The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

SECTION II.

TO MATTHEVV GILLYE Esq.

SOlomon saith,* 1.1* 1.2 And there is a* 1.3 Friend that is nearer than a Brother. Now, though I have read many VVri∣ters on the Text, your practice is the best Comment; which hath most truly Expounded it unto me. Accept this therefore as the Return of the Thanks of your respectfull Friend.

CAuselesse jealousies attend old age,* 1.4* 1.5* 1.6 as appears by Arch-bishop Whitgift, who ended his Life, according to his owne desire, that he might not live to see the Parliament;* 1.7 being more scar'd than hurt, as fearing some strange opposition therein, & an assault of Un-conformists on Church-Discipline, fiercer than his age▪ feebled body should be able to resist. Born he was of ancient Parentage at great Grimsby in Lincoln shire, bred in Cambridge, admitted in Queens Colledge, removed Scholar to Pembroke Hall (where Mr. Bradford was his Tutor) translated Fellow to Peter-house, returned Master to Pembroke, thence advanced Master of Trinity Colledge, successively Parson of Teversham, Prebend of Ely, Dean of Lincolne, Bishop of Worcester, where the Queen forgave him his first fruits, a rare gift for her, who was so good an Huswife of Her Revenues. Yea, she constantly called him, Her little black Hu∣sband: which favour nothing elated his gravity, carrying himself as one uncon∣cerned in all worldly honour. He survived the Queen not a full yeare, getting his bane by going in a cold morning by Barge to Fulham, there to consult with the Bishops about managing their matters in the ensuing Parliament. And no won∣der if those few sparks of naturall heat, were quickly quenched witha small cold in him, who was then above seventy two yeares of age. He died of the Palsey, one of the worthiest men that ever the English Hierarchy did enjoy.

2. But a modern writer in his voluminous book against the practices of English Prelates,* 1.8 bitterly inveigheth against him whom be termeth, A Pontificall (meaneth he Paganish, or Popish?) Bishop, and chargeth him with many misdemeanours. Give me leave a little without bitternesse, both to pass my censure on his book, and make this Archbishop his just defence, against his calumniation. First in generall, behold the complexion of his whole booke, and it is black and swarthie in the uncharitable Subject and Title thereof. An Historicall collection of the seve∣rall execrable Treasons, Conspiracies, Rebellions, Seditions, State-schismes, Contu∣macies, Anti-monarchicall Practices, and oppressions of English Prelates &c. Thus he weeds mens lives, and makes use onely to their disgrace, of their infirmities, meane time suppressing many eminent actions, which his owne conscience knows were performed by them. What a monster might be made out of the best beau∣ties in the World, if a Limmer should leave what is lovely, and onely collect into one Picture, what he findeth amisse in them? I know there be white Teeth in the blackest Black-moore, and a black Bill in the whitest Swanne. Worst men have something to be commended, best men something in them to be condemned.

Only to insist on mens faults, to render them odious, is no ingenious employment. God, we know, so useth his fanne, that he keepth the Corn, but driveth away the Chaffe. But who is he that winnoweth so, as to throw away the good graine, and retaine the Chaffe onely?

3. Besides it conteineth untruths,* 1.9 or at the best uncertainties, which he venteth with assurance to posterity. For instance* 1.10 speaking of Walter Tyrrill, the French Knight, casually killing King William Rufus in new Forrest, with an arrow glan∣cing from a tree, he saith, that in all likelihood, Anselme Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry (our Whitgifts predecessor) with fore-plotted treason, hired Tyrill to murder the King in this manner. Now to condemne the memory of so pious and learned a man as Anselme was (though I will not excuse him in all things) five hundred yeares after the fact pretended on his owne single bare surmise, contrary to the constant current of all authours (no one whispering the least suspition thereof) hath (I believe) but little of Law, and nothing of Gospell therein. Let the glan∣cing of Tyrrels arrow minde men how they* 1.11 bend their bowes to shoot arrowes, even bitter words at the memory of the deceased, lest it rebound back (not as his did to hit a stander by, but) justly to wound him, who unjustly delivered it.

4. But to come to our reverend Whitgift.* 1.12 First, he chargeth him for troubling the Judges, with his Contestations about Prohibitions, endeavouring to enlarge his Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction. This being the Accusation but of a Common Lawyer, and that in favour of his owne Courts, I leave to some Doctour of the Civill or Canon Law, as most proper to make answer thereunto. Onely, where∣as he saith, that Whitgift did it to the prejudice of the Queenes* 1.13 Prerogative, sure∣ly She knew her owne Priviledges so well (besides those of her Councell to teach her) that she would never have so favourably reflected on him, if sensible (wise Princes having a tender touch in that point) that he any way went about to a∣bridge her Royall Authority.

5. Secondly,* 1.14 he taxeth him for his extraordinary traine, of above sixty men-ser∣vants, (though not so extravagant a number, if his person and place be conside∣red) who were all trained up to martiall affaires, and mustred almost every week, his stable being well furnished with store of great Horses. But was it a fault in those martiall dayes, when the invasion of a Forraign Foe was daily suspected, to fit his Family for their own, and the Kingdomes defence? Did not* 1.15 Abraham, that heavenly Prophet, and holy Patriarch, arme his Trained Servants in his owne house, in his victorious expedition against the King of Sodome? Yea, if Church∣men of an Anti-prelaticall spirit, had not since tampered more dangerously with training of Servants, (though none of their owne) both Learning and Reli∣gion had (perchance) looked, at this day, with a more cheerefull counte∣nance.

6. Whereas it intimates,* 1.16 that this Arch-bishop had been better imployed in train∣ing up Scholars for the Pulpit, than Souldiers for the Field; know, that as the Latter was performed, the former was not quitted by him. Witnesse many worthy prea∣chers bred under him in Trinity Colledge, and more elsewhere relieved by him. Yea, his Bounty was too large to be confined within the narrow Seas; Beza, Dru∣sius, and other forraigne Protestant Divines, tasting freely thereof. Nor was his Liberality onely a Cisterne for the present age, but a running River from a fresh Fountaine, to water Posterity in that Schoole of Croydon, which he hath beauti∣fully built, and bountifully endowed. More might be said in the vindication of this worthy Prelate, from his reproachfull penne: But I purposely forbeare; the rather, because it is possible, that the learned Gentleman since, upon a se∣rious review of his own Work, and experimentall Observation of the passages of this Age, may be more offended with his owne writing herein, than others take just exception thereat.

7. Arch-bishop Whitgift was buried at Croydon,* 1.17* 1.18* 1.19 March 27. The Earle of Wor∣cester, and Lord Zouch, his Pupills attending his Herse, and Bishop Babington (his Pupill also) made his Funerall Sermon, chusing for his Text 2 Chron. 24. 15,

16. and paralleling the Arch-bishops life with gracious Jehoida.* 1.20* 1.21 Richard Ban∣croft, Bishop of London, brought up in Jesus Colledge, succeeded him in the Arch-bishoprick; whose actions, in our ensuing History, will sufficiently deliver his character without our description thereof.

8. Come we now to the Parliament assembled,* 1.22 & amongst the many Acts, which passed therein, none more beneficiall for the Church than that, which made the King himselfe, and his Successors incapable of any Church-land to be conveyed unto them, otherwise than for three lives, or twenty one years. Indeed a Statute had formerly been made the thirteenth of Queen Eliz. which to prevent finall Alic∣nation of Church-land, did disable all subjects from accepting them: But in that Statute a Liberty was left unto the* 1.23 Crown to receive the same. It was thought fit to allow to the Crown this favourable exception, as to the Patron generall of the whole English Church; and it was but reason for the Soveraign, who originally gave all the Loafe to the Church, on occasion to resume a good Shiver thereof.

9. But he who shuts ninety nine gates of Thebes,* 1.24 and leaveth one open, shuts none in effect. Covetousnesse (shall I say, an apt Scholar to learne, or an able Master to teach, or both) quickly found out a way to invade the Lands of the Church, and evade the Penalty of the Law, which thus was contrived. Some Potent Courtier first covertly contracts with a Bishop (some whereof, though spirituall in Title, were too temporall in Truth, as more minding their Pri∣vate Profit, than the Publique good of the Church) to passe over such a propor∣tion of Land to the Crowne. This done, the said Courtier begs the Land of the Queen (even before her Highnesse had tasted thereof, or the lipps of her Exchec∣quer ever touched the same) and so an Estate thereof is setled on him and his Heires for ever. And thus Covetousnesse came to her desired end, though for∣ced to go a longer journey, and fain to fetch a farther compasse about.

10. For instance,* 1.25 Doctor Coldwell, Doctor of Physique, and Bishop of Sarisbury, gave his Sea a very strong Purge, when he consented to the Alienation of Shi••∣bourn Manour from his Bishoprick. Indeed, the good old man was shot between Wind and Water, and his consent was assaulted in a dangerous joincture of time to give any deniall. For, after he was elected Bishop of Sarisbury, and after all his Church-preferments were disposed of to other persons, yet before his ele∣ction was confirmed, past a possibility of a legall reversing thereof; Sir W. Rawleigh is importunate with him, to passe Sherborne to the Crowne, and effected it, though indeed a good round rent was reserved to the Bishoprick. Presently Sir Walter beggeth the same of the Queen, and obtained it. Much after the same manner Sir—Killegrew got the Mannour of Crediton (a bough almost as big as all the rest of the Body) for the Church of Exeter, by the consent of Doctor Babington the Bishop thereof.

11. To prevent future wrong to the Church in that kinde,* 1.26 it was now enacted, That the Crowne it selfe, henceforward, should be incapable of any such Church∣land to be conveyed unto it. Yet some were so bold as to conceive this Law void in the very making of it, and that all the obligation thereof, consisted (not in the strength of the Law) but onely in the Kings and his Successors voluntary obe∣dience thereunto. Accounting it injurious for any Prince in Parliament to tye his Successors, who neither can, nor will be concluded thereby, farther than it stands with their owne convenience. However, it was to stand in force, till the same power should be pleased to rescind it. But others beheld this Law, not with a Politick, but Religious Eye, conceiving the King of Heaven, and the King of England, the Parties concerned therein, and accounting it Sacriledge for any to alienate what is given to God in his Church.

12. Thus was the King graciously pleased to binde himself for the liberty of the Church.* 1.27 He knew full well all Courtiers (and especially his owne Coun∣trey-mens) importunity in asking, and perhaps was privy to his owne impotency in denying, and therefore, by this Statute, he eased himselfe of many troublesome Suitors. For hereafter no wise man would beg of the King, what was not in his

power to grant, and what (if granted) could not legally be conveyed to any Pe∣titioner.* 1.28* 1.29 Thus his Majesty manifested his good will and affection to Religion; and, although this Law could not finally preserve Church-lands, to make them immortall, yet it prolonged their lives for many yeares together.

12. Passe we now into the Convocation,* 1.30 to see what was done there: But here the History thereof, as I may say, is shot betwixt the joynts of the Armor; in the intervall, after Whitgift's death, and before Bancroft's removall to Canterbury, so that I can finde the Originall thereof neither in the Office of the Vicar-generall, nor in the Registry of London; not can I recover it, as yet, from the Office of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, where most probably it is to be had, the Jurisdiction belonging to them in the Vacancy.

13. Take this as the result thereof.* 1.31 A Book of Canons was compiled, not onely being the summe of the Queens Articles, Orders of her Commissioners, Advertise∣ments, Canons of 1571. and 1597. which were in use before, but also many more were added, the whole number amounting unto 141. Some wise and mode∣rate men supposed so many Lawes were too heavy a burden to be long borne, and that it had been enough for the Episcopall party to have triumphed, not insulted over their adversaries in so numerous impositions. However, an Explanation was made in one of the Canons, of the use of the Crosse in Baptisme, to prevent Scandall; and learned Thuanus in his History taketh an especiall notice thereof.

14. Motion being made in this Convocation,* 1.32 about framing an Oath against Si∣mony, to be taken by all, presented to Churchpreferment. Bishop Rudde of St. Davids (as conscientious as any of his order, and free from that fault) opposed it; chiefly, because he thought it unequall, that the Patron should not be forced, as well as the Clerk, to take that Oath: Whereupon it was demanded of him, whether he would have the King to take that Oath when he presented a Bishop or Dean, and hereat the Bishop sate downe in silence.

15. About this time the Corporation of Rippon in York-shire,* 1.33 presented their Pe∣tition to Queen Anne on this occasion. They had a faire Collegiate Church, stately for the structure thereof, (formerly erected by the Nobility and Gentry of the Vicenage) the meanes whereof, at the dissolution of Abbies, were seized on by the King, so that small maintenance was left to the Minister of that popu∣lous Parish. Now, although Edwin Sands, Arch-bishop of York, with the Earle of Huntinton, Lord Burgley and Sheaffield, (successively Presidents of the North) had recommended their Petition to Qu. Elizabeth, they obtained nothing but faire un∣performed Promises: whereupon, now the Ripponeers humbly addressed them∣selves to Queen Anne, and hear her answer unto them.

ANNA R.

ANNE, by the grace of God, Qu. of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, &c. To all, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Whereas there hath been lately exhibi∣ted and recommended unto us, a frame and plat-forme of a Colledge Generall, to be planted and established at Rippon in the County of Yorke, for the manifold benefit of both the Borders of England and Scotland. Upon the due perusing of the plot aforesaid, hereunto an∣nexed and upon signification given of the good liking and approba∣tion of the chief points contained therein, by sundry grave, learned, and religious parties, and some other of honourable Place and Estate. We have thought good, for the ample and perpetuall advancement of Learning and Religion, in both the borders of our aforesaid

Realmes, to condescend to yeild our favour and best furtherance thereunto: And for the better encouraging of other honourable and worthy Personages, to joyn with us in yeilding their bounty and be∣nevolence thereunto: We have and do signifie and assure, and by the word of a sacred Princesse and Queen, do expresly promise, to procure, with all convenient speed, to and for the yearely better maintenance of the said Colledge All, and every of the Requests, specified and craved to that end, in a small Schedule hereunto anne∣xed. In confirmation whereof, we have signed these Presents by our hand and name above mentioned, and have caused our privy Signet to be set unto the same:

* 2.1

Dated at our Honour at Greenwich, July 4. An. Dom. 1604. and of our Reigne, &c.

After the sealing thus subscribed,

Gulielmus Toulerius, Secretarius de man∣date serenissimae Annae Reginae Angliae, Scotiae, Franciae, Hiberniae.

16. Such need never fear successe,* 2.2 who have so potent a person to solicite their suite, King James being forward of himselfe to advance Learning and Religion, and knowing Christs precept, Let your Light shine before Men; knew also that Rippon was an advantagious place for the fixing thereof; As which by its commodious position in the North, there would reflect lustre almost equally into England and Scotland. Whereupon he founded a Dean and Chapter of seven Prebends, allowing them two hundred forty seven pounds a yeare, out of his own Crowne-land, for their maintenance.

17. I am informed,* 2.3 that, lately, the Lands of this Church, are, by mistake, twice sold to severall Purchasers, viz. Once under the notion of Dean and Chapters Lands; and againe, under the property of Kings Lands. I hope the Chap••men (when all is right stated betwixt them) will agree amongst themselves on their bargaine. Mean time, Rippon Church may the better comport with poverty, because onely remitted to its former condition.

18. The Family of Love (or Lust rather) at this time,* 2.4 presented a tedious Petition to King James, so that it is questionable, whether His Majesty ever graced it with his perusall, wherein they endeavoured to cleare themselves from some misre∣presentations, and by fawning expression, to insinuate themselves into his Maje∣sty's good opinion: Which here we present.

To the King's most excellent MAJESTY, JAMES the first, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.

MOst gracious and Sveraigne Lord, whereas there is published in a Book writ∣ten by your Highnesse, as an instruction to your most noble* 3.1 Sonne (whom Almighty God blesse with much Honour, Happinesse, and Long life) of a People that are of a vile Sect among the Anabaptists, called the Family of Love, who doe hold and maintaine many proud, uncharitable, unchristian, and most absurd Opinions, unto whom your Highnesse doth also give the name of Puritans, assuming in the said Book, that divers of them (as Brown, Penry, and others) doe accord with them in their foule Errours, heady and phantasticall Opinions, which are there

set downe at large by Your Majesty, advising Your Royall Son (as is most meet) to punish them, if they refuse to obey the Law, and will not cease to stir up Rebellion.

Now most gracious Soveraigne, because it is meet that your Highnesse should un∣derstand by their supplication, and declaration of the truth herein by themselves (of whom Your Majesty hath been thus informed) prostrate at Your Princely Feet, at true, faithfull, loyall, and obedient Subjects, to all your Lawes and Ordinances, Civill, Politique, Spirituall, Temporall, They with humble hearts doe beseech Your Princely Majesty, to understand, and that the people of the Family of Love, or of God, doe utterly disclaime, and detest all the said absurd, and selfe-conceited opinions, and disobedient, and erroneous sorts of the Anabaptists, Brown, Penty, Puritans, and all other proud-minded Sects and Heresies whatsoever, protesting upon paine of our lives, that we are not consenting nor agreeing with any such brain-sick Preachers, nor their rebellious and disobedient sects whatsoever, but have been, and ever will be, truly obedient to your Highnesse and your Lawes, to the effusion of our Blood, and expences of our Goods and Lands in Your Majesties service. Highly la••ding Almighty God, who hath so graciously, and peaceably appointed unto us such a Vertuous, Wise, Religious, and Noble King, and so carefull, and impartiall a Justiciar to governe over us, be∣seeching him daily to blesse Your Highnesse with his godly wisdome, and holy understan∣ding, to the furtherance of his truth and godlinesse, and with all honour, happinesse, peace, and long life, and to judge rightly between Falshood and Truth.

And because Your Majesty shall have a perfect view, or an assured perswasion of the truth of the same our Protestation, if the••efore there be any indifferent man of the Kingdome, that can justly touch us with any such disobedient and wicked handling of our selves, as seemeth by Your Majesties Book it hath been informed unto Your High∣nesse, unlesse they be such mortall enemies, the disobedient Puritans, and those of their heady humours, before named, who are much more Zealous, religious, and precise, in the tything of Mint, Annis, and Cummin, and in the preferring of such like Pharisai∣call, and selfe-chosen outward traditions and grounds, or hypocriticall righteousnesse, than in the performing of Judgment, Mercy and Faith, and such like true and inward righteousness, which God doth most chiefly require, and regard, (Mat. 15. 15. &c.) and whose malice hath for twenty five yeeres past and upwards, and ever since with very many untrue suggestions, and most foule Errors, and odious Crimes, the which we could then, if need were, prove, sought our utter overthrow & destruction. But that we have behaved our selves in all orderlinesse and peaceablenesse of life where we dwell, and with whom we had to deale, or if we doe vary or swerve from the established Religion in this land, either in Service, Ceremonies, Sermons or Sacraments, or have publiquely spoken or inveighed, either by word or writing against our late Soveraign Princess go∣vernment in cases spirituall or temporall, then let us be rejected for Sectaries, and ne∣ver receive the benefit of Subjects.

Only* 3.2 Right Gracious Soveraigne, we have read certaine Books brought forth by a German Author under the Characters of H. N. who affirmeth therein, that he is prepared chosen and sent of God to minister, and set forth the most holy service of the love of God, and Christ, or of the Holy Ghost unto the children of men upon the Universall earth, out of which service or writings we be taught all Dutifull Obedience towards God, and Magistrates, and to live a Godly and honest life, and to love God above all things, and our neighbours as our selves agreeing therein with all the Holy scriptures as we un∣derstand them. Against which Author, and his bookes we never yet heard or knew any Law established in this Realme by our late Gracious Soveraigne, but that we might read them without offence, whose writings we suppose under your Highness correction, your Majesty hath yet never seene or perufed, heard of by any indifferent nor true in∣formation: For the said H. N. in all his doctrine and writings (being as we are cre∣dibly informed, as much matter in volume, if they were all Compiled together as the whole Bible contoineth) doth neither take part with, nor write against any particular party or company whatsoever, as naming them by their names, nor yet praise, or dis∣praise any of them by name; But doth only shew in particular in his said writings, as saith he, the unpartiall service of love, requireth what is good or evill for every one,

wherein the man hath right or wrong in any point, whether it be in the State of his Soul towards God, or in the State of his body towards the Magistrates of the world and towards one another, to the end that all people (when they heare or read his writing, and doe thereby perceive their sinne, and estranging from God and Christ) might en∣deavour them to bring forth the due fruits of Repentance, which is reformation and newnesse of life, according as all the Holy Scriptures doth likewise require the same of every one. And that they might in that sort become saved through Jesus Christ, the only Saviour of all the world.

Notwithstanding deare Soveraigne, yet hath the said Author, and his Doctrine a long time, and still is most shamefully and falsely standered by our foresaid adversa∣ries both in this land, and in divers others, as to be replenished with all manner of damnable Errors, and filthy liberty of the flesh.

And we his well willers, and favourers in the upright drift of his doctrine, as afore∣said have also been of them complained of, & accused unto our Late Gracious Soveraign, and the Magistrates of this land, both long time past, and now lately againe as to be a people so infected and stained with all manner of detestable wickednesse and errors, that are not worthy to live upon the earth, but yet would never present any of his Bookes unto his Majesty to peruse; nor yet set them forth in any indifferent or true manner to the view of the world, lest their malicious, and standerous reports, and accusations a∣gainst the same, and us, should thereby be revealed and disproved to their great shame. Through which their most odious and false complaints against us, the Magistrates did then, and also have now lately cast divers of us into Prison, to our great hinderance & discredit. But yet have never proved against us, by sufficient and true testimony any one of their foule accusations, as the Records in such cases, and the Magistrates that have dealt therein can testifie, but are so utterly void of due and lawfull Proof thereof, that they have framed divers subtile Articles for us, being plain, and unlearned men to answer upon our Oath, whereby to urge and gather some things from our selves, so to prove their false and unchristian accusations to be true, or else will force us to renounce, recant, and condemne that which we doe not wilfully maintaine nor justifie, (much like as it was practized in the Primitive Church against the Christians) yea they are not ashamed to lay their owne and all other men disobedient and wicked acts (of what pro∣fession soever it be) upon our backs, to the end cunningly to purchase favour and cre∣dit to themselves, and to make us seeme monstrous and detestable before the Magi∣strates, and the common people every where, for that we, and the doctrine of H. N. might without any indifferent tryall, and lawfull or orderly proceedings as heretofore hath been used in the Christian Church in such eases for confuting and condemning of Heresie, be utterly rooted out of the Land: with divers other most cruell practices, proceeding out of their bitter and envious hearts towards us, tending to the same un∣christian and mercilesse purpose, the which we will here omit to speak of, because we have already been over••tedious to your Highnesse, and most humbly crave your most gracious pardon and patience therein, in respect we speak to cleare our selves of such matters as may touch our lives and liberties (which are two of the chiefest jewels that God hath given to Mankinde in this world) and also for that we have few friends, or any other meanes than this, to acquaint your Highnesse with the truth and state of our cause, whereof we think your Majesty is altogether ignorant, but have very many Enemies, whom we do greatly suspect will not be slack to prosecute their falfe and ma¦litious purpose against as unto your Highnesse, even like as they have accustomed in times past to doe unto our late Soveraign Queen, through which prevailing in their slanderous defacing of us and our cause, divers of us for want of friends to make is rightly known unto her Majestie have sundry times been constrained to endure their injurious dealing towards us to our great vexation and hindrance.

Wherefore most gratious Soveraign, this is now our humble suit unto your Highness, that when your Kingly affairs of importance, which your Majestie hath now in hand, shall be well overpast (for the prosperous performance whereof we will (as duty bin∣deth us daily pray unto Almighty God) that then your Highnesse will be pleased be∣cause we have alwaies taken the same Authors work aforesaid to proceed out of the

great grace and love of God and Christ extended towards all Kings, Princes, Rulers, and People, upon the universal earth (as he in many of his works doth witness no lesse) to their salvation, unity, peace, and concord in the same Godly love) to grant us that favour, at your Majesties fit and convenient time to peruse the Books your self with an impartiall eye, conferring them with the holy Scriptures, wherein it seemeth by the Books that are set forth under your Highnesse name, that you have had great travell, and are therefore better able to judge between Truth and Falshood. And we will when∣soever it shall please your Highnesse to appoint the time, and to command, and licence us thereto, doe our best endeavours to procure so many of the Books, as we can out of Germany (where they be Printed) to be delivered unto your Majestie, or such Godly, Learned, and indifferent men, as it shall please your Majestie to appoint.

And we will also (under your Highnesse lawfull Licence, and commandement in that behalf) doe our like endeavour to procure some of the Learned men in that Coun∣trey (if there be any yet remaining alive that were well acquainted with the Au∣thour and his Works in his life time, and which likewise have exercised his works ever since) to come over and attend upon your Majestie at your appointed time con∣venient, who can much more sufficiently instruct and resolve your Highnesse in any unusuall words, phrase, or matter, that may happily seem dark and doubtfull to your Majestie that any of us in this your Land are able to doe.

And so upon your Highnesse advised consultation and censure thereupon (finding the same Works hereticall or seditious, and not agreeable to Gods holy Word and testi∣monies of all the Scriptures) to leave them, to take them as your Majesties Laws shall therein appoint us, having no intent or meaning to contend or resist there-against, however it be, but dutifully to obey thereunto according to the Counsel of Scriptures, and also of the said Authors work.

And our further humble suit unto your Highnesse is, that of your gracious favour, and clemency you will grant and give order unto your Majesties Officers in that be∣half, That all of us your faithfull loving Subjects, which are now in Prison in any part of this your Realme for the same cause, may be released upon such Bail, or Bond as we are able to give; and that neither we, nor any of that company (behaving our selves orderly and obediently under your Highnesse lawes) may be any further persecuted or troubled therein, untill such time as your Majestie and such Godly learned and indiffe∣rent men of your Clergie, as your Highnesse shall appoint thereto, shall have advisedly consulted and determined of the matter, whereby we may not be utterly wasted by the great Charge of Imprisonment, and Persecution, and by the hard dealing of our Ad¦versaries, for we are but a People few in number, and yet most of us very poor in worldly wealth.

O sacred Prince! we humbly pray that the Almighty will move your Princely heart with true judgment to discerne between the right and the wrong of our cause, accord∣ing to that most certain and Christian Rule set down by our Saviour Christ unto his Disciples, Matth: 7. 12. Ye shall know the tree by the fruit, and in our obedience, peaceable, and honest lives, and conversation to protect us; and in our disobedience and misdemeanour to punish us, as resisters of Gods Ordinance, of the Kingly Autho∣rity, and most high Office of Justice committed to your Majestie to that purpose towards your Subjects, Rom. 13.

And gracious Soveraigne, we humbly beseech your Highnesse with Princely Regard in equity and favour to ponder, and grant the humble suit contained in this most lowly supplication of your loyall, true hearted, faithfull subjects, And to remember that your Majestie in your Book of Princely, grave, and fatherly advice, to the happy Prince, your Royall Son, doth conclude, Principis est parcere subjectis & debellare superbos, and then no doubt, God will blesse your Highnesse with all your Noble Off∣spring, with peace, long life, and all honours, and happinesse, long to continue over us; for which we will ever pray with incessant prayers to the Almighty.

I finde not what effect this their Petition produced; whether it was slighted, and the Petitioners looked upon as inconsiderable, or beheld as a few frantick

folk out of their wits, which consideration alone often melted their Adversaries Anger into Pity unto them.

19. The main design driven on in the Petition is to separate themselves from the Puritans (as persons odious to King JAMES) that they might not fare the worse for their Vicinity unto them;* 3.3 though these Familists could not be so desi∣rous to leave them as the others were glad to be left by them. For if their opi∣nions were so senslesse, and the lives of these Familists so sensuall, as is reported, no purity at all belonged unto them.

20.b 3.4 Some take exceptions at their Prayer for King JAMES;* 3.5 willing him, and his, Peace, long life, all honour, and happinesse, without mentioning of Life Eternall and the Blessings thereof, whilst others are so much of the Family of Charity to this Family of Love, as to excuse the omission as casual, or else extend happinesse as comprehensive of the World to come. Others are more justly of∣fended to see God and Dung joyned together, Gods Word and the words of H. Nicholas equally yeaked by them as infallible alike. They confesse in this book some unusuall words which are Dark and Doubtfull, which at this day is affe¦cted by many Sectarists (whilst Truth is plain and easie) amusing People with mysticall expressions, which their Auditors understand not, and perchance not they themselves. So that as one saith very well of their high soring pretended spirituall language, That it is a great deal too high for this world, and a great deal too low for the world to come.

21. I find one in his Confutation of this Petition inveighing against our Bishops:* 3.6 That they were friends unto Familisme,* 3.7 and favoured the Promoters thereof, ad∣ding moreover, That sew of the Prelaticall way refuted them. Now though the best friends of Bishops, yea, and the Bishops themselves will confesse they had too many faults; Yet I am confident this is a false and uncharitable aspersion upon them: No better is that when he saith, That divers of the Court of Queen Eliza∣beth, and some Nobles, were Familists; wherein I am sure Plenty of Instances hath put him to such a Penury that he cannot insist upon any one. But I am inclined the rather to Pardon his Errour herein, because the Author reporting this, is a Forreigner then living in Scotland; And should I trear of the Character of the Court of King JAMES at Edinburgh at the same time, possibly my Pen at so great a distance might commit farre worse mistakes.

22. Some will say, where are these Familists now adaies?* 3.8 are they utterly ex∣tinct, or are they lost in the heap of other Sects, or are they concealed under a new name? The last is most probable. This Family (which shut their Dores be∣fore) keeps open house now: Yea, Family is too narrow a name for them they are grown so numerous. Formerly by their own Confession in this Petition they had three Qualities, Few, Poor, and Unlearned; for the last Billa vera, their Lack of Learning they still retain, being otherwise many, and some rich, but all under the name of RANTERS, and thus I fairly leave them, on condition they will fairly leave me, that I may hear no more of them for delivering Truth and my own Conscience in what I have written concerning their Opinions.

23. I find no Protestant tears dropt on the grave of any eminent Divine this year, but we light on two Romanists dying beyond Sea,* 3.9 much lamented: one, Richard Hall, bred in Christs College in Cambridge, whence he ran over to Rome, whence he returned into the Low Countreys, and died Canon, and Official of the Cathe∣dral of S. Omer: The other, Humphrey Eli, an Herefordshire man by birth, Fellow of St. John's in Oxford, whence going beyond sea, at Rome he commenced Doctour of Law, and afterwards died Professour thereof in the University of Ponta* 3.10 Mousan. He is charactred to be, Juris peritus doctus, pauper, & pacifi∣cus; A Lawyer learned, poor, and peaceable. And thus much my charity can easily believe of him: but theh 3.11 Distich (the Epitaph I take it on his Tomb) is damnable hyperbolicall;

Albion haereseos velatur nocte, viator Desine mirari, sol suus hic latitat.

Wonder not,* 3.12* 3.13 England's dark with errours night, For loe here buried lies her Sun so bright.

Or else the Poet lies who made the Verses. But his ashes shall not be disturbed by me.

24. The Romish Catholicks,* 3.14 now utterly despairing, either by flattery to wooe, or force to wrest, any free and publick exercise of their Religion, some of them entered into a damnable, and devilish conspiracie, to blow up the Parliament-House with gun-powder. In this plot were engaged,

• 1. Robert Catesbie.
• 2. Thomas Percie.
• 3. Sir Everard Dighie.
• 4. Francis Tresham.
• 5. Robert Winter.
• 6. Thomas Winter.
• 7. John Wright.
• 8. Christopher Wright.
• 9. Ambrose Rookwood.
• 10. Robert Keys.
• 11. John Grant.
• 12. Thomas Bates, Catesbie's man.
• 13. Guido Faux.

Twelve, besides their Foreman, but, how honest and true, let their ensuing action declare. Surely all of resolute spirits, most of antient families, some of plentifull fortunes, and Percie, though weak in purse himself, pretended to command the wealthiest coffers of another.

25. But,* 3.15 a treason without a Jesuit, or one of Jesuited principles therein, is like a drie wall, without either lime, or morter: Gerard must be the cement, with the Sacrament of Secrecie, to joyn them together: Garnet and Tismond (whelps of the same litter) commended, and encouraged the designe. But here an impor∣tant scruple was injected, How to part their friends, from their foes in the Parlia∣ment, they having many in the House, of alliance, yea, of the same (in consci∣ence a nearer kinred) Religion with themselves. To slay the righteous with the a 3.16 wicked, be it farre from God, and all good men. And yet, as such an unpartiall destruction, was uncharitable: so an exact Separation seemed as impossible. Here Garnes, instead of untying, cut this knot asunder, with this his sharp decision; That in such a case as this, it was lawfull to kill friend, and foe together. Indeed, the good husbandman in theb 3.17 Gospel, permitted the tares to grow for the corne's sake; whereas here, by the contrary counsell of the Jesuit, the corn (so they reputed it) was to be rooted up for the tares sake.

26. This scruple in conscience,* 3.18 thus satisfied by Garnet, two other difficulties in point of performance, presented themselves. For, CHARLES, Duke of York, probably (by reason of His minority) would not be present, and the Lady ELIZABETH would certainly be absent from the Parliament-House. How then should these two (the next Heires to the Crown) be compassed within their power? But for the first, Percie, profered his service, promising to possesse him∣self, by a fraudulent force, of the person of the Duke. Catesbie undertook the other difficulty, under a pretended Hunting-match (advantaged thereunto by the vicinitie of Ashbie, to the Lord Harrington's, where the Princesse had Her education) to train Her into their command. All rubs thus removed, their way was made as smooth as glasse, and as slippery too, as by the sequele may ap∣peare.

27. But first be it remembred,* 3.19 that, though these plotters intended at last with honour to own the action, when successe had made all things secure; yet they purposed, when the blow was first given, and whilest the act was certain, but the successe thereof doubtfull, to father the fact on the Puritans. They thought, their backs were broad enough, to bear both the sin, and shame; and, that this saddle, for the present, would finely fit their backs, whose discontent (as these plotters would pretend) unable otherwise to atchieve their desired alteration in Church-Government, had, by this damnable treason, effected the same. By transferring the fact on the then most innocent Puritans; they hoped, not onely to decline the odium of so hellish a designe, but also (by the strangenesse of the act, and unsuspectednesse of the actors) to amuze all men, and beget an univer∣sall distrust, that every man would grow jealous of himself. And, whilest such

amazement tied,* 3.20* 3.21 in a manner, all mens hands behinde them, these plotters pro∣mised themselves the working out their own ends, part by their home-strength, and the rest by calling in the assistance of forraign Princes.

28. They fall a working in the Vault.* 3.22 Dark the place, in the depth of the earth; dark the time, in the dead of the night; dark the designe, all the actors therein concealed by oath from others, and thereby combined amongst them selves. Oh! how easie is any work, when high merit is conceived the wages there∣of? In piercing thorough the wallc 3.23 nine foot thick, they erroniously conceived, that they thereby hewed forth their own way to heaven. But they digged more with their silver in an hour, than with their iron in many daies; namely, when discovering a Cellar hard by, they hired the same, and these Pioneers saved much of their pains by the advantage thereof. And now all things were carried so se∣cretly, no possibility of any detection, seeing the actors themselves had solemnly sworn that they would not, and all others might as safely swear, they could not make any discovery thereof.

29. But,* 3.24 so it fell out, that the sitting of the Parliament was put off from time to time; namely, from the seventh of February (whereon it was first appointed to meet) it was adjourned till the fifth of October, and afterward from the fifth of October, put off till the fifth of November, and accordingly their working in the vault (which attended the motion of the Parliament) had severall distinct inter∣missions, and resumptions thereof. As if Divine Providence had given warning to these Traytors (by the slow proceeding, and oft adjourning of the Parliament) mean time seriously to consider, what they went about; and seasonably to desist from so damnable a designe, as suspitious, at last it would be ruined, which so long had been retarded. But, no taking off theird 3.25 wheels will stay those chariots from drowning, which God hath decreed shall be swallowed in the Red sea.

30. Behold!* 3.26 here is fire, and wood, but where is the Lamb for the burnt offering? Alas! a whole flock of lambs were not farre off, all appointed to the slaughter. The King, Prince Henry, Peers, Bishops, Judges, Knights, and Burgesses, all designed to destruction. Let me smite him (said Abishat of Saul)e 3.27 even at once, and I will not smite him the second time. So here, a blow, so sound, secret, and sudden, was intended it would not need iteration: once, and ever, the first act would finish all in an instant. But, thanks be to God, nothing was blown up but the Treason, or brought to execution but the Traytors.

31. Indeed,* 3.28 some few daies before the fatall stroke should bee given, Master Keyes, being at Tichmersh in Northampton-shire, at the house of Master Gilbert Pickering, his Brother-in-law (but of a different Religion, as a true Pro∣testant) suddenly whipped out his sword, and in metriment made many offers therewith, at the heads, necks, and sides of many Gentlemen and Gentlewomen then in his company. This then was taken as a meer frolick, and for the present passed accordingly; but afterwards (when the Treason was discovered) such as remembred his gestures, thought thereby he did act, what he intended to doe (if the plot had took effect) hack, and hew; kill, and slay all eminent persons,* 3.29 of a different Religion from themselves.

32. Cursef 3.30 not the King, no not in thy thought—for a bird of the aire shall carry the voice, As here such a discovery was made: with a Pen (fetched from the feather of a foul) a Letter was written to the Lord Mounteagle, in manner following:

My Lord,

OUt of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation: Therefore, I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament: For, God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this Time. And think not slightly of this advertisement, but retire your self into your Countrey, where you may expect the event in safety: For, though there be no appearance of any stirre, yet I say, they shall receive a terrible Blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This counsell is not to be

contemned,* 4.1* 4.2 because it may doe you good, and can doe you no harm; for the danger in past so soon as you have burnt the Letter: And I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it: To whose holy protection I commend you.

A strange Letter, from a strange hand, by a strange Messenger: without date to it, name at it, and (I had almost said) sense in it. A Letter, which, even when it was opened, was still sealed, such the affected obscurity therein.

33. The Lord Mounteagle, as loyalty advised him,* 4.3 communicates the Letter to the Earl of Salisbury, he to the KING. His Majesty, on the second perusall, ex∣pounded the mysticall Blow meant therein must be by Gun-powder, and gives order for searching the Rooms under the Parliament House, under pretence to look for lost Hangings, which were conveyed away. The first search about even∣ing, discovered nothing but Percy's Cellar, full of Wood, and Johnson his man (under that name was Faux disguised) attending therein. However the name of Percy, and sight of Faux so quickned the jealousie of the Lord Mounteagle, that this first slight Search led to a second scrutinie, more strictly, and secretly per∣formed.

34. This was made at midnight by Sir Thomas Knevet,* 4.4 Gentleman of His Ma∣jesties Privie Chamber, and others, into the Vault under the Parliament House. There the mysterie of iniquity was quickly discovered; a Pile of Fewell, faced over with Billets, lined under with thirty six Barrels of Powder, besides Iron barres, to make the force of the fire more effectuall. Guido Faux was apprehended in the outward Room, with a Dark Lantern in his hand (the lively embleme of their designe, whose dark side was turned to man, whiles the light part was exposed to God) and three Matches, ready to give fire to the Train. This Caitiffe professed himself onely grieved, that he was not in the inner room, to blow himself, and them, all up together: affirming moreover, that, not God, but the Devil made the discovery of the Plot.

35. Mean time,* 4.5 Catesbie, Percy, Rookwood, both the Wrights, and Thomas Winter, were hovering about London, to attend the issue of the matter. Having sate so long abrood, and hatching nothing, they began to suspect, all their eggs had proved addle. Yet betwixt hope, and fear, they and their Servants post down into the Countrey, thorough Warwick, and Worcester, into Stafford shire. Of Traytors they turn Felons, breaking up Stables, and stealing Horses as they went. But many of their own men (by a farre more lawfull felonie) stole away from their Masters, leaving them to shift for themselves. The neighbouring Counties, and their own consciences, rise up against these riotous Roisters, as yet unknown for Traytors. At last Sir Richard Walsh, High Sheriffe of Worcester∣shire, overtook them at Holbeck in Stafford shire at the house of Mr. Stephen Little∣ton; where, upon their resistance, the two Wrights were killed; Rookwood, and Thomas Winter shrewdly wounded.

36. As for Percy,* 4.6 and Catesbie, they fought desperately for their lives (as know∣ing, no quarter, but quartering, would be given unto them) and, as if they scorned to turn their backs to any but themselves, setting back to back, they fought a∣gainst all that assaulted them. Many swords were drawn upon them, but gun∣powder must doe the deed, which discharged that bullet, which dispatched them both. Never were two bad mens deaths more generally lamented of all good men; onely on this account, that they lived no longer, to be forced to a farther discovery of their secret Associates.

37. It must not be forgotten,* 4.7 how some hours before their apprehension, as these Plotters were drying dank gun-powder in an Iane, a Miller casually coming in (haply not heeding the black meal on the hearth) by carelesse casting on of a billet, fired the gun-powder: Up flies the Chimney, with part of the house: all therein are frighted, most hurt, but especially Catesbie and Rookwood had their faces soundly scorched; so bearing in their bodies, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉g 4.8 the marks of our Lord Jesus Christ, but the print of their own impieties. Well might they guesse, how good that their cup of cruelty was, whose dregs they meant others should

drink,* 4.9* 4.10 by this little sip, which they themselves had unwillingly tasted thereof.

38. The rest were all at London solemnly arraigned,* 4.11 convicted, condemned. So foule the fact, so fair the proof, they could say nothing for themselves. Ma∣ster Tresham dying in the prison, prevented a more ignominious end.

• 1. Sir Everard Digbie, Robert Winter, Grant, and Bates, were hanged, drawn,* 4.12 and quartered, at the West end of S. Paul's. Three of them, but especially Sir Everard Digbie, died very penitently, and devout∣ly; onely Grant expressed most obstinacy at his end.
• 2. Thomas Winter, Ambrose Rookwood, Keies,* 4.13 and Faux were executed, as the former, in the Parliament-yard in Westminster, Keies followed Grant in his obstinacie; andh 4.14 Faux shewed more penitencie than all the rest.
• 3. Garnet, Provinciall of the English Jesuits, was arraigned some weeks after, byi 4.15 four severall names, and executed on the Saturday, which, he said, was called Institutio crucis; of whom largely in the next year.

They all craved testimony, that they died Roman Catholicks; my pen shall grant them this their last, and so equall petition, and bears witnesse to all whom it may concern, That they lived, and died in the Romish Religion. And although the hainousnesse of their offence, might, with some colour of justice, have angred severity into cruelty against them; yet so favourably were they proceeded with, that most of their Sons, or Heirs (except since disinherited by their own prodiga∣lity) at this day enjoy their Paternall possessions.

39. Heaven having thus defeated Hell of its desired successe,* 4.16 Earth since hath endevoured to defraud Heaven of its deserved praise. A posthume report is brought forth into the world (nursed, as it is fit, by the mothers thereof) that King JAMES was privie to this Plot all along; and, that His observing ran pa∣rallel with the Traytors, acting therein, so that He could discover it, when He pleased, but was not pleased to discover it, untill the Eve of the fifth of November, A fancie inconsistent with that ordinary piety, which all charitable men must al∣low King JAMES as a Christian; and with that extraordinary policie, which His adversaries admire in Him as a Statesman. Was it probable, that He would tempt God so profanely, as solemnly to thank him, for revealing that to Him, which he knew before? Would King JAMES his wisdome, not to say, His warinesse, not to say, His fearfulnesse, dally so long with destruction, as to put it off to the last hour, when, Uno actu, tactu; ictu, nictu, all might have been con∣founded? Was it not hard for Him to equivocate before such a Master of equi∣vocation, as Garnet the Jesuit was? who, certainly, if he had smelt any jugling of King JAMES therein; would, no doubt, have proclamed it to all the world at his execution. I deny not, but, that the King, both by intelligence from forain parts, and secret information from those secular Priests, that Bishop Bancroft secretly kept in his house, was advertised in generall of some great Plot which the Jesuited Papists were hatching against the ensuing Parliament: but, for the par∣ticulars, that ridd'ling Letter brought Him the first notice thereof, whatsoever is fancied to the contrary. But, if wilde conjectures in such cases from obscure Au∣thors, shall be permitted to justle for credit against received Records, all former unquestionable history, will be quickly reduced to an universall uncertainty. But there is a generation of people, who, to inhanse the reputation of their knowledge, seem not only, like mothes, to have lurked under the carpets of the Counsel Table; but, even like fleas, to have leaped into the pillows of Princes bed-chambers, thence deriving their private knowledge of all things, which were, or were not ever done, or thought of. In defiance of whom I adde, Give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars, and unto God the things that are Gods.* 4.17 Let King JAMES by read∣ing the Letter, have the credit of discovering this Plot to the world, and GOD the glory for discovering it unto King JAMES.

40. A learnedk 4.18 Author,* 4.19* 4.20* 4.21 making mention of this Treason, breaketh forth into the following rapture:

Excidat illa dies aevo, ne postera credant Secula; nos certè taceamus, & obruta multâ Nocte tegi propriae patiamar crimina gentis.

Oh let that day be quite dash'd out of time, And not believ'd by the next generation; In night of silence we' ll conceal the crime, Thereby to save the credit of our nation.

A wish, which, in my opinion, hath more of Poetrie, than of pietie therein, and from which, I must be forced to dissent. For, I conceive not the credit of our Countrey-men concerned in this Plot; not beholding this as a nationall act, whose actors were but a partie of a partie, a desperate handfull of discontented persons of the Papisticall faction. May the day indeed be ever forgotten, as to the point of imitation, but be ever remembred to the detestation thereof. May it be solemnly transmitted to all posterity, that they may know, how bad man can be to destroy, and how good God hath been to deliver. That especially we English-men may take notice, how wofull we might have been, how happy we are, and how thankfull we ought to be. In order whereunto the Parliament (first moved therein by Sir Edward Mountague, afterward Baron of Boughton) enacted an annuall, and constant memoriall of that day to be observed.

41. Certainly,* 4.22 if this Plot had took effect, the Papists would have celebrated this day with all solemnity, and it should have taken the upper hand of all other Festivalls. The more therefore the shame, and pity, that amongst Protestants, the keeping of this day (not as yet full fifty years old) begins already to wax weak, and decay. So that the red letters, wherein it is written, seem daily to grow dimmer, and paler in our English Kalender. God forbid, that our thankfulnesse for this great deliverance, formerly so solemnly observed, should hereafter be like the squibs, which the Apprentices in London make on this day; and which give a great flash, and crack at the first, but soon after go out in a stink.

42. Matthew Hutton Archbishop of Yorke ended his religious life,* 4.23 descended from an antient Family of Hutton Haell (as I take it, in Lancashire) Fellow of Tri∣nity Colledge in Cambridge (to the enlarging whereof he gave an hundred marks) afterwards Master of Pembroke Hall, and Margaret Professour, then Bishop of Durham, and Archbishop of Yorke. One of the last times that ever he preached in his Cathedrall was on this occasion: The Catholicks in Yorkeshire were com∣manded by the Queens Authority to be present at three Sermons, and at the two first behaved themselves so obstreperously, that some of them were forced to be gagged, before they would be quiet. The Archbishop preached the last Sermon most gravely and solidly, taking for his Text, Joh. 8. 47. He that is of God heareth Gods words, ye therefore hear them not, because ye are not of God.

43. Here I must clear the memory of this worthy Prelate,* 4.24 from a mistake com∣mitted, surely not wilfully, but through false intelligence, by a pen, otherwise more ingenuous, and professing respect to him, and some familiarity with him.

Sir John Harrington in his Additional to Bishop Godwin, page 192.

This Archbishop his eldest Sonne is a Knight, lately Sheriffe of Yorkeshire, and of good reputation. One other Son he had, Luke Hutton by name, so vali∣ant, that he feared not men, nor laws; and for a robbery done on Saint Luke's day; for names sake, he died as sad a death (though I hope with a better minde) as the Thief of whom Saint Luke writes. The Archbishop herein shewed that constancy and severity worthy of his place, for he would not endeavour to save him, as the world thought he easily might.

The Truth.* 4.25* 4.26

This worthy Prelate had but three Sonnes,

• 1. Marke, who died young,
• 2. Sir Timothy Hutton, Knighted Anno 1605. and Sheriffe of Yorkeshire.
• 3. Sir Thomas Hutton, Knight, who lived and died also respected in his own Countrey.

As for this Luke Hutton, he was not his, but Son to Doctor Hutton, Preben∣darie of Durham.

This Archbishop was a learned man, excepted even by a Jesuit, (who wrote in disgrace of the English, as neglecting the reading of Fathers) and another Matthew more, qui unus in paucis versare Patres dicitur. He founded an Hospitall in the North, and endowed it with the yearly revenue of thirty five pounds.

44. Two other Bishops this year also ended their lives:* 4.27 In March, Johnl 4.28 Young Doctour in Divinity, once Master of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, Bishop of Ro∣chester, in which See he sate above twenty seven years. And Anthony Watson, Fellow of Christs Colledge in Cambridge, first Dean of Bristol, and afterwards Bishop of Chichester, whom Queen Elizabeth made Her Almoner, namely after Bishop Fletcher, at whose indiscr••et second marriage the Queen took distaste. Bishop Watson died in September, and alwaies led a single life.

45. Father Henry Garnet was now most solemnly,* 4.29 and ceremoniously brought to the scaffold: who, because he is cried up by the Papists for so pretious a piece of piety, we will be the larger in the delivery of his true character. For, although we will not cast dirt on the foulest face, it is fit we should wash off the paint of counterfeit holinesse from the hypocriticall pretenders thereunto. Bred he was in Winchester School, where, with some other Scholars, he conspired to cut off his School-Masters, Bilson'sm 4.30 right hand (early his enmitie against Authority re∣trenching his riot) but that his designe was discovered. Being Prepositour of the School (whose frown, or favour was considerable to those under his inspection) he sodomitically abused fiven 4.31, or six, of the handsomest youths therein. Here∣upon his School-Master advised him, yea, he advised himself, rather silently to slink away, than to stand Candidate for a repulse in his preferment to New Col∣ledge. Over he fled to Rome, where, after some years, he so improved himself, that, from a Prepositour over boyes, he was made Provincial over men, even the whole Order of English Jesuits.

46. Hence he returned into England,* 4.32 and was not onely privie to, but a prin∣cipall plotter of the Gunpowder-Treason. Being attached, and imprisoned in the Tower, the Earl of Sarisbury, and Doctour Overall, Dean of S. Paul's, with other Divines, repaired unto him, charging it on his conscience, for not revealing so dangerous a conspiracie; Garnet pleaded for himself, that it was concredited un∣to him under the solemn seal of Confession; the violation whereof he accounted the highest impiety. This they disproved, because he had disccursed thereof fre¦quently, and publickly, with Catesbie, Gerard, and Greenwood, circumstances in∣consistent with the essentiall secrecie of Confession. Garnet sought to salve him¦self with a fine distinction (so fine that it brake to pieces in the spinning) that it was told him in viâ ad confessionem, in order to confession; which, though wanting some formalities thereof, did equally oblige his conscience to conceal it.

47. Dean Overall rejoyned,* 4.33 that Confession was of antefacts, not postfacts; and, that it is not confession, but ••enacing to impart to a Priest intended villanies. He farther urged, that their most conscientious Casuists allowed, yea, injoyned Priests discovery in such case, when a greater good accrued by revealing, than concealing such secrecies. I was minded (quoth Garnet) to discover the plot, but not the persons therein.

48. Here the Earl of Sarisbury interposed;* 4.34 and, who said he) hindred you from discovering the Plot? Even you your self (answered Garnet) for I knew full well, should I have revealed the Plot, and not the Plotters, you would have racked this poor body of mine to pieces, to make we confesse. And now we have mentioned the rack,

Know, that never any rack was used on Garnet,* 4.35* 4.36 except a wit-rack, wherewith he was worsted, and this cunning archer outshot in his own bow. For being in pri∣son with Father Oldcorne, alias Hall, his Confessour, they were put into ano 4.37 equivo∣cating room, (as I may terme it) which pretended nothing but privacie, yet had a reservation of some invisible persons within it, ear-witnesses to all the passages be twixt them, whereby many secrecies of Garnet's were discovered.

49. In Guild hall he was arraigned before the Lord Major,* 4.38 and the Lords of the Privie Councell, Sir Baptist Hicks (afterwards Viscount Camden) being fore∣man of the Jury, consisting of Knights, Esquires, and the most substantiall Citi∣zens, whose integrities and abilities were above exception. I see therefore no cause why the defender of Garnet, after his death accuseth those men as incompetent, or improper for their place, as if he would have had him tried per pares by a Jury of Jesuits (and, would he have them all Provincials too?) which I believe, though summoned, would unwillingly have appeared in that place. Garnet,* 4.39 pleading little against pregnant proofs, was condemned, and some daies after publickly executed in S. Paul's Church-yard.

50. The Secretary of the Spanish Ambassadour (for we charitably believe his Master honester,* 4.40 and wiser) writing into Spain, and Italy, what here he took up∣on hear-say, filled forain Countreys with many falshoods concerning Garnet's death, as namely,

1. That he manifested much alacrity of minde, in the cheerfulnesse of his looks at his death. 2. His zealous, and fervant prayers much moved the people. 3. The people hindered the hangman from cutting the rope, and quartering him while alive. 4. The people so clawed the Executioner, that he hardly escaped with life. 5. When he held up Garnet's head to the people, there was a Panick silence, none saying, God save the King.

Whereas

1. He betrayed much servile fear, and consternation of spirit, much beneath the erected re∣solution of a Martyr. 2. His prayers were saint, cold, and perplexed, oft interrupted with his listening to, and an∣swering of others. 3. That favour by speciall order from His Majestie, was mer∣cifully indulged unto him. 4. No violence was done unto him, able many years after to give a cast of his office, if need required. 5. Acclamations in that kinde were as loud, and generall, as heretofore on the same occa∣sion.

Thus suffered Father Garnet, after whose death some subtile persons have im∣pudently broached, and other silly people senslesly believed a certain miracle of his working, which we here relate as we finde it reported:

51. John Wilkinson,* 4.41 a thorough-paced Catholick, living at S. Omers, posted over into England, as having a great desire to get, and keep some of Garnet's re∣liques. Great was his diligence in coming early before others to the place of his execution (which advantaged him neer to Garnet's person) and greater his pati∣ence in staying till all was ended, and the rest of the people departed. When, behold a straw be sprinkled with some drops of his blood (and having an ear of corn at the end thereof) leapedp 4.42 up on this Wilkinson, not taking the rise of its leap from the ground, he was sure, but whether from the scaffold, or from the basket wherein Garnet's head was, he was uncertain: Was not this Wilkinson made of Jeat, that he drew this straw so wonderfully unto him? Well, however it came to passe, joyfully he departs with this treasure, and deposits the same with the

Wife of Hugh Griffith,* 4.43 a Tailor (a Zealot of his own Religion) who provided a Chrystall Case for the more chairie keeping thereof.

52. Some weeks after,* 4.44 upon serious inspection of this straw, the face of a man (and we must believe it was Garnet's) was perceived therein, appearing on the outside of a leaf (which covered a grain within it) and where the convexitie thereof represented the prominencie of the face, with good advantage. Wilkinson, Hugh Griffith, and his wife, Thomas Laithwaith, and others beheld the same, though there be some difference in their depositions, whose eyes had the first happinesse to discover this portraicture. Soon after, all England was belittered with the news of this straw, and Catholicks cried it up for no lesse than a mi∣racle.

53. There are two infallible touch-stones of a true miracle,* 4.45 which alwaies is done 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 presently, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 perfectly. Neither of these on examination ap∣peared here. For, when this straw salient leaped first up into Wilkinson's lap, it is to be presumed, that he (having it so long in his possession) critically surveyed the same, the volume whereof might quickly be perused: and yet then no such effigiation was therein discovered, which some nineteen weeks after became vi∣sible, about the nineteenth of September following. Surely had this pregnant straw gone out its full time of fourty weeks, it would have been delivered of a perfect picture indeed, whereas now miscarrying before that time, wonder not if all things were not so complete therein.

54. For the face therein was not so exact,* 4.46 as which might justly intitle heaven to the workmanship thereof. Say not it was done in too small a scantling to be accurate, for Deus est maximus in minimis, Gods exquisitenesse appears the most in q 4.47 modells. Whereas when Witnesses were examined about this mock-miracle be∣fore the Archbishop of Canterbury, Francis Bowen deposed, that he believed that a good Artisan might have drawn one more curiously, and Hugh Griffith him∣self attested, that it was no more like Garnet, than to any other man who had a beard; and that it was so small, none could affirm it to resemble him; adding moreover, that there was no glory, or streaming raies about it, which some did im∣pudently report.

55. However,* 4.48 this inspirited straw was afterward copied out, and at Rome printed in pomp, with many superstitious copartments about it (as a coronet, a crosse, and nails) more than ever were in the originall. Yea, this miracle (how silly, and simple soever) gave the ground-work to Garnet's beatification by the Pope some moneths after. Indeed Garnet complained before his death, That he could not expect that the Church should own him for a Martyr, and signified the same in his Letter to his dear Mistresse Anne (but for her sirname call her Garnet, or Vaux, as you please) because nothing of religion, and onely practices against the State were laid to his charge. It seemed good therefore to his Holinesse, not to cano∣nize Garnet for a solemn Saint, much lesse for a Martyr, but onely to beatificate him, which (if I mistake not in their heavenly heraldrie) is by Papists accounted the least, and lowest degree of celestiall dignity, and yet a step above the Commo∣naltie, or ordinary sort of such good men as are saved. This he did to qualifie the infamie of Garnet's death, and that the perfume of this new title might out∣sent the stench of his treason. But we leave this Garnet (loth longer to disturb his blessednesse) in his own place, and proceed to such Church-matters as were trans∣acted in this present Parliament.

56. Evil manners prove often (though against their will) the parents of good laws,* 4.49 as here it came to passe. The Parliament begun, and holden at Westminster the fifth of November, and there continued till the 27 of May following, enacted many things for the discovering, and repressing of Popish Recusants, extant at large in the printed Statutes. Whereof none was more effectuall, than that Oath of Obedience, which every Catholick was commanded to take, the form whereof is here inserted: The rather, because this Oath may be termed like two of Isaac's r 4.50 wells, Esek, and Sitnah; Contention, and Hatred, the subject of a tough contro∣versie

versie betwixt us and Rome, about the legall urging, and taking thereof; Pro∣testants no lesse learnedly asserting, than Papists did zealously oppose the same.

The form of which Oath is as followeth:

I A. B. doe truly and sincerely acknowledge, professe, testifie, and declare in my conscience before God, and the world, That our Soveraigne Lord King James is lawfull, and rightfull King of this Realm, and of all other His Majesties Domi¦nions, and Countreys; and that the Pope, neither of himself, nor by any authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath any power, or authority to depose the King, or to dispose any of His Majesties Kingdomes, or Do∣minions, or to authorize any forraign Prince to invade, or annoy Him, or His Coun∣t••••, or to discharge any of His subjects of their allegiance, and obedience to His Majestie, or to give licence, or leave to any of them to bear armes, raise tumult, or to offer any violence, or hurt to His Majesties Royall Person, State, or Government, or to any of His Majesties subjects, within His Majesties Dominions.

Also I doe swear from my heart, that notwithstanding any declaration, or sentence of Excommunication, or deprivation, made, or granted, or to be made, or granted by the Pope, or his Successours or by any authority derived, or pretended to be derived from him, or his See, against the said King, His Heires, or Successours, or any abso∣lution of the said subjects from their obedience: I will bear faith, and true allegiance to His Majestie, His Heires, and Successours, and Him, and Them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against His or Their Persons, Their Crown, and Dignity, by reason or colour of any such sentence, or declaration, or otherwise, and will doe my best endeavour to disclose, and make known unto His Majestie, His Heires and Successours, all treasons, and traiterous conspiracies, which I shall know, or hear of, to be against Him, or any of Them.

And I doe farther swear, That I doe from my heart abhorre, detest, and abjure, as impious, and hereticall, this damnable doctrine, and position, That Princes, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may be deposed, or murthered by Their subjects, or any other whatsoever.

And I do believe, and in conscience am resolved, that neither the Pope, nor any person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this Oath, or any part thereof, which I acknow∣ledge by good and full authority to be lawfully ministred unto me, and doe renounce all Pardons, and D••spensations to the contrary. And all these things I doe plainly, and sincerely acknowledge, and swear, according to these express words, by me spoken, and according to the plain, and common sense, and understanding of the same words, with∣out any equivocation, or mentall evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I doe make this recognition, and acknowledgment heartily, willingly, and truly, upon the true faith of a Christian. So help me God.

This Oath was devised to discriminate the pernicious from the peaceable Pa∣pists. Sure binde, sure finde. And the makers of this were necessitated to be larger therein, because it is hard to strangle equivocation, which, if unable by might to break, will endeavour by slight to slip the halter.

57. No sooner did the newes thereof arrive at the ears of his Holiness,* 5.1 but pre∣sently he dispatcheth hiss 5.2 Breve into England, prohibiting all Catholicks to take this Oath, so destructive to their own souls, and the See of Rome; exhorting them patiently to suffer persecution, and manfully to endure martyrdome. And, be∣cause report was raised, that the Pope wrote this Breve, not of his own accord, and proper will, but rather for the respect, and at the instigation of others; next year he sent at 5.3 second to give faith, and confirmation to the former. Notwithstanding all which, this Oath, being tendred to, was generally taken by Catholicks, with∣out any scruple or regret. And particularly, George Blackwell, Arch-priest of the English, being apprehended, and cast into prison, by taking this Oath wrought

his own enlargement. Which made Cardinall Bellarmine (some fourty years agoe acquainted with him) in his Lettersu 5.4 kindly to reprove him for the same.

58. And now the allarme being given,* 5.5 whether this Oath was lawfull, or no▪ both parties of Protestants and Papists drew forth their forces into the field. King JAMES undertook the POPE himself; the wearer of Three, against the wearer of a Triple Crown (an even match) effectually confuting his Breve's. Bishop Andrews takes Bellarmine to task; Bishop Barlow poures out upon Par∣sons; Doctor Morton, Doctor Robert Abbot, Doctor Buckeridge, Doctor Collins, Doctor Burrel, Master Tomson, Doctor Peter Moulin, maintain the legality of the Oath, against Suarez, Eudaemon, Becanus, Cofteteus, Peleterius, and others, to whose worthy Works the Reader is referred for his farther satisfaction. I may call at, not go into these controversies, lest, by staying so long, I be benighted in my way, the rather, because the nearer we approach our home, the longer the miles grow, I mean, matter multiplieth toward the conclusion of our work. And now it is not worth the while, to go into the contemperary Convocation, where we meet with nothing but formality and continuations.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ann. Reg.
• * 1.2

  Ann. Dom.
• * 1.3

  Prov. 18. 24.
• * 1.4

  Jac. 2
• * 1.5

  1603-04
• * 1.6

  The death of Arch-bishop Whitgift.
• * 1.7

  * See the Pre∣face to Hamp∣ton Court conference.
• * 1.8

  Mr. Pry 〈◊〉〈◊〉 censu∣ring Whitgift, censured.
• * 1.9

  His untruth of Anselme.
• * 1.10

  Pag. 10.
• * 1.11

  Psal. 64. 3.
• * 1.12

  His slander of Whitgift.
• * 1.13

  Pag. 149.
• * 1.14

  And filly tax∣ing of his train.
• * 1.15

  Gen. 14. 14.
• * 1.16

  Whitgifts care of, and love to Scholars.
• * 1.17

  His buriall, and Successour.
• * 1.18

  1604.
• * 1.19

  Mar. 27.
• * 1.20

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 2
• * 1.21

  Ann. Dom. 1604.
• * 1.22

  A beneficiall Statute for the Church.
• * 1.23

  Because it was no•• forbid∣den in the Sta∣tute in expresse words.
• * 1.24

  A con••rivance by the Crowne to wrong the Church.
• * 1.25

  Two eminent instances of former Aliena∣tion of Bishop∣prick-Lands.
• * 1.26

  Severall cen∣su••es on this new Statute.
• * 1.27

  K. JAMES a great Church∣lover.
• * 1.28

  Ann. Dom. 1604
• * 1.29

  Ann Reg. Jac. 2
• * 1.30

  The Acts of this Convoca∣tion, why as 〈…〉〈…〉 recove∣red.
• * 1.31

  Many Canon made therein, Bishop Bancroft sitting Presi∣dent.
• * 1.32

  Bishop Rudd, why opposing the oath a∣gainst Simony.
• * 1.33

  The Petition of the Town of Rippon to Queen Anne.
• * 2.1

  July 4.
• * 2.2

  King James his bountifull grant.
• * 2.3

  These Lands since twice sold.
• * 2.4

  The Petition of the Family of Love to King James.
• * 3.1

  In his Basilicon Doron.
• * 3.2

  Henry Ni∣cholas.
• * 3.3

  The Familists will in no wise be accompted Puritans.
• b 3.4

  Sam. Ruther∣surd in his Sur∣vey, pag. 353.
• * 3.5

  Phrases in their Petition censured.
• * 3.6

  Mr. Ruthorfurd causlesly asper∣seth the Bishops and Courtiers of Queen Eliz
• * 3.7

  c In his Notes on his Petition of Survey, pag. 349.
• * 3.8

  Familists tur∣ned into mo∣dern Ranters.
• * 3.9

  The death of Hall, and Eli.
• * 3.10

  In the Duchy of Lorraine.
• h 3.11

  Pitseui de il∣lustr••bu•• Angli•• scriptoribus, pag. 804.
• * 3.12

  Ann. Dom 1605.
• * 3.13

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 4.
• * 3.14

  The plotrers in the Powder Treason.
• * 3.15

  Ga••net his de∣ciding a case of conscience.
• a 3.16

  Gen. 18. 25.
• b 3.17

  Mat. 13. 29.
• * 3.18

  Two other dif∣ficulties remo∣ved.
• * 3.19

  The odium must be cast on the Puri∣tan.
• * 3.20

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 5
• * 3.21

  Ann. Dom. 1604.
• * 3.22

  Will-worship a painfull labour.
• c 3.23

  Speed's Chro: in King James.
• * 3.24

  God gives them warning to de∣sist, but they will take none.
• d 3.25

  Exod. 14. 25.
• * 3.26

  The latitude of their designe.
• e 3.27

  1 Sam. 26. 8.
• * 3.28

  The apish be∣haviour of Keies.
• * 3.29

  The mysticall Letter.
• f 3.30

  Eccles. 10. 20.
• * 4.1

  Ann. Dom 1605.
• * 4.2

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 4
• * 4.3

  The first search proves ineffe∣ctuall.
• * 4.4

  The second search disco∣vers all.
• * 4.5

  The Traytors slie, and are taken.
• * 4.6

  Catesbi••, and Piercie, fight desperately for their lives.
• * 4.7

  The Lord is just.
• g 4.8

  Gal. 6. 17.
• * 4.9

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 4
• * 4.10

  Ann. Dom. 1605-6.
• * 4.11

  The rest are legally exe∣cuted.
• * 4.12

  Jan. 30.
• * 4.13

  Jan. 31.
• h 4.14

  Stow's Chro: pag. 882.
• i 4.15

  Stow, p. 883.
• * 4.16

  The presum∣ption of a post∣hume report justly cen∣sured.
• * 4.17

  The memory of this treason perpetuated by Act of Parl:
• k 4.18

  Gamblen Brit. in Middlesex.
• * 4.19

  The memory of this treason▪ ••e pe••u••ted by Act of Parl:
• * 4.20

  Ann. Dom. 1605-06
• * 4.21

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 5
• * 4.22

  Iust complaint that the day is no better ob∣served.
• * 4.23

  The death of Archbishop H••tton.
• * 4.24

  A foul mistake r••ctified.
• * 4.25

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 4.
• * 4.26

  Ann. Dom. 1606.
• * 4.27

  The death of the Bishops of Rochester and Chichester.
• l 4.28

  See Bishop Godwin in his Catalogue.
• * 4.29

  Garnet's edu∣cation & early viciousnesse.
• m 4.30

  Attested by Bishop Bilson of Winchester alive at Gar∣net's death, and many years after.
• n 4.31

  Rob Abbot in his Antilogia, Epistle to the Reader.
• * 4.32

  Canvased in the Tower by the Protestant Divines.
• * 4.33

  Confession on∣ly of antefacts.
• * 4.34

  Earl of Saris∣bury's question answered.
• * 4.35

  Ann. Dom. 1606.
• * 4.36

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 5
• o 4.37

  Abbot in An∣tilogia, cap. 1. fol. 5.
• * 4.38

  Garnet his ar∣raignment, & condemnation.
• * 4.39

  May 3
• * 4.40

  Popish false re∣lations dispro∣ved.
• * 4.41

  The solemn tale of Garnet's Straw-miracle.
• p 4.42

  Abbot, lib. ut priùs, cap. 14. sol. 198. out of whom for the main, all this storv is taken, with the confu¦tation thereof.
• * 4.43

  Ann. Dom. 1607.
• * 4.44

  Garnet's pi∣cture appears in a straw.
• * 4.45

  Not presently done.
• * 4.46

  Not perfectly done.
• q 4.47

  Exod. 8. 18.
• * 4.48

  Garnet's be••ti∣fication occasi∣oned by this mock-miracle.
• * 4.49

  Acts against Papists in Par∣liament, but principally the Oath of Obe∣dience.
• r 4.50

  Gen. 26. 20. 21.
• * 5.1

  The Pope his two Breve's against this Oath.
• s 5.2

  See K. James his Works, pag. 250.
• t 5.3

  Extant, ibid. pag. 258.
• u 5.4

  Extant, ibit. pag. 206.
• * 5.5

  Pens 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at pens about ••e lawfulnesse of this Oath.