The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

THE SEVENTH CENTURY.

AMICO SVO GR. B.

SOcrates interrogatus, quo Philtro Natura Sympathias concilia∣ret, quidve esset in causa, ut alii hominum primo occursu ament medullitus, alii sibi mutuò sint infensi; hanc rationem reddidit.

Deus, inquit, ab aeterno quicquid futurum esset animarum crea∣vit; creatas, per immensum temporis spatium in uno cumulo collocavit; collocatas, corporibus, prout indies generantur, in∣fundit. Hinc est, si contingat vel fortuitum consortium inter eos homines, quorum animae in hoc acervo propinquiores, quòd primo visu (quasi veteris vicinitatis memores) se invicem diligant; dum isti, primo intuitu, antipathiae stimulis urgeantur, quorum animae adversantes diametricè opponebantur.

Fateor commentum hoc Socraticum à Theologia abhorrere; & in Philosophia plurimis asystatis laborare. Quod si ei sub∣esset tantum veritatis, quantum ingenii, sanct▪ ssimè voverem, in hoc animarum cumulo Tuam & Meam contiguas olim jacuisse; cum Te primum conspectum & animitus amarem, & à Te redamarer.

1. MUch about this time Pope Gregory sent two Arch-Bi∣shops Palls into England; the one fora London, the other for York. The former of these Cities had been honoured with an Arch-bishop's See some hun∣dred yeares since King Lucius. But at the instance of Augustine, and by a new Order of the foresaid Gregory, this Pall sent to London, was removed thence to Canterbury, (whereof Augustine was made Arch-Bishop) and there, for the future, fixed and confirmed for severall Reasons. First, London already had Lustre enough, be∣ing the biggest City in Britain; and it was needlesse to adde new Spirituall to her old Temporall Greatnesse; which conjoyned, might cause Pride in any one place, whilest divided▪ they might give Honour to two Cities. Secondly, London, by reason of the Receit thereof, was likely to prove the residing place for the English Monarch; and it was probable that the Archiepiscopall Dignity would there be eclipst and out-shined by the Regall Diadem. Thirdly, had Augustine been Arch-Bishop of London, he might have seemed to succed the British Arch-Bishops, and to have derived some Right from them, con∣trary

to his Humour, who would Lead All, but Follow None; and therefore would not wear an Old Title, but have a span-New Arch-Bishops Chaire carved out for himself. Lastly, Canterbury was the place, wherein Chri∣stianity was first received by the Saxons, and therefore deserved to be ho∣noured, to perpetuate the Memory thereof. Thus London hereafter must be contented with the plain Seat of a Bishop, the Mother being made a Daughter, and must come behind Canterbury, which did much wrong, and perchance something trouble her. But Churches have more Discretion and Humility, then to break their Hearts about earthly Precedency: and the matter is not much, which See went first, when living; seeing our Age hath laid them both alike levell in their Graves.

2. Augustine thus armed with Archiepiscopall Authority, to shew a Cast of his Office, by the Aid of Ethelbert King of Kent, called a Councill, for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together, in the Confines of the Wic∣cians and West-Saxons. An indifferent Place, for mutuall Ease, in mid-way be∣twixt both; haply presaging, that as their distant Persons met on equall termes, so their opposite Opinions might agree in some Moderation. The particular Place was called AUGUSTINES AKE (that is his Oak, in our modern Dialect) whicha Stapleton (mistaken by the affinity of Wiccii or Veccii, with Vectis, the Latine name for the Isle of Wight) seeketh near Southampton; where, indeed, he may find many Oaks in the New Forest, and yet misse the right one. For this Oak stood in the Confines ofb VVorcester and Herefordshire (though at this day Time hath confounded it Root and Branch) and therefore this Meeting is in Latine called Synodusc Vigorniensis. Many solemn Entertainments, we know, were anciently made underd Trees: and a Palm-tree served Deborah for her VVestminster-Hall, wherein she judgede Israel. But severall reasons are assigned, why Augustine kept this Council under an Oak. First, so publick a place was free from Exceptions; whereunto none were debarred Accesse. Secondly, being congregated under the view of Hea∣ven, and not pent within the Walles of a private House, they were minded of clear, fair, and open Proceedings, without secret Ends, or sinister Intents. Thirdly, perchance some Pagan Saxons (allured with Novelty) would re∣pair to the Council, whose Icalousy was such, as in no case they would come under a Roof, for fear off Fascination, as hath been formerly observed. Lastly, Augustine knowing that the Pagan Britans performed their Supersti∣tions under ang Oak, celebrated his Synod under the same, in some Imitation, and yet a Correction of their Idolatry: As in a religious Parallel, Pagan Tem∣ples had formerly by him been converted into Churches of Saints. But when all is done, the matter is not so clear, but that the place called Augustine's Oak, may as well be a Town as a Tree, so called from some eminent Oak in, at, or near it: as the Vine in Hampshire, so named from Vines anciently growing there, is a beautifull House, and principall Seat, where the Barons Sandes have their Habitation. And, what is most apposite for our purpose, Sozo∣men calleth the Place where Theophilus kept a Synod against S^t. Chrysostome, the Oak; which, notwithstanding, is notoriously known to have been a populous Suburb of the City of Chalcedon.

3. At the first Sessions of this Synod there was a very thin Appearance of the Britans: of whom Augustine demanded, that they should mutually con∣tribute with him their Paines to convert the Heathen in Britain, and that they should submit to the Pope, and embrace an Uniformity with the Romish Rites, especially in the Celebration of Easter. What their Answer was, it is pitty it should be delivered in any other Words, then what the Abbot of Ranchor, be∣ing the Mouth for the rest, represented, as followeth; and let it shift, as well as it can, for its own authenticalness.

BId ispis a diogel i, chwi ynbod ni holl vn ac arral, yn vuidd ac ynn ostingedig i Eglwys Duw, ac ir Paab o Ruvam, ac i Boob Kyar grisdic n dwyuel, y garu pawb yn i radd mewn ka∣riad parfaich, ac ihelpio pawb o honaunt ar air a guec∣thred i vod ynn blant yDaw, ac amgenach wyddod nc hwn nidadwen i vod ir neb yr yddeck chwi y henwi yn Paab ne in Daad o Daad, yw glemio ac ywo ovunn: ar uvyd∣dod hivn idden in yn varod yw rodde ac yw dalu iddo ef ac i pob Krisdion yn drag∣widdol. He uid yry dym ni dan lywodrath Esoob Kaer∣llion ar Wysc, yr hien ysidd yn oligwr dan Duw ar nom ni, y wuenthud i ni gadwr fordd ysbrydol.

BE it knovvn and vvithout doubt unto you, that vve all are, and every one of us, obedient and subjects to the Church of God, and to the Pope of Rome, and to every godly Christian, to love every one in his degree in perfect Charity, and to help every one of them, by vvord and deed to be the children of God: and other Obe∣dience then this I do not knovv due to him vvhom you name to be Pope, nor to be the Father of Fa∣thers, to be claimed and to be de∣manded. And this Obedience vve are ready to give, and to pay to him, and to every Christian conti∣nually. Besides, vve are under the government of the Bishop of Kaerlion upon Uske, vvho is to oversee under God over us, to cause us to keep the vvay spiri∣tuall.

See we here the Pedigree of the British Church, which the shorter the ancien∣ter, the fewer Steps it had, the higher it reached. They were subject in Spirituall matters to the Bishop of Caer-lion, and above him unto God, with∣out any subordination unto the Pope: so that it was more then a Presump∣tion, that Religion came into Britain, not by the Semicircle of Rome, but in a Direct Line from the Asiatick Churches. We must not forget, that though many yeares since, the Archiepiscopal See of the Britans was removed from Caer-lion to S^t. Davids; yet it still retained the Title of Caer-lion, as of the first and most famous place.

4. A late Papist much impugneth the Credit of this Manuscript (as made since the Dayes of King Henry the eighth) and cavilleth at the VVelsh there∣of, as modern, and full of false Spelling. He need not have used so much Violence to wrest it out of our Hands, who can part with it without con∣siderable Losse to our selves, or Gain to our Adversaries; for it is but a Breviate or Abstract of those Passages, which in Bede and other Authours appear most true, of the British refusing Subjection to the See of Rome. Whilest therefore the Chapter is Canonicall, it matters not if the Contents be Apocrypha (as the Additions of some wel-meaning Scribe.) And though this VVelsh be far later then the Dayes of Abbot Dinoth, and the English (added in the ori∣ginall) later then the VVelsh; yet the Latin, as ancienter then both, containeth nothing contrary to the sense of all Authours, which write this Intercourse betwixt Augustine and the VVelsh Nation.

5. But this Synod in fine proved ineffectuall, the British Bishops refusing to submit, and Augustine to communicate with them without such Sub∣mission. Whereupon, at Augustine's motion, a Blind man was publick∣ly

presented amongst them: on whom the British Bishops practised in vain with their Prayers, to restore him to his Sight; which, at the Request of Au∣gustine to God, wasa presently and perfectly performed. This Miracle con∣vinced the Britans, that Augustine was in the right for the criticall Observa∣tion of Easter. But yet, they could not absque suorum consensu ac licentia, without the National Consent of their own People, and principall Elders therein, renounce their ancient Customes, to embrace new Practices. In∣deed, as for their submitting to Augustine's Jurisdiction, they apprehended it unsafe for the present, and mischievous for the future; having another Civil Government under Kings of their own, and suspecting his Spirituall Power might in processe of time intrench upon their Temporall Liberty.

6. Departing hence, the Britans repaired to an Aged Anchoret, chara∣ctered by Beda to be sanctus & prudens, holy and wise (and none would wish his Counseller better qualified) and craved his Advise, how hereafter they should behave themselves in the next Synod, wherein they had pro∣mised to give Augustine a meeting: which out of our Authour may thus be Dialogue-wise digested.

British Bishops. Anchoret.

Brit. B.

Are we bound to desert our Traditions at the Preaching of Augustine?

Anch.

If he be a Man of God, follow him.

Brit. B.

But how shall we be able to make Triall thereof?

Anch.

Theb Lord saith, Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek, and lowly in heart. If therefore this Augustine be Milde, and Humble in heart, it is credible that he himself beareth the Yoke of Christ, and tendereth the same to be born of you: but if he be Cruel, and Proud, it appeareth that he is not of God, neither ought ye to heed what he saith.

Brit. B.

But how shall we make Discovery hereof?

Anch.

Contrive it so, that he & his may come first into the Place of the Synod. And if he rise up when you draw near unto him, hear him then obe∣diently, knowing him for a Servant of Christ: but if he slighteth you, and vouchsaseth not to rise up unto you (seeing you are moe in Number) let him be slighted by you.

Armed with these Instructions, the British Bishops advance to the second Synod. Where Augustine, Pontifically sitting in his Chair, at their En∣trance, entertained them onely with Neglect and Contempt; which by the Britans was accordingly requited.

7. Herein that stately Prelate forgot S^t. Gregorie's Precept to him, Notc to proceed too rigorously in the Alteration of Ceremonies, but to allow a Latitude according to Time and Place. Oh, for a little in him of S^t. Paul's Temper, who wasd made all things to all men, that by all means he might gain some. Had Au∣gustine's Joynts been suppled with the Oyl of Humility, one bended Knee might probably have bowed many Hearts unto him; whereas now he lost their Affections. Pride being an unwinning Quality, rendering the Proud party scorned by his Betters, hated by his Equals, feared (perchance) by his In∣feriours, but loved by None. Had not he, who is said to have cured the Blind, need to have his own Eies opened herein? Who, though he be commonly called Augustine the lesse, in distinction from his Name-sake, Father S^t. Augustine of Hippo; yet may be allowed Augustine the great, if a Measure be taken from the Dimensions of his Pride and Haughtinesse.

8. We passe now from this Augustine's Pride, to his Prophesie: who en∣raged at the British Bishops, for denying Subjection unto him, flatly fell a menacing them; that, seeing they would not submit to his Motion, and

joyn with him in Preaching to the Saxons, soon after they should feel the force of their Enemies Sword, and be suddenly confounded by those, whom they would not endeavour to convert. Which accordingly came to passe.

9. For not longafter, Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northumberland, ha∣ving conquered Chester, invaded VVales, and bade the Britans battel. A∣mongst them was a Regiment of the Monks of Bangor, all naked, and unar∣med, save with Tears and P••ayers (whole Vollies whereof they discharged to Heaven for the good Successe of their Country-men) being all by them∣selves upon an Advantage of Ground; and one Brockmaile a Britan (as Captain of their Life-guard) had a Company of Souldiers to defend them. Ethelfride being informed that these Monks prayed against him, concluded them to be his effectual Enemies, though otherwise offering him no Hostility; and fiercely falling on them, put twelve hundred of them to the Sword, fifty onely escaping: Brockmaile most basely deserting them, whom he was set to defend.

10. But here some Birds sing a different Note from the rest, which must be listened unto; namely, such Authours, considerable for their Number, Antiquity, Gravity, and Learning, who accuse this Augustine for the Designer of the Death and Destruction of these innocent British Monks: so that he cunningly foretold, what he himself cruelly intended to fulfill. Thus, well might Iezabel, whoa calleth herself a Prophetesse, certainly foreshew the death of Naboth, for denying his Vine-yard to Ahab, when she had purposely be∣fore-hand packed and plotted the same. An heavy Accusation if true, that Augustine (to use myb Friend's Expression) Gregorii Vicarius, should be Gregis sicarius; & Ecclesiae futurae Anglicanae Conversor, should be praesentis Britannicae everfor; so that instead of a Prophets Reward, he deserved the Punish∣ment of a Murderer. But to clear this point, conceive we a Grand-Jury of four and twenty judicious Readers empannelled, before whom the Memory of Augustine is indicted of Murder, and Witnesses produced on both Sides. Let none censure me, if in these Proceedings my Pen failes in legal Forma∣lities, such Exactnesse not being by me intended, but onely some general Conformity with a Law-triall, to fix the History in our Fancies with more Pleasure and Delight.

11. The Bill first was solemnly read, running to this effect, That Augu∣stine the Monk (commonly called the English Apostle) not having the Feare of God before his Eyes, out of fore-thought Malice, feloniously did plot, project, and contrive the Murther of twelve hundred Monks of Bangor, by soliciting Ethel∣bert the Christian King of Kent, to move Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northum∣berland, with force of Armes to kill and slay the Monks aforesaid, &c. An Ac∣cusation so hainous, that at first it filled the whole Jury with Silence, Hor∣rour, and Amazement; till afterwards they recollected themselves to attend unto the following Witnesses.

1. Ieffery Monmouth, whose Welsh Bloud was up, as concern'd in the Cause of his Country-men; Ethelbert King of Kent (saidc he) when he saw the Britans disdaining to yield Subjection to Augustine, and that they scorned to be subject to himself, stirred up the Northumberlanders, and other Saxon Princes, that gathering a great Army against the City of Ban∣gor, they should go forth to destroy the Abbot Dionoth, and the other Clergy, who had formerly slighted them.

2. Thomas Gray, an oldd Chronicler (as it is written in French) brought in this Evidence, That Augustine being refused of the Christian Britans, enflamed Ethelbertus King of Kent to levy his Power, and to war against them, himself being also in company, (as in the old Abstract of Chro∣nicles is recorded) and marching with him towards the Slaughter; Where they had no more regard of Mercy, then a Wolf hath upon a Sheep.

3. Nicolus Trivet, a Dominican, who wrote some three hundred years since,a deposed, That Ethelbert King of Kent, being highly offended in∣cited Ethelfride King of Northumberland, and other petty Saxon Kings, because they had contemned Augustine in the Council, &c.

4. Elsebiensis Monachus commenting on those words of Merlin, Delebitur iterum Religio, Religion shall again be destroyed, thusb expoundeth them; This was afterwards fulfilled, either by Gormund, or by Augustine, who caused twelve hundred Monks to be slain at Bangor in Wales, because they obeyed him not in a Councill.

These Testimonies much moved the Jury; who, notwithstanding, reserved their other Eare, as it became Honest men, to hearken to the Depostions in Augustine's behalf.

12. Amongst these, that ofc Bede was most materiall: Sicque completum est praesagium sancti Pontificis Augustini [quamvis ipso jam multo antè tempore ad coelest▪ a regna sublato] ut etiam temporalis interitus ultionem sentirent perfidi, quòd oblata sibi perpetuae salutis consilia spreverant. Which words (for, it is sea∣sonably remembred, all Pleas must now be in English) may thus be translated; And so the prophesy of holy Bishop Augustine was fulfilled [although himself long before that was taken out of this Life to the Kingdome of Heaven] that also the treacherous People might feel the Revenge of Temporal Ruine, because they had despised the Counsells of Eternall Salvation offered unto them.

13. Much Difference arose hereabouts: the rather, because some urged that Parenthesis (Although himself long before, &c.) to have been studious∣ly interpolated in Bede, on purpose for the Purgation of Augustine, by some in after-Ages that favoured him; alledging, that it is not in the ancient Saxon Copies, being put in as a piece of new Cloth into an old Garment, with intent to fill it up, but in event making it worse; because this Passage checketh the Pen of Bede in the full Speed thereof (no lesse against the Rules of History, then of Horsemanship) as he was writing the Life of Augustine, the Story where∣of notwithstanding still runs on, and continues untill the end of the next Chapter. Here some of the Jury betook themselves to the point of Chrono∣logie, as most proper to decide the matter now depending; but such was the Variety of Authors, that no Certainty could thence be extracted. For, though the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor is generally noted to bed Anno 603. which falls out before the Death of Augustine: yet the Annals of Vlster (whose Authority is not to be contemned)e observe the same in the year 613. which undoubtedly was after Augustine's Decease.

14. Then a second sort of Witnesses presented themselves, asf M. Parker, g Bishop Iewel, and others, somewhat sharp against Augustine in their Expres∣sions: which wrought the lesse with the Jury; partly, because of such Authours their known Opposition to the Romish Church; and partly, because of their Modern writing, almost a thousand years after the matter in fact. Onely the Moderate Testimony of Reverend M^r. Fox much moved the whole Court, as one throughly well-affected in Religion, and averse from all Popery and Cruelty, thus expressing himself:h This seemeth rather suspicious then true, that Ethelbert being a Christian King, either could so much prevail with a Pa∣gan Idolater, or else would attempt so far to commit such a cruel Deed: But of un∣certain things I have nothing certainly to say, lesse to judge. This (I say) pre∣vailed so far with the Iury, that consulting with themselves, they found an Ignoramus. With whose commendable Charity I concurre; preferring rather to clear a Twi-light Innocence into Noon-day, then to darken it into Midnight.

15. To return to the Monks of Bangor. Their innocent Bloud went not long unrevenged: for we findi recorded, how three British Princes, namely, Blederick Duke of Cornwall Margaduc Duke of South-VVales, and Cadwan Duke of North-VVales, bade Battel to the Northumberlanders, as they were invading

VVales, and not onely dangerously wounded the aforesaid Ethelfride their King, but also discomfited his Army, and slew ten thousand and sixty of his Souldiers, forcing him at last to Articles of Composition; that he should con∣fine himself within his own Country, North of Trent, and leave all VVales to be entirely and peaceably enjoyed by the Britans, the true Owners thereof.

16. However here, to our great Grief, we are fain to take our Farewell, for some hundreds of years, of the British Church, wanting Instructions concerning the Remarkable Particulars thereof. Yet D^r. Harpsfield deserves a Check, both for his falsea Ground-work, and presumptuous. Inference built thereupon. For, first, he slighteth the British Nation, as such an one, as since this their Dissenting from Augustine, and the Romish Church in Ceremonies, never archieved any Actions of Renown, or mounted to any Eminency in the world. Then, he imputeth their being so long depressed, and at last subdued by the English, as a just Punishment of God, on their not Complying with Rome: so pragmaticall a Prier he is into Divine Secrets. But he who thus casteth forth a National Abuse, can never see where such a Stone lighteth; for (besides the Nation for the time being) their Posterity ingaged therein have just cause either to find, or make Reparation to themselves. I could, and would my self assert the British from this Scandalous Pen, were it not against the Rules of Manners and Discretion, to take this Office out of the hands of some of their own Nation, for whom it is more proper, as they are more able to perform it.

17. Onely give me leave to insert a Line or two (some Pleasant Discourse will not do amiss, after so much Sad matter) in Commendation of the British Tongue, and Vindication thereof, against such as causelesly traduce it. First, their Language is Native. It was one of those which departed from Babel: and herein it relates to God, as the more immediate Authour thereof; where∣as most Tongues in Europe ow their Beginning to humane Depraving of some Original Language. Thus the Italian, Spanish, and French, Daughters, or Neeces to the Latine, are generated from the Corruption thereof. Secondly, Unmixed. For, though it hath some few Forrain Words, and useth them sometimes; yet she rather accepteth them out of State, then borroweth them out of Need, as having besides these, other Words of her own to express the same things. Yea, the Romans were so far from making the Britans to do, that they could not make them to speak as they would have them: their very Language never had a perfect Conquest in this Island. Thirdly, Unaltered. Other Tongues are daily disguised with forrain Words, so that in a Century of years, they grow Strangers to themselves: as now an English-man needs an Interpreter to understand Chaucer's English. But the British continues so constant to it self, that the Prophesies of old Teliessin (who lived above a thousand years since) are at this day intelligible in that Tongue. Lastly, Durable; which had it's Beginning at the Confusion of Tongues, and is likely not to have it's Ending till the Dissolution of the World.

18. Some indeed inveigh against it, as being hard to be pronounced, ha∣ving a conflux of many Consonants, and some of them double-sounded; yea, whereas the Mouth is the place wherein the Office of Speech is generally kept, the British words must be uttered through the Throat. But this rather argues the Antiquity thereof, herein running parallel with the Hebrew (the common Tongue of the Old World, before it was inclosed into severall Languages) and hath much Affinity therewith, in joynting of words with Affixes, and many other Correspondencies. Some also cavil, that it grates and tortures the eares of Hearers with the Harshnesse thereof: whereas indeed it is unpleasant onely to such as are Ignorant of it. And thus every Tongue seems stammering, which is not understood; yea, Greek it self is Barbarisme to Bar∣barians. Besides, what is nick-named Harshness therein, maketh it indeed more full, stately, and masculine. But such is the Epicurisme of Modern

Times, to addulce all words to the Eare, that (as in the French) they melt out, in pronouncing, many essentiall Letters, taking out all the Bones, to make them bend the better in speaking: and such Hypocrites in their Words speak them not truly in their native Strength, as the plain-dealing British do, which pronounce every letter therein more manly, if lesse melodious. Lastly, some condemn it unjustly as a Worthlesse Tongue, because leading to no matter of moment; and, who will care to carry about that Key, which can unlock no Treasure? But this is false; that Tongue affording Monuments of Antiquity, some being left, though many be lost; and moe had been extant, but for want of Diligence in Seeking, and Carefulnesse in Preserving them.

19. But, craving pardon of the Reader for this Digression, we reassume our Augustine, who all this while was very industrious, and no lesse successefull in converting the Saxons to the Christian Faith. Insomuch that a certain a Authour reporteth, how in the River Swale near Richmond in Yorkshire, Au∣gustine on one day baptized above ten thousand; adding withall, that the People not onely passed without Danger through so deep a River, but also they who weresick, and deformed when they went in, were wholeb and hand∣some when they came forth again. The judicious Reader may in this Mi∣racle discover, how the Authour thereof (no doubt some ignorant Monk) hath therein jumbled and confounded three distinct Seripture-Histories, to make a mock-Parallel betwixt the Rivers Iordan and Swale;

• Borrowing
  • 1. The Peoples safe pas∣sing through it,
  • 2. Their being baptized in it,
  • 3. The curing of their Infirmities by it,
• from
  • Ioshuasc conducting the Israelites through
  • Iohn'sd baptizing the Iews in
  • Elisha'se healing Naa∣man's leprosie in
• Iordan.

But here it must be remembred, that Bede maketh no mention at all hereof, and ascribeth this numerous Baptizing to Paulinus Arch-Bishop of York many years after. It would argue too much Morosity in us, to demurre in our saith to the whole Fact, till Authours are all agreed about the Doer thereof. For mine own part, I conceive Paulinus the more probable Person, as question∣ing whether Augustine most conversant amongst the South and VVest-Sa∣xons) ever moved so far Northward.

20. And, if so many were baptized in one day, it appeares plainly, that in that Age, the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those Superstitious Ceremonies, as essentiall thereunto, of Crossing, Spittle, Oyl, Cream, Salt, and such like Trinkets; which Protestants generally as little know what they are, as Papists why they use them. I say, in that Age nothing was used with Baptisme but Baptisme; the VVord and the VVater made the Sacrament. Yea, the Arch-Bishop is said to havef commanded by the voice of Cryers, that the People should enter the River confidently, two by two, and, in the name of the Trinity, baptize one another by turns. This, indeed, was the most compendious way; otherwise Ioshua's day, wherein the Sun stood still, had been too short for one mans personal performance of such an Employ∣ment.

21. Another considerable Accession was made to Christianity in the South∣West part of this Isle, and particularly in Dorsetshire; where Augustine at Cern, destroyed the Idol of Heale, or Aisculapius, which the Saxons formerly g adored. But in his journey hither (Reader, they are not mine, but my h Authours words) with his Holy Company, they were cruelly oppressed with the three familiar Discommodities of Travellers, Hunger, Thirst, and VVearinesse; when Augustine striking his Staffe into the Ground, fetch'd forth a crystal Foun∣tain, which quenched the extremity of their Thirst: whence the Place was after∣ward

called Cernel, from Cerno in Latine, to see, and El in Hebrew, God. A Com∣position of a Name hardly to be precedented, that a Word should commence per saltum, from Latine into Hebrew, without taking Greek by the way there∣of. Why not rather Cernwell, Behold the fountain; or Cernheal, See the De∣struction of the Idol? But in truth, in all Books ancient anda modern, the Place is plainly written Cern, without any paragogical apposition there∣unto.

22. Indeed, most of the Miracles assign'd unto this Augustine, intended with their Strangenesse to raise and heighten, with their Levity and Absur∣dity do depresse and offend true Devotion. Witnesse, how when the Villa∣gers in Dorsetshire beat Augustine, and his Fellows, and in Mockery fa∣stened Fish-tailes at their Backs, in punishment hereof, All thatb Genera∣tion had that given them by Nature, which so contemptibly they fastened on the Backs of these Holy men. Fy for shame! he needs an hard Plate on his Face that reports it, and a soft Place in his Head that believes it.

23. However, for the main, we undoubtedly believe that the Preach∣ing of Augustine and his Fellows took good Effect, finding the visible Progresse, and the Improvement thereof, in the Conversion of so many from Paganisme to Christianity. For, Sebert King of Essex (nephew to Ethel∣bert King of Kent, by Ricula his Sister) embraced the Faith, with all his Kingdome, by the Ministery of Mellitus, whom Augustine ordained Bishop of London; much about the same time making one Iustus a Roman (who was vir sui nominis, a man answering his Name) Bishop of Rochester. Many other remarkable matters happened in the Life of Augustine, especially those Que∣stions and Answers, which passed betwixt him and Gregory the Great; by us purposely omitted, partly, because they are too voluminous to insert; and partly, because they are at large in manyc Authours, to whom we remit the Reader.

24. And now was the time come of Augustine's Dissolution, whose Body was buried in the Northern Porch of the New Church in Canterbury, de∣dicated to Peter, and Paul, having (asd Bede informs us) this Inscription writ∣ten upon his Monument; Here resteth Lord Augustine the first Arch-Bi∣shop of Canterbury; who being in times past sent hither from Blessed Gregory Bi∣shop of the Roman City, and supported by God with the working of Miracles, brought King Ethelbert and his Countrey, from the worshipping of Idols to the Faith of Christ: and the dayes of his Office being finished in Peace, he died the seventh of the Calends of Iune, the same King reigning.

25. But in this Epitaph one thing is wanting, and that mainly materiall; namely the Year when he died. Strangely is that Watch contrived, and is generally useless, which shews the Minute of the Hour, not the Hour of the Day. As this Epitaph points at the Day, of smaller consequence; lea∣ving out the Year, of greater concernment. This hath put mens Fanisies on various Conjectures. Some make it a mere Omission of Bede: which not∣withstanding is very strange, because otherwise he is most Criticall, and Pun∣ctuall in the Notation of Time. Others conceive it a fault of Commission, in some of after-Ages, who purposely expunged the Year (beshrew their Fingers that thrust out the Eyes, the Date of this Epitaph) lest the same should make too clear Discoveries of Augustine's surviving after the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor; which would increase the Suspicion of his having a Fin∣ger therein. Others place the Neglect in the Monument maker, and not in Bede; seeing he was but the bare Relater of the Epitaph, and therefore loath to add, or alter any thing thereof. Perchance the Tombe-maker registred the Day, as a Nicity most likely to be forgotten; omitting the Year, as a thing generally, universally, and notoriously known, all men keeping a Record thereof, which in processe of time became wholly forgotten. Thus, those things are not long effectually kept by any, which are equally to be kept by

All, and not charged on any One mans particular Account. Sure I am, the setting up of this Land-mark, the nothing of the Year of his Death, had given excellent Direction to such as travel in the Saxon Chronologie, who now wander at Randome for the want of it.

26. And now we take our Farewell of Augustine, of whom we give this Character. He found here a plain Religion (Simplicity is the Badge of Anti∣quity) practised by the Britans, living some of them in the Contempt, and many moe in the Ignorance of Worldy Vanities, in a barren Country: And surely, Piety is most healthful in those places, where it can least surfeit of Earthly Pleasures. He brought in a Religion spun with a Courser Threed, though garded with a Finer Trimming, made luscious to the Senses with pleasing Ceremonies; so that many, who could not judge of the Goodnesse, were cour∣ted with the Gaudinesse thereof. Indeed the Papists brag, that he was the A∣postle of the English; but not one in the Stile of S^t. Paul,a neither from men, nor by man, but by Iesus Christ; being onely a derivative Apostle, sent by the second hand: in which sense also he was not our sole Apostle; though he first put in his Sickle, others reaped down more of the English Harvest, propagating the Gospel farther, as shall appear hereafter. But because the Beginnings of things are of greatest consequence, we commend his Paines, condemn his Pride, allow his Life, approve his Learning, admire his Miracles, admit the Foundation of his Doctrine Iesus Christ; but refuse the Hay and Stubble he built thereupon. We are indebted to God his Goodnesse in moving Gregory, Gregorie's Carefulnesse in sending Augustine, Augustine's Forwardnesse in preaching here: but above all, let us blesse God's exceeding great Favour, that that Doctrine which Augustine planted here but impure, and his Successours made worse with watering, is since, by the happy Reformation, cleared and refined to the Purity of the Scriptures.

27. After the death of Augustine, Laurentius a Roman succeeded him, whom Augustine in his Life-time not onely designed for, but ordainedb in that Place, out of his abundant Caution, that the Infant-Church might not be Orphan an Hour, lest Satan should assault the Breach of such a Vacancy, to the Disadvantage of Religion. Such a super-Ordination in such cases was Ca∣nonicall, it being a Tradition, that S^t. Peter in like manner consecrated Cle∣ment his Successour in the Church of Rome. And sure it is, the Prophet Elijah (no doubt to his great Comfort whilest living)c anointed Elishe to minister in his Room, in his Propheticall Function. In one respect Laurentius exceeded Augustine, that he reduced the Recusant Britans and Scots, (probably de∣meaning himself more humbly then his Predecessour) to some tolerable Con∣formity to the Romish Ceremonies, especially in the Celebration of Easter. Now, seeing frequent Mention hath formerly been made, of the Difference between the Romish and British Churches, in Observation of that Festivall; we will endeavour, as truly as briefly, to state the Controversie betwixt them, with Arguments each side produceth in their own behalf.

28. But, because the Point in hand is so nice (rather then necessary) that a little Variation therein may be materiall, I will carefully follow the truest Copy I can get, in stating the Question, taking it from a Learnedd Pen exactly skilled therein.

The Romans kept

Easter upon that Sunday which fell betwixt the 15. & 21. day of the Moon (both terms inclu∣ded) next after the 21. day of March, which they accounted to be the seat of the Vernall Equino∣ctiall. And in reckoning the Age of the Moon, they followed the Alexandrian Cycle of 19 yeares, as it was explained unto them by Dionysius Exiguus.

The Britans kept

Easter upon the Sunday that fell betwixt the 14. and 20. day of the Moon, following in their Account thereof, not the 19 yeares Computa∣tion of Anatolius, but Sul∣pitius Severus his Circle of 84 yeares.

It is enough to prove the Practice of Rome was the right, that it was the Pra∣ctice of Rome; yea, did it not deserve the Stab of Excommunication, for any dissenting from her practice, tantamountingly to give her the Lie? However, it seems the Reputation of Rome's Infallibility was yet in the Nonage thereof, that the British durst so boldly differ from them, without danger of Damnation.

29. Yea, they pretended ancient Tradition on their side, from the Pri∣mitive Times, derived from S^t. Iohn himself; as by the ensuing Verses (which we thought fit to translate) may appear:

Nos seriema patriam, non frivola scriptatenemus, Discipulo eusebii Polycarpo dante Iohannis. Ille etenim bis septene sub tempore Phaebae Sanctum praefixit nobis fore Pascha colendum, Atque nefas dixit, si quis contraria sentit. No writings fond we follow, but do hold Our Country Course, which Polycarp of old, Scholar to Blessed Iohn, to us hath given. For he, when th' Moon had finish'd Dayes twice seven, Bad us to keep the holy Paschal Time, And count Dissenting for an hainous Crime.

Time was, when once the Activity of Peter and Iohn with holy Zeal was ex∣cellently emploied, contending in a Race, which should first come to the Grave of ourb Saviour: but see here the Romans and the Britans, the pretended Followers of these two Apostles, not running, but wrestling in a violent Conten∣tion, who should most truly observe the Resurrection of Christ out of his Grave.

30. Strange! that so Good, and Wise men, should thus fall out about the Mint and Cummin of Religion, a Ceremony not at all decided in Scripture. It is to be feared, that the When marred the How of Easter; and the Controversie about the Time, spoiled a more materiall Circumstance, of the Manner of keeping this Feast; these opposite Parties searce being mutually in Charity at the receiving of the Sacrament, at that solemn Festivall, kept among the Iews with unleavened Bread, celebrated among Christians with too much Leaven (sowre and swelling) of Anger and Passion. The best is, for the present Lau∣rentius composed the Quarrel, and brought bothc Britans and Scots (that is, the Inhabitants of Ireland) to complie with the Romans therein. But as every small Wrinch, or stepping a wrie, is enough to put an ill-set Bone out of joynt: so each petty Animosity was great enough to discompose this Agreement. But enough of this Controversie for the present, we shall meet it too soon again; which like a restlesse Ghost, will haunt our English History, for more then an hundred and fifty yeares together.

31. Onely I will adde that, although about Augustine's time, this Contro∣versie was then most heightned and inflamed; yet an old Grudge it was long before, betwixt the Romans and Britans. For, if old Taliessyn (stiled Chief of Bards by the Britans) lived (asd Pitseus, a Catholick Writer, will have it) in the year five hundred and fourty; and if the following verses be Taliessyn's, as it is e undoubtedly believed; then this Difference was on foot fifty yeares before Au∣gustine came into England.

Gwae'r offeiriad byd Nys engreifftia gwyd Ac ny phregetha: Gwae ny cheidwey gail Ac efyn vigail Ac nys areilia: Gwae ny cheidwey dheuaid Rhac bleidhie Rhufemaid Aiffon gnwppa.

Wo be to that Priest yborn That will not cleanly weed his Corn, And preach his charge among: Wo be to that Shepheard (I say) That will not watch his Fold alway, As to his Office doth belong. Wo be to him that doth not keep From Romish Wolves his Sheep With staffe and weapon strong.

These words, From Romish Wolves, relate to the Vigilancy of the British Pastours, to keep their People from Rome's Infection in these points. Thus, whilest the Britans accounted the Romans Wolves, and the Romans held the Britans to be Goats, what became of Christ's little flock of Sheep the whiles? The best is, the good God, we hope, will be mercifull in his Sentence on Men, though passionate Men be merciless in their Censures one on another.

32. To return to Laurentius. The great Joy for the Agreement made by him, was quickly abated with Grief, at the Death of King Ethelbert: who ha∣ving reigned fifty six, and been a Christian one and twenty yeares, was buried nigh to his good Wife, Queen Bertha (who died a little before him) in the Porch of S^t. Martin's Church in Canterbury; which Fabrick, with some other Churches, by him were beautifully built, and bountifully endowed. In Ethel∣bert's Grave was buried much of the Kentish Christianity: for Eadbald his Son both refused His Father's Religion, and wallowing in Sensuality, was guilty of that Sin not so much as named amongst the Gentiles, in keeping his Father's se∣cond Wife. Such as formerly had took up Christianity, as the Court-Fashion, now left it; & whom Ethelbert's Smiles had made Converts, Eadbald's Frowns quickly made Apostates. Yea, at the same time (so infectious are the bare Examples of Great men) the three Sons of the King of the East-Saxons fell back to Pagnisme. These refused to be baptized, and yet, in Derision, demanded of the Bishop Mellitus, to receive the Eucharist; which he flatly denied them; Baptisme being an Introductory Sacrament, and it being unlawfull to break into the Church, without going through this Porch. Yet they gave Mellitus fair Warning, and free leave to depart; who coming into Kent, held there a Councill with Laurentius and Iustus, what was best to be done. At last they concluded, that it was in vain, prodigally to lose their Paines here, which they might expend with more profit in their own Country: and seeing Martyr∣dome, as it is not cowardly to be declined, so it is not ambitiously to be affected; they resolved to go the way which Divine Providence directed them, and to return into France: which Mellitus and Iustus did accordingly.

33. Was this well done of them, to leave their Charge? Did not God place them Centinells in his Church, and could they come off from their Duty, before they were relieved by Order? But surely their ill Usage was an interpreta∣tive Discharge unto them. In warrant whereof, we have not onely Christs a Precept, to leave the unworthy House with a witnesse (namely with the Dust of our Feet shaken off as a Testimony against it;) but also his Practice, going from theb Gadarenes, when they desired he should depart their Coasts. Indeed, the VVord of Life is a quick Commodity, and ought not, as a Drug, to be obtruded on those Chapmen who are unwilling to buy it; yea, in whose Nostrills the very Savour of Life unto Life doth stink, because profered unto them.

34. Laurentius entertained the like Resolution of Departure; when, lying on his Bed, S^t. Peter isc said to have taken him to task in a Vision. Yea, S^t. Pe∣ter was not onely seen, but felt, sharply and soundly Whipping him, for his unworthy Intention to forsake his Flock; who rather should have followed S^t. Peter's Example (as he imitated Christ's) whom no Losses or Crosses could so deterre, as to desert his Charge. Some will say, Peter herein appeared a partial Parent, so severely disciplining this his Son, whilest two other of his Children, being more guilty, Mellitus and Iustus (who had actually done what Lauren∣tius onely designed) escaped without any Correction. But we must know, though these seemed more faulty, by what appeares in open View, yet the Pas∣sages behind the Curtain (Considerables concealed from us) might much alter the case. And indeed, Pastours leaving their people is so ticklish a Point, and sub∣ject to such secret Circumstances, that God and their own Consciences are onely the competent Judges of the Lawfulnesse or Unlawfulnesse thereof.

35. Thus, all black and blew, Laurentius repaireth to Eadbald King of Kent, and presenteth himself unto him in that sad Condition. The King, much ama∣zed

thereat, demands, who durst offer such Violence to so Good a man? Whereby it plainly appears, that though Eadbald himself refused Christianity, yet he afforded Civility and Protection to Laurentius, and to all in Kent of his Religion. He largely relates what had happened unto him; and in fine so prevailed on Eadbald, that he not onely put away his VVife-Mother-VVhore, but also embraced Christianity, and at his desire, Iustus and Mellitus returned a∣gain into England.

36. Rochester readily received Iustus their Bishop, being a little Place, of few Persons, and they therefore the easier all to be brought to be of one Mind. But large London (though then, for Greatnesse, but the Suburbs to the present City) I say, London then, was even London then, as wanton in the Infancy, as now wayward in the Old-age thereof; where generally the People, long radicated in Wickednesse, refused to entertain their good Pastour returning unto them. But here my gooda Friend, in his Notes on this Passage, makes an ingenious Reservation, that (though the major part must be confessed peevish in all populous places) London in all Ages afforded emi∣nent Favourers of Learned and Religious men. And would I could (being the meanest of Ministers) as truly entitle my self to the foresaid Qualifications, as I heartily concurre with him in my gratefull Confession, that I have effectually found plenty of good Patrons in that Honourable Corporation. Mellitus thus rejected, was glad to lead a private life in London, till that after the Death of Laurentius, he succeeded him in the Church of Canterbury.

37. A grave, and good man, but much afflicted with the Gout, and highly meriting of his See of Canterbury; especially if true, what Bede reports, that, when a grievous Fire happened in that City, Mellitus accosted the very Fury thereof with faithfull Prayer, and his own bare Hands (strange! that no modern Monk hath since in his Relation put a Crucifix, or Holy-Wa∣ter-sprinkle into them) and so presently quenched the Raging of the Flames. Say not, why could he not as easily have cured his own Gout, as quenched this Fire? seeing Miracles are done, not for mens ordinary Ease, but God's so∣lemn Honour. Yea, the Apostles themselves were not at pleasure Masters of their miraculous Power, for their personal use; seeing S^t. Paul could neither cure theb often Infirmities of his dear Son Timothy; nor remove the acute, de∣sperate Disease, wherewith he himself inc Asia was afflicted. Five years sate Mel∣litus in Canterbury: after whose Death, Iustus Bishop of Rochester succeeded him, and had his Pall solemnly sent him by Pope Boniface.

38. By the way, the Pall is a Pontificall Vestment, considerable for the Matter, Making, and Mysteries thereof. For the Matter, it is made of Lambs Wooll, and Superstition. I say, of Lambs VVooll,d as it comes from the Sheeps Back, without any other artificiall Colour, spun (say some) by a peculiar Order of Nunnes, first cast into the Tombe of S^t. Peter, taken from his Body (saye others) surely most sacred if from both; and [superstitiously] adorned with little black Crosses. For the Form thereof; thef Breadth exceeded not three Fingers (one of our Bachelours Lamb-skin Hoods in Cambridge would make three of them) having two Labells hanging down before and behind, which the Arch-Bishops onely, when going to the Altar, put about their Necks, above their other Pontificall Ornaments. Three Mysteries were couched therein. First, Humi∣lity, which beautifies the Clergy above all their costly Copes. Secondly, Inno∣cency, to imitate Lamb-like Simplicitie. And thirdly, Industry, to follow g him who fetched his wandring Sheep home on his Shoulders. But to speak plainly, the Mystery of Mysteries in this Pall was, that the Arch-Bishops re∣ceiving it, shewed therein their Dependence on Rome; and a Mote in this man∣ner ceremoniously taken, was a sufficient Acknowledgement of their Subje∣ction. And, as it owned Rome's Power; so in after-Ages it encreased their Profit. For, though now such Palls were freely given to Arch-Bishops, whose Places in Britain for the present were rather cumbersome then commodious,

having little more then their Paines for their Labour; yet in after-Ages the Arch-Bishop of Canterburie's Pall wasa sold for five thousandb Florenes: so that the Pope might well have the Golden Fleece, if he could fell all his Lambs-Wooll at that rate. Onely let me adde, that the Authour ofc Canterbury-Book stiles this Pall, Tanquam grande Christid Sacramentum. It is well tanquam came in to help it, or else we should have had eight Sacraments. But, leaving these Husks to such Palats as are pleased to feed on them, we come to the Kernell of Religion, how the same was propagated in other Parts of England. And first, of the Preparative for the Purge of Paganisme out of the Kingdome of Northumberland.

39. Edwine, the King thereof, was Monarch of all England, with the Isles of Man and Anglesey, more puissant then any of His Predecessours. And this, saithe Bede, was In auspicium suscipiendae Fidei, in good Handsell of the Faith he was hereafter to receive. God first made him Great, and after Gracious; that so by his Power, he might be the more effectuall Instrument of his Glory. Now he had married Edelburge, daughter of Ethelbert King of Kent: to whom he not onely permitted free Exercise of Religion, to her self and her Ser∣vants, but also promised himself to embrace it, if, on Examination, it appeared the most Holy, and fittest for Divine Service. In the Court of this Queen was one Paulinus, a pious Bishop, who, with much Pains and little Profit, long la∣boured in vain to convert the Pagans. God hereby both humbling him, and shewing, that the Hour of his Mercy shall not be ante-dated one Minute, by any humane Endeavours. However, Paulinus, seeing he could not be happy to gain, would be carefull to save; and daily plyed the Word and Sacraments, thereby to corroborate his owne People in Piety.

40. Now it happened that one Eumere, a Swash-buckler (a Contemner of his own life, and thereby Master of another man's) sent from Guichelm, King of the VVest-Saxons, with an envenomed Dagger sought to kill King Edwine: when Lilla, one of his Guard, foreseeing the Blow, and interposing himself, shielded his Sovereign with his own Body, yea, deaded the Stroak with his own Death. Loyalty's Martyr; in a Case which is likely to find moe to commend, then imitate it, on the like occasion. Edwine, notwithstanding slightly hurt, was very sensible of the Deliverance, and promised, that if he might con∣quer the treacherous VVest-Saxon King, with his Adherents, he would be∣come a Christian. And though there be no indenting, and conditional capi∣tulating with God (who is to be taken on any terms) yet this in a Pagan was a good step to Heaven, and Paulinus was glad he had got him thus far; especially, when in Earnest of the Sincerity of his Resolution, he consigned over his infant-Daughterf Eansled, to be baptized, whom Paulinus christened, with twelve moe of the Queen's Family. Well, the VVest-Saxon King was quickly overcome, and all his Complices either killed, or conquered, and yet King Edwine demurred to embrace Christianity. But he communicated with the sagest of his Counsell, with whom he had daily Debates, being loth rashly to rush on a matter of such Moment. And truly, that Religion which is rather suddenly parched up, then seasonably ripened, doth commonly ungive after∣wards. Yea, he would sit long alone, making company to himself, and silently arguing the Case in his own Heart, being partly convinced in his Iudgement of the Goodnesse of the Christian Religion; and yet he durst not entertain Truth, a lawfull King, for fear to displease Custome, a cruell Tyrant.

41. Amongst the many Debates he had with his Counsell about altering his Religion, two Passages must not be forgotten; whereof one was the Speech of Coify, the prime Pagan-Priest. Surely (saidg he) these Gods, whom we worship, are not of any Power, or Efficacy in themselves; for none hath served them more conscientiously then my self, yet other men, lesse meriting of them, have received moe and greater Favours from their hand, and prosper better in all things they undertake. Now, if these were Gods of any Activity, they would

have been more beneficiall to me, who have been so observant of them. Here the Reader will smile at Coify his Solecisme, wherein the Premisses are guilty of Pride, as the Inference thereon of Errour and Mistake. If he turn Chri∣stian on these termes, he will be taught a new Lesson: how not onely all out∣ward things happen alike, to good and bad, toa him that sacrificeth, as to him that sacrificeth not; but also, thatb Iudgement beginneth at the house of God, and the best men meet with the worst Successe in Temporal matters. However, God was pleased to sanctifie this mans Errour, as introductory to his Con∣version: and let none wonder, if the first Glimmering of Grace in Pagans, be scarce a degree above Blindnesse.

42. Better, in my opinion, was the plain Comparison, which another namelesse Courtier made at the same time. Mans life (saidc he) O King, is like unto a little Sparrow, which, whilest your Majesty is feasting by the Fire in your Parlour with your royall Retinue, flies in at one VVindow, and out at ano∣ther. Indeed we see it that short time it remaineth in the House, and then is it well sheltred from VVind and VVeather; but presently it passeth from Cold to Cold, and whence it came, and whither it goes, we are altogether ignorant. Thus, we can give some account of our Soul, during it's abode in the Body, whilest housed and harboured therein; but where it was before, and how it fareth after, is to us altogether unknown. If therefore Paulinus his Preaching will certainly in∣form us herein, he deserveth, in my opinion, to be entertained.

43. Long looked for comes at last. King Edwine almost three yeares a Candidate at large of Christianity, cordially embraceth the same, and with many of his Nobles, and Multitudes of his Subjects, is solemnly bapti∣zed by Paulinus, in the little Church of S^t Peters in York, hastily set up by the King for that purpose, and afterward by him changed into a firmer and fairer Fabrick. Thus, as those Children which are backward of their Tongues, when attaining to Speech, pronounce their words the more plainly and distinctly: so Edwine, long, yea tedious before his turning to Chri∣stianity, more effectually at last embraced the same. And when it was put to the Question, what Person most proper to destroy the Heathen Altars? Coify the chief Priest tendered his Service, as fittest for the purpose, solemn∣ly to demolish what he had before so superstitiously adored. Down go all the Pagan Altars, and Images at God-mundingham (now Godmanham, a small d Village in the East-Riding of Yorkshire) and those Idols with their Hands were so far from defending themselves, that their mock-Mouths could not afford one word, to bemoan their finall Destruction.

44. VVhen thou art converted, strengthen thy Brethren, was the personall Precept given toe Peter, but ought generally to be the Practice of all good men; as here it was of King Edwine, restlesse, untill he had also perswaded Earpwald, King of the East-Angles, to embrace the Christian Faith. In∣deed Redwald, Earpwald's Father, had formerly at Canterbury (to ingratiate himself with King Ethelbert) professed Christianity; but, returning home, he revolted to Paganisme at the instance of Hisf Wife. So great is the Power of the Weaker Sex, even in matters of Religion. For, as Bertha and Edel∣burge, the Queens of Ethelbert and Edwine, occasioned, and expedited the Conversion of their Husbands Kingdomes: so here a Female-instrument ob∣structed that holy Design. Yea, Redwald afterwards in the same Church set up ag Samaritane-mongrel-Religion, having Altareh & Arulam, a Communion-Table and an idolatrous Altar in the same Temple. You cannot be partakers (saith thei Apostle) of the Lords Table, and of the table of Devils; that is, You cannot lawfully, conscionably, comfortably; but, de facto it may be done, was done by Bedwald in this his miscellaneous Religion.

45. But three yeares after, the Conversion of the East-Angles was more ef∣fectually advanced by King Sigebert, Brother, and after the death of Earp∣wald his Successour in the Kingdome. This Sigebert had lived an Exile in

France, and got the benefit of Learning by his Banishment. For, wanting ac∣commodations to appear in Princely Equipage, he applyed himself the more close to his Studies: seeing, that Means which would maintain a Prince but like a Scholar, would maintain a Scholar like a Prince. Yea, which was best of all, on his Learning he grafted true Religion; Bede giving him this Chara∣cter, that he became Vir Christianissimus & doctissimus: (can more be said in so few words?) and returning home, assisted by the Preaching of Felix, a Monk of Burgundy, Iuxta nominis sui sacramentum, saith Bede (happy was his Name, and Happinesse was with him) converted his Subjects to Christia∣nity. This Felix was made the first Bishop of Dunwich in Suffolk; a place for∣merly furnished witha two and fifty Churches, and hath scarce two now re∣maining, the rest being swallowed up by the Sea. I can hardly hold my self from calling the Sea sacrilegious; save that, on second thoughts, considering that Element to be but a Naturall Agent, yea, such whose Motions are or∣dered by Divine Providence, Hither shalt thou come, and no farther, I will ra∣ther reserve this Epithete, sacrilegious, to be bestowed on those men, who willingly and wilfully demolish the places appointed for God's Service.

46. This Sigebert is generally reputed the Founder of the University of Cambridge. And because the point in hand is somewhat litigious, we will take the more Paines in clearing thereof, two things being warily premised. First, that Sigebert's founding the University of Cambridge ought not by any to be extended to lessen and abate, much lesse to drown and destroy her more ancient Title to Learning, which she deriveth (according to goodb Au∣thours) from many hundred yeares before. Valeant, quantum valere possint, let such her over grown Evidences stand as valid as they may, by us neither confirmed, not confuted for the present. And indeed, all such Old things in either University, though specious to the Eye, must be closely kept, and ten∣derly touched, lest otherwise, being roughly handled, they should moulder into Dust. Secondly, let none suspect, my Extraction from Cambridge will betray me to partiality to my Mother, who desire in this Difference to be like Melchisedec, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without Descent, onely to be directed by the Truth. And here I make this fair and free Confession, which, I hope, will be accepted for ingenuous: That, as in Thamar's travell ofc Twins, Zarah first put out his Hand, and then drew it in again, whilest Pharez first came forth into the World: so I plainly perceive Cambridge with an extended Arme, time out of mind, first challenging the Birth-right; and Priority of place for Lear∣ning; but afterwards drawing it in again, she lay for many yeares desolate, and of lesse account; whilest Oxford, if later, larger, came forth in more entire Proportion, and ever since constantly continued in the full Dimen∣sions of an University.

47. These things being thus cautiously stated, we proceed, beginning with Bede, on whose Testimony all the following History is founded.

Beda lib. 3. Eccles. Hist. cap. 18.

Sigebertus, ubi Regno poti∣tus est, mox ea quae in Galliis bene disposita vidit, imitari cu∣piens, instituit Scholam, in qua pueri literis erudirentur, juvante se Episcopo Felice (quem de Cantia acceperat) eisque paedagogos ac magistros, juxta morem Cantuariorum, praebente.

Sigebert, when he had obtained the Kingdome, presently desiring to imitate those things which he had seen well∣ordered in France, instituted a School, wherein Youths might be trained up in Learning, Felix the Bishop (whom he had received out of Kent) assisting him, and providing for them Teachers, and Masters, according to the Custome of those in Canterbury.

See here, King Sigebert, to make his School complete, united therein such Conveniences for Education, as he had observed commendable

1. Abroad, in France: where Learning at, and before his time, was brought to great Perfection; S^t. Hieromea affirming, that even in his Age, he had seen Studia in Galliis florentissima, most flourishing Universities in France.

2. At home, in Canterbury: where even at this time Learning was pro∣fessed, though more increased some fourty yeares after; when as the same Bedeb reports, that in the dayes of Theodorus the Arch-Bi∣shop, there were those that taught Geometry, Arithmetick and Musick (the fashionable studies of that Age) together with Divinity, The perfect Character of an University, where Divinity the Queen is waited on by her Maids-of-Honour.

But I question, whether the Formality of Commencing was used in that Age: inclining rather to the negative, that such Distinction of Graduates was then unknown, except in S^t. Paul's sense,c Such as used the office of a Deacon well, purchased to themselves a good Degree.

48. So much for Bede's Text. Come we now to ancient Authours com∣menting upon him. Ancient I call those, who wrote many yeares before the Differences were started about the Seniority of the Universityes, and there∣fore are presumed unpartiall, as unconcerned in a Controversie which did not appear. First, Polydored Virgil, who from Bede's words plainly collects, that Sigebert then founded the University of Cambridge. Nor see I any cause for that Passage in thee Assertion of Oxford's Antiquity, charging Polydore, Quod affectibus indulgens, adamatae studet Academiae; who being a Forrainer, and an Italian, had nothing to byass his Affection to one University more then the other. Learnedf Leland succeeds, who being employed by King Henry the eighth to make a Collection of British Antiquities (much scattered at the Dissolution of Abbies) thus expresseth himself.

Olim Granta fuit Titulis Vrbs inclyta multis, Vicini à Fluvii nomine, Nomen habens. Saxones hanc Belli deturbavere procellis; Sed nova, pro veteri, non procul inde sita est: Quam Felix Monachus, Sigeberti jussa sequutus, Artibus illustrem reddidit, atque Scholis. Haec ego, perquirens Gentis Monumenta Britannae, Asserui in Laudem, Granta diserta, tuam.

Grant, long ago a City of great Fame, From neighbouring River doth receive her Name. When storms of Saxon-warres her overthrew, Near to the old, sprang up another new. Monk Felix, whil'st he Sigebert obeys, Light'ned this place with Schools, and Learning's rayes. Searching the Monuments of British Nation, This I assert in Grant's due Commendation.

Here we omit the severall Testimonies ofg Bale, George Lilie, and Thomas Cooper, in their severall Histories Anno 636. with many moe, concluding Si∣gebert then the Founder of the University of Cambridge.

49. But our Cousin-germans of Oxford will scarce give Credit hereunto, multiplying Objections against it. Obj. There were (say they) many places (besides Cambridge) in the Kingdome of the East-Angles (conteining Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire) which, with equall Probability, may pretend to this School of Sigebert's Foundation, seeing Bede doth not nominatim affirm Cambridge for the particular Place, where this University was erected.

50. Ans. Though Bede be Dumb in this particular, notnaming Cam∣bridge; yet he makes such Signes, that most intelligent Antiquaries by us alledged, understand him to intend the same: especially seeing Cambridge is acknowledged by all Authours, time out of mind, to have been a place for the Education of Students in Literature.

51. Obj. If any such University was founded by Sigebert, it was at Grantchester, differing, as in Appellation, so in Situation from Cambridge (as being a good mile South West thereof.) Cambridge therefore cannot entitle it self, but by apparent Usurpation, to the ancient Priviledges of Grantchester.

52. Ans. Most usuall it is for ancient places to alter their Names (Babylon to Bagdet, Byzantium to Constantinople, our old Verulam to S^t. Albans) still retaining the numerical Nature they had before. Oxford (they tell us) was once calleda Bellositum, and yet not altered from it's same self by another Name. Nor is it any news for great Cities, in processe of time (as weary of long standing) to ease themselves a little, by hitching into another place. Thus, some part of modern Rome is removed more then a mile from the ancient Area thereof. Thus, Ierusalem at this day is come down from Mount Sion, and more South-West climbed up Mount Calvary. Yet, either of these Places would account themselves highly injured, if not reputed, for the main, the same with the former. Sufficeth it, that some part of Cambridge stands at this day, whereb Grantchester did (which ancientlyc extended North-West, as far as the Village called Howse) and that's enough to keep possession of the Priviledges of Grantchester, as properly belonging thereunto. Especially, see∣ing Oxford at this day layes claim to the Antiquityes of Crekelade and Lechlade (Towns distant sixteen miles off, the one in VVilts, the other in Glocestershire) two ancient Schools of Greek and Latine (as some will have it) removed af∣terwards to Oxford, from whence some of her Assertours do date her Be∣ginning.

53. Obj. Sigebert founded but Scholam, which makes little to the Honour of Cambridge: For thereby her Professours are degraded to Pedants; and by a retrograde Motion Cambridge is sent back to Eaton, I mean, is made no better then a great Grammar-School.

54. Ans. If the best of Latine Oratours may be believed, Schola properly signi∣fies the Place where all Arts are publickly professed.d Ex Platonis schola Pon∣ticus Heraclides, Ponticus Heraclides came out of the school of Plato: Which is notoriously known to have been an Academie; yea, all his Scholars known by the name of Academicks to this day. Those of Salerno in Italy, dedicating a book of Physick to our Henry (the second, I take it) begin thus,

Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni.

School-boys deserve to be whipped indeed, if presuming to prescribe Re∣ceipts to a King: But that Schola there is sufficiently known to have been a famous University. And under the favour of the University, the word Vni∣versitas is but a base, and barbarous Latine (whiles Schola is pure Greek ori∣ginally) to design, either the Place where generall Learning is publickly professed, or the Persons studying therein. And, though I dare not totally concurre with thate Learned Critick, that Vniversit as was first used in the fore∣said sense, about the reign of King Henry the third; yet, I believe, it will not be found in any Classicall Authour, in that modern acception.

55. Obj. In good Authours, Sigebert is said to have founded not only Scholam, a School, but Scholas, Schools, in the plurall. If Schola therefore be an Univer∣sity, either he made moe Universities then one in Cambridge (which is absurd to affirm;) or else he erected moe Universities in other places of his King∣dome, which Cantabrigians will not willingly confesse.

56. Ans. The variation of the Number is of no Concernment. For, if respect be had to the severall Arts there professed, Sigebert founded Schools in the

plurall: but if regard be taken of the Cyclopaedy of the Learning resulting from those severall Sciences, he erected but one Grand School. Every Fresh-man knows that the single Quadrant, wherein the publick Lectures are read, and Acts kept, is called plurally the Schools, in each University.

57. Obj. But Bede terms them Pueros, Boyes, properly under the Rod, and Ferula, whom Sigebert placed in his School: and the word Paedagogi, Vshers, placed over them, imports the same; that they were no University-Students, but a company of little Lads, that lived there under Correction.

58. Ans. Criticks will satisfie you, that the word Pueri signifies even those of more Maturity, especially if living sub regimine, under the Discipline of Supe∣riours. Secondly, Bede, being a great Divine, and conversant in Scripture-phrase, borroweth an expression thence; Christ calling his Disciples 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Children. He useth also Paedagogos in the same notion withb S^t. Paul's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which our last Translatours reade Instructours in Christ, even to the Corinthians, who still needed such Paedagogues or Teachers, though alreadyc enriched in all utterance and knowledge. Thirdly, the Saxon ancient Copy of Bede, which (doubtlesse) doth emphatically render the Latine, translates pueri ••eon••e menn. Fourthly, Asserius Menevensis, speaking of Alfred's founding of Oxford, faith, that he endowed the same, Suae propriae Gentis nobilibus Pueris, & etiam ignobilibus; and it is but equal, that the Pueri at Cambridge should be allowed as much man in them, as those at Oxford. Lastly, the young Frie of Scholars, when first admitted, is such, to whom Pueri, in the proper sense thereof, may well be applyed. And here it may seasonably be remembred, how and Oxford Antiquary af∣firmeth, that Edward the fifth Prince of VVales, and Richard his brother, Duke of York, Oxoniae studuerunt, studied at Oxford, in the life-time of their Father. Stout Students no doubt, whereof the Elder could not then be ten, the Younger not nine yeares old. But I forget what Lawyers hold, that the Kings eldest Son is at full Age (for some Purposes) at the day of his Birth (in which respect he may sue out his Liveries for the Dukedome of Cornwall:) and this (perchance) may somewhat mend the matter.

59. But enough of this matter, which some will censure as an Impertinency to our Church-History, and scarcely coming within the Church-yard thereof. My Prayers shall be, that each University may turn all Envy into generous, yea gracious, yea glorious Emulation; contending by laudable means, which shall surpasse other in their Serviceablenesse to God, the Church, and Com∣mon-wealth: that so Commencing in Piety, and Proceeding in Learning, they may agree against their two generall Adversaries, Ignorance, and Profanenesse. May it never be said of them, what Naomie said of her self, that she was too old to bear Sons: may they never be superannuated into Barrennesse, but like the good Trees in Gods Garden, They shall still bring forth Fruit in their old age, they shall be fat and flourishing.

60. Seasonably Sigebert erected an University at Cambridge, thereby in part to repair the late great Losse of Christianity in England when (the year after) Edwine, King of Northumberland, was slain inf Battel by Cadwald King of VVales, and Penda King of the Mercians. After whose Death, his whole Kingdome relapsed to Paganisme; and Paulinus, Arch-Bishop of York, taking with him Queen Ethelburge, returned into Kent, and there became Bishop of the (then vacant) Church of Rochester. Mortified man, he minded not whether he went up, or down hill, whilest he went on strait in his Calling to glorifie God, and edifie others; sensible of no Disgrace, when degrading himself from a great Arch-Bishop, to become a poor Bishop. Such be∣tray much Pride and Peevishnesse, who, outed of eminent Places, will ra∣ther be Nothing in the Church, then any thing lesse then what they have been before.

61. After the death of King Edwine, his Kingdome of Northumberland was divided into two parts, both petty Kingdomes;

1. Bernicia, reachinga from the River Tees to Edenburgh Frith, where∣of Eanfrith was King.

2. Deira (whence (say some) Deirham, or Durham) lay betwixt Tees and Humber, whereof Osrick was King.

These both proved Apostates from the Christian Faith: and God in his ju∣stice let in Cadwald, King of the Britans, upon them, who slew them, harassed their Countrey, and made a lamentable Desolation, within the compasse of one year, without respect to Age or Sex; untill Oswald (bred and brought up in Scotland) next of the Bloud-Royall, came to be King of Northumberland, whom God sent to redeem that miserable Country from the hands of their Enemies, and many eminent Victories he obtained.

62. The fatall year, wherein so many Outrages were committed on the Apostate Northumberlanders, by Cadwald King of the Britans, is detested by all Saxon Chronologers. And therefore all the Annalists, and writers of Histories in that Age, by joynt-consent, universally resolved to damn and drown the Memoriall of that Annus infaustus (as they call it) Vnlucky year, but made so by Vngodly men. Yea, they unanimouslyb agreed to allow those two Apostate Kings, no yeares reign in their Chronicles, adding the time (subtracted from them) to Oswald, their Christian Successour, accounting him to have reignedc nine yeares; which indeed were but eight of his own, and one of these Historians their Adoption. Yet is it no news even in Scri∣pture it self, to bury the reign of Tyrants, under the Monument of a good Prince succeeding them. Thus when Ehud isd said to have judged the land four∣score year; those eighteene yeares are included, wherein Eglon the Moabite op∣pressed Israel.

63. Amongst the many Victories atchieved by this Oswald, one most re∣markable was gained by him near Hexam in Northumberland, against the Pa∣gans, against whom he erected the Standard of the Crosse, in a place which time out of mind was called Heafen-feld (Haledon at this day,) by a Prolepsis, not answering the name thereof untill this time. Hence a Poet writing the life of Oswald;

Tunc primum scivit causam cur nomen haberet Heafen-feld, hoc est, coelestis campus; & illi Nomen ab antiquo dedit appellatio Gentis Praeteritae, tanquam belli praesaga futuri.

Then he began the reason first to know Of Heafen-feld, why it was called so; Nam'd by the Natives long since by foresight, That in that field would hap an heavenly fight.

Thus it is generally reported, that the place nigh Lipsick, where the King of Sweden got one of his signal Victories, was, time out of mind, termed by the Dutchf Gots Acre, or, Gods ground. And thus, as Onesimus and Eutychus were so called from their Infancy, but never truely answered their Names, till after theg Conversion of the one, and Reviving of theh other: so Places (whether casually, or prophetically) have Names anciently imposed upon them, which are sometimes verified many Ages after.

64. About this time Honorius the Pope sent his Letter to the Scotch Na∣tion, advising them to an Uniformity with the Church of Rome in the Cele∣bration of Easter. His main Reason is thought to have more of State, then Strength; humane Haughtinesse, then holy Divinity in it. Namely he coun∣selleth them, Ne paucitatem suam in extremis terrae finibus constitutam, sapien∣tiorem omnibus Christi Ecclesiis aestimarent. This is that Honorius, of whom Leo

the second, his Successour, complaineth in hisa Epistle to the Bishops of Spain, Flammam haertici dogmatis non (ut decuit Apostolicam authoritatem) incipientem extinxit, sed negligendo confovit; By his negligence he did coun∣tenance the heretical Opinions (meaning of the Monothelites, then beginning afresh to spring up again) which he ought to have suppressed. Thus he, who could stickle about the Ceremony of keeping, Easter, could quietly connive at, yea (interpretatively) consent to the depraving of the Doctrinall part of Religion. But his Letter to the Scotch took little effect, who kept their Easter not one Minute the sooner, or later, for all his writing unto them.

65. In a better Work, and with better Successe, was Birinus employed, an Italian by Birth, sent over by Pope Honorius for the Conversion of the re∣mainder of England; and to that purpose (that his Preaching belike might be the more powerfull) made a Bishop before hisb coming over, by Asterius Bishop of Genoa. Here I am at a losse. Bishop of what? Where was his Dio∣cese or Bishoprick? Were not Bishop and Bishoprick so correlated in that Age, that they must be together? the trick of making Titular Bishops not as yet being used in Rome. It is impossible, that Bishops here should import no more then a plain Priest; and, that he onely took Orders before he came over into England. Well, commend me to the Memory of this man, who first was made Bishop, and then made himself a Bishoprick, by earning it out of the Pagan English, whom he intended to convert to Christianity. Yea, he passed his solemn Promise in the presence of the Pope, that he would preach the Gospel in the heart of thec uttermost coasts of England (meaning the Northern parts thereof) whither no Teacher had at any time gone before him. Minded herein liked S^t. Paul, not to boast in another mans line, of things made ready to his hand.

66. This his Promise Birinus, though he literally brake, Virtually kept; for he chanced to land amongst the West-Saxons (then called Gevises) in the South-VVest part of England, where as yet the Inhabitants were pure-impure Pagans. Having here found a fit subject for his Pains, why should he go far∣ther to seek the same? Is not Providence the best Herauld to marshal us? and ought we not to sit down where it disposeth us? Besides, according to Military Rules, it was best to clear the Coasts as he went, and not to leave a Pagan-Foe behind his back. Moved herewith, Birinus here sets up his Staffe [Episcopal,] fixeth himself; falls a preaching, converts many, and a∣mongst the rest, Kyngils the VVest-Saxon King, whom he baptized. Oswald, King of Northumberland, chanced to bee present at that time, and was first God-Father, then Father in Law to King Kyngils, to whom he gave his Daughter to Wife.

67. Dorchester (not the Town which denominates Dorsetshire, but) an old City in Oxfordshire (not in Barkshire, as Stapletonf mistakes it) was made the Seat of Birinus his Bishoprick. Bede faith, Donaverunt autem ambo Reges eidem Episcopo civitatem, quae vocatur Dorinca, &c. Both the Kings (Oswald, and Kynglls) gave to the said Bishop the City Dorinca, or Dorchester. Both of them] Hence observe, first, that Oswald (whose Concurrence in this Grant was required) though particular King of Northumberland, was also Monarch of all England. To justifie our former Observation, that amongst the seven Saxon Kings, alwayes one was paramount above the rest. Secondly, that this Dorchester (though it lay North of Thames in Oxfordshire, which properly be∣longed to the Kingdomes of Mercia) pertained now to the VVest-Saxons, beyond the ordinary Limits assigned to that Kingdome.

68. In this year Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury divided England (un∣derstand, so much thereof as was Christian) into Parishes. But that most ex∣quisite g Antiquary seems very unwilling to admit so early and ancient Parishes, in the modern proper Acception of the word. Who knoweth not, that Parochia at large, signifieth the Diocese of the Bishop? and two new

Dioceses, (Dunwich and Dorchester) were erected under Honorius in the Pro∣vince of Canterbury. But whether Parishes, as usually understood for, places bounded in regard of the Profits from the people therein, payable onely to a Pastour incumbent there; I say, whether such Parishes were extant in this Age, may well be questioned, as inconsistent with the Community of Ecclesiastick Profits, which then seemed joyntly enjoyed by the Bishop and his Clergy.

69. No sooner was Oswald (whom we formerly mentioned) settled in his Kingdome of Northumberland, but his first Princely Care was, to provide Pa∣stours to instruct his People in Christianity. In order where unto he sends into Scotland (where he had his own Education) for some Eminent Preachers. Unu∣suall the Sun should come out of the North, to enlighten the South, as here it came to passe. One Preacher was sent him thence, whose Name we find not, but thus much of his Nature; that being over-rigid and severe, his Ser∣mons made no Impression on his English Auditory. Hard with hard (saith the Proverb) makes no VVall: and no Wonder, if the spirituall Building went on no better, wherein the Austerity and Harshnesse of the Pastour, met with the Ignorance and Sturdinesse of the People. Home he returns, complaining of his ill Successe; and one Aidan, of a Milder temper, and more Discretion (a Grace which none ever spake against, but such as wanted it) was sent back in his room.

70. Aidan coming into England, settled himself at Lindisfern, or Holy-Island, in Northumberland; a place which is an Island and no Island twice in twenty four hours, as divided by the Tide from, so conjoyned at Low-water to the Continent. His exemplary Life was a Pattern for all pious Pastours. First, he left to the Clergy, Saluberrimum abstinentiae, vel continentiae exemplum; though we read not he vowed Virginity himself, or imposed in on others. He lived as he taught; and, whatsoever the Bounty of Princes or great Persons bestowed on him, he gave to the Poor. He seldome travelled but on Foot; and, when invited to large Feasts at Court, used to arise after a short Refection, and betake himself to his Meditations. He redeemed many Slaves from Captivity, making them first Free-men, then Christians.

71. All these his excellent Practices Bedea dasheth with this Allay, that▪ He had a Zeal of God, although not fully according to Knowledge; merely because he dissented from the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter. But whe∣ther those words ofb S^t. Paul, spoken of his Country-men the Iews, in refe∣rence to their Stumbling at Christ, the Saviour of Mankind, be fitly appliable to Aidan, onely differing in an outward Ceremony, let others decide. True it is, this Aidan was a prime Champion of the Quartadecimans, as who had been brought up under, or with S^t. Colme, in Ireland. The writer of the Life of this S^t. Colme (let this be inserted by the way) reports, how the said Saint had a Revelationc of the Holy Ghost, which prophesied unto him of this Dis∣cord, which after many dayes should arise in the Church, about the diversity of the Feast of Easter. Yet he telleth us not, that the Holy Ghost reproved this Colme (whose Example animated others against the Roman Rite) for his Errour; as if God cared not, which of both Sides carried the Controversie.

72. But all which Bede speaketh in Diminution of Aidan, may freely be forgiven him, were it but for his faithfull recording of the following Passage in Aidan's Life: and take it with Stapleton's own Translation thereof.

Omnes qui cum eo incede∣bant, sive Attonsi, sive Lai∣ci, meditari deberent; id est, aut legendis Scripturis, aut Psalmis discendis ope∣ram dare.

All they which went with him, were they professed into Religion, or were they Lay∣brethren, gave themselves continually to Contemplation; that is to say, bestowed all their time in reading Scripture, or learning the Psalter.

Bede, speaking hereof, addeth moreover, tantum vita illius à nostri temporis

segnitia distabat, so much differed his life from the Lazinesse of our Age: taxing those of his Time for Neglect of the Scriptures. And the Ignorance be∣moaned in his Age, continued and encreased after his Death.

73. When Aidan came first into England, he was not perfect in the Language of our Country. For although the Speech of the modern Southern-Scot be onely a Dorick Dialect of, no distinct Language from English; yet Aidan, who naturally spoke Irish, was not intelligible of his English Con∣gregation. Wherefore King Oswald, a better Scotch-man (as bred amongst them) then Aidan was English-man, interpreted to the People, what the other preached unto them. Thus these two put together made a perfect Preacher. And although some will say, Sermons thus at the Second-hand must lose much of their Life and Lustre; yet the same Spirit working in both, the Ordinance proved effectuall to the Salvation of many Souls.

74. This year the first Lent was kept in England; conceive it in those Parts thereof which obeyed the Roman Celebration of Easter. Otherwise it is suspi∣cious, that the Quartadecimans were no good Quadragesimarians, and no such conscientious Observers of Lent on the Romish Account. Surely, if people were taught in Lent to fast (as from Flesh, so) from a proud and false opi∣nion of Meriting thereby, Policy would be well pleased and Piety not offended at the Observing thereof; whilest Continent-Countries might keep it with∣out any Losse to their Souls, and Islands with great Gain to their Estates.

75. Oswald, King of Northumberland, at Maserfield (since Oswa∣stree) in Shropshire, against Penda the Pagan Prince of Mercia, was overthrown, slain, and his Body most barbarously abused, and chopped in Pieces. Yea, it is observable that such Saxon Kings, which were first converted to Chri∣stianity, and such who were the most active Restorers of Religion after a generall Apostasie, commonly came to Violent Deaths, by the hands of Heathens. As,

Edwine, first Christian King of Northumberland, slain by Pagan Penda, Anno 632.

Erpenwald, first Christian King of East-Angels, slain by his own People, Anno 639.

Peada, first Christian King of Mercia, slain by his own Wife, Anno 659.

Edelwald, or Ethelwald, first Christian King of Sussex, slain likewise.

Oswald, the most Religious Restorer of Christianity in Northumberland, slain Anno 642.

Anna, the most Pious King of the East-Angels, slain by Penda, Anno 654.

Edmond, the most Devout King of the East-Angels, martyred by the Danes, Anno 870.

Inquiring into the Causes hereof, we find, First, that the Lustre of their Lives shining before men, made them the fairer Mark for their malicious Enemies. Secondly, Satan, accounting them Traitours against his Kingdome of Darknesse, left no stone unturned, thereby to bring them to Temporall De∣struction, the greatest Hurt which his Power could inflict. Thirdly, God, to try the Patience of his Infant-Church, acquainted them with Afflictions from their very Cradle. Such therefore are mistaken, who make Prosperity a note either of Piety in particular Persons, or Verity in a whole Church; seeing, take it one time with another, and it misseth the Mark oftner then it hits is As for our Oswald, Legions of Miracles are attributed unto him after Death; all which we willingly omit, insisting onely on One as most remarkable.

76. The Story goes thus. On an Easter-day Oswald was sitting in his Pa∣lace at Dinner with Bishop Aidan: when in comes one of his Servants, and informeth him, that abundance of Poor people from all parts fate in the Streets expecting some Almes for their Relief. Presently King Oswald com∣mands,

not onely that the Meat set before him should be given them, also that the large Silver-Charger holding the same should be broke in pieces, and (in want perchance of present Coin) parted betwixt them. Whereupon, Aidan laying hold on Oswald's right Hand (and that alone, we know, ought to be thea Almoner) May this hand (said he)b never be consumed: which is said accordingly to come to passe. So that when all the other Members of King Oswald's Body (torn asunder by his barbarous Enemies) were pu∣trified, his right Hand alwayes remained unconsumed.

Nulloc Verme perit; nulla Putredine tabet. Dextra viri; nullo constringi Frigore, nullo Dissolvi Fervore potest: sed semper eodem Immutata statu persistit, mortua vivit.

No Worm, no Rottennesse taints his right Hand; Corruption-free in vain the Cold doth strive To freeze, or Heat to melt it, which doth stand Still at one stay; and though dead, is alive.

But it is not enough for us, that we have the Poets Pen for it; if we also had Oswald's Hand to shew for the same, much might be wrought on our belief herein.

77. For my own part, I conceive that Aidan his words to Oswald; that his Handshould never wax old, or be consumed, were spiritually spoken, in a My∣sticall Meaning, parallel to those Scripture-expressions; The Righteous shall be ind everlasting Remembrance, even, when the name of the VVicked shalle rot. The bountifull hand never consumes: neither actually, it never wastes nor em∣pairs an Estate, God so ordering it, that the more he giveth the more he hath; nor passively, it is not consumed, the Acts thereof remaining in a perpetuall Memoriall here, and hereafter. But, grant this Miracle of Oswald's Hand literally true in the Latitude thereof; I desire any ingenuous Papist to consider the Time wherein it was acted. It was Easter-day, yea, such an Easter-day as was celebrated by the Quartadecimans, Aidan being present thereat, contrary to the time which the Canons of Rome appointed. Now, did not a Divine Finger in Oswald his miraculous Hand, point out this Day then to be truly observed? Let the Papists produce such another Miracle, to grace and credit their Easter Roman-stile, and then they say something to the Pur∣pose.

78. It plainly appears, that the Survivers had not onely, a charitable Opi∣nion, but a comfortable Presumption, yea, an infallible Perswasion, that the Soul of King Oswald was possessed of Heavenly Happinesse, instantly after his Death. What better Demonstration of his present being in perfect Blisse, then those many Miracles, which the Papists confidently report to be done by him after his Death, in curing Sick people of their severall Maladies? For such Souls which they fancy in Purgatory, are so farre from healing others, that they cannot help themselves. Yea,f Bede calleth this Oswald, jam cum Domino regnantem, now reigning with the Lord. Yet the sameg Authour attest∣eth, that even in his time it was the anniversary Custome of the Monks of He∣xam, to repair to Heofen-feld (a place hard by, where Oswald, as aforesaid, ob∣tained his miraculous Victory) and there to observe Vigils for the Salvation of his Soul, plurima{que} Psalmorum laude celebrata, victimam pro eo, mane sacrae obla∣tionis offerre. A Mongrel Action, betwixt Good-will and VVill-worship: though the eyes of their Souls in those Prayers looked not forward to the future, pe∣titioning for Oswald's Happinesse; but backward to what was past, gratulatory to the Blisse he had received. Purgatory therefore cannot properly be founded on such Suffrages for the dead. However, such over-Officiousnesse (though at first it was like the Herb in the Pot, which doth neither good nor ill) in af∣ter-Ages

became like that wilda Gourd, poysoning mens Souls with Supersti∣tion, when they fell to down-right Praying for the departed.

79. This year Paulinus, late Arch-Bishop of York, since Bishop of Rochester, ended his Life; and one Ithamar succeeded him, born in Kent, and the first English-man Bishop, all being Forrainers before him. As he was the first of his Nation, I believe him the second of his Name, meeting with no moe save onelyb Ithamar, the youngest Son of Aaron, High-Priest of Israel.

80. After King Oswald his Death, four Christian contemporary Kings flou∣rished in England. First Oswy, King of Northumberland, more commendable for the Managing, then the Gaining of his Kingdome; except any will say, that no good Keeping can make amends for the ill Getting of a Crown, see∣ing he defeated Ethelwald (Oswald's Son, and) the true Heire thereof, Bede c termeth him Regem Christianissimum, The most Christian King; a Stile where∣with the present Majesty of France will not be offended, as which many years after was settled on his Ancestours. Long had this Oswy endeavoured in vain by Presents to purchase Peace from Penda, the Pagan King of Mercia, who miserably harassed his Country; and refused any Gifts, (though never so rich and great) which were tendered unto him. At last, saith myd Authour, Oswy resolved, VVe will offer our Presents to such a King, who is higher in Command, and humbler in his Courtesie, as who will not disdain to accept them. Whereupon he devoted his Daughter to God, in her perpetuall Virginity, and soon after obtained a memorable Conquest over his Enemies, and cleared the Country from his Cruelty.

81. Secondly, Sigebert, King of Essex, and the Restorer of Religion in his Kingdome (which formerly had apostatized after the Departure of Mellitus) valiant, and pious, though taxed for his contumacious Company-keeping (contrary to his Confessours command) with an Excommunicated Count, in whose House he was afterward murdered by two Villains: Who, being de∣manded the Cause of their Cruelty, why they killed so harmlesse and inno∣cent a Prince, had nothing to say for themselves, but they did it, because his e Goodnesse had done the Kingdome hurt; such his pronenesse to pardon Offenders, on their (though but seeming) Submission, that his Meeknesse made many Malefactours. But I hope, and believe, that the Heirs of Sigebert (though the Story be silent herein) finding his Fault, amended it in themselves, and exercised just Severity in the Execution of these two damnable Trai∣tours.

82. Anna may be accounted the third Successour to Sigebert, and happy in a numerous and holy Off-spring. Yea, all his Children (save Firminus the eldest, slain with his Father in a Fight against Pagan Penda) were either Mitred, or Vailed, when Living; Sainted, and Shrined, when Dead: as Erkenwald, Bi∣shop of London; Ethelred, or Audrey, and Sexburga, successively Foundresses and Abbesses of Elie; VVithgith, a Nun therein; and Ethilburg, Abbesse of Beorking, nigh London.

83. Peada, Prince of Mercia, may make up the Quaternion, who married Alfrede, Daughter of Oswy King of Northumberland; and thereupon renoun∣cing Paganisme, embraced Christianity, and propagated it in his Dominions. Indeed Penda, his Father, that Persecuter of Piety, was still alive (and sur∣vived two yeares after) persisting an Heathen till Death, but mollified to per∣mit a Toleration of Christianity in his Subjects. Yea, Penda in his Old-age used an expression (which might have beseemed the Mouth of a better man) namely. That he hated not Christians, but onely such whof professed Christ's Faith, without his VVorks; accounting them contemptible, who pretended to Believe in God, without Obeying him.

84. A brace of Brethren, both Bishops, both eminent for Learning and Religion, now appeared in the Church, so like in Name, they are oft mistaken in Authours one for another. Now, though it be pleasant for Brethren to

live together in Vnity; yet it is not fit, by Errour they should be jumbled to∣gether in Confusion. Observe their Difference therefore.

S^t. Cedde (in Latine Ceddus) I believe the elder, born at a London (where afterward he was Bishop) bred in Holy Is∣land, an active promoter in making the East-Saxons Con∣verts (or rather Reverts) to the Faith. He is remembred in the Romish Kalendar, Ia∣nuary the seventh.

S^t. Chad (in Latine Cedda) born inb Nor∣thumberland, bred likewise in Holy Island, and Scholar to Aidanus. He was Bishop of Lich∣field; a milde, and modest man, of whom more hereafter. His death is celebrated in the Kalender March the second, and the Dust of his Tombe is by Papists reported to cure all Diseases [alike] in Man and Beast. I believe it might make the dumb to see, and the lame to speak.

The later of these was, as the Longest Liver, so the most eminent in his Life; who made many Christians, and amongst the rest VVulfade and Rufine, Sons to Wulphere King of Mercia, succeeding Peada therein, who was sudden∣ly slain, and his untimely Death was a great Loss to Religion.

85. Look we now on the See of Canterbury, where (to our comfort) we have gotten one of our own Country-men into the place, Fridona a Saxon. Yet, for the more State of the businesse, he assumed the name of Deus-dedit. We know, Arch-Bishops of his See are termed Alterius orbis Papae, and such changing of Names was fashionable with the Popes. He was consecrated by Ithamar alone, Bishop of Rochester, the first English Bishop consecrating the first English Arch-Bishop. Let no Sophister cavill with his thread-bare Maxime, Nihil dat quod non habet, and therefore a single Bishop could not conferre Archiepiscopal Power; but leave it to the Canon-Lawyers, to decide what may be done in case of Extremity. Mean time, how causelesse is the Caption of the Papistsc at the Consecration of Matthew Parker, because no Arch-Bishop (though four Bishops) was present thereat. Seeing, though an Arch-Bishop be requisite ad Dignitatem, Bishops will suffice ad Honestatem; and a single Bishop (asd Ithamar here) may be effectuall ad essentiam of an Archiepi∣scopal Consecration. No wonder therefore if Evagrius was acknowledged a legitimate Bishop by thee Pope himself, though contrary to the Rigour of the Canon, consecrated byf Paulinus alone. Deus-dedit answered his Name (A good Arch-Bishop is Gods Gift) and for nine yeares and more, ruled the Church to his great Commendation.

86. A barbarous Murther was committed by Wolphere, King of Mercia, who understanding that his two Sons, Wulfade and Rufine, had embraced Chri∣stianity, cruelly slew them with his own Hands. But afterwards, repenting of so soul a Fact, he himself turned Christian; and in Testimony thereof, finished the fair Fabrick of the Monastery at Peterborough, begun by Peada his Brother. The whole Story thereof was, till lately, set forth in Painting, and Poetry (such as it was) in the Glass-windows, round about the Cloisters of Peter∣borough.

Wulfade pray'd Chad, that ghostly Leach, The Faith of Christ him for to teach.

87. And now, having fallen on the mention of Glasse, be it seasonably re∣membred, that just at this time one Benault, a forrain Bishop (but of what place I find not) brought the Mystery of making Glasse into England, to the great Beautifying of our Churches and Houses; the Eyes being the Grace of the Body, as Windows are of Buildings. I conceive, his Invention was White Glasse alone, more ancient then Painted Glasse in this Island, as Plain-song is much seniour to all Descanting, and running of Division.

88. The Paroxisme continued and encreased, betwixt the Scotish Bishops (headed, after Aidan's Death, by Finan, Bishop of Holy-Island) and such who celebrated Easter after the Roman Rite. The later so bitterly detested the

former, that they would not receive Consecration of them, or Imposition of Hands; as if their very Fingers ends were infected with Schisme, for dissen∣ting from Rome. Yea, they would neither give the Sacrament of the Euacharist to them, nor receive it from them: and yet they never quarrelled at, or que∣stioned the validity of Baptisme conferred by them; seeing Bishop Finan chri∣stened the King of the East-Saxons, and all his Subjects. Some what more mo∣derate were the Scots, or Quartadecimans, in their Cariage to the other, seeing S^t. Chad (Scotized in his Judgement) refused not Consecration from Wyni, Bi∣shop of Winchester, though one of the contrary Opinion.

89. Nor was this Controversie consined to Cloisters and Colledges, but derived it self from the Kings Court, down into private Families. Thus Oswy, King of Northumberland, was of the Scotish Perswasion, whilest his Queen and eldest Son were of the Romish Opinion, in Celebration of Easter. One Board would not hold them, whom one Bed did contain. It fell out so sometimes, that the Husband's Palm-Sunday was the Wife's Easter-day; and in other Fami∣lies, the Wife fasted, and kept Lent still, whilest her Husband feasted, and ob∣served Easter. Say not, that Wife deserved to fast alwayes, who in so indiffe∣rent a Ceremony would not conform to her Husband's Judgement. For Con∣sciences, in such kinds, are to be led, not drawn. Great was the Disturbance in every great Family; onely the Poor gained by the Difference, causing a Dupli∣cate of Festivalls, two Easters being kept every year in the same House.

90. To compose this Controversie (if possible) a Councill was called at Streanch-Hall (now Whitby in Yorkshire) by the procurement of S^t. Hilda, Ab∣bess therein. Here appeared, amongst many others,

• For the Romish Easter,
  • VVilfride, an Abbot, a zealous Cham∣pion.
  • Romanus, a Priest, ve∣ry hot in the Quar∣rel: And others.
• Moderatours.
  • Hilda, the Abbess of Streanch-Hall.
  • S. Cedd, Bishop of Lon∣don, propending to the Scotish, but not throughly perswaded.
• For the Scotish Easter.
  • S^t. Coleman, Bi∣shop of Holy-Island, who succeeded Fi∣nan in that place.

But Baronius and Binnius will in no case allow this for a Councill (though elsewhere extending that name to meaner Meetings) onely they call it a Col∣lation; because (forsooth) it wanted some Council-Formalities, all Bishops not being, solemnly summoned, but onely some Voluntiers appearing therein. Besides, as there was something too little, so something too much for a Ca∣nonicall Councill; Hilda, a Woman, being Moderatresse therein; which seemed irregular.

91. In this Councill, or Collation (call it which you please) after much ar∣guing pro and con, VVilfride at last knockt all down with this Argument; That the Romish Celebration of Easter was founded on the Practice of S^t. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and Porter of Heaven. King Oswy hearing this was af∣frighted, who had rather anger all the other eleven Apostles, then offend S^t. Pe∣ter, one so high in Power and Place; for fear (as he said) left coming to Heaven∣gate, S^t. Peter should deny him a Cast of his Office, and refuse to let him into Happinesse. S^t. Coleman, being on the other side, was angry, that so slight an Argument had made so deep an Impression on the King's Credulity. And, to manifest his Distaste, after the Councill was broken up, carried all those of his own Opinion home with him into Scotland. One Tuda succeeded him in his Bishoprick of Holy-Island, the first of that See that conformed himself in this Controversie to the Romish Church, and died in the same year, of the Plague.

92. As for VVilfride, he was well rewarded for his Paines in this Councill, being presently promoted to be Bishop of York, which, since Paulinus his Death, was no longer an Arch-Bishop's, but a plain Bishop's See. But, though

appointed for the place by King Oswy, he refused Consecration from any En∣glish Bishops, being all irregular, as consecrated by the schismaticall Scots; onely VVyni, late Bishop of VVinchester, now of London, was ordained cano∣nically, but lately he had contracted just Shame for his Simony, in buying his Bishoprick. Over goes VVilfride therefore to Rome for Consecration, and stayes there so long, that in his Absence the King put S^t. Chad into the Bishoprick of York. The writer of VVilfride's Life complains lowdly hereof;

—Audacter sponsam vivo rapuere marito. Boldly in the Husban's life, Away from him they took his Wife.

But, by the Poets leave, York was but espoused, not married to VVilfride, whilest he was in England: and after his going over beyond-Sea, he stayed so long, that his Church presumed him dead, and herself a Maid-Widow, which lawfully might receive another Husband. At last VVilfride returning home had York restored unto him, and S^t. Chad was removed to the new-founded Bishop∣rick of Lichfield.

93. The Abbess Hilda, whom we mentioned before, was like another Huldah, which lived in thea Colledge, superiour to most of her Sex in Learning, inferiour to none in Religion. Monks ascribe it to her Sanctity, that she turned many Serpents in that Country into Stones. Plenty of which Stones are found at this day about VVhitby, the place of her Aboad, having the Shape of Serpents, but most headlesse; as the Tale is truthlesse, relating it to her Miraculous Operation. Who knows not, but that at Alderly in Glocestershire, there are found Stones resembling Cockles, or Periwincles, in a place far from the Sea? which are esteemed by the Learned the Gamesome Work of Nature, sometimes pleased to disport it self, and pose us by propoun∣ding such Riddles unto us.

94. Some impute it also to Hilda her Holinesse, that Wilde-geese, when flying over the Grounds near her Convent, fell down to the ground, as doing Homage to the Sanctity thereof. As the Credit of the Reporters hath conver∣ted wise men to believe the Thing: so they justly remain incredulous, that it proceedeth from any Miracle, but secret Antipathy. But as Philosophers, when posed in Nature, and prosecuted to render Reasons of her Mysteries, took San∣ctuary at Occulta Qualitas: Monks in the same kind make their Refuge to the Shrine of some Saint, attributing all they cannot answer, to His, or Her mira∣culous Operation. Yea sometimes such is Monkish Impudence, falsely to assign that to a Saint (though all Chronologies protest against the Possibility thereof) which is the plain and pregnant effect of Nature. Witnesse when theyb write, that Richard de la VVich, Bishop of Chicester, with his fervent Prayers obtained, that the VViches, or salt Springs, should boil out of the earth in Durtwich in VVorcestershire; which are mentioned, and described by ancient Authours dead before the Cradle of the said Richard de la VVich was made.

95. Look we now on the See of Canterbury, and there after the Death of the last Arch-Bishop (and four yeares Vacancy) we find that Church hath changed her Latine into Greek, I mean, dead Deus-dedit, into Theodorus his Suc∣cessour, put in by the Pope. This Theodorus was a Grecian by Name, and Na∣tion, fellow-Citizen with S••. Paul, born inc Tarsus in Cilicia; and herein like him, that hed spake with Tongues more then they all, had more skill in learned Languages then all his Brethren, Bishops of England, in that Age. Yea, as Chil∣dren when young, are permitted to Play; but when of some yeares, are sent to learn their Book: so hitherto the Infant-Church of England may be said to have lost time for matter of Learning, and now Theodorus set it first to School, brought Books to it, and it to Books; erecting a well-furnished Library, and teaching his Clergie how to make use thereof.

96. I could wish this Theodorus had had one Quality more of S^t. Paul; that in matters Indifferent, he would have beene made all things to all men, that by

all means he might save some. Whereas he most rigourously pressed Confor∣mity to Rome, in the Observation of Easter: and to that purpose a Councill was called at Herad-ford, now Hartford, and not Hereford, as judicious and in∣dustrious Bishop Godwine (partiall to the place where of he himself was Bishop) doth mistake it. Here Easter was settled after the Romish Rite; and we are not sorry for the same, willing rather it should be any way ordered, then that the Reader (with whom I sympathize, more then grutch my own Pains) should be troubled any longer with such a small-great Controversie, low in it's own Merit, but heightned with the Spleen and Passion of such as prosecuted it. In this Synod nine other Articles were concluded of, as they follow here in order, out of Bede,a as Stapleton himself hath translated them.

1. That no Bishop should have ought to do in another Diocese, but be contented with the Charge of the people committed unto him.

2. That no Bishop should molest, or any wise trouble such Monasteries as were consecreated, and given to God, nor violently take from them ought that was theirs.

3. That Monks should not go from place to place, that is to say, from one Monastery to another, unlesse by the leave of their own Abbot; but should continue in the Obedience which they promised at the time of their Conversion, and entring into Religion.

4. That none of the Clergie forsaking his own Bishop, should run up and down where he list, nor when he came any whither, should be received without Letters of Commendation from his Diocesan. And, if that he be once received, & will not return, being warned and called, both the Receiver and he that is Received shall incurre the Sen∣tence of Excommunication.

5. That such Bishops and Clerks as are Strangers, be content with such Hospitality as is given them; and that it be lawfull for none of them to execute any Office of a Priest, without the permission of the Bishop in whose Diocese they are known to be.

6. That whereas by the ancient Decrees, a Synod and Convocation ought to be assembled twice a year; yet because diverse Inconve∣niences do happen among us, it hath seemed good to us all, that it should be assembled once a year, the first day of August, at the place called Clofeshooh.

7. That no Bishop should ambitiously preferre himself before another, but should all acknowledge the time, and order of their Consecra∣tion.

8. That the Number of Bishops should be encreased, the number of Christian folk waxing daily greater; but hereof at this time we said no further.

9. That no man commit Advoutry nor Fornication; that no man for∣sake his own Wife, but for onely Fornication, as the Holy Gospel teacheth. And, if any man put away his Wife being lawfully married unto him, if he will be a right Christian man, let him be joyned to none other: but let him so continue still sole, or else be reconciled a∣gain to his own Wife.

I wonder, no mention herein of settling the Tonsure of Priests (a Controversie running parallel with that of Easter) according to the Roman Rite. To con∣clude, let not the Reader expect the like exemplification of all Articles in following Synods, so largely as here we have presented them. For this Synod Stapletonb calls the first of the English Nation (understand him, whose Canons are completely extant) and therefore more Patrimony is due to the Heir and Eldest Son, then to the younger Brethren, who shall be content to be con∣fined to their Pensions, I mean, to have their Articles not exemplified, but epi∣tomized hereafter.

97. Theodorus, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, beheld VVilfride, Bishop of York (one of great Parts, and greater Passions) with envious eyes; and therefore, to abate his Power, he endeavoured that the Diocese of York might be di∣vided. VVilfride offended hereat goes over to Rome to impede the Project, and by the way is tossed with a grievous Tempest. It is an ill wind whicch bloweth no man Profit. He is cast on the Shoar of Freezland in Belgia, where the In∣habitants, as yet Pagans, were by his Preaching converted to Christianity. This may be observed in this Wilfride, his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were better then his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, his casuall and occasionall were better then his intentionall Performances (which shews plainly, that Providence acted more vigourously in him, then his own Prudence:) I mean, when at Ease in Wealth, at home, he busied himself in Toyes and Trifles of Ceremonious Controversies; but when (as now, and afterwards) a Stranger, and little better then an Exile, he effectually promoted the Honour and Glory of God.

98. And as it is observed of Nightingales, that they sing the sweetest, when farthest from their Nests: so this VVilfride was most diligent in God's Ser∣vice, when at the greatest distance from his own Home. For though return∣ing into England, he returned not unto York, but stayed in the Pagan King∣dome of the South-Saxons, who also, by God's Blessing on his Endeavours, were perswaded to embrace the Christian Faith.

99. These South-Saxons, of all the seven Kingdomes, were the last which submitted themselves to the perfect Freedome of God's Service, and yet their Country was in Situation next to Kent, where the Gospel was first planted. Herein it was verified, Many that are first, shall be last; and the last, first. Yea, the Spirit, which bloweth where it listeth, observeth no visible Rules of Motion; but sometimes taking no notice of those in the middle, reacheth to them which are farthest off. Indeed Edilwalch their King, was a little before Christened by the perswasion of VVolphere, King of Mercia (who was his Godfather, and at his baptizing gave him for a Gift the Isle of VVight, & provinciama Meanuarorum in gente Occidentalium Saxonum) but his Country still remained in Paganisme. And although Dicul, a Scot, with some six of his Brethren, had a small Monastery at Bosenham in Sussex; yet they, rather enjoying themselves, then medling with others, were more carefull of their own Safety, then their Neighbours Conversion. And in∣deed, the Pagans neither heeded their Life, nor minded their Doctrine.

100. However, these South-Saxons paid for their Stubbornnesse, in stand∣ing out so long against the Gospel; for they alwayes were a miserable people, and at this present afflicted with a great Famine, caused by three years Drought; so that fourty men in arow, holding hand in hand, used to throw themselves into the Sea, to avoid the misery of a Lingering Death. In this wofull Con∣dition did VVilfride, Bishop of York, find them, when he first preached the Gospel unto them; and on that very day wherein he baptized them (as if God from Heaven had powred water into the Font) he obtained store of Rain, which procured great Plenty. Observe (though I am not so ill-na∣tured as to wrangle with all Miracles) an Apish Imitation of Elijah (who car∣ried the Key of Heaven at his Girdle, to lock, or unlock it by his Prayer:) onely Elijah gave Rain after three yeares and six moneths, VVilfride after bare three yeares; it being good manners to come a little short of his Bet∣ters.

101. Also (saith myb Authour) he taught the people (who till then knew not how to catch any Fishes, but Eeles) how to take all kind of Fish in the Sea, and Rivers. Strange! that thus long they should live in Ignorance of so usefull a Trade, being (though Infidels) no Idiots: especially seeing mens Capacities come very soon to be of age to understand their own Profit; and the Examples of their Neighbours might have been Tutours unto them.

But Wilfride afterward wanted no Hearers, People flocking unto him; as when Christ made his Auditours his Guests, they followed after him, be∣cause they ate of the Loaves, and were filled. The Priests Eappa, Padda, Bruchelin, and Oidda, assisted in baptizing the common people; and King Edilwalch gave VVilfride a piece of Land, containing eighty nine Families, at Selsey, where he erected a Bishops See, since translated to Chichester.

102. Amongst other good deeds, VVilfride freed two hundred and fifty men and maid-Servants, both out of Soul-Slavery, and Bodily Bondage. For, having baptized them, he procured their Liberty of their Masters, which they (no doubt) chearfully embraced, according to S^t. Paul'sa coun∣sel, Art thou called a Servant? care not for it: but if thou maist be made free, use it rather. And thus by God's Blessing, in the space of eighty and two yeares (from five hundred ninety seven, to six hundred seventy nine) was the whole Saxon Heptarchie converted to Christianity, and did never again re∣lapse to Paganisme.

103. Mention beingb lately made of VVolphere, the Mercian King, his being Godfather unto Edilwalch, King of the South-Saxons, some will much admire, that one arrived at yeares of Maturity, able to render an Account of his Faith, should have a Godfather, which (with Swadling-clouts) they conceive belong to Infants alone. Yet this was very fashionable in that Age: not onely for the greater state, in Kings, Princes, and Publick Persons; but, in majorem cautelam, even amongst Private people. For such Susceptors were thought to put an Obligation on the Credits (and by reflection on the Con∣sciences) of new Christians (whereof too many in those dayes were bap∣tized out of civile Designes) to walk worthy of their Profession, were it but to save their Friends Reputation, who had undertaken for their Sincerity therein.

104. Cadwallader, the last King of VVales, wearied out with Warre, Fa∣mine, and Pestilence, left his own Land, and (with some small Treasure) fled to Alan, King of Little Britain. But Princes are welcome in forrain parts, when Pleasure (not Need) brings them thither; or, whilest they are so considerable in themselves, as to command their own Entertainment. Whereas this distressed King his Company was beheld not onely as Uselesse, and Expensive, but Dangerous, as likely to draw with it the Displeasure of the Saxon Kings (his Enemies) on his Entertainer. But it seems, Cadwal∣lader had better Friends in Heaven, then any he found on Earth, if it be true what confidently is reported, that anc Angel appeared unto him, ad∣vising him to go to Rome, there to take on him the Habite of a Monk, and spend the remainder of his Life. Here he purchased Lands, all by the fore∣said Angelicall Direction, built an House (after his Death converted into an Hospitall) and by his Will so ordered it, that certain Priests of his own Country should for ever have the Rule and Government thereof. These were to entertain all VVelsh-Pilgrims with Meat, Drink, and Lodging, for the space of a moneth, and to give them a certain Summe of Money for a viaticum at their Departure, towards their Charges in returning to their own Country.

105. Many a year did this Hospitall flourish in good Plenty, till the middle of Queen Elisabeth her Reign; when fair the Revenues belonging, and few the VVelsh-Pilgrims repairing thereto. This made Father Parsons, with the rest of our English Iesuites, cast an envious eye thereon, who would never be quiet, until they had obtained of Pope Gregory the 13. to eject the old British, and unite this Hospitall to the English Colledge at Rome. This, no doubt, stirred up the VVelsh bloud of D^r. Morris, D^r. Lewes, D^r. Smith, M^r. Griffith, who in vain stickled to the utmost of their Power, to continue this Foundation to their Country-men. In my poor Opinion, seeing an An∣gel is said to direct in the Founding and endowing of this Hospitall, it was

but fit that either the same Angel appearing again, or some other of an higher (or at least equall Dignity and Degree, in the Celestiall Hierarchie) should have altered the Use, and confirmed the Alienation thereof. But of this morea hereafter.

106. Ina, King of the VVest-Saxons, about this time set forth his Saxon Laws, translated into English by M^r. Lambert. Eleven of his Laws concer∣ned Church-matters; Kings in that Age understanding their own Power, the Pope having not as yet intrenched on their just Prerogative. These Constitutions were concluded on by the King, through the Perswasion of Kenred his Father. Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops, and all his Alder∣men and wise Senatours of the People. Let none wonder that Ina, in his Preface to these Laws, termeth Erkenwald His Bishop, whose See of Lon∣don was properly under the King of the East-Saxons. For he might call him his in Affection, (whose Diocese was in another King's Possession;) Ina highly honouring Erkenwald for his Piety, and therefore inviting him (for∣ward of himself to all Goodnesse) to be present at the passing of these Laws. Besides,b some assign Surrey as part of the Kingdome of the VVest-Saxons: Probably at this present Ina's Puissance sallied over the Thames, and London might be reduced into his Honorary-Protection. But see here a Breviate of his Church-Laws.

1. That Ministersc observe their appointed form of living.

2. That every Infant be baptized within thirty dayes after his Birth, on the Penalty of his Parents forfeiting thirty shillings; and if the Child chance to die before he be baptized, all his Estate.

3. If the Servant doth any Work on the Lords day at the Masters Com∣mand, the Servant shall bed acquitted, and the M^r. pay thirty shillings. But if he did that work without his Masters Command, let him be bea∣ten, or redeem it with Money, &c. A Priest offending in this kind was to be double punished.

4. The First-fruits of Seeds were to be paid to the Church on the Feast of S^t. Martin, on the Penalty of fourty shillings, besides the payment of the said First-fruits twelve times over.

5. If any deserving Stripes shall flie to a Church, his Stripes shall be forgiven him. If guilty of a Capitall Crime, he shall enjoy his Life, but make Re∣compence according to what is right and due.

6. Fighters in the King's Court, to lose their Goods, and to be at the King's Mercy for their Life. Such as fight in the Church, to pay 120 shil∣lings. If in the house of an Alderman, 60 shil. &c.

7. Such as falsifie their Witnesse or Pawn in the presence of the Bishop, to pay 120. shillings.

8. Severall Penalties of Money imposed on those that should kill a Stranger.

9. Such as are breakers of the Peace in the Town of the King or Arch-Bi∣shop, punishable with one hundred and twenty shillings; in the Town of an Alderman, eight shillings; in the Town of one of the King's Ser∣vants, sixty shillings, &c.

10. First-fruits of all Seeds were to be paid by House-keepers as due to that place wherein they themselves were resident on the day of Christ's Nativity.

11. What Summes of Money are to be paid by such who have killed their God-fathers or God-sons.

In this last Law, expresse Provision is made, Episcopi filius si occidatur, in case the Son of a Bishop be kill'd: a Passage impertinently alledged by some, for the Proof of Bishops married in that Age; seeing neither Sons natural, nor conjugal, but onely spirituall, at the Font, are thereby intended. Now let the learned in the Law render the Reason, why Murder in that Age was not punishable with Death, but might be bought off with Money.

107. A great Council (for so it is tituled) was held at Becanceld by VVithred, King of Kent, and Bertuald, Arch-Bishop of Britain (so called therein) under∣stand him of Canterbury; wherein many things were concluded in favour of the Church. Five Kentish Abbesses, namely, Mildred, Etheldred; Aete, Wil∣nolde, and Hereswide, were not onely present, but subscribed their Names and Crosses to the Constitutions concluded therein. And we may observe, that their Subscriptions are not onely placed before and above all Presbyters, but also abovea Botred a Bishop, (but of what Diocese not specified) present in this great Council. It seems it was the Courtesy of England to allow the upper hand to the weaker Sex, as in their Siting, so in their Subscriptions.

108. We will conclude this Century with the miraculous Holiness of Ethelreda, or S^t. Audre: professing at first to be afraid to adventure on so high a Subject, disheartened in reading a Popish Authour to rant so in her Commendation.

Letb the fabulous Greeks talk no more of theirchast Penelope, who in the twenty yeares absence of her Husband Vlysses lived continently, in despite of the tempting Importunity of many noble Woers: and let the proud Romans cease to bragg of their fair Lucretia, that chose rather to become the bloudy instrument of her own Death, then to live after the violent Ravishment of her Honour: and let all the world turn their Minds to admire, and their Tongues and Pens to sound the Praises of the Christian Vertues and Chastity of our blessed Ethelreda,

&c. But leaving the Bubbles of his Rhetorick to break of themselves, on serious considerations we are so far from admiring, 'tis more then we can do to ex∣cuse this S^t. Audre, as her Story is reported.

109. This Audre was Daughter to Anna King of the East-Angles, and from her Infancy a great affecter of Virginity. However, she was over-per∣swaded to marry one Tombert, Prince of the Fen-land, with whom she lived three yeares in the Bands of unexperienced Wedlock, both, by mutuall Consent, abstaining from Carnal Copulation. After his Death, so importunate were her Friends with her that she married with Egfride King of Northumberland.

110. Strange, that being once free, she would again entangle her self; and stranger, that being married, she utterly refused to afford her Husband what the c Apostle calls due Benevolence, though he by importunate▪ Intreaties re∣quested the same. Being Benevolence, it was Uncharitable to deny it; being Due, it was Unjust to detain it; being both, she was uncharitable and unjust in the same action. Was not this a Mockage of Marriage (if in that Age counted a Sacrament) solemnly to give her self unto her Husband, whom formerly she had passed away by a previous Vow of Virginity? At last she wrested leave from her Husband to live a Nun in the Monastery of Ely, which she built and endowed. After her entrance therein she ever wore Wool∣len, and neverd Linen about her: which whether it made her more Holy, or lesse Cleanly, let others decide. Oure Authour tells us, that in Memory of her, out English Women are wont to wear about their Necks a certain Chain made of fine small Silk, which they call Ethelred's Chain. I must professe my self not so well acquainted with the Sex, as either to confute or confirm the truth thereof. At last she died of a Swelling in her Throat, and was buried in Ely.

111. Sixteen yeares her Corps slept in a private Grave near her own Con∣vent; when it came into the head of Bishop VVilfride and her Friends, to be∣stow on her a more costly Buriall. But alass, the soft and fenny Ground of Ely Isle (where scarce a stone bigg enough to bury a Worm under it) afforded not a Tombe-stone for that purpose. Being thus at a Losse, their wantf is said to be miraculously supplyed; for under the ruined Walls of Grantchester, or Cambridge, a Coffin was found, with a Cover correspondent, both of white Marble, which did fit her Body so exactly, as if (which one may believe was true) it was made for it. Herein was Audre's Corps stately inshrined, and for many yeares superstitiously adored.

112. But Io. Cajus, Fellow of Gonvile-Hall, within ten Miles of Ely, at the Dissolution of Abbyes, being reputed no great Enemy to the Romish Religion, doth on his own Knowledge report,

In his Histor. Cantab. lib. 1. pag. 8.

Quamquam illius aevi caecitas admirationem in eo paret, quod re∣gnante Hen. nuper 8. dirutum i∣dem sepulchrum ex lapide communi fuit, non, ut Beda narrat, ex albo marmore.

Although the blindnesse of that Age bred Admiration therein: yet when the Tombe was pluckt down in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, it was found made of common Stone, & not of white Marble, as Bede reporteth.

Thus was her Tombe degraded & debased one degree, which makes the Truth of all the rest to be suspected. And if all Popish Miracles were brought to the Test, they would be found to shrink from Marble to Common Stone, nay from Stone to Dirt and untempered Morter.

113. It is needlesse here to insert the Canons concluded on at Bergham∣steed, by VVithred King of Kent, and Bertuald Arch-bishop of Canterbury. First, because Topicall, confined to that small Kingdome. Secondly, hard to be un∣derstood, as depending on some Saxon Law-terms, whereon Conjectures are the best Comment. Thirdly, such as are understood are obsolete; viz. If a Master gave his Servant Flesh to eat on a Fasting-day, his Servant was on the Refusall, and Complaint thereof, to be madea free. Some punishments therein were very absurdly proportioned; viz. Six shillings or a Whipping was to be paid by that Servant who ate flesh on Fasting-dayes: and just the same Penalty was inflicted on him if convicted of offering Oblations to the Devil: as if equall their Offences. And be it remembred, that this Council was kept cum viris quibusdam Militaribus, some Souldiers being present thereat; and yet the fifth Canon therein was made to punish Adultery in men of their Profession.

114. As for Bishop VVilfride, whom lately we mentioned so active about the removall of S^t. Audre's Corps, he was about this time restored to his Bishoprick of York. Whereupon he fairly quitted the Bishoprick of Sel∣sey, which Edilwalch, and after Cedwall, Kings of Sussex, bestowed upon him, and returned to York. It is much this Rowling Stone should gather so much Mosse, and get Wealth enough to sound two Monasteries; who sometimes had three Bishopricks together, York, Lindisfern, and Hagulsted; sometimes none at all, living many yeares together in Exile. And indeed he continued not long in York, but being expelled thence again, was for a time made Bishop of Lei∣cester. Nor was the King of Northumberland content with his bare Expulsion, but also he would have him confesse the same Legall, and resign it according to the late Decrees which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury had made against him. But more hereof, God willing, in the next Century.

Notes

• Anno. Dom.
• 601
• a

  Rog. Wendo∣ver, Matth. Florileg. and Roff. Histor.
• Why the Arch-bishops See was re∣moved from London to Canterbury.
• Anno. Dom. 601
• Augustine summons a Synod of Saxon and British Bi∣shops.
• a

  In his Trans∣lation of Bede, 2 Book, 2 Ch.
• b

  Camden's Britannian in Worcester∣shire.
• c

  Spelman in Concilus, Anno 601. pag. 107.
• d

  Gen. 18. 4.
• e

  Iudges 4. 5.
• f

  This reason is given by Sir Henry Spelman, ut prius.
• g

  See first Cen∣tury 3. Parag.
• The British Clergy re∣fuse submis∣sion to the Pope of Rome.
• Copied exactly many yeares since by S^r. Henry Spelman out of an ancient British manu∣script of Mr. Peter Mostons a Welch Gentle∣man; Spel∣man's Concilia pag. 108.
• The Cedit of this Manu∣script impu∣gneth.
• The Synod proves inef∣factual.
• a

  Bede's Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 2.
• The Dialogue betwixt the British Bishops and the Anchoret
• b

  Matth. 11. 29.
• Proud ••io∣trephes Au∣gustine.
• c

  See his an∣swer to Augu∣stine's third question.
• d

  1 Cor. 9. 22.
• Augustine's Prophesie.
• 603 alias
• The massacre of the Monks of Baugor.
• 605
• Augustine suspected to be their mur∣derer.
• a

  Revel. 2. 20.
• b

  M^r. Abra∣ham Whee∣lock is his notes on Bede, pag. 115.
• Witnesses produced a∣gainst him.
• c

  Manuscript. in pub. lib. Can∣tab. pag. 167.
• d

  Cited in Iewel's Apo∣log. part 1. pag. 11.
• Anno Dom. 603
• a

  Sir Henry Spelman's Councills, pag. 111.
• b

  Manus••r. in Bennet Coll. Librar. Camb.
• Testimonies in his behalf.
• c

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. editione VVho∣lochiana.
• The Para∣graph in Bede's testi∣mony que∣stioned.
• d

  Matt. West. Chichestr. MS. Bibl. pub. Canta∣b••ig.
• e

  Iames U∣sher Brit. Eccles Antiq. pag. 1157. Mr. Fox his moderation much moveth the Iury.
• f

  Antiq. Bri∣tan. pag. 48.
• g

  Apol. part 1 page. 11.
• h

  Acts and Monum. part 1. p. 154. col. 2.
• i

  Nicolas Tri∣vet, largely cited by Sir Henry Spelman in his Councills, pag. 112.
• The bloud of Bangor Monks re∣venged.
• Farewell ta∣ken for some years of the British Church.
• a

  Eccles. Hist. Seculo 7. c. 39. pag. 114.
• Commenda∣tion of the British lan∣guage,
• Causelesly traduced by ignorance.
• Augustine bapitzeth 10000. in one day.
• a

  Cited by Mr. Camden, Presace of Brit. pag. 136.
• b

  Flores San¦ctorum: tom. 1. wrote by Hie∣rome Porter pag. 515.
• c

  Ios. 4. 1.
• d

  Matth. 3. 6.
• e

  2 Kin. 5. 14.
• The simpli∣city of an∣cient Bap∣tisme.
• f

  Camden ut prius.
• The Idol Healedestroi∣ed by Augu∣stine at Cern.
• g

  Camden's Brit. in Dor∣setshire.
• h

  Flores San∣ctorum in the life of Augu∣stine, P. 515, 516.
• a

  So both in Camden, and Harpsfield.
• A ridiculous miracle.
• b

  Flores San∣ctorium ut prinus
• The great improve∣ment of the Gospel.
• c

  Bede, Book of Mareyrs, and others. Augustine's death and Epitaph.
• 610 alias
• 611 alias
• 612
• d

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 5.
• The date of the year, how wanting therein.
• Anno Dom. 610
• Farewell to S. Augustine.
• a

  Gal. 1. 1.
• Laurentius succeedeth Augustine.
• b

  Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 4.
• Idem Ibidem
• c

  1 Kings 19. 16.
• The contro∣versie about Easter be∣twixt Rome and the Bri∣tans, stated.
• d

  Iames U∣sher, in the Religion of the ancient Irish, cap. 9. pag. 63.
• Hence is it, that Beza tartly termeth the controversie Lunatica quaestio.
• The Britans their plea.
• a

  Fridgodus in the life of Wilfrid.
• i. e. Sancti, ••el Beati.
• b

  Iohn 20. 4.
• The contro∣versie recon∣ciled by Lau∣rentius.
• 613
• c

  Bede's Hist. lib. 2. cap. 4.
• The antiqui∣ty of this dif∣ference.
• d

  De Britan. Scriptoribus aetale 6^a. pag. 95.
• e

  Chron. of Wales p. 254.
• Anno Dom. 613
• The death of Ethelbert, and decay of Christianity.
• Febr. 24.
• Mellitus and Iustus their departure defended.
• a

  Matt. 10. 14.
• b

  Matth. 8. 34. and cap. 9. 1.
• Laurentius, intending to depart, rebu∣ked.
• c

  Bede lib. 2. cap. 6.
• Eadbald be∣comes a Christian.
• Iustus recei∣ved at Roche∣ster, and Mellitus reje∣cted at Lon∣don.
• a

  Mr. Whee∣lock on the place in Bede.
• 619 Feb. 3.
• Mellitus his character.
• Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 7.
• b

  1 Tim. 5. 23.
• c

  2 Cor. 1. 8.
• 624 April 24.
• What a Pall is
• d

  Flores San∣ctorum Maii 26. pag. 506.
• e

  Latine Camden in Kent pag. 238
• f

  Flores San∣ctorum ut prius.
• g

  Camden ut prius, & Luke 15.
• Anno. Dom. 624
• a

  Godwin's Cat. Episc. pag. 225.
• b

  A Florene is worth 4^s. 6^d.
• c

  A Manu∣script in Trin. Hall Library in Cambridge
• d

  Mr. Whee∣lock on Bede, pag. 99.
• Edwine his preparatory promise to Christianity.
• e

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 9.
• 625
• His condi∣tion perfor∣med, and yet he demurres.
• 626
• f

  Idem ibidem.
• The speech of Coify the Priest.
• g

  Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 13.
• Anno. Dom. 626
• a

  Eccles. 9. 2.
• b

  1 Pet. 4. 17.
• The Cour∣tier's Com∣parison.
• c

  Idem ibid.
• 627
• Edwine con∣verted, and baptized.
• Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 14.
• d

  Camden's Britannia.
• The East-Angles con∣verted to Christianity.
• e

  Luk. 22. 32.
• f

  Bede Hist. Ecc. l. 2. c. 15.
• g

  2 Kings 17. 41.
• h

  Bede ut prius.
• i

  1 Cor. 10. 21.
• 630
• The Religion and learning of King Sigebert.
• Anno. Dom. 630
• a

  Weaver's Funerall Monuments in Suffolk.
• Difference about the antiquity of the Uni∣versity of Cambridge.
• 631 But some make it four yeares after.
• b

  See Cajus on the antiqui∣ty of Cam∣bridge.
• c

  Gen. 38. 28.
• The leading testimony of Bede explai∣ned.
• Anno. Dom. 631
• a

  In Epistola ad Rusticum.
• b

  Hist. Eccles.
• c

  1 Tim. 3. 13
• Authours commenting on Bede's text.
• d

  Lib. 4. & lib. 5. pag. 107.
• e

  Written Anno 1566. pag. 20.
• f

  In his Com∣ment. in Cy∣gneam Cantio∣nem.
• g

  In Sigeber∣to, & rursus Cent. 13. in Felice. First obje∣ction against Sigebert's founding of Cambridge.
• Answer.
• Second Ob∣jection.
• Answer.
• a

  Bryan Twine Antiq. Acad. Ox. pag. 114.
• b

  Mr. Cam∣den an Ox∣ford-man in his description of Cam∣bridgeshire, alloweth Grantchester and Cam∣bridge for the same place. Third Obje∣ction.
• c

  Cajus de Antiq. Can∣tab. (ex libro Barnwel∣lensi) pag. 11. Answer.
• d

  Tully De natura Deo∣rum.
• e

  Mr. Cam∣den in his Britannia, pag. 381. in Oxfordshire. Fourth Obje∣ction.
• Answer.
• Fifth Obje∣ction.
• Answer.
• a

  Iohn 21. 5.
• b

  1 Cor. 4. 15.
• c

  1 Cor. i. 5.
• All the Scho∣lars of Pem∣broke Hall in Cam∣bridge, not being Fellows, are termed pueri in their Statutes.
• d

  Bryan Twine Antiq. Oxon. p. 322.
• Conclusion with prayer.
• e

  Ruth 1. 12.
• 632
• Edwine, King of Northum∣berland, slain.
• f

  Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 10.
• The unhappy year.
• Anno Dom. 632
• a

  Camden's Brit. pag. 797.
• 633
• A lost year well found.
• b

  Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 1.
• c

  Idem lib. 3. cap. 9.
• d

  Iudg. 3. 30.
• e

  Vers. 14.
• A victory given from heaven.
• 635
• f

  Swedish In∣telligencer.
• g

  Philem. v. 11
• h

  Acts 20. 12.
• Pope Hono∣rius his inef∣fectual letter.
• Anno Dom. 635
• a

  Tom. 2. De∣cret. Epist. ed. Romae 1591. pag. 654.
• Birinus con∣verts the VVest-Saxons to the faith.
• b

  Bede lib. 3. cap. 7.
• c

  Idem ibid.
• d

  2 Cor. 10. 16.
• 636
• A broken promise well kept.
• e

  Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 3. cap. 7.
• Dorchester made a Bi∣shops See.
• f

  In his trans∣lation of Bede Pol. 82.
• 637
• England di∣vided into Parishes.
• g

  Mr. Selden in his Hist. of Tithes, cap. 9. pag. 256.
• Anno Dom. 637
• A morose Preacher little the edifieth.
• Aidan his due commenda∣tion.
• Bede his al∣lay.
• a

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 3.
• b

  Rom. 10. 2.
• c

  Arch-Bishop Usher in the Religion of the Irish p. 99.
• Lay-mens di∣ligence in reading Scripture.
• The royall interpreter.
• 640
• The first Lent in En∣gland.
• 642
• The ill suc∣cesse of good Kings.
• Oswald's hand said never to putrifie.
• Anno Dom. 642
• a

  Matth. 6. 3.
• b

  So Staple∣ton transla∣teth what is, Bede is, in∣veterascat.
• c

  Camden's Brit. in Lin∣colnshire.
• Mystically true.
• d

  Psal. 112. 6.
• e

  Prov. 10. 7.
• Over offici∣ousnesse oc∣casioned pur∣gatory.
• f

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 12.
• g

  Lib. 3. cap. 2
• a

  2 King. 4. 40▪
• Anno Dom.
• 644
• The death of Paulinus.
• b

  Exod. 6. 23.
• 645
• Most Chri∣stian King Oswy.
• c

  Lib. 3. c. 21.
• d

  Idem.
• Sigebert the too good.
• e

  Beda lib. 3. cap. 22.
• 654
• Anna happy in an holy issue.
• 656
• The conver∣sion of the Mercians to Christianity. under Prince Peada.
• f

  Beda lib. 3. cap. 21.
• St. Cedde, and St. Chad.
• Anno Dom. 656
• a

  Flores San∣ctorum pag. 35.
• b

  Idem p. 224.
• Fridona first English Arch-bishop.
• c

  Sanders de Schism. pag. 297
• d

  Bede Hist. lib. 3. p. 217.
• e

  Binnius Tom. 1. p. 579. in Notis in Epist. 17. In∣nocentis primi. Wolphere's murther of his two Sons.
• f

  Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 23.
• 662
• The making of Glasse brought first into England.
• Scotish Bi∣shops dissent from others in keeping Easter.
• Anno Dom. 662
• This contro∣versy spreads into private families.
• 663
• A Councell is called to compose this controversie.
• Wilfride his prevailing argument.
• His intended, but disap∣pointed pre∣ferment.
• Anno Dom. 663
• Abbess Hilda.
• a

  2 Chro. 34. 22.
• A miracle imputed to her holiness.
• b

  As Camden saith in Wor∣cestershire.
• Theodorus Arch-bishop of Canterbury.
• 668
• c

  Acts 22. 3.
• d

  1 Cor. 14. 18
• 67 ⅔
• e

  1 Cor. 9. 22. His fierce∣ness to keep Easter after the Romish rite.
• Anno Dom. 67 ⅔
• a

  Lib. 4. cap. 5.
• b

  In his trans∣lation of Bede fol. 118.
• He envieth Wilfride Bi∣shop of York.
• The South-Saxons (as formerly the Freezlanders) converted by Wilfride.
• 679
• The first, the last.
• a

  Bede lib. 4. cap. 13.
• Pagan obsti∣nacy punish∣ed with famine.
• South-Saxons first taught to fish.
• b

  Bede ibidem
• Anno Dom. 680
• A double good deed.
• a

  1 Cor. 7. 21.
• Godfathers used to men of nature Age.
• b

  Parag. 99.
• Cadwallader founds a VVelsh Hos∣pital at Rome.
• 685
• c

  Lewes Owen his running Re∣gister, pag. 17.
• Since, injuri∣ously taken from the VVelsh.
• Anno Dom.
• a

  Vide Annum Domini 1569. The Ecclesiasticall Laws of King Ina.
• 692
• b

  Iac. Usser. Arch. Armach. de Brit. Eccles. primord. p. 394
• c

  S^r. Henry Spelman his Councils pag. 182. &c.
• d

  The Latine, Liber esto, may not onely import a free∣dome from fault, but also, that such a sla••e-servant should be ma∣numis'd from servitude. See the following 113. paragraph.
• Anno Dom. 694
• Women pre∣sent at the great Coun∣cil of Becan∣celd.
• a

  S^r. Henry Spelman's Councills pag. 190. Romish braggs of S^t. Andre's Chastity.
• b

  The Flowers of the Saints written by Hierome Porter.
• Twice a Wife, still a Maid.
• Pretended chastity, real injustice.
• c

  1. Cor. 7. 3.
• d

  Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 4. c. 19.
• e

  Hierome Porter in his Flowers of the Saints, and Harpsfield sec. 7. cap. 24. Her miracu∣lous Monu∣ment of Marble.
• f

  Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 19.
• 696
• Confuted by a credible witnesse.
• Anno Dom. 696
• The Council at Bergham∣steed.
• 697
• a

  S^r. Henry Spelman's Councils p. 1904. &c.
• Wilfride re∣stored to York, and out∣ed again.