roll.
• a 12.14

  Camden in his Re∣maines p. 152.
• * 12.15

  Obj. Then it is of no credit.
• * 12.16

  Ans. How credit there∣unto is to be cautioned.
• a 12.17

  Camden in Middle∣sex.
• b 12.18

  Stow Chron. pag. 107.
• a 12.19

  Acts and Mon. To. 1. pag. 237.
• a 12.20

  Camden's Britannia in Cambridge∣shire.
• b 12.21

  D^r. Hervey
• * 12.22

  The prefix∣ing of D' be∣fore names.
• * 12.23

  French Sur∣names dis∣cerned by their termi∣nations.
• * 12.24

  Wivil closeth the Cata∣logue.
• * 12.25

  The family of the Wal∣grares.
• a 12.26

  Attested by Iohn Raven Richmond Herald. See Weavers Funerall Monuments, pag. 7. 5. 8. After the Conquest severall re∣cruits of French in En∣gland.
• * 12.27

  Tradesmen not mentio∣ned in this Roll came over with them.
• * 12.28

  As appears by Dooms∣day Book.
• b 12.29

  Camden his remaines pag. 234.
• * 12.30

  The sad case of the English.