The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

CENT: XVII.* 1.1

1.THe difference betwixt the Seculars and the Jesuites still con∣tinued and increased. Wherefore Bishop Bancroft,* 1.2 counting the Seculars the better but weaker side, afforded them coun∣tenance and maintenance in London-house, accommodating them with necessaries to write against their adversaries, ho∣ping the Protestants might assault the Romish cause with the greater advantage, when they found a breach made to their hand by the others own dissentions. But such who bore no good will to the Bishop, beholding the frequent repairing and familiar conversing of such Priests in his house, made a contrary construction of his actions, and reported him Popishly affected. Thus those who publiquely doe things in themselves liable to offence, and privately reserve the reasons of their actions in their owne bosomes, may suf∣ficiently satisfie their consciences towards God, but will hardly avoid the censures of men, to which too unwarily they expose themselves. With more generall applause was the bounty of Arch Bishop Whitgift bestowed, who now finished his Hospitall founded and endowed by him at Croydon in Surrey, for a Warden, and eight and twenty Brethren: As also a Free-Schoole, with liberall maintenance, for the education of Youth. God the best of Creditors) no doubt, long since hath plentifully re-pay'd what was lent to him, in his Members.

2. The last Parl.* 1.3 in this Queens raigne was now begun at Westm,* 1.4 and dissolved the moneth next following. Of such things which at distance may seeme to relate to Church affaires, in this Parl. it was Enacted, That Overseers of the Poor should be nominated yeerly in Easter week under the Hand and Seale of twoa 1.5 Justices of Peace, and that these with the Church wardens should take care for the reliefe of the Poore, binding out of Apprentices, &c. As also, That the Lord Chancellor should award Commissions under the Great Seale, into any part of the Realme, (as cause should require) to theb 1.6 Bishop of every Diocese, and his Chancellour; and any four or more persons of honest behaviour, to enquire by oathes of twelve men, into the mis-imployment of any Lands or Goods given to pious uses: and by their Or∣ders, to appoint them to be duly and faithfully paid or employed to their true uses and intents. In pursuance of this Statute, much good was and is done to this day, in severall parts of the Kingdome, the Law being very tender, that the true intenti∣ons of the Donour should take effect, as by this eminent instance may appeare. By the rule of the Law, Copyhold Land cannot be aliened, but by Surrender; but yet if a man Devise such Land to a Charitable use, though it had not been surren∣dred, this isc 1.7 adjudged good, and shall be construed an appointment to a Cha∣ritable use within this Statute.

3. Now if we look into the Convocation,* 1.8 parallel to this Parliament, therein we shall find, that it began with a Latine Sermon of William Barlow Doctor of Divinity, and one of Her Majesties Chaplaines, (afterwards Bishop of Rochester, then of Lincolne) Preaching on this Text, LUKE 19. 13. Negotiamini dum ve∣nio. In this Convocation, Mathew Sutcliffe, Doctor of the Law, and Deane of Exeter

was chosen Prolocutor, but nothing save matters of course passed therein. Nor finde I any eminent Divine deceased this yeare.

4. Francis Godwin doctor of Divinity,* 1.9 Sub-Deane of Exeter, Sonne of Thomas Godwin, Bishop of Wells, (like anotherd 1.10 Gregorie Nazianzen a Bishop, Son to a Bishop) was promoted to the Church of Landaff, he was borne in the fourth year of Queen Elizabeth, who was not a little sensible of, and thankfull for Gods fa∣vour unto her, in suffering her so long to hold the Helme of the English Church, till one borne within her reigne was found fit to be a Bishop. He was stored with all polite Learning, both judicious and industrious in the study of Antiquity, to whom, not onely the Church of Landaff (whereof he well deserved) but all En∣gland is indebted, as for his other learned Writings, so especially for his Catalogue of Bishops. He was translated Anno 1617. to Hereford, and died, many yeares after, a very old man in the reign of King CHARLES.

5. Now came forth a notable Book against the Jesuites,* 1.11 written in a Scholastick way, by one Watson a Secular Priest, consisting of ten quodlibets, each whereof is sub-divided into as many Articles. It discovereth the Jesuites in their colours, ferreting them out of all their burrowes of Equivocation and mentall reservation, holding Proteus so hard to it, that in despight of his changing into many shapes, he is forced to appeare in his own proper forme. No intire Answer, for ought I can learn, was ever returned to this Book. The Jesuits (according to their old Trick) slighting what they cannot confute, and counting that unworthy to be done, which they found themselves unable to doe. Indeed, for matters of fact therein, they are so punctually reported with the severall circumstances of time and place, that the guilty consciences of such as are concerned therein (though snapping and snarling at pieces and passages thereof) for the main may well give it over for unanswerable.

6. Yet the whole Book is written with an imbittered style,* 1.12 so that Protestant Charity hath a better conceit of Jesuits, than to account them altogether so bad. Take one passage of many.e 1.13 No, no, their course of life doth shew what their study is, and that howsoever they beast of their perfections, holinesse, Meditations and exercises, yet their platforme is heathenish, tyrannicall, sathanicall, and able to set ARETINE, LUCI••N, MACHIAVEL, yea, and DON LUCIFER in a sort to schoole, as impossible for him, by all the art he hath, to be-sot men as they doe. This is the same Watson, who, though boasting of the obedience of the Secular Priests to their Soveraigns, and taxing the Iesuits for want thereof, was notwithstanding himself, afterwards executed for a Traitor in the reigne of King Iames. It seemes as well Seculars, as Iesuits, are so loaden with Loyalty, that both need the Gallowes to ease them of the burden thereof.

7. Great at this time was the Calm in the English Church, the Brethren not endeavoring any thing in Opposition to the Hierarchie.* 1.14 This some impute not to their Quienesse, but Wearinesse, because so long they had in vaine seeked to cast off that Yoke from them: Besides, they did not so much practise for the Present, as project for the Future, to procure hereafter an Establishment of their Ecclesiasticall Government. For they beheld the Queenes old Age as a Taper of Virgin Wax now in the Socket, ready to be extinguished, which made them ad∣dresse and apply themselves with all diligence, to IAMES King of Scotland, the Heire apparent to the Crowne, as to the rising Sun, whom they hoped will be more favourable to their Proceedings. Hopes not altogether groundlesse, whilest they considered the Power of the Presbytery in the Church of Scotland, where Bishops, though lately restored to their place, were so restrained in their Power, that small was their Command in Church-affaires, which made the Brethren in England thence to promise Great matters to themselves, but with what successe shall be seen hereafter. As for Mr. Thomas Cartwright, the Chiefraine of that Party in England; we finde him at this time growing rich in the Towne of War∣wick, (there Master of an Hospitall) by the Benevolence and Bounty of his Fol∣lowers, where he preachedf 1.15 very temperately, according to his Promise made to the Arch-bishop.

8. Some ascribe this his Mildnesse to his old Age and Experience,* 1.16 it being com∣monly observed,* 1.17 that in Controversies of this kinde,* 1.18 Men, when they consult with their owne Gray haires, begin to abate of their Violence. Others conceive that Arch-bishop Whitgift had conquered him with his kindnesse, having for∣merly procured him both his Pardon & Dismission out of all his Troubles, so that his Coales of Courtesies heaped on Mr. Cartwright's Head, made the good Me∣tall (the Ingenuity in him) to melt into Moderation. For in hs Letters written with his owne hand, March 24. Anno 1601. he confesseth himself much obliged unto him, vouchsafing him the style of A RIGHT REVEREND FA∣THER IN GOD, AND HIS LORD THE ARCH-BISHOP'S GRACE OF CANTERBURY, which Title of GRACE, he also often yeildeth him throughout his Letters, acknowledging hisg 1.19 Bond of most humble Duty so much the straiter, because his Grace's Favour proceeded from a frank Disposition, without any desert of his owne. Others (and that not improbably) doe think that Mr. Cartwright grew sensible with Sorrow, how all Sects and Schismes, being opposite to Bishops (Brownists, Barrowists, &c.) did shroud and shelter themselves under his Protection, whom he could neither reject with Credit, nor receive with Comfort, seeing his Conscience could not close with their enormous Opinions, and his Counsell could not regulate their extravagant Violences, which made him by degrees decline their Party. Yet, for all this, there want not those who will maintaine, that all this while Mr. Cartwright was not more remisse, but more reserv'd in his Judgement, being still as sound, but not as sharpe in the cause out of Politick intents, like a skilfull Pilot in a great Tempest yeilding to the Violence of a storme, therewith to be carried away, con∣trary to his intents for the present, but waiting when the Wind should soone turne about to the North, and blow him and his a prosperous Gale, according to their Desires.

9. What his opinions were,* 1.20 may appeare by the Premises, and his life may be presumed most pious, it concerning him to be strict in his Conversation, who so stickled for the Reformation of all abuses in the Church. An excellent Scholar, pure Latinist (his Travels advantaging the ready use thereof) accurate Grecian, exact Hebraician, as his Comments on the Proverbs, and other Works, doe suffi∣ciently testifie. But the Master-piece of all his Writings, was, that his Confuta∣tion of the Rhemish Translation of the New Testament into ENGLISH, at the Importunity of many Ministers of London and Suffolk, and Sir Francis Walsing∣ham, the Queens Secretary, (Mr. Cartwright's especiall Patron) gave him anh 1.21 hundred pounds to buy him Books, and incourage him in that Work. How∣ever, the setting forth thereof, was stopped by Arch-bishop Whitgift; probably we may conceive, because some Passages therein did glance at and gird the Episco∣pall Discipline in England, and after it had layn thirty yeares neglected, it was first set forth Anno 1618. and then, without either Priviledge or Licence, except any will say that Truth is a Licence for it selfe. In a word, no English Champion in that Age, did with more Valour or Successe, charge and rout the Romish Enemy in matters of Doctrine. But when that Adversary sometimes was not in the field, then his active spirit fell foul in point of Discipline, with those which otherwise were of his own Religion.

10. The same yeare proved fatall to many other eminent Clergie-men,* 1.22 and I hope, without offence, I may joyne them together, their Bodies at the same time meeting at the Grave, though their mindes before had parted in different Opi∣nions.

• 1. Herbert Westphaling Bishop of Hereford (though perchance his Ambiguous Death is more properly referred to the last yeare) brought up in Christ∣church in Oxford, being the first Bishop of that Foundation; a Man of great Piety of Life, and of suchi 1.23 Gravity, that he was seldome, or never seene to laugh, leaving no great, but a well gotten Estate, out of which he be∣queathed

• twenty pounds per annum to Jesus Colledge in Ox∣ford.
• 2. Alexander Nowell Doctor of Divinity, and Deane of S. Paul's in London, borne in Lancashire, bred in Oxford, afterwards fled into Germanie, in the reigne of Queen Mary. He was the first ofk 1.24 English Exiles, that returned in the dayes of Q. Elizabeth. And I have read how in a Parliament he was chosen Burgess of a Town of Cornwall: But his Election pronounced void, because he was a Deacon. A Man of a most Angelicall Life, and Deep Learning. A great Defender of Justification by Faith alone, and yet a great Practiser of Good Works; witnessel 1.25 two hundred pounds a year rent, for the maintenance of thirteen Students bestowed on Brazen-nose Colledge, wherein he had his Education. A great honourer of the Marriage of the Clergie, and yet who lived and died single himselfe. An aged Man, of 90. yeares of age, yet fresh in his youthfull Learning: yea, like another Moses, his eyes were not dimme, nor did he ever make use ofm 1.26 Spectacles to read the smallest Print.
• 3. William Perkins, who was born in the first, and died in the last of Q. Eliz. so that his Life (asn 1.27 we have elsewhere observed, to which we remit the Rea∣der) running parallel with this Queens Reign, began, continued, and ended therewith.
• 4. Gregory (before his entrance into Religion Robert) Sayer, bred in Cambridge, then leaving the University, fled beyond sea, where he became a Benedi∣ctine Monk, of the Congregation of S. Justin in Padua. He lived in severall parts of Europe, as at Phemes, Rome, Montcasie, Venice, where he died, and was buriedo 1.28 the 30. of Octob. having written many Volumes in great esteem with men of his Profession.
• 5. William Harris, as Obscure among Protestants, as Eminent with the Popish Party. A Master of Art of Lincoln Colledge in Oxford: whence leaving the Land, he fled beyond-sea, living at Doway, and afterwards he came over intop 1.29 England, where it seemes he had the Hap to escape the Queenes Offi∣cers, and to die in his Bed. His Book called THE THEATRE OF THE MOST TRUE AND ANTIENT CHURCH OF ENGLAND, is highly accounted of Roman Catholiques.

11. About this time the low Estate of the City of Geneva (the Nursery of the Reformed Religion) was lively represented to the Prelates,* 1.30 Clergy, and Well∣disposed Persons of England, being for the Present in a very Dolefull condition. Long since it had been undone, but because it had so many Enemies to undoe it: So that by Gods providence,q 1.31 Out of the Devourer came Meat; such Neighbou∣ring Princes and States, which were both Willing and Able to swallow up this Zoar, did preserve it. For rather than Savoy should suppresse it, Venice, Florence, the Popish Cantons in Switzerland, and France it self, would support. But for all this politick Geometry, wherewith long it had hung safe betwixt severall Com∣petitours, it was, lately, shrewdly shaken by the Puissance of the Duke of Savoy, who, addicted to the Spanish Faction, had banished all Protestants out of his Do∣min••ons: Arch-bishop Whitgift (whose hand was ever open to any Pious Design) led with his liberall Example, and the rest cheerefully followed, so that large summes of money were seasonably made over for the Reliefe of Ge∣neva.

12. Queen Elizabeth,* 1.32 the mirrour of her Sex and Age, having above 40 years, to the Admiration of Envy it selfe, managed this Kingdome, finding when she began, few Friends that durst help, and leaving no Foes that could hurt her, ex∣changed her Earthly, for a Heavenly Crowne; who, as she lived and died an un∣spotted Virgin, so her Maiden memory is likely, in this respect, to remaine sole and single; seeing History affords no Prince to be marched to her Fame in all considerable Particulars. Her Corps were solemnly interred under a fair Tomb

in Westminster;* 1.33 the lively Draught whereof,* 1.34 is pictured in most London, & many Countrey Churches, every Parish being proud of the shadow of her Tomb; and no wonder, when each Loyal Subject erected a mournfull Monument for her in his heart. But soon after all English Soules were employed equally to divide themselves betwixt Exclamations of Sorrow for her Death, and Acclamations of Joy for K. James his succeeding her.

13. And now it is strange with what Assiduity and Diligence,* 1.35 the two Potent Parties, the Defenders of Episcopacy and Presbytery,* 1.36 with equall Hopes of Successe, made (besides Private and Particular Addresses) Publique and Visible Applications to King James, the first to continue, the later to restore, or rather set up their Government; So that whilest each Side was Jealous, his Rival should get the Start by early stirring, and rise first in the Kings favour. Such was their Vigilancy, that neither may seem to go to Bed: Incestantly diligent both before and since the Queens Death, in dispatching Posts and Messages into Scotland to advance their severall Designes. We take notice of two principall, M. Lewis Pic∣kering a Northampton shire Gentleman, and zealous for the Presbyterian Party, was the third Person of quality, who riding incredibly swift (good Newes makes good Horsemen) brought King James the Tydings of Queen Elizabeths Death. But how farre, and with what Answer he moved the King in that Cause, is uncertaine. Doctour Thomas Nevill, Deane of Canterburte, came into Scotland some dayes after him, (except any will say, that he comes first, that comes really to effect what he was sent for) being solemnly employed bys 1.37 Arch bishop Whitgift to his Majesty in the name of the Bishops and Clergy of England, to tender their Bounden Duties, and to understand his Highnesse Pleasure for the ordering and guiding of Ecclesiasticall Causes. He brought back a welcome Answer to such as sent him of his Highnesse purpose, which was to uphold, and maintain the Government of the late Queen, as she left it setled.

14. Soone after followed the Treason of William Watson on this occasion.* 1.38 This Watson, Secular Priest, had written a bitter Book against the Jesuits, as being one knowing (though not so secret of their faults, as their owne Confessours, taxing them with truth so plaine, they could not deny, so foule, they durst not confesse it. Now such is the charity of Jesuits, that They never owe any man any ill will, making present payment thereof. These Holy Fathers (as Watson intimated on thed 1.39 Scaffold, at his Death, and forgave them for the same) cun∣ningly and covertly drew him into this action, promoting him, who was ambiti∣ous, (though pretending to much Mortification) treasonably to practise his own preferment.

15. Watson, with William Clark another of his own profession) having fancied a notionall Treason, imparted it to George Brooks, one angry with Nature,* 1.40 not so much for making him lame, as a younger Brother. These break it to (Brook his Brother) the L. Cobham, to the Lord Gray of Whaddon, and Sir Walter Rawleigh, the one a known Protestant, the other a reputed Puritan, the third an able States∣man: Besides, some other Knights, displeased with their present Fortunes (how quickly is Discontent inflamed into Disloyalty!) because, since the turning of the Wheele, at the Queenes Death, on the wrong Side of Preferment. Watson devised an Oath of Secrecy for them all, which was no more than needfull, considering their different Interests, rather pieced than united, patched than pieced toge∣ther.

16. Had one lost his Religion, he might have found it (though I confess a Treason is but a bad place to seeke it in) in this Conspiracy,* 1.41 wherein men of all perswasi∣ons were engaged. Their Parts were as different as their Opinions, some of them being conceived too wise to begin, and others too weak to finish so dange∣rous a Designe. The ends they propounded to themselves, (as they were char∣ged therewith) were to kill the King, raise Rebellion, alter Religion, at least gaine a Toleration, and procure a forraign Invasion, with many more things which, may be spoken easier in a Minute, than done in an Age, especially their Interest being

not much at home, and nothing abroad.* 1.42 They ante-divided all Offices of State betwixt themselves,* 1.43 Lord Marshall to one, Treasurer to another, Master of the Horse to a third, Secretary to a fourth, &c. onely Sir Walter Rawleigh (able to discharge any) had no particular Office assigned unto him. Watson was to be Lord Chancelour, being very fit for the place, had he but as much skill to decide Causes, as write Quodlibets. There wanted nothing to estate them in all these Offices, but onely their getting of them.

17. Wonder not that this Treason was discovered so soon,* 1.44 but covered so long. The two Priests alone,* 1.45 with G: Brook, were executed, who, to use the words of King Iames in his Letter to Sir Benjamine Tichbourne, Sheriff of Hantshire, (for the Plague being in London, Terme was removed to Winchester, where they were tried) Vaire the principall Plotteris and Intisaris of all the rest, to the embracing of the saidis treasonabil Machinations. The rest were pardoned their Lives, not their Lands. We must not forget that the Priests pleaded the silliest for themselves of all that were arraigned, alledging, that their Practise against the King could not be Treason, because done against him before he was crowned. Watson instan∣cing in Saul, who was anoynted ine 1.46 Ramah, and afterward made King inf 1.47 Mizpeh. Clark insisted on Rehoboam, as being no King till the People hadg 1.48 made him so. Not remembering (what our Lawyers there minded them of) the difference be∣twixt successive Kings, deriving their claime from their Ancestors, and one newly elected, the English Crowne also being as incapable of an Inter-regnum, as Nature of a Vacuitie. Mean time, the Jesuits looked on, and laughed at Watson's Execution, to see how bunglingly Secular Priests went about a Treason, resol∣ving in the next platforme thereof (which now they were contriving) to rectifie the errours Watson had committed: not to ingage in a squint-ey'd company (where two did not look the same way) but to select a competencie of cordial Ca∣tholiques for the purpose.

18. No sooner was King Iames setled on the English Throne,* 1.49 but Mr. Cart∣wright presented unto him his Latin Coment on Ecclesiastes, thankfully mentio∣ning in his Dedication, how he had, some twenty yeares before been chosen to be Professour in a Scotch University, though declining the acceptance thereof, because of his Pastorall Charge, being then Minister to the English Congregati∣on at Antwerp. Thanks, perchance, not so proper to the person of King Iames (though in Loyalty and good Manners, justly tendred unto him) as due, rather to those who in his minority steered the affaires of Scotland: Nor let any won∣der that an English man should be proffered preferment in Scotland, seeing it was but one for another, remembring that I have read in the life of Mr. Knox, that he was offered an English Bishoprick in the reigne (as I take it) of K. Edw: the 6. and likewise refused the same.

19. But Mr Cartwright survived not long after (otherwise,* 1.50 no doubt, we should have heard of him in Hampton Court-Conference,* 1.51 as the Champion of his Party) who died at the age of sixty, on the 27. of December following. To what we have formerly largely writ of his Character, we now onely adde, that he was born in Hartford shire,* 1.52 and married the Sister of M. Stubbs, whose hand was struck off for writing an [interpreted] Libel against Queen Elizabeths Marriage with Mon∣sieur. This I dare boldly say, She was a most excellent Wife, if she proved like her Brother, whom Mr. Cambden (no great friend of Puritans) cordially com∣mendeth for a right honest man, generally beloved whilest living, and lamented when dead. He was afflicted towards his old Age with many Infirmities, inso∣much that he was forced continually to studie upon his* 1.53 knees. My Eares shall be dear to the uncharitable inference of those, who impute this extraordinary pain∣full posture as a just punishment upon him, in that he had so bitterly inveighed against the gesture of those as superstitious, who reverently received the Sacra∣ment on their knees. M. Dod preached his Funerall Sermon.

20. And now,* 1.54 because there was a generall expectation of a Parliament, sud∣denly to succeed the Presbyterian Party, that they might not be surprised, before

they had their tackling about them,* 1.55 went about to get hands of the Ministers to a Petition, which they intended seasonably to present to the K. and Parl M. Arthur Hildersham, and M. Stephen Egerton, with some others, were chosen, and chiefly intrusted to manage this important businesse. This was called The millenary Pe¦tition, as, One of a thousand,w 1.56 though in indeed there were but seven hundred and fifty Preachers hands set thereunto: But those all collected onely out of five and twenty Counties. However, for the more rotundity of the number, and grace of the matter, it passeth for a full thousand; which, no doubt, the Collectours of the names (if so pleased) might easily have compleated. I dare not guesse what made them desist before their number was finished; whether they thought that these were enough to doe the deed, and moe, were rather for oftentation than use; or, because disheartned by the intervening of the Hampton-Court Conference, they thought, that these were even too many to petition for a Deniall. It is left as yet uncertaine, whether this Conference was by the Kings favour graciously ten∣dered, or by the mediation of the Lords of his Counsell powerfully procured; or by the Bishops, as confident of their cause, voluntarily proffered; or by the Mini∣sters importunity effectually obteyned. Each Opinion pretends to Probability, but the last most likely.* 1.57 And, by what meanes soever this Conference was com∣passed, Hampton-Court was the Place, the 14 of January the Time, and the follow¦ing Names the Persons which were employed therein.

For Conformity.	Moderator	Against Conformity.
Arch bish of Canterbury. Whitgift. Biashops of London. Bancroft Durham. Mathew. Winchester. Bilson. Worcester. Babington. St. Davids. Rudd. Chicester. Watson. Carleil. Robinson. Peterbor. Dove. Deans of Thea 1.58 Chappel. Christ-Church. Worcester. Westminster. Andrewes. S. Pauls. Overall. Chester. Barlow. Sarisbury Bridges. Winsor. D. Field. King.	KING JAMES. ...Spectators. All the Lords of the Privy Coun∣cil, whereas some at times, interpo∣sed a few words. ...Place. A withdrawing Room within the Privy chamber.	...Dr. Reynolds. Sparks. ...Mr. Knewstubs. Chaderton. These remaining in a Room without, were not called in the first day.

To omit all gratulatory Preambles, as necessary, when spoken, as needlesse, if now repeated, we will present onely the Substance of this Dayes Conference, his Majesty thus beginning it.

It is no novel device, but according to the example of all Christian Prin∣ces, for Kings to take the first course for the establishing of the Church, both in Doctrine and Policy. To this the very Heathen related in their Pro∣verb, A Jove principium, particularly in this Land, King Henry the 8. to∣wards the end of his Reign, altered much, King Edward the 6. more, Queen Mary reversed all, and lastly, Queen Elizabeth (ofb 1.59 famous memory) setled Religion as now it standeth.

Herein I am happier than they, because they were faine to alter all things

they found established,* 1.60 whereas I see yet no suchcause to change,* 1.61 as confirm what I finde well setled already. For blessed be Gods gracious Goodnesse, who hath brought me into the Promised Land, where Religion is purely professed, where I sit amongst Grave, Learned, and Reverend Men, not as before, elsewhere, a King without State, without Honour, without Order, where Beardlesse Boyes would brave us to the Face.

And I assure you, we have not called this Assembly for any Innovation, for we acknowledge the Government Ecclesiasticall, as now it is, to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself, both for the in∣crease of the Gospel, and with a most happy and glorious Peace. Yet be∣cause nothing can be to absolutely ordered, but that something may be ad∣ded thereunto, and corruption in any State (as in the Body of Man) will in∣sensibly grow either thorough Time or Persons; and because we have re∣ceived many complaints since our first entrance into this Kingdome of ma∣ny disorders, and much disobedience to the Lawes, with a great falling away to Popery. Our purpose therefore is, like a good Physitian, to examine and try the Complaints, and fully to remove the occasions thereof, if scandalous; cure them if dangerous and take knowledge of them, if but frivolous, there∣by to cast a Sop into Cerberus his Mouth, that he bark no more. For this cause we have called you Bishops and Deans in, severally by your selves, not to be confronted by the contrary Opponents, that if any thing should be found meet to be redressed, it might be done without any visible Altera∣tion.

Particularly there be some speciall Points wherein I desire to be satisfied, and which may be renduced to three Heads, 1. Concerning the Book of Common Prayer and Divine Service used in the Church. 2. Excommunicati∣on in Ecclesiasticall Courts. 3. The providing of fit and able Ministers for Ire∣land. In the Common Prayer-book I require satisfaction about three things:

First about Co••firmation. For the very name thereof, if arguing a Confir∣ming of Bapt••sme, as if this Sacrament without it were of no validity, is plain∣ly blasphemous. For though at the first use thereof in the Church, it was thought necessary, that baptised Infants, who formerly had answered by their Patrins, should, when come to yeares of discretion, after their Profes∣sion made by themselves, be confirmed with the blessing of the Bishop, I abhorre the Abu••e wherein it is made a Sacrament, or Corroboration to Ba∣ptisme.

As for Absolution, I know not how it is used in our Church, but have heard it likened to the Popes Pardons. There be indeed two kindes thereof from God: One generall, all Prayers and Preaching importing an Absolution. The other particular to speciall Parties, having committed a Scandall, and repenting: Otherwise, where Excommunication precedes not, in my judge∣ment there needs no Absolution.

Private Baptisme is the third thing wherein I would be satisfied in the Common Prayer: If called Private from the Place, I think it agreeable with the use of the Primitive Church; but if termed private, that any, besides a lawfull Minister, may baptise, I utterly dislike it. [And here his Ma∣jesty grew somewhat earnest in his Expressions, against the baptising by Women and Laicks.]

In the second Head of Excommunication, I offer two things to be conside∣red of: First the Matter, Secondly the Persons. For the first, I would be satisfied, whether it be executed (as it is complainmed of to me) in light Cau∣ses, and that too commonly, which causeth the undervaluing thereof. For the Persons, I would be resolved, why Chancellours, and Commissaries, be∣ing Lay-men, should do it, and not rather the Bishops themselves, or some Minister of Gravity and account, deputed by them for the more dignity

to so high and weighty a Censure. As for providing Ministers for Ireland, I shall refer it in the last daies Conference to a Consultation.

c 1.62

Ar-Bp. of Cāt.

Confirmation hath been used in the Catholick Church ever since the Apostles; and it is a very untrue suggestion (if any have informed your Highnesse) that the Church of England holds Baptisme imperfect with∣out it, as adding to the vertue and strength thereof.

BP. of Lon.

The Authority of Confirmation depends not onely ond 1.63 Antiquity, and the Practise of the Primitive Church, but is an Apostolical Institution, named in expresse words, Heb. 6. 2. and so did Mr. Calvin expound the very place, earnestly wishing the restitution thereof in the reformed Churches. [The Bishop of Carlile is said gravely and learnedly to have urged the same, and the Bishop of Durham noted something out of S. Matthew for the Im∣position of hands on Children.]

The Conclusion was this, For the fuller Explanation that we make Confirmati∣on, neither a Sacrament nor a Corroboration thereof, their Lordships should con∣sider whether it might not without Alteration (whereof his Majesty was still very wary) be intitled an Examination with a Confirmation.

Ar-B. of Cāt.

As for the point of Absolution (wherein your Majesty desires satisfa∣ction) it is clear from all abuse or superstition, as it is used in our Church of England, as will appear on the reading both of the Confession and Absolu∣tion following it, in the beginning of the Communion Book.

Here the King perused both, and returned.

His Majesty.

I like, and approve them, finding it to be very true what you say.

BP. of Lond.

It becometh us to deal plainly with your Majesty. There is also in the Book a more particular and personall absolution int he Visitation of the Sick.

Here the Dean of the Chappel turned unto it and read it.* 1.64

BP. of Lond.

Not onely the Confessions of Augusts, Boheme, and Saxon, re∣taine and allow it, but Mr. Calvin also doth approve, both such a generall, and such a private (for so he termes it) Confession and Absolution.

His Majesty.

I exceedingly well approve it, being an Apostolicall and Godly Ordinance, given in the name of Christ, to one that desireth it, upon the clearing of his Conscience.

The Conclusion was this, That the Bishops should consult, whether unto the Rubrick of the general Absolution, these words, Remission of Sins, might not be ad∣ded for explanation sake.

Arch-BP. of Can.

To the point of private Baptisme, the administration thereof by Women and Lay-persons is not allowed in the practise of the Church, but enquired of, and ceusured by Bishops in their Visitations.

His Majesty.

The Words of the Book cannot but intend a permission of Wo∣men and private Persons to baptise.

BP. of Worc.

* 1.65 The doubtfull words may be pressed to that meaning; yet the Com∣pilers of the Book did not so intend them, as appeareth by their contrary practise. But they propounded them ambiguously, because otherwise (per∣haps) the Book would not (then) have passed the Parliament.

BP. of Lond.

Those reverend Men intended not by ambiguous terms to deceive any, but thereby intendede 1.66 a Permission of private Persons to baptise, in case of necessity. This is agreeable to the practise of the ancient Church, Act. 2. when three thousand being baptised in a day, (which for the Apostles alone to doe, was [at the least] improbable) some being neither Priests nor Bi∣shops, must be presumed imployed therein, and some Fathers are of the same opinion. Here he spake much, and earnestly about the necessity of Bap∣tisme.

His Ma.

That in the Acts was an Act exraordinary, and done before a Church was setled and grounded, wherefore no sound reasoning thence to a Church stablished and flourishing. I maintaine the necessity of Baptisme, and alwayes thought the place John 3. 5. Except one be born againe of Water, &c. was meant thereof. It may seem strange to you, my Lords, that I think you in England give too much to Baptisme, seeing fourteen moneths agoe in Scotland, I argued with my Divines there, for attributing too little unto it; Insomuch that a pert Minister asked me, if I thought Baptism so necessary, that, if omitted, the Child should be damned? I answered, No: But if you, called to baptise a Child, though 0privately, refuse to come, I think you shall be dam∣ned.

But, this necessity of Baptisme I so understand, that it is necessary to be had, if lawfully to be had, that is, ministred by lawfull Ministers, by whom alone, and no private person in any case, it may be administred: though I utterly dislike all Re-baptization on those whom Women or Laicks have baptised.

Bp. of Winch.

To deny private Persons to baptize in case of necessity, were to crosse all Antiquity, and the common Practice of the Church, it being a rule agreed on amongst Divines, that the Minister is not of the Essence of the Sacra∣ment.

His Ma.

Though he be not of the Essence of the Sacrament, yet is he of the Essence of the right, and lawfull Ministry thereof, according to Christsg 1.67 Commission to his Disciples, Go preach and baptise, &c.

The Result was this, To consult, whether in the Rubrick of Private Baptisme, which leaves it indifferently to all, these words, Curate, or lawfull Minister, may not be inserted.

For the point of Excommunication, His Majesty propounded, whether in causes of lesser moment the name might not be altered, and the same censure retained. Secondly, whether in place thereof another coertion, equivalent there∣unto, might not be invented? Which all sides easily yeilded unto, as long and often desired; and so was

The end of the first dayes Conference.

On Monday January the 16. they all met in the same place,* 1.68 with all the Deans and Doctours above mentioned; (Patrick Galloway, Minister of Perth in Scotland, admitted also to be there) And hopefull Prince Henry sate on a stoole by his Fa∣ther.

The King made a pithie Speech to the same purpose which he made the first day, differing onely in the conclusion thereof, being an addresse to the four Op∣posers of Conformity, there present, whom he understood the most grave, lear∣ned, and modest of the aggrieved sort, professing himself ready to hear at large what they could object, and willed them to begin.

D^r. Reyn.

All things disliked or questioned, may be reduced to these four Heads▪

1. That the Doctrine of the Church might be preserved in purity, ac∣cording to Gods Word.

2. That good Pastors might be planted in all Churches to preach the same.

3. That the Church government might be sincerely ministred according to Gods Word.

4. That the Book of Common-Prayer might be fitted to more increase of Piety.

For the first, may Your Majesty be pleased, that the Book of Articles of Religion concluded on 1562. may be explained where obscure, enlarged where defective, viz. Whereas it is said, Article the 16. After we have

received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from Grace. These words may be explained with this or the like addition, Yet neither totally, nor finally. To which end it would do very well, if the mine orthodoxall Assertions, con∣cluded on at Lambeth, might be inserted into the Book of Articles.

Secondly, whereas it is said in the 23 Article, that it is not lawfull for any in the Congregation to preach, before he be lawfully called: these words ought to be altered, because implying one out of the Congregation may preach, though not lawfully called.

Thirdly, in the 25 Article there seemeth a contradiction, one passage therein confessing Confirmation, to be a depraved imitation of the Apostles, and another grounding it on their example.

BP. of Lond.

May your Majesty be pleased, that the ancient Canon may be re∣membred, Schismatici contra Episcopos non sunt audiendi. And, there is another Decree of a very ancient Council, That no man should be admitted to speak against that whereunto he hath formerly subscribed.

And as for you Doctor Reynolds, and your Sociates, how much are ye bound to his Majestie's Clemency, permitting you, contrary to the Statute primo Elizabethae, so freely to speak against the Liturgie, and Discipline established. Faine would I know the end you aime at, and whether you be not of Mr. Cartwright's minde, who affirmed, That we ought in Ceremonies rather to conforme to the Turks than to the Papists. I doubt you approve his Position, because here appearing before his Majesty in Turky-Gownes, not in your Scholastick habits, according to the order of the Universities.

His Majesty.

My Lord Bishop, something in your passion I may excuse, and something I must mislike. I may excuse you thus farre, That I thinke you have just cause to be moved, in respect that they traduce the well∣setled Government, and also proceed in so indirect a course, contrary to their owne pretence, and the intent of this Meeting. I mislike your sudden interruption of Doctour Reynolds, whom you should have suf∣fered to have taken his liberty; For, there is no Order, nor can be any effectuall Issue of Disputation, if each party be not suffered, without chopping, to speak at large. Wherefore, either let the Doctor proceed, or frame your Answer to his Motions already made, although some of them are very needlesse.

BP. of Lond.

Upon the first motion concerning falling from Grace, may Your Majesty be pleased to consider how many in these dayes neglect holinesse of Life, presuming on persisting in Grace upon Predestination, If I shall be saved, I shall be saved. A desperate Doctrine, contrary to good Divinity, wherein we should reason rather ascendendo than descendendo, from our Obedience to God, and Love to our Neighbour, to our Election and Prede∣stination. As for the Doctrine of the Church of England, touching Pre∣destination, it is in the very next Paragraph, viz. We must receive Gods Promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in Holy Scri∣pture, and in our doings the will of God is to be followed, which we have expresly declared unto us in the Word of God.

His Majesty.

I approve it very well, as consonant with the place of Paul, Work out your salvation with feare and trembling. Yet let it be considered of, whether any thing were meet to be added for clearing of the Doctors doubt, by putting in the word often, or the like. Mean time, I wish that the Doctrine of Predestination may be tenderly handled, lest on the one side Gods Omnipotency be questioned by impeaching the Doctrine of his eternall Predestination, or on the other side a desperate presumption arrea∣red, by inferring the necessary certainty of persisting in Grace.

B. of Lond.

The second Objection of the Doctors is vain, it being the Doctrine and Practice of the Church of England, that none but a Licensed Minister may preach, nor administer the Lords Supper.

His Majesty.

As for Private Baptisme, I have already with the Bishops taken order for the same.

Then came they to the 2^d. point of Confirmation, and upon the perusal of the words of the Article, His Majesty concluded the pretended Contra∣diction a Cvaill.

Bp. of Lond.

Confirmation is not so much founded on the place in the Acts of the Apostles, but upon Heb. 6. 2. which was the opinion, besides the judgement of the Fathers, of Mr. Calvinh 1.69 and Doctour Fulki 1.70; neither needeth there any farther proof, seeing (as I suppose) he that objected this holds not Confir∣mation unlawfull; but he and his Party are vexed that the use thereof is not in their owne hands, for every Pastor to confirme his owne Parish; for then it would be accounted an Apostolicall Institution, if Dr. Reynolds were pleased but to speak his thoughts therein.

D^r. Reyn.

Indeed seeing some Diocesse of a Bishop hath therein sixk 1.71 hundred Parishes, it is a thing very inconvenient to permit Confirmation to the Bishop alone; and I suppose it impossible that he can take due examination of them all which come to be confirmed.

BP. of Lond.

To the matter of fact, I answer, that Bishops in their Visitations ap∣point either their Chaplains, or some other Ministers, to examine them which are to be confirmed, and lightly confirme none but by the testimony of the Par∣sons and Curates,* 1.72 where the Children are bred and brought up.

To the Opinion I answer, that none of all the Fathers ever admitted any to confirme but Bishops alone. Yea, even S. Jerome himselfe (otherwise no friend to Bishops) confesseth the execution thereof was restrained to Bishops onely.

BP. of Winch.

Dr. Reynolds, I would fain have you, with all your Learning, shew where ever Confirmation was used in antient times by any other but Bi∣shops; These used ait partly to examine Children, and after Examination by Imposition of Hands (the Jewish Ceremony of Blessing) to blesse and pray over them; and partly to try whether they had been baptised in the right forme or no. For in former ages some baptised (as they ought) in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy-Ghost. Some (as the Arrians) in the name of the Father as the greater, and the Sonne as the lesse. Some in the name of theFather by the Sonne, in the Holy Ghost. Some not in the name of the Trinity, but onely in the Death of Christ. Whereupon Ca∣tholick Bishops were constrained to examine them who were baptised in re∣motis, concerning their Baptisme, if right to confirme them, if amisse to instruct them.

His Majesty.

I dissent from the judgement of S. Jerome in his assertion, that Bishops are not of Divine Ordination.

BP. of Lond.

Unlesse I could prove my Ordination lawfull out of the Scriptures, I would not be a Bishop four hours longer.

His Majesty.

I approve the calling and use of Bishops in the Church, and it is my Aphorisme, No Bishop, no King; nor intend I to take Confirmation from the Bishops, which they have so long enjoyed. Seeing as great rea∣son that none should confirme, as that none should preach without the Bishops License. But let it be referred, whether the word Examination ought not to be added to the Rubrick in the title of Confirmation in the Communion-book. And now Dr. Reynolds you may proceed.

D^•. Reyn.

I protest I meant not to gall any man, though I perceive some took per∣sonall exceptions at my words, and desire the imputation ofm 1.73 Schisme may not be charged upon me. To proceed on the 37. Article, wherein are these words, The Bishop of Rome hath no authority in this Land. These are not sufficient, unless it were added, nor ought to have any.

His Majesty.

Habemus jure, quod habemus, and therefore in as much as it is said he hath not, it is plaine enough that he ought not to have.

Here passed some pleasant discourse betwixt the King and Lords about Puritants, till returning to seriousnesse: There began the

BP. of Lond.

May it please your Majesty to remember the Speech of the French Embassadour, Mounsieur Rognee, upon the view of our solemne service and Ceremonie, viz. That if the Reformed Churches in France had kept the same order, there would have been thousands of Protestants more than there are.

D^r. Reyn.

It were well if this proposition might be added to the Book of Arti∣cles, The Intention of the Minister is not of the Essence of the Sacrament, the rather, because some in England have preached it to be essentiall; and here againe I could desire that the nine Orthodoxall Assertions concluded at Lambeth, may be generally received.

His Majesty.

I utterly dislike the first part of your motion, thinking it unfit to thrust into the Book of Articles every position negative, which would swell the book into a volume as big as the Bible, and confound the Rea∣der. Thus on M. Craig in Scotland with his, I renounce and abhorre his multiplyed detestations and abrenuntiations, so amazed simple people, that not able to conceive all their things, they fell back to Popery, or remained in their former ignorance. If bound to this forme, the Con∣fession of my faith must be in my Table booke, not in my head.

Because you speake of intention, I will apply it thus. If you come hither with a good intention to be informed, the whole work will sort to the better effect: But if your intention be to go as you came (whatsoever shall be said) it will prove the intention is very materiall and essentiall to the end of this present action.

As for the nine Assertions you speak of, I cannot sodainly answer, not knowing what those Propositions of Lambeth be.

BP. of Lond.

May it please your Majesty, this was the occasion of them, by rea∣son of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Di∣vinity, my Lords Grace assembled some Divines of speciall note to set down their opinions, which they drew into nine Assertions, and so sent them to the University for the appeasing of those quarrels.

His Majesty.

When such questions arise amongst Scholars, the quietest pro∣ceedings were to determine them in the University, and not to stuff the Book of Articles, with all Conclusions Theologicall.

Secondly, the better course would be to punish the Broachers of false Doctrine, than to multiply Articles, which, if never so many, cannot pre∣vent thecontrary opinions of men till they be heard.

Dean of Pauls.

May it please your Majesty, I am neerely concerned in this mat∣ter, by reason of a Controversie betwixt me and some other in Cam∣bridge, upon a Proposition, which I there delivered, namely, that whoso∣ver (though before justified) did commit any grievous sinne, as Adultery, Murder, &c. doe become ipso facto, subject to Gods wrath, and guilty of Damnation, quoad praesentem statum, untill they repent. Yet, so that those who are justified according to the purpose of Gods Election (though they might fall into grievous sin, and thereby into the present Estate of Damnation) yet never totally nor finally from Justification; but were in time renewed by Gods spirit unto a lively Faith and Repentance. Against this Doctrine some did oppose, teaching that persons once truly justified, though falling into grievous sinnes, remained still in the state of Justifica∣tion, before they actually repented of these sinnes; yea, and though they ne∣ver repented of them through forgetfulnesse or sudden death, they neverthe∣lesse were justified and saved.

His Majesty.

I dislike this Doctrine, there being a necessity of conjoyning re∣pentance and holinesse of Life with true Faith, and that is Hypocrisie, and not justifying Faith, which is severed from them. For although Pre∣destination

and Election depend not on any qualities, actions, or works of Man which are mutable, but on Gods eternall Decree. Yet such is the ne∣cessity of repentance after known sinnes committed, that without it no Reconciliation with God, or Remission of Sins.

Dr. Reyn.

The Catechisme in the Common-Prayer-book is too brief, and that by Mr. Nowel (late Deane of Pauls) too long for Novices to learne by heart. I request therefore that one Uniform Catechisme may be made, and none other generally received.

His Majesty.

I think the Doctour's request very reasonable, yet so, that the Catechisme may be made in the fewest and plainest affirmative termes that may be, not like the many ignorant Catechismes in Scotland, set out by every one who was the Sonne of a good man; insomuch that what was Catechisme-Doctrine in one Congregation, was scarcely received as Orthodox in another; and herein I would have two rules observed: First, That curious and deep questions be avoided in the Fundamen∣tall instruction of a People, Secondly, That there should not be so general a departure from the Papists, that every thing should be accounted an Errour wherein we agree with them.

Dr. Reyn.

Great is the Prophanation of the Sabbath day, and contempt of your Majestie's Proclamation, which I earnestly desire may be refor∣med.

This motion found an unanimous consent.

Dr. Reyn.

May your Majesty be pleased that the Bible be new translated, such as are extant not answering the Originall, and he instanced in three particulars.

• Gal. 4. 25.
• Psal. 105. 28.
• Psal. 106. 30.
  • In the Originall
    • ...〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
    • They were not disobedient.
    • Phinehas execut. judgement.
      • Ill tran∣slated
        • Bordereth.
        • They were not obedient.
        • Phinehas prayed.

B. of Lond.

If every mans humour might be followed, there would be no end of translating.

His Majesty.

I professe I could never yet see a Bible well translated in English; but I think, that of all, that of Geneva is the worst. I wish some speciall pains were taken for an uniform translation; which should be done by the best learned in both Universities, then reviewed by the Bishops, presented to the Privy Councell, lastly ratified by Royall Authority, to be read in the whole Church, and no other.

Bp. of Lond.

But it is fit that no marginall notes should be added thereunto.

His Majesty.

That Caveat is well put in, for in the Geneva Translation, some notes are partiall, untrue, seditious, and savouring of traiterous conceits: As, when from Exodus 1. 19. Disobedience to Kings is allowed in a Marginall note. And 2 Chron. 15. 16. King Asa taxed in the Note for onely deposing his Mother for Idolatry, and not killing her. To con∣clude this point, let Errours, in matters of Faith, be amended, and indif∣ferent things be interpreted, and a gloss added unto them. For as Barto∣lus de Regno saith, that a King with some weaknesse, is better than still a change; so rather a Church with some Faults, than an Innovation. And surely, if these were the greatest matters that grieved you, I need not have been troubled with such importunate Complaints.

D^r. Reyn.

May it please your Majesty, that unlawfull and seditious Books be suppressed, such as Ficlerus, a Papist, De Jure Magistratus in Subditos, applyed against the late Queen for the Pope.

Bp. of Lond.

There is no such licentious divulging of those Books, and none have Liberty, by Authority, to buy them, except such as Dr. Reynolds, who was supposed would confute them. And, if such Books come into the Realme by secret conveyances, perfect nottce cannot be had of their impor∣tation.

Besides, Ficlerus was a great Disciplinarian, whereby it appeares what advantage that sort gave unto thei Papists, who, mutatis personis, apply their owne arguments against Princes of their Religion, though for my part I detest both the Author and Applyer alike.

The L^d. Cecil.

Indeed the unlimited liberty of dispersing Popish and Seditious Pam∣phlets in Paul's Church yard, and both the Universities, hath done much mischief; but especially one called Speculum Tragicum.

His Majesty.

That is a dangerous Book indeed.

L. H: Howard.

Both for Matter and Intention.

L^d. Chancel.

Of such Books, some are Latin, some are English, but the last disper∣sed do most harm.

Secret. Cecil.

But my Lord of London (and no man else) hath done what he could to suppresse them.

His Majesty.

Dr. Reynolds, you are a better Colledge man than a States-man, if meaning to tax the Bishop of London for suffering those Books, betweene the Secular Priests and Jesuits, to be published, which he did by warrant from the Council, to nourish a Schisme betwixt them.

L^d. Cecil.

Such Books were tolerated, because by them the Title of Spaine was confuted.

L^d. Treasurer.

And because therein it appeares, by the Testimony of the Priests themselves, that no Papists are put to death for Conscience onely, but for Treason.

Dr. Reyn.

Indeed I meant not such Books as were printed in England, but one ly such as came from beyond the Seas. And now to proceed to the second ge¦nerall point, concerning the planting of learned Ministers, I desire they be in every Parish.

His Majesty.

I have consulted with my Bishops about it, whom I have found willing and ready herein: But, as subita evacuatio is periculosa; so subita mutatio: It cannot presently be performed, the Universities not affor∣ding them. And yet they afford moe learned men, than the Realme doth Maintenance, which must be first provided. In the mean time, ignorant Ministers, if young, are to be removed, if there be no hope of amendment; if old, their death must be expected, because Jerusalem cannot be built up in a day.

BP. of Winch

Lay-Patrons much cause the insufficiency of the Clergy, presenting mean Clerks to their Cures (the Law admitting of such sufficiency; and, if the Bishop refuseth them, presently a Quare impedit is sent out against him.

BP. of Lond.

Because this I see is a time of moving Petitions,* 1.74 may I humbly present two or three to your Majesty: First, That there may be amongst us a praying Ministery, it being now come to passe, that men think it is the one¦ly Duty of Ministers to spend their time in the Pulpit. I confesse, in a Church newly to be planted, Preaching is most necessary, not so in one long established, that Prayer should be neglected.

His Majesty.

I like your Motion exceeding well, and dislike the Hypocrisie of our Time, who place all their Religion in the Eare, whilest Prayer (so re¦quisite and acceptable, if duly performed) is accounted and used as the least part of Religion.

Bp. of Lond.

My second motion is, that untill Learned men may be planted in eve∣ry Congregation, godly Homilies may be read therein.

His Majesty.

I approve your Motion, especially where the Living is not suf∣ficient for the maintenance of a learned Preacher. Also, where there be multitudes of Sermons, there I would have Homilies read divers times.

Here the King asked the assent of the Plantiffs, and they confessed it. A preaching Ministry is best, but where it may not be had, godly Prayers and Exhortations do much good.

L^d. Chancel.

Livings rather want Learned men,* 1.75 than Learned men Livings; many in the Universities pining for want of Places. I wish therefore some may have single Coats [one Living] before others have Doublets [Plura∣lities.] And this method I have observed in bestowing the King's Bene∣fices.

Bp. of Lond.

I commend your honourable care that way; but a Doublet is neces∣sary in cold Weather.

L^d. Chancel.

I dislike not the Liberty of our Church, in granting to one man two Benefices, but speak out of mine own purpose and practise, grounded on the aforesaid reason.

BP. of Lond.

My last motion is, that Pulpits may not bemade Pasquils, wherein every discontented Fellow may traduce his Superiours.

His Majesty.

I accept what you offer, for the Pulpit is no place of personall Reproof, let them complaine to me, if injured.

BP. of Lond.

If you Majesty shall leave your self open to admit of all Com∣plaints, hour Highnesse shall never be quiet, nor your under-Officers regar∣ded, whom every Delinquent, when censured, will threaten to complain of.

His Majesty.

I mean they shall complaine to Me by degrees; first to the Ordi∣narie, from him to the Arch-bishop, from him to the Lords of the Coun∣cil; and, if in all these no remedy be found, then to my Self.

Dr. Reyn.

I come now to Subscription,* 1.76 as a great impeachment to a learned Ministerie, and therefore intreat it may not be exacted as heretofore; for which many good men are kept out, though otherwise willing to subscribe to the Statutes of the Realme, Articles of Religion, and the Kings Supremacy. The reason of their backwardness to subscribe, is, because the Common-prayer en∣joyneth the Apocripha books to be read in the Church, although some Chapters therein contain manifest Errours repugnant to Scripture. For in∣stance, Ecclus. 48. 10. Elias in person is said to come before Christ, contrary to what is in the New* 1.77 Testament of Elias in resemblance, that is, John the Baptist.

BP. of Lond.

Most of the Objections against those Books, are the old Cavills of the Jewes, renewed by S. Jerome (who first called them Apocripha) which opinion, upon Ruffinus his challenge, he, after a sort, disclaimed.

BP. of Winch.

Indeed S. Jerome saith, Canonici sunt ad informandos mores, non ad confirmandam fidem.

His Majesty.

To take an even order* 1.78 betwixt both, I would not have all Cano∣nicall Books read in the Church, nor any Chapter out of the Apocri∣pha, wherein any errour is contained; wherefore let Dr. Reynolds note those Chapters in the Apocripha-books, wherein those offences are, and bring them to the Arch-bishop of Cant. against Wednesday next; and now Dr. proceed.

Dr. Reyn.

The next Scruple against Subscription, is, because it is twice* 1.79 set down in the Common-prayer-book, Jesus said to his Disciples, when by the Text in the Originall, it is plain, that he spake to the Pharisees.

His Majesty.

Let the word Disciples, be omitted, and the words, Jesus said be printed in a different Letter.

Mr. Knewst.

I take exceptions at the Crosse in Baptism, whereat the weak Bre∣thren are offended, contrary to the counsel of the Apostle, Romans 14. 2 Corinth. 8.

His Majesty.

Distingue tempora, & concordabunt Scripturae, Great the diffe∣rence betwixt those times and ours. Then, a Church not fully settled; Now, ours long established. How long will such Brethren be weak? Are not FORTY FIVE years sufficient for them to grow strong in? Besides, who pretends this weaknesse? We require not Subscriptions of Layicks and Ideots, but of Preachers and Ministers, who are not still (I trow) to be sed with Milk, being inabled to feed others. Some of them

are strong enough, if not head-strong; conceiving themselves able enough to teach him who last spake for them, andall the Bishops in the Land.

Mr. Knewst.

It is questionable whether the Church hath power to institute an out∣ward signifiant signe.

BP. of Lond.

The Crosse in Baptisme is not used otherwise than a Ceremony.

Bp. of Winch.

Kneeling, lifting up of the Hands, knocking of the Breast, are signi∣ficant Ceremonies, and these may lawfully be used.

D. of the Chap.

The Robbines write, that the Jewes added both Signes and Words at the institution of the Passeover, viz. when they ate sowre herbs, they said, Take and eat these in remembrance, &c. When they drank Wine, they said, Drink this in remembrance, &c. Upon which addition, and tradition, our Saviour instituted the Sacrament of his last Supper, thereby approving, a Church may institute and retaine a Signe significant.

His Majesty.

I am exceeding well satisfied in this point, but would be ac∣quainted about the antiquity of the use of the Crosse.

Dr. Reyn.

It hath been used ever since the Apostles time; But the onestion is, how ancient the use thereof hath been in Baptism.

D. of Westm.

It appeares out of Tertullian, Cyprian, and Origen, that it was used in immortali lavacro.

Bp. of Winch.

In Constantine's time it was used in Baptisme.

His Majesty.

If so, I see no reason but that we may continue it.

Mr. Knewst.

Put the case the Church hath power to adde significant signes, it may not adde them where Christ hath already ordained them, which is as de∣rogatory to Christs Institution, as if one should adde to thegreat Seale of England.

His Majesty.

The case is not alike, seeing the Sacrament is fully finished, be∣fore any mention of the Crosse is made therein.

Mr. Knewst.

If the Church hath such a power, the greatest scruple is, how far the Ordinance of the Church bindeth, without impeaching Christian Liberty.

His Majesty.

I will not argue that point with you, but answer as Kings in Par∣liament Le Roy s'avicera; This is like M. John Black, a beardlesse Boy, who told me the last* 1.80 Conference in Scotland, that he would hold conformi∣ty with his Majesty in matters of Doctrine; but every man for Ceremo∣nies was to be left to his own Liberty. But I will have none of that, I will have one Doctrine, one Discipline, one Religion, in Substance, and in Ceremony. Never speak more to that point, how farre you are bound to obey.

Dr. Reyn.

Would that the Cross (being superstitiously abused in Popery) were abandoned, as the Brazen Serpent was stamped to powder by Hezekias, be∣cause abused to Idolatry.

His Majesty.

In as much as the Crosse was abused to Superstition in time of Popery, it doth plainly imply that it was well used before. I detest their courses, who peremptorily disallow of all things, which have been abused in Popery, and know not how to answwer the objections of the Papists, when they charge us with Novelties, but by telling them, we retaine the primitive use of things, and onely forsake their Novell Corruptions. Se∣condly, no resemblance betwixt the Brazen Serpent (a materiall visible thing) and the signe of the Cross, made in the Aire. Thirdly, Papists (as I am informed) did never ascribe any spirituall Grace to the Cross in Bap∣tisme. Lastly, materiall Crosses, to which people fell downe in time of Popery (as the Idolatrous Jewes to the Brazen Serpent) are already demo∣lished, as you desire.

Mr. Knewst.

I take exception at the wearing of the Surplice, a kind of Garment used by the Priests of Isis.

His Majesty.

I did not think, till of late, it had been borrowed from the Hea∣then, because commonly called a rag of Popery. Seeing now we border

not upon Heathens,* 1.81* 1.82 neither are any of them conversant with, or commo∣rant amongst us, thereby to be confirmed in Paganisme; I see no reason but for comlinesse-sake, it may be continued.

D^r. Reyn.

I take exception at these words in the Marriage, With my body I thee worship.

His Majesty.

I was made believe, the phrase imported no lesse than Divine Adoration, but finde it an usuall English terme, as when we say, A Gentle∣man of worship, & it agreeth with the Scriptures, giving Honour to the Wife. As for you,* 1.83 Dr. Reynolds, many men speak of Robin Hood, who never shot in his Bow. If you had a good Wife your selfe, you would think all worship and honour you could doe her, were well bestowed on her.

D. of Sarum.

Some take exception at the Ring in Marriage.

Dr. Reyn.

I approve it well enough.

His Majesty.

I was married with a Ring, and think others scarce well married without it.

Dr. Reyn.

Some take exceptions at the Churching of Women, by the name of purification.

His Majesty.

I allow it very well, Women being loath of themselves to come to Church, I like this, or any other occasion to draw them thither.

Dr. Reyn.

My last exception is against committing Ecclesiasticall Censures to Lay-Chancellors, the rather, because it was ordered, Anno 1571. that Lay-Chancellors, in matters of Correction,, and Anno 1589. in matters of In∣stance, should not excommunicate any, but be done, onely by them who had power of the Keyes, though the contrary is commonly practised.

His Majesty.

I have conferred with my Bishops about this point, and such or∣der shall be taken therein as is convenient. Mean time go on to some other matter.

Dr. Reyn.

I desire, that according to certaine Provinciall Constitutions, the Clergie may have meetings every three weeks.

1. First in Rural Deaneries, therein to have prophesying, as Arch-bishop Grindall, and other Bishops, desired of her late Majesty.

2. That such things as could not be resolved on there, might be re∣ferred to the Arch-Deacons Visitations.

3. Andso to the Episcopall Synod, to determine such points before not decided.

His Majesty.

If you aime at a Scottish Presbytery, it agreeth as well with Mo∣narchy, as God and the Devill. Then Jack, and Tom, and Will, and Dick, shall meet and censure me and my Councill. Therefore I reiterate my former speech, Le Ray S'avisera; Stay, I pray, for one seven yeares, be∣fore you demand, and then if you find me grow pursie and fat, I may, perchance hearken unto you, for that Government will keep me in breath, and give me work enough. I shall speak of one matter more, somewhat out of order, but it skilleth not; D. Reynolds, you have'often spoken for my Supremacy, and it is well: But know you any here, or elsewhere, who like of the present Government Ecclesiasticall, and dislike my Supremacy?

Dr. Reyn.

I know none.

His Majesty.

Why then I will tell you a tale: After that the Religion resto∣red by King Edward the sixt, was soon overthrowne by Queen Mary here in England, we in Scotland felt the effect of it. For thereupon Mr. Knox, writes to the Queen regent (a vertuous and moderate Lady) telling her that she was the supreme head of the Church; and charged her, as she would answer it at Gods Tribunall, to take care of Christ his Evangil, in sup∣pressing the Popish Prelates, who withstood the same; But how long trow did you this continue? Even till by her authority, the Popish Bi∣shops were repressed, and Knox, with his adherents, being brought in, made strong enough. Then began they to make small account of her su∣premacy,

when, according to that more light, wherewith they were illumi∣nated, they made a farther reformation of themselves. How they used the poore Lady my Mother, is not unknowne, and how they dealt with me in my minority. I thus apply it. My Lords, the Bishops, I may* 1.84 thank you that these men plead thus for my Supremacy. They think they cannot make their Party good against you, but by appealing unto it; but if once you were out, and they in, I know what would become of my Supremacy, for NO BISHOP, NO KING. I have learned of what cut they have been, who, preaching before me, since my coming into England, passed over, with silence, my being Supreme Governour in causes Ecclesiasticall. Well Doctour, have you any thing else to say?

Dr. Reyn.

No more, if it please your Majesty.

His Majesty.

If this be all your Party hath to say, I will make them conforme themselves, or else I will harrie them out of the Land, or else doe worse.

Thus ended the second dayes Conference,* 1.85 and the third began on the Wed∣nesday following, many Knights Civilians, and Doctours of the Law, being admitted thereunto, because the High Commission was the prin∣cipall matter in debate.

His Majesty.

I understand, that the parties named in the High Commission, are too many, and too mean, and the matters they deale with, base, such as Ordinaries at home in their Courts might censure.

Arch-b. of Cant.

It is requisite their number should be many, otherwise I should be forced often-times to sit alone, if in the absence of the Lords of the Council, Bishops, and Judges at Law, some Deanes and Doctours, were not put into that Commission, whose Attendance I might command with the more Autho∣rity: I have often complained of the meannesse of matters handled therein, but cannot remedy it. For though the Offence be small, that the Ordinary may, the Offender oft-times is so great, and contumacious, that the Ordina∣ry d••re not punish him, and so is forced to crave help at the High Com∣mission.

A nameless L^d.

The Proceedings in that Court,* 1.86 are like the Spanish Inquisition, where∣iu men are urged to subscribe more than Law requireth; and by the Oath ex of∣ficio, forced to accuse themselves, being examined upon twenty, or twenty four Articles on a sudden, without deliberation, and for the most part against them∣selves.

In proof hereof, he produced a Letter of an antient honourable Coun∣sellour, An. 1584. verifying this usage to two Minsters in Cambridge shire.

Arch-b. of Cant.

Your Lordship is deceived in the manner of proceeding; For, if the Article touch the Party, for Life, Liberty, or Scandall, he may refuse to answer; I can say nothing to the particulars of the Letter, because twenty yeares since, yet doubted not, but at leisure to give your Lordship satis∣faction.

L^d. Chancel.

There is necessity,* 1.87 and use of the Oath Ex officio, in divers Courts, and Causes.

His Majesty.

Indeed civil Proceedings onely punish Facts; but it is requisite that Fame and Scandals be looked unto in Courts Ecclesiasticall, and yet great moderation is to be used therein.

1. In gravioribus criminibus.

2. In such whereof there is a publique Fame, caused by the inordinate demeanour of the Offender.

And here he soundly described the Oath ex officio, for the ground thereof, the Wisdome of the Law therein, the manner of proceeding thereby, and pro∣fitable effect from the same.

Arch-b. of Cant.

Undoubtedly your Majesty speaks by the speciall assistance of Gods Spirit.

BP. of Lond.

I protest my heart melteth with joy, that Almighty God, of his singu∣lar mercy,* 1.88 hath given us such a King, as, since Christs time, the like hath not beene.

Then passed there much discourse between the King, the Bishops, and the Lords, about the quality of the Persons, and Causes in the High Commission, rectifying Excommunications in matters of lesse moment, punishing Recusants, providing Divines for Ireland, Wales, and the Northern Borders. Afterwards the four Preachers were called in, and such alterations in the Lyturgie were read unto them, which the Bishops, by the Kings advice, had made, and to which, by their silence, they seemed to consent.

His Majesty.

I see the exceptions against the Communion-book, are matters of weakness, therefore if the persons reluctant be discreet, they will be won betimes, and by good perswasions: If indiscreet, better they were removed, for by their factions many are driven to be Papists. From you Dr. Reynolds and your Associates, I expect obedience and humility (the marks of honest and good men and that you would perswade others abroad by your example.

Dr. Reyn.

We here do promise to performe all duties to Bishops, as Reverend Fa∣thers, and to joyne with them against the common Adversary for the quiet of the Church.

Mr. Chader.

I request* 1.89 the wearing of the Surplice, and the Cross in Baptism may not be urged on some godly Ministers in Lancashire, fearing, if forced unto them, many won by their preaching of the Gospel will revolt to Popery, and I particularly instance in the Vicar of Ratsdale.

Ar-b. of Cant.

You could not have light upon a worse, for not many yeares agoe (as my Lord* 1.90 Chancellor knowes) it was proved before me, that by his unreve∣rent usage of the Eucharist (dealing the Bread out of a Basket, every man putting in his hand, and taking out a piece) he made many loath the Commu∣nion, and refuse to come to Church.

His Majestie.

It is not my purpose, and I dare say it is not the Bishops intent, presently, and out of hand, to enforce these things, without Fatherly Ad∣monitions, Conferences, and Perswasions, premised; but I wish it were examined, whether such Lancashire Ministers, by their paines and prea∣ching, have converted any from Popery, and withall be men of honest Life, and quiet Conversation. If so, let Letters be written to the Bishop of* 1.91 Chester, (who is grave and good man) to that purpose, that some favour may be afforded unto them, and let the Lord Arch-bishop write the Letters.

BP. of Lond.

If this be granted, the copie of these Letters will flie all over Eng∣land, and then all non conformists will make the like request, and so no fruit follow of this Conference, but things will be worse than they were be∣fore. I desire therefore a time may be limited, within the compasse whereof they shall conforme.

His Majesty.

I assent thereunto, and let the Bishop of the Diocesse set downe the time.

Mr. Knewst.

I request* 1.92 the like favour of forbearance to some honest Ministers in Suffolk. For it will make much against their credits in the Countrey, to be now forced to the Surplice, and Crosse in Baptisime.

Arch-b. of Cant.

Nay Sir.—

His Majesty.

Let me alone to answer him. Sir, you shew your self an unchari∣table man. We have here taken paines, and, in the end, have concluded on Unity and Uniformity, and you, forsooth, must prefer the credits of a few Private Men before the Peace of the Church. This is just the Scotch Argument, when any thing was concluded, which disliked some hu∣mours. Let them either conform themselves shortly, or they shall hear of it.

L^d. Cecil.

The indecencie of ambuling Communions, is very offensive, and hath driven many from the Church.

BP. of Lond.

And Mr. Chaderton, I could tell you of sitting Communions in Emanuel Colledge.

Mr. Chad.

It is so, because of the seats so placed as they be, and yet we have some kneeling also in our Chappell.

His Majesty.

No more hereof for the present, seeing they have joyntly promi∣sed hereafter to be quiet and obedient.

Whereat He rose up to depart into an inner Chamber.

BP. of Lond.

Gods goodnesse be blessed for your Majesty, and give health and pro∣sperity to Your Highnesse, your Gracious Queene, the young Prince, and all the Royall Issue.

Thus ended the three dayes Conference,* 1.93 wherein how discreetly the King car∣ried himself, Posterity (out of the reach of Flatterie is the most competent Judg, such matters being, most truly discerned at distance. It is generally said, that here∣in he went above himselfe; that the Bishop of London appeared even with himselfe; and Dr. Reinolds fell much beneath himselfe. Others observed that Archbishop Whitgift spake most gravely; Bancroft (when out of passion) most politickly; Bilson, most learnedly. And of the Divines, Mr. Reynolds most largely; Knew∣stubs most affectionately; Chaderton most sparingly. In this Scene, onely Dr. Sparks was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 making use of his hearing, not speech, converted (it seemes) to the truth of what was spoken, and soon after setting forth a Treatise of Unity and Uniformity.

But the Nonconformists complained,* 1.94 that the King sent for their Divines, not to have their Scruples satisfied, but his Pleasure propounded; not that he might know, what they could say, but they, what he would do in the matter. Besides, no wonder if Dr. Reynolds a little lost himself, whose eyes were partly dazled with the light of the Kings Majesty, partly daunted with the heat of his displeasure. Others complaine, that this Conference is partially set forth onely by Dr. Bar∣low, Dean of Chester, their professed Adversary, to the great disadvantage of their Divines. And when the Israelites go down to the Philistines, to whet all their Iron Tooles, no wonder if they set a sharp edge on their owne, and a blunt one on their Enemies weapons.

This Conference produced some alterations in the Lyturgie,* 1.95 Womens bapti∣sing of Infants, formerly frequent, hereafter forbidden; in the Rubrick of Ab∣solution, Remission of Sinnes inserted, Confirmation termed also an Examination of Children; and some words altered in the Dominicall Gospels, with a resolution for a new Translation of the Bible. But whereas it was hitherto disputable, whether the North, where he long lived, or the South, whither he lately came, should pre∣vaile most, on the Kings judgement, in Church-government; this doubt was now clearly decided. Hence forward many cripples in conformitie, were cured of their former halting therein, and such, who knew not their owne, till they knew the Kings minde in this matter, for the future, quietly digested the Ceremonies of the Church.

We have formerly made mention of the Millemanus Petition for Reformation,* 1.96 which about this time was solemnly presented to His Majesty, and which here we have truly exemplified;

The humble Petition of the Ministers of the Church of Eng∣land, desiring Reformation of certaine Ceremonies, and abuses of the Church.

To the most Christian, and excellent Prince, our Gracious and dread Soveraigne, James by the grace of God, &c. We the Ministers of the Church of England, that desire Reformation, wish a long, prosperous, and happy Raigne over us in this Life, and in the next everlasting Salvation.

MOst gracious and dread Soveraigne, Seeing it hath pleased the Di∣vine Majesty, to the great comfort of all good Christians, to ad∣vance Your Highnesse, according to Your just Title, to the peace∣able Government of this Church and Common-wealth of ENGLAND: We the Ministers of the Gospel in this Land, neither as factious men, affecting a popular Parity in the Church, nor as Schismatikes aiming at the dissolution of the State Ecclesiasticall; but as the faithfull servants of Christ, and Loyall Subjects to Your Majesty, desiring, and longing for the redresse of divers abu∣ses of the Church; could doe no lesse, in our obedience to God, service to Your Majesty, love to his Church, than acquaint Your Princely Majesty, with our particular griefs: For, as Your Princely Pen writeth, The King, as a good Physitian, must first know what peccant humours his Patient naturally is most subject unto, before he can begin his cure. And, although divers of us that sue for Reformation, have formerly, in respect of the times, subscribed to the Book, some upon Protestation, some upon Exposition given them, some with Condition, rather than the Church should have been deprived of their labour, and ministerie; Yet now, we, to the number of moe than a thousand, of Your Majesties Subjects and Ministers, all groaning, as under a common burden of Humane Rites and Ceremonies, doe, with one joynt consent, humble our selves at Your Majesties Feet, to be eased and relieved in this behalf. Our hum∣ble suit then unto Your Majesty is, that these offences following, some may be removed, some amended, some qualified.

I. In the Church-Service. That the Crosse in Baptisme, Interrogatories ministred to Infants, Confirmation, as superfluous, may be taken away. Baptisme not to be ministred by Women, and so explained. The Cap, and Surplice not urged. That Examination may goe before the Communion. That it be ministred with a Sermon. That divers termes of Priests, and Absolution, and some other used, with the Ring in Marriage, and other such like in the Book, may be corrected. The long-somenesse of Service abridged. Church∣songs, and Musick moderated to better edification. That the Lords day be not profaned. The Rest upon Holy-dayes not so strictly urged. That there may be an Uniformity of Doctrine prescribed. No Popish Opinion to be any more taught, or defended. No Ministers charged to teach their people to bow at the name of JESUS. That the Canonicall Scriptures onely be read in the Church.

II. Concerning Church-Ministers. That none hereafter be admitted into the Ministerie, but able and sufficient men, and those to Preach diligently, and especially upon the Lords day. That such as be already entred, and cannot Preach, may either be removed, and some charitable course taken with them for their reliese; or else to be forced, according to the value of their Livings, to maintain Preachers. That Non-Residencie be not permitted. That King Edward's Statute, for the lawfulnesse of Ministers Marriage be revived. That Ministers be not urged to subscribe, but, according to the Law, to the Articles of Religion, and the Kings Supremacie onely.

III. For Church-Livings, and Maintenance. That Bishops leave their Com∣mendams; some holding Prebends, some Parsonages, some Vicarages with their Bishopricks. That double beneficed men be not suffered to hold, some two, some three Benefices with Cure: and some, two, three, or foure Dignities besides. That Impropriations annexed to Bishopricks and Colledges, be de∣mised onely to the Preachers Incumbents, for the old rent. That the Impro∣priations of Lay-mens Fees may be charged with a sixt, or seventh part of the worth, to the maintenance of the Preaching Minister.

IV. For Church-Discipline. That the Discipline, and Excommunication may be administred according to Christs owne Institution: Or at the least, that enormities may be redressed. As namely, That Excommunication come

not forth under the name of Lay persons,* 2.1 Chancellors, Officials, &c. That men be not excommunicated for trifles, and twelve-peny matters. That none be excommunicated without consent of his Pastour. That the Officers be not suffered to extort unreasonable Fees. That none, having Jurisdiction, or Re∣gisters places, put out the same to Farme. That divers Popish Canons (as for restraint of Marriage at certaine times) be reversed. That the longsomnesse of Suits in Ecclesiasticall Courts (which hang sometime two, three, foure, five, six, or seven yeers) may be restrained. That the Oath Ex Officio, whereby men are forced to accuse themselves, be more sparingly used. That Licenses for Marriage, without Banes asked, be more cautiously granted.

These, with such other abuses, yet remaining, and practised in the Church of England, we are able to shew, not to be agreeable to the Scri∣ptures, if it shall please your Highnesse farther to heare us, or more at large by Writing to be informed, or by Conference among the Learned to be re∣solved. And yet we doubt not, but that, without any farther processe, your Majesty (of whose Christian judgement, we have received so good a taste al∣ready) is able of Your selfe, to judge of the equity of this cause. God, we trust, hath appointed your Highnesse our Physician to heale these diseases. And we say with Mordecai to Hester, who knoweth, whether you are come to the King∣dome for such a time? Thus Your Majesty shall doe that, which we are per∣swaded, shall be acceptable to God, honourable to your Majesty in all succee∣ding ages, profitable to his Church, which shall be thereby encreased, com∣fortable to your Ministers, which shall be no more suspended, silenced, dis∣graced, imprisoned for mens traditions: and prejudiciall to none, but to those that seek their owne quiet, credit, and profit in the world. Thus, with all dutifull submission, referring our selves to your Majesties pleasure, for your gracious answer, as God shall direct you: we most humbly recommend Your Highnesse to the Divine Majesty; whom we beseech for Christ his sake to dispose Your Royall heart to doe herein, what shall be to his glory, the good of his Church, and your endlesse comfort.

Your Majesties most humble Subjects, the Ministers of the Gospel, that desire not a disorderly innovation, but a due and godly Reformation.

25. This calme,* 2.2 and stil, but deep Petition, being (as is aforesaid) presented to the King, it was given out that his Majesty lent it a favourable eare; that some great ones about him gave it a consenting entertainment; that some potent strangers (I understand of the Scottish nation) had undertaken the conduct, and managing thereof. Whether indeed it was so, God knows, or, whether these things were made to make the people, the Van pretending a victory, that the Rere might follow the more comfortably. Sure it is, this Petition ran the Gantlop throughout all the Pre∣laticall party, every one giving it a lash, some with their Pens, moe with their Tongues: and the dumb Ministers (as they terme them) found their speech most vocall against it. The Universities (and justly) found themselves much agrieved, that the Petitioners should proportion a seaventh part onely out of an impropria∣tion in a Lay-mans fee; whilst those belonging to Colleges and Cathedralls, should be demised to the Vicars at the old rent, without fine, without improve∣ment. Whereas Scholars being children of the Prophets, counted themselves most proper for Church-revenues; and this motion, if effected, would cut off more than the nipples of the breasts of both Universities, in point of maintenance.

26. Cambridge therefore began,* 2.3 and passed a Grace in their Congrega∣tion, that whosoever in their University, should by Word or Writing, oppose the

received Doctrine, and Discipline of England, or any part thereof; should ••ipso facto, be suspended from their former, & excluded from all future degrees. Oxford followed, recompencing the slownesse of her pace, with the firmenesse of her foot∣ing, making a strong and sharp confutation of the Petition. But indeed King James made the most reall refutation thereof, not resenting it (whatsoever is pre∣tended) according to the desires and hopes (not to say the reports) of such who presented it. And after his Majesty had discountenanced it, some hot-spurs of the opposite party began to maintaine (many copies thereof being scattered into vul∣gar hands) that now the property thereof was altered from a Petition into a Libel. And such papers desamatory of the present Government, punishable by the Statute, Prime Elizabethae.

Under favour,* 2.4 I conceive this Petition, by us lately exemplified, the proper Millenary Petition. Otherwise I observe, that Millenary Petition is, vox aequivoca, and attributed to all Petitions, with numerous and indefinite subscrip∣tions, which were started this year concerning Church-Reformation. Many there were of this kinde, moving for more, or lesse alteration, as the promoters of them stood affected. For all mens desires will then be of the same size, when their bodies shall be of the same stature. Of these, one, most remarkable, requi∣red a subscription in manner as followeth,

We whose names are under written, doe agree to make our humble Petition to the Kings Majesty, that the present state of the Church, may be farther reformed in all things needfull, according to the rule of Gods holy Word, and agreeable to the example of other reformed Churches, which have restored both the Doctrine and Discipline, as it was delivered by our Saviour Christ, and his holy Apostles.

Two things are remarkable therein. First, that this was no present Petition, but a preparative thereunto, which in due time might have proved one, if meeting with proportionable encouragement. Secondly, that it went farther than the former, as not being for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Not for the paring, pruning, and purging, but for the extirpating and abolishing of Bishops, and conforming Church-government to forraigne Presbytery. Whether the Subscribers to this Petition, were, for the maine, a recruit of new persons, or a resumption of those who under-writ the former, I dare not define. Probably many, sensible that be∣fore they were Petition-bound, inlarged themselves now in their additionall desires. For, such who aske no more than what they would have, commonly receive lesse than what they aske; seeing Petitions of this nature are seldome granted in full latitude, without some aba••ement. They allowed therefore some over-measure in their requests, that the surplusage being defalked, the remainder might, in some manner, give them satisfaction.

Sure I am,* 2.5 the Prelaticall party complained, that, to swell a number, the non∣conformists did not chuse, but scrape Subscribers; not to speak of the ubiquitari∣nesse of some hands, the same being alwayes present at all Petitions. Indeed to the first, onely Ministers were admitted, but to the latter brood of Petitions, no hand, which had five fingers, was refused. Insomuch, that Master George (since Lord) Goring, who then knew little, and cared lesse for Church-government (as unable to governe himselfe) being then (fifty years since) rather a Youth than a Man; a Boy, than a Youth; set his hand thereunto (in the right, I believe of his Mother, a good Lady, much addicted to that party) and King James would in merriment make sport with him, to know, what reasons moved him at that age, to this Subscription. But enough of these Petitioners. Perchance we shall heare more of them the next Parliament.

SECTION II.

TO MATTHEVV GILLYE Esq.

SOlomon saith,* 2.6* 2.7 And there is a* 2.8 Friend that is nearer than a Brother. Now, though I have read many VVri∣ters on the Text, your practice is the best Comment; which hath most truly Expounded it unto me. Accept this therefore as the Return of the Thanks of your respectfull Friend.

CAuselesse jealousies attend old age,* 2.9* 2.10* 2.11 as appears by Arch-bishop Whitgift, who ended his Life, according to his owne desire, that he might not live to see the Parliament;* 2.12 being more scar'd than hurt, as fearing some strange opposition therein, & an assault of Un-conformists on Church-Discipline, fiercer than his age▪ feebled body should be able to resist. Born he was of ancient Parentage at great Grimsby in Lincoln shire, bred in Cambridge, admitted in Queens Colledge, removed Scholar to Pembroke Hall (where Mr. Bradford was his Tutor) translated Fellow to Peter-house, returned Master to Pembroke, thence advanced Master of Trinity Colledge, successively Parson of Teversham, Prebend of Ely, Dean of Lincolne, Bishop of Worcester, where the Queen forgave him his first fruits, a rare gift for her, who was so good an Huswife of Her Revenues. Yea, she constantly called him, Her little black Hu∣sband: which favour nothing elated his gravity, carrying himself as one uncon∣cerned in all worldly honour. He survived the Queen not a full yeare, getting his bane by going in a cold morning by Barge to Fulham, there to consult with the Bishops about managing their matters in the ensuing Parliament. And no won∣der if those few sparks of naturall heat, were quickly quenched witha small cold in him, who was then above seventy two yeares of age. He died of the Palsey, one of the worthiest men that ever the English Hierarchy did enjoy.

2. But a modern writer in his voluminous book against the practices of English Prelates,* 2.13 bitterly inveigheth against him whom be termeth, A Pontificall (meaneth he Paganish, or Popish?) Bishop, and chargeth him with many misdemeanours. Give me leave a little without bitternesse, both to pass my censure on his book, and make this Archbishop his just defence, against his calumniation. First in generall, behold the complexion of his whole booke, and it is black and swarthie in the uncharitable Subject and Title thereof. An Historicall collection of the seve∣rall execrable Treasons, Conspiracies, Rebellions, Seditions, State-schismes, Contu∣macies, Anti-monarchicall Practices, and oppressions of English Prelates &c. Thus he weeds mens lives, and makes use onely to their disgrace, of their infirmities, meane time suppressing many eminent actions, which his owne conscience knows were performed by them. What a monster might be made out of the best beau∣ties in the World, if a Limmer should leave what is lovely, and onely collect into one Picture, what he findeth amisse in them? I know there be white Teeth in the blackest Black-moore, and a black Bill in the whitest Swanne. Worst men have something to be commended, best men something in them to be condemned.

Only to insist on mens faults, to render them odious, is no ingenious employment. God, we know, so useth his fanne, that he keepth the Corn, but driveth away the Chaffe. But who is he that winnoweth so, as to throw away the good graine, and retaine the Chaffe onely?

3. Besides it conteineth untruths,* 2.14 or at the best uncertainties, which he venteth with assurance to posterity. For instance* 2.15 speaking of Walter Tyrrill, the French Knight, casually killing King William Rufus in new Forrest, with an arrow glan∣cing from a tree, he saith, that in all likelihood, Anselme Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry (our Whitgifts predecessor) with fore-plotted treason, hired Tyrill to murder the King in this manner. Now to condemne the memory of so pious and learned a man as Anselme was (though I will not excuse him in all things) five hundred yeares after the fact pretended on his owne single bare surmise, contrary to the constant current of all authours (no one whispering the least suspition thereof) hath (I believe) but little of Law, and nothing of Gospell therein. Let the glan∣cing of Tyrrels arrow minde men how they* 2.16 bend their bowes to shoot arrowes, even bitter words at the memory of the deceased, lest it rebound back (not as his did to hit a stander by, but) justly to wound him, who unjustly delivered it.

4. But to come to our reverend Whitgift.* 2.17 First, he chargeth him for troubling the Judges, with his Contestations about Prohibitions, endeavouring to enlarge his Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction. This being the Accusation but of a Common Lawyer, and that in favour of his owne Courts, I leave to some Doctour of the Civill or Canon Law, as most proper to make answer thereunto. Onely, where∣as he saith, that Whitgift did it to the prejudice of the Queenes* 2.18 Prerogative, sure∣ly She knew her owne Priviledges so well (besides those of her Councell to teach her) that she would never have so favourably reflected on him, if sensible (wise Princes having a tender touch in that point) that he any way went about to a∣bridge her Royall Authority.

5. Secondly,* 2.19 he taxeth him for his extraordinary traine, of above sixty men-ser∣vants, (though not so extravagant a number, if his person and place be conside∣red) who were all trained up to martiall affaires, and mustred almost every week, his stable being well furnished with store of great Horses. But was it a fault in those martiall dayes, when the invasion of a Forraign Foe was daily suspected, to fit his Family for their own, and the Kingdomes defence? Did not* 2.20 Abraham, that heavenly Prophet, and holy Patriarch, arme his Trained Servants in his owne house, in his victorious expedition against the King of Sodome? Yea, if Church∣men of an Anti-prelaticall spirit, had not since tampered more dangerously with training of Servants, (though none of their owne) both Learning and Reli∣gion had (perchance) looked, at this day, with a more cheerefull counte∣nance.

6. Whereas it intimates,* 2.21 that this Arch-bishop had been better imployed in train∣ing up Scholars for the Pulpit, than Souldiers for the Field; know, that as the Latter was performed, the former was not quitted by him. Witnesse many worthy prea∣chers bred under him in Trinity Colledge, and more elsewhere relieved by him. Yea, his Bounty was too large to be confined within the narrow Seas; Beza, Dru∣sius, and other forraigne Protestant Divines, tasting freely thereof. Nor was his Liberality onely a Cisterne for the present age, but a running River from a fresh Fountaine, to water Posterity in that Schoole of Croydon, which he hath beauti∣fully built, and bountifully endowed. More might be said in the vindication of this worthy Prelate, from his reproachfull penne: But I purposely forbeare; the rather, because it is possible, that the learned Gentleman since, upon a se∣rious review of his own Work, and experimentall Observation of the passages of this Age, may be more offended with his owne writing herein, than others take just exception thereat.

7. Arch-bishop Whitgift was buried at Croydon,* 2.22* 2.23* 2.24 March 27. The Earle of Wor∣cester, and Lord Zouch, his Pupills attending his Herse, and Bishop Babington (his Pupill also) made his Funerall Sermon, chusing for his Text 2 Chron. 24. 15,

16. and paralleling the Arch-bishops life with gracious Jehoida.* 2.25* 2.26 Richard Ban∣croft, Bishop of London, brought up in Jesus Colledge, succeeded him in the Arch-bishoprick; whose actions, in our ensuing History, will sufficiently deliver his character without our description thereof.

8. Come we now to the Parliament assembled,* 2.27 & amongst the many Acts, which passed therein, none more beneficiall for the Church than that, which made the King himselfe, and his Successors incapable of any Church-land to be conveyed unto them, otherwise than for three lives, or twenty one years. Indeed a Statute had formerly been made the thirteenth of Queen Eliz. which to prevent finall Alic∣nation of Church-land, did disable all subjects from accepting them: But in that Statute a Liberty was left unto the* 2.28 Crown to receive the same. It was thought fit to allow to the Crown this favourable exception, as to the Patron generall of the whole English Church; and it was but reason for the Soveraign, who originally gave all the Loafe to the Church, on occasion to resume a good Shiver thereof.

9. But he who shuts ninety nine gates of Thebes,* 2.29 and leaveth one open, shuts none in effect. Covetousnesse (shall I say, an apt Scholar to learne, or an able Master to teach, or both) quickly found out a way to invade the Lands of the Church, and evade the Penalty of the Law, which thus was contrived. Some Potent Courtier first covertly contracts with a Bishop (some whereof, though spirituall in Title, were too temporall in Truth, as more minding their Pri∣vate Profit, than the Publique good of the Church) to passe over such a propor∣tion of Land to the Crowne. This done, the said Courtier begs the Land of the Queen (even before her Highnesse had tasted thereof, or the lipps of her Exchec∣quer ever touched the same) and so an Estate thereof is setled on him and his Heires for ever. And thus Covetousnesse came to her desired end, though for∣ced to go a longer journey, and fain to fetch a farther compasse about.

10. For instance,* 2.30 Doctor Coldwell, Doctor of Physique, and Bishop of Sarisbury, gave his Sea a very strong Purge, when he consented to the Alienation of Shi••∣bourn Manour from his Bishoprick. Indeed, the good old man was shot between Wind and Water, and his consent was assaulted in a dangerous joincture of time to give any deniall. For, after he was elected Bishop of Sarisbury, and after all his Church-preferments were disposed of to other persons, yet before his ele∣ction was confirmed, past a possibility of a legall reversing thereof; Sir W. Rawleigh is importunate with him, to passe Sherborne to the Crowne, and effected it, though indeed a good round rent was reserved to the Bishoprick. Presently Sir Walter beggeth the same of the Queen, and obtained it. Much after the same manner Sir—Killegrew got the Mannour of Crediton (a bough almost as big as all the rest of the Body) for the Church of Exeter, by the consent of Doctor Babington the Bishop thereof.

11. To prevent future wrong to the Church in that kinde,* 2.31 it was now enacted, That the Crowne it selfe, henceforward, should be incapable of any such Church∣land to be conveyed unto it. Yet some were so bold as to conceive this Law void in the very making of it, and that all the obligation thereof, consisted (not in the strength of the Law) but onely in the Kings and his Successors voluntary obe∣dience thereunto. Accounting it injurious for any Prince in Parliament to tye his Successors, who neither can, nor will be concluded thereby, farther than it stands with their owne convenience. However, it was to stand in force, till the same power should be pleased to rescind it. But others beheld this Law, not with a Politick, but Religious Eye, conceiving the King of Heaven, and the King of England, the Parties concerned therein, and accounting it Sacriledge for any to alienate what is given to God in his Church.

12. Thus was the King graciously pleased to binde himself for the liberty of the Church.* 2.32 He knew full well all Courtiers (and especially his owne Coun∣trey-mens) importunity in asking, and perhaps was privy to his owne impotency in denying, and therefore, by this Statute, he eased himselfe of many troublesome Suitors. For hereafter no wise man would beg of the King, what was not in his

power to grant, and what (if granted) could not legally be conveyed to any Pe∣titioner.* 2.33* 2.34 Thus his Majesty manifested his good will and affection to Religion; and, although this Law could not finally preserve Church-lands, to make them immortall, yet it prolonged their lives for many yeares together.

12. Passe we now into the Convocation,* 2.35 to see what was done there: But here the History thereof, as I may say, is shot betwixt the joynts of the Armor; in the intervall, after Whitgift's death, and before Bancroft's removall to Canterbury, so that I can finde the Originall thereof neither in the Office of the Vicar-generall, nor in the Registry of London; not can I recover it, as yet, from the Office of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, where most probably it is to be had, the Jurisdiction belonging to them in the Vacancy.

13. Take this as the result thereof.* 2.36 A Book of Canons was compiled, not onely being the summe of the Queens Articles, Orders of her Commissioners, Advertise∣ments, Canons of 1571. and 1597. which were in use before, but also many more were added, the whole number amounting unto 141. Some wise and mode∣rate men supposed so many Lawes were too heavy a burden to be long borne, and that it had been enough for the Episcopall party to have triumphed, not insulted over their adversaries in so numerous impositions. However, an Explanation was made in one of the Canons, of the use of the Crosse in Baptisme, to prevent Scandall; and learned Thuanus in his History taketh an especiall notice thereof.

14. Motion being made in this Convocation,* 2.37 about framing an Oath against Si∣mony, to be taken by all, presented to Churchpreferment. Bishop Rudde of St. Davids (as conscientious as any of his order, and free from that fault) opposed it; chiefly, because he thought it unequall, that the Patron should not be forced, as well as the Clerk, to take that Oath: Whereupon it was demanded of him, whether he would have the King to take that Oath when he presented a Bishop or Dean, and hereat the Bishop sate downe in silence.

15. About this time the Corporation of Rippon in York-shire,* 2.38 presented their Pe∣tition to Queen Anne on this occasion. They had a faire Collegiate Church, stately for the structure thereof, (formerly erected by the Nobility and Gentry of the Vicenage) the meanes whereof, at the dissolution of Abbies, were seized on by the King, so that small maintenance was left to the Minister of that popu∣lous Parish. Now, although Edwin Sands, Arch-bishop of York, with the Earle of Huntinton, Lord Burgley and Sheaffield, (successively Presidents of the North) had recommended their Petition to Qu. Elizabeth, they obtained nothing but faire un∣performed Promises: whereupon, now the Ripponeers humbly addressed them∣selves to Queen Anne, and hear her answer unto them.

ANNA R.

ANNE, by the grace of God, Qu. of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, &c. To all, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Whereas there hath been lately exhibi∣ted and recommended unto us, a frame and plat-forme of a Colledge Generall, to be planted and established at Rippon in the County of Yorke, for the manifold benefit of both the Borders of England and Scotland. Upon the due perusing of the plot aforesaid, hereunto an∣nexed and upon signification given of the good liking and approba∣tion of the chief points contained therein, by sundry grave, learned, and religious parties, and some other of honourable Place and Estate. We have thought good, for the ample and perpetuall advancement of Learning and Religion, in both the borders of our aforesaid

Realmes, to condescend to yeild our favour and best furtherance thereunto: And for the better encouraging of other honourable and worthy Personages, to joyn with us in yeilding their bounty and be∣nevolence thereunto: We have and do signifie and assure, and by the word of a sacred Princesse and Queen, do expresly promise, to procure, with all convenient speed, to and for the yearely better maintenance of the said Colledge All, and every of the Requests, specified and craved to that end, in a small Schedule hereunto anne∣xed. In confirmation whereof, we have signed these Presents by our hand and name above mentioned, and have caused our privy Signet to be set unto the same:

* 3.1

Dated at our Honour at Greenwich, July 4. An. Dom. 1604. and of our Reigne, &c.

After the sealing thus subscribed,

Gulielmus Toulerius, Secretarius de man∣date serenissimae Annae Reginae Angliae, Scotiae, Franciae, Hiberniae.

16. Such need never fear successe,* 3.2 who have so potent a person to solicite their suite, King James being forward of himselfe to advance Learning and Religion, and knowing Christs precept, Let your Light shine before Men; knew also that Rippon was an advantagious place for the fixing thereof; As which by its commodious position in the North, there would reflect lustre almost equally into England and Scotland. Whereupon he founded a Dean and Chapter of seven Prebends, allowing them two hundred forty seven pounds a yeare, out of his own Crowne-land, for their maintenance.

17. I am informed,* 3.3 that, lately, the Lands of this Church, are, by mistake, twice sold to severall Purchasers, viz. Once under the notion of Dean and Chapters Lands; and againe, under the property of Kings Lands. I hope the Chap••men (when all is right stated betwixt them) will agree amongst themselves on their bargaine. Mean time, Rippon Church may the better comport with poverty, because onely remitted to its former condition.

18. The Family of Love (or Lust rather) at this time,* 3.4 presented a tedious Petition to King James, so that it is questionable, whether His Majesty ever graced it with his perusall, wherein they endeavoured to cleare themselves from some misre∣presentations, and by fawning expression, to insinuate themselves into his Maje∣sty's good opinion: Which here we present.

To the King's most excellent MAJESTY, JAMES the first, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.

MOst gracious and Sveraigne Lord, whereas there is published in a Book writ∣ten by your Highnesse, as an instruction to your most noble* 4.1 Sonne (whom Almighty God blesse with much Honour, Happinesse, and Long life) of a People that are of a vile Sect among the Anabaptists, called the Family of Love, who doe hold and maintaine many proud, uncharitable, unchristian, and most absurd Opinions, unto whom your Highnesse doth also give the name of Puritans, assuming in the said Book, that divers of them (as Brown, Penry, and others) doe accord with them in their foule Errours, heady and phantasticall Opinions, which are there

set downe at large by Your Majesty, advising Your Royall Son (as is most meet) to punish them, if they refuse to obey the Law, and will not cease to stir up Rebellion.

Now most gracious Soveraigne, because it is meet that your Highnesse should un∣derstand by their supplication, and declaration of the truth herein by themselves (of whom Your Majesty hath been thus informed) prostrate at Your Princely Feet, at true, faithfull, loyall, and obedient Subjects, to all your Lawes and Ordinances, Civill, Politique, Spirituall, Temporall, They with humble hearts doe beseech Your Princely Majesty, to understand, and that the people of the Family of Love, or of God, doe utterly disclaime, and detest all the said absurd, and selfe-conceited opinions, and disobedient, and erroneous sorts of the Anabaptists, Brown, Penty, Puritans, and all other proud-minded Sects and Heresies whatsoever, protesting upon paine of our lives, that we are not consenting nor agreeing with any such brain-sick Preachers, nor their rebellious and disobedient sects whatsoever, but have been, and ever will be, truly obedient to your Highnesse and your Lawes, to the effusion of our Blood, and expences of our Goods and Lands in Your Majesties service. Highly la••ding Almighty God, who hath so graciously, and peaceably appointed unto us such a Vertuous, Wise, Religious, and Noble King, and so carefull, and impartiall a Justiciar to governe over us, be∣seeching him daily to blesse Your Highnesse with his godly wisdome, and holy understan∣ding, to the furtherance of his truth and godlinesse, and with all honour, happinesse, peace, and long life, and to judge rightly between Falshood and Truth.

And because Your Majesty shall have a perfect view, or an assured perswasion of the truth of the same our Protestation, if the••efore there be any indifferent man of the Kingdome, that can justly touch us with any such disobedient and wicked handling of our selves, as seemeth by Your Majesties Book it hath been informed unto Your High∣nesse, unlesse they be such mortall enemies, the disobedient Puritans, and those of their heady humours, before named, who are much more Zealous, religious, and precise, in the tything of Mint, Annis, and Cummin, and in the preferring of such like Pharisai∣call, and selfe-chosen outward traditions and grounds, or hypocriticall righteousnesse, than in the performing of Judgment, Mercy and Faith, and such like true and inward righteousness, which God doth most chiefly require, and regard, (Mat. 15. 15. &c.) and whose malice hath for twenty five yeeres past and upwards, and ever since with very many untrue suggestions, and most foule Errors, and odious Crimes, the which we could then, if need were, prove, sought our utter overthrow & destruction. But that we have behaved our selves in all orderlinesse and peaceablenesse of life where we dwell, and with whom we had to deale, or if we doe vary or swerve from the established Religion in this land, either in Service, Ceremonies, Sermons or Sacraments, or have publiquely spoken or inveighed, either by word or writing against our late Soveraign Princess go∣vernment in cases spirituall or temporall, then let us be rejected for Sectaries, and ne∣ver receive the benefit of Subjects.

Only* 4.2 Right Gracious Soveraigne, we have read certaine Books brought forth by a German Author under the Characters of H. N. who affirmeth therein, that he is prepared chosen and sent of God to minister, and set forth the most holy service of the love of God, and Christ, or of the Holy Ghost unto the children of men upon the Universall earth, out of which service or writings we be taught all Dutifull Obedience towards God, and Magistrates, and to live a Godly and honest life, and to love God above all things, and our neighbours as our selves agreeing therein with all the Holy scriptures as we un∣derstand them. Against which Author, and his bookes we never yet heard or knew any Law established in this Realme by our late Gracious Soveraigne, but that we might read them without offence, whose writings we suppose under your Highness correction, your Majesty hath yet never seene or perufed, heard of by any indifferent nor true in∣formation: For the said H. N. in all his doctrine and writings (being as we are cre∣dibly informed, as much matter in volume, if they were all Compiled together as the whole Bible contoineth) doth neither take part with, nor write against any particular party or company whatsoever, as naming them by their names, nor yet praise, or dis∣praise any of them by name; But doth only shew in particular in his said writings, as saith he, the unpartiall service of love, requireth what is good or evill for every one,

wherein the man hath right or wrong in any point, whether it be in the State of his Soul towards God, or in the State of his body towards the Magistrates of the world and towards one another, to the end that all people (when they heare or read his writing, and doe thereby perceive their sinne, and estranging from God and Christ) might en∣deavour them to bring forth the due fruits of Repentance, which is reformation and newnesse of life, according as all the Holy Scriptures doth likewise require the same of every one. And that they might in that sort become saved through Jesus Christ, the only Saviour of all the world.

Notwithstanding deare Soveraigne, yet hath the said Author, and his Doctrine a long time, and still is most shamefully and falsely standered by our foresaid adversa∣ries both in this land, and in divers others, as to be replenished with all manner of damnable Errors, and filthy liberty of the flesh.

And we his well willers, and favourers in the upright drift of his doctrine, as afore∣said have also been of them complained of, & accused unto our Late Gracious Soveraign, and the Magistrates of this land, both long time past, and now lately againe as to be a people so infected and stained with all manner of detestable wickednesse and errors, that are not worthy to live upon the earth, but yet would never present any of his Bookes unto his Majesty to peruse; nor yet set them forth in any indifferent or true manner to the view of the world, lest their malicious, and standerous reports, and accusations a∣gainst the same, and us, should thereby be revealed and disproved to their great shame. Through which their most odious and false complaints against us, the Magistrates did then, and also have now lately cast divers of us into Prison, to our great hinderance & discredit. But yet have never proved against us, by sufficient and true testimony any one of their foule accusations, as the Records in such cases, and the Magistrates that have dealt therein can testifie, but are so utterly void of due and lawfull Proof thereof, that they have framed divers subtile Articles for us, being plain, and unlearned men to answer upon our Oath, whereby to urge and gather some things from our selves, so to prove their false and unchristian accusations to be true, or else will force us to renounce, recant, and condemne that which we doe not wilfully maintaine nor justifie, (much like as it was practized in the Primitive Church against the Christians) yea they are not ashamed to lay their owne and all other men disobedient and wicked acts (of what pro∣fession soever it be) upon our backs, to the end cunningly to purchase favour and cre∣dit to themselves, and to make us seeme monstrous and detestable before the Magi∣strates, and the common people every where, for that we, and the doctrine of H. N. might without any indifferent tryall, and lawfull or orderly proceedings as heretofore hath been used in the Christian Church in such eases for confuting and condemning of Heresie, be utterly rooted out of the Land: with divers other most cruell practices, proceeding out of their bitter and envious hearts towards us, tending to the same un∣christian and mercilesse purpose, the which we will here omit to speak of, because we have already been over••tedious to your Highnesse, and most humbly crave your most gracious pardon and patience therein, in respect we speak to cleare our selves of such matters as may touch our lives and liberties (which are two of the chiefest jewels that God hath given to Mankinde in this world) and also for that we have few friends, or any other meanes than this, to acquaint your Highnesse with the truth and state of our cause, whereof we think your Majesty is altogether ignorant, but have very many Enemies, whom we do greatly suspect will not be slack to prosecute their falfe and ma¦litious purpose against as unto your Highnesse, even like as they have accustomed in times past to doe unto our late Soveraign Queen, through which prevailing in their slanderous defacing of us and our cause, divers of us for want of friends to make is rightly known unto her Majestie have sundry times been constrained to endure their injurious dealing towards us to our great vexation and hindrance.

Wherefore most gratious Soveraign, this is now our humble suit unto your Highness, that when your Kingly affairs of importance, which your Majestie hath now in hand, shall be well overpast (for the prosperous performance whereof we will (as duty bin∣deth us daily pray unto Almighty God) that then your Highnesse will be pleased be∣cause we have alwaies taken the same Authors work aforesaid to proceed out of the

great grace and love of God and Christ extended towards all Kings, Princes, Rulers, and People, upon the universal earth (as he in many of his works doth witness no lesse) to their salvation, unity, peace, and concord in the same Godly love) to grant us that favour, at your Majesties fit and convenient time to peruse the Books your self with an impartiall eye, conferring them with the holy Scriptures, wherein it seemeth by the Books that are set forth under your Highnesse name, that you have had great travell, and are therefore better able to judge between Truth and Falshood. And we will when∣soever it shall please your Highnesse to appoint the time, and to command, and licence us thereto, doe our best endeavours to procure so many of the Books, as we can out of Germany (where they be Printed) to be delivered unto your Majestie, or such Godly, Learned, and indifferent men, as it shall please your Majestie to appoint.

And we will also (under your Highnesse lawfull Licence, and commandement in that behalf) doe our like endeavour to procure some of the Learned men in that Coun∣trey (if there be any yet remaining alive that were well acquainted with the Au∣thour and his Works in his life time, and which likewise have exercised his works ever since) to come over and attend upon your Majestie at your appointed time con∣venient, who can much more sufficiently instruct and resolve your Highnesse in any unusuall words, phrase, or matter, that may happily seem dark and doubtfull to your Majestie that any of us in this your Land are able to doe.

And so upon your Highnesse advised consultation and censure thereupon (finding the same Works hereticall or seditious, and not agreeable to Gods holy Word and testi∣monies of all the Scriptures) to leave them, to take them as your Majesties Laws shall therein appoint us, having no intent or meaning to contend or resist there-against, however it be, but dutifully to obey thereunto according to the Counsel of Scriptures, and also of the said Authors work.

And our further humble suit unto your Highnesse is, that of your gracious favour, and clemency you will grant and give order unto your Majesties Officers in that be∣half, That all of us your faithfull loving Subjects, which are now in Prison in any part of this your Realme for the same cause, may be released upon such Bail, or Bond as we are able to give; and that neither we, nor any of that company (behaving our selves orderly and obediently under your Highnesse lawes) may be any further persecuted or troubled therein, untill such time as your Majestie and such Godly learned and indiffe∣rent men of your Clergie, as your Highnesse shall appoint thereto, shall have advisedly consulted and determined of the matter, whereby we may not be utterly wasted by the great Charge of Imprisonment, and Persecution, and by the hard dealing of our Ad¦versaries, for we are but a People few in number, and yet most of us very poor in worldly wealth.

O sacred Prince! we humbly pray that the Almighty will move your Princely heart with true judgment to discerne between the right and the wrong of our cause, accord∣ing to that most certain and Christian Rule set down by our Saviour Christ unto his Disciples, Matth: 7. 12. Ye shall know the tree by the fruit, and in our obedience, peaceable, and honest lives, and conversation to protect us; and in our disobedience and misdemeanour to punish us, as resisters of Gods Ordinance, of the Kingly Autho∣rity, and most high Office of Justice committed to your Majestie to that purpose towards your Subjects, Rom. 13.

And gracious Soveraigne, we humbly beseech your Highnesse with Princely Regard in equity and favour to ponder, and grant the humble suit contained in this most lowly supplication of your loyall, true hearted, faithfull subjects, And to remember that your Majestie in your Book of Princely, grave, and fatherly advice, to the happy Prince, your Royall Son, doth conclude, Principis est parcere subjectis & debellare superbos, and then no doubt, God will blesse your Highnesse with all your Noble Off∣spring, with peace, long life, and all honours, and happinesse, long to continue over us; for which we will ever pray with incessant prayers to the Almighty.

I finde not what effect this their Petition produced; whether it was slighted, and the Petitioners looked upon as inconsiderable, or beheld as a few frantick

folk out of their wits, which consideration alone often melted their Adversaries Anger into Pity unto them.

19. The main design driven on in the Petition is to separate themselves from the Puritans (as persons odious to King JAMES) that they might not fare the worse for their Vicinity unto them;* 4.3 though these Familists could not be so desi∣rous to leave them as the others were glad to be left by them. For if their opi∣nions were so senslesse, and the lives of these Familists so sensuall, as is reported, no purity at all belonged unto them.

20.b 4.4 Some take exceptions at their Prayer for King JAMES;* 4.5 willing him, and his, Peace, long life, all honour, and happinesse, without mentioning of Life Eternall and the Blessings thereof, whilst others are so much of the Family of Charity to this Family of Love, as to excuse the omission as casual, or else extend happinesse as comprehensive of the World to come. Others are more justly of∣fended to see God and Dung joyned together, Gods Word and the words of H. Nicholas equally yeaked by them as infallible alike. They confesse in this book some unusuall words which are Dark and Doubtfull, which at this day is affe¦cted by many Sectarists (whilst Truth is plain and easie) amusing People with mysticall expressions, which their Auditors understand not, and perchance not they themselves. So that as one saith very well of their high soring pretended spirituall language, That it is a great deal too high for this world, and a great deal too low for the world to come.

21. I find one in his Confutation of this Petition inveighing against our Bishops:* 4.6 That they were friends unto Familisme,* 4.7 and favoured the Promoters thereof, ad∣ding moreover, That sew of the Prelaticall way refuted them. Now though the best friends of Bishops, yea, and the Bishops themselves will confesse they had too many faults; Yet I am confident this is a false and uncharitable aspersion upon them: No better is that when he saith, That divers of the Court of Queen Eliza∣beth, and some Nobles, were Familists; wherein I am sure Plenty of Instances hath put him to such a Penury that he cannot insist upon any one. But I am inclined the rather to Pardon his Errour herein, because the Author reporting this, is a Forreigner then living in Scotland; And should I trear of the Character of the Court of King JAMES at Edinburgh at the same time, possibly my Pen at so great a distance might commit farre worse mistakes.

22. Some will say, where are these Familists now adaies?* 4.8 are they utterly ex∣tinct, or are they lost in the heap of other Sects, or are they concealed under a new name? The last is most probable. This Family (which shut their Dores be∣fore) keeps open house now: Yea, Family is too narrow a name for them they are grown so numerous. Formerly by their own Confession in this Petition they had three Qualities, Few, Poor, and Unlearned; for the last Billa vera, their Lack of Learning they still retain, being otherwise many, and some rich, but all under the name of RANTERS, and thus I fairly leave them, on condition they will fairly leave me, that I may hear no more of them for delivering Truth and my own Conscience in what I have written concerning their Opinions.

23. I find no Protestant tears dropt on the grave of any eminent Divine this year, but we light on two Romanists dying beyond Sea,* 4.9 much lamented: one, Richard Hall, bred in Christs College in Cambridge, whence he ran over to Rome, whence he returned into the Low Countreys, and died Canon, and Official of the Cathe∣dral of S. Omer: The other, Humphrey Eli, an Herefordshire man by birth, Fellow of St. John's in Oxford, whence going beyond sea, at Rome he commenced Doctour of Law, and afterwards died Professour thereof in the University of Ponta* 4.10 Mousan. He is charactred to be, Juris peritus doctus, pauper, & pacifi∣cus; A Lawyer learned, poor, and peaceable. And thus much my charity can easily believe of him: but theh 4.11 Distich (the Epitaph I take it on his Tomb) is damnable hyperbolicall;

Albion haereseos velatur nocte, viator Desine mirari, sol suus hic latitat.

Wonder not,* 4.12* 4.13 England's dark with errours night, For loe here buried lies her Sun so bright.

Or else the Poet lies who made the Verses. But his ashes shall not be disturbed by me.

24. The Romish Catholicks,* 4.14 now utterly despairing, either by flattery to wooe, or force to wrest, any free and publick exercise of their Religion, some of them entered into a damnable, and devilish conspiracie, to blow up the Parliament-House with gun-powder. In this plot were engaged,

• 1. Robert Catesbie.
• 2. Thomas Percie.
• 3. Sir Everard Dighie.
• 4. Francis Tresham.
• 5. Robert Winter.
• 6. Thomas Winter.
• 7. John Wright.
• 8. Christopher Wright.
• 9. Ambrose Rookwood.
• 10. Robert Keys.
• 11. John Grant.
• 12. Thomas Bates, Catesbie's man.
• 13. Guido Faux.

Twelve, besides their Foreman, but, how honest and true, let their ensuing action declare. Surely all of resolute spirits, most of antient families, some of plentifull fortunes, and Percie, though weak in purse himself, pretended to command the wealthiest coffers of another.

25. But,* 4.15 a treason without a Jesuit, or one of Jesuited principles therein, is like a drie wall, without either lime, or morter: Gerard must be the cement, with the Sacrament of Secrecie, to joyn them together: Garnet and Tismond (whelps of the same litter) commended, and encouraged the designe. But here an impor∣tant scruple was injected, How to part their friends, from their foes in the Parlia∣ment, they having many in the House, of alliance, yea, of the same (in consci∣ence a nearer kinred) Religion with themselves. To slay the righteous with the a 4.16 wicked, be it farre from God, and all good men. And yet, as such an unpartiall destruction, was uncharitable: so an exact Separation seemed as impossible. Here Garnes, instead of untying, cut this knot asunder, with this his sharp decision; That in such a case as this, it was lawfull to kill friend, and foe together. Indeed, the good husbandman in theb 4.17 Gospel, permitted the tares to grow for the corne's sake; whereas here, by the contrary counsell of the Jesuit, the corn (so they reputed it) was to be rooted up for the tares sake.

26. This scruple in conscience,* 4.18 thus satisfied by Garnet, two other difficulties in point of performance, presented themselves. For, CHARLES, Duke of York, probably (by reason of His minority) would not be present, and the Lady ELIZABETH would certainly be absent from the Parliament-House. How then should these two (the next Heires to the Crown) be compassed within their power? But for the first, Percie, profered his service, promising to possesse him∣self, by a fraudulent force, of the person of the Duke. Catesbie undertook the other difficulty, under a pretended Hunting-match (advantaged thereunto by the vicinitie of Ashbie, to the Lord Harrington's, where the Princesse had Her education) to train Her into their command. All rubs thus removed, their way was made as smooth as glasse, and as slippery too, as by the sequele may ap∣peare.

27. But first be it remembred,* 4.19 that, though these plotters intended at last with honour to own the action, when successe had made all things secure; yet they purposed, when the blow was first given, and whilest the act was certain, but the successe thereof doubtfull, to father the fact on the Puritans. They thought, their backs were broad enough, to bear both the sin, and shame; and, that this saddle, for the present, would finely fit their backs, whose discontent (as these plotters would pretend) unable otherwise to atchieve their desired alteration in Church-Government, had, by this damnable treason, effected the same. By transferring the fact on the then most innocent Puritans; they hoped, not onely to decline the odium of so hellish a designe, but also (by the strangenesse of the act, and unsuspectednesse of the actors) to amuze all men, and beget an univer∣sall distrust, that every man would grow jealous of himself. And, whilest such

amazement tied,* 4.20* 4.21 in a manner, all mens hands behinde them, these plotters pro∣mised themselves the working out their own ends, part by their home-strength, and the rest by calling in the assistance of forraign Princes.

28. They fall a working in the Vault.* 4.22 Dark the place, in the depth of the earth; dark the time, in the dead of the night; dark the designe, all the actors therein concealed by oath from others, and thereby combined amongst them selves. Oh! how easie is any work, when high merit is conceived the wages there∣of? In piercing thorough the wallc 4.23 nine foot thick, they erroniously conceived, that they thereby hewed forth their own way to heaven. But they digged more with their silver in an hour, than with their iron in many daies; namely, when discovering a Cellar hard by, they hired the same, and these Pioneers saved much of their pains by the advantage thereof. And now all things were carried so se∣cretly, no possibility of any detection, seeing the actors themselves had solemnly sworn that they would not, and all others might as safely swear, they could not make any discovery thereof.

29. But,* 4.24 so it fell out, that the sitting of the Parliament was put off from time to time; namely, from the seventh of February (whereon it was first appointed to meet) it was adjourned till the fifth of October, and afterward from the fifth of October, put off till the fifth of November, and accordingly their working in the vault (which attended the motion of the Parliament) had severall distinct inter∣missions, and resumptions thereof. As if Divine Providence had given warning to these Traytors (by the slow proceeding, and oft adjourning of the Parliament) mean time seriously to consider, what they went about; and seasonably to desist from so damnable a designe, as suspitious, at last it would be ruined, which so long had been retarded. But, no taking off theird 4.25 wheels will stay those chariots from drowning, which God hath decreed shall be swallowed in the Red sea.

30. Behold!* 4.26 here is fire, and wood, but where is the Lamb for the burnt offering? Alas! a whole flock of lambs were not farre off, all appointed to the slaughter. The King, Prince Henry, Peers, Bishops, Judges, Knights, and Burgesses, all designed to destruction. Let me smite him (said Abishat of Saul)e 4.27 even at once, and I will not smite him the second time. So here, a blow, so sound, secret, and sudden, was intended it would not need iteration: once, and ever, the first act would finish all in an instant. But, thanks be to God, nothing was blown up but the Treason, or brought to execution but the Traytors.

31. Indeed,* 4.28 some few daies before the fatall stroke should bee given, Master Keyes, being at Tichmersh in Northampton-shire, at the house of Master Gilbert Pickering, his Brother-in-law (but of a different Religion, as a true Pro∣testant) suddenly whipped out his sword, and in metriment made many offers therewith, at the heads, necks, and sides of many Gentlemen and Gentlewomen then in his company. This then was taken as a meer frolick, and for the present passed accordingly; but afterwards (when the Treason was discovered) such as remembred his gestures, thought thereby he did act, what he intended to doe (if the plot had took effect) hack, and hew; kill, and slay all eminent persons,* 4.29 of a different Religion from themselves.

32. Cursef 4.30 not the King, no not in thy thought—for a bird of the aire shall carry the voice, As here such a discovery was made: with a Pen (fetched from the feather of a foul) a Letter was written to the Lord Mounteagle, in manner following:

My Lord,

OUt of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation: Therefore, I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament: For, God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this Time. And think not slightly of this advertisement, but retire your self into your Countrey, where you may expect the event in safety: For, though there be no appearance of any stirre, yet I say, they shall receive a terrible Blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This counsell is not to be

contemned,* 5.1* 5.2 because it may doe you good, and can doe you no harm; for the danger in past so soon as you have burnt the Letter: And I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it: To whose holy protection I commend you.

A strange Letter, from a strange hand, by a strange Messenger: without date to it, name at it, and (I had almost said) sense in it. A Letter, which, even when it was opened, was still sealed, such the affected obscurity therein.

33. The Lord Mounteagle, as loyalty advised him,* 5.3 communicates the Letter to the Earl of Salisbury, he to the KING. His Majesty, on the second perusall, ex∣pounded the mysticall Blow meant therein must be by Gun-powder, and gives order for searching the Rooms under the Parliament House, under pretence to look for lost Hangings, which were conveyed away. The first search about even∣ing, discovered nothing but Percy's Cellar, full of Wood, and Johnson his man (under that name was Faux disguised) attending therein. However the name of Percy, and sight of Faux so quickned the jealousie of the Lord Mounteagle, that this first slight Search led to a second scrutinie, more strictly, and secretly per∣formed.

34. This was made at midnight by Sir Thomas Knevet,* 5.4 Gentleman of His Ma∣jesties Privie Chamber, and others, into the Vault under the Parliament House. There the mysterie of iniquity was quickly discovered; a Pile of Fewell, faced over with Billets, lined under with thirty six Barrels of Powder, besides Iron barres, to make the force of the fire more effectuall. Guido Faux was apprehended in the outward Room, with a Dark Lantern in his hand (the lively embleme of their designe, whose dark side was turned to man, whiles the light part was exposed to God) and three Matches, ready to give fire to the Train. This Caitiffe professed himself onely grieved, that he was not in the inner room, to blow himself, and them, all up together: affirming moreover, that, not God, but the Devil made the discovery of the Plot.

35. Mean time,* 5.5 Catesbie, Percy, Rookwood, both the Wrights, and Thomas Winter, were hovering about London, to attend the issue of the matter. Having sate so long abrood, and hatching nothing, they began to suspect, all their eggs had proved addle. Yet betwixt hope, and fear, they and their Servants post down into the Countrey, thorough Warwick, and Worcester, into Stafford shire. Of Traytors they turn Felons, breaking up Stables, and stealing Horses as they went. But many of their own men (by a farre more lawfull felonie) stole away from their Masters, leaving them to shift for themselves. The neighbouring Counties, and their own consciences, rise up against these riotous Roisters, as yet unknown for Traytors. At last Sir Richard Walsh, High Sheriffe of Worcester∣shire, overtook them at Holbeck in Stafford shire at the house of Mr. Stephen Little∣ton; where, upon their resistance, the two Wrights were killed; Rookwood, and Thomas Winter shrewdly wounded.

36. As for Percy,* 5.6 and Catesbie, they fought desperately for their lives (as know∣ing, no quarter, but quartering, would be given unto them) and, as if they scorned to turn their backs to any but themselves, setting back to back, they fought a∣gainst all that assaulted them. Many swords were drawn upon them, but gun∣powder must doe the deed, which discharged that bullet, which dispatched them both. Never were two bad mens deaths more generally lamented of all good men; onely on this account, that they lived no longer, to be forced to a farther discovery of their secret Associates.

37. It must not be forgotten,* 5.7 how some hours before their apprehension, as these Plotters were drying dank gun-powder in an Iane, a Miller casually coming in (haply not heeding the black meal on the hearth) by carelesse casting on of a billet, fired the gun-powder: Up flies the Chimney, with part of the house: all therein are frighted, most hurt, but especially Catesbie and Rookwood had their faces soundly scorched; so bearing in their bodies, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉g 5.8 the marks of our Lord Jesus Christ, but the print of their own impieties. Well might they guesse, how good that their cup of cruelty was, whose dregs they meant others should

drink,* 5.9* 5.10 by this little sip, which they themselves had unwillingly tasted thereof.

38. The rest were all at London solemnly arraigned,* 5.11 convicted, condemned. So foule the fact, so fair the proof, they could say nothing for themselves. Ma∣ster Tresham dying in the prison, prevented a more ignominious end.

• 1. Sir Everard Digbie, Robert Winter, Grant, and Bates, were hanged, drawn,* 5.12 and quartered, at the West end of S. Paul's. Three of them, but especially Sir Everard Digbie, died very penitently, and devout∣ly; onely Grant expressed most obstinacy at his end.
• 2. Thomas Winter, Ambrose Rookwood, Keies,* 5.13 and Faux were executed, as the former, in the Parliament-yard in Westminster, Keies followed Grant in his obstinacie; andh 5.14 Faux shewed more penitencie than all the rest.
• 3. Garnet, Provinciall of the English Jesuits, was arraigned some weeks after, byi 5.15 four severall names, and executed on the Saturday, which, he said, was called Institutio crucis; of whom largely in the next year.

They all craved testimony, that they died Roman Catholicks; my pen shall grant them this their last, and so equall petition, and bears witnesse to all whom it may concern, That they lived, and died in the Romish Religion. And although the hainousnesse of their offence, might, with some colour of justice, have angred severity into cruelty against them; yet so favourably were they proceeded with, that most of their Sons, or Heirs (except since disinherited by their own prodiga∣lity) at this day enjoy their Paternall possessions.

39. Heaven having thus defeated Hell of its desired successe,* 5.16 Earth since hath endevoured to defraud Heaven of its deserved praise. A posthume report is brought forth into the world (nursed, as it is fit, by the mothers thereof) that King JAMES was privie to this Plot all along; and, that His observing ran pa∣rallel with the Traytors, acting therein, so that He could discover it, when He pleased, but was not pleased to discover it, untill the Eve of the fifth of November, A fancie inconsistent with that ordinary piety, which all charitable men must al∣low King JAMES as a Christian; and with that extraordinary policie, which His adversaries admire in Him as a Statesman. Was it probable, that He would tempt God so profanely, as solemnly to thank him, for revealing that to Him, which he knew before? Would King JAMES his wisdome, not to say, His warinesse, not to say, His fearfulnesse, dally so long with destruction, as to put it off to the last hour, when, Uno actu, tactu; ictu, nictu, all might have been con∣founded? Was it not hard for Him to equivocate before such a Master of equi∣vocation, as Garnet the Jesuit was? who, certainly, if he had smelt any jugling of King JAMES therein; would, no doubt, have proclamed it to all the world at his execution. I deny not, but, that the King, both by intelligence from forain parts, and secret information from those secular Priests, that Bishop Bancroft secretly kept in his house, was advertised in generall of some great Plot which the Jesuited Papists were hatching against the ensuing Parliament: but, for the par∣ticulars, that ridd'ling Letter brought Him the first notice thereof, whatsoever is fancied to the contrary. But, if wilde conjectures in such cases from obscure Au∣thors, shall be permitted to justle for credit against received Records, all former unquestionable history, will be quickly reduced to an universall uncertainty. But there is a generation of people, who, to inhanse the reputation of their knowledge, seem not only, like mothes, to have lurked under the carpets of the Counsel Table; but, even like fleas, to have leaped into the pillows of Princes bed-chambers, thence deriving their private knowledge of all things, which were, or were not ever done, or thought of. In defiance of whom I adde, Give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars, and unto God the things that are Gods.* 5.17 Let King JAMES by read∣ing the Letter, have the credit of discovering this Plot to the world, and GOD the glory for discovering it unto King JAMES.

40. A learnedk 5.18 Author,* 5.19* 5.20* 5.21 making mention of this Treason, breaketh forth into the following rapture:

Excidat illa dies aevo, ne postera credant Secula; nos certè taceamus, & obruta multâ Nocte tegi propriae patiamar crimina gentis.

Oh let that day be quite dash'd out of time, And not believ'd by the next generation; In night of silence we' ll conceal the crime, Thereby to save the credit of our nation.

A wish, which, in my opinion, hath more of Poetrie, than of pietie therein, and from which, I must be forced to dissent. For, I conceive not the credit of our Countrey-men concerned in this Plot; not beholding this as a nationall act, whose actors were but a partie of a partie, a desperate handfull of discontented persons of the Papisticall faction. May the day indeed be ever forgotten, as to the point of imitation, but be ever remembred to the detestation thereof. May it be solemnly transmitted to all posterity, that they may know, how bad man can be to destroy, and how good God hath been to deliver. That especially we English-men may take notice, how wofull we might have been, how happy we are, and how thankfull we ought to be. In order whereunto the Parliament (first moved therein by Sir Edward Mountague, afterward Baron of Boughton) enacted an annuall, and constant memoriall of that day to be observed.

41. Certainly,* 5.22 if this Plot had took effect, the Papists would have celebrated this day with all solemnity, and it should have taken the upper hand of all other Festivalls. The more therefore the shame, and pity, that amongst Protestants, the keeping of this day (not as yet full fifty years old) begins already to wax weak, and decay. So that the red letters, wherein it is written, seem daily to grow dimmer, and paler in our English Kalender. God forbid, that our thankfulnesse for this great deliverance, formerly so solemnly observed, should hereafter be like the squibs, which the Apprentices in London make on this day; and which give a great flash, and crack at the first, but soon after go out in a stink.

42. Matthew Hutton Archbishop of Yorke ended his religious life,* 5.23 descended from an antient Family of Hutton Haell (as I take it, in Lancashire) Fellow of Tri∣nity Colledge in Cambridge (to the enlarging whereof he gave an hundred marks) afterwards Master of Pembroke Hall, and Margaret Professour, then Bishop of Durham, and Archbishop of Yorke. One of the last times that ever he preached in his Cathedrall was on this occasion: The Catholicks in Yorkeshire were com∣manded by the Queens Authority to be present at three Sermons, and at the two first behaved themselves so obstreperously, that some of them were forced to be gagged, before they would be quiet. The Archbishop preached the last Sermon most gravely and solidly, taking for his Text, Joh. 8. 47. He that is of God heareth Gods words, ye therefore hear them not, because ye are not of God.

43. Here I must clear the memory of this worthy Prelate,* 5.24 from a mistake com∣mitted, surely not wilfully, but through false intelligence, by a pen, otherwise more ingenuous, and professing respect to him, and some familiarity with him.

Sir John Harrington in his Additional to Bishop Godwin, page 192.

This Archbishop his eldest Sonne is a Knight, lately Sheriffe of Yorkeshire, and of good reputation. One other Son he had, Luke Hutton by name, so vali∣ant, that he feared not men, nor laws; and for a robbery done on Saint Luke's day; for names sake, he died as sad a death (though I hope with a better minde) as the Thief of whom Saint Luke writes. The Archbishop herein shewed that constancy and severity worthy of his place, for he would not endeavour to save him, as the world thought he easily might.

The Truth.* 5.25* 5.26

This worthy Prelate had but three Sonnes,

• 1. Marke, who died young,
• 2. Sir Timothy Hutton, Knighted Anno 1605. and Sheriffe of Yorkeshire.
• 3. Sir Thomas Hutton, Knight, who lived and died also respected in his own Countrey.

As for this Luke Hutton, he was not his, but Son to Doctor Hutton, Preben∣darie of Durham.

This Archbishop was a learned man, excepted even by a Jesuit, (who wrote in disgrace of the English, as neglecting the reading of Fathers) and another Matthew more, qui unus in paucis versare Patres dicitur. He founded an Hospitall in the North, and endowed it with the yearly revenue of thirty five pounds.

44. Two other Bishops this year also ended their lives:* 5.27 In March, Johnl 5.28 Young Doctour in Divinity, once Master of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, Bishop of Ro∣chester, in which See he sate above twenty seven years. And Anthony Watson, Fellow of Christs Colledge in Cambridge, first Dean of Bristol, and afterwards Bishop of Chichester, whom Queen Elizabeth made Her Almoner, namely after Bishop Fletcher, at whose indiscr••et second marriage the Queen took distaste. Bishop Watson died in September, and alwaies led a single life.

45. Father Henry Garnet was now most solemnly,* 5.29 and ceremoniously brought to the scaffold: who, because he is cried up by the Papists for so pretious a piece of piety, we will be the larger in the delivery of his true character. For, although we will not cast dirt on the foulest face, it is fit we should wash off the paint of counterfeit holinesse from the hypocriticall pretenders thereunto. Bred he was in Winchester School, where, with some other Scholars, he conspired to cut off his School-Masters, Bilson'sm 5.30 right hand (early his enmitie against Authority re∣trenching his riot) but that his designe was discovered. Being Prepositour of the School (whose frown, or favour was considerable to those under his inspection) he sodomitically abused fiven 5.31, or six, of the handsomest youths therein. Here∣upon his School-Master advised him, yea, he advised himself, rather silently to slink away, than to stand Candidate for a repulse in his preferment to New Col∣ledge. Over he fled to Rome, where, after some years, he so improved himself, that, from a Prepositour over boyes, he was made Provincial over men, even the whole Order of English Jesuits.

46. Hence he returned into England,* 5.32 and was not onely privie to, but a prin∣cipall plotter of the Gunpowder-Treason. Being attached, and imprisoned in the Tower, the Earl of Sarisbury, and Doctour Overall, Dean of S. Paul's, with other Divines, repaired unto him, charging it on his conscience, for not revealing so dangerous a conspiracie; Garnet pleaded for himself, that it was concredited un∣to him under the solemn seal of Confession; the violation whereof he accounted the highest impiety. This they disproved, because he had disccursed thereof fre¦quently, and publickly, with Catesbie, Gerard, and Greenwood, circumstances in∣consistent with the essentiall secrecie of Confession. Garnet sought to salve him¦self with a fine distinction (so fine that it brake to pieces in the spinning) that it was told him in viâ ad confessionem, in order to confession; which, though wanting some formalities thereof, did equally oblige his conscience to conceal it.

47. Dean Overall rejoyned,* 5.33 that Confession was of antefacts, not postfacts; and, that it is not confession, but ••enacing to impart to a Priest intended villanies. He farther urged, that their most conscientious Casuists allowed, yea, injoyned Priests discovery in such case, when a greater good accrued by revealing, than concealing such secrecies. I was minded (quoth Garnet) to discover the plot, but not the persons therein.

48. Here the Earl of Sarisbury interposed;* 5.34 and, who said he) hindred you from discovering the Plot? Even you your self (answered Garnet) for I knew full well, should I have revealed the Plot, and not the Plotters, you would have racked this poor body of mine to pieces, to make we confesse. And now we have mentioned the rack,

Know, that never any rack was used on Garnet,* 5.35* 5.36 except a wit-rack, wherewith he was worsted, and this cunning archer outshot in his own bow. For being in pri∣son with Father Oldcorne, alias Hall, his Confessour, they were put into ano 5.37 equivo∣cating room, (as I may terme it) which pretended nothing but privacie, yet had a reservation of some invisible persons within it, ear-witnesses to all the passages be twixt them, whereby many secrecies of Garnet's were discovered.

49. In Guild hall he was arraigned before the Lord Major,* 5.38 and the Lords of the Privie Councell, Sir Baptist Hicks (afterwards Viscount Camden) being fore∣man of the Jury, consisting of Knights, Esquires, and the most substantiall Citi∣zens, whose integrities and abilities were above exception. I see therefore no cause why the defender of Garnet, after his death accuseth those men as incompetent, or improper for their place, as if he would have had him tried per pares by a Jury of Jesuits (and, would he have them all Provincials too?) which I believe, though summoned, would unwillingly have appeared in that place. Garnet,* 5.39 pleading little against pregnant proofs, was condemned, and some daies after publickly executed in S. Paul's Church-yard.

50. The Secretary of the Spanish Ambassadour (for we charitably believe his Master honester,* 5.40 and wiser) writing into Spain, and Italy, what here he took up∣on hear-say, filled forain Countreys with many falshoods concerning Garnet's death, as namely,

1. That he manifested much alacrity of minde, in the cheerfulnesse of his looks at his death. 2. His zealous, and fervant prayers much moved the people. 3. The people hindered the hangman from cutting the rope, and quartering him while alive. 4. The people so clawed the Executioner, that he hardly escaped with life. 5. When he held up Garnet's head to the people, there was a Panick silence, none saying, God save the King.

Whereas

1. He betrayed much servile fear, and consternation of spirit, much beneath the erected re∣solution of a Martyr. 2. His prayers were saint, cold, and perplexed, oft interrupted with his listening to, and an∣swering of others. 3. That favour by speciall order from His Majestie, was mer∣cifully indulged unto him. 4. No violence was done unto him, able many years after to give a cast of his office, if need required. 5. Acclamations in that kinde were as loud, and generall, as heretofore on the same occa∣sion.

Thus suffered Father Garnet, after whose death some subtile persons have im∣pudently broached, and other silly people senslesly believed a certain miracle of his working, which we here relate as we finde it reported:

51. John Wilkinson,* 5.41 a thorough-paced Catholick, living at S. Omers, posted over into England, as having a great desire to get, and keep some of Garnet's re∣liques. Great was his diligence in coming early before others to the place of his execution (which advantaged him neer to Garnet's person) and greater his pati∣ence in staying till all was ended, and the rest of the people departed. When, behold a straw be sprinkled with some drops of his blood (and having an ear of corn at the end thereof) leapedp 5.42 up on this Wilkinson, not taking the rise of its leap from the ground, he was sure, but whether from the scaffold, or from the basket wherein Garnet's head was, he was uncertain: Was not this Wilkinson made of Jeat, that he drew this straw so wonderfully unto him? Well, however it came to passe, joyfully he departs with this treasure, and deposits the same with the

Wife of Hugh Griffith,* 5.43 a Tailor (a Zealot of his own Religion) who provided a Chrystall Case for the more chairie keeping thereof.

52. Some weeks after,* 5.44 upon serious inspection of this straw, the face of a man (and we must believe it was Garnet's) was perceived therein, appearing on the outside of a leaf (which covered a grain within it) and where the convexitie thereof represented the prominencie of the face, with good advantage. Wilkinson, Hugh Griffith, and his wife, Thomas Laithwaith, and others beheld the same, though there be some difference in their depositions, whose eyes had the first happinesse to discover this portraicture. Soon after, all England was belittered with the news of this straw, and Catholicks cried it up for no lesse than a mi∣racle.

53. There are two infallible touch-stones of a true miracle,* 5.45 which alwaies is done 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 presently, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 perfectly. Neither of these on examination ap∣peared here. For, when this straw salient leaped first up into Wilkinson's lap, it is to be presumed, that he (having it so long in his possession) critically surveyed the same, the volume whereof might quickly be perused: and yet then no such effigiation was therein discovered, which some nineteen weeks after became vi∣sible, about the nineteenth of September following. Surely had this pregnant straw gone out its full time of fourty weeks, it would have been delivered of a perfect picture indeed, whereas now miscarrying before that time, wonder not if all things were not so complete therein.

54. For the face therein was not so exact,* 5.46 as which might justly intitle heaven to the workmanship thereof. Say not it was done in too small a scantling to be accurate, for Deus est maximus in minimis, Gods exquisitenesse appears the most in q 5.47 modells. Whereas when Witnesses were examined about this mock-miracle be∣fore the Archbishop of Canterbury, Francis Bowen deposed, that he believed that a good Artisan might have drawn one more curiously, and Hugh Griffith him∣self attested, that it was no more like Garnet, than to any other man who had a beard; and that it was so small, none could affirm it to resemble him; adding moreover, that there was no glory, or streaming raies about it, which some did im∣pudently report.

55. However,* 5.48 this inspirited straw was afterward copied out, and at Rome printed in pomp, with many superstitious copartments about it (as a coronet, a crosse, and nails) more than ever were in the originall. Yea, this miracle (how silly, and simple soever) gave the ground-work to Garnet's beatification by the Pope some moneths after. Indeed Garnet complained before his death, That he could not expect that the Church should own him for a Martyr, and signified the same in his Letter to his dear Mistresse Anne (but for her sirname call her Garnet, or Vaux, as you please) because nothing of religion, and onely practices against the State were laid to his charge. It seemed good therefore to his Holinesse, not to cano∣nize Garnet for a solemn Saint, much lesse for a Martyr, but onely to beatificate him, which (if I mistake not in their heavenly heraldrie) is by Papists accounted the least, and lowest degree of celestiall dignity, and yet a step above the Commo∣naltie, or ordinary sort of such good men as are saved. This he did to qualifie the infamie of Garnet's death, and that the perfume of this new title might out∣sent the stench of his treason. But we leave this Garnet (loth longer to disturb his blessednesse) in his own place, and proceed to such Church-matters as were trans∣acted in this present Parliament.

56. Evil manners prove often (though against their will) the parents of good laws,* 5.49 as here it came to passe. The Parliament begun, and holden at Westminster the fifth of November, and there continued till the 27 of May following, enacted many things for the discovering, and repressing of Popish Recusants, extant at large in the printed Statutes. Whereof none was more effectuall, than that Oath of Obedience, which every Catholick was commanded to take, the form whereof is here inserted: The rather, because this Oath may be termed like two of Isaac's r 5.50 wells, Esek, and Sitnah; Contention, and Hatred, the subject of a tough contro∣versie

versie betwixt us and Rome, about the legall urging, and taking thereof; Pro∣testants no lesse learnedly asserting, than Papists did zealously oppose the same.

The form of which Oath is as followeth:

I A. B. doe truly and sincerely acknowledge, professe, testifie, and declare in my conscience before God, and the world, That our Soveraigne Lord King James is lawfull, and rightfull King of this Realm, and of all other His Majesties Domi¦nions, and Countreys; and that the Pope, neither of himself, nor by any authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath any power, or authority to depose the King, or to dispose any of His Majesties Kingdomes, or Do∣minions, or to authorize any forraign Prince to invade, or annoy Him, or His Coun∣t••••, or to discharge any of His subjects of their allegiance, and obedience to His Majestie, or to give licence, or leave to any of them to bear armes, raise tumult, or to offer any violence, or hurt to His Majesties Royall Person, State, or Government, or to any of His Majesties subjects, within His Majesties Dominions.

Also I doe swear from my heart, that notwithstanding any declaration, or sentence of Excommunication, or deprivation, made, or granted, or to be made, or granted by the Pope, or his Successours or by any authority derived, or pretended to be derived from him, or his See, against the said King, His Heires, or Successours, or any abso∣lution of the said subjects from their obedience: I will bear faith, and true allegiance to His Majestie, His Heires, and Successours, and Him, and Them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against His or Their Persons, Their Crown, and Dignity, by reason or colour of any such sentence, or declaration, or otherwise, and will doe my best endeavour to disclose, and make known unto His Majestie, His Heires and Successours, all treasons, and traiterous conspiracies, which I shall know, or hear of, to be against Him, or any of Them.

And I doe farther swear, That I doe from my heart abhorre, detest, and abjure, as impious, and hereticall, this damnable doctrine, and position, That Princes, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may be deposed, or murthered by Their subjects, or any other whatsoever.

And I do believe, and in conscience am resolved, that neither the Pope, nor any person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this Oath, or any part thereof, which I acknow∣ledge by good and full authority to be lawfully ministred unto me, and doe renounce all Pardons, and D••spensations to the contrary. And all these things I doe plainly, and sincerely acknowledge, and swear, according to these express words, by me spoken, and according to the plain, and common sense, and understanding of the same words, with∣out any equivocation, or mentall evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I doe make this recognition, and acknowledgment heartily, willingly, and truly, upon the true faith of a Christian. So help me God.

This Oath was devised to discriminate the pernicious from the peaceable Pa∣pists. Sure binde, sure finde. And the makers of this were necessitated to be larger therein, because it is hard to strangle equivocation, which, if unable by might to break, will endeavour by slight to slip the halter.

57. No sooner did the newes thereof arrive at the ears of his Holiness,* 6.1 but pre∣sently he dispatcheth hiss 6.2 Breve into England, prohibiting all Catholicks to take this Oath, so destructive to their own souls, and the See of Rome; exhorting them patiently to suffer persecution, and manfully to endure martyrdome. And, be∣cause report was raised, that the Pope wrote this Breve, not of his own accord, and proper will, but rather for the respect, and at the instigation of others; next year he sent at 6.3 second to give faith, and confirmation to the former. Notwithstanding all which, this Oath, being tendred to, was generally taken by Catholicks, with∣out any scruple or regret. And particularly, George Blackwell, Arch-priest of the English, being apprehended, and cast into prison, by taking this Oath wrought

his own enlargement. Which made Cardinall Bellarmine (some fourty years agoe acquainted with him) in his Lettersu 6.4 kindly to reprove him for the same.

58. And now the allarme being given,* 6.5 whether this Oath was lawfull, or no▪ both parties of Protestants and Papists drew forth their forces into the field. King JAMES undertook the POPE himself; the wearer of Three, against the wearer of a Triple Crown (an even match) effectually confuting his Breve's. Bishop Andrews takes Bellarmine to task; Bishop Barlow poures out upon Par∣sons; Doctor Morton, Doctor Robert Abbot, Doctor Buckeridge, Doctor Collins, Doctor Burrel, Master Tomson, Doctor Peter Moulin, maintain the legality of the Oath, against Suarez, Eudaemon, Becanus, Cofteteus, Peleterius, and others, to whose worthy Works the Reader is referred for his farther satisfaction. I may call at, not go into these controversies, lest, by staying so long, I be benighted in my way, the rather, because the nearer we approach our home, the longer the miles grow, I mean, matter multiplieth toward the conclusion of our work. And now it is not worth the while, to go into the contemperary Convocation, where we meet with nothing but formality and continuations.

SECTION III.

THOMAE DACRES DE CHESTHUNT, Armig:

AVdîsti saepius de Rotundâ tabulâ, quam VVintonia jactitat: Hanc Regem Arthurum instituisse ferunt; ne inter Milites ejus discumbentes aliquid discordiae ob 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 orireretur.

Nôsti quales olim Libri fuerunt cum in gyrum rotarentur. Hinc adhuc inter Latinos volumen à volvendo obtinet. Nihil igitur interest quo ordine Patroni mei collocentur, cum in circulari formâinter primum & imum nihil sit discri∣minis.

Sed quorsùm haec! Cum Genus tuum, licèt splendidum, (tanta est Comitas, quae te illustrem reddidit) non fastuosè con∣sulas: Tibi omnia prospera. Vale.

WEE May remember,* 7.1 that one of the best things produced by Hampton-Court-Conference, was a resolution in His Ma∣jesty for a new Translation of the Bible. Which religious designe was now effectually prosecuted, and the Transla∣tors, being seven and fourty in number, digested into six companies, and severall Books assigned them, in order as followeth, according unto the severall places wherein they were to meet, conferre, and consult together; so that nothing should passe without a generall consent.

Westminster 10. The Pentateuch; the Story from Joshua, to the first Book of the Chronicles, ex∣clusively.	Doctor Andrews, Fellow, and Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambr: then Dean of Westminster, after Bishop of Winchester. Dr. Overall, Fellow of Trin: Coll: Master of Kath: Hall in Cambr: then Dean of S. Pauls, after Bishop of Norwich. Dr. Saravia. Dr. Clarke, Fellow of Christ-Coll: in Cambr: Preacher in Canterbury. Dr. Laifield, Fellow of Trin in Cambr: Parson of St. Cle∣ment-Danes. Being skill'd in Architecture, his judg∣ment was much rely'd on for the farbrick of the Ta∣bernacle and Temple. Dr. Leigh, Archdeacon of Middlesex, Parson of Allhal∣lows-Barking. Master Burgley. Mr. King. Mr. Thompson. Mr. Bedwell of Cambridge, and (I think) of Saint Johns, Vicar of Tottenham nigh London.
Cambridge 8. From the first of the Chronicles with the rest of the Story, & the Hagiographa, viz: Job, Psalmes, Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes.	Master Lively. Mr. Richardson, Fell: of Emman: after D. D. Master first of Peter-House, then of Trin: Coll: Mr. Chaderton, after D. D. Fell: first of Christ-Coll: the Master of Emmanuel. Mr. Dillingham, Fell. of Christ Coll: beneficed at in Bedford-shire, where he died a single, and a weal∣thie-man. Mr. Andrews, after D. D. brother to the Bishop of Win∣chester, and Master of Jesus-Coll: Mr. Harrison, the Reverend Vice-Master of Trinity-Coll: Mr. Spalding,* 7.2 Fell: of St. Johns in Cambr: and Hebrew-Professor therein. Mr. Bing, Fell: of Peter-House in Cambr: and Hebrew-Professour therein.
Oxford 7. The four greater Pro∣phets, with the La∣mentations, and the twelve lesser Pro∣phets.	Doctor Harding, President of Magdalent-Colledge. Dr. Reynolds, President of Corpus-Christi-Colledge. Dr. Holland, Rectour of Exceter-Colledge, and Kings-Professour. Dr. Kilby, Rectour of Lincoln-Colledge, and Regius Pro∣fessour. Master Smith, after D. D. and Bishop of Glocester. He made the learned and religious Preface to the Tran∣slation. Mr. Brett, of a worshipfull family, beneficed at Quain¦ton in Buckingham shire. Mr. Faireclowe.

Cambridge 7. The Prayer of Ma∣nasseh, and the rest of the Apocrypha.	Doctor Duport, Prebend of Elie, and Master of Iesus Colledge. Dr. Brainthwait, first Fellow of Emmanuel, then Master of Gonvel and Caius-Coll: Dr. Radclyffe, one of the seniour Fellows of Trin: Coll: Master Ward, Emman: after D. D. Master of Sidney-Coll: and Margaret-Professour. Mr. Downes, Fellow of St. Iohns-Coll: and Greek-Pro∣fessour. Mr. Boyse, Fellow of St. Iohns-Coll: Prebend of Elie, Parson of Boxworth in Cambridge-shire. Mr. Ward, Regal, after D. D. Prebend of Chichester, Rectour of Bishop-Waltham in Hampshire.
Oxford 8. The four Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, Apo∣calyps.	Doctor Ravis, Dean of Christ-Church, afterwards Bishop of London. Dr. Abbot, Master of University-Coll: afterward Arch∣bishop of Canterbury. Dr. Eedes. Mr. Thompson, Mr. Savill: Dr. Peryn. Dr. Ravens. Mr. Harmer.
Westminster 7. The Epistles of S. Paul, The Canonicall E∣pistles.	Doctor Barlowe, of Trinity-Hall in Cambridge, Dean of Chester, after Bishop of Lincolne. Dr. Hutchenson. Dr. Spencer. Mr. Fenton. Mr. Rabbet. Mr. Sanderson. Mr. Dakins.

Now, for the better ordering of their proceedings, His Majestie recommended the following Rules by them to be most carefully observed:* 7.3

• 1. The ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly called the Bishops Bible, to be followed, and as little altered as the Originall will per∣mit.
• 2. The names of the Prophets, and the Holy Writers, with the other names in the text, to be retained as neer as may be, accordingly as they are vulgarly used.
• 3. The old Ecclesiasticall words to be kept, viz: as the word [Church] not to be translated Congregation, &c.
• 4. When any word hath divers significations, that to be kept which hath been most commonly used, by the most eminent Fathers, being agreeable to the propriety of the place, and the analogie of faith.
• 5. The division of the Chapters to be altered either not at all, or as little as may be, if necessity so require.
• 6. No marginall notes at all to be affixed, but onely for the explanation of the Hebrew, or Greek words, which cannot without some cir∣cumlocution, so briefly and fitly be expressed in the text.
• 7. Such quotations of places to be marginally set down, as shall serve for the fit reference of one Scripture to another.
• ...

• 8. Every particular man of each company to take the same Chapter, or Chapters; and, having translated, or amended them severally by himself where he thinks good, all to meet together, conferre what they have done, and agree for their part what shall stand.
• 9. As any one company hath dispatched any one Book in this manner, they shall send it to the rest, to be considered of seriously, and judi∣tiously; for, His Majestie is very carefull in this point.
• 10. If any company upon the review of the Book so sent, shall doubt, or differ upon any places, to send them word thereof, note the places, and therewithall send their reasons: to which if they consent not, the difference to be compounded at the General Meeting, which is to be of the chief persons of each company, at the end of the work.
• 11. When any place of speciall obscurity is doubted of, Letters to be directed by Authority, to send to any learned in the Land for his judgment in such a place.
• 12. Letters to be sent from every Bishop, to the rest of his Clergie, ad∣monishing them of this Translation in hand; and to move, and charge as many as, being skilfull in the Tongues, have taken pains in that kinde, to send his particular observations to the Company, either at Westminster, Cambridge, or Oxford.
• 13. The directours in each Company, to be the Deans of Westminster, and Chester, for that place; and the Kings Professours in the He∣brew, and Greek, in each Universitie.
• 14. These Translations to be used, when they agree better with the Text, than the Bishops-Bible, viz:
  • Tindals.
  • Matthews.
  • Coverdals.
  • Whitchurch.
  • Geneva.

Besides the said directions before mentioned, three or four of the most antient, and grave Divines in either of the Universities, not employed in translating to be assigned by the Vice-Chancellour, upon conference with the rest of the Heads, to be Overseers of the Translations, as well Hebrew, as Greek, for the better obser∣vation of the fourth Rule above-specified.

2. The untimely death of Mr. Edward Lively,* 7.4 much weight of the work lying on his skill in the Oriental Tongues, happening about this time (happy that ser∣vant whom his Master, when he cometh, findeth so doing) not a little retarded their proceedings. However the rest vigorously, though slowly, proceeded in this hard, heavie, and holy task, nothing offended with the censures of impatient people, condemning their delaies, though indeed but due deliberation, for lazi∣nesse. Our pen for the present taketh its leave of them, not doubting but within two years to give a good account of them, or rather that they will give a good account of themselves.

In the translating of the Bible, one of the eminent persons employed therein,* 7.5 was translated into a better life, viz:

3. Doctor John Reynolds,* 7.6 Kings Professour in Oxford, born in Devon▪shire, with Bishop Iewell, and Mr. Hooker, and all three bred in Corpus-Christi Colledge in Oxford. No one County in England bare three such men* 7.7 contemporarie at large) in what Colledge soever they were bred, no Colledge in England bred such three men, in what County soever they were born.

4. This Iohn Reynolds at the first was a zealous Papist,* 7.8 whilst William his Bro∣ther was as earnest a Protestant, and afterwards Providence so ordered it, that by their mutuall disputation Iohn Reynolds turned an eminent Protestant, and Wil∣liam an inverterate Papist, in which perswasion he died.

This gave the occasion to an excellent Copie of Verses,* 7.9* 7.10 concluding with this Distich,

Quod genus hoc pugnae est? ubi victus gaudet uter{que}, Et simul alteruter se superâsse dolet.

What war is this? when conquered both are glad, And either to have conquered other sad.

Daniel saith,* 7.11 Many shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased. But here indeed was a strange transcursion, and remarkable the effects thereof.

5. His memory was little lesse than miraculous (he himself being the truest Table to the multitude of voluminous Books he had read over,* 7.12 whereby he could readily turn to all materiall passages in every leaf, page, volume, paragraph, not to descend lower, to lines and letters. As his Memory was a faithfull Index, so his Reason was a solid Judex of what he read; his Humility set a lustre on all (admirable that the whole should be so low, whose severall parts were so high) communicative of which he knew to any that desired information herein, like a tree Joaden with fruit, bowing down its branches to all that desired to ease it of the burden thereof, deserving this Epitaph:

Incertum est utrum Doctior an Melior.

6. His disaffection to the discipline established in England was not so great,* 7.13 as some Bishops did suspect, or as more Non conformists did believe. No doubt he desired the abolishing of some Ceremonies for the ease of the conscience of o∣thers, to which in his own practice he did willingly submit, constantly wearing Hood and Surplice, and kneeling at the Sacrament. On his death-bed he ear∣nestly desired absolution,* 7.14 according to the form of the Church of England, and received it from Doctor Holland, whose hand he * affectionately kissed, in ex∣pression of the joy he received thereby: Doctor Featly made his funerall Ora∣tion in the Colledge, Sir Isaac Wake in the University.

7. About this time Mr. John Molle,* 7.15 Governour to the Lord Ross in his travails, began his unhappy journey beyond the Seas. This Mr. Molle was born in, or neer South-Molton in Devon. His youth was most spent in France, where both by sea and land he gained much dangerous experience. Once the ship he sailed in sprung a-leak, wherein he and all his company had perished, if an Hollander (bound for Garnesay) passing very neer, had not speedily taken them in; which done, their ship sunk immediately. Being Treasurer for Sir Thomas Shirley of the Engl••sh Army in Britanie, he was in the defeat of Cambray wounded, taken priso∣ner, and ransomed; Providence designing him neither to be swallowed by the surges, nor slain by the sword, but in due time to remain a Land-mark of Christian patience to all posterity. At last he was appointed by Thomas, Earl of Exeter, (who formerly had made him Examiner in the Councell of the North) to be Governour in Travail to his Grand-childe, the Lord Ross, undertaking the charge with much reluctancie (as a presage of ill successe) and with a profession, and a resolution not to passe the Alpes.

8. But a Vagari took the Lord Ross to go to Rome,* 7.16 though some conceive this motion had its root in more mischievous brains. In vain doth Mr. Molle disswade him, grown now so wilfull, he would in some sort govern his Governour. What should this good man doe? To leave him were to desert his trust, to goe along with him was to endanger his own life. At last his affections to his charge so pre∣vailed against his judgment, that unwillingly willing he went with him. Now, at what rate soever they rode to Rome, the fame of their coming came thither be∣fore them; so that no sooner had they entred their Inne, but Officers asked for Mr. Molle, took and carried him to the Inquisition-House, where he remained a prisoner, whilest the Lord Ross was daily feasted, favoured, entertained: so that

some will not stick to say, That here he changed no Religion for a bad one.

9. However,* 7.17 such Mr. Molle's glorious constancy, that whilest he look'd for∣ward on his cause, and upwards to his crown, neither frights nor flattery could make any impression on him. It is questionable, whether his friends did more pity his misery, or admire his patience. The pretence, and allegation of his so long and strict imprisonment, was, because he had translated Du Plessis his Book of The Visibility of the Church, out of French into English; but besides, there were other contrivances therein, not so fit for a publick relation. In vain did his friends in England, though great and many, endeavour his enlargement by exchange, for one or moe Jesuits, or Priests, who were prisoners here. Papists beholding this Molle as a man of a thousand, who, if discharged the Inquisition, might give an ac∣count of Romish cruelty to their great disadvantage.

10. In all the time of his durance,* 7.18 he never heard from any* 7.19 friend, nor any from him, by word or letter: no English-man being ever permitted to see him, save onely one, viz: Mr. Walter Strickland of Botnton-house in York shire. With very much desire, and industry, he procured leave to visit him, an Irish Frier be∣ing appointed to stand by, and be a witnesse of their discourse. Here he remained thirty years in restraint, and in the eighty first year of his age died a Prisoner, and constant Confessour of Christ his cause. God be magnified in, and for the sufferings of his Saints.

11. In this year Richard Vaughan,* 7.20 Doctor of Divinity, bred in S. John's Col∣ledge in Cambridge, successively Bishop of Bangor, Chester, and London, ended his life. A corpulent man, but spiritually minded, such his integrity, not to be bowed (though force was not wanting) to any base connivance, to wrong the Church he was placed in. His many virtues made his losse to be much be∣moaned.

12. Greater was the grief,* 7.21 which the death of Master Thomas Brightman cau∣sed to the disaffectors of the Church-discipline of England. He was born in the Town of Nottingham, bred in Queens-Colledge in Cambridge, where a con∣stant opposition, in point of judgment about Ceremonies, was maintained be∣tween him, and Doctor Meryton, afterwards Dean of Yorke. Here he filled himselfe with abilities for the Ministerie, waiting a call to vent himselfe in the Countrey.

13. It happened this very time,* 7.22 that Sir John, Son to Mr. Peter Osborne (both lovers of learned, and godly men) not onely bought, and restored the Rectorie of Haunes in Bedford shire, (formerly alienated) to the Church, but also built thereon from the ground a fair House, which he furnished with fitting uten∣fils for the future Incumbent thereof. This done, at his desire of an able Minister▪, Doctor Whitakers recommended Master Brightman unto him, on whom Sir John, not onely freely conferred the Living, but also the profits of two-former years, which the Knight inned at his own cost, and kept in his pos∣session.

14. Here Mr. Brightman employed himself both by preaching,* 7.23 and writing, to advance Gods glory, and the good of the Church, witnesse his learned Com∣ments in most pure Latine on the Canticles, and Revelation; though for the latter greatly grudged at on severall accounts:

• 1. For the Title thereof, conceived too insolent for any creature to affix, A Revelation of The Revelation; except immediate Inspiration, which made the lock, had given the key unto it.
• 2. For being over-positive in his interpretations: The rather, because the Reverend Mr. Calvin himself, being demanded his opinion of some passages in the Revelation (as a learned* 7.24 man reporteth) answe∣red ingenuously, That he knew not at all what so obscure a writer meant.
• 3. For over-particularizing in personal expositions, applying severall An∣gels

• mentioned therein,* 7.25 to the Lord Cromwell, Archbishop Cranmer, Cecill Lord Burley, &c. Such restrictiveness being unsuitable with the large concernment of Scripture; as if England, half an Island in the Western corner, were more considerable than all the world besides, and the theater whereon so much should be performed.
• 4. In resembling the Church of England to luke-warm Laodicea, praising, and preferring the purity of forrain Protestant-Churches.

Indeed his daily discourse was against Episcopal Government, which he decla∣red would shortly be pulled down. He spake also of great troubles, which would come upon the Land; of the destruction of Rome, and the Universall calling of the Jewes, affirming, That some then alive should see all these things effected.

15. However,* 7.26 his life was most angelicall by the confession of such, who in judgment dissented from him. His manner was alwaies to carry about him a Greek Testament, which he read over every fortnight, reading the Gospels, and the Acts, the first; the Epistles, and the Apocalyps, the second week. He was little of stature, and (though such commonly cholerick) yet never known to be moved with anger; and therefore when his pen falls foul on Romish superstition, his friends account it zeal, and no passion.

16. His desire was to die a sudden death,* 7.27 if God so pleased (surely not out of opposition to the English Liturgie praying against the same, but) for some rea∣sons best known to himself. God granted him his desire, a death, sudden in re∣spect of the shortnesse of the time, though premeditated on, and prepared for by him, who waited for his change; and, being a watchfull souldier, might be assaul∣ted, not surprized. For, riding in a Coach with Sir Iohn Osborne, and reading of a Book (for he would lose no time) he fainted, and, though instantly taken out in a servants armes, and set on his lap, on an hillock, all means affordable at that in∣stant being used for his recovery,* 7.28 died on the place, on the twenty fourth of Au∣gust, and is buried in the Chancell of Haunes (Reverend Doctor Bulkley preach∣ing his funerall Sermon) after he had faithfully fed his flock therein for fifteen years.

17. He was a constant Student,* 7.29 much troubled before his death with obstructi∣ons, both of the liver, and gall; and is supposed by Physicians to have died of the later, about the fiftieth one year of his age. And now no doubt he is in the num∣ber of those* 7.30 Virgins, who were not defiled with women, and follow the Lamb whi∣thersoever he goeth. Who alwaies led a single life, as preferring a bed unfilled, before a bed undefiled. This my intelligence I have received by Letter, from my worthy friend lately gone to God, Master William Buckly. Bachelour of Divinity, and once Fellow of Queens Colledge in Cambridge, who living hard by Haunes, at Clyfton, at my request diligently inquired, and returned this his character, from aged, credible persons, familiar with Master Brightman.

18. This year silently slipt away in peace,* 7.31 plenty, and prosperity, being ended be∣fore effectually begun, as to any memorable Church-matter therein. Indeed all the Reigne of King JAMES was better for one to live under, than to write of, consisting of a Champian of constant tranquility, without any tumours of trouble to entertain posterity with.

19. In the Parliament now sitting at Westminster (in whose parallel Convoca∣tion nothing of consequence) the most remarkable thing Enacted was,* 7.32* 7.33 the Act made to enable the Provosts, and Fellowes of Chelsey-Colledge, to dig a trench out of the river Lee, to erect Engines, water-works, &c. to convey, and carry water in close-pipes under ground, unto the City of London, and the Suburbs thereof, for the perpetuall maintenance, and sustentation of the Provost, and Fellows of that Colledge, and their successours, by the rent to be made of the said waters so conveyed. Where, first lighting on the mention of this Colledge, we will consider it in a fourfold capacity: 1. As intended, and designed. 2. As growing, and advanced. 3. As

hindred,* 7.34* 7.35 and obstructed. 4. As decaying, and almost, at the present, ruined. I shall crave the Reader pardon, if herein I make excursions into many years (but without discomposing of our Chronologie on the margin) because it is my de∣sire (though the Colledge be left imperfect) to finish, and complete my descri∣ption thereof, so farre as my best intelligence will extend; being herein beholding to Doctor Samuel Wilkinson, the fourth, and present Provost of that Colledge, courteously communicating unto me the considerable Records thereof.

20. It was intended for a Spirituall Garrison,* 7.36 with a Magazine of all Books for that purpose; where learned Divines should study, and write, in maintenance of all Controversies against the Papists. Indeed, the Romanists herein may rise up, and condemn those of the Protestant Confession. For, asa 7.37 Solomon used not his military men for any servile work, in building the Temple (whereof the Text as∣signeth this reason, (For they were men of warre:) so the Romish Church doth not burden their Professours with preaching, or any parochiall incumbrances, but reserves them onely for Polemical studies. Whereas in England, the same man reads, preacheth, catechizeth, disputes, delivers Sacraments, &c. So that, were it not for Gods marvellous blessing on our studies, and the infinite odds of truth on our side, it were impossible, in humane probability, that we should hold up the bucklers against them. Besides the study of Divinity, at the least two able Hi∣storians were to be maintained in this Colledge, faithfully, and learnedly to re∣cord, and publish to posterity all memorable passages in Church, and Common∣wealth.

21. In pursuance of this designe,* 7.38 His Majesty incorporated the said foundati∣on, by the name of King JAMES his Colledge in Chelsey; and bestowed on the same by his Letters Patents, the reversion of good land in Chelsey (then in pos∣session of Charles Earl of Nottingham, the Lease thereof not expiring till about thirty years hence) and also gave it a capacity to receive of His loving Sub∣jects any lands, not exceeding in the whole the yearly value of three thousand pounds.

22. Next King JAMES,* 7.39 let me place Doctor Matthew Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter; who, though no Prince by birth, seems little lesse by his bounty to this Colledge. As Araunah, but a private Subject, gave thingsb 7.40 as a King to Gods ser∣vice, such the royall liberality of this Doctor, bestowing on this Colledge,

• The Farms of
  • 1. Kingstone
  • 2. Hazzard
  • 3. Appleton
  • 4. Kramerland
• in the Pa∣rish of
  • 1. Staverton
  • 2. Harberton
  • 3. Churchton
  • 4. Stoke-rivers
• ...
  • All in the County of De∣vo••, and put together, richly worth three hun∣dred pounds per annum.

Besides these, by his Will, dated November 1. 1628. he bequeathed unto Doctor John Prideaux; and Doctor Clifford (as Feoffees in trust, to settle the same on the Colledge) the benefit of the Extent on a Statute of four thousand pounds, acknowledged by Sir Lewis Steuklie, &c. A bountifull benefaction, and the greater, because the said Doctour had a Daughter, and she Children of her own. And, although this endowment would scarce make the Potc 7.41 of pottage seethe for the sons of the Prophets; yet, what feasts would it have made in his pri∣vate family, if continued therein? Seeing therefore so publick a minde in so pri∣vate a man, the more the pity, that this good Doctour was deserted, Uriah-d 7.42-like, ingaged in the forefront to fight alone against an army of difficulties; which he encountred in this designe, whilest such men basely retired from him, which should have seasonably succoured, and seconded him in this action.

23. The fabrick of this Colledge was begun on a piece of ground called Thame∣shot,* 7.43 containing about six acres, and then in possession of Charles Earl of Not∣tingham, who granted a Lease of his terme therein to the said Provost, at the yearly rent of seven pounds ten shillings. King JAMES laid the first

stone thereof, and gave all the timber requisite thereunto, which was to be fetch'd out of Windsor-Forrest. And yet that long range of building, which alone is ex∣tant, scarce finished at this day (thus made, though not of free-stone, of free-tim∣ber) as I am informed, cost (oh the dearnesse of Church and Colledge-work!) full three thousand pound. But alas! what is this piece (not an eighth part) to a double quadrant, besides wings on each side, which was intended? If the aged fathers, which remembred the magnificence of Solomon's, wept at the meannesse of thee 7.44 second Temple; such must needs be sad, which consider the dispropor∣tion betwixt what was performed, and what was projected in this Colledge: Save that I confesse, that the destruction of beautifull buildings once really extant, leave greater impressions in mens mindes, than the miscarriages of onely inten∣tional structures, and the faint Ideas of such future things, as are probably pro∣pounded, but never effected.

24. And here we will insert the number,* 7.45 and names of the Provost, and first Fellows (and some of them probable to be last Fellows, as still surviving) as they were appointed by the King Himself, Anno 1610. May 8.

Matthew Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter, Provost.

1. John Overal, Dean of S. Pauls.
2. Thomas Morton, Dean of Winchester.
3. Richard Field, Dean of Glocester.
4. Robert Abbot,	Doctors of Divinity.
5. John Spenser,
6. Miles Smith,
7. William Covitt,
8. John Howson,
9. John Layfield,
10. Ben: Charrier,
11. Martin Fo••herbie,
12. John Boys,
13. Richard Bret,
14. Peter Lilie,
15. Francis Burley,
16. William Hellier, Arch-Deacon of Barstable.
17. John White, Fellow of Manchester-Colledge.

William Cambden, Clarenceaux,	Historians.
John Haywood, Doctor of Law,

See here, none, who were actuall Bishops, were capable of places in this Col∣ledge. And, when some of these were afterwards advanced to Bishopricks, o∣thers translated to heaven, King JAMES by His now Letters Patents, 1622. Novemb: 14. substituted others in their room. Amongst whom the Archbishop of Spalato (but no more than Dean of Windsor in England) was most remarkable.

25. To advance this work,* 7.46 His Majestie Anno 1616. sent His Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury, to stirre up all the Clergie in his Province to contri∣bute to so pious a work, according to the tenour thereof here inserted:

WHereas the enemies of the Gospel have ever been forward to write, and publish Books for confirming of erroneous doctrine, and impugning the truth, and now of late seem more carefull than before, to send daily into Our Realms such their writings, whereby Our loving Subjects, though otherwise well-disposed, might be seduced, unless some remedy thereof should be provided. We, by the advice of Our Councel, have lately granted a Corporation, and given Our allowance for erecting a Colledge at Chelsey, for learned Divines to be imployed to write, as occasion shall require, for maintaining the Religion professed in Our Kingdomes, and confuting the Impugners

thereof. Whereupon, Doctour Sutcliffe, designed Provost of the said Colledge, hath now humbly signified unto Us, that upon divers promises of help, and assistance, to∣wards the erecting, and endowing the said Colledge, he hath at his own charge begun, and well proceeded in building, as doth sufficiently appear by a good part thereof al¦ready set up in the place appointed for the same. We therefore, being willing to favour and farther so religious a work, will and require you to write your Letters to the Bishops of your Province, signifying unto them in Our name, that Our pleasure is, they deal with the Clergie, and others of their Diocesse, to give their charitable be nevolence for the perfecting of this good work so well begun: And, for the better per∣formance of Our desire, We have given order to the said Provost, and his Associates to attend you, and others whom it may appertain, and to certifie Us from time to time of their proceeding.

A copie of this His Majesties Letter was sent to all the Bishops of England, with the Archbishops additionall Letter, in order as followeth:

NOw because it is so pious, and religious a work, conducing both to Gods glory, and the saving of many a soul within this Kingdome; I cannot but wish, that all de∣vout, and well affected persons should by your self, and the Preachers in your Diocesse, as well publickly as otherwise, be excited to contribute in some measure to so holy an intendment now well begun. And, although these, and the like motions have been frequent in these later times, yet let not those, whom God hath blessed with any wealth, be weary of well-doing, that it may not be said, That the idolatrous and superstitious Papists be more forward to advance their falshoods, than we are to maintain Gods truth.

Whatsoever is collected, I pray your Lordship may be carefully brought unto me; partly that it passe not through any defrauding hand, and partly, that His Majestie may be acquainted what is done in this behalf.

Yet, for all these hopefull endevours, and collections in all the Parishes of Eng∣land, slow, and small were the summes of money brought in to this work. Many of them were scattered out, in the gathering them up, the charges of the Colle∣ctours consuming the profit thereof. If (as it is vehemently suspected) any of these collections be but detained by private persons, I conceive it no trespasse a∣gainst Christian charity to wish, that the pockets, which keep such money, may rot all their suites that wear them, till they make true restitution thereof.

26. Various are mens conjectures (as directed by their own interest) what ob∣structed so hopefull proceedings,* 8.1 and it is safer for me to recite all, than resolve on any of them.

• Some ascribe it to
  • 1. The common fatality which usually attends noble undertakings. As partus octimestres, children born in the eighth moneth, are alwaies not long liv'd: so good projects quickly expire.
  • 2. The untimely death of Prince HENRY, Our principal hopef 8.2, and the chief authour of this designe. If so,

    Erubuit Domino firmius esse suo.

    The modest Colledge blushed to be stronger, Than was its Lord; He dead, it liv'd no longer.

    But, upon my serious perusall of the Records of this Colledge, I finde not so much as mention of the name of Prince HENRY, as in any degree visibly contributive thereunto.

  • 3. The large, loose, and lax nature thereof, no one prime person (Sut∣cliffe

• ...
  • excepted, whose shoulders sunk under the weight thereof, zealously engaging therein; King JAMES His maintenance a∣mounting to little more than countenance of the work.) Those children will have thin chaps, and lean cheeks, who have every bo∣dy (and yet no body) nurses unto them.
  • 4. The originall means of the Colledge, principally founded on the fluid, and unconstant element, unstable as water (the Rent of a New River, when made) which at the best (thus imployed) was beheld but as a religious Monopoly. And, seeing that designe then took no effect (though afterwards in another notion, and nature, it was perfected) no wonder if the Colledge sunk with the means thereof.
  • 5. Some of the* 8.3 greatest Prelates (how much self is there in all men?) though seemingly forward, really remisse in the matter: Suspect∣ing these Controversiall Divines would be lookt on, as the princi∣pall Champions of Religion, more serviceable in the Church than themselves, and haply might acquire priviledges prejudicial to their Episcopall Jurisdiction.
  • 6. The jealousie of the Universities, beholding this designe with suspi∣tious eyes, as which in processe of time might prove detrimentall unto them. Two breasts, Cambridge and Oxford, being counted sufficient for England, to suckle all her children with.
  • 7. The suspition of some Patriots, and Commoners in Parliament, such as carried the keyes of Countrey-mens coffers under their girdles! may, I safely report what I have heard from no mean mouthes) that this Colledge would be too much Courtier; and, that the Divinity (but especially the History thereof) would 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, propend too much in favour of King JAMES, and report all things to the disadvantage of the Subject. Wherefore, though the said Patriots in Parliament countenanced the act, (as counting it no policy, publickly to crosse the project of King JAMES, especially as it was made popular with so pious a plau∣sibility) yet, when returned home, by their suspitious Items, and private instructions, they beat off, and retarded peoples charities thereunto. The same conceived this foundation superfluous, to keep men to confute Popish opinions by writings, whilest the maintainers of them were every where connived at, and countenan∣ced, and the penall Laws not put in any effectuall execution against them.
  • 8. Its being begun in a bad time, when the world swarmed with prole∣ing Projectours; and necessitous Courtiers, contriving all waies to get moneys. We know, that even honest persons, if strangers, and casually coming along with the company of those, who are bad, contract a suspition of guilt, in the opinions of those, to whom they are unknown. And it was the unhappinesse of this innocent, yea, usefull good designe, that it appeared in a time, when so many Monopolies were on foot.
  • 9. Some great Church men, who were the more backward, because Doctor Sutcliffe was so forward therein. Such as had not freeness enough to go before him, had frowardness too much to come after him, in so good a designe: The rather because they distasted his person, and opinions; Doctor Sutcliffe being a known rigid Anti-Remonstrant; and, when old, very morose, and teastie in his wri∣tings against them. An infirmity, which all ingenuous people will pardon in him, that hope, and desire to attain to old age them∣selves.

Thus have I opened my wares, with sundry sorts of commodities therein, as∣signing those Reasons, which I have either read, or heard from prime men of seve∣rall interests; and am confident, that in the variety, yea, contrariety of judg∣ments now adaies, even those very Reasons, which are cast away by some, as weak, and frivolous, will be taken up, yea, preferred by others, as most satis∣factory, and substantiall.

27. At this present it hath but little of the case,* 8.4 and nothing of the jewell, for which it was intended. Almost rotten before ripe, and ruinous before it was finished. It stands bleak like a Lodge in a garden of cucumbers, having plenty of pleasant water [the Thames] neer it, and store of wholesome aire about it, but very little of the necessary element of earth belonging unto it. Yea, since I am informed, that seeing the Colledge taketh not effect, according to the desire, and intent of the first Founders, it hath been decreed in Chancerie, by the joynt con∣sent of Doctor Daniel Featly, the third Provost of this Colledge, and Doctor John Prideaux, the surviving Feoffee intrusted in Dr. Sutcliffe's Will, that the foresaid Farms of Kingstone, Hazzard, and Appleton, should return again to the possession of Mr. Halce, as the Heir-generall to the said Dr. Sutcliffe. On what consideration, let others enquire; it is enough to perswade me, it was done in equity, because done by the Lord Coventrie, in the high Court of Chancerie. So that now, onely the Farm of Kramerland, in Devonshire, of Sutcliffe's donation, remains to this Colledge. All I will adde is this, As this Colledge was intended for Controversies: so now there is a controversie about the Colledge, costly suits being lately commenced betwixt William Lord Mounston (who married the Widow of the aforesaid Earl of Nottingham) and the present Provost thereof, about the title of the very ground whereon it is situated.

28. Three Bishops,* 8.5 all Oxford-men, ended their lives this year: First, William Overton (about the beginning of April) bred in Magdalene Colledge, one suffici∣ently severe to suppresse such, whom he suspected of Non-conformity. The second Martin Heton, first Dean of Winchester, and then Bishop of Elie. I say of Elie, which See had stood empty almost twenty years in the Reigne of Queen ELIZABETH, after the death of Bishop Cox. So long the lantern of that Church (sog 8.6 artificial for the workmanship thereof) wanted a light to shine therein. Some suspected, this place, so long empty, would never be filled again; seeing no Bishoprick so large in revenues, was so little in jurisdiction, not having the small County of Cambridgeb 8.7 wholly belonging unto it. Some cunning Cour∣tiers, observing this breach in Elie-Minster, as fiercely assaulted it, with hope to get gain to themselves. During the vacancie, it was offered to many Church∣men, (or chapmen, shall I say?) but either their consciences, or coffers, would not come up to the conditions thereof. Amongst others, Mr. Parker, brought up in Peter-House in Cambridge, and Arch-Deacon of Elie (saith myi 8.8 Authour) iniquis conditionibus Episcopatum oblatum respuit, tantam opum usuram, nisi salvâ Ecclesiâ, negligens. At last (but with the revenues much altered, and empaired) it was conferred on Doctor Heton, who, after ten years possession thereof, died July 14. and seems the more obscure, because of the lustre, and learning of Doctor Lancelot Andrewes, who immediately succeeded him. The third Bishop deceasing this year December 14, was Thomas Ravis, sometime Dean of Christ-Church, and successively Bishop of Glocester, and London, born at Malden in Sur∣rey, of worthy parentage, Claris parentibus, saith the Epitaph on his tomb in St. Pauls, who left the memory of a grave, and good man behinde him. Nor must it be forgotten, that, as he first had his learning in Westminster-School: so he alwaies continued, both by his counsell, and countenance, a most especiall incourager of the studies of all deserving Scholars belonging to that Foun∣dation.

29. As Archb••.* 8.9 Bancroft was driving on conformity very fiercely throughout all his Province, He met with an unexpected rub, which notwithstanding, he quickly removed; for, about this time, Nich: Fuller, a Bencher of Greyes-Inne, e∣minent

in his profession,* 8.10* 8.11 pleaded so boldly for the enlargement of his Clients, that he procured his own confinement: the Case thus, Tho: Lad, a Merchant of Yar∣mouth in Norfolke, was imprisoned a long time by the High Commission, and could not be bayled, because (having formerly answered upon his oath twice before the Chancellour of Norwich, to certain Articles touching a Conventicle) he refu∣sed to answer upon a new oath without sight of his former answers. Richard Mansell, a Preacher, charged to be a partaker in a Petition exhibited to the House of Commons in Parliament, and refusing the Oath Ex Officio, to answer to certain Articles to him propounded, was long imprisoned by the Commissioners at Lam∣beth, and could not be bayled.

30. Both Prisoner•• were brought to the Barre upon the Writ of Habeas cor∣pus, where Nich: Fuller pleaded, they ought to be discharged, endeavouring by a large Argument (lately printed) to prove, that the Ecclesiasticall Commissioners have no power by virtue of their Commission to imprison, to put to the oath Ex Officio, or to fine any of His Majesties subjects.

Archbishop Bancroft got some legall advantage against Mr. Fuller in the ma∣naging thereof,* 8.12 and then let him alone to improve the same: Fuller's friends complained, that onely by the Colour of Right, and the Rigour of Might, he was cast into Prison. Here this learned Counsellour could give himself no better, nor other advice, but onely pure patience. Many were his Petitions to the King for his enlargement, whom the Archbishop had pre-acquainted with the Case, repre∣senting him to the King as the Champion of Non-conformists, so that there he lied and died in prison. However, he left behinde him the reputation of an honest man, and a plentifull estate to his Family (besides his bountifull benefaction to Emma∣nuell Colledge, and other pious uses) at this day enjoyed by his Grandchilde, a Gentlemank 8.13 deservedly beloved in his Countrey.

31. On the 26 of October began the fifth Session of this long-lasting Parliament,* 8.14 A Session, which may be found in the Records, though it be lost in our Statute∣book, because nothing therein was enacted, as soon after dissolved by Procla∣mation.

32. Cervas Babington,* 8.15 Bishop of Worcester,* 8.16 ended his pious life. He was born in Norti••gham-shire, of worshipfull extraction. Now, although lately the chief of the Family abused by Papists, (otherwise in himself an accomplishedl 8.17 Gentleman) had tainted his blood with Treason against the Queen: the learning, loyalty, and Religion of this worthy Prelate may serve to rectifie the Sirname, and justly restore that Family to its former repute with all posterity. He was bred Fellow of Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge; first Chaplain to Henry, Earl of Pembroke, whose Countesse made an exact Translation of the Psalmes, and they first procured him to be preferred Treasurer of Landaffe.

33. He was soon after made Bishop of Landaffe,* 8.18 which in merriment he used to call Affe; the land thereof long since being alienated: thence was he translated to Exeter, thence to Worcester, thence to Heaven. He was an excellent Pulpit∣man, happy in raising the affections of his Auditory; which, having got up, he would keep up till the close of his Sermon. An industrious Writer, witnesse his large Comment on the five books of Moses; the Lords Prayer, Creed, and Com∣mandements, with other portions of Scripture. Nought else have I to observe of this Bishop, save that as a Bahington's Armes were Argent, ten Torteauxes, four, three, two and one, Gules, the self same being the Armes of the Bishoprick of Wor∣cester. His paternall Coat being just the same with that of his Episcopall See, with which it is impaled.

34. The same year expired Bishop Bancroft,* 8.19* 8.20 Archbishop of Canterbury. He was brought up in Jesus Colledge in Cambridge, preferred by degrees to the Bishoprick of London: Sir Christopher Hatton was his Patron, who made him his Examiner. His Adversaries character him a greater States-man than Divine, a better Divine than Preacher, though his printed Sermon sufficiently attesteth his abilities therein. Being a Cambridge-man, he was made Chancellour of Oxford, to

hold the scales even with Cardinal Poole,* 8.21* 8.22 an Oxford-man, made Chancellour of Cambridge.

44. I finde two faults charged on his memory,* 8.23 Cruelty and Covetousness, Un-Episcopall qualities, seeing a Bishop ought to be godly and hospitable. To the first, it is confessed he was most stiffe and stern to presse Conformity. And, what more usuall than for Offenders to nick-name necessary severity to be cruelty? Now though he was a most stout Champion to assert Church-Discipline, let me passe this story to posterity from the mouth of a person therein concerned, An honest and able Minister privately protested unto him, That it went against his conscience to conform,* 8.24 being then ready to be deprived: Which way, saith the Archbishop, will you live if put out of your Benefice? The other answered, He had no way but to goe a begging, and to put himselfe on Divine Providence. Not that (saith the Arch∣bishop) you shall not need to doe; but, come to me, and I will take order for your maintenance. What impression this made on the Ministers judgment, I am not able to report.

45. As for his Covetousness, a witty Writerm 8.25 (but more Satyrist than Histori∣an) of King JAMES his Life, reports this Pasquin of him:

Here lies his Grace, in cold clay clad; Who dy'd for want of what he had.

True it is, he maintained not the state of Officers like Predecessour or Successour in house-keeping, having a Citizen-Tradesman (more acquainted with thrift, than bounty) for his Domesticall Steward; yet was he never observed in his own person to aim at the enriching of his Kindred, but had intentions to make pious uses his publick Heire, bequeathing his Library, the confluence of his own collections with his Predecessours, Whitgift, Grindoll, Parkers, to Chelsey-Colledge; and if that took not effect, to the publick Library in Cambridge, where at this day they remain; his clear estate at his death exceeded not six thousand pound, no summe to speak a single man covetous who had sate six years in the See of Canterbury, and somewhat longer in London.

46. It is needlesse to clean his memory from the aspersion of Popery,* 8.26 two emi∣nent acts of his own being his sufficient Compurgatours: One in setting the secu∣lar Priests against the Jesuits (as S. Paul did the Pharisees against the Sadducees) thereby so deriding their languages, as scarce they can understand one another, at this day. The other his forwardnesse in founding Chelsey-Colledge, which, as a two-edged sword, was to cut on both sides to suppresse Papists and Sectaries.

47. One passage more of this Prelate,* 8.27 and I have done; A company of young Courtiers appeared extraordinarily gallant, at a Tilting, farre above their fortunes and estates; These gave for a private Motto amongst themseves, Solvat Ecclesia, Let the Church pay for all: Bancroft, then Bishop of London, arriving at the notice thereof, findes on inquirie, that the Queen was passing a considerable parcell of Church-land unto them, the Prelate stops the business with his own and his friends interest leaving these Gallants to pay the shot of their pride and prodigality out of their own purses. Adde to this, that I am credibly informed from a good hand, how in the daies of King JAMES, a Scotch-man, and a prevalent Courtier had swallowed up the whole Bishoprick of Durham, had not this Archbishop seaso∣nably interposed his power with the KING, and dashed the designe. George Abbot succeeded Bancroft in Canterbury,* 8.28 of whom largely hereafter.

48. And now after long expectation, and great desire came forth the new Translation of the Bible (most beautifully printed) by a select and competent num∣ber of Divines, appointed for that purpose, not being too many; lest one should trouble another; and yet many, lest in any things might haply escape them. Who neither coveting praise for expedition, nor fearing reproach for slacknesse

(seeing in a business of moment, none deserve blame for convenient slownesse) had expended almost three years in the work, not onely examining the channels by the fountain, Translations with the Originall, which was absolutely necessary, but also comparing channels with channels, which was abundantly usefull, in the Spa∣nish, Italian, French and Dutch Languages. So that their industrie, skilfulnesse, piety and discretion, hath therein bound the Church unto. them in a debt of speciall remembrance and thankfulness. These, witha 8.29 Jacob, rolled away the Stone from the mouth of the Well of Life: So that now even Rahel's, weak women may freely come, both to drink themselves, and water the flocks of their families at the same.

49. But day shall sooner lack a night to attend it,* 8.30 and the Sun-shine be unse∣conded with the sullen shade, than a glorious action shall want Detractors to de∣fame it. The Popish Romanists much excepted hereat. Was their Translation (say they) good before? Why doe they now mend it? Was it not good? Why then was it obtruded on the People? These observe not, that whilst thus in their passion they seek to lash the Protestants, their whips flie in the faces of the most learned and pious Fathers, especially Saint Jerome, who, not content with the former Transla∣tions of the Septuagints, Aquila, Symachus, and others, did himself translate the Old Testament out of the Hebrew. Yea, their cavil recoils on themselves, and their own Vulgar Translation, whereof they have so many and different Editionsb 8.31 Isi∣dorus Clarius a famous Papist, (first a Frier, afterward a Bishop) observed and amended, as he said, eight thousand faults in the vulgar Latine. And since his time, how doth the Paris Editions differ from the Lovaine, and Hentenius his, from them both? How infinite are the differences (many of them weighty and materiall) of that which Pope Clement the eighth published from another, which Sixtus Quintus, his immediate Predecessour set forth. Thus we see to better and refine Translations, hath been ever counted a commendable practice even in our Adversaries.

50. Besides this,* 8.32 the Romanists take exception, because in this our new Transla∣tion the various senses of words are set in the Margin. This they conceive a sha∣king of the certainty of the Scriptures, such variations, being as succours to be pru∣ned off, because they rob the stock of the Text of its due credite, and reputation. Somewhat conformable whereto Popec 8.33 Sixtus Quintus expresly forbade that any variety of Readings of the vulgar Edition should be put in the Margin. But on serious thoughts it will appear, that these Translators, affixing the diversity of the meaning of words in the side Colume, deserve commendations for their mo∣desty, and humility therein. For though, asd 8.34 Saint Chrysostome observeth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, all things that are necessary to salvation are plainly set down in the Scriptures; yet seeing there is much difficulty and doubtfulnesse (not in Doctrinall, but) in matters of lesse importance, fearfulness did better beseem the Translators than confidence, entring in such cases a caution, where words are of different exceptions.

51. Some of the Brethren were not well pleased with this Translation,* 8.35 suspect∣ing it would abate the repute of that of Geneva, with their Annotations made by English Exiles in that City, in the daies of Qu. Mary, dedicated to Qu. Elizabeth, and Printed with the generall liking of the People above thirty times over. Yea, some complained, That they could not see into the sense of the Scripture for lack of the spectacles of those Geneva Annotations. For, although a good Translation is an excellent Comment on the Bible, wherein much darknesse is caused by false rendring of it, and wherein many seeming Riddles are read, if the words be but read, Expounded if but truly Rendred; Yet some short Exposition on the Text was much desired of the People. But to say nothing of the defects and defaults of the Geneva Annotations (though the best in those times, which are extant in English) those Notes were so tuned to that Translation alone, that they would jarre with any other, and could no way be fitted to this new Edition of the Bible. Leave we then these worthy men, now all of them gathered to their Fathers, and gone to God, (however they were requited on earth) well rewarded in Heaven

for their worthy work. Of whom as also of that Gracious KING that em∣ployed them, we may say, Wheresoever the Bible shall be preached or read in the whole world, there shall also this that they have done be told in memoriall of them.

52. And as about this time some perchance overvalued the Geneva Notes,* 8.36 out of that especial Love they bare to the Authors and Place whence it proceeded, so on the other side, some without cause did slight, or rather without charity did slander the same. For in this, or the next yeare, a Doctor in solemn assembly in the University of Oxford publickly in his Sermon at St. Maries, accused them as guilty of misinterpretation touching the Divinity of Christ, and his Messiah∣ship, as if Symbolizing with Arrians and Jewes against them both: For which he was afterwards suspended by Doctor Robert Abbot, Propter conciones publicas minùs orthodoxas, & offensionis plenas. But more properly hereof, God willing, hereafter in our particular History of Oxford. We will proceed to Report a me∣morable Passage in the Low-Countreys, not fearing to lose my way, or to be cen∣sured for a wanderer from the English Church-story, whilst I have so good a Guide, as the Pen of King JAMES to lead me out, and bring me back again. Besides I am affraid that this Alien Accident is already brought home to England, and though onely Belgick in the Occasion, is too much British in the Influence thereof.

SECTION IV.

To EDWARD LLOYD, Esq.

RIvers are not bountiful in Giving, but just in Restoring* 9.1 their Waters unto the Sea. However, they may seem gratefull also, because openly returning thither, what they Secretly received thence. This my Dedication unto you can∣not amount to a Present, but a Restitution, wherein onely I tender a Publick acknowledgment of your Private courtesies conferred upon me.

KING JAMES took into His Princely care the sea∣sonable suppression of the dangerous Doctrines of Conradus Vorstius.* 9.2 This Doctor, had lived about 15 years a Minister at Steinford, within the Territories of the Counts of TECKLENBOURG, BEN∣THEM, &c. the Counts whereof, (to observe by the way) were the first in Germany, not in dignity or Dominion, but in casting off the Yoke of Papacie, and ever since continuing Protestants. This Vorstius had both written and received severall Letters from certain Samosetenian Hereticks, in Poland, or thereabouts; and it hapned that he had handled Pitch so long, that at last it stuck to his Fingers, and became infected therewith. Hereupon, he set forth two Books, the one entit'led, TRACTATUS THEOLOGICUS DE DEO, dedicated to the Land-Grave of Hessen; the other, EXEGESIS APOLOGETICA, printed in this year, and dedicated to the States; both of them facred with many dangerous Positions concerning the Deity. For whereas it hath been the labour of the Pious and Learned in all Ages to mount Man to God, (as much a smight be) by a Sacred adoration, (which the more humble, the more high) of the Divine Incomprehensiblenesse, this Wretch did Seek to Stoop GOD to Man, by debasing his Purity, assigning him a materiall Body, confining his Immensity, as not being every where, shaking his Immuta∣bility, as if his will were subject to change, darkning his Omnisciency, as uncer∣tain in future Contingents, with many more monstrous Opinions, fitter to be re∣manded to Hell, than committed to writing. Notwithstanding all this, the said Vorstius was chosen, by the Curators of the University of Leyden, to be their Publick Divinity-Professour, in the Place of Arminius lately deceased: and, to that end, his Excellency, and the States Generall, by their Letters sent, and sued

to the Count of TECKLENBOURG, and obtained of him, that Vorstius should come from Steinford, and become Publick-Professour in Leyden.

2. It hapned that His Majesty of Great Britain,* 9.3 being this Autumne in His hunting-Progresse, did light upon and perused the aforesaid Books of Vorstius. And whereas too many doe but Sport in their most serious Employment. He was so serious amidst His Sports and Recreations, that with Sorrow, and Hor∣rour, He observed the Dangerous Positions therein, determining speedily to op∣pose them, moved thereunto with these Principall Considerations: First, the Glory of God; seeing thise 9.4 ANTI-St. JOHN, (as His Majesty terms him) mounting up to the Heavens, belched forth such Blasphemies against the Divine ineffable Essence: and was not a King on Earth concerned, when the King of Heaven was dethroned from his Infinitenesse, so farre as it lay in the Power of the treacherous Positions of an Heretick? Secondly, charity to His next Neighbors, and Allies. And lastly, a just fear of the like Infection within His own Domini∣ons, considering their Vicinity of Situation and Frequency of intercourse; many of the English Youth, travelling over to have their Education in Leyden. And indeed, as it hath been observed, that the Sin of Drunkenness, was first brought overf 9.5 into England out of the Low Countries, about the midst of the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH, (before which time, neither generall Practice, nor le∣gall punishment of that vice in this Kingdome) so we must Sadly confesse, that since that time, in a Spiritual Sense, many English Souls have taken a cup too much of Belgick wine: Whereby their Heads have not onely grown d••zie, in matters of lesse moment, but their whole Bodies stagger in the Fundamentals of their Religion.

3. Hereupon King JAMES presently dispatched a Letter to Sir Ralph Win∣wood,* 9.6 his Ambassadour, resident with the States, willing and requiring him to let them understand how Infinitely he should be displeased, if such a Monster as Vorstius should receive any advancement in their Church. This was seconded with a large Letter of His Majesties to the States, dated October the 6, to the same effect: But neither found that Successe which the KING did earnestly desire, and might justly expect, considering the many Obligations of the Crown of England on the States: the Foundation of whose Common-wealth, (as the Ambassadour told them) was first cemented with English blood. Several Reasons are assigned of their non∣concurrence with the KING's motion. The Curators of Leyden-University conceived it a disparagement to their Judgments, if so neer at hand, they could not so well examine the Soundnesse of Vorstius his Doctrine, as a forraign Prince at such a distance; It would cast an aspersion of Levity and Inconstancy on the States, solemnly to invite a Stranger unto them, and then so soon recede from their Resolution; An Indignity would redound to the Count of Tecklenbourg, to slight that which so lately they had sued from him. The Opposition of Vor∣stius was endevoured by a male-contented Party amongst themselves, disaffected to the Actions of Authority; who distrusting their own strength, had secretly solicited His Majesty of Great Britain to appear on their Side, That as King JAMES his motion herein, proceeded rather from the Instance of others, than His own Inclination, so they gave out, that He began to grow remisse in the matter, carelesse of the Successe thereof. That it would be injurious, yea, de∣structive to Vorstius and his Family, to be fetcht from his own home, where he lived with a sufficient Salarie, (promised better Provisions from the Land∣grave of Hessen to be Divinity Professour in his Dominions) now to thrust him out with his Wife and Children, lately setled at Leyden; That if Vorstius had for∣merly been faulty in unwarie, and offensive Expressions, he had since cleared him∣self in a new Declaration.

4. For,* 9.7 lately he set forth a Book, entituled, A Christian and modest Answer, which notwithstanding by many was condemned, as no Revocation, but a Re∣petition of his former Opinions, not lesse pernitious, but more plausible, with sophistical Qualifications. So that he was accused to aime, neither at the Satis∣faction

of the Learned,* 9.8* 9.9 whom he had formerly offended; nor the Safety of the Ignorant, whom he might hereafter deceive, but meerly his own Security, for the present. His grand Evasion was this, That what he had wrote before, was but probably propounded, not dogmatically delivered. But, alas! how many silly Souls might easily be infected, mistaking his slenting Problemes for downright Posi∣tions. In a word, he took not out any Venome, but put in more Honey into his Opinions, which the corruption of Mans Nature would swallow with more gree∣dinesse. And how dangerous it is for wit-wanton Men, to dance with their nice Distinctions, on such Mysticall Precipices, where Slips in jest may cause deadly Downfalls in earnest, the Roman Orator doth in part pronounce, Mala est & impia consuetudo, contra Deum disputandi, sive seriò id fit, sive simulatè.

5. Now King JAMES being as little Satisfied in Judgment with the Wri∣tings of Vorstius in his own Defence,* 9.10 as ill pleased, in Point of Honour, with the doings of the States, in return to His Request, gave Instructions to His Ambas∣sadour to make Publick Protestation against their Proceedings; which Sir Ralph Wynwood, in Pursuance of his Masters Command, most solemnly performed. Nor did His Majesties Zeal stop here, with Joash King of Israel, (smiting onely but thrice, and then desisting) but after His Request, Letter, and Protestation had missed ••heir Desired effect, He wrote in French, a Declaration against Vor∣stius. A Work well beseeming the DEFENDOR OF THE FAITH; by which Title (to use His Ambassadours Expression) He did more value Him∣self, than by the Style of KING OF GREAT BRITAIN. Once I intended to present the Reader with a Brief of His Majesties Declaration, till deterred with this Consideration, that although great Masses of Lead, Tinne, and meaner Metals, may by the extraction of Chymists be epitomized and abridged into a Smaller quantity of Silver, yet what is altogether Gold already, cannot without extraordinary damage, be reduced into a Smaller Proportion. And seeing each word in His Majesties Declaration is so pure and pretious, that it cannot be lessened without losse, we remit the Reader to the same in His Maje∣sties Works; And so take our Leave of Verstius for the present, whose Books, by the KING's Command, were publickly burnt at St. Paul's Crosse in London, and in both Universities.

6. But leaving this Outlandish, let us come to our English Vorstius (though of farre lesse Learning,* 9.11 of more Obstinacy, and dangerous Opinions) I mean that Arrian, who this year suffered in Smithfield: His name Bartholomew Legate, na∣tive County Essex, person comely, complexion black, age about fourty years: Of a bold spirit, confident carriage, fluent tongue, excellently skilled in the Scri∣ptures; and well had it been for him, if he had known them lesse, or understood them better; whose ignorance abused the Word of God, therewith to oppose God the Word. His conversation (for ought I can learn to the contrary) very unblameable; And the poyson of Hereticall Doctrine is never more dangerous, than when served up in clean cups, and washed dishes.

7. King JAMES caused this Legate often to be brought to Him,* 9.12 and seri∣ously dealt with him to endevour His conversion. One time the KING had a designe to surprize him into a Confession of Christs Deity (as His Majesty after∣wards declared to a right reverendg 9.13 Prelate) by asking him, Whether or no he did not daily pray to Jesus Christ? Which, had he acknowledged, the KING would infallibly have inserted, that Legate tacitly consented to Christs Divinity, as a searcher of the hearts. But herein His Majesty failed of His expectation, Legate returning, That indeed he had prayed to Christ in the daies of his ignorance, but not for these last seven years. Hereupon the KING in choler spurn'd at him with His foot; Away base Fellow (saith He) it shall never be said, that one stayeth in My presence, that hath never prayed to our Saviour for seven years together.

8. Often was he covented before the Bishops in the Consistory of St. Pauls,* 9.14 where he persisted obstimate in his Opinions, flatly denying the Authority of that Court. And no wonder that he slighted the power of earthly Bishops, denying

the Divinity of Him, Who ish 9.15 The Shepheard and Bishop of our souls. The dispa∣tation against him, was principally managed by John King, Bishop of London, who gravelled and utterly confuted him with that place of Scripture, John 17. 5. And now O Father, glorifie thou me with thine own self, with the glory which I had with thee before the world was. This Text, I say, was so seasonably alledged, so plainly expounded, so pathetically enforced by the eloquence, and gravity of that Bishop (qualities wherein, he excelled) that it gave marvellous satisfaction to a multitude of people there present, that it is conceived, it happily unprose∣lyted some inclinable to his Opinions; though Legate himself remained pertina∣tious, both against the impressions of Arguments, and Scripture, daily multiply∣ing his enormous Opinions. It is the happinesse nature indulgeth to monsters, that they are all barren; whereas on the contrary, monstrous positions are most procreative of the like, or worse than themselves.

9. Before we set down his pestilent Opinions;* 9.16 may Writer, and Reader sence themselves with prayer to God, against the infection thereof; lest otherwise, touching such pitch (though but with the bare mention) defile us, casually tempting a temptation in us, and awaking some corruption, which otherwise would sleep silently in our souls. And, if notwithstanding this our caution, any shall reap an accidental evil to themselves, by reading his damnable Opinions, my pen is no more accessary to their harm, than that Apothecarie is guilty of murder, if others, out of a licourish curiosity, kill themselves with that poyson, which he kept in his shop for soveraigne use to make Antidotes thereof. His damnable Tenets were as followeth:

1. That the Creed called the Nicene Creed, and Athanasius Creed, contain not a Profession of the true Christian Faith.

2. That Christ is not God of God begotten, not made; but begotten, and made.

3. That there are no Persons in the Godhead.

4. That Christ was not God from everlasting, but began to be God, when he took flesh of the Virgin Mary.

5. That the world was not made by Christ.

6. That the Apostles teach, Christ to be Man onely.

7. That there is no generation in God, but of creatures.

8. That this assertion, God to be made Man, is contrary to the rule of Faith, and monstrous blasphemy.

9. That Christ was not before the fulness of time, except by promise.

10. That Christ was not God, otherwise than an anointed God.

11. That Christ was not in the form of God equal with God, that is, in sub∣stance of God, but in righteousness, and giving salvation.

12. That Christ by his Godhead wrought no miracle.

13. That Christ is not to be prayed unto.

For maintaining these Opinions, Legate had long been in prison in Newgate, yet with liberty allowed him to go abroad; not contented wherewith, he openly boasted, and often threatned to sue the Court, which committed him, for repara∣tions for false imprisonment; so that his own indiscretion in this kinde, hastened his execution.

10. For hereupon Bishop King finally convented him in the Consistory of S. Paul's.* 9.17 And that worthy Prelate, foreseeing that his proceedings herein would meet with many listening eares, prying eyes, and prating tongues, chose many reverend Bishops, able Divines, and learned Lawyers to assist him. So that the Consistory, so replenished for the time being, seemed not so much a large Court, as a little Convocation.* 9.18 By the counsell and consent of these, by his definitive sentence, he pronounced, decreed, and declared the foresaid Bartholomew Legate an obdurate, contumacious, and incorrigible Heretick. And by an Instrument

called a SIGNIFICAVIT, certified the same into the Chancery, delivering him up unto the Secular power, the Church-Keyes, in such cases craving the help of the Civil Sword.* 9.19 Whereupon, King JAMES, with His Letters, dated March 11, under the Privy-Seal, gave order to the Broad-Seal to direct the Writ de Haeretico comburendo, to the Sheriffs of London, for the burning of the foresaid Legate.

11. Now as the Bishop herein surrendred Legate to the Secular Power,* 9.20 my Ec∣clesiasticall History in like manner resignes him to the Civil Historian, together with all the doubts, difficulties, and legall scruples attending on, or resulting from his Condemnation. Let the Learned in the Law consider on what Statute the Writ for his Burning was grounded, whether on those old Statutes enacted in the Reignes of RICHARD the II, and HENRY the IV; or on the branch of some other new Statute to that effect. Let them satisfie us, how farre those Lawes were repealed in 1^mo ELIZABETHAE, and how farre they still stand in force; as, though not to [pretended] Lollardisme, yet to Blasphemy. Let them examine the Judgment of the Learnedi 9.21 Fitz-Herbert, whether sound in his asser∣tion, That Hereticks, before the Writ of their burning be issued out against them, must first be convicted of Heresie before a Provinciall Convocation; whilst others affirm, That they being convicted before their Ordinary, sufficeth: provided it be for such Opinions, which Convocations have formerly condemned for He∣reticall.

12. To Smithfield he was brought to be burned.* 9.22* 9.23 See here, it is neither the pain, nor the place, but only the cause makes a Martyr. In this very Smithfield how many Saints in the Marian-daies, suffered for the testimony of Jesus Christ? Whereas now one therein dyeth in his own blood for denying him. Vast was the Con∣flux of people about him. Never did a scare-fire at midnight summon more hands to quench it, than this at noon-day did eyes to behold it. At last, refusing all mercy, he was burned to ashes. And so we leave him, the first that for a long time suffered death in that manner: And, oh that he might be the last to de∣serve it!

13. In the next moneth Edward Wightman of Burton upon Trent,* 9.24* 9.25 convicted be∣fore Richard Neile Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, was burned at Litchfield for sarre worse Opinions (if worse might be) than Legate maintained. Mary Magda∣lene indeed was once possessed with seven Devils, but ten several Heresies were laid to Wightman's charge; namely, those ofk 9.26 Ebion, Cerinthus, Valentinian, Arrius, Macedonius, Simon Magus, Manes, Manichaeus, Photinus, and of the Anabaptists. Lord! What are we when God leaves us? Did ever man maintain one Heresie, and but one Heresie?l 9.27 Chains of darkness, we see, have their links, and errors are complicated together.

14. God may seem well-pleased with this seasonable Severity.* 9.28 For the fire thus kindled, quickly went out for want of sewell. I mean, there was none ever after that openly avowed these Hereticall Doctrines. Onely a Spanish Arrian, who, condemned to die, was notwithstanding suffered to linger out his life in Newgate, where he ended the same. Indeed, such burning of Hereticks much startled com∣mon people, pitying all in pain, and prone to asperse justice it self with cruelty, because of the novelty and hideousnesse of the punishment. And the purblinde eyes of vulgar judgments looked onely on what was next to them, (the suffering it self) which they beheld with compassion, not minding the demerit of the guilt, which deserved the same. Besides, such being unable to distinguish betwixt constancy and obstinacy were ready to entertain good thoughts even of the Opini∣ons of those Hereticks, who sealed them so manfully with their blood. Where∣fore King JAMES politickly preferred, that Hereticks hereafter, though con∣demned, should silently, and privately waste themselves away in the Prison, ra∣ther than to grace them and amuze others with the solemnity of a publick Exe∣cution,* 9.29 which in popular judgments usurped the honour of a persecution.

15. I finde no eminent Divine or Scholar deceased in this year: Onely one, whose bounty made many of both kindes, ended his life; namely, Richard Sutton,

the Phoenix of our Age, and sole Founder of Charter-Hospitall, Esquire; born of Gentile Parentage at Knaith in Lincolnshire: In his youth bred a Soul∣dier, gaining both wealth and credit by his valour; but afterwards embracing a more peaceable Profession of a Merchant. This his Foundation he called, The Hospitall of King JAMES: all discreet Subjects having learned this lesson from politick Joab (callingm 9.30 Rabbah after the name of King David) to entitle their Soveraigne to the honour of their Atchievements, which are of extraordinary proportion. Children not yet come to, and Old men already past helping of themselves, have in this Hospitall their souls and bodies provided for. The latter must be decayed Gentlemen, the most proper Objects of Charity, as whose inge∣nious spirits are most sensible of want, and most unable to provide for them∣selves.

16. It is utterly improbable that it will ever come within the compasse of my power to found any place for pious uses.* 9.31 All, wherein my weak ability can ex∣presse its forwardnesse, is to honour the Charity of others, and for the present Alphabetically to methodize the Manours which Master Sutton in several Coun∣ties setled for the maintenance of this his Hospitall:

1. Balsham-Manour, in Cambridge-shire.

2. Bastinghorpe-Manour, in Lincoln-shire.

3. Blacke-grove-Manour, in Wilt-shire.

4. Broad-Hinton Land, in Wilt-shire.

5. Castle-Camps-Manour, in Cambridge-shire.

6. Chilton-Manour, in Wilt-shire.

7. Dunby-Manour, in Lincoln-shire.

8. Elcombe-Manour and Parke, in Wilt-shire.

9. Hackney Land, Middlesex.

10. Hallingbury-Bouchers-Manour, in Essex.

11. Missanden-Manour, in Wiltshire.

12. Much-Stanbridge-Manour, in Essex.

13. Norton-Manour, in Essex.

14. Salthrope-Manour, in Wilt-shire.

15. South-Minster-Manour, in Essex.

16. Totenham Land, in Middlesex.

17. Ufford-Manour, in Wilt-shire.

18. Watelescote-Manour, in Wilt-shire.

19. Westcot-Manour, in Wilt-shire.

20. Wronghton-Manour, in Wilt-shire.

See here the most liberall Endowment made by one man. May it most truly be said of our London Merchants, as of those of Tyre,n 9.32 whose Merchants are Princes?

17. But no work so vertuous,* 9.33 which some malicious spirits will not endevour to disgrace. One who writeth himselfe J. H. but generally conceived to be Mr. Knott the Jesuit, in his Answer to Doctor Potter's Book ofo 9.34 Charity mistaken, lets flie as followeth:

Doe your Hospitals deserve so much as to be named? Have you any thing of that kinde in effect of particular Note, saving the few mean Nurseries of idle Beggars, and debauched People? Except (perhaps) Sutton's Hospitall, which [as I have been informed] was to take no profit till he was dead. He, who [as I have also understood] died so without any Children, or Brothers, or Sisters, or known Kin∣dred, as that [peradventure] it might have escheated to the King. He, who lived a wretched and pe••••nious life, and drew that Masse of Wealth together by Usury, in which case, according to good conscience, his Estate, without asking him leave, was by the Law of God, obnoxious to Restitution, and ought to have been applied to Pious Uses. Where as antiently in this Countrey, and at all times, and specially in this last Age, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 see abundance of Heroicall Actions of this kinde performed in forreigne

parts. And if it were not for fear of noting many other great Cities, as if there were any want of most munificent Hospitals in them, wherein they abound; I could tell you of One called the Annunciata, in the City of Naples, which spends three hundred thousand Crowns per Annum; which comes to above fourscore thousand pounds sterling by the year: Which ever feeds and c••res a thousand sick persons, and paies for the nursing and entertaining of three thousand sucking Children of poor people, and hath fourteen other distinct Hospitals under it, where the persons of those Poor creatures are kept, and where they are defrayed of all their necessary charges every week. I could also tell you of an Hospitall in Rome called S. Spirito, of h••ge Reve∣nues, but it is not my meaning to enter into particulars, which would prove endlesse.

18. Before we come to the particular Examination of this his Accusation,* 9.35 it is observable how many Qualificatives, Correctives, and Restrictives (Perhaps, as I have been informed, As I have also understood, peradventure) he inserteth in this his Relation. Indeed such Qualifications are better than Equivocations, yet, what some may impute to Modesty, is his Policy, if well considered. For if any Pro∣testant confute what he hath written, this Accuser will take Sanctuary under the protection of those Restrictions, defending himself that he delivered nothing positively, whilst ignorant Papists of his own profession (not heeding his doubting limitations) swallow all down for dogmaticall truth.

19. More particularly the reformed Religion in England hath been the Mother of many brave Foundations:* 9.36 Many famous Hospitals (as that at Warwick built by the Earl of Leicester: Croydon by Archbishop Whitgift: Guildford by Arch∣bishop Abbot: (not to speak of Christ-Church, and St. Thomas Hospitall, built by King EDWARD the VI.) though none of them have thrived and battled so fast and so fairly as this of Sutton's foundation. Whereas he chargeth him to have had no Children, it is confessed, seeing he died a Batchelour: Whose life (had he been of their Opinion) had been cried up for a precious piece of Virginity. That he had no known Kindred, is false. Some of them afterwards, but in vain, endevouring to overthrow his Will: though he made the Poor to be his Mother, and Sister, and Brother. As for his getting wealth by unlawfull wales, I am not to justifie the particular circumstances of any mans actions. Should a secret Scru∣tiny be made, how all Founders of Monasteries first came by their wealth, many would be found justly obnoxious to censure.

20. Indeed our Sutton began with a good Stock,* 9.37 had no Charge to burden him, lived to be very aged, 79 years: and by Gods blessing on his Providence, Industry and Thrist, advanced the maine of his Estate. This I can confidently report from the mouth of a credible Witnesse, who heard it himself, and told it to me, that Master Sutton used often to repair into a private Garden, where he poured forth his prayers to God, and amongst other passages, was frequently over-heard to use this Expression, Lord, thou hast given me a large and liberal E∣state, give me also a heart to make use thereof; which at last was granted to him accordingly.

21. As for the over-grown Hospitall of the Annuntiata at Naples,* 9.38 we envy not the wealth thereof; (though reports at such distance lose nothing in the relation.) Nor doe we wonder that it cureth yearly a thousand sick persons, considering what disease first came from Naples, and was thence denominated. As for the three thousand Children nursed therein, it is to be feared many wanted Fathers to own them; and this not so much the fruit of charity as of wantoness. However, that Hospitall hath at severall times been advanced by a Colledge of Benefactors, Whereas Sutton's may stand peerlesse in this respect, that it was founded, finish∣ed,p 9.39 and endowed by himself alone; Disbursing 13000 li. (payed down before the ensealing of the Conveyance) for the ground whereon it stood, with some other ••ppurtenances; befides 6000 li. expended in the building thereof; and that vast yearly Endowment, whereof heretofore. We mention not the large Summes bequeathed by him to Poor, to Prisons, to Colledges, to mending High∣waies,

to the Chamber of London,* 9.40* 9.41 besides Twenty thousand pounds left to the discretion of his Executors. What remaineth but that we pray, that according to his pious intentions the same may be continued to the Glory of God, Credit of the Protestant Religion, Comfort to the Poor, good Example to the Rich, and perpetual Memory of King JAMES the Honorary, and Mr. Sutton the effectual Founder thereof: That this Sun, amongst the lesser Lights of Protestant-Charities, may shine on Earth, as long as the Sun (that faithful Witness) endureth in Heaven. Being more confident that my desire herein will take effect, considering the Ho∣nourable Governous of this Hospital are Persons so Good, they will not abuse it themselves, and so Great, they will not suffer it to be abu••ed by others.

22. England at this time enjoying abundance of Peace,* 9.42* 9.43 Plenty, and Prosperity, in full speed of her Happiness, was checkt on a soddain with the sad News of the death of Prince HENRY, in the rage of a malitious extraordinary burning-Fea∣ver. He was generally lamented of the whole Land, both Universities publishing their Verses in print: and give me leave to remember four made by Giles Fletcher of Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge on this PRINCES plain Grave, because want∣ing an Inscription: and it will be Honour enough to me if I can make thereof a Translation:

Si sapis, attonitus sacro decede Sepulchro, Nec cineri quae sunt nomina, quaere novo, Prudens celavit Sculptor, nam quis{que} rescivit, Protinus in lachrymas solvitur, & moritur. If wise, amaz'd depart this holy Grave; Nor these New-ashes ask, what Names they have? The Graver, in concealing them, was wise; For, who so knows, strait melts in tears, and dies.

Give me leave to adde oneg 9.44 more, untranslatable for its Elegancy, and Expres∣sivenesse:

Vlteriora timens cum morte paciscitur Orbis.

And thus we take our leave of the Memory of so Worthy a PRINCE, never heard by any alive to swear an Oath; for which, Archbishop Abbot commended Him in his Funerall Sermon, the PRINCE being wont to say, That He knew no Game or Value to be won or lost, that could be worth an Oath.

23. One generation goeth and another generation cometh,* 9.45* 9.46 but the earth remaineth for ever: the Stage stands, the Actors alter. Prince HENRY's Funerals are fol∣lowed with the Prince PALATINE's Nuptials, solemnized with great State, in hopes of happiness to both Persons, though sad in the event thereof, and occasi∣oning great revolutions in Christendome.

24. Expect not of me an account of the Divorce of the Lady Fra: Howard from the Earl of Essex;* 9.47* 9.48* 9.49 and of her re-marriage to Robert Carre Earl of Somerset; which Divorce divided the Bishops of the Land in their judgments:

Against it, George Abbot, Archbishop of Can∣terbury. John King, Bishop of London. Alledging the common same of Incontinency betwixt Her and the Earl of Somerset.

For it, Thomas Bilson, Bishop of Winchester. Lancelot Andrews, Bishop of Elie. Rich: Neale, BP. of Coventry and Litchfield. These proceeded, secundùm allegata, & probata, of the Earls inability, quoad hanc: and the Ladies untainted Virginity.

25. Onely I will insert one passage,* 9.50 Bishop Overall discoursing with Bishop King about the Divorce, the later expressed himself to this effect, I should never

have been so earnest against the Divorce,* 9.51* 9.52 save that because perswaded in my consci∣ence of falshood in some of the depositions of the Witnesses on the Ladies behalf. This sure I am from her second Marriage is extracted as chaste and virtuous* 9.53 a Lady as any of the English Nation.

29. Nicholas Wadham,* 9.54 Esquire, of Merryfield in the County of Somerset, did by his last Will bequeath Four hundred pounds per annum, and Six thousand pounds in money to the building of a Colledge in Oxford, leaving the care and trust of the whole to Dorothy his Wife. One of no lesse learned and liberall than Noble extraction. A Sister to John Lord Peters, and Daughter to Sir William Peters, Secretary to four Kings, and a worthy Benefactour to All-Souls Colledge. In her life-time she added almost double to what her Husband bequeathed, whereby at this day it is become one of the most Uniform buildings in England, as no additionall result at severall times of sundry fancies and Founders, but the entire product all at once of the same Architect.

30. This year the same was finished,* 9.55 built in a place where formerly stood a Monastery of the Augustine Friers, who were so eminent for their abilities in di∣sputing, that the University did by a particular Statute impose it as an Exercise upon all those that were to proceed Masters of Art, that they should first be di∣sputed upon by the Augustine Fryers, which old Statute is still in force, produced at this day for an Equivalent exercise, yet styled, Answering Augustines. The Colledge hath from its beginning still retained something of its old Genius, having been continually eminent for some that were acute Philosophers and good Dispu∣tants.

Wardens,	Bishops,	Benefactors,	Learned Writers,
Doctor Wright admit∣ted 1613. Dr. Flemming admit∣ted 1613. Dr. Smith, 1616. Dr. Escott, 1635. Dr. Pitt, 1644. Dr. Joh. Wilkins, 1648.	Robert Wright, Bishop of Bri∣stoll, then Co∣ventrie and Lichfield.	Philip Bisse, Doctor of Divinity, Canon of Wells, and Arch-dea∣con of Taunton, gave 1849 Books for their Librarie, valued at 1200 pounds.	Humphrey Sydenham, a very elo∣quent Prea∣cher.

So that very latelyr 9.56 there were in this Colledge, one Warden, fifteen Fellows, fifteen Scholars, two Chaplains, two Clerks, besides Officers and Servants of the Foundation, with many other Students, the whole number 120. As for Dr. John Wilkins, the present Warden thereof, my worthily respected friend, he hath cour∣teously furnished me with my best intelligence from that University.

31. A Parliament was called,* 9.57 wherein many things were transacted, nothing concluded. In this Parlament, Dr. Harsenet, Bishop of Chichester, gave offence in a Sermon preacht at Court, pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris, as if all that was leavied by Subsidies, or paid by Custome to the Crown, was but a redditum of what was the Kings before. Likewise Doctor Neale, Bishop of Ro∣chester, uttered words in the House of the Lords, interpreted to the disparage∣ment of some reputed Zealous Patriot in the House of Commons: both these Bi∣shops were questioned upon it, and to save them from the storm, this was the occasion chiefly (as was supposed) of the abrupt breaking up of the Parliament.

32. Anthony Rudde,* 9.58 Bishop of S. Davids, ended his life. He was born in York∣shire, bred in Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge, where he became Fellow. A most excellent Preacher, whose Sermons were very acceptable to Qu. ELIZABETH. Hereon dependeth a memorable Story, which, because but defectively delivered by Sir John Harrington, I request the Readers Patience, and require his Belief, to this large and true Relation thereof.

33. Bishop Rudde preaching in his course before Queen ELIZABETH at White-hall,* 9.59* 9.60* 9.61 Her Majesty was highly affected with his Sermon; in so much that She commanded Archbishop Whitgift to signifie unto him,* 9.62 That ••e should be his Successour in case the Archbishoprick ever fell in the Queens disposall.

34. Not long after the Archbishop meeting Bishop Rudde,* 9.63 Brother, said he, I bring good tydings to you, though bad to my self, for they cannot take full effect till after my death: Her Grace is so pleased with your last Sermon, She enjoyned me to signifie to you Her pleasure, That you shall be my Successour in Canterbury if sur∣viving me. The Bishop modestly declined his words, desiring the long life of his Grace, and in case of his advancement to Heaven, confessed many other in England farre fitter for the Place than his own unworthinesse, adding after some other exchange of words, Good my Lord, might I be my ••wn-Judge, I conceive I have preached better Sermons at Court, surely such as cost me more time and pains in composing them. I tell you, (replied the Archbishop) the truth is this, the Queen now is grown weary of the vanities of wit and eloquence, wherewith Her youth was formerly affected, and plain Sermons, which come home to Her heart, please Her the best. Surely his Grace was too mortified a man (though none naturally love their Successours whilst themselves are alive) intentionally to lay a train to blow up this Archbishop designed, though by the others unadvised practise of his words it proved so in the event.

35. For,* 9.64 next time when it came to the Bishop's Course to preach at Court, then lying at Richmond, Anno ••596. he took for his Text, Psalm 90. 12. O teach us to number our daies, that we may incline our hearts unto wisdome: and in the close of his Sermon, touched on the Infirmities of Age, Ecclesiastes 12. When the grinders shall be few in number, and they wax dark that look out at the windows: personally applying it to the QUEEN, how Age had furrowed Her face, and besprinkled her hair with its meal. Whereat Her MAJESTY (to whom in∣gratissimum acroama to hear of death) was highly displeased. Thus, he not onely lost his Reversion of the Archbishoprick of Canterbury (which indeed never fell in the QUEENS daies) but also the present possession of Her MAJESTIES favour.

36. Yet he justly retained the repute of a Reverend and godly Prelate,* 9.65 and car∣ried the same to the grave: He wrought much on the Welsh by his wisdome, and won their affections; and by moderate thrift, and long staying in the same See, left to his Son, Sir Rise-Rudde Baroner, a fair estate at Aberglaseny in Carmarthen∣shire.

37. Some three years since,* 9.66 (on the death of King HENRY the fourth) Isaac Causabon, that learned Critick was fetcht out of France by King JAMES, and preferred Prebendary of Canterbury. Thus desert will never be a drug, but be vented at a good rate in one Countrey or another, as long as the world affor∣deth any truly to value it. King HENRY is not dead to Causabon, as long as King JAMES is alive. He who formerly flourished under the Bayes, now thri∣veth altogether as well under the Olive. Nor is Causabon sensible that England is the colder Climate, whilst he findes the beams of His Majesty so bright and warm unto him, to whom also the lesser lights of Prelates and Peers contributed their assistance.

38. Presently he falls a writing,* 9.67 as naturall (and almost as necessary) as brea∣thing unto him: First, to Fronto-Duraeus his learned Friend. Then to Cardinal Peron, in the just Vindication of our English Church. After these, he began his Exercitations on Baronius his Ecclesiastical Annals, which more truly may be ter∣med, the Annals of the Church of Rome. But alas! Death here stopped him in his full speed, and he lieth entombed in the South-Ile of Westminster-Abbey. Not on the East, or Poetical Side thereof, (where Chaucer, Spencer, Draiton, are inter∣red) but on the West or Historical Side of the Ile, next the Monument of M^r Cam∣den. Both whose plain Tombs, made of white Marble, shew the simplicity of their intentions, the candidnesse of their natures, and perpetuity of their memories.

Mr. Causabon's was erected at the cost of Thomas Moreton Bishop of Durham, that great lover of Learned men, dead or alive.

39. The KING comes to Cambridge in a sharp Winter,* 9.68* 9.69 when all the world was nothing but Aire and Snow. Yet the Scholers Wits did not Freez with the Wea∣ther, witness the pleasant Play of IGNORAMUS, which they presented to His Ma∣jesty. Yet whilst many laughed aloud at the mirth thereof, some of the graver sort were sad to see the Common Lawyers made ridiculous therein. If Gowns begin once to abase Gowns, Cloaks will carry away all. Besides, of all wood, the Pleaders Bar is the worst to make a Stage of. For, once in an Age, all Professions must be be∣holding to their patronage. Somea 9.70 conceive that in revenge Master John Selden soon after set forth his Books of Titbes, wherein he historically proveth, That they were payable jure humano, and not otherwise.

40. I cannot suspect so high a Soul,* 9.71* 9.72* 9.73 guilty of so low reflections, that his Book related at all to this occasion, but only that the latitude of his minde, tracing all pathes of learning, did casually light on the rode of this Subject. His Book is di∣vided into two parts, whereof the first is a meer Jew, of the practise of Tithing amongst the Hebrews; the second a Christian, (and chiefly an English-man) of their customes in the same. And although many Divines undertook the Answer of this Book, as Mr. Stephen Nettles Fellow of Queens-Coll: in Cambridge, (ap∣plying himself to the Judaical part) Dr. Tillesly, and Mr. Montague, (all writing sharply, if strongly enough) yet sure it is, never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barns since the Reformation, than what this Treatise raised up.

41. By this time Mr. Andrew Melvin,* 9.74 a Scotchman, got to be enlarged out of the Tower, whither he had been committed for writing some satyrical Verses against the Ornaments on the Altar (or Communion-Table) in the Kings Chappell. When first brought into the Tower, he found Sir William Seymour (now the Right Ho∣norable, most truly Noble, and religious Marquis of Hertford) there imprisoned for marrying the Lady ARABELLA, so nearly allyed to the Crown without the KING's consent. To whom, Melvin being an excellent Poet (but inferiour to Buchanan his Master) sent this Distick:

Causa mihi tecum communis Carceris, ARA Regia, BELLA tibi, Regia SACRA mihî.

As for his invective Verses against the Chappel-Ornaments, I conceive the fol∣lowing Copie most authentick, though there be various Lections of them, but all in the main agreeing together:

Quod duo stent Libri clausi Anglis Regiâ in ARA, Lumina caeca duo, Pollubra sicca duo. An clausum caecúm{que}, Dei tenet Anglia cultum Lumine caeca suo, sorde sepulta suâ? Romano & ritu dum Regalem instruit ARAM, Purpuream pingit* 9.75 Luxuriosa Lupam.

42. Mr. George Herbert of Trinity-Coll: in Cambridge, made a most ingenious retortion of this Hexastick, which as yet all my industry cannot recover. Yet it much contenteth me, that I am certainly informed, that the posthume Remains (shavings of Gold are carefully to be kept) of that not lesse pious, than witty writer, are shortly to be put forth into Print, when this his Anti—pelvi—Melvi—

But now at last Melvin his liberty was procured by the intercession of the chief of the Reformed in France,* 9.76* 9.77 and being released, he afterwards became Professour at Se∣dan in the Duke of ••ovillion his Countrey. Here he ceased not to traduce the Church of England, against which he wrote a scroale of Saphicks, entituled TAMI∣CHAMI-CATEGERIA.

43. This year Thomas Bilson,* 9.78 Bishop of Winchester, (who carried Prelature in his very aspect) ended his life: first School-Master, then Warden of Winchester, afterwards Bishop of Worcester, and lastly, of Winchester. A deep and profound Scholar, excellently well read in the Fathers, principally shewed in his Defence of Christ his descent into Hell.

44. By the way,* 9.79 it is a falshood what Campian writes confidently, that Cheney, Bishop of Gloucester, had affirmed unto him, Namely, that concerning this Ar∣ticle, it was moved in a Convocation at London. Quemad••odum sine tumultu peni∣tus eximatur de Symbole, How it might without any noise be wholly taken out of the Creed. For no such debate appeateth upon Record in our Convocations, and as for Campian, his single affirmation is of no validity.

45. Marcus Antonius de Dominis,* 9.80* 9.81 Archbishop of Spalato, came over into Eng∣land, was here courteously welcomed, and plentifully preferred, of whose hypo∣crisie and ingratitude largelyb 9.82 hereafter.

46. King JAMES went into Scotland to visit His native Countrey,* 9.83* 9.84 with a Princely train. In his passage thither He was much affected with a Sermon which one of his Chaplains preached upon this Text,c 9.85 Gen. 13. 2, 3. And Abraham was very rich in cattell, in silver, and in gold. And he went on his journeys from the South even to Bethell, to the place where his Tent had been at the beginning. As for His entertainment in Scotland, we leave it to their Historians to relate. For may my pen be plindered by the Borderers, or Mosse-Troopers, if offering to crosse Tweed into another Countrey.

47. This year died Doctor William James,* 9.86 born in Cheshire, Master first of the University-Colledge, then D••an of Christ-Church in Oxford, Chaplain to Robert Dudley Earle of Leitester, and Confessour to him at his death, and at last made Bishop of Durham. He expended much on the repairing of the Chappel of Dur∣ham-house in the Strand, and in his younger da••es was much commended for his hospitality.

48. Two other prime Prelates accompanied him to the other world,* 9.87 Dr. Henry Robinson, Provest of Queen-Colledge in Oxford, Bishop of Carlisle, of great tem∣perance, milde in speech, but weak in constitution. The other, Robert Bennet, Fellow of Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge, Chaplain to the Lord Burleigh, termed by a great Divine, Eruditus Bene••ictus, Bishop of Hereford, well-deserving of his See, whose Houses he repaired.

49. Doctor Mocket,* 9.88 Warden of All-Souls in Oxford, Chaplain to George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, set forth a Book in pure Latine, containing

The Apologie of the Church of England. The greater and lesser Catechisme. The nine and thirty Articles. The Common Prayer. The Ordination of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. The Politie, or Government of the Church of England.

As for the Homilies, too tedious to be translated at large, he epitomized them into certain Propositions, by him faithfully extracted.

50. No sooner appeared this Book in print,* 9.89 but many faults were found there∣in. Indeed it fared the worse for the Authour, the Authour for his Patron the Archbishop, against whom many Bishops began then to combine. Some accused him of presumption for undertaking such a task withoutd 9.90 Commission from the KING, it being almost as fa••all for Private persons to tamper with such Pu∣blick

matters,* 9.91* 9.92 as for a Subject to match into the blood-Royal without leave of his Soveraigne. Others complained, that he enlarged the liberty of a Translatour into the licence of a Commenter, and the Propositions out of the Homilies by him collected were made to lean to the judgment of the Collectour. James Montague, Bishop of Winchester, a potent Courtier, took exceptions that his Bishoprick in the marshalling of them was wronged in the method, as pute 9.93 after any, whose Bishop is a Privie Counsellour.

50. But the main matter objected against it, was, That this Doctor was a bet∣ter Chaplain than a Subject, contracting the Power of his PRINCE to enlarge the Priviledge of his Patron, allowing the Archbishop of Canterbury's power to confirm the Election of Bishops in his Provinces, citingf 9.94 for the same the 6•• Canon of the first Nicene Councell established by Imperiall authority. If any be made a Bishop without the censent of his Metropolitan, he ought not to be a Bishop.

51. This was counted an high offence to attribute an obliging authority either to Canon or Civil Law,* 9.95 both which if crossing the Common Law of the Land, are drowned in their passage as they saile over from Callis to Dover, and K. JAMES justly jealous of his own Prerogative approved not such a confirming power in the Archbishop, wich might imply a Negative Voice in case he disliked such Elects as the KING should recommend unto him.

52. Hereupon,* 9.96 Doctor Mocket his Book was ceasured to be burned, which was done accordingly. Now although the imperfections and indiscretions of this Translatour might be consumed as dross in the fire, yet the undoubted truth of the Articles of the English Church therein contained as Flame-free and perfectly refined will endure to all eternity. The Doctor took this censure so tenderly, espe∣cially so much defeated in his expectation to finde punishment where he looked for preferment, as if his life were bound up by sympathy in his Book he ended his daies soon after.

53. Though his death much affected his friends in Oxford,* 9.97* 9.98 yet farre greater the grief of that University for the decease of Robert Abbot Bishop of Salisbury, who died this year. One of the honours, not onely of that See, but of the Church of England, born at Guilford in Surrey, of religious Parents, as persevering in the Truth thoughg 9.99 persecuted for the same in the Reign of Queen MARY: Whose two younger Brothers George and Maurice, the one came to be Archbishop of Canterbury, the other was Lord Mayor of London, and the first Knight of King CHARLES his dubbing. This good Bishop his deserts, without any other Friend or Spokesman preferred him to all his Promotions. For

Upon his Oration made on Queen ELIZABETH her Inauguration, he was chosen Scholar (and afterwards Fellow and Master) of Baliol-Colledge.

• Upon a Sermon preached
  • At Worcester he was made Lecturer of that City.
  • At Paul's Crosse Master John Stanhoppe pre∣ferr'd him to the rich Benefice of Bingham in Nottingham-shire.
  • Before King JAMES he was nominated Successour to Doctor Holland in the Kings-Professour his place in Oxford.

Upon the same of his incomparable Lectures de potestate Regiâ, and other labours he was made Bishop of Salisbury,

In conferring which Place, the KING conquered all opposition, which some envious persons raised against him, witnesse His MAJESTIES pleasant speech: Abbot, I have had much to doe to make•• thee a Bishop, but I know no reason for it, unless it were because thou hast written a Booke against a Popish Pre••••••e, meaning William Bishop, entituled by the Pope, the Nominall Bishop of the A••reall Diocesse of Calcedon, which enraged the Cour•• Papists against him to obstruct

his preferment. The hour-glass of his life (saith myh 9.100 Authour) ran out the sooner for having the sand or gravel thereof stopt; so great his grief of the stone, though even whilst his body was on the rack, his soule found ease in the assurance of sal∣vation.

54. About this time,* 9.101 a Boy dwelling at Bilson in Stafford-shire, William Perry by name, not full fifteen years in age, (but above forty in cunning) was practised on by some Jesuits (repairing to the house of Mr. Gifford in that County) to dis∣semble himself Possessed. This was done on designe that the Priests might have the credit to cast out that Devil (which never was in) so to grace their Religion with the reputation of a Miracle.

55. But now the best of the jest (or rather the worst of the earnest,* 9.102 was) the Boy having gotten a habit of counterfeiting, leading a lazie life thereby, to his own ease and Parents profit (to whom he was more worth than the best Plough-land in the shire) would not be undeviled by all their Exorcisms, so that the Priests rai∣sed up a spirit which they could not allay. At last, by the industry of Dr. Moreton Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, the jugling was laid open to the world by the Boyes own confession and repentance: who being bound an Apprentice at the Bi∣shops cost, verified the Proverb, That an untoward Boy may make a good Man.

56. Indeed all this KING's Reign was scattered over with Cheaters in this kinde.* 9.103 Some Papists, some Sectaries, some neither, as who dissembled such pos∣session, either out of malice to be revenged on those whom they accused of Witch∣craft, or covetousnesse to enrich themselves, seeing such, who out of charity, or curiosity repaired unto them, were bountifull in their relief. But take a few of many.

Papists.

No Papists.

i 9.104 Sarah Williams lying past all sense in a Trance, had a Devil, say the Roma nists, slipt up into her leg. k 9.105 Grace Sourebuts of Salmisbury in the County of Lancaster was perswa∣ded by Southworth a Priest to dis∣semble possession to gain himself cre∣dit by Exorcising her. l 9.106 Mary and Amie two Maids of West∣minster, pretended themselves in raptures from the Virgin Mary and Michael the Arch-Angel. m 9.107 Edward Hance a Popish Priest (born at Lutterworth in Leicester-shire gave it out that he was possessed of the Blessed Trinity.

Rich: Haydok Fellow of New-Colledge in Oxford, prea∣ched in his dreams Latine Sermons against the Hie∣rarchie. He afterwards re∣canted, lived in good e∣steem to a great age in Sa∣lisbury, practising Physick, being also an excellent Po∣et, Limner, and Ingraver. Anne Gunter a Maid of Wind∣sor, gave it out she was possessed of a Devil, & was transported with strange Extaticall Phrensies. A Maid at Standon in Hartford∣shire, which personated a Demoniack so lively, that many judicious persons were deceived by her.

See we this Catalogue consists most of the weaker sex, either because Satan would plant his Battery where easiest to make a Breach, or because he found such most advantaged for dissembling, and his Cloven-foot best concealed under Long coats. Indeed, some Feminine weaknesses made them more strong to de∣lude the ruines of the Disease of the Mother being the best Foundation to build such Impostourie thereon.

57. K. James remembring what Solomonn 9.108* 9.109* 9.110 saith, It is the honour of a King to search out a matter, was no lesse dexterous than desirous to make discovery of these De∣ceits. Various were His waies in detecting them, awing some into confession with His presence, perswading others by promise of pardon and fair usage. He orde∣red it so, that a Proper Courtier made love to one of these be witched Maids, and quickly Cupid his Arrows drave out the pretended Darts of the Devil. Another there was, the Tides of whose Possession did so Ebbe and Flow, that punctually they observed one hour till the KING came to visit her. The Maid loath to be so unmannerly as to make His MAJESTY attend her time, antedated her Fits many houres, and instantly ran through the whole Zodiack of tricks which she used to play. A third, strangely-affected when the first verse of S. John's Gospel was read unto her in our Translation, was tame and quiet whilst the same was pronounced in Greek, her English Devil belike understanding no other lan∣guage. The frequency of such forged Possessions wrought such an alteration upon the judgement of King JAMES, that he receding from what he had written in his Demonologie grew first diffident of, and then flatly to deny the workings of Witches and Devils, as but Falshoods and Delusions.

58. K. James having last year in His progress passed through Lancashire,* 9.111* 9.112 took notice, That by the preciseness of some Magistrates, and Ministers, in severall places of this Kingdome, in hindring people from their recreations on the Sunday, the Papists in this Realm being thereby perswaded, that no honest mirth or recreation was tole∣rable in our Religion. Whereupon, the Court being then at Greenwich, He set forth a Declaration to this effect, That for His good peoples lawfull recreations, His pleasure was, that after the end of Divine Service, they should not be disturbed, letted, or discouraged from any lawfull recreations; Such as dancing either of men, or women; archerie for men, leaping, vaulting, or any such harmless recreations: Nor from having of May-games, Whitsun-ales, or Morice-dances, and setting up of May-poles, or other sports therewith used, so as the same be had in due and conveni∣ent time, without impediment, or let of Divine Service: and that women should have leave to carry rushes to the Church for the decoring of it, according to their old cu∣stome; withall prohibiting all unlawfull games to be used on the Sundaies onely, as bear-baiting, bull-baiting, interludes, and (at all times in the meaner sort of people by Law prohibited) bowling.

59. But when this Declaration was brought abroad,* 9.113 it is not so hard to be∣lieve, as sad to recount what grief and distraction thereby was occasioned in ma∣ny honest mens hearts, who looked on it, not as locall for Lancashire, but what in processe of time would enlarge it self all overa 9.114 England. Some conceived the recreations specified, impeditive to the observation of the Lords day; yea, un∣suitable and unbeseeming the essentiall duties thereof. But others maintained, that if private mens speeches must not be pressed to an odious construction, much more men were bound, candidly to interpret the Acts of Authority; and in charity must presume, and be perswaded, that religious Princes will com∣mand nothing, what they conceive either to be unjust, or not expedient, all things considered. They considered moreover (which was mainly material) that this Declaration was not dogmatical, or doctrinal, to say, or averre these things to be Theologically lawfull, but it was Edictum Civile, what the King thought fit upon just reasons to permit, without restraint, or punishment. The hardnesse of mens hearts on one side, which will break loose though restrained, and the hope of gaining others on the other side, by a favourable allowance, might be just motives in Authority, to give way to things civiliter, that they may be done impunè, and yet not prejudice any point of Religion, and not be done licitè, as in Divorces extra casum adulterii, Usurie, &c.

60. But the difficulty was encreased,* 9.115 when Ministers daily feared to be urged upon their Canonicall obedience, to promulgate, and publish the said Declara∣tion in their Parish Churches, which some resolved flatly to refuse, especially such, who formerly had strictly preached, and pressed the observation of the

Lords-day, alledging for, and applying to themselves that place of Saint Paulb 9.116, For, if I build again the things which I have destroyed, I make my self a transgres∣sour. Besides this, they enforced the Reasons following for their Recusancie: Yea, though the KING Himself should enjoyn them on their Alleageance.

• 1. That the publishing of this Declaration would be interpretativè an ap∣probation thereof, whereas on the contrary they arec 9.117 commanded, to have no fellowship with the unfruitfull works of darkness, but rather to reprove them.
• 2. That hereby they should draw a just woe upon them pronounced by the Prophetd 9.118, Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed. Where (as thee 9.119 Lear∣ned interpret) even publick Notaries, which are but instrumental, are threatned with a curse.
• 3. That the promulgation of a Law is de essentia Legis, so that people would neither take notice of this Declaration, nor liberty by it, till it were published, and so the Publisher should per se be a Promoter of a sin.
• 4. That Obedience to Authority obligeth onely in licitis & honestis; and thef 9.120 Apostle confesseth, That he himself had power to edifi∣cation, and not to destruction; whereunto the publishing thereof did manifestly tend.

61. On the other side,* 9.121 some learned and pious Ministers, who in their judg∣ments were convinced, that some of the aforesaid recreations were incompatible with the sanctification of the Sabbath; notwithstanding, in case His MAJESTY should enjoyn it, on serious deliberation resolved in obedience to the KING, publickly to read, or cause the reading of the Declaration, not looking at the con∣tents therein, but at the Authority commanding the publication thereof; the rather, because no Subscription was required, or Vocall assent to approve, what therein was contained, to be just, or affirm it to be true; but a bare ministerial declaring of the KING's will and pleasure therein, which they conceived them∣selves bound in conscience to perform, for the Reasons ensuing:

• 1. The refusal, well observed, doth resolve into a principle, which would take away the necessity of Obedience universally, when the Partie commanded can pretend, the Magistrate ought not to command him any such thing; and, if the PRINCE must suspend His E∣dicts upon each Subjects doubt, He should never set forth any, con∣sidering the variety of judgments, and the distractions which are in His Subjects.
• 2. A Sheriffe may, yea must, disperse the KING his Proclamations, which he liketh not; and a Clerk, at the command of his Master, a Justice of Peace, may lawfully write the Mittimus of that person to Prison, whom in his parricular judgment he conceiveth to be inno∣cent: and (what is most proper to our purpose, because a religious instance) a Minister, without any sin, may safely pronounce an Ex∣communication, legally delivered unto him, though in his own pri∣vate conscience he be convinced, that the Partie is unjustly excom∣municated.
• 3. There are many precedents hereof in antiquity. A Fatherg 9.122 gives this censure, that when the Jewes, commanded by Antiochus, gave up the Divine Books to His Officers, to be destroyed, it was, Peccatum imperantis, & minantis; non populi, cum dolore & tremore tradentis, A sinne of Him that commanded, and threatned it; not of the people, who surrendred up those Volumes with fear, and sorrow. And Saint

• ... h 9.123 Augustine resolveth it in the case of a Christian Souldier, fighting under a sacrilegious Emperour; that, though he be not satisfied in the lawfulnesse of the commands, he may notwithstanding lawfully obey. Ita ut fortasse reum fa••iat Regem iniquitas imperandi, inno∣centem militem ostendat ordo serviendi. And, what is most apposite to the matter in hand (because the Edict of a godly Emperour, se∣riously distasted by a godly Bishop) Mauritius set forth a com∣mand, That no Souldier should be admitted into a Monasterie, and though Gregory the great was perswaded, the prohibition was in it self injurious and unlawfull, yet he did, Ini 9.124 diversas terrarum par∣tes transmittere legem, quia erat subjectus Ejus jussionibus.

Convinced with these Reasons, some Ministers (not with any delight in the Mes∣sage, but in Duty to the Authority which sent) intended (if put to the trial) sadly and unwillingly to publish the Declaration.

A third sort took up a resolution to read the Declaration,* 9.125 or suffer it to be read, and presently after to preach against the contents of what they had published; ho∣ping so, warily to avoid the danger of disobedience, in refusing to promulgate it, and of profaneness in seeming to approve it. But, whether by this middle way, setting God and the King as openly opposite, they would have declined, or contracted more odium, it is hard to determine.

62. But now,* 9.126 after so long, and many diversities of Opinions and Arguments on severall sides, their own fear proved at last their onely foe: The KING's goodness taking away the subject of their jealousie; so that no Minister in the County was enjoyned to read the Book in his Parish, wherewith they had so af∣frighted themselves. However, their Arguments may be kept cold, and laid up provisionally against the time they had use thereof, especially for such, who sur∣vived till the seventh of King CHARLES, when the Declaration for Liberty on the Lords-day was injoyned (though not by the KING) the Ministers to publish clean through the Land.

63. However,* 9.127 there wanted not many, both in Lancashire, and elswhere, who conceived the Declaration came forth seasonably, to suppresse the dangerous en∣deavour of such, who now began in their Pulpits, to broach the dregs of Judaism, and force Christians to drink them. So that those legal Ceremonies, long since dead, buried, and rotten in the grave of our Saviour, had now their ghosts, as it were, walking; frighting such people with their terrible apparitions, who were perswaded by some Preachers to so rigorous observation of the Sabbath, that therein it was unlawful to dresse meat, sweep their houses, kindle the fire, or the like. Yea, and the Papists, in Lancashire especially (a frontier Countrey, as I may term it, of Papists and Protestants, where the Reformed Religion had rather a truce, than a peace, standing on its guard, and posture of defence) I say, in Lancashire the Romanists made advantage of this strictness, to pervert many to Popery, per∣swading them, That the Protestant Religion was the School of Tyrannus, where no lawful liberty was allowed. And no wonder, if many common people were hereby fetcht off unto them, starting aside as a broken bow, chiefly because over∣bent for lack of lawfull recreation. But enough hereof, and too much (if not pressed thereunto in pursuance of our History) and yet ere long we must have more on the same sad subject.

64. Now of the Broakers of Judaisme,* 9.128 John Thraske was a principall. Whe∣ther ever he sucked on the breasts of either University, or onely was brought up by hand in some petty-School, I know not. This I know, that secking to be made Deacon, or Minister, by James Bishop of Bath and Wells; Doctor Samuel Ward then Poser, and the Bishops Chaplain, refused him as altogether insuffici∣ent. However, afterwards he got Orders, and then began to vent his Opinions; That the Lords-day was to be observed with the same strictnesse by Christians, as it

was by Jewes; and, That all Meats and Drinks forbidden in the Leviticall Law bound Christians to the same observance, thereby opening a dore to let in the rabble of all Ceremonies. Thus he brought in a constant Lent of his own ma∣king. And, whereas Divines can forbid no meat as unlawfull (though Politicians may as unthrifty for the State, and Physicians as unhealthfull for the body) be∣cause CHRIST hath given us that Licence, To the clean all things are clean, yet he seduced many souls with his Tenets, and his own Wife amongst many others. For these he was censured in the Star-Chamber, but afterwards recanted his Opi∣nions, and lived (as unsetled in judgment, as place) in several parts of the King∣dome. I have heard him preach a Sermon, nothing relating to the aforesaid Doctrine, and when his Auditors have forgotten the matter, they will remember the loudness of his stentorious voice, which indeed had more strength, than any thing else he delivered. He afterwards relapsed, not into the same, but other O∣pinions, rather humerous, than hurtfull, and died obscurely at Lambeth in the Reign of King CHARLES. Nor must we forget, that his Wife could never be unperverted again, but perished in her Judaism; because, as our Saviourk 9.129 ob∣serveth, Proselytes in generall are twofold worse than their Leader: and her Sex (as pliable to receive, as tenacious to retain) had weaknesse enough to embrace an error, and obstinacy too much to forsake it.

63. At this time began the troubles in the Low-Countreys, about matters of Re∣ligion, heightned between two opposite parties, Remonstrants, and Contra-Re∣monstrants; their Controversies being chiefly reducible to five points; Of Pre∣destination, and Reprobation; Of the Latitude of Christ's death; Of the power of mans Free will, both before, and after his conversion; and, Of the Elects perseve∣rance in grace. To decide these difficulties, the States of the United Provinces, resolved to call a National Synod at Dort; And, to give the more lustre, and weight to the determinations thereof, desired some forreign Princes to send them the assistance of Their Divines for so pious a work: Especially, they requested our KING of Great Britain, to contribute His aid thereunto (being Himself as forward to doe, as they desire any thing conducible to GOD's glory, and the Churches good) Who, out of His own Princely wisdome, and free favour, made choice of

George Carleton, Doctor of Divinity, then Bishop of Landaff, and after∣ward Bishop of Chichester.

Joseph Hall, Doctor of Divinity, then Dean of Worcester, and afterward Bishop of Exeter, and Norwich.

John Davenant, Doctor of Divinity, then Margaret-Professour, and Master of Queens-Colledge in Cambridge, afterwards Bishop of Sa∣lisbury.

Samuel Ward, Doctor of Divinity, then Master of Sidney-Colledge in Cam∣bridge, and Arch-Deacon of Taunton.

These,* 9.130 according to their summons, repairing to His MAJESTY at New-Market, received from Him there these following Instructions, concerning their behaviour in the Synod:

1. OUr will, and pleasure is, That from this time forward, upon all occasions, you inure your selves to the practice of the Latine Tongue; that, when there is cause, you may deliver your mindes with more readinesse, and facility.

2. You shall in all points to be debated, and disputed, resolve amongst your selves before-hand, what is the true State of the Question, and jointly, and uniformly agree thereupon.

3. If in debating of the cause by the Learned men there, any thing be emergent, whereof you thought not before; you shall meet, and

consult thereupon again, and so resolve among your selves joyntly, what is fit to be maintained. And this to be done agreeable to the Scriptures, and the doctrine of the Church of England.

4. Your advise shall be to those Churches, that their Ministers doe not deliver in the Pulpit to the people, those things for ordinary Do∣ctrins, which are the highest points of Schools, and not fit for vulgar capacity, but disputable on both sides.

5. That they use no Innovation in Doctrine, but teach the same things which were taught twenty or thirty years past, in their own Chur∣ches: and especially, that which contradicteth not their own Con∣fessions, so long since published, and known unto the world.

6. That they conforme themselves to the publick Confessions of the neighbour-reformed Churches, with whom to hold good correspon∣dency, shall be no dishonour to them.

7. That, if there be main opposition between any, who are overmuch addicted to their own opinions, your endevour shall be, that certain Positions be moderately laid down, which may tend to the mitiga∣tion of heat on both sides.

8. That, as you principally look to God's glory, and the peace of those distracted Churches: so you have an eye to Our honour, Who send and employ you thither; and consequently, at all times consult with Our Ambassadour there residing, who is best acquainted with the form of those Countreys, understandeth well the Questions, and differences among them, and shall from time to time receive Our Princely directions, as occasion shall require.

9. Finally, in all other things which We cannot foresee, you shall carry your selves with that advise, moderation, and discretion, as to per∣sons of your quality, and gravity shall appertain.

Doctor Davenant, and Doctor Ward,* 9.131 presented themselves again to His MA∣JESTY at Royston, October the 8. Where His MAJESTY vouchsafed His familiar discourse unto them, for two hours together, commanding them to sit down by Him, and at last dismissed them with His solemn prayer. That God would blesse their endeavours; which made them cheerfully to depart His presence.

66. Addressing themselves now with all possible speed to the Sea-side, they casually missed that Man of Warre, which the States had sent to conduct them over (though they saw him on Sea at some distance) and safely went over in a small Vessel,* 9.132 landing October 20 at Middleburgh. On the 27 of the same Moneth they came to Hague,* 9.133 where they kissed the hand of His Excellency GRAVE MAURICE, to Whom the Bishop made a short Speech, and by Whom they were all courteously entertained. Hence they removed to Dort,* 9.134 where No¦vember the 3, the Synod began, and where we leave them with the rest of their fellow-Divines, when first every one of them had taken this Admission-Oath, at their entrance into the Synod:

I Promise before Godl 9.135, whom I believe, and adore, the present searcher of the heart, and reins, that in all this Synodal action, wherein shall be ap∣pointed the examination, judgment, and decision, as well of the known five Articles, and difficulties thence arising, as of all other Doctrinals; that I will not make use of any Humane Writing, but onely of God's Word, for the certain, and undoubted Rule of Faith: And, that I shall propound nothing to my self in this whole cause, besides the glory of God, the peace of the Church, and es;pecially the preservation of the purity of Doctrine therein. So may my Saviour Jesus Christ be mercifull unto me, whom I earnestly pray, that in this my purpose, He would alwaies be present with me with the grace of his Spirit.

I say, we leave them here with fellow-Divines. For, should my pen pre∣sume to sail over the Sea, it would certainly meet with a strom in the passage, the censure of such; who will justly condemn it for medling with transmarine matters, especially Doctrinall points, utterly aliene from my present subject. Onely a touch of an Historical passage therein, confining our selves to our own Countrey∣men.

67. These four Divines had allowed them by the STATES Ten pounds sterling a day,* 9.136 Threescore and ten pounds by the week; an entertainment farr larger than what was appointed to any other forreign Theologues; and politickly pro∣portioned, in gratefull consideration of the Greatnesse of His MAJESTY who employed them. And, these English Divines, knowing themselves sent over, not to gain wealth to themselves, but glory to God, and reputation to their Sovereign, freely gave what they had freely received, keeping a Table general, where any fashionable Forreigner was courteously and plentifully entertained.

68. They were commanded by the KING to give Him a weekly account (each one in his several Week,* 9.137 according to their seniority) of all memorable passages transacted in the Synod. Yet it happened, that, for a moneth, or more, the KING received from them no particulars of their proceedings, whereat His Majesty was most highly offended. But afterwards, understanding, that this defect was caused by the countermands of an higher King, even of him whom 9.138 ga∣thereth the winde in his fists, stopping all passages by contrary weather; no won∣der if He, who was so great a peace-maker, was himself so quickly pacified: yea, afterwards highly pleased, when four weekly dispatches (not neglected to be orderly sent, but delayed, to be accordingly bought) came all together to His Majesties hands.

69. On the 10 of December,* 9.139 Gualter Balca••quall, Bachelour of Divinity, and Fellow of Pembroke-Hall,* 9.140 came into the Synod, where his Credential Letters from King JAMES were publickly read; Whose pleasure it was, that he should be added to the four English Collegues, in the name of the Church of Scotland. The President of the Synod welcomed him with a short Oration, which by Mr. Bal∣canquall was returned with another, and so was he conducted to his place; A place built for him particularly, as one coming after all the rest, so that his seat discomposed the uniformity of the building, exactly regular before. But it mat∣ters not how the seats were ordered, so that the judgments of such as sate therein, were conformed to the truth of the Scriptures.

70. Doctor Joseph Hall being at the Synod of Dort,* 9.141 and finding much indispo∣sition in himself,* 9.142 the aire not agreeing with his health,* 9.143 on his humble request ob∣tained His Majesties leave to return. Whereupon, composing his countenance With a becoming gravity, he publickly took his solemn farewell of the Synod, With this Speech following:

NOn facilè verò mecum in gratiam redierit cadaverosa haec moles, quam aegrè usque circumgesto, quae mihi hujus Conventus celebritatem toties inviderit, jamque prorsus invitissimum à vobis importunè avocat, & di∣vellit. Neque enim ullus est profectò sub coelo locus aequè coeli aemulus, & in quo tentorium mihi figi maluerim, cujusque adeo gestiet mihi animus memi∣nisse. Beatos verò vos, quibus hoc frui datum! non dignus cram ego (ut fidelissimi Romani querimoniam imitari liceat) qui & Christi, & Ecclesiae suae nomine, sanctam hanc provinciam diutius sustinerem. Illud vero 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nempe audito, quod res erat, non aliâ me quàm adversissimâ hic usum valetudine, Serenissimus Rex meus misertus miselli famuli sui, revo∣cat me domum, quippe quoòd cineres meos, aut sandapilam vobis nihil quic∣quam prodesse posse nôrit, succenturiavitque mihi virum è suis selectissimum, quantum Theologum! De me profectò (mero jam silicernio) quicquid fiat, viderit ille Deus meus, cujus ego totus sum. Vobis quidem ita feliciter pro∣spectum est, ut sit cur infirmitati meae haud parùm gratulemini, quum hujus∣modi

instructissimo succedaneo coetum hunc vestrum beaverit. Neque tamen committam (si Deus mihi vitam,* 9.144 & vires indulserit) ut & corpore simul,* 9.145 & animo abesse videar. Intereà sanè huic Synodo, ubicunque terrarum sum, & vobis, consiliis conatibus{que} meis quibuscun{que}, res vestras me, pro virili, sedulò, ac seriò promoturum, sanctè voveo. Interim vobis omnibus, ac sin∣gulis, Honoratissimi Domini Delegati, Reverendissime Praeses, Gravissimi Assessores, Scribae doctissimi, Symmystae colendissimi, Tibique Venerandissi∣ma Synodus universa, aegro animo ac corpore aeternùm valedico. Rogo vos omnes obnixiùs, ut precibus vestris imbecillem reducem facere, comitari, prosequi velitis.

Thus returned Dr. Hall into his own Country; Since so recovered (not to say revived) therein, that he hath gone over the graves of all his English Collegues there, and (what cannot God, and good aire doe?) surviving in health at this day, three and thirty years after, may well withn 9.146 Jesse, go amongst men for an old man in these daies. And living privately, having passed thorough the Bishop rickes of Exeter, and Norwich, hath now the opportunity in these troublesome times, effectually to practice those his precepts of patience, and contentment, which his pen hath so eloquently recommended to others.

71. On the seventh of January,* 9.147 Thomas Goad Doctor of Divinity,* 9.148 Chaplain to George Archbishop of Canterbury, came into the Synod, sent thither by His MAJESTY of Great Britain. The President entertained him with a soleman Oration, highly commending King JAMES's care, not recalling one Divine, till he had substituted another. The Doctor requited him with a pithie Oration, promising the utmost of his assistance to the general good. A promise by him well performed, giving afterwards ample testimony of his general learning and solid judgement in Divinity; nothing being wanting in him, but that he came hither so late to this imployment.

SECTION V.

TO Master PETER MOROLOYS, AND Master THOMAS ROWSE, OF LONDON, Merchants.

THE NETHERLANDS are the Scene whereon the begin∣ning of this Section was transacted. They were also the Native Countreys of your Ancestors, flying hither from persecution. Since as your Fathers then found Safety amongst the ENGLISH; some of the ENGLISH, to my knowledge, have felt Bounty from their Children. God increase your Store, and make you like the good Merchant in the Gospel* 10.1, who, to purchase the GREAT PEARL, sold all that the had, that is, undervalued all Worldly wealth, coming in competition with God, or Grace, or Glory.

BEfore the end of the hundred fourty fifth Session,* 10.2 April the 20th, in the forenoon, the Belgick Confession was brought into the Synod, containing matter both of Do∣ctrine, and Discipline, and the publick consent thereunto was required. Here the Bishop of Landaffe, in the name of all the rest, approved all the points of Doctrine. But as for matter of Discipline, that his Mother Church, and his own order might not suffer therein, and he seem by silence to betray the cause thereof, a Protest was entred by him, as Mouth for the rest, to preserve the same, as by the perusing the fol∣lowing passage will appear.

Interca tamen de Disciplina pancis monet. Nunquam in Ecclesia obtinuis∣se Ministrorum paritatem non tempore Christi ipsius, tanc enim duodecim A∣postolos fuisse Discipulis superiores; non Apostolorum aetate, non subsecutis secu••lis. Nec valere rationem in hac Con∣fessione usurpatam, Nempè quia omnes funt aequè Ministri Christi. Nam & septuaginta Discipuli, erant Ministri Christi aequè ac Apostoli, non tamen inde Apostolis aequales: & omnes omnino homines sunt aequè ho∣mines, non inde tamen homo homini non debet subesse. Haec, non ad harum Ecclesiarum ••ssensionem, sed ad nostrae Anglicanae defensionem sese monuis∣se professus est.—Br tannorum in∣terpellationi responsum ne gru quidem.

Not withstanding, in the mean time, he briefly gave his advice concerning Disci∣pline. That the parity of Ministers never prevailed in the Church, no, not in the time of Christ himself; for, then the twelve Apostles were superiour to the Di∣sciples; not in the time of the Apostles, nor in the ages after them. Nor is that reason of any force alledged in their Con∣fession, namely, Because all are equally the Ministers of Christ. For, even the seventy Disciples were equally Ministers of Christ with the Apostles, and yet it follows not thence, they were equal with the Apostles: and all men altogether are equally men, yet thence it cannot be inferred, that one man ought not to be subject to another. There things he professed himself to have hinted, not to offend these Churches therewith, but to defend their own Church of England—To this interpellation of the British Divines nothing at all was answered.

Hereby the equal Reader may judge how candidly Master Montague in his Ap∣peal, dealeth with our English Divines, chargingo 10.3 them, That the Discipline of the Church of England is in this Synod held unlawfull. And again,p 10.4 The Synod of Dort in some points condemneth upon the by, even the Discipline of the Church of Eng∣land. But, let such as desire farther satisfaction herein, peruse the joynt Attesta∣tion, which those English Divines set forth, Anno 1626. to justifie their proceed∣ings herein.

2. On the 29 of April the Synod ended. The states to expresse their gratitude,* 10.5 bestowed on the English Divines at their departure, Two hundred pounds,* 10.6 to bear their charges in their return: besides, a golden Medall of good value was given to every one of them, wherein the sitting of the Synod was artificially represen∣ted. And now, these Divines, who for many moneth had, in a manner, been fast'ned to their chairs, and desks, thought it a right due to themselves, that when their work was ended, they might begin their recreation. Wherefore they viewed the most eminent Cities in the Low-Countreys, and at all places were bountifully received, Leiden only excepted. Wonder not, that they, who had most learning, should shew least civility, especially having Professours of Huma∣nity amongst them, seeing generally the great ones of that University at this time, being Remonstrants, were disaffected to the decisions of this Syond. This gave occasion to that passage in the speech of Sir Dudlie Carleton, the English Ambas∣sadour, when in the name of his Master he tendred the States publick thanks, for their great respects to the English Divines, using words to this effect, That they had been entertained at Amsterdam, welcome at the Hague, cheerfully received at Roterdam, kindly embraced at Utreich, &c. and that they had seen Leiden.

3. But,* 10.7 how high an esteem, the STATES-GENERAL had of these our English-mens serivce, will best appear by Their Letter, which They sent to King JAMES, as followeth:

Serenissime REX,

Qvemadmodum hoc unicè propositum Nobis fuit, ut, quae in Civitatibus, Provinciis{que} nostris, ante annos aliquot, exortae erant, infelices de Religione contentions, eruditorum, ac piorum hominum judicio, legitimè tolli, ac componi possent; ut & conscientiis eorum, quibus Nos praeesse Deus Immor∣talis voluit, ipsi{que} pariter Reipublicae, suâ in Religione, ac pie∣tate simul, ratio constaret, & tranquillitas; ita nos benïgnè is respexit, cui hactenus curae fuimus, Qui Conventui nostro Nationali, quem ex omnibus idem sentientibus Ecclesiis con∣vocavimus, ita benedixit, ut, re tantâ ad felicem, at{que} optatum exitum perductâ, domum, & ad suos se conferant. Quibus, benedictionem Domini, studium nostrum in promovendo pietatis negotio, consensum planè cum aliis Ecclesiis unanimem, in∣dicabunt. Inter quos, cum praecipui & consilio, & loco, fue∣rint Magnae Britanniae Theologi, quos, pro singulari, & di∣vino, in Nos, & Ecclesias nostras affectu, ad Nos mittere dignata est Majestas Tua; curae Nobis fuit, ut, quantopere hujus beneficii magnitudinem aestimemus, ex nobis intelligeret Majestas Tua. Est verò illud, Rex Serenissime, etiamsi cum reliquis, quae infinita sunt, conferatur, tantò majus, quantò uberiores sunt fructus, quos ex Dei causa expectamus, quan∣tò{que} id Majestatis Tuae nomini est convenientius; Qui, cùm nullâ re externâ, at{que} humanâ quae potissimùm aliis Principi∣bus conciliant dignitatem, quoquam Rege sit inferior, Fidei Defensionem, tanquam Dei, Ecclesiae{que} Patronus in his ter∣ris, sibi meritò assumit. Neque dubitare possumus, quin, & Majestatis Tuae Regna tot, & tanta; reliquaeque, quae in hoc nego io Nobis operam navârunt, Ecclesiae, magnam uti∣litatem ex hoc instituto nostro percepturae sint, quae exemplo nostro discent, quanto periculo conjunctum sit, quae bene in Re∣ligione constituta sunt temerè movere, quùm sint felices, atque fortunatae, quamdiu simili remedio opus non habebunt: cui hactenus abundè Majestatis Tuae curâ, atque vigilantiâ, pro∣spectum fuit. In Theologis porrò utrius{que} Regni Vestri omni∣bus, & singulis, quorum agmen ducit verè Reverendissimus

Dominus Georgius, Landavensis Episcopus, imago, atque expressa virtutis effigies; eam eruditionem, pietatem, pacis studium, eumque zelum deprehendimus, ut, cum ipsius bene∣ficii causâ Majestati Tue multum debamus, magna pars ipsius beneficîi Nobis videatur, quod ipsi ad Nos missi fint.

Deus immortalis Majestati Tuae, Rex Serenisime, ita benedicat, ut illius benedictionis partem, Orbis Chri∣stianus, ex diuturniate Regni Tui, & Ecclesiae defensio∣ne, diu percipat.

4. With these Testimonial Letters, over they came into England,* 10.8 and first pre∣sented themselves to King JAMES. Who, seeing them out of a window, when first entring the Court, Here comes, said He, my good Mourners, alluding to their black habit, and late death of Queen ANNE. Then, after courteous en∣tertaining of them, He favourably dismissed them, and afterward on three of themq 10.9 bestowed preferment. So returned they all to their severall professions; Bishop Carleton to the carefull governing of his Diocesse Doctor Davenant besides his Collegiate Cure, to his constant Lectures in the Schools; Dr. Ward to his discret ordering of his own Colledge; Dr. Goad to his diligent discharging of Domestical duties in the family of his Lord, and Patton; and Mr. Balcanquall to his Fellowship in Pembroke-Hall.

5. Since it hath been the successe of this Synod,* 10.10 to have the decisions thereof to be approved, applauded, magnified by some: vilified, contemned, con∣demned by others. If men were divinded in their censures about Christ, some saying, He is a good man: others, way, but he deceiveth the people; no wonder, if ever since, all Conventions of Christians be subject to variety of mens verdicts upon them. Of such as dislike the Synod, none falls heavier upon it than a Lon∣don s 10.11 Divine, charging the Synodians to have taken a previous Oath, to con∣demn the opposite party on what termes soever. But take him in his own words, Farre be it from me to subscribe the report, or information of those, who charge the respective Members of this Synod, with suffering themselves to be bound with an Oath, at, or before their admission thereunto, to vote down the Remonstrants, and their Doctrines (howsoever) Yet, when Iread, and consider, 1. How learnedly, solidly, and substantially they quit themselves, and argue, whilst they goe along with the Remonstrants, and declare wherein they agree with them, in the points contro∣verted betwixt them. 2. How feebly, and unlike themselves they reason, when they come to the quick of the difference. 3. and lastly, How neer, at very many turns, even in those things wherein they pretend to differ, they come unto them, as if they had a very good minde, to be no more two, but one with them, when (I say) I consider all these things, methinks I see the intrest and obligation of an oath, working much after the same manner, as sometimes it did in Herod, when for his oath sake, contrary to his minde, and desire otherwise, he caused, John the Baptist's head to be given to Herodias in at 10.12 platter. See here, how this Suggester, though at the first he takes water, and washeth his hands, with a Farre be it from me to subscribe the report &c. yet afterwards he crucifies the credit of a whole Synod, and makes them all guilty of no lesse than damnable perjury.

6. I could have wished, that he had mentioned in the margin,* 10.13 the Authors of this suggestion; whereas now the omission thereof will give occasion to some, to suspect him for the first raiser of the report; an heavy accusation, charging a

whole Synod of injustice. When Festus, the heathen Magistrate, was so much Christian, as not to condemn an accused manu 10.14 before he hath licence to answer for himself: could any Assembly of Christian Ministers to so heathen, as to binde themselves by an oath, right or wrong, with blinde obedience, to beat down the opposite party?. Wherein they were all actually forsworn, having publickly taken so solemnan oath, to proceed impartially, according to Gods Word, and their own conscience. What said Laban tow 10.15 Jacob? If thou shalt take other wives besides my daughters, no man is with us, see, God is witness between thee, and me: So, if these Divines, having betroathed their faith to God, and the world, in so open and publick a manner; besides this Oath, did binde themselves with any other, taken before, or after, in a clandestine way, contrary to their publick pro∣mise; would not God the sole judge herein, sensible of this affront offered to him, and his truth, heavily punish so heinous an offence? And, can any chari∣table-minded man believe, that learned men would, that godly men could be guilty of so deep, and damnable dissimulation?

7. Musing with my self on this matter, and occasionally exchanging Letters with the Sons of Bishop Hall, it came into my minde to ask them Joseph's* 10.16 * 10.17 question to his brethren, Is your father well, the old man of whom ye spake, is he yet alive? And, being informed of his life and health, I addressed my self in a Letter unto him, for satisfaction in this particular, who was pleased to honour me with this return herein inserted:

WHereas you desire from me a just relation of the carriage of the businesse at the Synod of Dort, and the conditions required of our Divines there, at, or before their admission to that grave, and learned Assembly: I, whom God was pleased to imploy, as an unworthy agent in that great work, and, to reserve still upon earth, after all my reverend, and worthy Assocaites, doe, as in the presences of that God, to whom I am now daily expecting to yeild up my account, testifie to you, and (if you will) to the world, that I cannot, without just indignation, read that slanderous imputation, which Mr. Goodwin, in his Redemption Redeem'd, reports to have been raised, and cast upon those Divines, eminent both for learning, and piety, That they suffered themselves to be bound with an Oath, at, or before their admission into that Synod, to vote down the Remonstrants howsoever; so as they came deeply preingaged to the decision of those unhappy differences.

Truly, Sir, as I hope to be saved, all the Oath that was required of us was this; After that the Moderator, Assistents, and Scribes were chosen, and the Synod formed, and the several Members allowed, there was a solemn Oath required to be taken by every one of that Assembly, which was publickly done in a grave manner, by every person in their order, standing up, and laying his hand upon his heart, calling the great God of heaven to witnesse, that he would unpartially proceed in the judgment of these controversies, which should be laid before him, onely out of, and according to the written Word of God, and no otherwise, so determining of them, as he should finde in his conscience most agreeable to the Holy Scriptures, which Oath was pun∣ctually agreed to be thus taken by the Articles of the States, concerning the indiction, and ordering of the Synod, as appears plainly in their tenth Article; and, this was all the Oath that was either taken, or required. And farre was it from those holy souls, which are now glorious in heaven, or mine (who still for some short time sur∣vive, to give this just witnesse of our sincere integrity) to entertain the least thought of any so foul corruption, as by any over-ruling power to be swayed to a prejudgment in the points controverted.

It grieves my soul therefore to see, that any learned Divine should raise imaginary conjectures to himself, of an interest and obligation of a fancied Oath (working up∣on them, and drawing them contrary to the dictation of their own conscience, as it did Heord's in the case of John Baptist's beheading) meerly out of his own compara∣tive construstion of the different forms of expressing themselves in managing those Controversies. Wherein if at any time they seemed to speak nearer to the Tenet of the

Remonstrants, it must be imputed to their holy ingenuity, and gracious disposition to peace, and to no other sinister respect.

Sir, since I have lived to see so foul an aspersion cast upon the memory of those worthy and eminent Divines, I blesse God that I yet live to vindicate them, by this my knowing, clear, and assured attestation; which I am ready to second with the solemnest Oath, if I shall be thereto required.

Higham, August 30. 1651.

Your much devoted friend, precessor, and fellow-labourer, Jos: Hall, B. N.

Let the Reader consider with himself, how the Suggester speaks by hear-say, of things done at distance, whereat himself not present, whose disassection to the decisions of that Synod, inclines him to credit ill reports against it. And yet, as afraid, though willing to speak out, in his me-thinks I see, vents but his own con∣jecturall surmises. Let him also weigh in the balance of his judgment, how this purgation of this Synod is positive, and punctual, from one an ear-and eye∣witnesse thereof, being such an one as Doctor Hall, and now aged; so that his testimonium herein, may seem testamentum; his witnesse, his will, and the truth therein delivered, a Legacie by him bequeathed to posterity. I say, the premi∣ses seriously considered, let the Reader procced to sentence, as God and his con∣science shall direct him; and, either condemn a private person of slander, and salsity; or a whose Synod of injustice, and perjury.

8. My desire to make this History of the Synod intire,* 11.1 hath made me omit the death of James Montague, the worthy Bishop of Winchester, who left this life the last year: Son to Sir Ed: Montague of Boughton in Northampton-shire, bred in Christs, afterwards Master of Sidney-Colledge in Cambridge, highly favoured by King JAMES, (whose Works he set forth) preferring him to the Bishoprick first of Bath and Wells, then to Winchecter: in Bath he lies buried under a fair Tomb, though the whole Church be his Monument, which his bounty repaired, or rather raised out of the ruins thereof. One passage at his buriall I must not forget, having received it from the mouth of his younger Brother Sir Sidney Montague, present at his Funeral solemnities.

9. A certain Officer of Bath-Church,* 11.2 being a very corpulent man, was upon the day of the Bishop's burial appointed to keep the dores: He entred on this his imployment in the Morning whereon the Funeral was kept, but was buried himself before night, and before the Bishops body was put into the ground, be∣cause being bruised to death by the pressing in of people, his Corps required speedy interment; so needful it is for those to watch for their own change, who wait on the graves of others.

10. I cannot attain the exact date of the death of John Overall,* 11.3 carrying Super∣intendency in his Surname, the Bishop of Norwich; first, Fellow of Trinity. Coll: then Master of Katherine-Hall, and King's Professour of Divinity in Cambridge. One of a strong brain to improve his great reading, and accounted one of the most Learned Controversial Divines of those daies.

11. A grand Grievance was now much complained of,* 11.4 but little redressed: some great Courtiers there were, to whom the KING had passed His Grants to compound with Papists for their Recusancie. Some of these Grantees abused the KING's favour, and Compounded with such persons for light summes, even before their legall Conviction, whereby the Offenders in that kinde became the more backward to Conform themselves to the king's Lawes, Hit Majesty not aiming at their punishment, but reformation. And although this indirect course was flatly forbidden by His Royal Declaration, set forth 1610: yet was this corruption connived at, and is conceived a main cause of the great and speedy increase of Popery.

12. About this time,* 11.5 a sad mischange besell George About Archbishop of Can terbury,* 11.6 in this manner,* 11.7 He was invited by the Lord Zouch to Bramshill in Hamp∣shire to hunt and kill a Buck; The Keeper ran amongst the Herd of Deer to bring them up to the sairer mark, whilest the Archbishop litting on his Horse back, let loose a barded-Arrow from a Crosbow, and unhappily hit the Kee∣per: He was shot through the Enmontery of the left Arm, and the Arrow divi∣ding those grand auxiliary vessels, he died of the flux of blood immediately. Na∣ture having provided, that all the large Vessels are defended externally by bones: He never spake after, as the person still alive at Croydon, who brought off his body, informed me, and died not of the ill-dressing of the Wound, as some have printed it. This presently put an end to the sport that day, and almost to the Archbishops mirth to the last of his life.

13. The same of this mans death,* 11.8 flew faster than the Arrow that killed him: The Archbishops mischance, in many men met not with so sad a casualty did deserve: He was not much beloved by the inferiour Clergie, as over-rigid and austere: Indeed, he was mounted to command in the Church, before he ever learned to obey therein; Made a Shepherd of Shepherds, before he was a Shepherd of Sheep; Consecrated Bishop, before ever called to a Pa∣storal Charge; which made, say some, him not to sympathize with the necessities and insirmities of poor Ministers. As for the superiour Clerigie, some for his irregularity and removal expected preferment, as the second Boule is made first, and the third, second, when that neerest the mark, is violently removed.

14. It is strange to see,* 11.9 how suddainly many men started up Canonists and Casuists in their discourse, who formerly had small skill in that prosession. In their ordinary talk they cited Councels and Synods: some had up S. Jerome's speech, Venatorem nunquam legimus sanctum: others were busie with the De∣cree of the Councel of Orleance, (Gratian 49 B. distinct.34.) Episcopo* 11.10 Pres∣bytero, ant Diacono canes ad venandum, ant accipitres habere non licet. Others di∣stinguished of a three-fold hunting: 1. Oppressiva. 2. Arenaria. 3. Saltuosa. These maintained, that the two former were utterly unlawfull, but the last might lawfully be used. Others distinguished of Homicide: 1. Exnecessitate. 2. Ex voluntate. 3. Excasu. the case in hand. In a word, this accident divided all great companies into pro and con, for or against the Archbishops irregularity on this occasion, yet all the force of their skill could not mount the guilt of this fact higher than the fountain thereof. When all was done it was but Casual Ho∣micide, who sought not for the man, but God was pleased to bring the Man to his hand.

15. Sir Henry Savill,* 11.11 the Archbishops old acquaintance as his contemporary in Oxon, repaired on his behalf to the Oracle of the Law, Sir Edward Coke, whom he found a bowling for his recreation. My Lord, said he, I come to be satisfied of you in a point of Law. If it be a point of Common Law, (said sir Edward Coke) I am unworthy to be a Judge, if I cannot presently satissie you; but if it be a point of Statute Law, I am unworthy to be Judge, if I should undertake to satissie you; before I have consulted my Books. It is this, (said Sir Henry) Whether may a Bishop Hunt in a Park by the Laws of the Realm? I can presently resolve you, said the Judge, He may bunt by the Lawes of the Realm by this very token, That there is an old Law, (let the young Students in that profession finde it out) that a Bishop, when dying, is to leave his pack of Dog's (called Muta* 11.12 canum) to the Kings free use and disposal.

16. The party, whom the Archbishop suspected his greatest Foe,* 11.13 proved his most firm and effectuall Friend, even Lancelot Andrews Bishop of Winchester: For when several Bishop inveighed against the irregularity of the Archbishop, laying as much (if not more) guilt, on the act, than it would bear, He mildly checked them: Brethren (said he) be not too busie to condemn any for Uncanonicalls according to the strictnesse thereof, left we render our selves in the same condition. Besides we all know, canones, qui dicunt lapsos post actam poenitentiam, ad cleri∣catum non esse restituendos, de rigore loquuntur disciplinae, noninjiciunt despera∣tionem indulgentiae.

17.* 11.14 King James being Himself delighted in Hunting,* 11.15 was sorry any ill accident should betide the users thereof.* 11.16 But when He was assured, how deeply the Arch∣bishop layed this casualty to his heart, He much pitied him, and said to a Lord, discoursing thereof, It might have been My chance or thine. So that not long af∣ter the Archbishop (who had lately retired himself to Guildford Almes-house of his own founding) returned to Lambeth, and to the performance of his Of∣fice, though some squeamish, and nice-conscienced Elects scrupled to be conse∣crated by him. He gave during his own life Twenty pounds a year to the Man's Widow, which was not long a Widow, as quickly re-maried. He kept a Monethly-Fast on a Tuesday, as the day whereon this casualty befell; in a word, this Keeper's death was the Archbishop's mortification.

18.* 11.17 At this time the KING's Exchequer grew very low, though Lionel Cransield Lord Treasurer, and Earl of Middlesex, neglected no means for the improving thereof. In order whereunto, (Reader, let this Story passe into thy belief, on my credit, knowing my selfe sufficiently assured thereof) a Projector, such necessary evils then much countenanced) informed His MAJESTY of a way whereby speedily to advance much Treasure. And how for sooth was it? Even that a new Valuation should be made of all Spiritual preferments, (which now in the King's Books passed at Under-tates) to bring them up to, or near the full value thereof. This would promote both the casual fines (as I may term them) of First-fruits, and the Annual rent of Tenths, to the great advantage of the Crown. The KING sent to the Lord Treasurer demanding his judgment thereof.

19.* 11.18 The Treasurer returned His MAJESTY an Answer to this effect, so near as I can remember from the mouth of a Noble person then present: Sir, You have ever been beheld, as a great Lover and Advancer of Learned men, and You know Clergy-mens education is chargeable to them, or their friends: Long it is before they get any preferment, which at last, generally, is but small in proportion to their pains and expences. Let it not be said, that You gained by grinding them; other waies lesse obnoxious to just censure, will be found out, to furnish your occasions. The KING commended Cranfield, (as doing it only for triall) adding moreover, I should have accounted thee a very knave, if encouraging Me herein: and so the pro∣ject was blasted, for the present, as it was, when it budded again, propounded by some unworthy instrument in the Reign of King CHARLES.

20.* 11.19 I know, some will suspect the Treasurer, more likely to start than crush so gainful a design, as who by all waies & means sought to encrease the royal Revenue. I know also, that some accuse him, as if making his Master's wings to molt, thereby the better to feather his own nest. Indeed, he raised a fair estate, and surely he will never be a good Steward for his Master, who is a bad one for himself. Yet on due and true enquiry it will appear, that though an High power did afterwards prosecute him, yet his innocence in the main preserved him to transmit a good estate to his posterity. So that much of truth must be allowed in his* 11.20 Motto, PERDIDIT FIDES, he was lost at Court for his fidelity to K. JAMES, in sparing His Treasure, and not answering the expensivenesse of a great Fa∣vourite.

21.* 11.21 A Parliament was call'd,* 11.22 wherein Francis Bacon L^d Chancellor, was outed his Office for Bribery, the frequent receiving thereof by him, or his, was plainly proved. Yet for all his taking, just and unjust, he was exceedingly poor and much indebted. Wherefore, when motion was made in the House of Commons, of Fining him some thousand of pounds,* 11.23 a noble Member standing up, desired that for two Reasons his Fine might be mitigated into fourty shillings: First, because that would be payed, whereas a greater summe, would onely make a noise, and never be payed. Secondly, the shame would be the greater, when such his prodigality that he, who had been so large a taker in his Office, was reduced to such penury, that forty shillings should be conceived a sufficient Fine for his Estate. But it was fine enough for him to lose his Office, remitted to a mean and private condition.

22. None can character him to the life,* 11.24 save himself. He was in parts, more than a Man, who in any Liberal profession, might be, whatsoever he would him∣self. A great Honourer of antient Authors, yet a great Deviser and Practiser of new waies in Learning. Privy Counsellor, as to King JAMES, so to Na∣ture it self, diving into many of her abstruse Mysteries. New conclusions he would dig out with mattocks of gold & silver, not caring what his experience cost him, expending on the Trials of Nature, all and more than he got by the Trials at the Barre, Posterity being the better for his, though he the worse for his own, dear experiments. He and his Servants had all in common, the Men never want∣ing what their Master had, and thus what came flowing in unto him, was sent fly∣ing away from him, who, in giving of rewards knew no bounds, but the bottome of his own purse. Wherefore when King JAMES heard that he had given Ten pounds to an under-keeper, by whom He had sent him a Buck, the KING said merrily, I and He shall both die Beggars, which was condemnable Prodigality in a Subject. He lived many years after, and in his Books will ever survive, in the reading whereof, modest Men commend him, in what they doe, condemn them∣selves, in what they doe not understand, as believing the fault in their own eyes, and not in the object.

23.* 11.25 All stood expecting who should be Bacon's Successour in the Chancery. Sure he must be some man of great and high abilities, (otherwise it would seem a valley next a mountain) to maintain a convenient and comely level in that eminent Place of Judicature. Now whilst in common discourse, some made this Judge, others that Sergeant Lord Chancellor, King JAMES made Dr. Wil∣liams, lately (and still) Dean of Westminster, soon after Bishop of Lincolne. Though the KING was the principal,* 11.26 the Duke of Buckingham was more than the instrumental advancer of him to the title of Lord Keeper, in effect the same in Place and Power with the Lord Chancellor.

24.* 11.27 The KING's choice produced not so much dislike as general wonder. Yet some cavilled at Doctor Williams his Age, as if it were preposterous for one, to be able for that Office before antient, and as if one old enough for a Bi∣shop; were too young for a Chancellor. Others questioned his abilities, for the Place. Could any expect to reap Law, where it was never sown? who can ap∣ply the remedy whilst he is ignorant in the malady? Being never bred to know the true grounds and reasons of the Common Law, how could he mitigate the rigour thereof in difficult cases? He would be prone to mistake the severity of the Com∣mon Law for cruelty, and then unequal equity, and unconscionable conscience must be expected from him. Besides the Place was proper not for the plain but guarded Gown, and the Common Lawyers prescribed for six* 11.28 Descents (a strong Title indeed) wherein onely Men of their Robe were advanced thereunto.

25.* 11.29 Yet some of these altered their judgments, when considering his education, who for many years had been House Chaplain (yea, and more than Chaplain, inti∣mate Friend-servant) to the old Lord Edgerton, who understood the Chancellor-Craft as well as any who ever sat in that Place; and who, whilst living, imparted many Mysteries of that Court; when dying, bequeathed many choice Books and directions unto him. His parts were eminent, who could make any thing he read or heard his own, and could improve any thing which was his own to the utmost. Besides, for a Clergy-man to be Lord Chancellor was no usurpation, but a recovery, seeing Ecclesiasticks antiently were preferred to that Place, and Sir Ni∣cholas Bacon, (Father to the last Chancellor) received the Broad Seale from a Church-man, viz: Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of York.

26. Considering all disadvantages,* 11.30 he managed the Office to admiration. I know it is reported by his adversaries to his discredit, That never L. Keeper made so many Orders, w^ch afterwards were reversed, w^ch whether true or no, I know not. Sure it is that unpartial men of the best & clearest judgments highly commended him, and J. Yelverton himself hearing him in a case of concernment, ingenuously profest, This is a most admirable Man. Here he sat in the Office, so long, till disdaining to be a De∣pendent

(as a Pent-house) on the Duke's favour, and desiring to stand an absolute structure on his own foundation, at Court; he fell, as God willing shall in due time be related.

27. Should we now look into the Convocation,* 11.31 we should finde them on Wed∣nesdaies and Fridaies devoutly at the Letany, otherwise having little imployment, as impowered by no Commission to alter any thing. So that sitting amongst the Tombs in Westminster Church, they were (as once one of their Prolocutors said) Viva cadavera inter mortuos, as having no motion or activity allowed unto them.

28. About this time Meric Casaubon set forth a Book in defence of his decea∣sed Father,* 11.32 against whom many had spit their venome. First, Heribert Roswed, a Jesuite; and after him Andrew Schoppius, a renowned railer; one that is alwaies incensed against Learning, and Honesty, wheresoever he findes them seve∣rally, but implacable against such a man in whom both meet together. It seems it is his policie thus to seek to perpetuate his memory, by railing against eminent persons; hoping, that he shall jointly survive with their worth, whereas their light shall burn bright, when his snuffe shall be trodden under foot. Then Julius Cesar Bullinger, and Andrew Eudemono Joannes, a vizard-name, composed to fright fools, and make wise men laugh at it. Yea, though he had formerly met with a quaternion of learned Confuters, Bishop Abbot, Doctor Prideaux, Doctor Collins, Master Burrhill; young Casaubon, then Student in Christ-Church, thought it his duty farther to assert his Fathers memory, and to give a brief ac∣count of his life, and conversation.

29. This is the benefit of Learned mens marriage,* 11.33 God oftentimes so blessing it, that they need not go out of themselves, for a champion to defend them, but have one springing from their own bowels. And his Son, though by reason of his age low in himself, is tall when standing on the advantage-ground of his Fa∣thers grave, whose memory he is to maintain. Yea, God seems so well pleased with his piety, that his endevours took such effect, that no railing Libels to that purpose came forth afterwards, which formerly had been so frequent. Whether because these curres, weary of their own barking, did even sneak away in silence; or because they had no more minde to challenge, seeing a Defendant provided to undertake them.

30. Upon the removal of Richard Milborne to Carlile,* 11.34 William Laud, President of S. John's Colledge in Oxford, was made Bishop of S. Davids. Of whom, be∣cause every one speaks so much, I will* 11.35 say the lesse. The rather, because at this time, and during the extent of our History, this Bishop lived in a private way, bare no great stream, as being before that the tide of greatnesse flowed in upon him. Yea, as yet he took more notice of the world, than the world did of him. Indeed, as the matter, whereof China-dishes are made, must lie some Ages in the earth before it is ripened to perfection: so great persons are not fit for an Histo∣rian's use to write freely of them, till some years after their decease, when their memories can neither be marred with envy, nor mended with flattery. However his good deeds to S. John's Colledge in Oxford must not be forgotten; yea, that whole University (if afraid in English to speak in praise of his bounty) will ad∣venture with safety to commend him in the Arabick tongue, whereof he founded them a Professour.

31. This year was fatal to many eminent Clergy-men,* 11.36 beside others of infe∣riour note. We begin with Iohn King, Bishop of London, formerly Dean of Christ-Church, who died on Good-Friday of the stone. Of antient extraction, in cujus Genere vel Indole nihil reperio mediocre, nihil quod non praecellens, descended (saith the* 11.37 Survay of London) from the Saxon Kings in Devonshire by his Father Philip King, sometimes Page to King HENRY the VIII, Nephew and Heire to Robert King last Abbot of Osney, and first Bishop of Oxford, who left him a great personal Estate, which it seems was quickly consumed, so that this Prelate used to say, He believed there was a Fate in Abbey-Money no lesse than Abbey-Land,

which seldome proved Fortunate or of Continuance to the Owners.

32. He was Chaplain to Queen ELIZABETH,* 11.38 and as he was appointed by Her Councel to preach the first Sermon at Court when Her Body lay In hearsed in the Chappel of White-Hall, so was he designed for the first Sermon to Her Successour King JAMES at Charter-House when He entred London, then sworn his first Chaplain; Who commonly called him [the King of Preachers.] And Sir Edward Coke would say of him, He was the best Speaker in Starre-Cham∣ber in his time. Soon after he was made Dean of Christ-Church, Oxon; and chosen one of the four Preachers in the Conference at Hampton-Court. Then advanced to the Bishoprick of London: Where he let the world see his high Place of Government, did not cause him to forget his Office in the Pulpit; shew∣ing by his example, That a Bishop might Govern and Preach too. In which service he was so frequent, that unlesse hindred by want of health, he omitted no Sunday whereon he did not visit some Pulpit in London, or neer it.

33. The Papists raised an aspersion,* 11.39 as false, as foule, upon him; That, at his death he was reconciled to the Church of Rome, sufficiently confuted by those eye•• and ear-witnesses, present at his pious departure. These slanders are no news to such as have read, how Luther is traduced by Popish pennes, to have died blaspheming. Caralostadius to have been carried quick by a Devil. And Beza to have apostated before his death. In all which, truth hath triumphed over their mali∣cious forgeries. Something, Bp. King endevoured in the repairing of S. Paul's; but alas! a private mans estate may be invisibly buried under the rubbish of the least Chappel therein.* 11.40 By order in his Will he provided, that nothing should be written on his plain Grave-stone, save only RESURGAM: and still he is alive, both in his memory, and happy posterity. George Mountaine, Bishop of Lincoln, succeeded him in his See; who, when his great House-keeping, and magnificent entertain∣ing of King JAMES, shall be forgotten, will longer survive for his bountiful benefaction to Queens-Coll: in Cambridge, whereof he was Fellow and Proctor.

34. Secondly,* 11.41 William Cotton, Bishop of Exeter, born in Cheshire, formerly Archdeacon of Lewes: one of a stout spirit, and a great maintainer of Confor∣mity against the opposers thereof in his Diocesse: Valentine Carew, Dean of S. Paul's, and Master of Christ-Colledge in Cambridge, of a courtlike carriage, and stout spirit, succeeded him in Exeter, which place can give the best account of his behaviour therein.

35. Thirdly,* 11.42 Robert Townson, born in Cambridge, Fellow of Queens-Colledge, Dean of Westminster, of a comely carriage, courteous nature, an excellent Prea∣cher: He left his Wife and many Children, neither plentifully provided for, nor destitute of maintenance, which rather hastened than caused the advancement of John Davenant, his Brother-in-law, to succeed him in the Bishoprick of Saris∣bury.

36. Therein also expired Andrew Willet,* 11.43 Doctor of Divinity, (God-son to Andrew Pearne, Dean of Elie, where he was born) brought up in Christ-Colledge in Cambridge, who ended his pious life, being much bruised with a fall from his horse. A man of no little judgment, and greater industry, not unhappy in Con∣troversies, but more happy in Comments, and one that had a large soul in a nar∣row estate. For, his charge being great (may his Children remember and pra∣ctice their Father's precepts) and means small, as more proportioned to his de∣sires, than deserts; he was bountifull above his ability, and doubled what he gave by cheerful giving it. He was buried in his Parish at Barlie in Hertford shire. Happy Village! which lost such a Light, and yet was not left in darknesse, onely exchanging blessings, Reverend Doctor Brou••rigge succeeding him.

37. Nor must we forget Richard Parry,* 11.44 Doctor of Divinity, Bishop of Asaph, who this year exchanged this life for a better. He was first bred in Christ-Church in Oxford, where he made plentiful proceeding in Learning, and Religion, and thence was advanced to the Deanrie of Bangor, on whom Bishop Godwin bestows this (call it complement, or) character:* 11.45 Cui eruditione, caeteris{que} Episcopalibus

virtutibus utinam egomet tam illi essem aequalis, quàm ille mihi aetate, studiorúm{que} Academicorum tempore, locóque.

38. We conclude this year with the death of Master Francis Mason,* 11.46 to whose worthy Book, De Ministerio Anglicano, we have been so much beholding. Nor will it be amisse to insert his Epitaph:

Prima Deo cui cura fuit sacrare labores, Cui studium Sacris invigilare Libris; Ecce sub hôc tandem requievit marmore MASON, Expectans Dominum spé{que} fidé{que} suum.

He was born in the Bishoprick of Duresme, brought up in the University of Ox∣ford, Bachelour of Divinity, Fellow of Merton-Colledge, Chaplain to King JAMES, Rectour of Orforde in Suffolke, where he lies buried, and where he built the Parsonage-House. He had three Children by his loving Wife Eliza∣beth, who erected a fair Monument to his Memory.

SECTION VI.* 11.47* 11.48

TO SAMVEL MICO OF LONDON, Alderman.

YOu have not spent, but laid out much time in ITALY, to the great improvement of your judgment and estate: How cunning Chapmen those Countrey-men are in buying and selling, is not to you unknown; but this Section presents you with an Italian Cardinal, a most crafty broker in mat∣ters of Religion, till at last he deceived himself. Peruse it I pray, and if the reading thereof can add nothing to your know∣ledge, the writing of it may serve as my acknowledgment of your favours received.

LAtely* 12.1 we made mention of the coming over of Marcus Antonius de Dominis the Archbishop of Spalato into Eng∣land,* 12.2* 12.3 and now shall prosecute that subject at large.* 12.4 For, this year began happily, because with the end of that ar∣rant Apostata in this Land, and his fair riddance out of the limits thereof. He had 14 years been Archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia, under the State of Venice, and some five years since, to wit, 1616, came over into England. Conscience in shew, and Covetousness in deed, caused his coming hither. He pretended to have discovered innumerablea 12.5 Novelties, and pernicious Errors in the Court of Rome, injuriously engrossing the right and honour of the Universal Church. He com∣plained, many Points were obtruded on mens Consciences, as Articles of Faith, which CHRIST in the Scripture never instituted. He accounted the Romish Church, mysticalb 12.6 Babylon, and Sodome; and the Pope, Nimrod, a Tyrant, Schis∣matick, Heretick, yea, evenc 12.7 Antichrist himself. But that which sharpned his pen

against the Pope, was a particular grudge against Pope Paul, who had ordered him to pay a yearly Pension of Five hundred crownes, out of his Bishoprick, to one Andreutius, a Suffragan Bishop; which this Archbp. refused to doe, complain∣ing, it was unjust, and imposed without his knowledge and consent. The matter is brought to the Rota, or Court of Rome, where the wheel went on the wrong side for our Spalato, who, angry that he was cast in his Cause, posts out of Italy, through Germany, into the Low-Countreys. Here he stayed a while, and tampered for pre∣ferment, till finding the roof of their Church too low for his lofty thoughts, and their Presbyterian Government uncomplying with his Archiepiscopal spirit, he left the Netherlands, and came over into England.

2. It is almost incredible,* 12.8 what flocking of people there was to behold this old Archbishop, now a new Convert; Prelates and Peers presented him with Gifts of high valuation. Indeed, it is an humour of our English, strangely to admire strangers, believing invisible Perfections in them, above those of our Land. A quality commendable in our Countrey-men, whilest inclining them to Hospita∣lity, but sometimes betraying their Credulity, to be thereby dangerously delu∣ded. He was feasted wheresoever he came, and the Universities (when he visited them) addressed themselves to him in their solemn reception, as if he himself alone had been an University.

3. But above all,* 12.9 King JAMES (whose hands were seldome shut to any, and alwaies open to men of merit) was most munificent unto him, highly re∣joicing, that Rome had lost, and England got such a Jewell. How many of English Youth were tolled out of our Universities into Italy, and there taught trea∣son and heresie together? This aged Prelate, of eminent parts, coming thence of his own accord, would make us plentiful reparation for the departure of many Novices. The KING consigned him to the Archbishop of Canterbury, for his present entertainment, till he might be accommodated to subsist of himself: and, as an earnest of His bounty, sent him to Lambeth, a fair bason, and bolle of silver. Which Spalato received with this complement, Misit mihi REX Magnae Bri∣tanniae polubrum argenteum ad abstergendas sordes Romanae Ecclesiae, & poculum argenteum ad imbibendam Evangelii puritatem, The KING of Great Britain hath sent me a silver bason, to wash from me the filth of the Roman Church; and a silver cup to minde me to drink the purity of the Gospel. Preferment is quickly found out, and conferred upon him: as, the Deanrie of Windsor (though foun∣ded, not in a Cathedral, but Collegiate Church) one of the gentilest and en∣tirest Dignities of the Land; the Mastership of the Hospital of the Savoy, with a good Parsonage at West-Islesly in Berk-shire, being a Peculiar belonging to the Episcopal Jurisdiction of the Deane of Windsor. And, finding one precedent in his Predecessour, he collated this Parsonage on himself, and there made shift for so much English as sufficed him to read the Nine and thirty Articles (as an* 12.10 Au∣ditour there present hath informed me) which formerly he had subscribed. Thus had he two Houses furnished above plenty, even unto magnificence, and might alternately exchange society, for privacy, at pleasure.

4. He improved the profit of his Places to the utmost,* 12.11 and had a designe to question all his Predecessours Leases at the Savoy; and began to be very vexa∣tious to his Tenants. Some of them repaired to Doctor King, Bishop of Lon∣don; who, at their request, took Spalato to task, and, as gravely, as sharply reproved him: that, being a Forreigner, he would fall out with Natives, ende∣vouring to put others here out of their peaceable Possessions, who himself had sled hither for his own refuge. Especially, having professed in print, That he had deposed alld 12.12 affection to, and gust of earthly things; and, that he himself, being almost naked, did follow ae 12.13 naked Christ. Hereupon, at the reverend Bishop's ad∣monition, he let fall his former design. But, it was not the counsel of this King, but of a greater KING, which deterr'd him from his project, viz: K. JAMES him∣self, to whom Spalato complain'd, That the Lands of the Savoy were let out for little Rents to the great loss of his place, and poor therein (not that he cared for the poor, but

bare the bag,* 12.14 and what was put into it) acquainting His MAJESTY with his intent,* 12.15 to rectifie those abuses, and call those Leases into question. To whom the KING in some choler, Extraneus, extraneus es, re••inque res sicut eas inve∣nisti, You are a stranger, you are a stranger, leave things as you found them. And yet the same man would very passionately perswade others to bounty to the Poor, though he would give nothing himself, witnesse his earnest moving the Chapter of Windsor in this kind, to whom one of the Prebendaries answered, QUI SUA∣DET, SUA DET, Let him that perswades others, give something of his own.

5. I am also credibly informed from an excellent hand,* 12.16 of the truth of this story. Spalato had found a small slaw in a Lease of value, which a Gentlewoman of quality held of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor. To her house he comes with all his men, where she magnificently entertains him, as overjoyed, that her chief Land-Lord came so courteously to visit her. Spalato next morning, after his plentiful Supper, having setled himself in the Parlour, suddenly cries out, Abscedite omnes, abscedite; Be ye all gone, be ye gone: intending to take posses∣sion for himself. The Gentlewoman perceiving him at this posture, with her self and servants well favouredly thrust him out of her house, coming off with sufficient disgrace. Afterwards consulting the Learned in our Lawes about the Lease, they told him, That though possibly he might get the better of her in the Common-Law, yet the Chancery would relieve her, who so dearly had bought, so truly had paid for, and so peaceably had possessed her estate therein. Fie for shame! (saith Spalato) are your English Lawes so contrived, that, what is done by one Court, may be undone by another? This may suffice to evidence his avarice. Nor must it be forgotten, though he pretended at his coming over, that for conscience he freely left his Archbishoprick of Spalato, that in very deed he resigned the same to his Nephew, conditionally to pay him an annual Pension out of it; Sed ma∣gnus nebulo nil solvit, But the great knave payes me nothing, as he himself com∣plained to my reverend friend the Archbishop of Armagh.

6. He falls now to perfect his Books.* 12.17 For, his Works were not now compo∣sed, but corrected; not compiled, but completed; as being, though of English birth, of Italian conception. For, formerly the Collections were made by him at Spalato, but he durst not make them publick for fear of the Inquisition. His Works (being three fair Folio's, De Republicâ Ecclesiasticâ) give ample testi∣mony of his sufficiency. Indeed, he had a controversial head, with a strong and clear stile, nor doth an hair hang at the neb of his pen to blurre his writings with obscurity: but, first understanding himself, he could make others under∣stand him. His writings are of great use for the Protestant cause. Many (saith thef 12.18 Prophet) shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be encreased. And surely the transcursion of Italians hither, added much to the discovery of the Papal abominations. Yet, allowing Spalato diligent in writing, his expression was a notorious hyperbole, when saying, Ing 12.19 reading, meditation, and writing I am al∣most pined away; otherwise, his fat cheeks did confute his false tongue in that ex∣pression.

7. Amongst other of his ill qualities,* 12.20 he delighted in jeering, and would spare none who came in his way. One of his sarcasmes he unhappily bestowed on Count Gondomar, the Spanish Ambassador, telling him, That three turns at Ti∣burne was the onely way to cure his Fistula. The Don, highly offended hereat (pained for the present more with this flout, than his fistula) meditates revenge, and repairs to King JAMES. He told His MAJESTY, that His charity (an errour common in good Princes) abused His judgment, in conceiving Spalato a true convert, who still in heart remained a Roman Catholick. Indeed, His Majesty had a rare felicity in discovering the falsity of Witches, and forgery of such who pretended themselves possessed: but, under favour, was deluded with this mans false spirit, and, by His Majesties leave, he would detect unto Him this his hypo∣crisie. The KING cheerfully embraced his motion, and left him to the liberty of his own undertakings.

8. The Ambassadour writeth to His Catholick Majesty;* 12.21 He to his Holinesse,* 12.22* 12.23 Gregory the fifteenth, that Spalato might be pardoned, and preferred in the Church of Rome, which was easily obtained. Letters are sent from Rome to Count Gon∣damar, written by the Cardinal Millin, to impart them to Spalato, informing him, that the POPE had forgiven, and forgotten all which he had done or written against the Catholick Religion; and, upon his return, would preferre him to the Bishoprick of Salerno in Naples, worth twelve thousand crowns by the year. A Cardinals Hat also should be bestowed upon him. And, if Spalato, with his hand subscribed to this Letter, would renounce and disclaim what for∣merly he had printed, an Apostolical Breve, with pardon, should solemnly be sent him to Bruxels. Spalato embraceth the motion, likes the pardon well, the preferment better, accepts both, recants his opinions largely, subscribes solemnly, and thanks his Holinesse affectionately for his favour. Gondamar carries his sub∣scription to King JAMES, who is glad to behold the Hypocrite unmasked, appearing in his own colours; yet the discovery was concealed, and lay dor∣mant some daies in the deck, which was in due time to be awakened.

9. Now it happened a false rumour was spread,* 12.24 that Tob••e Matthew, Arch∣bishop of Yorke, (who died yearly in report) was certainly deceased. Presently posts Spalato to Theobalds; becomes an importunate Petitioner to the KING for the vacant Archbishoprick, and is as flatly denied; the KING conceiving, He had given enough already to him, if gratefull; too much, if ungratefull. Be∣sides, the KING would never bestow an Episcopal charge in England, on a forraigner, no not on His own Countrey-men; some Scotish-men being prefer∣red to Deanries, none to Bishopricks. Spalato, offended at this repulse (for he had rather had Yorke, than Salerno, as equal in wealth, higher in dignity, neerer in place) requests His MAJESTY by his Letter, to grant His good leave to depart the Kingdome, and to return into Italy; Pope Paul, his fierce foe, being now dead, and Gregory the fifteenth, his fast friend now seated in the Chair. The Copie of whose Letter we have here inserted:

To the high and mighty Prince, JAMES by the Grace of God King of Great Britaine, &c. Defender of the Faith, &c. M. Anthonie de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalato, wisheth all happinesse.

THose two Popes which were most displeased at my leaving of Italy, and coming into England, Paulus Quintus, and he which now liveth Gregory the Fif∣teenth, have both laboured to call me back from hence, and used divers Messages for that purpose; to which notwithstanding I gave no heed. But now of late, when this same Pope (being certified of my Zeal in advancing, and furthering the union of all Christian Churches) did hereupon take new care, and endevour to invite me again unto him, and signified withall, that he did seek nothing therein but Gods glory, and to use my poor help also to work the inward peace and tranquillity of this Your Maje∣sties Kingdome. Mine own conscience told me, that it behoved me to give ready eare unto his Holiness. Besides all this, the diseases and inconveniences of old age growing upon me, and the sharpness of the cold aire of this Countrey, and the great want (I feel here amongst strangers) of some friends and kinsfolks, which might take more d••ligent and exact care of me, make my longer stay in this Climate very offensive to my body. Having therefore made an end of my Works, and enjoyed Your Majesties goodness, in bestowing on me all things needfull and fit for me; and in heaping so many, and so Royal benefits upon me; I can doe no lesse than promise perpetual me∣mory and thankfulness, and tender to You my continuance in Your Majesties service wheresoever I goe, and will become in all places a reporter and extoller of Your Ma∣jesties

praises.* 13.1 Now if my business proceed,* 13.2 and be brought to a good end, I well hope that I shall obtain Your Majesties good leave to depart, without the least diminution of Your Majesties wonted favour towards me. I hear of Your Majesties late great danger, and congratulate with Your Majesty for Your singular deliverance from it by Gods great goodness, who hath preserved You safe from it, as one most dear unto him, for the great good of his Church, I hope.

* 13.3

From the Savoy, Jan. the 16. 1621.

Farewell, the glory and ornament of Princes.

Your Majesties ever most devoted Servant, Ant. de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalato.

To this Letter no present Answer was returned;* 13.4 but five daies after, the Bishops of London, and Duresme, with the Dean of Westminster, by His MAJESTIES direction, repaired to this Archbishop, propounding unto him Sixteen Quaeres, all arising out of his former Letter,* 13.5 and requiring him to give the explanation of five most material under his hand, for His MAJESTIES greater satisfacti∣on, which he did accordingly; yet not so clearly, but that it occasioned a second meeting, wherein more interrogatories were by command propounded unto him; which, with his Answers thereunto, because publickly printed, are pur∣posely omitted: and, notwithstanding all obstructions, Spalato still continued his importunity to depart.

10. He pretended many Reasons for his return:* 13.6 First, Longing after his own Countrey. Who so iron-hearted as not to be drawn home, with the load-stone of his native Land? Secondly, To see his Friends, Kinred, Nephews, but especially his beloved Neice; a story hangs thereon, and it is strange, what was but whis∣pered in Italy, was heard over so plain into England. In the Hebrew Tongue Nephews, and Nieces, are called Sons, and Daughters; but the Italian Clergie, on the contrary often term their Sons, and Daughters, Nephews, and Nieces. Thirdly, The late-pretended-discovery of many errors in our English Church (how quick-sighted did the promised Bishoprick make him?) whereof formerly he took no notice, and all which are learnedly answered in the posthume book of Doctor Crakenthorpe, carefully set forth by Dr. Barkham, after the Authors death, and may all orphan-works have the happinesse of so faithfull a Guardian. Lastly, and chiefly (as he confesseth himself) allectus pretio octuplicis stipendii, allured with the reward of a salarie eight times as great, as his revenues in England. In which computation, as he ungratefully depresseth the value of what he had in hand: so he undiscreetly advanced the worth of what in hope he promised him∣self: not to speak of the difference of Italian Ducates, when told out, and when told off at so great a distance.

11. In pursuance of which his desire,* 13.7 he wrote a second Letter to K. JAMES: the tenour whereof we thought fit here to insert for the better clearing of the matter:

Most excellent Prince, and most gracious Lord,

AS I signified lately unto Your Majesty in my former Letter, I neither ought, nor could neglect the Popes fair and gracious invitation of me; especially, when I saw that he dealt with me concerning the service of Christ, and his Church. And, being now at length better certified, that all things are in a readiness for me, I am tied to my former promises. Yet I make it my humble request, that I may take my journey with Your Majesties good will. And for that purpose, I doe now most humbly, and earnestly crave your leave by these Letters, which I would much more willingly have begg'd by word of mouth in Your presence (that I might have parted with

Your Majesty with all due thanks and submission) but that my accesse to Your Majesty might have confirmed the vain, and foolish* 14.1 rumours of the people. I beseech Your Majesty therefore to vouchsafe to give me some Letters, whereby my departure may be made both safe, and creditable. As for the Ecclesiastical Titles and Revenues, which I hold by Your Majesties gift, I shall resigne them by publick Indentures. So from the bottom of my heart, I doe commit my self to Your Royall favour, and vow my self your servant for ever,

London: From the Savoy, Feb. 3.

Your MAJESTIES, &c. M. Ant. de Dom.

Archbishop of Spalato.

This Letter produced new Interrogatories,* 14.2* 14.3 and severall fruitfull Controversies (one alwaies begetting another) but the last was a sharp one at Lambeth, March the 30, which cut off all future discourse. For, a Commission was issued out to the Archbishop of Canterbury,* 14.4 the Bishops of Lincolne (Lord Keeper of the Great Scale of England) London, Duresme, Winchester, and severall other Privie Councellors, before whom Spalato personally appeared. When the Archbishop of Canterbury in the name of the rest, by His MAJESTIES speciall com∣mand, in a long Latine Speech, recapitulated the many misdemeanors of Spalato, principally insisting on his changing of Religion, as appeared by his purpose of returning to Rome: and that, contrary to the Laws of the Realm, he had held correspondency by Letters with the Pope, without the privity of the King's Maje∣sty. To which Charge when Spalato had made, rather a shuffling Excuse, than a just Defence, the Archbishop in His Majestie's name commanded him to depart the Kingdome, at his own peril, within twenty daies, and never to return again. To this he promised obedience, protesting he would ever justifie the Church of Eng∣land for orthodox in fundamentals, even in the presence of the Pope, or whomso∣ever, though with the losse of his life.

12. However,* 14.5 loth to depart was his last tune. And no wonder, if well consider∣ing, whence, and whither he went. He left a Land where he lacked nothing, but a thankfull heart to God, and a contented soul in himself. He went to a place of promise, suspicious whether ever it should be performed. He feared (not with∣out cause) he might lose his gray Head to fetch a red Hat. And an ominous in∣stance was lately set before his eyes: One Fulgentius, a Minorite, had inveighed at Venice against the Pope, and was by his Nuncio trained to Rome, on promise of safe conduct: where, being favoured, and feasted at first, soon after in the field of Flora he was burnt to ashes. This made Spalato effectually, but secretly, to deal with his friends in the English Court, that His Majesty would permit him to stay. But in vain, and therefore within the time appointed, he went over in the same ship with Count Swartzenburgh, the Emperours Ambassadour, returning hence into Flanders.

13. And now Spalato is shipped.* 14.6 A good winde, and faire weather goe after him. His sails shall not be stuffed with a blast of my curses, conceiving, that his fault was sufficient punishment. Butb 14.7 others have compared him to the house i 14.8 swept, and garnished, to which the Devil returned with seven spirits more wicked than himself. Which they thus reckon up, Avarice, Ambition, and Hypocrisie, whilst he stayed here; Apostasie, and Perjury, when going hence; Ingratitude, and Calumnie, when returned to Rome. Yea, they finde as many punishments lighting on him; God angry with him, the Devil tormenting him, his conscience corroding him, the world cursing him, the true Church disdaining him, Pro∣testant-pens confuting him, and the Pope, at last, in revenge executing him. And, now the Master hath had the just shame for his Apostasie, let the Man re∣ceive the due praise of his perseverance, one Gio Pietro Paravicino, a Grizon, who waited on Spalato in his chamber, whom neither frights nor flatteries could re∣move, but he died in Holland a firm professour of the Protestant Religion.

14. Being come to Bruxels,* 14.9* 14.10* 14.11 he recants his Religion, and rails bitterly on the English Church: calling his coming hither an unhappy, irrational, pestiferous, k 14.12 devilish voyage, to which he was moved with sickness of soule, impatience, and a kinde of phrensiel 14.13 of anger. Here he stayed six moneths for the Pope's Breve, which was long a coming, and at last was utterly denied him. Insomuch that Spalato was fain to run the hazard, and desperately adventure to Rome, having nothing in Scriptis for his security, but barely presuming on promises, and the friendship of Gregory the fifteenth, now Pope; formerly his Collegue, and chamber-fellow.

15. I finde not his promised Bishoprick conferred upon him;* 14.14 who as well might have been made Primate, and Metropolitane of Terra incognita. Yea, re∣turning to Sodome (though not turned into a pillar of salt) he became unsavoury∣salt, cared for of no side. Such a crooked-stick, which had bowed all waies, was adjudged unfit to make a beam, or raster, either in Popish, or Protestant Church. And now, what would not make timber to build, must make fewel to burn, to which end he came at last. But for some years he lived at Rome, on a pension which Pope Gregory assigned him out of his own revenues; untill there arose a new Pope, who never knew Spalato (with the least knowledge of approbation viz: Urban the eighth, brought in by the antifaction of the French. He finding his revenue charged with a pension paid to his adversary, (thrift is a floure even in the Triple Crown) prohibits the future issuing out of the same. His pension being stopped, Spalato's mouth is open, and passionately discourseth reputed heresie in severall companies.

16. There was residing at Rome,* 14.15 one Cardinal Clesel, an High Germane, be∣twixt whom, and Spalato, formerly great familiarity, whilst Clesel was the Pope's Legate de Latere, with the Emperour at Vienna, where Spalato negotiated business for the State of Venice. This Cardinal expected Spalato's applications unto him, after he was returned to Rome, which he refused, being (belike) too high in the instep, or rather too stiffe in the knees to bow to beg a kindnesse. Clesel, percei∣ving his amity made contemptible, resolved to make his enmity considerable: yet, dissembling friendship for the better opportunity of revenge, he invites Spa∣lato to supper; and, a train of discourse being laid at a liberal meal, Spalato is as free in talking, as in eating; and lets fall this expression, that (though divers had endevoured it) no Catholick had as yet answered his Books, De Republica Ecclesiastica; but adding moreover, That he himself was able to answer them. Presently his person is clapt into prison, his study seised on, wherein many pa∣pers were found speaking heresie enough, his Adversaries being admitted sole Interpreters thereof.

17. As for his death,* 14.16 some moneths after, some say he was stifled, others stran∣gled, others, stabb'd, others starv'd, others poyson'd, others smothered to death; but my intelligence from his own Kinred at Venice informs me, that he died a natural death: adding moreover, non sine praeveniente gratiâ, not without God's preventing grace; for, had his life been longer, his death had been more miser∣able. Yea, they say, the Pope sent four of his sworn Physicians, to recognize his corps, who on their oath deposed, that no impression of violence was visible thereon. How∣ever after his death, his excommunicated corps were put to publick shame, and solemnly proceeded against in the Inquisition, for relapsing into heresie since his re∣turn to Rome. His Kinred were summoned to appear for him, if they pleased, but durst not plead for a dead man, for fear of infection of the like punishment on themselves. Several Articles of heresie are charged upon him, and he found con∣vict thereof, is condemned to have his body burnt by the publick Executioner in the field of Flora, which was performed accordingly. Such honour have all Apostates.

18. We must not forget,* 14.17 that Spalato (I am confident I am not mistaken there∣in) was the first, who, professing himself a Protestant, used the word PURITANE, to signifie the defenders of matters doctrinal in the English Church. Formerly the

word was onely taken to denote such, as dissented from the Hierarchie in Disci∣pline, and Church-Government, which now was extended to brand such as were Anti-Arminians in their judgments. As Spalato first abused the word in this sense: so we could wish he had carried it away with him in his return to Rome. Whereas now leaving the word behinde him in this extensive signification there∣of, it hath since by others been improved to asperse the most orthodox in doctrine, and religious in conversation.

19. He was of a comely personage,* 14.18 tall stature, gray beard, grave counte∣nance, fair language, fluent expression, somewhat abdominous, and corpulent in his body. Of so imperious, and domineering spirit, that (as if the Tenant were the Land Lord) though a stranger, he offered to controll the Archbishop of Canterbury in his own house. An excellent Preacher (every first Sunday in the moneth to the Italian Nation at Mercers-Chappel) as his Sermon called Scopleos, or the Rocks, doth plentifully witnesse, wherein he demonstrates, That all the Errors of the Roman Church proceed from their pride and covetousness. And (under the Rose be it spoken) if the great ship of Rome split it self on these Rocks, Spalato his own pinnace madem 14.19 shipwrack of the faith on the same, which were his bosome-sins. In a word, he had too much Wit, and Learning, to be a cordial Papist; and too little Honesty, and Religion, to be a sincere Protestant.

20. About the same time three other Italians made their escape into England.* 14.20 One, Antonio (as I take it, a Capuchian) who here married a Wife, and was be∣neficed in Essex. The other two, Benedictines, living, the one with the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury; the other, with the Archbishop of Yorke. All these three were neither good dough, not good bread, but like Ephraim,n 14.21 a cake not turned, though they pretended to true conversion. The first of these, being kinne to Spi∣nola the Low-Countrey-General, was by him (on what terms I know not) trained over, and reconciled to Rome. The other two (onely racking, no thorough-paced Protestants) watched their opportunity to run away. Yet let not this breed in us a jealousie of all Italian•• Converts, seeing Vergerius, Peter Martyr, Emanuel Tre∣mellius, &c. may reconcile us to a good opinion of them, and to believe, That God hathp 14.22 a few names even in Sardis, where the Throne of the Beast is erected. And indeed Italian Converts, like Origen, where they doe well, none better; where ill, none worse.

21. All mens mouthes were now fill'd with discourse of Prince CHARLES his match with Donna MARIA the Infanta of Spaine.* 14.23 The Protestants grie∣ved thereat, fearing that this marriage would be the funeralls of their Religion: and their jealousies so descanted thereon, that they suspected, if taking effect, more water of Tiber, than Thames, would run under London-bridge. The Church••Catholicks grew insolent thereat, and such, who formerly had a Pope in their belly, shewed him now in their tongues, and faces, avouching their Re∣ligion, which they concealed before. Yet at last this Match (so probable) brake off, Heaven forbidding the Banes, even at the third, and last asking thereof.

22. Count Gondomar was the active Instrument to advance this Match,* 14.24 who so carried himself in the twilight of jest-earnest, that with his jests he pleased His MAJESTY of England, and with his earnest he pleasured his Master of Spaine. Having found out the length of King JAMES's foot, he fitted Him with so easie a shooe, which pained Him not (no, not when He was troubled with the gout) this cunning Don being able to please Him in His greatest passion. And although the Match was never effected, yet Gondomar, whilst negotiating the same, in favour to the Catholick cause, procured of His MAJESTY, the enlargement of all Priests and Jesuits through the English Dominions.

23. The actions of Princes are subject to be censured,* 14.25 even of such people who reap the greatest benefit thereby, as here it came to passe. These Jesuits, when at liberty, did not gratefully ascribe their freedome to His MAJETIE's mercy, but onely to His willingnesse, to rid and clear His gaoles over-pestered with pri∣soners:

As if His Majestie (if so minded) could not have made the gallows, the besome to sweep the gaole; and as easily have sent these prisoners from New∣gate up westward by land, as over Southward by Sea. What moved King JAMES to this lenity at this time, I neither doe know, nor will enquire. Surely, such as sit at the stern, and hold the helm, can render a reason why they steer to this or that point of the compasse, though they give not to every mariner (much lesse passenger in the ship) an account thereof. I, being onely by my place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a rower, or minister in the vessel, content my self in silence with the will of the Master thereof. But let us exemplifie the Lord Keeper's Letter to this purpose:

To the Judges.

AFter my hearty commendations to you: His Majesty having resolved (out of deep Reasons of State, and in expectation of the like correspondence from for∣raign Princes, to the profession of our Religion) to grant some grace, and conni∣vency to the imprisoned Papists of this Kingdome, hath commanded me to passe some Writs under the Broad Seal to this purpose: Requiring the Judges of every Circuit to enlarge the said Prisoners according to the tenour, and effect of the same. I am to give you to understand (from His Majesty) how His Majesties Royal pleasure is, that upon receipt of these Writs, you shall make no nicenesse or difficulty to extend that His Princely favour to all such Papists, as you shall finde Prisoners in the Gaols of your Circuits, for any Church Recusancy whatsoever, or refusing the Oath of Supremacy, or dispersing Popish Books, or hearing, saying of Masse, or any other point of Recusancie, which doth touch, or concern Religion only, and not matters of State. And so I bid you farewell.

Westminster-Colledge, August 2. 1622.

Your loving friend, John Lincolne.

Now although one will easily believe many Priests and Jesuits were set at liber∣ty, Yet surely thatp 15.1 Gentleman is no true accomptant, if affirming to fewer than four thousand to be set free at this time: Especially considering thatq 15.2 one, who undertakes to give in a perfect list of all the Jesuits in England (and is since con∣ceived rather to asperse some Protestants than conceal any Papists) cannot mount their number higher than two hundred twenty and five. To which, if such whom he detects for Popish Physicians, with all those whom he accuses for Popish Books, be cast in, they will not make up the tithe of four thousand.

24. However,* 15.3 most distastful was Gondomar's greatnesse to the English antient Nobility, who manifested the same, as occasion was offered, as by this one in∣stance may appear: Henry Vere Earle of Oxford, chanced to meet with Count Gondomar at a great entertainment. The Don accosted him with high Comple∣ments, vowing, That amongst all the Nobility of England there was none he had tendred his service with more sincerity than to his Lordship, though hitherto such his unhappiness, that his affections were not accepted according to his integrity who ten∣dred them. It seems (replied the Earle of Oxford) that your Lordship had good lei∣sure, when stooping in your thoughts to one so inconsiderable as my self, whose whole life hath afforded but two things memorable therein. It is your Lordships modesty (re∣turned Gondomar) to undervalue your self, whilst we, the spectators of your Honours deserts make a true and unpartiall estimate therof, Hundreds of Memorables have met in your Lordships life: But, good my Lord, what are those Two signall things more conspicuous than all the rest? They are these two (said the Earl) I was Born in the Eighty Eight, and Christned on the Fift of November.

25. Henry Copinger,* 15.4* 15.5 formerly Fellow of S. John's Coll: in Cambridge, Pre∣bendary of Yorke, once Chaplain to Ambrose Earl of Warwick, (whose funeral Sermon he preached) made Master of Magdalene Colledge in Cambridge by Her MAJESTIES Mandate (though afterwards Resigning his Right at the

Queens (shall I call it?) request to prevent trouble) ended his religious life. He was the sixth Son of Henry Copinger of Bucks-Hall in Suffolke Esquire, by Agnes, Daughter of Sir Thomas Jermyn. His Father on his death-bed, asking him what course of life be would embrace? He answered, he intended to be a Divine. I like it well, (said the old Gentleman) otherwise what shall I say to Martin Luther when I shall see him in heaven, and he knows that GOD gave me eleven Sons, and I made not one of them a Minister? An expression proportionable enough to Luther's judgement, whor 15.6 maintained some houres before his death, That the Saints in heaven shall knowingly converse one with another.

26. Laneham Living fell void,* 15.7 which both deserved a good Minister, being a rich Parsonage, and needed one, it being more than suspicious that Dr. Reinolds, late Incumbent, (who ran away to Rome) had left some superstitious leaven be∣hinde him. The Earl of Oxford, being Patrone, presents Mr. Copinger to it, but adding withall, That he would pay no Tithes of his Park, being almost half the land of the Parish. Copinger desired to resigne it again to his Lordship, rather than by such sinfull gratitude to betray the Rights of the Church. Well! if you be of that minde, then take the Tithes, (saith the Earl) I scorn that my Estate should swell with Church-goods. However, it afterwards cost Master Copinger Sixteen hundred pounds, in keeping his questioned, and recovering his detained rights, in suit with the Agent for the next [minor] E. of Oxford, and others: all which he left to his Churches quiet possession, being zealous in Gods cause, but remisse in his own.

27. He lived forty and five years the painfull Parson of Laneham,* 15.8 in which Market-Town there were about nine hundred Communicants, amongst whom, all his time, no difference did arise which he did not compound. He had a boun∣tiful hand & plentiful purse (his paternal inheritance by death of elder Brothers, and others transactions descending upon him) bequeathing Twenty pounds in money, and Ten pounds per annum to the Poor of the Parish, in the Chancell whereof he lyeth buried under a fair Monument, dying on S. Thomas his day, in the Threescore and twelfth year of his age.

28. Papists now appearing very daring;* 15.9* 15.10 a Conference, or Dispute (if you please) was entertained betwixt Doctor White, and Doctor Featley, Protestants; Father Fisher, and Father Sweete, Jesuits; on his occasion: Edward Buggs Esq. living in London, aged seventy, and a professed Protestant, was in his sicknesse seduced to the Romish Religion. But recovering, this Dispute was held at his request, in the house of Sir Humphrey Linde, a learned and religious Gentleman; about the Visibility of the Church, and the Tenents now maintained by the Prote∣stants to have been before Luther. The printed Book hereof may satisfie the Rea∣der, as this Conference did so satisfie Master Buggs, that renouncing his former wavering, he was confirmed in the Protestant-Truth.

29. Now hapned the sad Vespers,* 15.11* 15.12 or dolfull Evening-song at Black Fryers in London: Father Drury a Jesuite of excellent Morals, and ingratiating Converse, (wanting nothing, saving the embracing of the truth, to make him valuable in himself, and acceptable to others) Preached in a great upper-Room in Black-Fryers, next to the house of the French-Ambassadour, where some Three hundred persons were assembled. His Text the 18 Chap. of S. Matthew, ver. 32. O thou ungracious servant! I forgave thee all the debt because thou desiredst me, shouldst not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow servant? &c. In application whereof, he fell upon a bitter invective against the Protestants.

30. His Sermon began to incline to the middle,* 15.13* 15.14 the Day to the end thereof; when on the soddain the Flore fell down whereon they were assembled. It gave no charitable warning-groan before-hand, but crackt, brake, and fell, all in an instant. Many were killed, more bruised, all frighted; sad sight to behold the flesh and blood of different persons mingled together, and the brains of one on the head of another. One lackt a leg, another an arm; a third whole and intire wanted nothing but breath stifled in the ruines. Some Protestants coming meer∣ly to see, were made to suffer, and bare the heavy burden of their own curiosity.

About Ninety five persons were slain out-right,* 15.15* 15.16 amongst whom Mr. Drury, and Mr. Rodiat, Priests; with the Lady Webbe, were of the greatest quality. Nor must we forget, how when one comforted a Maid-childe about 10 years of age, Exhorting her to patience for her Mother and Sister. The Childe replied, That however it fared with them, this would be a great scandall to their Religion. A speech commendable in any, admirable in one of her age.

31. Yet marvellous was God's mercy in the preservation of some there pre∣sent.* 15.17 One corner of the first Flore rather hung still than stood, (without any beams) by the relative strength from the side walls, and about Twenty persons up∣on it. These beheld that Tragedy wherein instantly they expected to act, and, which was the worst, their fall would not onely kill them, but by their weight they should be the unwilling••slayers of others, which as yet laboured for life be∣neath them. It was put into their mindes with their knives (fright adding force unto them) to cut their passage out of a lome-wall into the next chamber, whereby their lives were preserved. Of those that fell, one was kept alive (though im∣braced by death on either side) a chair falling hollow upon her. Thus any arms are of proof, if Divine Providence be but pleased to put them on.

32. Next day was Impannelled a Coroner's Inquest of substantial Citizens to inquire into the cause and manner of their death.* 15.18 These found it done neither by miracle nor malice, no plot or indirect practice appearing (as some no lesse falsly, than maliciously gave it out) the Roof standing, Side-wall sound, Foundation firm, onely the Flore broken by God's wisdome permitting it; and their own folly occasioning it. Nor could the Carpenter be justly accused for slight and unfaithfull building, making it substantial enough for any private purpose, and none could foresee that they would bring a Church into a Chamber. Twenty of the poorer sort were buried hard by in one Grave, and the rest bestowed by their friends in severall places of Sepulture.

33. The sad death of these persons,* 15.19 the Object of Pity to all good and wise men, was the Subject of Envy to some, so sillily superstitious, as to repine at it, That they had not a share in this slaughter. On this accompt, because the Priest or Clerk after every Masse in the City of London, solemnly invited the people pre∣sent with a loud voice to say, Three Pater noster's, and three Ave Maria's for the souls of such as died in Black-Friers. Particularly one Parker* 15.20 who narrowly escaped the danger there, professed, That nothing grieved him more but that he had not been one of those that died by the aforesaid mischance. But see what hapned, this man going over to Doway to take Priestly Orders the week following, was drowned in his passage: Thus wild-wishes for death, prove sometimes such Guests as come home to the Inviters before they be welcome unto them.

34. This accident fell on Sunday, the 26 of October, which according to the new style observed beyond-sea (having the speed of ours by ten daies) fell upon their fifth of November: a day notoriously known in the Popish Calendar. Whereupon, Master Edward Benlowes, a Religious and Learned Gentleman, no small Promoter of my former and present Labours, thus expressed himself:

Quinta Novembris eat, Graias orsura Calendas; Sit quocun{que} Stilo, quinta Novembris eat. Illa Dies Letho BRITONUM devoverat Aulam; Letho Devotam sospitat illa dies. Ista dies duxit Sacra ad Miseranda Misellos; Adductos Sacris sustulit ista dies. Lapsa repentè domus vos irâ atroce peremit, Quêis fuit irâ atrox lapsa repentè Domus.

Drurie, cum Cerebro conspergis Pulpita vano, Dum spargis Cerebri Phasmata vana tui, Trabe peremptus obis, qui Lignea vivus adoras, Lignea vivus ades, Trabe peremptus obis; Ligna, Lapís{que}, manus in foedera dantia, mactant Hos, quibus in sacra sunt foedera Ligna, Lapis Quêis Crux coeca Deus (tenebrosa Magistra) colentes In tenebras Coecos coeca Magistra rapit. Ah! erit Exemplum cui non hoc triste timori, Tristis hic Exemplum triste timoris erit.

Haec (Romista cave) Domus unâ ut corruit horâ, Vnâ sic horâ Roma, caveto, Ruet.

I have nothing else to adde of this sad disaster,* 15.21 save that the news thereof next Monday-morning, October the 27, was fresh in every mans mouth in His MA∣JESTIE's Chappell in White-Hall; at what time the 13 Chap. of S. Luke's Gospel was read for the Lesson appointed for the day by the Rubrick of the Church of England: Wherein neer the beginning, Or those eighteen upon whom the Tower of Shilo fell and slew them, think ye that they were sinners above all men that dwelt in Hierusalem? I tell you nay: but except you repent, ye shall likewise perish.

SECTION VII.

TO THOMAS SHVGBOROVGH OF BYRDENBURY in VVARWICK-Shire, Esquire.

* 16.1 THemistocles was wont to say, That it was the best Musick for a Man to hear his own Commendation. Should I play a Lesson thereof unto your eares, (insisting on your Bounty to publick BOOKS) sure I am, the Tune would be more chearfull to me, than gratefull to you, better pleased in deserving than hearing your own Encomium. I therefore will turn my praising of you, into praying for you, as more proportionable to my publick Profession, and acceptable to your modest Disposition.

MAny Papists not truly humbled with this late sad ac∣cident,* 16.2 so demeaned themselves, that indeed most offensive was their insolence to all true English∣men, the rather because it was generally reported, that His Majestie intended a Toleration of Religion, which made the Archbishop of Canterbury (though under a cloud for his disaster) to adventure humbly to present the King with his apprehensions, losing with some the reputation of a politick States-man, but preserving with others the character of an honest down right Protestant. Which Letter, though sent and delivered with all privacy, came by some (whether his friends or foes, uncer∣tain) to be generally known, and afterwards publickly printed, as followeth.

May it please your Majestie,

I have been too long silent, and am afraid, by my silence, I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Maje∣stie to place me in. And now I humbly crave leave, I may discharge my conscience towards God, and my duty to your Majestie. And therefore I beseech your Majestie, give me leave freely to deliver my self, and then let your Majestie doe with me what You please. Your Majestie hath propoun∣ded a Toleration of Religion: I beseech you Sir, take into Your consideration, what the Act is, next what the Consequence may be. By your Act you labour to set up that most damnable, and heretical Doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon. How hatefull will it be to God, and grievous unto Your good Subjects, the true Professours of the Gospel; that your Majestie, who hath often disputed, and learnedly written against those wicked Heresies, should now shew Your self a Patron of those Doctrines, which your Pen hath told the world, and Your conscience tells Your self, are superstitious, idola∣trous, and detestable. Adde hereunto what You have done in sending the Prince into Spain, without the consent of your Councell, the privity and appro∣bation of Your people. And though, Sir, you have a large interest in the Prince, as the Son of Your flesh, yet hath the People a greater, as the Son of the Kingdome, upon whom (next after your Majestie) their eyes are fixed, and welfare depends. And so tenderly is His going apprehended, as, believe it Sir, however His return may be safe, yet the Drawers of Him to that action, so dangerous to Himself, so desperate to the Kingdome, will not passe away unquestioned, and unpunished. Besides, this Toleration which You endeavour to set up by Proclamation, cannot be done without a Parliament, unlesse your Majestie will let your Subjects see, that you will take unto Your self a liberty to throw down the Laws of the Land at Your pleasure. What dreadfnll con∣sequence these things may draw after them, I beseech your Majestie to consi∣der. And above all, lest by this Toleration, and discontinuance of the true profession of the Gospel, whereby God hath blessed us, and under which this Kingdome hath for many years flourished, your Majestie doe not draw upon the Kingdome in generall, and your Self in particular, Gods heavy wrath and indignation. Thus in discharge of my duty towards God, to your Majestie, and the place of my calling, I have taken humble boldnesse to deliver my conscience. And now, Sir, doe with me what you please.

2. What effect this Letter took,* 17.1 is unknown; sure it is, all mens mouths were filled with a discourse of a Toleration for, or against it. Some no professed Pa∣pists, but who lived at the signe of the Protestant, engage in their Arguments very earnestly in the defence thereof; whilst others were as zealous to prove a Tole∣ration intolerable by Reasons drawn both from piety and policy. We will onely instance in few out of many as they were bandied on both sides, and chiefly such as concern Religion.

PRO. 1. Argument. The Papists of late were grown very peaceable, justly recover∣ing the reputation of Loyall Subjects: in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, scarce escaped a year without a Treason from them; now they vied obedience with Protestants themselves. Pity it was but they should be encouraged, and their Loyalty fixed for ever, by granting them a Toleration. 2. We see the same liberty allowed

the Hugonites in France, to whom the King permits their Churches, Ministers, Service, Sermons, Sacraments, accord∣ing to the direction of their own Con∣science. 3. The King of Spain would be high∣ly affected with this savour allowed to the English Catholicks, and this would fasten him in firme friendship to the English Crown, to which his amity for the present was not onely usefull, but necessary. 4. Truth will ever triumph over false∣hood, and verity gain the victory of er∣rour, the Protestanisme notwithstand∣ing the Toleration) would get ground on Popery by the demonstration of the Spirit in the Scriptures. 5. The Apish and Mimicall Popish Pageant, with the toyes and trifles in the••: service, would render their Reli∣gion ridiculous. No danger that any wise man should ever be seduced there∣by. 6. Protestant Ministers would bee more painfull in preaching, and carefull in residing on their Cures, to keep them from infection. 7. The thing in effect was already allowed to Papists, who now (though privately) safely celebrated Masse in many places, which favourable conni∣vance fell but little short of a Tolera∣tion.

CON. 1. Answer. Papists were not more peaceable, but more politick than for∣merly for private ends. Though their practise more plausible, their Positions and Principles were as pernicious as e∣ver before, viz: That Princes excom∣municated may be deposed. No faith to be kept with Hereticks. That the Pope &c. 2. The case is different. This liberty

was not so much given to, as gotten by the Hugonites so numerous and puis∣sant, it was conceived dangerous to de∣ny them such Priviledges. Thanks be to God not such as yet the condition of Catholicks in England, whose Par••y was not so powerfull, but certain by such a Toleration to be improved. 3. The necessity of h••s friendship at this time was onely fancied ••y such as desired it. Besides, the King of heaven must not be offended, that the King of Spain may be pleased. 4. Though Truth it selfe be stronger than falsehood, yet generally the Promo¦ters of falsehood are more active and sedulous than the Advancers of Truth. Besides, it is just with God upon the granting of such an unlawfull Tolera∣tion to weaken the converting power of Truth, and strengthen the perverting power of Falsehood, giving the English over to be deluded thereby. 5. The world hath ever consisted of more fools than wise people, such who carry their judgment more in their eyes than in their brains; Popery being made Inscious to peoples senses, too probably would court many to the imbracing thereof. 6. It is no policie to let in the Wolfe meerly on designe to make the Shep∣herds more watchfull: Rather on the contrary, Protestant Ministers would be utterly disheartned in the performance of their place when the Parishioners were countenanced to desert them without any punishment. 7. If the Papists already have what they would have, let them be contented therewith. Why desire they any more? but indeed there is a grand difference betwixt a States winking at their wic∣kednesse for a time, and a formall and finall tolerating thereof. During the former, Catholicks sin on their own ac∣count, and at their own peril, the Laws though not executed standing in full force against them, but a publick To∣leration of their Superstition adopts the same to become the Act of the English Nation.

Here it would be tedious to recite the Texts of Scripture (some more,* 17.2 some lesse

proper to the purpose alledged by severall persons against the Toleration:* 17.3* 17.4 some Typicall, Thoua 17.5 shalt not plow with an Oxe and an Asse. Some Historicall, Gods Children must not speak two tongues. Ashdod, andb 17.6 Hebrew. Some Doctrinall, We must not doe evil that goodc 17.7 may come thereof. The best was, the Toleration bare date with the Spanish Match, with which it was propounded, and agitated, advanced, expected, desired by some; opposed, suspected, detested by others; and at last both together finally frustrated, and defeated.

3. Now was His Majestie informed,* 17.8 that it was high time, to apply some cure to the Pulpits, as sick of a Sermon-surfeit, and other exorbitances. Some medled with State-matters, and generally (by an improper Transposition) the Peoples duty was preached to the King at Court, the Kings to the People in the Countrey. Many shallow Preachers handled the profound points of Predestina∣tion; wherein (pretending to guide their flocks) they lost themselves. Sermons were turned into Satyrs against Papists, or Non Conformists.

4. To represse the present, and prevent future mischiefs in this kinde, His Ma∣jestie issued out His Directions to be written fair in every Registers Office, whence any Preacher (if so pleased) might with his own hand, take out Copies gratis, paying nothing ford 17.9 expedition. Herein, the King revived the primitive and profitable order of Catechizing in the afternoon (better observed in all other Re∣formed Churches than of late in England) according to the tenour ensuing:

Most Reverend Father in God,* 18.1 right trusty and entirely beloved Counsellour We greet you well.

FOrasmuch as the abuses and extravagancies of Preachers in the Pulpit have been in all times repressed in this Realm, by some Act of Councill, or State, with the advice and resolution of grave and learned Prelates: Insomuch, that the very licensing of Preachers, had beginning by an Order of Star Chamber, the eighth day of July, in the 19^th year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth, our Noble Predecessour: And whereas at this present, divers young Students, by reading of late Writers, and ungrounded Divines, doe broach many times unprofitable, unsound seditions, and dangerous Do∣ctrines, to the scandall of the Church, and disquiet of the State, and present Government: We, upon humble representations unto Us of these inconveni∣encies by your selfe, and sundry other grave and reverend Prelates of this Church, as also, of our Princely care and Zeal for the extirpation of Schisme, and dissention growing from these seeds, and for the setling of a religious and peaceable Government, both in Church, and Common wealth; doe by these Our speciall Letters, straitly charge and command you, to use all pos∣sible care, and diligence, that these Limitations and Cautions herewith sent unto you concerning Preachers, be duly and strictly from henceforth put in practice and observed by the several Bishops within your Jurisdiction. And to this end Our pleasure is, that you send them forthwith Copies of these Dire∣ctions to be by them speedily sent and communicated unto every Parson, Vicar, Curate, Lecturer, and Minister, in every Cathedrall, or Parish Church, within their severall Diocese, and that you earnestly require them to employ their utmost endeavours, in the performance of this so important a businesse, letting them know that We have a speciall eye unto their proceedings, and expect a strict account thereof, both of you, and every one of them: and these Our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and discharge in that behalf.

Give under our Signet at Our Castle of Windsor the 4^th of August, in the twentieth year of Our Reign.

Directions concerning Preachers sent with the Letter.

• 1. THat no Preacher under the degree and calling of a Bishop, or Dean of a Cathedral, or Collegiate Church and they upon the Kings dayes, and set Festivals) doe take occasion (by the expounding of any Text of Scri¦pture whatsoever to fall into any set Discourse or Common place, otherwise than by the opening the Cohaerence and Division of the Text, which shall not be comprehended and warranted in essence, substance, effect, or naturall in ference, within some one of the Articles of Religion, set forth 1562. or in some of the Homilies set forth by authority of the Church of England. not onely for the help of the Non-Preaching, but withall for a Pattern and Boun∣dary as it were) for the Preaching Ministers. And for their further in∣structions for the performance hereof, that they forthwith reade over and per∣use diligently the said Book of Articles, and the two Books of Homilies.
• 2. That no Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Lecturer, shall preach any Sermons or Collation hereafter upon Sundaies and Holidaies in the afternoon in any Cathedrall or Parish Church throughout the Kingdome, but upon some pare of the Catechisme, or some Text taken out of the Creed, ten Commandments, or the Lords Prayer, Funeral Sermons onely excepted) and that those Preachers be most encouraged and approved of who spend the Afternoons exercise in the examination of Children in their Catechisme, which is the most antient and laudable custome of teaching in the Church of England.
• 3. That no Preacher of what title soever under the degree of a Bishop or Dean, at the least, doe from henceforth presume to preach in any popular Au¦ditory deep points of Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or of the Univer∣sality, Efficacy, Resistibility, or Irresistibility of GODS grace, but leave those themes rather to be handled by the Learned men, and that moderately and modestly by way of Use and Application, rather than by way of Positive Doctrines, being fitter for the Schools than for simple Auditories.
• 4. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever, from henceforth shall presume in any Auditory within this Kingdome, to declare, limit, or bound out, by way of Positive Doctrine in any Lecture, or Sermon, the Power, Prerogative, and Jurisdiction, Authority or Duty of Sovereign Princes, or otherwise meddle with matters of State, and the differences between Princes and the People, than as they are instructed, and (precedented in the Homilies of Obedience and the rest of the Homilies, and Articles of Religion, set forth, (as before is mentioned) by publique Authority: but rather confine themselves wholly to those two heads, of faith and good life, which are all the subjects of the antient Sermons, and Homilies.
• 5 That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever, shall presume caussesly, or (without invitation from the Text to fall into bitter investives and undecent railing speeches against the persons of either Papists, or Puri tans; but modestly and gravely, when they are occasioned thereunto by the Text of Scripture, free both the Doctrine, and the Discipline of the Church of England, from the aspersions of either Adversaries, especially where the Auditory is suspected to be tainted with the one or the other infection.
• 6. Lastly, that the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdome (whom His Majestie hath good cause to blame for their former remisness) be more wary and choice in their licensing of Preachers, and revoke all Grants made to any Chancellour, Official, or Commissary, to passe Licences in this kinde, and that all the Lecturers throughout the Kingdome of England (a new body severed from the antient Clergy, as being neither Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates) be licensed henceforward in the Court of Faculties, but onely, from a Recom∣mendation of the party, from the Bishop of the Diocese under his hand and seale, with a Fiat from the L. Archbishop of Canterbury, a Confirmation un∣der

• the Great Seal of England. And that such as doe transgresse any one of these Directions, be suspended by the Bishop of the Diocesse, or in his default by the Archbishop of the Province, ab Officio, & Beneficio, for a year and a day, untill his Majestie by the advice of the next Convocation, shall prescribe some farther punishment.

5. No sooner were these the Kings Declarations dispersed into every Dio∣cesse,* 19.1 but various were mens opinions thereof. Some counted it a cruell act, which cut off half the preaching in England (all afternoon-ermons) at one blow. Others thought the King did but Uti jure suo, doing not onely what in justice He might, but what in prudence He ought in this juncture of time. But hear what I have heard and read in this case.

Objections.

Answers.

1. Christ grants Ministers their Com∣mission, Go teach all Nations. S. Paul corroborates the same, Preach the word, be instant in season, out of season. Man therefore ought not to forbid, what God enjoyns. 2. This is the way to starve soules by confining them to one meale a day: or, at the best by giving them onely a messe of milk for their supper, and so to bed. 3. Such as are licensed to make Ser∣mons, may be intrusted to choose their own Texts, and not in the Afternoons to be restrained to the Lords Prayer, Creed, and ten Commandements. 4. In prohibiting the preaching of Predestination, man makes that the for∣bidden fruit, which God appointed for the tree of life: so cordial the comforts contained therein to a distressed con∣science. 5. Bishops and Deans (forsooth) and none under their dignity, may preach of Predestination. What is this but to have the word of God in respect of per∣sons? As if all discretion were confined to Cathedral men, and they best able to preach who use it the least. 6. Papists and Puritans in the Kings Letters are put into the same ballance, and Papists in the prime scale first na∣med, as preferred in the Kings care, chiefly to secure them from Invectives in Sermons. 7. Lecturers are made such riddles

in the Kings Letters, reduceable to no Ministerial function in England. Where∣as indeed the flower of piety, and power of godlinesse flourished most in those places where such Preachers are most countenanced.

1. Ministers, if commanded not at all to speak, or teach in the name of Jesus, are with the Apostles, to obey God rather than man. But vast the difference be∣twixt a total prohibition, and (as in this case) a prudential regulation of preach∣ing. 2. Milk (catechetical Doctrine) is best for babes, which generally make up more than a moyety of every Con∣gregation. 3. Such restraint hath liberty e∣nough, seeing all things are clearly con∣tained in, or justly reducible to these three, which are to be desired, believed, and performed. 4. Indeed Predestination, solidly and soberly handled, is an antidote a∣gainst despair. But, as many ignorant Preachers ordered it, the cordial was turned into a poyson; and therefore such mysteries might well be forborn by mean Ministers in popular Congre∣gations. 5. It must be presumed that such of necessity must be of age and experience, and may in civility be believed of more than ordinary learning, before they at∣tained such preferment. Besides, Cathe∣drall Auditories being of a middle na∣ture for understanding, (as beneath the University, so above common City and Country Congregations) are fitter for such high points to be preached therein. 6. The Kings Letter looks on both under the notion of guilty persons. Had Puritans been placed first, such as now take exception at their post-posing, would have collected, that the King e∣steemed them the greatest offenders. 7. Lectures are no creatures of the

Church of England, by their original (like those mixed kinds, little better than monsters in nature, to which God, as here the State, never said, multiply and encrease) and therefore the King had just cause to behold them with jealous eyes, who generally supplanted the In∣cumbents of Livings in the affections of their Parishioners, and gave the greatest growth to Non-conformity.

These Instructions from His Majestie were not pressed with equall rigour in all places, seeing some over-active Officials, more busie than their Bishops, tied up Preachers in the Afternoon to the very letter of the Catechisme, questioning them if exceeding the questions and answers therein, as allowing them no liberty to dilate, and enlarge themselves thereupon.

6. Expect not of me a particular account of the politick intricacies touching the Spanish Match,* 19.2 or no Match rather. First, because Spanish, and so alien from my subject. Secondly, because the passages thereof are so largely and publickly in print. Thirdly, because in fine it proved nothing, though kept on foot so long, till K. James, by endeavouring to gain a Daughter-in Law, had in effect, lost His own Daughter, Her Husband, and Children, being reduced to great extremities.

7. Truly K. James never affected his Son in Law's acceptance of the Bobemian Crown,* 19.3 nor promised Himself any good successe thence, though great the hope of the German Protestants therein. Indeed, some of them were too credulous of a blinde Prophesie commonly currant amongst them,

POST TER VIGINTI, CESSABIT GLORIA QUINTI.

Expecting the ending of the Austrian Family, sixty years being now expired since the death of Charles the fift: but discreet persons slighted such vanities, and the Quinti had like to have proved the extirpation of Frederick, fift of that name, Palatine of Rhyne; had not God almost miraculously lately countermanded it.

8. Yea,* 19.4 K. James privately foretold to some principal persons, that this matter would prove the ruine of his Daughter. There want not some who say, That he went about to virefie his own Prediction, by not sending seasonable succours for their assistance, who, had He turned His Embassies into Armies, might probably have prevented much Protestant misery.

9. Others excuse K. James,* 19.5 partly from the just hopes He had to accommodate all interests in a peaceable way; partly from the difficulty of conveying effectual forces into so farre distant a Countrey.

10. Mean time both the Palatinates were lost,* 19.6 the Upper seized on by the Em∣perour, the Neather (but higher in value) by the King of Spaine, the City of Heidelberg taken and plunder'd, and the inestimable Library of Books therein carried over the Alpes on Mules backs to Rome. Each Mule laded with that learned burthen, had a silver-plate on his forehead, wherein was engraven, FERO BIBLIOTHECAM PRINCIPIS PALATINI. Now those Books are pla∣ced in the Popes Vatican, entituling Protestants to visit the place, who one day may have as good successe, as now they have just right to recover them.

11. As for the Palatinate,* 19.7 Satyricall tongues commonly called it the Land of Promise, so frequently and so solemnly was the restitution thereof promised to King James, fed only with delayes, which amounted to mannerly denials. Since it hath pleased God to turn this Land of Promise into a* 19.8 Land of Performance, the present Palatine being peaceably possessed thereof.

12. Prince Charles,* 19.9 with the Duke of Buckingham, lately went privately through France, where He saw the Lady, (whom afterwards He married) into Spain. It is questionable, whether then more blamed K. James for sending him, or afterwards blessed God for his safe return. Sumptuous his entertainment in the Spanish Court,

where it was not the Kings fault, but Kingdomes defect that any thing was want∣ing. He quickly discovered (the coursness of fine-pretending wares at distance are easily confuted neer hand) that the Spanish State had no minde or meaning of a Match, as who demanded such unreasonable Liberty in education of the Royall Off-spring (in case any were born betwixt them) and other Priviledges for English Papists, that the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent thereunto. However, Prince Charles (whose person was in their power) took his fair farewell with courteous compliance.

12. Though He entred Spain like a private person,* 19.10* 19.11 He departed it like Himself, and the Son of his Father,* 19.12 a stately Fleet attending Him home. Foul weather for∣ced them to put in at the Isse of Syllie, (the parings of England, South-west of Cornwall) where in two daies they fed on more, and better flesh than they found in Spain for many moneths.* 19.13 Soon after He arrived at Portesmouth, and the next day came to London, to the great rejoicing of all sorts of people, signified by their bonefires, ringing of bells, with other externall expressions of joy.

13. King James now despaired of any restitution,* 19.14 especially since the Duke of Bavaria was invested in the upper Palatinate, and so His Son-in-Laws Land can∣toned betwixt a Duke, a King, and an Emperour. Whose joynt consent, being re∣quisite to the restoring thereof, One would be sure to dissent from the seeming-consenting of other two. Whereupon, King James not onely broke off all treaty with Spaine, but also called the great Councill of his Kingdome together.

14. Indeed,* 19.15 the Malecontents in England used to say, That the King took Phy∣sick, and called Parliaments both alike, using both for meer need, and not caring for either how little time they lasted. But now there hapned as sweet a com∣pliance betwixt the King and his Subjects, as ever happen'd in mans memory, the King not asking more than what was granted. Both Houses in the Name of the whole Kingdome, promising their assistance with their lives and fortunes for the recovery of the Palatinate. A smart Petition was presented against the Papists, and order promised for the education of their Children in true Religion.

15. As for the Convocation contemporary with this Parliament,* 19.16 large Subsidies were granted by the Clergie, otherwise no great matter of moment passed there∣in. I am informed Doctor Joseph Hall preached the Latine Sermon, and Doctor Donne was the Prolocutor.

16. This is that Doctor Donne,* 19.17 born in London; (but extracted from Wales) by his Mother-side, great-great Grandchilde to Sir Thomas More, whom he much resembled in his endowments; a great Traveller, first, Secretary to the Lord E∣gerton, and after by the perswasion of K. James, (and encouragement of Bishop Morton) entred into Orders, made Doctor of Divinity (of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge) and Dean of S. Pauls, whose Life is no lesse truly than elegantly written by my worthily respected friend Mr. Isaac Walton, whence the Reader may store himself with further information.

17. A Book was translated out of the French Copie,* 19.18 by Abraham Darcye, inti∣tuled, [The Originall of Idolatry:] pretended made by Dr. Isaac Casaubon, dead ten years before, dedicated to Prince Charles, but presented to King James, and all the Lords of the Councill. A Book printed in French before the said Isaac Casaubon was born, whose name was fraudulently inserted in the Title-page of the foregoing Copie.

18. Merick Casaubon his Son then Student of Christs-Church,* 19.19 by Letter infor∣med King James of the wrong done to his Father, by making him the Authour of such a Book; contrary to his Genius and constant profession, being full of impertinent allegations, out of obscure and late Authors, whom his Father never thought worthy the reading, much lesse the using their Authority. His Majestie was much incensed herea••, and Doctor Mountaine Bishop of London had much adoe to make his Chaplains peace for licensing thereof, the Printer and Transla∣tor being for some time kept in Prison.

19. Yet after all this;* 19.20 and after Merick Casaubon had written a Latine Vindi∣cation

to give satisfaction to all,* 19.21* 19.22 the same Translation since is printed in Amster∣dam, with a Justificatory Preface of the former Edition. So impudent are some, falsly to father Books on worthy Authors, to make them more vendible for their own profit, though it discredit the memory of others.

20. The businesse of the Palatinate being now debated by Martiallists,* 19.23 the Kings Councill of Warre, disswading from regaining it in kinde, advised Him rather to recover it in value where he could with the best conveniency out of the Spanish Dominions: For, the Palatinate was not worth the rewinning, which (grant recover'd by the English) could not recover it self for many years, such the havock and waste made therein. Secondly, it was hard to be gotten, such the distance thereof; and harder to be kept, so ill-neighboured it was on all sides. So that the King if so pleased, might with as much honour, and more ease, carve out his own reparations nearer home.

21. During these Agitations,* 19.24 K. James fell sick at Theobalds of a tertian Ague, commonly called in Spring; for a King rather Physicall than dangerous. But soon after his Ague was heighten'd into a Fever; four mischiefs meeting therein.

22. First,* 19.25 the malignity of the Malady in it self, hard to be cured. Secondly, an aged Person, of sixty years current. Thirdly, a plethorick Body, full of ill hu∣mours. Fourthly, the Kings aversness to Physick, and impatience under it. Yet the last was quickly removed, above expectation, The King (contrary to His custome) being very orderable in all His sicknesse. Such sudden alterations, some apprehend, a certain prognostick of death, as if when mens mindes acquire new qualities, they begin to habit and cloath themselves for a new world.

23. The Countesse of Buckingham contracted much suspition to her selfe,* 19.26 and her Son, for applying a plaster to the Kings wrists, without the consent of His Physicians. And yet it plainly appeared, that Dr. John Remington of Dunmoe in Essex, made the same plaster: (one honest, able, and successful in his practice, who had cured many Patients by the same,) a piece whereof applied to the King, one eat down into His belly, without the least hurt or disturbance of nature. However, after the applying thereof, the King grew worse.

24. The Physicians refused to administer physick unto Him till the plasters were taken off,* 19.27 which being done accordingly. His fift, sixt, and seventh fits were ea∣sier (as Dr. Chambers said.) On the Monday after, the plasters were laid on again without the advice of the Physicians, and His Majestie grew worse and worse. so that Mr. Hayes (the Kings Chirurgeon) was called out of his bed to take off the plasters. Mr. Baker (the Dukes servant) made the King a Julip, which the Duke brought to the King with his own hand, of which the King drank twice, but refused the third time. After His death, a Bill was brought to the Physicians to sign, that the ingredients of the Julip and Plasters were safe: but most refused it, because they knew not whether the ingredients mentioned in the Bill were the same in the Julip and Plasters. This is the naked truth delivered by oath from the Physicians to a select Committee two years after, when the Parliament voted the Dukes act a transcendent presumption, though most thought it done without any ill intention.

25. Four daies before His death,* 19.28 He desired to receive the Sacrament, and be∣ing demanded whether He was prepared in point of faith and charity for so great mysteries?* 19.29 He said, He was, and gave humble thanks to God for the same. Be∣ing desired to declare His faith, and what He thought of those Books He had written in that kinde? He repeated the Articles of the Creed one by one, and said, He believed them all as they were received and expounded by that part of the Catholick Church which was established here in England: And said, with a kinde of sprightfulnesse and vivacity, that whatever He had written of this Faith in his life, he was now ready to seal with his death. Being questioned in point of charity; He answered presently, that He forgave all men that offended Him, and desired to be forgiven by all Christians, whom He in any wise had offended.

26. Then after absolution read and pronounced,* 19.30 He received the Sacrament, and some hours after. He professed to the standers by, that they could not imagine what ease and comfort he found in himself since the receiving hereof; And so quiedy resigned His soul to God, having reigned twenty two years and three daies.

27. He was of a peaceable disposition.* 19.31 Indeed, when he first entred England, at Barwick, He himself gave fire to, and shot off a* 19.32 piece of Ordnance, and that with good judgment. This was the onely military act personally performed by Him. So that He may have seemed in that Cannon to have discharged Warre cut of Eng∣land.

28. Coming to Yorke,* 19.33 He was somewhat amazed with the equipage of the Nor∣thern Lords repairing unto Him, (especially with the Earl of Cumberland's) ad∣miring there should be in England so many Kings; for less, He could not conjecture them, such the multitude and gallantry of their attendance. But (following the counsel of His English Secretary there present) He soon found a way to abate the formidable greatness of the English Nobility, by conferring Honour upon many persons, whereby Nobility was spread so broad, that it became very thin, which much lessened the antient esteem thereof.

29. He was very eloquent in speech,* 19.34 whose Latine had no fault, but that it was too good for a King, whom carelessness (not curiosity) becomes in that kinde. His Scotch tone he rather affected than declin'd: and though His speaking spoil'd His speech in some English ears; yet the masculine worth of his set Orations, comman¦ded reverence, if not admiration in all judicious hearers. But in common speaking, (as in His hunting he stood not on the cleanest but nearest way) He would never go about to make any expressions.

30. His wit was passing-sharp and piercing,* 19.35 equally pleased in making and ta∣king a smart jest, His Majestie so much stooping to His mirth, that He never re∣fused that coine which he paid to other folk. This made Him please Himself so much in the company of Count Gondomer: and some will say, the King was contented (for reasons best known to Himself) to be deceived by him, and hu∣moured into a peace to His own disadvantage.

31. Once, King James in an Afternoon was praising the plentifull provision of England,* 19.36 especially for flesh, and fowle; adding, the like not to be had in all Spaine, what one County here did afford. Yea, but my Master (quoth Gondomer, there present) hath the gold and silver in the East and West Indies: And I, by my Saule, (saith the King) have much adoe to keep my men from taking it away from Him. To which the Don's Spanish gravity returned silence.

32. His judgment was most solid in matters of Divinity,* 19.37 not fathering Books of others, (as some of His Predecessours) but His Works are allowed His own by His very adversaries. Most bountiful to all, especially to Scholars, no King of Eng∣land ever doing (though His Successour suffered) more, to preserve the revenues of the English Hierarchy. Most mercifull to Offendors, no one person of Honour (without parallel since the Conquest) being put to death in His Reign. In a word, He left His own Coffers empty, but His Subjects Chests full, the Land being never more wealthy; it being easier then to get, than since to save an estate.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ann. Dom. 1601
• * 1.2

  The Seculars fomented by the Bishop of Lond. against the Jesuits.
• * 1.3

  Oct. 17. Nov. 19.
• * 1.4

  Acts in the last Parliament of Q. Eliz.
• a 1.5

  Statute 43. of Q. Eliz. c, 2.
• b 1.6

  Ibid. cap. 4.
• c 1.7

  15 Jac. in Rivets Cale in Chancery.
• * 1.8

  Acts of this yeares Convo∣cation.
• * 1.9

  Francis Godw: made Bishop of Landaff
• d 1.10

  In vit•• Greg. Nazianzen.
• * 1.11

  Watson's Quodlibers against the Je∣suits.
• * 1.12

  The black character of Iesuis painted with the Pensil of a Secular Priest.
• e 1.13

  Second Quod∣liber, third Ar∣ticle. pag. 62.
• * 1.14

  A Quiet in the English Ch: and the cause thereof.
• f 1.15

  Sir Geo: Paul in the life of Arch-bishop Whitgiss. p. 54
• * 1.16

  Severall Rea∣sons assigned of Mr. Cart∣wright's Mo∣deration.
• * 1.17

  Ann. Reg. Bliz. 44.
• * 1.18

  Ann. Dom. 1602
• g 1.19

  Sir George Paul, ut prius.
• * 1.20

  The Character of Mr. Cartwr.
• h 1.21

  See the Pre∣face of M. Cart∣wright's Book
• * 1.22

  Bishop West∣phaling, Dean Nowel, Mr. Perkins, Gr: Sayer, and Will: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 depart this World.
• i 1.23

  Godwin de Prasulibus Anglia. p. 546.
• k 1.24

  Donald upon in his Life.
• l 1.25

  Gamblen's Elizabeth in Anno 2602.
• m 1.26

  Hugh Holland in his Icones Vircrum Illu∣strium.
• n 1.27

  In the Holy State, where see hi•• Life at large.
• o 1.28

  Puzeus de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Anglick Ae∣tate Detima septima, p. 801.
• p 1.29

  ••••em ibidem.
• * 1.30

  Relief sent to the City of Geneva.
• q 1.31

  Judg. 14. 14.
• * 1.32

  The death of Q. Elizabeth.
• * 1.33

  Ann. Reg. 45.
• * 1.34

  Ann. Dom. 1602
• * 1.35

  King Ja. 1.
• * 1.36

  K James sends a Welcome message to the Episcopall Party.
• s 1.37

  Sir G: Pauls in the Arch∣bishops Life. Numb. 126.
• * 1.38

  Watson's ••lly Treason.
• d 1.39

  Stowes Chro∣nicle. p. 831.
• * 1.40

  His mo••tly Complice••.
• * 1.41

  Their wild meanes where∣by to attaine a mad end.
• * 1.42

  Ann. Dom. 1602
• * 1.43

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 1.
• * 1.44

  The two Priests executed.
• * 1.45

  Nov. 29.
• e 1.46

  1 Sam. 10. 1.
• f 1.47

  Ibid. ver. 24.
• g 1.48

  1 King. 12. 1
• * 1.49

  Mr Cartwright dedicates a Book to King James.
• * 1.50

  Mr. Cartwright his Death.
• * 1.51

  Dec. 27.
• * 1.52

  Camden in his Eliz.
• * 1.53

  See his Life lately set forth by M. Clark.
• * 1.54

  The Presbyte∣rian Petition to K. & Parl.
• * 1.55

  Ann. Dom. 1603
• w 1.56

  See M. Hil∣dersam's 〈◊〉〈◊〉 set forth by Mr. Clark.
• * 1.57

  1603
• a 1.58

  Though all these Deanes were summo∣ned by Letters, and present in the Presence. Chamber; yet onely five, (viz. of the Chappel, West∣minister, Pauls, Chester and Sa∣risbury) on the first day were called in.
• b 1.59

  Note his Majesty never remembred her, but with some honoura∣ble Addition.
• * 1.60

  Ann. Dom. 160 3/4
• * 1.61

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 1
• c 1.62

  He addressed himselfe to the King on his knee.
• d 1.63

  Citing Cypr. Ep. 73. and Jer. Adversus Luciferiam.
• * 1.64

  These be se∣verally cited.
• * 1.65

  d To this be ci∣ted the Testi∣mony of the Arch-bishop of Yorke.
• e 1.66

  Here he pro∣duced the Letters of some of those first compilers.
• g 1.67

  Mat. 28. 20.
• * 1.68

  Jan. 16
• h 1.69

  On Heb 6. 2.
• i 1.70

  On Act. 8. 27.
• k 1.71

  Here the Bi∣shop of London thought him∣self touched, because about 609 in his Diocess.
• * 1.72

  Ecclesiae Salus in sumi sacerdo∣tis dignitate pendet, cui si non exors quaedem & ab omnibus eminens data po∣testos, tor in Ecclesis efficien∣tur Schismata quot Sacerdotes.
• m 1.73

  It seemes the Bishop of London, jealous that he was reflected on, (as is afore∣said) called the Doctor Schis∣matick.
• * 1.74

  This he spake kneeling.
• * 1.75

  Egcrtor, L. Elsemcr.
• * 1.76

  This concer∣ned the fourth generall head, (viz. the Com∣munion Book) as he first pro∣pounded it; however, here he took occa∣sion to urge it.
• * 1.77

  Mat: 11. 14. Luke 1. 17.
• * 1.78

  Viz. in the Dominical Gospels.
• * 1.79

  Here we omit Mr. Knowstub his exception against the in∣terrogatories in Baptisme, be∣cause he spake so perplexedly, that his mea∣ning is not to be collected therein.
• * 1.80

  December 1601.
• * 1.81

  Ann. Dom 1603-04
• * 1.82

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 1
• * 1.83

  This the King spake smiling.
• * 1.84

  This be said putting his hand to his bat.
• * 1.85

  Jan. 18
• * 1.86

  I dare not guess him, for fear of failing.
• * 1.87

  Here we omit a discourse a∣bout Subscrip∣tion, because not methodiz'd into the Speech of severall per∣sons.
• * 1.88

  * This he spake on his knee.
• * 1.89

  This he spake kneeling.
• * 1.90

  Who being there present, averred the same.
• * 1.91

  This was R••ch: Vaughan, afterwards Bi∣shop of Lond.
• * 1.92

  Here he fell down on his knees.
• * 1.93

  The generall censure of the Conferencers.
• * 1.94

  The Non-con∣formists Com∣plaint.
• * 1.95

  The Product of this Confe∣rence.
• * 1.96

  The Copy of the Milenary Petition.
• * 2.1

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 2
• * 2.2

  The issue of this Petition.
• * 2.3

  Universities justly netled thereat.
• * 2.4

  Other Mille∣nary Petitions.
• * 2.5

  Unfaire dea∣ling in procu∣ring of hands.
• * 2.6

  Ann. Reg.
• * 2.7

  Ann. Dom.
• * 2.8

  Prov. 18. 24.
• * 2.9

  Jac. 2
• * 2.10

  1603-04
• * 2.11

  The death of Arch-bishop Whitgift.
• * 2.12

  * See the Pre∣face to Hamp∣ton Court conference.
• * 2.13

  Mr. Pry 〈◊〉〈◊〉 censu∣ring Whitgift, censured.
• * 2.14

  His untruth of Anselme.
• * 2.15

  Pag. 10.
• * 2.16

  Psal. 64. 3.
• * 2.17

  His slander of Whitgift.
• * 2.18

  Pag. 149.
• * 2.19

  And filly tax∣ing of his train.
• * 2.20

  Gen. 14. 14.
• * 2.21

  Whitgifts care of, and love to Scholars.
• * 2.22

  His buriall, and Successour.
• * 2.23

  1604.
• * 2.24

  Mar. 27.
• * 2.25

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 2
• * 2.26

  Ann. Dom. 1604.
• * 2.27

  A beneficiall Statute for the Church.
• * 2.28

  Because it was no•• forbid∣den in the Sta∣tute in expresse words.
• * 2.29

  A con••rivance by the Crowne to wrong the Church.
• * 2.30

  Two eminent instances of former Aliena∣tion of Bishop∣prick-Lands.
• * 2.31

  Severall cen∣su••es on this new Statute.
• * 2.32

  K. JAMES a great Church∣lover.
• * 2.33

  Ann. Dom. 1604
• * 2.34

  Ann Reg. Jac. 2
• * 2.35

  The Acts of this Convoca∣tion, why as 〈…〉〈…〉 recove∣red.
• * 2.36

  Many Canon made therein, Bishop Bancroft sitting Presi∣dent.
• * 2.37

  Bishop Rudd, why opposing the oath a∣gainst Simony.
• * 2.38

  The Petition of the Town of Rippon to Queen Anne.
• * 3.1

  July 4.
• * 3.2

  King James his bountifull grant.
• * 3.3

  These Lands since twice sold.
• * 3.4

  The Petition of the Family of Love to King James.
• * 4.1

  In his Basilicon Doron.
• * 4.2

  Henry Ni∣cholas.
• * 4.3

  The Familists will in no wise be accompted Puritans.
• b 4.4

  Sam. Ruther∣surd in his Sur∣vey, pag. 353.
• * 4.5

  Phrases in their Petition censured.
• * 4.6

  Mr. Ruthorfurd causlesly asper∣seth the Bishops and Courtiers of Queen Eliz
• * 4.7

  c In his Notes on his Petition of Survey, pag. 349.
• * 4.8

  Familists tur∣ned into mo∣dern Ranters.
• * 4.9

  The death of Hall, and Eli.
• * 4.10

  In the Duchy of Lorraine.
• h 4.11

  Pitseui de il∣lustr••bu•• Angli•• scriptoribus, pag. 804.
• * 4.12

  Ann. Dom 1605.
• * 4.13

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 4.
• * 4.14

  The plotrers in the Powder Treason.
• * 4.15

  Ga••net his de∣ciding a case of conscience.
• a 4.16

  Gen. 18. 25.
• b 4.17

  Mat. 13. 29.
• * 4.18

  Two other dif∣ficulties remo∣ved.
• * 4.19

  The odium must be cast on the Puri∣tan.
• * 4.20

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 5
• * 4.21

  Ann. Dom. 1604.
• * 4.22

  Will-worship a painfull labour.
• c 4.23

  Speed's Chro: in King James.
• * 4.24

  God gives them warning to de∣sist, but they will take none.
• d 4.25

  Exod. 14. 25.
• * 4.26

  The latitude of their designe.
• e 4.27

  1 Sam. 26. 8.
• * 4.28

  The apish be∣haviour of Keies.
• * 4.29

  The mysticall Letter.
• f 4.30

  Eccles. 10. 20.
• * 5.1

  Ann. Dom 1605.
• * 5.2

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 4
• * 5.3

  The first search proves ineffe∣ctuall.
• * 5.4

  The second search disco∣vers all.
• * 5.5

  The Traytors slie, and are taken.
• * 5.6

  Catesbi••, and Piercie, fight desperately for their lives.
• * 5.7

  The Lord is just.
• g 5.8

  Gal. 6. 17.
• * 5.9

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 4
• * 5.10

  Ann. Dom. 1605-6.
• * 5.11

  The rest are legally exe∣cuted.
• * 5.12

  Jan. 30.
• * 5.13

  Jan. 31.
• h 5.14

  Stow's Chro: pag. 882.
• i 5.15

  Stow, p. 883.
• * 5.16

  The presum∣ption of a post∣hume report justly cen∣sured.
• * 5.17

  The memory of this treason perpetuated by Act of Parl:
• k 5.18

  Gamblen Brit. in Middlesex.
• * 5.19

  The memory of this treason▪ ••e pe••u••ted by Act of Parl:
• * 5.20

  Ann. Dom. 1605-06
• * 5.21

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 5
• * 5.22

  Iust complaint that the day is no better ob∣served.
• * 5.23

  The death of Archbishop H••tton.
• * 5.24

  A foul mistake r••ctified.
• * 5.25

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 4.
• * 5.26

  Ann. Dom. 1606.
• * 5.27

  The death of the Bishops of Rochester and Chichester.
• l 5.28

  See Bishop Godwin in his Catalogue.
• * 5.29

  Garnet's edu∣cation & early viciousnesse.
• m 5.30

  Attested by Bishop Bilson of Winchester alive at Gar∣net's death, and many years after.
• n 5.31

  Rob Abbot in his Antilogia, Epistle to the Reader.
• * 5.32

  Canvased in the Tower by the Protestant Divines.
• * 5.33

  Confession on∣ly of antefacts.
• * 5.34

  Earl of Saris∣bury's question answered.
• * 5.35

  Ann. Dom. 1606.
• * 5.36

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 5
• o 5.37

  Abbot in An∣tilogia, cap. 1. fol. 5.
• * 5.38

  Garnet his ar∣raignment, & condemnation.
• * 5.39

  May 3
• * 5.40

  Popish false re∣lations dispro∣ved.
• * 5.41

  The solemn tale of Garnet's Straw-miracle.
• p 5.42

  Abbot, lib. ut priùs, cap. 14. sol. 198. out of whom for the main, all this storv is taken, with the confu¦tation thereof.
• * 5.43

  Ann. Dom. 1607.
• * 5.44

  Garnet's pi∣cture appears in a straw.
• * 5.45

  Not presently done.
• * 5.46

  Not perfectly done.
• q 5.47

  Exod. 8. 18.
• * 5.48

  Garnet's be••ti∣fication occasi∣oned by this mock-miracle.
• * 5.49

  Acts against Papists in Par∣liament, but principally the Oath of Obe∣dience.
• r 5.50

  Gen. 26. 20. 21.
• * 6.1

  The Pope his two Breve's against this Oath.
• s 6.2

  See K. James his Works, pag. 250.
• t 6.3

  Extant, ibid. pag. 258.
• u 6.4

  Extant, ibit. pag. 206.
• * 6.5

  Pens 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at pens about ••e lawfulnesse of this Oath.
• * 7.1

  The names, places, and se∣verall employ∣ments of the Translators of the Bible.
• * 7.2

  See our Ca∣talogue of the Hebrew Pro∣fessors in Cam∣bridge to mar∣shall their suc∣cession.
• * 7.3

  The Kings in∣structions to the Transla∣tors.
• * 7.4

  Mr. Lively his death.
• * 7.5

  The death of Dr. Reynolds.
• * 7.6

  May 21
• * 7.7

  He was Ba∣ch••lor of Arts before Bishop Jewels death.
• * 7.8

  A strange en∣counter.
• * 7.9

  Ann. Dom. 1607
• * 7.10

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 5
• * 7.11

  Chap. 12. ver. 4.
• * 7.12

  His admirable parts and piety.
• * 7.13

  Most conform∣able in his pra∣ctice to the Church of England.
• * 7.14

  Dr. Cracken∣thorp, in his De∣fence of the English against Spalato.
• * 7.15

  Mr. Molle his birth and breeding.
• * 7.16

  His sad Di∣lemm••.
• * 7.17

  His constancy in the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 7.18

  His death in durance.
• * 7.19

  So am I in∣formed by a Letter from Mr. H••n Molle his Son.
• * 7.20

  The death of Bishop Vaughan.
• * 7.21

  Mr. Brightmans birth, and breeding.
• * 7.22

  A Patron pa∣ramount.
• * 7.23

  Exceptions a∣gainst Master Brightman's Book.
• * 7.24

  Bodin in his Method of Hi∣story, cap. 7.
• * 7.25

  Chap. 14. v. 18 He maketh Arch-bp. Cran∣mer the Angel to have power over the fire: and Ch. 16. v. 5. He makes Hill•• Cecil Ld Treas. of England the Angel of the waters (if Lord Admirall, it had been more pro∣per) justifying the pouring out of the third viall.
• * 7.26

  His angelical life.
• * 7.27

  His sudden death.
• * 7.28

  Aug. 24.
• * 7.29

  Whence we de∣rive our intel∣ligence.
• * 7.30

  Revel. 14. 4.
• * 7.31

  1608.
• * 7.32

  An Act for Chelsey-Col∣ledge.
• * 7.33

  1609.
• * 7.34

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 7
• * 7.35

  Ann. Dom. 1609.
• * 7.36

  The glory of the designe.
• a 7.37

  2 Chron. 8. 9.
• * 7.38

  K. James His Mortmain, and personal bene∣faction.
• * 7.39

  Dr. Sutcliffe his bounty.
• b 7.40

  2 Sam. 24. 23.
• c 7.41

  2 Kings 4. 38, 39.
• d 7.42

  2 Sa••. 11. 15.
• * 7.43

  The Structure.
• e 7.44

  Ezra 3. 12.
• * 7.45

  The first Pro∣vost and Fel∣lows.
• * 7.46

  The King his Letters to ••he Archbishop: and his to the Bishops.
• * 8.1

  Divers opini∣nions touching the non-pro∣ceeding of the Colledge.
• f 8.2

  Continuation of Stow's Sur∣vey of London, pag. 533.
• * 8.3

  This fift and sixt obstructi∣on signifie no∣thing to dis∣creet men, how∣ever they must passe for com∣pany-sake, and are alledged by some as very materiall.
• * 8.4

  The presen•• sad condition of it.
• * 8.5

  The death of Bishop Overton, Heton, & Ravis.
• g 8.6

  Camdeus Brit: Cambridge-shire
• b 8.7

  Part is of the Diocesse of Norwich.
• i 8.8

  A Manuscript of the Bishops of Elie, lent me by Mr. Wright:
• * 8.9

  Nich: Fuller in∣gages for his Clients.
• * 8.10

  Ann. Dom. 1610.
• * 8.11

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 8
• * 8.12

  To the losse of his own liberty and life.
• k 8.13

  Master Douse Fuller of Berk. Esq.
• * 8.14

  The l••st Sessi ••n of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, P••r••••ament.
• * 8.15

  The death of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ba∣bington
• * 8.16

  May 17.
• l 8.17

  Anthony Ba∣bington of De∣thi••k in Derby∣shire.
• * 8.18

  His parts and praise.
• * 8.19

  The death of Archbishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 8.20

  Nov. 2.
• * 8.21

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 9
• * 8.22

  Ann. Dom. 1611.
• * 8.23

  Vindicated from cruelty.
• * 8.24

  And the asper∣sion of Cove∣tousness
• m 8.25

  M••. Arthur Wilson.
• * 8.26

  Falsly traduced for Popish in∣clinations.
• * 8.27

  A good Patron of Church-Revenues.
• * 8.28

  The new Tran∣slation of the Bible finished by the Com∣mand of King Iames, and care of some chosen Divines.
• a 8.29

  Gen. 29. 10.
• * 8.30

  The causlesse Cavil the Pa∣pists thereat.
• b 8.31

  Loca ad Octo millia annotata atque emendata à nobis sunt. Is••d: Clarius in in Praes. Bibl. Sacrosanct. Edit. Venctik 1542. but which in the following Edition is left out.
• * 8.32

  They take ex∣ceptions at the severall senses of words noted in the Margine.
• c 8.33

  Sixtus Quin∣tus Praes. Bibl.
• d 8.34

  On the Se∣cond Thes. 2. cap.
• * 8.35

  Some Brethren complain for lack of the Ge∣neva Annota∣tions.
• * 8.36

  Doctor H in Oxford 〈◊〉〈◊〉 inveigh∣eth against the Geneva N••tes.
• * 9.1

  Eccles. 1. 7.
• * 9.2

  Dangerous O∣pinions broach∣ed by Conradus Vorstius.
• * 9.3

  Reasons mo∣ving K. James to Oppose him
• e 9.4

  In His De∣claration a∣gainst Vorflius, p. 365.
• f 9.5

  See Camden's Elizabeth, anno 1581.
• * 9.6

  The States en∣tertain not the motion of K. James against Vorstius, accor∣ding to just ex∣pectation.
• * 9.7

  Vorstius gives no satisfaction in his new De∣claration.
• * 9.8

  Ann. Dom 1611.
• * 9.9

  Ann. Regis Jac. 9
• * 9.10

  K. James setteth forth a Decla∣ration against Vorstius, si••st written in French, Since by His leave Translated in∣to English, and amongst His o∣ther Works.
• * 9.11

  The character of Bartholomew Legate.
• * 9.12

  Discourse be••∣twixt K. James, and Legate.
• g 9.13

  James Arch∣bishop of Ar∣magh, from whose mouth I had the Re∣lation.
• * 9.14

  Bishop King grav••ll••••h him with a place of Scripture.
• h 9.15

  1 P••t. 2. 25.
• * 9.16

  Wholsome cau∣tion premised before the na∣ming of Le∣gate's blasphe∣mies.
• * 9.17

  Condemned for an obsti∣nate Heretick.
• * 9.18

  Mar. 3.
• * 9.19

  Mar. 11.
• * 9.20

  Quae••es left to Lawyers to de∣cide.
• i 9.21

  De natura bre∣••ium, fol. 269. 2.
• * 9.22

  Legate burnt in Smithfield.
• * 9.23

  Mar. 18.
• * 9.24

  Wightman worse than Legate.
• * 9.25

  April 11.
• k 9.26

  So reckned up in the Warrant for his burn∣ing.
• l 9.27

  Jude 6.
• * 9.28

  The successe of this severity.
• * 9.29

  The death of Master S••tton Founder of that famous Hospitall.
• m 9.30

  2 Sam. 12. 28.
• * 9.31

  The severall Manours be∣longing there∣unto.
• n 9.32

  Isa. 23. 8.
• * 9.33

  The Iesuits car∣ping at his good work.
• o 9.34

  2 part. 1. ch. 2. parag.
• * 9.35

  His politick modesty in his corrective.
• * 9.36

  Answers to Je∣suits Cavils.
• * 9.37

  M. Sutto••s con∣stant prayer.
• * 9.38

  Sutton's Hospi∣tall how ex∣ceeding the Annuntiata.
• p 9.39

  Stow's Survey of London, p. 43.
• * 9.40

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 10.
• * 9.41

  Ann. Dom. 1612.
• * 9.42

  Nov. 6.
• * 9.43

  The death and pray•• of Pr. HENRY.
• g 9.44

  Made by Mr. George Herbert.
• * 9.45

  Feb. 14.
• * 9.46

  The Marriage of the Palatine.
• * 9.47

  11.
• * 9.48

  1613.
• * 9.49

  Essex his Di∣vorce discussed.
• * 9.50

  A memorable Speech of Bishop King.
• * 9.51

  Ann. Dom. 1613.
• * 9.52

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 11
• * 9.53

  Anne Coun∣tess of Bedford.
• * 9.54

  Wadham-Col∣ledge sounded.
• * 9.55

  Where former∣ly a Monastery of Augustine••s.
• r 9.56

  viz. An. 1634.
• * 9.57

  A Parliament suddenly cal∣led, soon dis∣solved.
• * 9.58

  The death of Bishop Rudde.
• * 9.59

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 12
• * 9.60

  Ann. Dom. 1614.
• * 9.61

  A remarkable 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 9.62

  Mar. 12.
• * 9.63

  The Bishop by ••lain preach∣ing, gains the Queens ••avour.
• * 9.64

  And by too per∣sonal preach∣ing, loseth it again.
• * 9.65

  Yet did gene∣rally beloved and lamented.
• * 9.66

  Causabon invi∣ted into Eng∣land.
• * 9.67

  Where he dy∣••th, and is buried.
• * 9.68

  The supposed occasion of Mr. Selden's writing against the Di∣vine Right of Tithes.
• * 9.69

  Mar. 7.
• a 9.70

  Authour of Dr. Preston's Life.
• * 9.71

  Many write in Answer to his Book.
• * 9.72

  1615.
• * 9.73

  13.
• * 9.74

  Melvin freed from the Tower.
• * 9.75

  ali••s Reli∣giosa.
• * 9.76

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 13
• * 9.77

  Ann. Dom. 1615.
• * 9.78

  The death of Bishop Bilson.
• * 9.79

  Campian his falshood.
• * 9.80

  1616. Dec. 6.
• * 9.81

  Archbishop of Spalato.
• b 9.82

  viz anno 1622.
• * 9.83

  Mar. 14.
• * 9.84

  The King goes into Scotland.
• c 9.85

  Gen. 13. 2, 3.
• * 9.86

  The death of Bishop James.
• * 9.87

  Bishop Robinson and Bishop Bennet.
• * 9.88

  Doctor Mocket his Translati∣on of our En∣glish Liturgie.
• * 9.89

  Cavilled at by many.
• d 9.90

  Yet ••um Pri∣vilegio, is pre∣fixt on the first page.
• * 9.91

  Ann. Dom. 1617
• * 9.92

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 15
• e 9.93

  In his Politica Ecclesiae Angl. cap 5. p. 314. The pinching accusation.
• f 9.94

  ibid. pag. 309.
• * 9.95

  Imperiall De∣crees command not in England.
• * 9.96

  On the burn∣ing of his Book Dr. Mocket dyeth.
• * 9.97

  The death of Robert Abbot Bishop of Sa∣lisbury.
• * 9.98

  Mar. 2.
• g 9.99

  Abel Redivi∣vus, pag. 540.
• h 9.100

  Dr. Fealty in the Life 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bp. Abbor, p. 549.
• * 9.101

  The Imp. stu••e of the Boy of Bil••on.
• * 9.102

  Found ou•• by Bishop Mo••cton.
• * 9.103

  Cheaters of several kindes.
• i 9.104

  See Bp. Hars∣net his Book on this subject, pag. 81.
• k 9.105

  John G••••'s Foot out of the snare, pag. 53.
• l 9.106

  Idem pag. 54.
• m 9.107

  Idem p. 55.
• n 9.108

  Prov. 25. 2. King James his dexterity in de∣tecting them.
• * 9.109

  Ann. Dom. 1618.
• * 9.110

  Ann. Regis Jac. 16
• * 9.111

  The Kings De∣claration for li∣berty on the Lords day.
• * 9.112

  May 24.
• * 9.113

  The various effects thereof.
• a 9.114

  So it was in the Reign of King Charles, Anno 1633.
• * 9.115

  Reasons of the re••a••ers to pu∣blish this De∣claration.
• b 9.116

  Gal. 2. 18.
• c 9.117

  Ephes. 5. 11.
• d 9.118

  Isa. 10. 1.
• e 9.119

  Junius & Pi∣scator on the place.
• f 9.120

  2 Cor. 13. 10.
• * 9.121

  The Argu∣ments for the lawful publish∣ing of the De∣claration.
• g 9.122

  Optatus Mel••∣vitanus, lib. 7.
• h 9.123

  Contra Fau∣stum, lib. 22. cap. 75.
• i 9.124

  Lib. 2. Ep. 61.
• * 9.125

  A third sort re∣solve on a strange expedient.
• * 9.126

  Laucashire Mi∣nisters more scared than hurt.
• * 9.127

  A third sort read it with ap∣probation of the contents therein.
• * 9.128

  The Heretical Opinions of John Thra••ke
• k 9.129

  Mat. 13. 15.
• * 9.130

  These Instru∣ctions I saw transcribed out of Dr. Dave∣nant his own Manuscript.
• * 9.131

  Octo. 8.
• * 9.132

  20.
• * 9.133

  27.
• * 9.134

  Nov. 3.
• l 9.135

  Acts Synodi Dordratenae pag. 64.
• * 9.136

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 9.137

  Weekly intel∣ligence to the King from his Divines.
• m 9.138

  Prov. 30. 4.
• * 9.139

  Dec. 10.
• * 9.140

  Mr. Balcanquall admitted into the Synod.
• * 9.141

  17.
• * 9.142

  1619.
• * 9.143

  Dr. Hall his return thence.
• * 9.144

  Ann. Dom. 1619
• * 9.145

  Ann. Reg. Jac. 17
• n 9.146

  1 Sam. 17. 12.
• * 9.147

  Doctor Goad in the room of Dr. Hall.
• * 9.148

  Ann. Reg. Jan. 7.
• * 10.1

  Mat. 13. 46.
• * 10.2

  The Belgick Confession presented in the Synod.
• o 10.3

  Appeal, p. 70.
• p 10.4

  Appeal, p. 108.
• * 10.5

  April 29.
• * 10.6

  The States bounty to the British Di∣vines.
• * 10.7

  Their Letter to K. James.
• * 10.8

  The British Divines return into England.
• q 10.9

  Removing Carleton to Ch∣cbester, prefer∣ing Davenant to Salisbury, and bestowing the Mastership of the Savoy on Balcanquall.
• * 10.10

  This Synod di∣versly censu∣red. Iohn 7.12.
• s 10.11

  M. Iohn Good∣win in his Re∣demption Re∣deem'd, cap. 15. parag. 24. pag. 395.
• t 10.12

  Mat. 14.9.
• * 10.13

  The Suggesters surmise most improbable.
• u 10.14

  Acts 25. 26.
• w 10.15

  Gen. 31. 50.
• * 10.16

  Bishop Hall his Letter to the Author.
• * 10.17

  Gen. 43. 27.
• * 11.1

  The death of Bp. Montague.
• * 11.2

  A strange acci∣dent at his burial.
• * 11.3

  The death of Bp. Overall.
• * 11.4

  A great abuse of the King's favour.
• * 11.5

  Ann. Reg. Ja. 19.
• * 11.6

  Ann. Dom. 1621.
• * 11.7

  Archbishop ca∣sually killed a Ke••per.
• * 11.8

  The mischance rigidly censured.
• * 11.9

  Many Cano∣nists quickly made.
• * 11.10

  Note that these Canons were never ad∣mitted Lawes in England.
• * 11.11

  Archbishops may hunt by the Laws of the Land.
• * 11.12

  From the French macte de chiens.
• * 11.13

  Bp. Andrewes the Archbi∣shops great friend.
• * 11.14

  His restitution and mortifica∣tion.
• * 11.15

  Ann. Dom. 1621.
• * 11.16

  Ann. Regis Jac. 19
• * 11.17

  A project a∣gainst the Cler∣gy to get mo∣ney.
• * 11.18

  Declined by the Lord Treasurer.
• * 11.19

  Who is truly excused.
• * 11.20

  Frequent in his House at Cop••hall.
• * 11.21

  The L. Bacon outed ••or B••ibery.
• * 11.22

  Jan. 20.
• * 11.23

  Sir Fr. S.
• * 11.24

  An 〈…〉〈…〉 his character.
• * 11.25

  Bishop Williams made Lord Keeper.
• * 11.26

  July 10.
• * 11.27

  Some causlesly offended.
• * 11.28

  Yet Sir Ch. Hatton was ne∣ver bred a Lawyer.
• * 11.29

  His eminent abilities.
• * 11.30

  Well manage the place.
• * 11.31

  A still-born Convocation.
• * 11.32

  Young Merit Casaubon vindi∣cates his Father from railers.
• * 11.33

  The good effect of his endea∣vours.
• * 11.34

  William Laud Bp. of S. Davids.
• * 11.35

  When I wrote this, I intended to close my History at K. Iames his d••ath, since by impor∣tunity urged to continue it farther.
• * 11.36

  Io••n K••ng Bp. of London di••s.
• * 11.37

  pag. 775:
• * 11.38

  His eminen∣cies.
• * 11.39

  A loud L••e.
• * 11.40

  Born at Thame in Oxford-shire.
• * 11.41

  Will. Cotton Bp. of Exeter dies, whom Valen∣tine Carew suc∣ceeds.
• * 11.42

  Robert Townson Bishop of Salis∣bury dies, whom John Davenant succeeds.
• * 11.43

  The death of Dr. And. W••••••e••.
• * 11.44

  And of Dr. Richard Parry.
• * 11.45

  Godwin in E∣piscopis As••∣phenfibus.
• * 11.46

  The death of Mr. Fr. Mason.
• * 11.47

  Ann. Reg.
• * 11.48

  Ann. Dom.
• * 12.1

  ••ide supra, pag. 71. sect. 45.
• * 12.2

  Ja. 20
• * 12.3

  1622.
• * 12.4

  The causes of Spalato's com∣ing over.
• a 12.5

  In his Book called Confilium Proscotionis, pag. 15, 16, 17.
• b 12.6

  Ibid. pag. 34.
• c 12.7

  Ibid. pag. 76.
• * 12.8

  His b••untifull entertainment.
• * 12.9

  He is richly preferred by K. James.
• * 12.10

  Mr. Caesar Ca∣lendrine Mini∣ster of the Dutch Church.
• * 12.11

  His great ava∣••ice.
• d 12.12

  In 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 1. De Repub. E••l. num. 6.
• e 12.13

  •• or pri pag. 191.
• * 12.14

  Ann. Reg. Ja 20
• * 12.15

  Ann. Dom. 1622.
• * 12.16

  Another in∣stance of his ungratefull covetousness.
• * 12.17

  His learned Writings a∣gainst Romish errour.
• f 12.18

  Dan. 12. 4.
• g 12.19

  In ••ectione, me∣ditatione, & scriptione p••ne marcesco. Resp. Archiepis. Spal. Feb. 11. ad Ar∣tic. 3. 1622.—
• * 12.20

  The jeerer jee∣red.
• * 12.21

  Spalato his hy∣pocrisie disco∣vered.
• * 12.22

  Ann. Dom. 1622.
• * 12.23

  Ann. Regis. Ja. 20
• * 12.24

  He is incensed ••••th a repulse.
• * 13.1

  Ann. Reg. Ja. 19
• * 13.2

  Ann. Dom. 1621
• * 13.3

  Jan. 16.
• * 13.4

  21.
• * 13.5

  31.
• * 13.6

  Reasons plea∣ded for his re∣turn.
• * 13.7

  Spalato's second Letter to King James.
• * 14.1

  viz. That the King had em∣ployed Spalato to the Pope, to make a recon∣ciliation be∣twixt us and Rome.
• * 14.2

  Feb. 3.
• * 14.3

  1622.
• * 14.4

  Mar. 30.
• * 14.5

  Desires in vain still to stay.
• * 14.6

  Departeth to Rome.
• b 14.7

  Dr. Barkham in his Dedica∣tory Epistle to King James.
• i 14.8

  Mat. 12. 44.
• * 14.9

  Ann. Reg. Ja. 20
• * 14.10

  Ann. Dom. 1622.
• * 14.11

  Retu••ns to his railing vomit.
• k 14.12

  In his Book, call'd, Cencilium Reditus, pag. 9.
• l 14.13

  Ibid. pag. 5.
• * 14.14

  Lives at Rome not loved, and di••s unlamen∣ted.
• * 14.15

  Cardinal Cle∣sel's neglected friendship de∣structive to Spalato.
• * 14.16

  Sp••lato's body burnt after his death.
• * 14.17

  The word Pu∣ritane how first abused by Spalato.
• * 14.18

  His unpartial character.
• m 14.19

  1 Tim. 1. 19.
• * 14.20

  Three other Italian juglers.
• n 14.21

  Hos. 7. 8.
• p 14.22

  Revel. 3. 4.
• * 14.23

  The Spanish Match the dis∣course general.
• * 14.24

  Gondoma•• pro∣cures the in∣largment of all Iesu••s.
• * 14.25

  A malicious Comment on a mercifull Text.
• p 15.1

  Mr. Pr•••• in loc.
• q 15.2

  Jo Gee in his Foot out of the snare.
• * 15.3

  Bitter Comple∣ments betwixt Gondomar and the Earl of Oxford.
• * 15.4

  Dec. 21.
• * 15.5

  The death of Master Henry C••pinger.
• r 15.6

  Pantalcon de Illustribus Ger∣maniae in Vitae Lutheri. p. 82.—
• * 15.7

  A free Patrone, and faithfull Incumbent well met.
• * 15.8

  His long and good life.
• * 15.9

  A Conference with Iesuits.
• * 15.10

  Dec. 21.
• * 15.11

  The fat••l Ve∣spers at Black-Fryers.
• * 15.12

  Octob. 26.
• * 15.13

  Death without giving any warning.
• * 15.14

  1623.
• * 15.15

  Ann. Reg. Ja. 21
• * 15.16

  Ann. Dom. 1623.
• * 15.17

  •• will sing of m••rcy and justice.
• * 15.18

  A fair and true verdict.
• * 15.19

  Beware wilde∣wishes.
• * 15.20

  Jo. Gee in his Book called the Foot out of the snare.
• * 15.21

  A Caveat to Rome.
• * 16.1

  Plut. in his Life.
• * 16.2

  The Arch∣bishops Letter against a To∣leration.
• * 17.1

  Toleration the general table∣talk argued.
• * 17.2

  The Pulpit is loud against the Toleration.
• * 17.3

  Ann. Dom. 1623.
• * 17.4

  Ann. Regis Ja 21.
• a 17.5

  Deht. 22. 10.
• b 17.6

  Neh. 13. 24.
• c 17.7

  Rom. 3. 8.
• * 17.8

  His Majesties care to regulate Preaching.
• d 17.9

  Cabala part. 2. pag. 191.
• * 18.1

  His Directi∣ons.
• * 19.1

  Various cen∣sures on the Kings Letters.
• * 19.2

  A needlesse subject waved.
• * 19.3

  A Crown not joyed in.
• * 19.4

  K. Iames accu∣sed by some.
• * 19.5

  Defended by others.
• * 19.6

  Both the Pala∣tinates lost.
• * 19.7

  Land of Pro∣mise; Now Land of Per∣formance.
• * 19.8

  The nether Palatinate.
• * 19.9

  Prince Charles goes to Spain.
• * 19.10

  His return.
• * 19.11

  Sept. 12.
• * 19.12

  * The Reader is requested to pardon our short setting back of time.
• * 19.13

  Octob. 5. 6.
• * 19.14

  The Palatinate beheld despe∣rate.
• * 19.15

  An happy Par∣liament.
• * 19.16

  The Convoca∣tion.
• * 19.17

  Doctor Donne Prolocutor.
• * 19.18

  A Book falsly fathered on I. Casaubon.
• * 19.19

  The falshood detected.
• * 19.20

  Yet still con∣••hued.
• * 19.21

  Ann. Regis Ja. 22.
• * 19.22

  Ann. Dom. 1624.
• * 19.23

  None of the work counsel.
• * 19.24

  King Iames falleth sick.
• * 19.25

  A confluence of four mis∣chiefs.
• * 19.26

  A plaster ap∣plied to His wrists,
• * 19.27

  And Julip without the advice of His Physicians.
• * 19.28

  Catechized on His death-bed in His Faith and Charity.
• * 19.29

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 24.
• * 19.30

  His death.
• * 19.31

  Of a peaceable nature.
• * 19.32

  Stowes Chro. p. 819.
• * 19.33

  Made Nobility lesse respected by the com∣monnesse thereof.
• * 19.34

  His eloquence,
• * 19.35

  And piercing wit.
• * 19.36

  King Iames his return to Gon∣domer.
• * 19.37

  Judicious, bountifull, and mercifull.