The appeal of iniured innocence, unto the religious learned and ingenuous reader in a controversie betwixt the animadvertor, Dr. Peter Heylyn, and the author, Thomas Fuller.

Lib. XI. Part. II. Containing the last 12. Years of the Reign of King Charls.

Dr. Heylyn.

ANd now we come to the last and most unfortunate Part of this King's Reigne, which ended in the Losse of his owne Life, the Ruine of the Church, and the Alteration of the Civill Government. Occasioned PRIMARILY, as my Author saith, by sending a new Liturgy to the Kirk of Scotland.

Fuller.

I deny such a Word that I said the Liturgy did PRIMARILY occasion the War with Scotland: Rather the cleane contrary may (by Charitable Logick) be collected from my Words, when having reckoned up a Complication of Heart-burnings amongst the Scots, I thus Conclude,

Church-History. Book 11. Page. 163.

Thus was the Scottish Nation full of discontents, when this Book being brought un∣to them bare the Blame of their breaking forth into more dangerous designes: as when the Cup is brim-full before, the LAST (though LEAST) superadded drop is charged alone to be the Cause of all the running over.

Till then that the Word PRIMARILY can be produced out of my Book, let the Animadvertor be beheld PRIMARILY, as One departed from the Truth; and SECONDARILY as a Causelesse accuser of his Brother.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Folio. 160. Miseries caused from the sending of the Book of Service, or new Liturgy thither which may sadly be termed a Rubrick indeed dyed with the blood of so many, of both Nations slaine on that Occasion.] Our Author speakes this in Relation to the Scottish Tumults, Anno 1637. In telling of which Story he runs (as commonly elsewhere) into many Errours. For first those Miseries, and that blood-shed was not caused by sending the Liturgy thither &c.

Fuller.

Seeing the Animadvertor denies the Liturgy to have had any Causall influ∣ence on the Scots War, I must manifest my dissent from his Iudgement; and here I crave the Reader's leave to be his humble Remembrancer of the Kinds of Causes, so far as they conduce to the clearing of the present Controversie.

Causes are twofold, Solitary or Totall 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; or Ioynt and fellow Causes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The latter againe is twofold, Proegumena [long leading before] and inwardly disposing and inclining to Action; or Procatarctica (called also Cau∣sa irritatrix or Primitiva provocans) which is outwardly impulsive to Acti∣on.

The former is tearmed by Physitians, Causa Antecedens; the latter Causa Evidens of a disease. Thus in a Feaver, corrupt humours bred within and without the Veines, are the Antecedent cause thereof: whilst, being in the hot Sun, walking in the South-wind &c. stopping the Pores, and stirring the ill Humours to heat, may be the evident cause of a Feaver.

I thus apply it: The inward discontents of the Scots on severall accounts (which follow on the next Paragraph) were the Antecedent causes of their War; whilst the evident Cause thereof, was the Obtruding the Liturgy upon them. And so much for my cleare sense in this Controversie.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Plot had been laid long before upon other grounds, that is to say, Que∣stioning of some Church Lands, then in the hands of some great Persons, of which they feared a Rovocation to the Crown. And secondly, the manumit∣ting of some poor subjects from the tyranny and vassallage which they lived under, in respect of their Tithes, exacted with all cruelty and injustice by those, whom they call the Lords of new erection. Which Plot so laid, there wan∣ted nothing but some popular occasion for raising a Tumult first, a Rebellion afterwards; and this occasion they conceived they had happily gain'd, by sen∣ding the new Liturgy thither, though ordered by their own Clergy first, as our Author tells us, at the Assembly of Aberdeen, Anno 1616. and after a•• Perth, Anno 1618. and fashioned for the most part by their own Bishops also. But of this there hath so much been said between the Observator and his Antagonist, that there is nothing necessary to be added to it. Secondly, there was no such matter as the passing of an Act of Revocation, for the restoring of such Lands as had been alienated from the Crown, in the minority of the Kings Predecessors, of which he tells us, fol. 192. The King indeed did▪ once intend the passing of such an Act, but finding what an Insurrection was likely to ensue upon it, he followed the safer counsell of Sir Archibald Acheson, by whom he was advis'd to sue them in his Courts of Justice. Which course succeeding to his wish, so terrified ma∣ny of those great persons, who had little else but such Lands to maintain their Dignities, that they never thought themselves secure, as long as the King was in a condition to demand his own. Thirdly, though it be true enough, that some persons of honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired, fol. 163. yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour, which wrought these terrible effects; but the denying of an honorary Title to a man of no honour. If Colonel Alexander Lesly, an obscure fellow, but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany, had been made a Baron when he first desired it, the rest of the male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart, though they had no head. But the King not willing to dishonour so high a Title, by conferring it on so low a person, denyed the favour: Which put the man into such a heat, that presently he joyned himself to the faction there, drove on the plot, and finally undertook the command of their Armies. Rewarded for which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himself, he could not so di∣gest the injury of the first refusall, but that he afterwards headed their Re∣bellions upon all occasions.

Fuller.

Little opposition against, some variation from, and more addition unto what I have written, is herein contained: Which if tending to the Reader his clea∣rer information, I am right glad thereof, and wish him all happinesse therein.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their wri∣tings, as innocent therein, but charged Arch-bishop Laud as the principall, and Dr. Cousins as the instrumentall compiler thereof.] This is no more then we had reason to expect from a former passage, li••. 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us, that the Scotish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York, in the time when George Nevil was Arch-bishop. And then he adds, Hence-forwards no Arch-bishop of York medled more with Church-matters in Scot∣land; and happy had it been, if no Arch-bishop of Canterbury had since interressed hims••lf therein. His stomack is so full of choller against this poor Prelate, that

he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born.

Fuller.

What could more calmly be written? Perchance some cold flegme, but no∣thing of choller is in the expression. I say again, It had been happy for King, Queen, Royall Issue, Church, State, the Arch-bishop himself, Animadvertor, Author, Reader, All England.

Dr. Heylyn.

Hence is it, that he takes together all reports which makes against him, and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History. If Arch-bishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction, the blame thereof was laid on Arch-bishop Laud, as if, not content to succeed, he endeavoured to supplant him, fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawfull Sports, the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his account also, some strong presumptions being urged for the proof thereof, fol. 147. The reduction of the Church to her antient Rules, and publick Doctrines, must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practises and opinions upon other men, fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be com∣pos'd for the use of the Church of Scotland, Who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it?

Fuller.

If all the places here cited are passed already, they have received their seve∣rall Answers; if any of them be to come, they shall receive them, God-willing, in due time: that so for the present we may be silent, to prevent repetition.

Dr. Heylyn.

But what proofs have we for all this? Onely the malice of his enemies, or our Authors own disaffection to him, or some common fame. And if it once be made a fame, it shall pass for truth, and as a truth find place in our Author's History, though the greatest falshood. Tam facilis in mendaciis fides, ut, quicquid famae liceat fingere, illi esset libenter audire, in my Author's language. But for the last he brings some proof, (he would have us think so at the least) that is to say, the words of one Bayly, a Scot; whom it concern'd to make him as odious as he could, the better to comply with a Pamphlet, called, The intentions of the Army; in which it was declared, That the Scots entred England with a purpose, to remove the Arch-bishop from the King, and execute their vengeance on him. What hand Dr. Couzens had in assisting of the work, I am not able to say. But sure I am, that there was nothing was done in it by the Bishops of England, but with the counsel and co-operation of their brethren in the Church of Scot∣land, viz. the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, the Arch-bishop of Glasco, the Bi∣shops of Murray, Ross, Brechin, and Dunblane, as appears by the Book, entituled, Hidden works of darkness, &c. fol. 150, 153, 154, &c. And this our Author must needs know, (but that he hath a mind to quarrell the Arch-bishop upon every turn) as appears plainly, 1. By his Narrative of the Designe in King Iames his time, from the first undertaking of it by the Arch-bishop of St. An∣drewes, and the Bishop of Galloway then being; whose Book corrected by that King, with some additions, expunctions, and accommodations, was sent back to Scotland. 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have, when the project was resum'd by King Charls, Whether the Book by him sent into Scotland, were the same which had passed the hands of King Iames, or not; which he expresseth in these words, viz. In the Reigne of King Charls, the project was resumed, but whether the same Book, or no, God knoweth, fol. 160. If so, if God onely know whe∣ther it were the same or no, how dares he tell us that it was not? And if it was the same, (as it may be for ought he knoweth) with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud? Besides, (as afterward he telleth us, fol. 163) The Church of Scotland claimed not onely to be Independent, and free as

any Church in Christendom; a Sister, not a Daughter of England. And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Li∣turgy impos'd on them, or commended to them by the Primat of England, for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him; than to receive the same Li∣turgy here by Law establisht, which they might very safely borrow from their Sister-Church, without any such danger. But, howsoever it was, the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it.

Fuller.

I will return to my words, which gave the Animadvertor the first occasion of this long discourse.

Generally they excused the King in their writings, but charged Arch-bishop Laud.

I do not charge the Arch-bishop for compiling the Book, but say, The Scots did. Nor do I say, That what they charged on him is true; but it is true, that they did charge it on him. Had I denyed it, I had been a liar; and seeing I affirmed no more, the Animadvertor is a caviller.

It is observable, that when our Chroniclers relate, how Queen Anne Bollen was charged for Incontinency; Margaret Countess of Salisbury, for treasonable compliance with the Pope; Henry Earl of Surrey, for assuming the Arms of England; Edward Duke of Somerset, for designing the death of some Privy Counsellors; Thomas Duke of Norfolk, for aspiring, by the match of the Queen of Scots, to the English Crown; Robert Earl of Essex, for dangerous machinati∣ons against the person of Queen Elizabeth; Thomas Earl of Strafford, for endea∣vouring to subject England and Ireland to the King's arbitrary Power: That the Historians, who barely report these Persons thus charged, are not bound to make the charge good; it is enough if they name their respective accusers, as here I have named the Scots.

It is also observable, that some of the Persons aforesaid, though condemned and executed, have since found such favour (or justice rather) with unpartiall Posterity, that though they could not revive their persons, they have restored their memories to their innocence. And if the like shall be the hap of this Arch-bishop, I shall rejoyce therein; I mean, if the Animadvertor's defence of him seems so clear, as to out-shine the evidence; so weighty, as to out-poize all al∣legations, which in printed Books are published against him.

In testimony whereof, I return nothing in contradiction to what the Anim∣advertor hath written; and it is questionable, whether my desire that he may, or distrust that he will not, be believed be the greater. Whatever the success be, I forbear farther rejoynder.

To fight with a shaddow, (whether one's own or another's) passeth for the proverbiall expression of a vain and useless act. But seeing the dead are some∣times tearmed shaddows, umbrae, to fall foul on them, without absolute necessity, is an act, not onely vain, but wicked; not onely useless, but uncharitable: And therefore no more hereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceedeth, 167. Thus none, seeing now foul weather in Scotland, could expect it fair Sun-Shine in England.] In this I am as little of our Author's Opinion, as in most things else. The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter Beam, if the Clouds which had been gathered together, and threatned such foule Weather in Scotland, had been dispersed and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordnance. The opportunity was well given, and well taken also, had it not been unhappily lost in the Prosecution.

Fuller.

Grant the Thunder of our English Ordnance, had scattered the Scottish Cl••uds; yet, (by the confession of the Animadvertor) there must first be foul weather in England, before there could be such fair weather to follow it. The

Skyes are alwayes dark and lowring, even whilst the Thunder is Engendering therein. Military preparations, (in order to a Conquest of the Scotts) must needs give our Nation great troubles, and (for the time) un-Sunshine Eng∣land, which is enough to secure my Expression from just exception.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Scots, were then weak, unprovided of all Necessaries, not above three thousand compleat Armes to be found amongst them: The English on the other side making a formidable appearance, gallantly Horst, compleaty Ar∣med, and intermingled with the Choisest of the Nobility, and Gentry, in all the Nation.

Fuller.

I am much of the mind of the Animadvertor, that there was a visible Dispa∣rity betwixt the two Armies, and the Ods in the eye of flesh, on the side of the English. They were Gallantly Horst indeed, whether in Reference to their Horses or Riders, and the King pleasantly said, It would make the Scots fight against them, were it but to get their brave Cloaths. Indeed the strength of the Scots con∣sisted in their Reputation to be strong, (reported here by such as Friended them) and the Scotch Lyon was not half so fierce, as he was painted unto us. On the other side, The greatest disadvantage to the English was their owne injurious Modesty, observed alwayes to over-prize strangers above themselves, being ig∣norant of their owne Strength and Valour in War, because they had been so long accustomed to Peace. In all this Paragraph the Animadvertor and the Au∣thor may go abrest in their Judgments; and to prevent Quarrells, the Animad∣vertor shall have the right Hand, that they do not justle one the other.

Dr. Heylyn.

And had the Scots been once broken, and their Country wasted, (which had been the easiest thing in the World, for the English Army,) &c.

Fuller.

This is consonant to what He hath written, of the same Subject in the * 1.1 Short view of the Life and Reign of King Charls, that the King set forth against the Scots, accompanied with such an Army of Lords and Gentlemen as might ASSURE him of a cheap and easie VICTORY. His Majesty, I am sure, had, (as it became a good Christian,) a more modest and moderate apprehension of his owne Army, such as might give him pregnant Hopes but no ASSURANCE of Victo∣ry. I never heard of an ASSURANCE-Office, for the successe of Battels.

But all this is written by the Animadvertor like an Historian, but not like a Doctor in Divinity. This mindeth me of a * 1.2 Passage of King Henry the Second, who standing on the Cliffes about St. David's in Wales, and there viewing Ire∣land, I with my Ships am able (saith he), to make a Bridge over it, if it be no further: Which speech of his being related to Murchard King of Lemster in Ireland; he demanded, if he added not to his speech [with the Grace of God]: When it was answered that he made no mention of God; Then, said he more cheer∣fully, I feare him the lesse, which trusteth more to Himselfe, then to the Help of GOD.

When the Animadvertor tells us, that it had been the easiest thing in the world for the English to have broken the Scots Army, I must tell him; here was one thing in the world easier, namely the inserting of these words, by God's Ordinary blessing, or something to that purpose. Otherwise we know, who it was that said, that the race * 1.3 is not to the Swift, nor the battell to the Strong, neither yet bread to the Wise, nor yet riches to men of Understanding, nor yet favours to men of Skill: time and chance happeneth to them all.

Time was, when the Animadvertor did needlessely Lavish a * 1.4 GOD-BLESSE; God blesse not onely our Historian, but Baronius himselfe, from being held an Au∣thor

of no * Credit. He that then spent it, when he should have spared it, spares it now, when he should have spent it.

Dr Heylyn.

The Scots had been utterly disabled from creating Trouble to their King, disturbances in their owne Church, and destruction to England. So true is that of the wise Historian, Conatus subditorum irritos imperia semper promovêre; the Insur∣rections of the People when they are supprest, do alwayes make the King stron∣ger, and the Subjects weaker.

Fuller.

All this proceeds (as the former) on the Supposition that the English had bea∣ten the Scots, which though (in the eye of flesh) probable, was uncertain. The Latines and English have the same word MOMENTUM, MOMENT, which signifieth, as Time of the least Continuance, so matters of most Concernment, to shew that the Scales of Successe, which God alone holds in his Hand, are so ticklish, that the MOTE of a MOMENT may turne them on either side, which is the reason, why no man can positively conclude of future Contingencies.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Sermon ended, we chose Dr. Stewart Dean of Chicester Prolocutor, and the next day of Sitting, We met at Westminister in the Chappell of King Henry the Seventh.] Had it not been for these and some other passages of this Nature, our Author might have lost the Honour of being took notice of, for one of the Clerks of the Convocation; and one not of the lowest forme, but passing for some of those wise men, who began to be fearfull of themselves, and to be jealous of that power by which they were enabled to make new Canons. How so? Because it was feared by the Iudicious (himself still for one) lest the Convocation, whose power of medling with Church-matters, had been bridled up for many yeares be∣fore, should now, enabled with such Power, over-act their Parts, especially in such dan∣gerous and discontented times, as it after followeth. Wisely fore-seen. But then why did not WEE, that is to say, our Author, and the rest of those Wise and Iudicious Persons, fore-warne their weak and unadvised Brethren of the pre∣sent danger; or rather, Why did they go along with the rest for company, and follow th••se who had before out-run the Canons by their additionall Conformity?

Fuller.

Dear Honour indeed, Honos Onus: for which I was fin'd with the Rest of my Brethren two hundred Pounds by the House of Commons, though not put to pay it, partly because it never passed the House of Lords; partly, because they thought it needlesse to shave their Haire, whose Heads they meant to cut-off; I meane, they were so Charitable as not to make them pay a Fine, whose Place in Cath∣edralls they intended, not long after, to take away.

I insert the word WE, not to credit my self, but to confirm the Reader; rela∣tions from an eye and ear-witness, meeting with the best belief. Such insinuati∣ons of the Writer, being present at the actions he writeth of, want not precedents in holy and profane Authors. Hence it is collected, that St. Luke accompanied St. Paul in his dangerous voyage to Rome, Act. 27.37. WE were all in the ship two hundred threescore and sixteen souls.

Let the Animadvertor lay what load he pleaseth on me, whose back is broad and big enough to bear it; but O let him spare my worthy friends, some now glorious Saints in Heaven, Bishop Westfield, Dr. Holmsworth; and some of the high∣est repute still alive, whom I forbear to name. It comforteth me not a little, that God hath chosen — the foolish things of this world to con••ound the wise.

Dr. Heylyn.

How wise the rest were, I am not able to say. But certainly our Author shew'd himself no wiser than Waltham's Calf, who ran nine mile to suck a Bull, and came home athirst, as the Proverb saith. His running unto Oxford, which cost him as much in seventeen weeks, as he had spent in Cambridge in seventeen years, was but a second sally to the first Knight-Errantry.

Fuller.

I can patiently comport with the Animadvertor's Ieers, which I behold as so many Frogs, that it is pretty and pleasing to see them hop and skip about, ha∣ving not much harm in them: but I cannot abide his Railings, which are like to Toads, swelling with venom within them. Any one may rail who is bred but in BILLINGS-GATE-COLLEDGE: and I am sorry to hear such language from the Animadvertor, a Doctor in Divinity; seeing railing is as much beneath a Doctor, as against Divinity.

When Dr. Turner, a Physitian sufficiently known, gave the lie (at the Earl of Pembrokes Table) to the Earl of Carnarvon; I will take the Lye from you, (replied the Earl) but I will never take Physick from you. If such railing be consi∣stent with the Doctor's Divinity, this once I will take the Calf, but never learn Divinity from him.

Two things comfort me under his reviling: First, that no worse man than David himself complained, that he became a * 1.5PROVERB to his enemies. Second∣ly, though a Calf be a contemptible creature, passing for the emblem (not with the Dove of simplicity, but) of plain silliness; yet is it a clean one, and accepted of * 1.6 God for sacrifice. Whereas the snarling Dog (though a creature of far more cunning and sagacity) was so odious and unclean, that by a peculiar * 1.7 Law it was provided, that the price of a dog should not be brought into the house of God.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author thus proceedeth, fol. 168. Next day the Convocation came toge∣ther, &c. when, contrary to the generall expectation, it was mentioned to improve the present opportunity, in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun.] I have not heard of any such motion, as our Author speaks of, from any who were pre∣sent at that time, though I have diligently laboured to inform my self in it: Nor is it probable, that any such motion should be made, as the case then stood. The Parliament had been dissolv'd on Tuesday the 5th. of May; the Cler∣gy met in Convocation on the morrow after, expecting then to be dissolved, and licensed to go home again. But, contrary to that generall expectation, in stead of hearing some newes of his Majesties Writ for their dissolution, there came an Order from the Arch-bishop to the Prolocutor, to adjourn till Saturday. And this was all the businesse which was done that day; the Clergy generally being in no small amazment, when they were required not to dissolve, till fur∣ther Order. Saturday being come, what then? A new Commission, saith he, was brought from his Majesty, by vertue whereof WE were warranted still to sit, not in the capacity of a Convocation, but of a Synod. I had thought our Author, with his wise and judicious Friends, had better harkened to the tenour of that Commission, than to come out with such a gross and wild absurdity, as this is, so fit for none as Sir Edward Deering, and for him onely, to make sport withall in the House of Commons. At the beginning of the Convocation, when the Prolo∣cutor was admitted, the Arch-bishop produc'd his Majesties Commission un∣der the Great Seal; whereby the Clergy was enabled to consult, treat of, and conclude such Canons, as they conceiv'd most expedient to the peace of the Church, and his Majestie's service. But this Commission being to expire with the end of the Parliament, it became void, of no effect as soon as the Parlia∣ment was dissolved. Which being made known unto the King, who was re∣solv'd

the Convocation should continue, and that the Clergy should go on in compleating those Canons, which they had so happily begun; He caus'd a new Commission to be sent unto them, in the same words, and to the very same effect, as the other was; but that it was to continue duran••e beneplacito onely, as the other was not.

Fuller.

The Reader may take notice, that there is some difference in judgment be∣twixt the Animadvertor and me; and no wonder then if some (no great, I hope) variations betwixt us, in relating the passages of this Convocation, each of us observing what made most for his own interest. The Reader also may be pleased to use his own discretion, and to credit him, whom he believeth most probable of the two, exactly to observe, firmly to remember, and faithfully to relate, what we saw done, (both of us being there) and since borrowing help of our friends, then present, where we fall short in our intelligence.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author goes on as followeth, Ibid. Dr. Brownrig, Dr. Hacket, Dr. Holdsworth, &c. with others, to the number of thirty six, earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation.] It's possible enough that Dr. Brownrig, now Lord Bishop of Excester, Dr. Hacket, and the rest of the thirty six, our Author being of the Quorum, (in his own understanding of the word) might be unsatisfied in the continuance of the Convocation, because of some offence, which, as they conceiv'd, would be taken at it. But if they had protested, and protested earnest∣ly, as our Author tells us, the noise of so many Votes concurring, must needs be heard by all the rest which were then assembled; from none of which I can learn any thing of this protestation.

Fuller.

I am nothing moved with his jeer, when he calleth me of the Quorum in this Convocation. Mithridates King of Pontus is commonly reported, so habited to the eating of poyson, that that which was nauseous and noxious at the first, by custom became harmless unto him. I am so used to the bitter jeers of the Anim∣advertor, so frequently laid in my dish, that now they are become food, not phy∣sick, unto me; and the greatest quantity of them will not so much as stir my constitution, to anger.

It seemeth strange to me indeed, that the Protest of the Dissentors was not ••eard, by the rest in the Convocation; I cannot be so uncharitable, to think them in this point like those of whom the * 1.8 Apostle speaketh, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, this they are willingly ignorant of: I impute it rather to their forgetful∣ness, most of them surviving being aged persons, and this done more then six∣teen years since. For though it be true, Omnia quae curant senes meminerunt; yet were they more prone to oblivion in this particular, because they cared not for that Protestation, they disliked; and therefore never charged it on their Me∣mories.

The best is, I may speak (I hope, as yet) of the thirty six Dissentors, in the same language of the * 1.9 Apostle, Of whom the greater part remain untill this present, but some are fallen asleep. Bishop Brownrig, Dr. Hacket, Dr. Warmester, &c. are still (and may they long be) alive, who will be believed in this point, that they protested against the sitting of the Convocation, after the dissolution of the Par∣liament.

Dr. Heylyn.

Or if they did protes•• so earnestly, as he said they did, why was not the Pro∣testation reduc'd into writing, subscribed with their hands in due form of Law, and so delivered to the Register to remain upon Record (amongst the other Act of that House) for their Indemnity: Which not being done, ren∣dr•••••• this Protest of theirs (if any such Protest there were) to signifie nothing, but their dislike of the continuance.

Fuller.

Herein the Animadvertor doth speak a sad truth; the Dissentors were ill ad∣vised herein, whereby their Protest (significant onely in their own consciences) was legally rendred of none effect.

But herein they may partly be excused, because they (though not entring a written Protest) supposed a verball one would manifest their dislike, and hoped it would sufficiently secure them from a danger, which (though suspected) was not certain to ensue.

This afterwards was very eagerly urged against them, by a Committee in Parliament; and sorry I am, that they could not make their answer as clear as the objection.

Dr. Heylyn.

But whereas our Author tells us, that the whole House consisted but of six score persons, it may be thought that he diminisheth the number of set pur∣pose, to make his own party seem the greater. For in the lower House of Convocation for the Province of Canterbury, if all parties summon'd do ap∣pear, these are no fewer then two and twenty Deans, four and twenty Pre∣b••ndaries, fifty four Archdeacons, and forty four Clerks, representing the Di∣oc••san Clergy, amounting in the totall to an hundred forty four persons; whereof the thirty six Protestors (if so many there were) make the fourth part onely. Howsoever, all parties being not well satisfied with the lawful∣ness of their continuance, his Majesty was advertis'd of it. Who, upon confe∣rence with his Judges and Counsell learned in the Laws, caus'd a short Wri∣ting to be drawn, and subscribed by their severall hands, in these following words, viz. at White-hall, May the 10th. 1640. the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ, is to continue till it be dissolved by the Kings Writ, notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament. Subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper, Manchester Lord Privy Seal, Littleton chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Banks Atturney Ge∣nerall, whit••ield and Heath, his Majesties Serjeants.

Fuller.

I protest, and now will enter my protestation, in scriptis, (that it may be valid) I had no designe either to substract from the number in the Convocation, or add to those of the Dissentors.

I believe the Animadvertor is very right in his Arithmetick of Persons, in the Provinciall Convocation of Canterbury.

But concerning the Arch-deacons, give me leave once to enlarge my self, in stating their true number, because it is hard to find either a printed or written Catalogue of them, which is exact herein: They are generally reckoned up but FIFTY TWO, as followeth.

The two first containing eighteen a piece, the last, sixteen; which are but fifty two in my Arithmetick.

St. Asaph.

St. Asaph.

Bangor.

• ...Bangor.
• ...Anglesey.
• ...Merioneth.

Bristol.

Dorset.

Bath and Wels.

• ...Wels.
• ...Bath,
• ...Taunton.

Canterb.

Canterbury.

Chichest.

• ...Chichester.
• ...Lewes.

Covent. & Lich.

• ...Stafford.
• ...Derby.
• ...Covent.
• ...Salop.

Ely.

Ely.

Exeter.

• ...Exeter.
• ...Cornwall.

• ...To••nes.
• ...Barnstaple.

Exeter.

• ...Exeter.
• ...Cornwall.

• ...To••nes.
• ...Barnstaple.

Glocester.

Hereford.

• ...Hereford.
• ...Salop.

London.

• ...London.
• ...Middlesex.
• ...Essex.
• ...Colchester.
• ...St. Albans.

Lincoln.

• ...Lincoln.
• ...Stow.
• ...Bedford.
• ...Buckingham.
• ...Huntington.
• ...Leicester.

Landaff.

Landaff.

St. Davids.

St. Davids.

• ...Carmarthen.
• ...Cardigan.
• ...Brecknock.

St. Davids.

St. Davids.

• ...Carmarthen.
• ...Cardigan.
• ...Brecknock.

Norwich.

• ...Norwich.
• ...Norfolk.
• ...Suffolk.
• ...Sudbury.

Oxford.

Oxford.

Peterburg.

Northampton.

Rochester.

Rochester.

Salisbury.

• ...Wilts.
• ...Berks.
• ...Sarum.

Winchest.

• ...Winchester.
• ...Surrey.

Worcest.

Worcester.

This is the best printed List I have ever seen, presented in Weaver's * 1.10 Funerall Monuments, having the valuation of each Archdeaconry annexed; taken, as he saith, (and I believe him therein) out of Sir Robert Cotton's Library: and yet I am sure it is not compleat.

Wherefore I supply Warwick (in the Diocesse of Worcester) as I find it in a more perfect written Catalogue. And yet still one is wanting, even Westminster, who••e Church was advanced to the See of a Bishop by King Henry the Eighth; and though since it hath been set back from a Cathedrall to a Collegiat-Church; yet it still retaineth the honour to send one of their Prebendaries (by the Title of their Arch-deacon) to the Convocation. And thus we have our full number of fifty four.

But whereas the Animadvertor taxeth me for saying, The Convocation consi∣sted of six-score: I confess, when I first read his words, I had not a Church-Histo∣ry by me to confute it. Yet I conceived such positiveness in a number improbable to fall from my Pen, who had learn'd this Lesson from the best of Teachers, the Spirit of God, not to be peremptory, but to leave a latitude in numbers of this nature.

In Times.	In Places.	In Persons.
Dan. 5.33. Darius being about threescore and two years 〈◊〉〈◊〉.	Luk. 24.13. From Ieru∣salem about sixty furlongs.	Exod. 12.37. About six hundred thousand men on foot.
Luk. 3.23. Iesus began to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about thirty years of age.	Joh. 6.19. Had rowed a∣bout five and twenty furlongs.	Act. 2.41. Added to the Church about three thousand souls.

But upon inspection of my Book, my words were, The whole House consisting of ABOUT six score; where [about] is receptive of more or less. Besides, the Convocation, as to the effectuall managing of matters, properly consisted not of the Members belonging thereto, but present therein; and some five score and ten was the generall and constant appearance, the rest being absent for age, sicknesse, and other detentions.

Dr. Heylyn.

Which Writing (an Instrument our Author calls it) being communicated to the Clergy by the Lord Arch-bishop on the morrow after, did so compose

the minds of all men, that they went forwards very cheerfully with the work in hand. The principall of those whom our Author calls Dissenters, bringing in the Canon of Preaching for conformity, (being the eighth Canon in the Book, as now they are plac'd) which was received and allowed of, as it came from his hand without alteration.

Fuller.

And calleth it an Instrument properly enough, both to the originall notation, and modern acception of the word. Instrument is so termed ab instruendo, from Instructing. This Writing did first instruct Us at the present, that, by the judg∣ment of those great States-men and Lawyers, We might legally continue, notwithstanding the dissolution of the Parliament. And since, this Writing hath (by the event thereof) instructed us, that seeing the judgments of the Grandees in the Law were censured erroneous in Parliament, it is unsafe in matters of this nature, to rely on the opinions of any [comparatively] private persons.

As for the modern acception of the word, I appeal to the Criticks in Language, whether this Writing (as the Animadvertor is fain to term it) of the Judges, may not be called by the generall name of Instrument, harmoniously enough to the propriety thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

Howsoever, our Author keeps himself to his former folly, shutting up his extravagancy with this conclusion, fol. 169. Thus was an old Convocation con∣verted into a new Synod.] An expression borrowed from the speech of a witty Gentleman, as he is called by the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charls, and since by him declar'd to be the Lord George Digby, now Earl of Bristow. But he that spent most of his wit upon it, and thereby gave occasion unto others for the like mistakings, was Sir Edward Deering, in a speech made against these Canons, Anno 1640. where we find these flourishes:

Would you confute the Convocation? They were a holy Synod. Would you argue a∣gainst the Synod? Why, they were Commissioners. Would you dispute the Commission? They will mingle all powers together, and answer, that they were some fourth thing, that neither we know nor imagine; that is to say, (as it followes afterwards, pag. 27.) a Convocationall-Synodicall-Assembly of Commissioners.

More of this fine stuff we may see hereafter. In the mean time we may judge, by this remnant, of the whole Piece; and find it upon proof to be very sleight, and not worth the wearing. For first, the Gentleman could not, and our Author cannot chuse but know, that a Convocation and a Synod (as us'd in England of late times) are but the same one thing under divers names, the one borrowed from a Grecian, the other from a Latin Originall. The Con∣vocation of the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury, being nothing but a Pro∣vinciall Synod; as a Nationall Synod is nothing else, but the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces. Secondly, our Author knowes by this time, that the Commission which seems to makes this doughty difference, changed not the Convocation into a Synod, (as some vainly think) but onely made that Convo∣cation active in order to the making of Canons, which otherwise had been a∣ble to proceed no further then the grant of Subsidies. Thirdly, that nothing is more ordinary, then for the Convocations of all times since the Reformation, to take unto themselves the name of Synods. For, the Articles of Religion made in the Convocation Anno 1552. are called in the Title of the Book, Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi convenit, &c. The same name given to those agreed on in the Convocation, Anno 1562. as appears by the Title of that Book also, in the Latin Edition. The Canons of the year 1571. are said to be concluded and agreed upon in Synodo inchoatâ Lond. in aede Divi Pauli, &c. In the year 1575. came out a Book of Articles, with this Title following, viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the most reverend father in God, the Arch-bishop of Can∣terbury,

and other the Bishops, and the whole Clergy in the Province of Canterbury, in the Convocation or synod holden at Westminster. The like we find in the year 1597. (being the last active Convocation in Queen Elizabeth's time) in which we meet with a Book entituled, Constitutiones Ecclesiasticae, &c. in Synodo incho∣atâ Londini vicesimo quinto die mensis Octobris.

Fuller.

I request the Reader would be pleased, to call to his remembrance a passage of the Animadvertors, on my fifth Book, relating to the Reigne of King Henry the Eighth.

I must confess my self to be at a loss in this intricate Labyrinth, unless per∣haps there were some criticall difference between a SYNOD and a CONVOCATI∣ON; the first being called by the Arch-bishops, in their severall and respective Provinces, as the necessities of the Church; the other onely by the King, as his oc∣casions and affairs, did require the same.

I find my self now in the like labyrinth, and can meet with no Ariadne's thread, to extricate my self. I confess; commonly, CONVOCATION and SYNOD pass for Synonyma's, signifying one and the same thing; yet some make this nice difference.

• 1. Convocation, which is, in the beginning and ending, parallel with the Parliament.
• 2. Synod, which is called by the King out of Parliament.

I acknowledge my self a Seeker in this point, and will not wilfully bolt mine eyes against the beams of Truth, by whomsoever delivered: Mean time, I crave leave to enter this my dissatisfaction herein, seeing the Animadvertor so lately did confess his, in a thing of the like nature.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author finally is to know, that though the members of the two Con∣vocations of York and Canterbury did not meet in person, yet they communi∣cated their counsells, the results of the one being dispatcht unto the other, and there agreed on, or rejected, as they saw cause for it.

Fuller.

I am not to know it, for I knew it before, and nothing in my Book appears to the contrary; that the two Provinciall Synods privately did communicate their trans∣actions, as they were in fieri, in the making; and at last, publickly, viz. when We at Westminster had compleated the Canons, by Our subscription thereunto.

Dr. Heylyn.

Which laid together, shewes the vanity of another passage in the Speech of Sir Edward Deering, where he vapoureth thus, viz. A strange Commission, wherein no one Commissioner's name is to be found; a strange Convocation, that lived when the Parliament was dead; a strange holy Synod, where one part never saw, ne∣ver conferred with the other. Lastly, Sir Edward Deering seems to marvell at the Title of the Book of Canons then in question, expressing, that they were trea∣ted upon in Convocation, agreed upon in Synod. And this, saith he, is a new Mould to cast Canons in, never us'd before. But had he looked upon the Title of the Book of Canons, Anno 1603. he had found it otherwise. The Title this, viz. Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall, treated by the Bishop of London, Pre∣sident of the Convocation for the Province of Canterbury, &c. and a∣greed upon with the Kings Majesty's licence in their Synod begun at London, Anno 1603. And so much for the satisfaction of all such persons, whom either that Gentleman, or this our Author, have mis-informed, and consequently abused in this particular.

Fuller.

He hath now vapoured out that, which by the * 1.11 Apostle is termed, even a

vapour which appeareth for a little time and then vanisheth away. Being dead, the Animadvertor might have spared this expression upon him.

I believe neither he nor the Author did wittingly or willingly mis-informe any, and therefore cannot by any charitable pen be justly condemned for abu∣sing them.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Ibid. Now because great Bodies move slowly, &c. it was thought fit to contract the Synod into a select Committee of some twenty six, beside the Prolocutor.] No such contracting of the Synod as our Author speaks of. There was indeed a Committee of twenty six, or thereabouts, appointed to consider of a Canon for uniformity in some Rites and Ceremonies, of which number were the principall of those whom he calls Dissenters, and our Au∣thor too amongst the rest; who having agreed upon the Canon, it was by them presented to the rest of the Clergy in Convocation, and by them approv'd. And possible it is, that the drawing up o•• some other Canons might be referr'd also to that Committee, (as is accustomed in such cases) without contracting the whole House into that small body, or excluding any man from being present at their Consultation.

Fuller.

I know not what offence the word contracting may give, but my meaning, obvious to any Reader, is this, that a select Committee was appointed, to pre∣pare matters of greatest importance. No member being excluded from being present at, but from giving a Vote in, that Consultation.

Dr Heylyn.

But whereas our Author afterwards tells us, that nothing should be accounted the Act of the House till thrice (as he takes it) publickly voted therein.] It is but as he takes it, or mistakes it rather, and so let it go.

Fuller.

He might have allowed me the liberty of that modest Parenthesis, without carping at it. Some things I confesse (having since better informed my self) passed at the first time; but others which were meerly new were Thrice read, on the same token that it occasioned the contest betwixt the Prolocutor and Doctor Holdsworth.

Dr. Heylyn.

But I needed not to have signified, that our Author was one of the Com∣mittee, he will tell it himself; and he will tell us more then that, publishing himself for one of the thirty six Dissenters, the better to ingratiate himself with the rising side. The next day (so he lets us knovv) We all subscribed the Canons, suffering our selves (according to the order of such Meetings) to be all concluded by the majority of Votes, though some of US in the Committee privately dissented in the passing of many particulars.] So then, our Author was content to play the good∣fellow at the last, and go along hand in hand with the rest of his company; dis∣senting privately, but consenting publickly, which is as much as can be looked for.

Fuller.

It is not worth the while for him who is falling into the grave to endeavour to ingratiate himselfe with any rising-side. I appeal to the Animadvertor's own Conscience, if I have not written the plaine truth herein.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Ibid. No sooner came these Canons abroad into a publick view, but various were mens censures upon them.] Not possible that in such a con∣fusion, both of affections and opinions, it should otherwise be. Non omnibus

una voluntas, was a note of old, and will hold true as long as there are many men to have many minds. And yet, if my information deceive me not, these Ca∣nons found great approbation from the mouths of some, from whom it had been least expected; particularly from Justice Crook, whose Argument in the case of Ship-mony, was printed afterwards by the Order of the House of Com∣mons. Of whom I have been told, by a person of great worth and credit, that having read over the Book of Canons, when it first came out, he lifted up his hands, and gave hearty thanks to Almighty God, that he had liv'd to see such good effects of a Convocation. It was very well that they pleased him; but that they should please all men was not to be hoped for.

Fuller.

This is all additory, nothi••g at all opposite to what I have written; so we may proceed.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, fol. 171. Many took exception at the hollowness of the Oath in the middle thereof, having its bowels puffed up with a windy &c. a cheveral word, which might be stretched as men would measure it.] Of this &c. which has made so much noise in the world, I shall now say nothing. Somewhat is here subjoyn'd by our Author in excuse thereof, the rest made up by the Observator. Onely I shall make bold to ask him, why he observ'd not this &c. when the Oath was first under consideration? or why he signified not his dissent when it came to the Vote, and shewed some reasons which might move him to object against it? It had been fitter for a wise and juditious man to signifie his dislike of any thing when it might be mended, then to joyne with others in condemning it, when it was past remedy.

Fuller.

I was not sensible of any just cause of exception therein. The Animadvertor confesseth that I have subjoyned some what in the excuse thereof. And set me add that that somewhat is as much to purpose in the defence of that Oath (being borrowed from as learned and pious a pen, as England then enjoyed) as any thing, that the Animadvertor or his party can alledge. Wherefore except, joyning with those who do defend it, be the same with, joyning with those who do con∣demne it, the Animadvertor hath unjustly ranked me amongst the latter.

Dr. Heylyn.

But, Mala mens, malus animus, as the saying is. The Convocation had no ill intent in it when they passed it so, though some few, out of their perversness and corrupt effections, were willing to put their own sense on it, and spoil an hones•• meaning Text with a factious Gloss. But let us follow our Author as he leads the way, and we shall find, that

Ibid. Some Bishops were very forward in pressing this Oath, even before the time thereof. For, whereas a liberty was allowed to all to deliberate thereon, untill the Feast of Michael the Arch-angel, some presently pressed the Ministers of their Diocesses for the taking thereof.] It seems by this, that our Author was so far from taking no∣tice of any thing done in the Convocation, when the Canon for the Oath was framed, that he never so much as looked into the Canon it self, since the Book came out. He had not else dreamt of a liberty of Deliberation, till the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-angel, which I am sure the Canon gives not. The Sy∣nod did indeed decree, that all Arch-bishops and Bishops, and all other Priests and Deacons, in places exempt or not exempt, should, before the second day of November next ensuing, take the following Oath, against all innovation of Doctrine or Discipline. By which we see, that the Oath was to be given and taken before the second of November, but no such thing as Liberty of Deliberation till the Feast of St. Mi∣chael. And therefore if some Bishops did press the Clergy of their severall and

respective Diocesses, as soon as they returned home from the Convocation; they might well do it by the Canon, without making any such essay of their activity, if providence (as our Author most wisely words it) had not prevented them▪

Fuller.

Though there was no Solemn Order entered, or printed; yet am I sure, (ha∣ving cause to be assured thereof) such a condescention was agreed on, and I know who did plead the Benefit of such Deliberation, on the same token it was denied it him.

Dr. Heylyn.

If any of the Bishops did require their Clergy to take the Oath upon their knees, (as he saies they did) though it be more then was directed by the Canon; yet I conceive, that no wise man would scruple at it, considering the gravity and greatness of the business which he was about.

Fuller.

The Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy, being of as high and holy a nature and concernment, are never urged in that posture. All things are disposed of by divine Providence; and let the Doctor write against me, what he pleaseth; but take heed how he writes corrective Animadversions on the proceedings of the Greatest and Best of Beeings.

Dr. Heylyn.

But then, Ibid. The Exception of Exceptions was, because they were generally condemned as illegally passed, to the prejudice of the fundamentall liberty of the Sub∣ject, whereof we shall hear enough in the next Parliament.] Not generally condemned, either as illegally passed, or as tending to prejudice of the Subjects Rights, I am sure of that. Scarse so much as condemned by any for those respects, but by such whom it concern'd, (for carrying on of their De••ignes) to weaken the au∣thority of the Church, and advance their own. But because our Author tells us, that we shall find enough of this in the following Parliament, we are to follow him to that Parliament for our satisfaction: And there we find, that Mr. Maynard made a Speech in the Committee of Lords against the Canons, made by the Bishops in the last Convocation, in which he endeavoured to prove, &c.

Fuller.

Diogenes being demanded what one should give him to strike on the head as hard as he could, Give me, (sayed he) but an Helmet. Well fare my Helmet, the seasonable interposition of the word ENDEAVOURED! which hath secu∣red me from the blowes of the Animadvertor, and perchance his hand thereby retunded. Besides I have a double Helmet, Master [now Serjeant] Mainard, no lesse eminently known for his skill in Law, than for his love to the Clergy, by pleading so effectually (in his success as well as desire) for their Tithes. Where∣fore being weary with this long contest, I resolve for a while even to take my na∣turall rest, and will quietly sleep, untill Iogged by that, which particularly concerneth me.

Dr. Heylyn.

Endeavoured to prove, that the Clergy had no power to make Canons, with∣out common consent in Parliament, because in the Saxon's times, Lawes and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall had the confirmation of Peers, and sometimes of the People; to which great Councills our Parliaments do succeed.] Which Argument, if it be of force to prove, that the Clergy can make no Canons, without consent of the Peers and People in Parliament; it must prove also, that the Peers and People can make no Statutes without consent of the Clergy in their Convocation. My reason is, Because such Councels in the times of the Saxons were mixt As∣semblies, consisting as well of Laicks as of Ecclesiasticks; and the matters there concluded on of a mixt nature also, Laws being passed as commonly in

them in order to the good governance of the Common-wealth, as Canons for the regulating such things as concern'd Religion. But these great Coun∣cels of the Saxons being divided into two parts in the times ensuing, the Clergy did their work by themselves, without any confirmation from the King or Parliament, till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the Eighth. And if the Parliaments did succeed in the place of those great Councells, (as he saies they did) it was, because that antiently the Procurators of the Clergy, not the Bishops onely, had their place in Parliament, though neither Peers nor People voted in the Convocations. Which being so, it is not much to be admi∣red, that there was some checking (as is said in the second Argument) about the dis∣use of the generall making of such Church-Laws. But checking or repining at the proceeding of any Superiour Court, makes not the Acts thereof illegall; for, if it did, the Acts of Parliaments themselves would be reputed of no force, or illegally made, because the Clergy for a long time have checkt (and think they have good cause to check) for their being excluded. Which checking of the Commons appears not onely in those antient Authors which the Gentle∣man cited, but in the Remonstrance tendred by them to King Henry the Eighth, exemplified at large in these Animadversions, lib. 3. n. 61. But because this, being a Record of the Convocation, may not come within the walk of a Com∣mon Lawyer, I shall put him in mind of that memorable passage in the Parlia∣ment, 51 Edw. 3d. which in brief was this: The Commons finding themselves aggrieved, as well with certain Constitutions made by the Clergy in their Synods, as with some Laws or Ordinances which were lately passed, more to the advantage of the Clergy then the Common People, put in a Bill to this effect, viz.

That no Act nor Ordinance should from thenceforth be made or granted on the Petition of the said Clergy, without the consent of the Com∣mons; and that the said Commons should not be bound in times to come by any Constitutions made by the Clergy of this Realm, for their own advan∣tage, to which the Commons of this Realm had not given consent.

The rea∣son of which is this, (and 'tis worth the marking)

Car eux ne veulent estre ob∣ligez a nul de vos Estatuz ne Ordinances faitz sanz leur Assent. Because the said Clergy did not think themselves bound (as indeed they were not in those times) by any Statute, Act, or Ordinance, made without their assent in the Court of Parliament.

But that which could not be obtain'd by this checking of the Commons, in the declining and last times of King Edward 3. was in some part effected by the more vigorous prosecution of King Henry 8. who, to satisfie the desires of the Commons in this particular, and repress their checkings, obtained from the Clergy, that they should neither make nor execute any Canons, without his consent, as before is said; so that the Kings power of confirming Canons was grounded on the free and voluntary submission of the Clergy, and was not built, as the third Argument objecteth, on so weak a foundation as the Pope's making Canons by his sole power: the Pope not making Canons here, nor putting his Prescripts and Letters decretory in the place of Canons, but onely as a remedy for some present exigency. So that the King's power in this particular not being built upon the Popes, as he said it was, it may well stand, That Kings may make Canons without consent of Parliament, though he saith they cannot. But whereas it is argued, in the fourth place, that the clause in the Statute of Submission, in which it is said, that the Clergy shall not make Canons without the Kings leave, doth not imply, that by His leave alone they may make them; I cannot think that he delivered this for Law, and much less for Logick. For, had this been looked on formerly as a piece of Law, the Parliaments would have check'd at it at some time or other, and been as sensible of the Kings enchroachments, in executing this power without them, as antiently some of them had been about the disuse of the like generall consent in the making of them.

Fuller.

DORMIT SECURUS.

Dr. Heylyn.

Fol. 180. In the next place our Author tells us, that Mr. Maynard endeavou∣red also to prove, that these Canons were against the King's Prerogative, the Rights, Liberties, and Properties of the Subject.] And he saith well, that it was endeavou∣red to be proved, and endeavoured onely, nothing, amounting to a proof, be∣ing to be found in that which followes. It had before been Voted by the House of Commons, that the Canons are against fundamentall Laws of this Realm, against the Kings Prerogative, Property of the Subject, the Right of Parliament, and do tend to faction and sedition. And it was fit that some endeavours should be used to make good the Vote. But, this being but a generall charge, requires a generall answer onely, and it shall be this: Before the Canons were subscribed, they were imparted to the King by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and by the King communicated to the Lords of the Councill; who calling to them the assistance of the Judges, and some of the Kings Councill learned in the Laws of this Realm, caus'd the said Canons to be read and considered of, the King being then present. By all which, upon due and mature deliberation, the Canons were approv'd; and being so approv'd, were sent back to the Clergy in the Convocation, and by them subscribed. And certainly it had been strange, that they should pass the approbation of the Judges and learned Lawyers, had they contained any thing against the fundamentall Laws of the Land, the Property of the Subject, and the Rights of Parliament, or been approv'd of by the Lords of his Majesties Councill, had any thing been contained in them derogatory to the Kings Prerogative, or tending to faction and sedition. So that the foundation being ill laid, the superstructures and objections which are built upon it, may be easily shaken and thrown down. To the first therefore it is ansvvered, that no∣thing hath been more ordinary in all former times, than for the Canons of the Church to inflict penalties on such, as shall disobey them; exemplified in the late Canons of 1603. many of which extend not onely unto Excommunica∣tion, but even to Degradation and Irregularity, for which, see Can. 38.113. &c. To the second▪ that there is nothing in those Canons which determine••h or li∣miteth the Kings Authority, but much that makes for, and defendeth the Right of the Subject, for which the Convocation might rather have expected thanks then censure, from ensuing Parliaments. To the third, That when the Canon did declare the Government of Kings to be founded on the Law of Nature, it was not to condemn all other Governments, as being unlawfull, but to com∣mend that of the Kings as being the best. Nor can it Logically be inferr'd, that because the Kingly Government is not receiv'd in all places, that there∣fore it ought not so to be: or that the Government (by this Canon) should be the same in all places, and in all alike; because some Kings do, and may law∣fully part with many of their Rights for the good of their Subjects, which others do, and may as lawfully retain unto themselves. To the fourth, That the Doctrine of Non-Resistance is built expresly on the words of St. Paul, Rom. 13. v. 2. and therefore to condemn the Canon in that behalf, is to condemn the Word of God upon vvhich it is founded. Finally, to the fifth and last, That the Statute of 5, 6 Edw. 6. declaring, that the daies there mentioned shall be kept for Holy-daies, and no other, relates onely to the abolishing of some other Festivalls, which had been formerly observ'd in the Realm of England, and not to the disabling of the Church from ordaining any other Holy-dayes, (on emergent causes) in the times to come.

Fuller.

DORMIT SECURUS.

Dr. Heylyn.

Assuredly that able Lawyer would have spoke more home unto the point, could the cause have born it. Eloquentem facit causae bonitas, in the Orator's language. And therefore looking on the heads of the Arguments (as our Au∣thor represents them to us) I must needs think, that they were rather fitted to the sense of the House, than they were to his own.

Fuller.

I now begin to awake, and rub my Eyes, hearing somewhat wherein I am concerned, as if I had unfaithfully related these Arguments.

I confesse it is but a Breviat of them, accommodated to the proportion of my Book; and had they been at large, much lustre must be lost whilst related, see∣ing none but Mr. Mainard can repeat the Arguments of Mr. Mainard to equal advantage. However, I had them from as observant, and judicious a Person as any in house of Lords; and if I should name Him, the Animadvertor would believe me herein.

Dr. Heylyn.

What influence these Arguments might have on the House of Peers, when reported by the Bishop of Lincoln, I am not able to affirm: But so far I concur with our Author, that they lost neither life nor lustre, as they came from his mouth, who (as our Author sayes) was a back friend to the Canons, because made during his absence and durance in the Tower.] A piece of ingenuity which I did not look for.

Fuller.

There are some Pens that if a Man do look for Ingenuity from them, he may look for it.

Dr. Heylyn.

The power of Convocation being thus shaken and endangered, that of the High Commission and the Bishops Courts was not like to hold; the one being taken away by Act of Parliament, and the other much weakned in the coercive power thereof, by a clause in that Act, of which our Author tell us, that

Fol. 182. Mr. Pim triumphed at this successe, crying out digitus Dei, it is the finger of God, that the Bishops should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power.] And well might Mr. Pim triumph, as having gain'd the point he aim'd at, in subverting the coercive power, and consequently the whole exercise of Ec∣clesiastical Jurisdiction. But he had no reason to impute it to the finger of God, or to the carelesnesse of the Bishops in suffering themselves to be so supinely surpris'd. For first the Bishops saw too plainly, that those general words by which they were disabled from inflicting any pain or penalty, would be exten∣ded to Suspension, Excommunication, and other Ecclesiastical censures. But secondly, they saw withall that the stream was too strong for them to strive against, most of the Lords being wrought on by the popular party in the House of Commons, to passe the Bill. Thirdly, they were not without hope, that when the Scots Army was disbanded, and that Nation satisfied, by the Kings condescensions to them, there might be such an explication made of those ge∣neral words, as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civill penalties, by which the censures of the Church might remain as formerly. And fourthly, in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entred in the House of

Peers, That the general words in this Bill should extend onely to the High Commission Court, and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, for which consult our Author, fol. 181. Having thus passed over such matters as concern the Church, we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament. And the first is that —.

Fuller.

I said not Mr. Pim had just cause to triumph; yea somewhat followeth in my History to the contrary, shewing He had no reason to rejoyce, and condemn the Bishops herein, seeing not Supinesse but Prudentiall condescention, for the time, made them rather sufferers then surprized herein. Onely I say, there are many alive, who heard him sing aloud this his Victoria, and the Eccho thereof it still soundeth in their Eares.

The Animadvertor himselfe, sometimes triumpheth over my mistakes, and carrieth me away in his own conceit; whilst still I am sensible of my owne Li∣berty, that I am in a free condition.

Dr. Heylyn.

Fol. 174. Dr. Pocklinton, and Dr. Bray, were the two first that felt the displea∣sures of it, the former for preaching and printing, the latter for licensing two Books, one called Sunday no Sabbath, the other the Christian Altar.] No other way to paci∣fie the high displeasures of the Bishop of Lincoln, but by such a Sacrifice, who therefore is intrusted to gather such Propositions out of those two Books as were to be recanted by the one, and for which the other was to be depriv'd of all his preferments. And in this the Bishop serv'd his own turn, and the peo∣ples too: his own turn first, in the great controversie of the Altar, in which he was so great a stickler, and in which Pocklington was thought to have provoked him to take that revenge. The Peoples turn he serv'd next, in the condemning and recanting of some points about the Sabbath, though therein he ran cross to his former practice. Who had been not long since so far from those Sabbata∣rian rigors, (which now he would fain be thought to countenance) that he caus'd a Comedy to be acted before him at his house at Budgen, not onely on a Sunday in the afternoon, but upon such a Sunday also on which he had pub∣lickly given sacred Orders both to Priests and Deacons. And to this Comedy, he invited the Earl of Manchester, and divers of the neighbouring Gentry.

Fuller.

I was neither an Actor in, nor a Spectator of that Comedy. The better day, the worse deed. I recount it amongst none of those his Good works, wherewith he abounded.

Dr. Heylyn.

Though on this turning of the tide, he did not onely cause these Doctors to be condemned for some Opinions which formerly himselfe allowed of, but mov'd at the Assembly in Ierusalem-Chamber, that all Books should be publick∣ly burnt, which had disputed the Morality of the Lords-day-Sabbath. Quo teneam nodo, &c. as the Poet hath it.

Fuller.

I have been credibly informed, that when in Ierusalem-Chamber, Mr. Stephen Marshall urged most vehemently for severe punishment, on the Authors of those Books; Bishop Williams, fell foul on the Books, moving they might be bur∣ned, that their Authors might the better escape. Let every one betine his share herein.

Dr. Heylyn.

But whereas our Author tells us in the following words, that soon after both the Doctors deceased for grief, I dare with some confidence tell him, there vvas no

such matter; Dr. Pocklinton living about tvvo years, and Dr. Bray above four years after, vvith as great chearfulnesse and courage as ever formerly. Hovv he hath dealt vvith Dr. Cousen, vve shall see more at large hereafter in a place by it selfe, the discourse thereof being too long and too full of particulars, to come vvithin the compasse of an Animadversion. In the mean time proceed we unto Bishop Wren, of vvhom thus as followeth.

Fuller.

I went to Peterborough on purpose in Quest after Information, and saw Dr. Pocklinton's Grave; on the same token, it was in the Church-yard, just in the place, where so many Saxons were murdered, and Martyred by the Danes: and there I heard that he enjoyed not himself after his censure. Of Dr. Bray (though I could) I say nothing; and shall return an Answer to Dr. Cosins at the end of this Book.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 182. A Bill (saith our Author) was sent up by the Commons against Mathew Wren Bishop of Ely, containing 25 Articles, &c.] That such a Bill was sent up from the House of Commons, is undoubtedly true. And no lesse true it is, that many Impeachments of like nature were hammered, at, and about, the same time against many other Clergy men of good note, though inferiour Order; the Articles whereof were Printed and exposed to open saile to their great disparagement. And therefore I would faine know the Reason, why this Man should be singled out amongst all the rest to stand impeached upon record in our Author's History; especially considering that there was nothing done by the Lords in pursuance of it, the Impeachment dying in a manner as soon as born. Was it because he was more Criminall then the other were, or that the charge was better proved, or for what Cause else?

Fuller.

I will give the Reader a true and fair•• account thereof. Many Clergy men, (as the Animadvertor observeth) being then articled against; I thought, to in∣sert all would clog my Book with needlesse Numbers, as to omit all, would be interpreted Partiality, and Unfaithfullnesse in an Historian: I chose therefore the middle, (as the safest) way, to instance in four; two Doctors, Bray and Pocklin∣ton; one Dean, I. Cosins; and one Bishop, Matthew Wren, conceiving these a suf∣ficient Representation of all the rest. Wherefore I cannot see how the Animad∣vertor can properly say, that Bishop Wren was by me singled out, except a QUATERNION be a single Man. It was not because his Charge was better (which for ought I know was not at all) proved, but for these Reasons:

• 1. He was one of the first in Time. Clamoured against.
• 2. He was one of the highest in Dignity. Clamoured against.
• 3. He was one that hath longest been a Sufferer for his un-prosecuted Accu∣sation.

And here had the Animadvertor been pleased, as well to take notice of Flow∣ers and Herbs in my Church-History, as what he counteth Weeds therein, he might have inserted, (yea with Justice could not have omitted) this following * 1.12 pass∣age. Bishop Wren his long imprisonment, (being never brought into a publick Answer) hath converted many of his Adversaries, into a more Charitable opinion of him.

Dr. Heylyn.

Well, since our Author will not, I will tell you, why (he singled out M. Wren amongst all the rest) And I will tell it in the words of King Iames, in the Conference at Hampton-court, upon occasion of a needlesse exception taken by Dr. Reynolds at a passage in Ecclesiasticus, What trow ye, (said the King,) makes these men so angry with Ecclesiasticus? By my Sal, I think he was a Bishop, or else they would never use him so. And so much for that.

Fuller.

Whether Ecclesiasticus was a Bishop or no, I know not; this I know that Ec∣clesiastes was a Preacher. The words of Kings are most proper for the Mouths of Kings, and Soveraignes may speak their Pleasure to their Subjects, which fit nor fellow-Subjects one to another. And so much for that.

My extraction who was Prebendarius Prebendarides, and Relation (as the Ani∣madvertor knows) to Two no meane Bishops, my Uncles, may clear me from any Episcopall Antipathy. I honour any who is a Bishop, both Honour and Love him who is a Religious and Learned Bishop.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 174. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestation to be taken all over England, which some months after was generally per∣formed.] What time this was our Author tells us in the margin, pointing to Feb. 4. about which time there was no mention of the Protestation, nor occa∣sion for it. The first mention which was made of the Protestation was upon Munday, May the third, on which day it was mentioned, fram'd, and taken by all the Members of the House of Commons, excepting the Lord George Digby (now Earl of Bristol) and an Uncle of his.

Fuller.

I appeal to the surviving Members of the House of Commons, (the most compe∣tent Judges in this point) whether such a Protestation was not hammered (though not perfected) about the date by me assigned.

Acts of State never ride Post; and it seems to me improbable, that the Prote∣station by such unused approperation, to be mentioned, framed, and taken all in one day. But herein I submit to those who best know it.

Dr. Heylyn.

The occasion of it was a Speech made by the King in the House of Peers in favour of the Earl of Strafford, upon the Saturday before; which mov'd them to unite themselves by this Protestation for bringing to condign punishment, all such as shall either by force, practice, plots, counsels, conspiracies, or otherwise do any thing to the contrary of any thing in the same Protestation contain'd. Which Protestation being carried into the House of Peers, was after some few dayes generally taken by that House also. But the prevalent party in the House of Commons, having further aims then such as our Author pleaseth to take notice of, first caus'd it to be printed by an Or∣der of the fifth of May, that they might be sent down to the Sheriffes and Iustices of Peace in the severall Shires; to whom they intimated, that as they justified th•• taking of it in themselves, so they could not but approve it in all such as should take it. But finding that this did not much edifie with the Country people, they de∣sired the Lords to concur with them in imposing the same. Failing whereof, by an Order of their own House onely, Iuly 30. it was declared, that the Pro∣testation made by them was fit to be taken by every Person that was well affected in Re∣ligion, and to the good of the Common-wealth; and therefore what Person soever did not take the same, was unfit to bear Office in the Church or Common-wealth. Which notwithstanding, many refus'd to take it, as our Author telleth us, not knowing but that some sinister use might be made thereof: as afterward appeared by those Pikes and Protestations, which conducted some of the five Members to the House of Commons.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor and the Author have in this Paragraph lovingly shaken hands together I fear, for meeting and parting at once; and that it will not be long before we disjoyne them again.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 183. About this time came forth the Lord Brook his Book against Bishops, accusing them in respect of their Parentage to be de faece populi, of the dregs of the people; and in respect of their Studies? no way fit for Government, or to be Barons in Parliament.] A passage mis-becoming no mans pen so much as his that writ it; whose Father neither was of a better extraction then ••ome, nor better left, as in the way of his subsistance, then any of the Bishops (whom he thus upbraideth) had been left by their fathers.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor will, I hope, acknowledge me a fair and ingenuous Ad∣versary, on a token best known to us alone. However, Christianity obligeth me to take no unworthy advantage of my Brother in the same Profession.

Dr. Heylyn.

From the first part of which calumny, the Bishops freed themselves well enough, as appears by our Author. And from the second, since they were too modest to speak in their own commendations, our Author might have freed them with one of the old tales which are in his budget. And the tale is of a Nobleman in King Harry the eights time, who told Mr. Pace, one of the Kings Secretaries, in contempt of Learning, that it was enough for Noblemens sons to wind their Horn, and carry their Hauk fair; and to leave study and learning to the children of mean men: to whom the aforesaid Mr. Pace replied, Then you and other Nobl••men must be content, that your children may wind their Horns, and keep their Hauks, while the children of mean men do manage matters of Estate. And cer∣tainly there can be no reason why men that have been verst in Books, studied in Histories, and thereby made acquainted with the chief occurrences of most States and Kingdoms, should not be thought as fit to manage the affairs of State, as those who spend their time in Hauking and Hunting, if not upon some worse employments. For that a Superinduction of holy Orders should prove a Su∣persedeas to all civill prudence, is such a wild extravagant fancy, as no man of judgment can allow of▪

Fuller.

I never said it, nor thought it; I will never write a syllable against mine own Vocation. The Clergy, I am sure, cannot be impaired, and Lay-Noblemen, I hope, may be improved, (to make them more industrious to enable themselves) by the Animadvertor's story, well reported, and better urged and applied.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 188. The next day the 12 Subscribers were voted to be committed to the Tower, save that Bishop Morton of Durham, and Hall of Nor∣wich found some favour.] Our Author speaks this of those twelve Bishops, who had subscrib'd a Protestation for preserving their Rights and Votes in the House of Peers, during the time of their involuntary absence, to which they were compelled by threats, menaces, and some open acts of violence commit∣ted on them. But in the name of one of the Bishops, who found the favour of not being sent unto the Tower, he is much mistaken; it not being Dr. Hall Bishop of Norwich, but Dr. Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, who found that favour at their Hands.

Fuller.

Not much, who (if at all) could not be lesse mistaken. I shall provide, God willing, the next Edition shall be reformed herein; and meane time desire the Owner of my former, to rectifie it with their Pen, who immediately can remove Coventry and Lichfield, (though 80 Miles distance) to Norwich, and thereby he will much wright me, and nothing at all wrong himself.

Dr. Heylyn.

The like Misnomer I find after, fol. 193. where he speaks of William, Earl of Bath;] The Earl of Bath of whom he speaks being nam'd Henry, and not William, unlesse he chang'd his name when he succeeded in that Earldom, as I think he did not, and I am sure our Author will not say he did.

Fuller.

That noble Earl, (questionable whether of more Honour or Lear∣ning) so cordiall to the cause of the Church, (far from all new dipt Sectaries,) never changed his Name, till he changed his Life, and then of a Militant became a Triumphant Saint. The Reader will believe me knowing enough in his Christian name, whose Relict (since Countess of Middlesex) was my late Parishoner at Waltham, where I have seen his name above a thousand times, prefixed with his own hand writing, before the severall Books in the Numerous and choise Library at Copt-hall. It was indeed a meer mistake of the Printer.

Dr. Heylyn.

As much he is mistaken also in point of time, leaving the Bishops in prison for eighteen weeks, whereas they were scarce detained there for half that time. For, being committed to the Tower in the end of December, they were released by an Order of the House of Peers on the fifteenth of February, being the next day after the Bill for taking away their Votes had passed in Parliament. But then the Commons looking on them, as devested of their Right of Peerage, and con∣sequently (as they thought) in the same rank with themselves, return'd them to the Tower again: and having kept them there some few weeks (long enough to declare their power,) discharged them upon Bail, and so sent them home.

Fuller.

A great cry and a little Wool. 1. From the end of December to the fifteen of February was seven weekes. 2. They continued afterwards there some few weeks, as the Animadvertor confesseth. Weeks imply two at the least; some few, denote 4 or 5 in proper sense. Lastly some of the Bishops staid there longer than others, even for lack of Money to pay their fees: If the Reader be pleased to take all these up, he will find them fall little short of 18 Weeks. And let not the Animadvertor wilfully persist in an error, who may know from Bishop Wren, that none of them were released before the sixth of May.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceedeth, Fol. 195. About this time the word Malignant was first born (as to common use) in England, and fixed as a note of disgrace on the Kings Party, and (because one had as good he dumb as not speak with the volge) possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensuing History.] Nothing more possible then that our Author should make use of any word of disgrace with which the Kings party was reproached.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor in this Point, proves himselfe a Malignant indeed, taxing me with so odious and untrue an Aspersion: nothing more improbable, then that my hand should hurt that Cause, which my Heart did Honour in the Wri∣ting of my Book. Though this Passage be by me premised by way of prevention, if the Word Malignant casually fell from my Pen; yet such was my Cautiousnesse, that very rarely, if at all, it is used as mine own word. Besides, the Ingenuous Reader knoweth that the Writers of Civill Dissentions are sometimes necessitated for differencing of Parties, to use those Tearmes they do not approve.

Dr. Heylyn.

And if he calls them formerly by the name of Royalists and High-Royalists, as he sometimes doth; it was not because he thought them worthy of no worse a Title, but because the name of Malignant had not then been born.

Fuller.

Not so. For then since the Name MALIGNANT was born, I would have used it on them, which I do not: Those words of the Animadvertor, [worthy of no WORSE a TITLE] intimate, as if ROYALIST and HIGH-ROYALIST were BAD TITLES, which if not Honourable must be Inoffensive. If ROYAL the Primitive be GOOD, [a * 1.13 ROYAL Law, * 1.14 a ROYAL Priest-hood] ROYALIST the Derivative cannot be BAD, much lesse HIGH-ROYALIST, except Height makes that BAD being added thereunto, which was GOOD before.

Dr. Heylyn.

He cannot chuse but know, that the name of Round-head was born at the same time also, and that it was as common in the Kings Party to call the Par∣liamentarians by the name of Round-heads, as it was with those of the Parlia∣ment Party, to call the King's adherents by the name of Malignants. And yet I do confidently say, that the word Round-head, as it was fixed as a note of dis∣grace on the Parliament party, doth not occur, on any occasion whatsoever, in our Authors History. But kissing goes by favour, as the saying is; and therefore let him favour whom he pleases, and kisse where he favoureth.

Fuller.

I confesse the name ROUND-HEAD at the same time Trundled about in the Mouths of many men; but I conceived it beneath an Historian to make use thereof, because his Majesty in all his Proclamations, Declarations, and other Acts of State, never made mention thereof, whilst MALIGNANT was often used in Acts of Parliament.

But if my bare Mention (not using) of MALIGNANT, be so distastfull; I will Cut down all the Ill Wood therein, to the last Sprig, quench all the ill fire therein to the last Spark; I meane, God willing, totally delete that Para∣graph in the next Edition.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 196. By this time ten of the eleven Bishops formerly subscribing their Protestation to the Parliament, were after some months durance (upon good Baile given) released, &c.] Of the releasing of these Bishops we have spoke already. We are now onely to observe such mistakes and errors as relate un∣to it. And first they were not released at or about the time which our Author speaks of, that is to say, after such time as the word plunder had begun to be us'd amongst us. Plunder both name and thing, vvas unknovvn in England, till the beginning of the War; and the War began not, till September, An. 1642. which vvas some months after the releasing of the Bishops.

Fuller.

I hope novv the Animadvertor is dravving to a Conclusion, because an Ague commonly is leaving one, vvhen beginning to double its Fits. Formerly he found fault but once, in four Pages; novv four times, in one Paragraph.

Here is nothing Mis-timed in this point; the name PLUNDER beginning in England some Months, the Practise thereof some Weeks, before our War. Indeed COMMISSION'D PLUNDER begun with the war, but UNCOMMISSION'D PLUNDER vvas before it, committed by those, vvhose activity onely did Au∣thorise (or rather Impower) them to take avvay the goods of others. Such vvere they that PLUNDERED, (for I am sure they will not say they ROBBED) the

House of the Countesse, Rivers at Long-Mellford in Suffolk, before the Univer∣sity of Cambridge sent their Pla••e to the King to York, and consequently before the Warr.

Dr. Heylyn.

Secondly, he telleth us, that ten of the eleven which had subscribed, were released, whereas there were twelve which had subscrib'd as appears fol. 187. whereof ten were sent unto the Tower, and the other two committed to the custody of the Black-Rod, fol. 188. And if ten onely were releast, the other two must be kept in custody for a longer time: whereas we find the Bishop of Norwich at home in his Diocess, and the Bishop of Durham at liberty in Lon∣don; they being the two whom he makes so far favour'd by the Parliament, as they scap't the Tower.

Fuller.

The small numerall fault shall be amended, to prevent exceptions, in my next Edition.

Dr. Heylyn.

Thirdly, he telleth us, that, when all others were releast, Bishop Wren was still detain'd in the Tower, which is nothing so. That Bishop was releast upon Bail, when the other were returned unto his Diocesse, as the others did, and there continued for a time; when of a suddain he was snatched from his House at Downham, in the Isle of Ely, carried to the Tower, and there imprisoned; ne∣ver being brought unto a Hearing, nor any cause shewed for his imprisonment to this very day.

Fuller.

Would it were nothing so indeed, Si mea cum vestris valuissent Vota.

If the Animadvertor's and Author's Joynt-desires might have taken Effect, there had been no difference about this passage in my Book.

Tuque domo proprià, nos (Te Praesul) Poteremur

• Thou hadst enjoy'd thy house, and we,
• Prelate, had enjoyed Thee.

But alas it is so, He is still and still (when all other Bishops are released) detained in the Tower, where I believe he maketh Gods Service, his perfect free∣dom. My words, as relating to the time when I wrote them, containe too much sorrowfull truth therein.

Dr. Heylyn.

Fourthly, Archbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty ••ent not into the Kings Quarters, as our Author saith, but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire, where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxford: not that he found the North too cold for him, or the War too hot; but to solicit for re∣n••wing of his Commendam in the Deanry of Westminster; the time for which he was to hold it drawing towards an end.

Fuller.

Nothing false or faulty. The Arch-bishop of York, stayed some weeks after his enlargement at Westminster, thence he went privately to the house of Sir Thomas Hedley in Huntingon shire, and thence to his Palace at Ca••ood nigh York, where he gave the King a magnificent Intertainment.

King James setled the Deanry of Westminster under the great Seal on Dr. Wil∣liams, so long as he should continue Bishop of Lincoln. Hinc illa Lacrimae, hence the great heaving and hussing at Him, because He would not resigne it, which was so signal a Monument of his Master's favour unto him.

Being Arch-bishop of York, King Charls confirmed his Deanry unto him for

three years, in lieu of the profits of his Arch-bishoprick, which the King had taken Sede vacante. So that it is probable enough, the renuing that Tearm might be a Joynt-Motive of his going to Oxford.

But I see nothing which I have written can be cavilled at, except because I call Yorkshire the King's Quarters, which as yet was the Kings WHOLE, when the Arch-bishop first came thither, (as being a little before the War be∣gan) though few Weeks after, it became the King's Quarters. Such a Prolepsis is familiar with the best Historians; and, in effect, is little more, then when the * 1.15 Animadvertor calleth the Gag and Appello Caesarem, the Books of Bishop Montague; who, when they were written by him, was no (though soon after a) Bishop.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate, that more then once they ran on that (reputed) Rock in their speeches, for which they were publickly shent, and enjoyned an acknow∣ledgment of their mistake.] By whom they were so publickly shent, and who they were that so ingenuously acknowledged their mistake, as my Author telleth us not, so neither can I say whether it be true or false.

Fuller.

I tell you again, It is true. The Earl of Essex and the Lord Say were two of the Lords (though this be more then I need discover) who checked them. And of two of those Bishops, Dr. Hall, late Bishop of Norwich, is gone to God, and the other is still alive.

Dr. Heylyn.

But I must needs say, that there was small ingenuity in acknowledging a mistake in that, wherein they had not been mistaken; or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock, to run themselves on a certain Rock, even the Rock of Scandall.

Fuller.

Their brief and generall acknowledgment, that they vvere sorry that they had spoken in this point, vvhat had incurred the displeasure of the Temporall Lords, was no trespass on their own ingenuity, nor had shadovv of scandall to others therein.

I confess, men must not bear fals-witness, either against themselves or others; nor may they betray their right, especially when they have not onely a perso∣nall concernment therein, but also are in some sort Feoffees in trust for Posterity. However, vvhen a predominant Power plainly appears, which will certainly over-rule their cause against them; without scandall, they may (not to say in Christian prudence they ought) to wave the vindication of their priviledges for the present, waiting, wishing, and praying, for more moderate and equall times, wherein they may assert their right, with more advantage to their cause, and less danger to their persons.

Dr. Heylyn.

For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third Estate, and not in the capacity of temporal Barons, will evidently appear by these reasons following. For first, the Clergy in all other Christian Kingdoms of these Northwest parts make the third Estate; that is to say, in the German Empire, as ap∣pears by Thuanus the Historian, lib. 2. In France, as is affirmed by Paulus Aemi∣lius, lib. 9. In Spain, as testifieth Bodinus in his De Repub. lib. 3. For which con∣sult also to the Generall History of Spain, as in point of practise, lib. 9, 10, 11, 14. In Hungary, as witnesseth Bonfinius, Dec. 2. l. 1. In Poland, as is verified by Thu∣nus also, lib. 56. In Denmark, as Pontanus telleth us in Historia rerum Danicarum,

l. 7. The Swedes observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes. The like we find in Camden for the Realm of Scotland, in which antiently the Lords Spirituall, viz. Bishops, Abbots, Priors, made the third Estate. And certainly it were very strange, if the Bishops and other Pre∣lates in the Realm of England, being a great and powerfull body, should move in a lower Sphere in England, then they do elsewhere. But secondly, not to stand onely upon probable inferences, we find first in the History of Titus Livius, touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth, that when his Funerals were ended, the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble toge••her, and declared his Son King Henry the sixth, being an Infant of eight months old, to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor. And if the Lords Spirituall did not then make the third Estate, I would know who did. Secondly, the Petition tendred to Rich∣ard Duke of Glocester, to accept the Crown, occurring in the Parliament Rolls, runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm, that is to say,

The Lords Spirituall, and Temporall, and the Commons thereof. Thirdly, in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King, it is said expresly, that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm, that is to say, the Lords Spirituall, and Temporall, and Commons of this Land assem∣bled in this present Parliament, and by Authority of the same it be pronoun∣ced, decreed, and declared, That our said Soveraign Lord the King, was, and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England, &c. Fourthly, it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiri∣tuall and Temporall, and the Commons in that Parliament assembled, being said expresly, and in terminis, to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England, did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true, lawfull, and un∣doubted Soveraign Liege Lady, and Queen.

Add unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cook, though a private person, who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts (published by order of the long Parliament) chap. 1. doth expr••sly say; That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body; that the Head is the King, that the Body are the three Estates, viz. the Lords Spirituall, and Temporall, and Com∣mons. In which words we have not onely the opinion and testimony of that learned Lawyer, but the Authority of the long Parliament also, though against it selfe. Those aged Bishops had been but little studied in their owne concern∣ments, and betray'd their Rights, if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in challenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third Estate.

Fuller.

In this long discourse, the Animadvertor hath given in the severall Particu∣lars, whereof I, in my Church-History, gave the Totall summe; when saying, that there were passages in the old Statutes, which did countenance the Bishops sitting in Parliament in the Capacity of a THIRD ESTATE.

I have nothing to returne in Opposition, and heartily wish that his Argu∣ments (to use the Sea-man's phrase) may prove stanche and tight, to hold water, when some Common-Lawyer shall examine them.

But seeing the Animadvertor hath with his commendable paines go•• so farre in this point, I could wish he had gon a little further, even to answer the two Common Objections against the THIRD-ESTATE SHIP of Bishops.

The First is this: The Bishop not to speak of Bishops Suffragan, of the Isle of Man, is a Bishop for all purposes, and intents, of Jurisdiction and ordination, yet hath he no place in Parliament, because not holding per In egram Baroniam, by an Intire Barony. Now if Bishops sat in Parliament as a THIRD-ESTATE, and not as so many Barons, why hath not the Bishop of Man, being in the Pro∣vince of York, a place in Parliament as well as the rest?

Secondly, If the Bishops sit as a THIRD-ESTATE, then Statutes made with∣out

them are man•• and defective, which in law will not be allowed, seeing there were some Sessions of Parliament wherein Statutes did passe, Excluso Clero (at least wise, Absente Clero) which notwithstanding are acknowledged Obligatory to our Nation.

I also, request him (when his Hand is in) to satisfie the Objection, taken from a * 1.16 passage in the Parliament at Northampton under Henry the Second, when the Bishops challenged their Peerage, viz. Non sedemus hîc Episcopi, sed Ba∣rones: Nos Barones, vos Barones, Pares hîc sumus. We sit not here as Bishops, but as Barons, We are Barons, You are Barons, here we are peers, which is much inforced by Anti-Episcopists. And whereas the Animadvertor translated it not as Bishops onely, it is more then questionable, that this interpolation ONLY will not be ad∣mitted by such who have a mind curiously to examine the matter.

I protest my integrity herein, that I have not started these Objections of my selfe, having had them urged against me; and though I can give a bungling An∣swer unto them, I desire that the Animadvertor (being better skill'd in Law) would be pleased (if it ever comes again in his way) to returne an Answer as short and clear as the Objections are; and I, and many more, will be bound to returne him thanks.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 196. The Con••ocation now not sitting, and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament, their Wisdoms ad∣judged it not onely convenient, but necessary, that some prime Clergy men might be con∣sulted with.] It seems then, that the setting up of the new Assembly, consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen, and two or more Divines out of every Coun∣ty, must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation. Whereas if that had been the reason, the Convocation should have been first warned to re-assemble, with liberty and safe conducts given them, &c.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor now enters the list with the WISDOMS in Parliament, who are most able to justifie their owne Act. Mean time my folly may stand by in silence, unconcerned to return any Answer.

Dr. Heylyn.

Fol. 198. It savours something o•• a Prelaticall Spirit to be offended about Prece∣dency.] I see our Author is no Changeling, Primus ad extremum similis sibi, the very same at last as he was at the first. Certainly, if it savour of a Prelaticall Spirit to contend about Precedencies, that Spirit by some ••ythagorean Me∣tempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians, whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes, and thus cometh home to our Author, &c.

Fuller.

If it cometh home unto me, I will endeavour God-willing to thrust it far from me, by avoiding the odious sin of Pride. And I hope the Presbyterians will herein make a reall and practicall refutation of this note, in Evidencing more Humility hereafter; seasonably remembring, they are grafted on the Stock of the Bishops, and are concerned not to be high-minded but feare; lest if God spared not Episco∣pacy, (for what sins I am not to enquire), peaceably possessed, above a Thousand years, of Power in the Church of England, take heed that he spare not Presbytery also, which is but a Probationer on its good behaviour, especially if by their insolence they offend God and disoblige our Nation, the generality whereof is not over∣fond of their Go••ernment.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 203. We listen not to their fancy who have reckoned

the words in the Covenant, six hundred sixty six, &c.] I must confesse my selfe not to be so much a Pythagorean, as to find Divinity in Numbers, nor am taken with such Mysteries as some fancy in them. And yet I cannot chuse but say, that the Number of Six hundred sixty six words, neither more nor less, which are found in the Covenant, though they conclude nothing, yet they signifie something. Our Author cannot chuse but know what pains were taken even in the times of Irenaeus to find out Antichrist by this number: Some thinking then, that they had found it in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with reference to the persecuting Roman Emperours. Some Protestants think that they had found it in a Dedication to Pope Paul the fifth, which was Paulo V^to Vice-Deo; the numerall letters whereof, that is to say, D.C.L.V.V.V.I. amount exactly unto six hundred sixty six!, which is the Number of the Beast in Revelation. The Papists on the other side find it in the name of Luther; but in what language or how speld, I remember not. And therefore whosoever he was, which made this Observation upon the Cove∣nant, he deserves more to be commended for his wit, then condemned for his idlenesse.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor might herein have allowed me the Liberty of Preterition, a familiar figure in all Authors, managed by them with, Taceo, praetermitto, transeo, we passe by, listen not, &c. when relating things,

Either

• Parva, of small moment,
• Nota, generally known,
• Ingrata, unwelcome to many Readers.

Under which of these three notions, the point in hand doth fall, I am not bound to discover.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 207. Now began the great and generall purgation of the Clergy in the Parliaments Quar••ers, &c. Some of whose offences were so foul, it is a shame to report them, crying to justice for punishment.] And it was time that such a purgation should be made, if their offences were so ••oul as our Author makes them. But first, our Author might have done well to have satisfied himselfe in all particulars, before he rais'd so foul a scandall on his Christian Brethren, and not to have taken them up upon hear-say, or on no better grounds then the credit of the first Century, which he after mentions. Which modesty he might have learnt, 1. From the Author of that scandalous and infamous Pamphlet, (whatsoever he was) desisting from the writing of a second Century, as being sen∣sible, that the Subject was generally odious. And certainly, if it were odious in that party to write the same, it must be much more odious in our Author to de∣fend the writing. He might have learnt it, 2. from the most excellent Master in the Schools of Piety and Morality which this Age hath given us, even the King himselfe; who as our Author telleth us, fol. 208. would not give way that any such Book should be written of the vicious lives of some Parliament Mini∣sters, when such an undertaking was presented to him. But if their Offences were so foul, the Writer of the Century had some reason for what he did, and our Author had some reason for what he saith, especially if the putting in of one Herb had not spoil'd all the Pot of Pottage. But first, Qui alterum incusat probri seipsum intueri oporiet, is a good rule in the Schools of Prudence, and therefore it concerns our Author to be sure of this, that all things be well at home, both in his owne Person and in his Family, before he throw so much foul dirt in the face of his Brethren. In which respect Manutius was conceived to be the un∣fittest man in Rome (as indeed he was) to perform the Office of a Ce••sor, though most ambitiously he affected and attain'd that Dignity; of whom it is affirmed by Velleius Paterculus, Nec quicquam objicere potuit Adolescentibus quod non agnosce∣ret Senex, that is to say, that he was able to object no crime to the younger sort, of which himselfe being then well in years, was not also guilty. And secondly,

Non temerè de fratre malt aliquid credendum esse, was antiently a Rule in the Schools of Charity; which our Author either hath forgotten; or else never learned. He would otherwise have examin'd the Proofs, before he had pro∣nounced the Sentence; and not have positively condemned these poor men for such foul offences as cryed to justice for punishment; and of such scandalous enormities, as were not fit to be covered with the Mantle of Charity. But he takes himselfe up at last with a doubt, that there might want sufficient proof to convict them of it. Nothing (saith he) can be said in their excuse, if (what was the main matter) their crimes were sufficiently proved. And if they were not sufficiently proved, as indeed they were not, (no witnesse coming in upon Oath to make good the Charge) our Author hath sufficiently prov'd himselfe an unrighteous Iudge, an Accusator stratrum, as we know who is, in accusing and condemning them for scandalous enormities and foul offences, branding them by the name of Baal, and calling them unsavory Salt, not fit to be thrown upon the Dunghill, yet all this while to be unsa∣tisfied in the sufficiency of the proof. Decedis ab Officio Religiosi Iudicis, is the least that can be said here; and I say no more. Onely I note, what sport was made by that Century then, and may be made hereafter of this part of the Histo∣ry, in the Court of Rome; to which the libellous Pamphlets of Martin-Mar-Prelate, publisht in Queen Elizabeths time, serv'd for Authentick Witnesses, and sufficient evidence to disgrace this Church. Nor have they spar'd to look upon this whole businesse as an act of divine Retaliation, in turning so many of the Regular and Orthodox Clergy out of their Benefices and Preferments by our new Re••ormers, under colour of some Scandalous Enormities by them committed; under pretence whereof so many poor Monks and Fryers were (as they say) turn'd out of their Cells with like humanity by those which had the first ham∣mering of the Reformation here by law estalisht.

Fuller.

First, as to my selfe, who am most knowing of my owne infirmities: I will confesse them to God, and not plead for them before man. If God's restraining grace hath bridled ••e from Scandalous obnoxiousnesse, may he alone have the honour thereof. As for other paines and spots in my Soul, I hope that He, (be it spoken without the least verball reflection) who is the * 1.17 Fullers sope will scoure them forth with his Merit, that I may appear clean by Gods Mercy.

* 1.18I know full well who it is, that is tearmed the Accuser of his Brethren, even Satan himself; Hence it is that one observeth, he hath his name, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Dia∣bolus, Divell, and so also in Italian, French, Spanish, with some small variation. It being good reason, that he should keep his name in all Countries, who keeps his nature in all places being a constant delator and traducer of Gods ser∣vants; often, without cause; alwayes, without measure.

But I hope, I may say in this point, Get thee behind me Satan, I meane, I may justly thrust both Name and Thing farre from me, even to light where it deser∣veth.

Some of my Brethren or Fathers rather, I reverence and admire for their emi∣nences: others I commend and will endeavour to imitate: others guilty of hu∣mane infirmities, I desire to conceale their faults, and (that not taking effect) to excuse their persons. Such as are past my pleading for, fall under my pitty and have my Prayers that God would amend them: But willingly, much lesse causlessely, I will not accuse any; and my Pen and Tongue hath been, and shall be tender of their Reputations.

Proceed I now to what I have written concerning the Sequestred Clergy of England; wherein I will freely, God-willing, unbosome my mind, and if I pe∣rish I perish: I appeal to the Searcher of hearts, if I did not desire to do them all just favour, as I hope to find favour from him when I most need it. But as Marriners when they have both Wind and Tide against them, cannot make their desired Port in a straight Line, and therefore are fain to fetch a compass;

Semnably, I desiring to gra••ifie my Brethren, and not destroy my selfe; was ••aine to go about, that in any measure I might with safety do it. And there was no compassing of it without compaceing it; No reaching the End without going out of the Way.

First, therefore, I did acknowledge what indeed could not be concealed, and what in truth must be confessed, viz. That some of the ejected Clergy were guilty of foul offences, to whom, and whom alone▪ the name of Baal and unsavory Salt did relate: Nor was it a wonder, if amongst Ten Thousand and more, some were guilty of Scandalous enormities.

This being laid down, and yeilded to the violence of the times; I wrought my selfe by degrees, (as much as I durst) to insert what followeth in vindication of many others, rigorously cast out for following in their affections, their prece∣ding Iudgements and Consciences, and no scandall could justly be charged upon them, pleading for them as ensueth.

Church-History, Book 11. pag. 207.

1. The witnesses against them were seldome deposed on Oath, but their bare complaints believed.

2. Many of the Complainers were factious People, (those most accusing their Sermons who least heard them), and who since have deserted the Church, as hating the profession of the Ministry.

3. Many were charged with delivering false Doctrines, whose Posi••io••s were found at the least disputable. Such, those accused for Preaching that Bap∣tism washeth away Originall Sin, which the most learned and honest in the Assembly, in some sense, will not deny, namely that in the Children of God it cleanseth the condemning and finall peaceable commanding power of Originall Sin, though the stain and blemish thereof doth still remain.

4. Some were meerly outed for their affections to the King's Cause; and what was Malignity at London, was Loyalty at Oxford.

5. Yea many Moderate men of the opposite party, much be moaned such severity; that some Clergy men, blamelesse for life, and Orthodox for Doctrine, were ejected onely on the account of their faithfullnesse to the King's cause. And, as much corruption was let out by this Ejection (ma••y scandalous Mini∣sters deservedly punished); so at the same time the Veins of the English Church were emptied of Much good blood, (some inoffensive Pastors) which hath made her Body Hydropicall ever since; ill humours succeeding in the room, by reason of too large and suddain evacuation.

This being written by me, some ten (in the Parox••sm of the Business) and printed some four years since, was as much as then I durst say for my Brethren, without running my selfe into apparent danger.

If the Papists take advantage at what I have written, I can wash my Hands, I have given them no just occasion; and I hope this my hust defence will prove satisfactory to the ingenuous, That I did not designedly ••etract ••••om any 〈◊〉〈◊〉) Bre∣thren. But, if this my Plea finds no acceptance, and if I must groan under so unjust an accusation, I will endeavour to follow the Counsell of the * 1.19 Prophet: I will beare the Indignation of the Lord, because I have sinned against Him, until He plead my Cause and execute Iudgment for me: He will bring me forth to the Light, and I shall behold his righteousnesse.

Dr. Heylyn.

But to say truth, It is no wonder, if he concurre with others in the Condem∣nation of particular persons, since he concurrs with others in the condemnation of the Church it selfe. For, speaking of the separation made by Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, &c. fol. 209. he professeth that, he rather doth believe that the sin∣full corruptions of the worship and Government of this Church, taking hold on their Consciences, and their inability to comport any longer therewith, was rather the true cause of their deserting of their Country, then that it was for Debt or Danger, as Mr. Edwards in his Book, had suggested of them. What grounds Mr. Edwards had for his suggestion, I enquire not now; though coming from the Pen of one who was no friend unto the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England, it might have met with greater credit in our Author. For if these men be not allowed for witnesses against one another, the Church would be in worse condition then the antient Borderers: Amongst whom though the testi∣mony of an English Man against a Sco••, or of a Sco•• against the English (in mat∣ters of spoil and depredation) could not find admittance; yet a Scot's evidence against a Sc••t, was beyond exception. Lege inter Limitaneos cautum, ut nullus nisi Anglus in Anglum, nullus nisi Scotus in Sco••um testis admit••atur, as we read in Camden. We see by this, as by other passages, which way our Author's Bowl is biassed, how constantly he declares himselfe in favour of those, who have either separated from the Church, or appear'd against it. Rather then such good people shall be thought to forsake the Land for Debt or Danger, the Church shall be accus'd for laying the heavy burthen of Conformity upon their Conscien∣ces, which neither they, nor their fore-fathers, (the old English Puritans) were resolved to bear. For what else were those sinfull Corruptions of this Church in Go••er••ment and Worship, which laid hold of their Consciences, (as our Author words it) but the Government of the Church by Bishops, the Rites and Cere∣monies of the Church here by law establisht; which yet must be allowed of by our Author as the more true and reall cause of their Separation, then that which we find in Mr. Edwards?

Fuller.

I knew Mr. Edwards very well, my contemporary in Queens Colledge who often was transported beyond due bounds with the keenness and eagernesse of his spirit; and therefore I have just cause in some things to suspect him; especi∣ally being informed and assured the contrary from credible persons.

As for the five dissenting Members, Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, Mr. Sympson, Mr. Bridge, Mr. Burroughs, (to whom Mr. Archer may be reduced) they owed not eighteen pence a piece to any in England; and carried over with them no con∣temptible summs in their purses.

As for Lay-Gentlemen, and Merchants, that went over with them, such as peruse their names, will be satisfied in their responsible, yea, plentifull E∣states.

• Sr. MATTHEW BOINTON.
• Sr. WILLIAM CONSTABLE.
• Sr. RICHARD SALTINGSTON.
• Mr. LAWRENCE, since Lord President of the Councill.
• Mr. ANDREWES, since Lord Major of London.
• Mr. BOWRCHER.
• Mr. ASK, since a Judge.
• Mr. JAMES.
• Mr. WHITE.

And although the last of these failed beyond the Seas, (a cacching Casually with great undertakings) yet was he known to have a very great Estate at his going over.

Yea, I am most credibly inform'd, by such who (I am confident) will not abuse me, and posterity therein, that Mr. Herbert Palmer, (an Anti-Independent to the heighth) being convinced, that Mr. Edwards, had printed some false-hoods in one sheet of his Gangrena, proffered to have that sheet re-printed at his own cost, but some intervening accident obstructed it.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor can our Author save himselfe by his parenthesis, in which he tells us, that he uses their language onely: For using it without check or censure, he makes it his own as well as theirs, and justifies them in the action, which he should have condemn'd.

Fuller.

This is an Hypercriticism which I never heard of before, and now do not believe. In opposition whereunto I return, that if a Writer doth slily weave another Au∣thor's words into his owne Cloath, using them without any quotation, then in∣deed he adopts them his owne.

Secondly, If he cite the words, with Commendation, or explicite approbation of them, then also he asselfeth them, undertakes for them, and is bound to justifie them.

Thirdly, But if he but barely cite the words, without any Emphasis of praise or dispraise, (the case now in hand) it amounts to no more, then unto a valeat quantum valere potest, or a Sit fides penes Authorem, it being left to the Reader's Li∣berty, to believe more or lesse, or nothing thereof; as the Author he citeth, seem∣eth to be more, or lesse, or not at all credible, to his Discretion.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 216. As appears by his own Diary, which if evi∣dence against him for his faults, may be used as a witness of his good works.] The Diary which our Author speaks of, was the Arch-bishops practicall Commentary on those words of David, viz. Teach me O Lord so to number my dayes, that I may ap∣ply my heart unto wisdome.

Fuller.

I appeal to the Reader of my History, whether I have not given his Diary, the due commendation thus writing thereof.

Book 11. page. 218.

He was conscientious, according to the Principles of his Devotion; witness his care in keeping a constant Diary of the passages in his Life. Now he can hardly be an ill Husband, who summes up his receipts and expences every night; and such a Soul is, or wo••ld be good, which enters daily into a Scrutiny of his own Actions. Now an exact Diary is a Window into his Heart who maketh it; and therefore pitty it is that any should look therein, but either the friends of the party, or such Ingenuous foes as will not (especially in things doubtfull) make conjecturall Com∣ments to his disgrace.

Dr. Heylyn.

No memorabl•• passage hapned in the whole course of his life, till the end of May, 1633. (when his Papers were seis'•• on by Mr. Prin) which he had not book'd in a Memoriall by the way of a Diary or Journall. Out of which, though Mr. Prin excerpted nothing but that which he conceiv'd might tend most visibly to his disgrace and disadvantage, and publish'd it to that end in print; yet when it came to the perusall of equall and indiffer••nt men, it was so far from serving as an evidence of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (as our Author words it) that it shew'd him to be a Man of Exemplary Piety in himselfe, unmov'd fidelity to his friend, of most perfect loyalty to his Master▪ and honest affections to the Publick, &c.

Fuller.

If I were delighted in carping at slips of Pen or Presse, I here have advantage enough, the Animad••ertor affirming, that the Arch-bishop's papers were seized by Mr. Prin,

1633.

At which time Mr. Prin was in no capacity to make such a seizure, being himselfe in trouble 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••is Histriomast••••••••▪ and the dare (though not confessed in t•••• Errata) is no doubt m••••-printed for 1643. Thus I behold him who carps at such rifles, like o•• ••••••ing his N••ighbour for Pedi••us ambulando, when, though the Iury must find for the Pla••niffe, yet he is look••d on but as a vexatious Person for his paines. I could wish that all caviling at Pr••lal mistakes might be forborn, and that every one would read his Adversaries Book, as in his Conscience he conceiveth it intended by the Writer, that so waving all Typographicall escapes, they may come the sooner to the Cause controverted betwixt them.

Dr. Heylyn.

He that shall look upon the list of the things projected to be done, and in part done, by him, fol. 28, 29. will find, that both his heart was set on, and his hand engag'd in, many excellent pieces of work, tending to the great honour and benefit both of Church and State; not incident to a man of such narrow comprehensions, a•• some of his profest Enemies were pleas'd to make him. Cer∣tain I am, that as Mr. Prin lost his end, so he could not get much thanks for that piece of service.

Fuller.

If Mr. Prin lost his end▪ he shall have no direction from me for the finding thereof.

I never beheld the Arch-bishop, as a man of narrow Comprehensions, but as one who had in his Head and Heart Stowage enough for great undertakings. Onely I could wish that his Apprehensions, had been adequate to his Comprehensions; I mean, that he had lived to perfect what he projected, and doe what he commenda∣bly designed for pious uses, and the publick good.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author goes on, Fol. 217. He is generally charged with Popish inclina∣tions, and the story is commonly told and believ'd of a Lady, &c.] Here is a charge of the Archbishops inclination unto Popery, and the proof nothing but a tale, and the tale of a Lady,

Quid vento? Mulier; Quid Muliere? Nihil.

The substance of the tale is this, that a certain Lady (if any Lady may be certain) who turning Papist, &c.

Fuller.

I will take the Boldnesse to English his Latine Verse, that the weaker Sex may see the strength of his Charity unto them.

What's more fickle than the Wind? Ev'n a Woman in her Mind. Fickler what's than Woman Kind? Nothing in the World we find.

Dr. Heylyn.

This Lady who turned Papist was askt by the Arch-bishop the cause of her changing; to which she answered, that it was because she alwayes hated to go in a croud. And being askt the meaning of that expression, she replyed again, that she perceiv'd his Lordship, and many others, making haste to Rome; and there∣fore to prevent going in a press, she had gone before them. Whether this tale be true or false, though he doth not know, yet he resolves to set it down, and to set it down also with this Item, that it was generally believ'd. Be it so for once.

Fuller.

This Sarcasm was put upon him, by a Lady, now living in London, and a Countess, whose Husbands father the Arch-bishop married, and thereby brought much trouble and molestation to himselfe. No Oedipus needeth to un∣ridle the Person, easily spel't by putting the Premises together.

Dr. Heylyn.

For not being able to disprove it, I shall quit our Author with one story, and satisfie the equal Reader with another. First for my Author, I have heard a tale of a Lady too, to whose Table one Mr. Fuller was a welcome though a fre∣quent guest; and being asked once by her, Whether he would please to eat the wing of a Woodcock, he would needs put her to the question, how her Ladyship knew it was a Woodcock, and not a Wood-hen. And this he pressed with such a troublesome importunity, that at last the Lady answered with some shew of displeasure, that the Woodcock was Fuller headed, Fuller breasted, Fuller thighed, and in a word, every way Fuller. Whether this tale be true or false, I am not able to say; but being generally believ'd, I have set it down also.

Fuller.

His Tale doth not Quit mine, which was True, and New, never printed be∣fore. Whereas his is Old, (made it seemes on one of my Name, printed before I was born,) and false, never by Man or woman retorted on me.

However if it doth Quit mine, He is now but Even with me; and hereafter I shall be ABOVE him, by forbearing any bitter Return.

I had rather my Name should make many causelessely merry, then any justly sad, and seeing it lyeth equally open and obvious to praise and dispraise, I shall as little be elated when flattered, Fuller of wit and learning, as dejected when flouted, Fuller of folly and ignorance.

All this, which the Animadvertor hath said on my Name, I behold as no∣thing: and as the Anagram of his Name, HEYLYN, NE HILI, NOTHING-worth.

Dr. Heylyn.

But my other story is more serious, intended for the satisfaction of our Au∣thor, and the Reader both. It was in November, Anno 1639. that I receiv'd a message from the Lord Archbishop, to attend him the next day at two of the clock in the afternoon. The Key being turn'd which opened the way into his Study, I found him sitting in a chair, holding a paper in both hands, and his eyes so fixt upon that paper, that he observ'd me not at my coming in. Finding him in that posture, I thought it fit and manners to retire again. But the noise I made by my retreat, bringing him back unto himselfe, he recall'd me again, and told me after some short pawse, that he well remembred that he had sent for me, but could not tell for his life what it was about. After which he was pleas'd to say (not without tears standing in his eyes,) that he had then newly receiv'd a letter acquainting him with a Revolt of a Person of some Quality in North-Wales, to the Church of Rome; that he knew that the increase of Popery by such frequent Revolts, would be imputed unto him, and his Brethren the Bishops, who were all least guilty of the same; that for his part he had done his utmost, so far forth as it might consist with the Rules of Prudence, and the Preservation of the Church, to suppresse that party, and to bring the chief stick∣lers in it to condign punishment, to the truth whereof (lifting up his wet eyes to Heaven) he took God to witnesse; conjuring me (as I would answer it to God at the day of Judgement) that if ever I came to any of those places, which he, and his Brethren, by reason of their great age, were not like to hold long, I would imploy all such abilities as God had given me in suppressing that par∣ty, who by their open undertakings, and secret practices, were like to be the ruine of this flourishing Church. After some words of mine upon that occa∣sion, I found some argument to divert him from those sad remembrances, and having brought him to some reasonable composednesse, I took leave for the present; and some two or three dayes after waiting on him again, he then told me the reason of his sending for me the time before. And this I deliver for a truth on the faith of a Christian; which I hope will over-ballance any Evi∣dence which hath been brought to prove such Popish inclinations, as he stands generally charg'd with in our Author's History.

Fuller.

I verily believe all, and every one of these Passages to be true, and therefore may proceed.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 217. However most apparent it is by many passages in his life, that he endeavoured to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome.] And this indeed is Novum Crimen that is to say, a crime of a new stamp, never coyn'd before.

Fuller.

I call it not Novum Crimen, which I believe was, in him, (according to his Principles, Pium Propositum; but, let me also add, was Frustraneus Conatus: and that not onely, ex Eventu, (because it did not,) but ex Natura Rei, because it could not take Effect; such the reall Unreconcileablenesse, betwixt us and Rome.

Dr. Heylyn.

I thought, that when our Saviour said Beati Pacifici, it had been sufficient warrant unto any man to endeavour Peace, to build up the breaches in the Church, and to make Ierusalem like a City which is at Unity in it selfe; especially where it may be done not onely salva charitate, without breach of charity, but sal•••• fide too, without wrong to the faith. The greatest part of the Controver∣sies betwixt us and the Church of Rome, not being in the Fundamentalls, or in

any Essentiall Points in the Christian Religion; I cannot otherwise look upon it, but as a most Christian pious work, to endeavour an atonement in the Su∣perstructures. But hereof our Author seems to doubt, first whether such en∣deavours to agree and compose the differences, be lawfull or not; and secondly, whether they be possible.

Fuller.

I confesse Scripture pronounceth the Peace-makers blessed.* 1.20 In answer whereunto I will take no notice of Iehu his Tart return to K. * 1.21 Ioram, What peace so long as the whoredomes of thy Mother Iezabel, and her witchcrafts are so ma∣ny? Rather will I make use of the Calme Counsell of the * 1.22 Apostle, If it be POSSIBLE, as much as in you lieth, live Peaceably with all Men. Which words, [if it be possible] intimate an impossibility of Peace, with some Natures, in some differ∣ences, though good men have done what lyeth (understand it, Lawfully) in their power to performe: such sometimes the frowardnesse of one (though the forward∣nesse of the other) side to Agreement, which is the true state of the Controversie betwixt us and Rome.

Dr. Heylyn.

As for the lawfulnesse thereof, I could never see any reason produc'd against it, nor so much as any question made of it till I found it here.

Fuller.

All such zealous Authors who charge the Papists with Idolatry, (and the Ani∣madvertor knowes well, Who they are) do question the Lawfulnesse of such an Agreement.

Dr. Heylyn.

Against the possibility thereof, it hath been objected, that such, and so great is the pride of the Church of Rome, that they will condescend to nothing. And therefore if any such composition or agreement be made, it must not be by their meeting us, but our going to them.

Fuller.

I remember, some (then present,) have told me of a passage at a disputation in Oxford. When Dr. Prideaux pressed home an Argument, to which the * 1.23 An∣swerer returned Reverende Professor, memini me legisse hoc ipsissimum Argumentum apud Bellarminum. At, mi fili (returned that Dr.), ubi legisti Responsum? This Ob∣jection the Animadvertor acknowledgeth he hath formerly met with: but where did he meet with a satisfactory Answer thereunto?

Let me add; It is not onely the Pride of the Church of Rome, which will not let-goe her Power; but also her Covetousnesse, which will not part with her Profit, which obstructeth all accommodation betwixt us. And if the Church of Rome would, the Court of Rome, will not, quit the Premises; and the latter hath an irre∣sistible influence on the former. In this point, the Court of Rome, is like the Country-man, who willingly put his Cause to Arbitration; but on this condi∣tion, to have all the Land he sued for, with the full profits thereof, to a minute past, and his own costs and charges to a farthing. Such and no other agreement, will the court of Rome condescend unto.

Dr. Heylyn.

But as our Author sayeth, that many of the Arch-bishops Equals adjudged that designe of his to be impossible; so I may say (without making any such odious Com∣parisons) that many of our Author's betters have thought otherwise of it.

Fuller.

Amongst which many of his Betters, the Animadvertor undoubtedly is one of the Principal. Be it so, I will endeavour to be as good as I can, and will not envy but honour my Betters whose number God increase. Sure I am, amongst these many of my Betters, the difference betwixt us and the Papists is made never a whit the better, there remaining still 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and though many may manifest much good wil, to advance, nothing hath taken Effect to compleate such a composition.

Dr. Heylyn.

It was the Petulancy of the Puritans on the one side, and the pragmaticalness of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jesuits on the other side, which made the breach wider than it was at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first: and had these hot Spirits on both sides been charmed a while, mode∣rate Men might possibly have agreed on such equal tearms, as vvould have laid a sure foundation for the peace of Christendome.

Fuller.

Let us behold the Originall breach betvvixt the Church of Rome and Us. I name the Church of Rome first, because confident they caused it; so that vve may say unto them, Pharez, The breach be upon them. This breach vvas made before either Puritans or Iesuits ever appeared in England. As the Animadvertor skill'd in their dates knovveth full vvell. It is therefore suspitious that the Wound vvhich vvas made before these parties vvere in being vvill continue, if both of them vvere extinct.

I behold the Colledge of Sorbonists in Paris as far from Jesuitical pragmatical∣ness and Dr. I. Cosens, as one free from puritanical petulancy. Yet though the said Doctor hath complyed vvith them so far as he could doe vvith Christian pru∣dence, sal••â conscientiâ; And though the Sorbonists are beheld as the most learned and moderate Papists; yet I cannot hear of any Accommodation betvvixt them, but rather the contrary, even in the point of the Apocrypha (a controversie so learn∣edly canvased by the Doctor) they being as unvvilling to allovv so few, as he so many Books in the Bible to be Canonical.

And here, let me be the Animadvertor's Remembrancer, (of vvhat perchance he vvould vvillingly forget) hovv it vvas not long since he tvvitted me for say∣ing, that the difference about the posture of the Communion Table, might be accommodated vvith mutual moderation; and novv he holdeth, By the same means, an expedient betvvixt us and the Papists may be advanced.

Dr. Heylyn.

Moderate Men might possibly have agreed on such equall termes; as would have laid a sure foundation for the Peace of Christendome.

Fuller.

My name is Thomas. It maketh me the more distrust thereof, because I see at this day most cruel Wars, betwixt the Crowns of Spain and France, both which agree to the heighth in the same Romish Religion. I am sorry their differences are paralleled with a sadder instance, of the deadly Wars betwixt the Swede and Dane, both Lutherans alike. And our Sea Wars betwixt us and the Hollander, (both wel paied for) are not yet forgotten. All I collect is this; that if the agreement betwixt us and Papists were expedited to morrow; yet so long as there be severall Greatnesses in Christendome, there will be ••••stlings betwixt them. And although they are pleased to score their differences (for the grea∣ter credit) on the account of Conscience, and Religion; yet what saith St. Iames, From whence * 1.24 comes Warres and fightings amongst you? Come they not hence, even of your Lusts, that war in your members? And it is a sad truth, Such the corrupti∣on of the humane Nature, that Mens Lives and Lusts will last and end together.

Dr. Heylyn.

Now that all these in the Church of Rome, are not so stiffely wedded to their own Opinions as our Author makes them, appears first by the Testimony of the Archbishop of Spa••ato declaring in the high Commission, a little before his go∣ing hence, that He acknowledged the Articles of the Church of England to be true, or profitable at the least, and none of them Heretical.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor hath instanced in an ill Person, and in an ill time of the same Person. It was just when he was a taking his return to his vomit, and to leave the Land, When knowing himselfe obnoxious, and justly under the lash (for his covetous compliance with forreign Invitations) of King Iames; to get leave to be gone, he would say any thing here; and unsay it againe, elsewhere. As little heed is to be given to such a Proteus, as hold is to be taken of Him.

Dr. Heylyn.

It appears secondly by a Tractate of Franciscus de Sancta Clara, (as he calleth himself) in which he putteth such a Glosse upon the nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England, as rendreth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome.

Fuller.

By that Parenthesis [as he calleth himselfe] it is left suspitious, that his true Name was otherwise. And he who would not use his own but a false Name, might (for ought I know) put a false Glosse upon our Articles; and though he PUTTETH such a sense upon them, it is questionable whether our Articles will accept thereof. To PUT something upon, sometimes answers to the Latin Word IMPONERE, which is to deceive and delude, and sometimes is Equivalent to our English Word IMPOSE, which soundeth the forceable or fraudulent Obtruding of a thing, against the Will and Mind of Him, or That, whereon it is imposed. Lastly, the Animadvertor cannot warrant us, that the rest of the Church of Rome will consent to the Iudgement of Franciscus de Sancta Clara; and if not, then is the breach betwixt us, left as wide as it was before.

Dr. Heylyn.

And if without Prejudice to the Truth, the Controversies might have been composed, it is most probable that other Protestant Churches would have sued by their Agents to be included in the Peace.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor's Prudent and Politick Probability that other Protestant Churches would, by their Agents, sollicite an Inclusion into such a peace, min∣deth me of the Distich wrot on the sumptuous Cradle, gorgiously trimmed for the Child of Queen Mary by Philip King of Spain.

Quam Mariae Sobolem, Deus Optime Summe, dedisti; Anglis incolumem redde, tuere, rege. O may the Child, to Mary God hath given; For ENGLANDS good be guarded safe by Heaven.

Whereas indeed this Child, pretended at White-hall, may be said born at Non∣such, proving nothing but a Mock-mother-Tympany.

I cannot but commend the kindnesse and care of the Animadvertor, for keep∣ing this Babe when born; I mean the agreement betwixt Us and the Papists. But let us behold it born, see it first affected, and then we shall know, whether for∣reign Protestant Churches will dandle this Infant, or destroy it; I mean whether

they will declare for, or Protest and remonstrate against it. It will be time enough, then, for both our Survivor to return an answer.

Dr. Heylyn.

If not; the Church of England had lost nothing by it, as being HATED by the Calvinists, and not lov'd by the Lutherans.

Fuller.

Short and sharp, much matter in few Words, and little Truth in much Matter. Our Church of England in Relation to forraign Protestant Churches is here by the Animadvertor represented in a strange posture; like another * 1.25 Ishmael, whose hand was against every one, and every one's against Him.

That our Church is not HATED by the Calvinists appears by many and plain passages in the Books of those who are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seeming Pillars amongst them Calvin, Beza, Zanchy, Deodat, Mollinaeus, &c. who (notwithstanding some small differences betwixt us) lovingly give us the Right hand of Fellowship.

The Animadvertor discovers himselfe as little States-man as Divine in advi∣sing the Church of England, by making Foes of her Friends, to make Friends of her Foes; by incurring the Enmity of forreign Protestants, thereby to procure the Amity of Papists.

The best is, there is no danger to see that day. The poor Woman in the Gospel, was troubled with a double Issue, the one of Blood, the Life in her Body, and the other of Money, the Life-blood of her Estate; but the * 1.26 latter was quickly stanched having spent all her Living on Physitians to no purpose. Thus successelesse have their pains proved hitherto, who have endeavoured an accommodation be∣twixt us and Rome, so that the Wound betwixt us may justly be beheld as incu∣rable.

Dr. Heylyn.

But our Author will not here delist (so soon hath he forgotten his own Rule made in the case of Mr. Love) and therefore mustereth up his faults, viz. 1. Pas∣sion, though an humane frailty, 2. His Severity to his Predecessor, easing him before his time, and against his Will, of his jurisdiction: 3. His over-medling in State-mat∣ters: 4. His imposing of the Scottish Liturgy. Of all which we have spoke so much upon other Occasions, that is to say, Numb. 246.251.289.259. and therefore do not count it necessary to adde any thing here.

Fuller.

I shall, God willing, remember and practise my Rule in the Case of Mr. Love, when the Animadvertor I sear will be sound to have forgotten it: here are four faul••s of the Arch-bishop mustered up by me; and is it not a thin Muster indeed? When a Gentleman was told, that he would be much ashamed, if all his faults were written in his forehead; he (in my Mind) modestly, and wittily replyed, that he should be right glad that his Face could hold them all: Happy is that man whose faults may be reduced to the number of Four.

I have in my Reply to the forecited pages of the Animadvertor, returned my answer unto them; and therefore, to use his language, account it unnecessary to adde any thing here.

I have done no wrong to the Arch-bishop's Memory, if I have charged him with four ••aults, and to overpoize them, have given him many Commendations, in several places of my Book, which here I will sum up to confute that Loud and late Un∣truth of the Animadvertor, when saying,

Page. 218.

Our Author gives us nothing of this PRELATE but his WANTS and WEAKNESSES.

The Praise I gave him is reducible to four heads, NATURALLS or Corporalls

about his Body or Person; MORALS or Civills touching his demeanor to others; INTELLECTUALLS, whether Innate or Acquisite by his own Industry; SPI∣RITUALLS or Supernaturalls to which his Benefactions (as the fruit of a Lively Faith) are reduced.

NATURALLS.

• ...* 1.27 1. Nephew to a Lord Major of LONDON therefore not basely Born, page two hun∣dred and sixteen, Paragraph. 71.
• ...

  2. Chearfull in counte∣nance.

  Page. 119. para∣graph. 84.

• 3. A sharpe and pierce∣ing eye, Ibidem.
• 4. Gravity and quick∣nesse were well com∣pounded in his Face, Ibidem.
• 5. So chearfull his Countenance (when ascending the Scaf∣fold) as rather to gain a Crown than lose his Head, page. 215. paragr. 68.

MORALLS.

• 6. He was temperate in his dyet, pag. 218. parag. 78.
• 7. Chaste in his Con∣versation, ibid.
• 8. Plaine in his Ap∣parrel, ibid. paragr. 79.
• 9. Not preferring his owne Kindred with∣out merit, ib. pa. 80.
• 10. Promoting Men of Learning and Abi∣lyties, ibid.
• 11. Covetousnesse he perfectly hated, ibid. parag. 81.
• 12. Had no project to raise a Name or Fa∣mily, ibid.
• 13. Abridged Courti∣ers Bribes, pag. 218. paragr. 76.
• 14. But not their Fees for Church Prefer∣ments, ibid.
• 15. Not ambitious as appears by his refu∣sing a CARDI∣NALL'S CA•• once and again offe∣red him, page. 149. paragr. 47.

INTELLECTUALLS.

• 16. He had a cleare Iudgement, pag. 119. paragr. 84.
• 17. Of a firme Memory, ibid.
• 18. One of the greatest Schollars of our Na∣tion, page. 216. par. 71.
• 19. Having an Expe∣rimentall knowledge of all conditions of Clergy-men, page. 217. par. 72.

SPIRITUALLS.

• 20. A strict Observer of the Lords-day in his own Person, pag. 147. para. 38.
• 21. Moderate in pres∣sing the Book of sports in his owne Diocese, ibid. par. 41.
• 22. A worthy Instru∣ment in moving King Charles to so pious a Work as the restoring of the Irish Impropriations, pag. 149. paragr. 45.

Thus I did vvrite in his due praise as much as I durst, and though lesse then his Friends expected, more than I am thanked for. All I vvill adde is this, seeing his Head vvas cut off by the ••xe, it had been madnesse in me to run my Neck into the Halter, in taxing those of cruelty and unjustice, vvhich caused his Execution.

Dr. Heylyn.

And so I leave him to his Rest, in the BOSOME OF ABRAHAM in the LAND OF THE LIVING.

Fuller.

Bosome of Abraham, is a Scripture-Expression, to signifie the repose of the souls of such Saints, vvho departed this life before the asscention of our Saviour into Heaven. Where ever the bosome of Abraham be, it is good to be there; and hence it is frequently used by the Fathers, to denote the happy condition even of such vvhich departed in the Faith since Christs ascention.* 1.28 Quicquid illud est, (saith

St. Augustine) quod illo significatur sinu, ibi Nebridius meus vivit, dulcis amicus me∣us. For the main, it is a Synonymon vvith Heaven, and probably all the persons therein, are receptive of a higher degree of Glory after the Day of Iudge∣ment.

LAND OF THE LIVING, is an Old Testament-Phrase; vvhich some narrow-breasted Commentators have confin'd to Temporal Happinesse, but importeth much more in my Opinion even final Felicity, as may appear by * 1.29 David his Expression. I had fainted unlesse I had beleeved to see the goodness of the Lord in the LAND OF THE LIVING.

I have stay'd the longer in the Stating of these two Expressions, that I may the more safely and sincerely concurre, as I do, with the Animadvertor's charity in the final Estate of this Prelate: with whose Memory my Pen here makes no Truce, but a perfect peace, never hereafter to let the least disgracefull drop of Inke to fall upon it.

Dr. Heylyn.

From the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, I should proceed to Dr. Williams, Arch∣bishop of York; but that I must first remove a Block which lyes in my Way. Our Author having told us of the making and Printing the Directory, is not content to let us see the cold entertainment which it found when it came abroad, but lets us see it in such tearms as wee did not looke for.

Fuller.

This Block is no bigger then a Straw, so that a flea may leap over it: but the Animadvertor is pleased to see all things thorough a Magnifying-Glasse, as will appear hereafter.

Dr. Heylyn.

Fol. 222. Such (saith our Author) was, call it constancy, or obstinacy, love or do∣ting of the generality of the Nation, on the Common prayer, that the Parliament found it fit, yea necessary, to back their former Ordinance with a second.] Assuredly, the generality of the people of England is much beholding to our Author, for making Question, whether their adhering to the Liturgy, then by Law established, were not to be imputed rather to Obstinacy and Doting, than to Love and Constancy?

Fuller.

It is no Question in my Iudgement or Conscience, when it is out of all Question, as either never started or soon decided therein: but a Question it is in the prac∣tise of our distracted age, which I behold like the Citty of Ephesus, * 1.30 Some cryed one thing, some another, for the Assembly was confused. Till this Tumult be appeased, I desire to stand by in silence, and give every Man his own Words, Some call Constancy and Love, which side I doe seem secretly to favour, for giving it the upper hand, and naming it in the first place. Others call it Obstinacy and Doting, as they are severally perswaded. What is my Offence, or where is the Block the Animad∣vertor complaineth of, as if he needed to call for Leavers to remove it?

Dr. Heylyn.

The Liturgy had been lookt on as a great Blessing of God upon this Nation, by the Generality of People, for the space of fourscore years and upwards; they found it established by the Law, seal'd by the Bloud of those that made it, confirm'd by many Godly and Religious Princes; and had almost no other forme of making their addresses to Almighty God, but what was taught them in the Book of Com∣mon Prayer. And could any discreet man think, or wise man hope, that a Form of Prayer, so universally receiv'd, and so much esteem'd, could be laid by with∣out Reluctancy in those who had been so long accustomed to it? or called Obsti∣nacy or Doting in them, if they did not presently submit to every New Nothing, which in the Name of the then disputable Authority should be laid before

them. And though our Author doth professe, that in the Agitating of this Con∣troversie pro and Con, he will reserve his private opinion to himselfe; yet he disco∣vers it too plainly in the present passage. Quid verba audiam, cum facta videam? is a good rule here. He must needs shew his private Opinion in this point, say he what he can; who makes a Question, whether the Adhesion of the People gene∣rally to the publick Liturgy, were built on Obstinacy and Doating, or on Love and Constancy.

Fuller.

I concurre with the Animadvertor in his Encomiastick Expressions on the Common Prayer. Otherwise, nothing new, occurs in this, which was not in the former Paragraph. And therefore, the Blow being the same (onely layed on with a little more eagernesse) I conceive the same Guard will serve to defend it, without any further repetition.

Dr. Heylyn.

But, if it must be Obstinacy or Doating in the generality of the People, to adhere so cordially to the Book of Common Prayer, I marvell what it must be called in Ste∣phen Marshall of Essex (that great Bell-Weather, for a time, of the Presbyterians) who having had a Chief hand in compiling the Directory, did notwithstanding Marry his owne Daughter by the forme prescribed in the Common-Prayer-Book; and ••aving so done, paid down ••ive pounds immediately to the Church-Wardens of the Parish, as the Fine or Forfeiture for using any other forme of Marriage, then that of the Directory. The like to which (I have credibly been informed) was done by Mr. Knightly of Fawsley, on the like occasion, and probably by many o∣thers of the same Straine also.

Fuller.

All this is Nothing to me, who am not bound to answer for the Actions of other Men. I know there was in England a Juncture of Time, which in this point may be compared to the Evening TWILIGHT; so called from TWA∣LIGHT or double Light, the one of the Day not wholly gon down, the other of the Candle, but newly set up. Such the Crepusculum vespertinum in our Land, when the Day of the Liturgy yet dimly shined, and the Candle of the Directory was also lighted; a short Candle, which presently burnt down to the Socket. It is possible that in this Coincidence, some in Majorem Cautelam, twisted the Liturgy and Directory together, as since some have joyned to both, Marriage by a Iustice of Peace; that so a Threefold Cable might not be broken. Let them, which best can, given an account of their own Carriage herein.

Dr. Heylyn.

With the like Favour he beholds the two Universities, as he doth the Liturgy, and hard it is to say, which he injureth most.

Fuller.

I injure neither of them. But in this passage, the Animadvertor onely whets his Sword, and I scoure my Shield, preparing against his deadly blow, in the next Paragraph.

Dr. Heylyn.

And first beginning with Oxford, he let us know that, Fol. 231. Lately cer∣tain Delegates from the Univesity of Oxford, pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament, that they were onely visitable by the King, and such who should be deputed by him. But their Allegations were not of proof against the Para∣mount power of Parliament; the rather because a passage in an Article at the ren∣dition of Oxford, was urged against them, wherein they were subjected to such a Visita∣tion.] Our Author here subjects the University of Oxford to the power of the Parliament, and that not onely in regard of that Paramount power, which he as∣cribes

unto the Parliament, that is to say, the two Houses of Parliament (for so we are to understand him) above all Estates; but also in regard of an Arti∣cle concerning the surrendry of Oxford, by which that University was subjected to such Visitations.

Fuller.

When I see a Corslet shot thorough with a Musket bullet, and the Person woun∣ded that wore it, I may safely say, that Corslet is not of proof against the Musket. So when I behold the Pleadings of the Delegates neglected and null'd, I may say that de Facto they were not of proof against Parliamentary power. A passage pos∣sibly written by me, (such my affection to my Aunt Ox••ord,) with more griefe then it is read by the Animadvertor with anger; but Truth is truth whether it be writ by one Sighing or singing; readd by one Smiling or Frowning.

The Reader needs no Interpreter to expound the word Parliament, as taken ge∣nerally at this time, (Successe having beaten the s••••se thereof into Mens Heads) for the two Houses. Loqui cum ••ulgo in this case, I hope is no fault; These two Houses at this time maintained their ENTHYMEM to be a compleat SYLLOGISM concluding all Persons under them; presuming that the King, though not Per∣sonally, was Vertually with them, A position which I have no calling to examine. As for the Clause in the Article which hooked the University under Parliamentary Visitation, heare how the Animadvertor reports it.

Dr. Heylyn.

I find indeed, that it was agreed on by the Commissioners on both sides touching the Surrendry of that City;

That the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the University of Oxon, and the Governors and Students of Christ-Church of King H. 8. his Foundation, and all other Heads and Governors, Masters, Fellows, and Scholars of the Colledges, Halls, and Bodies Corpo∣rate, and Societies of the same University, and the publick Professors and Readers, and the Orator thereof, and all other persons belonging to the said University, or to any Colledges or Halls therein, shall and may, according to their Statutes, Charters and Customs, enjoy their antient form of govern∣ment, subordinate to the immediate Authority and power of Parliament.

But I find not, that any of the Heads or Delegates of that University were present at the making of this Article, or consented to it, or thought themselves oblig'd by any thing contained in it.

Fuller.

This last Clause was eagerly urged by the Committee against the Delegates of the University, and I could wish they could as easily have untied the Knot, as Answered the hardest Objection of Bellarmine in the Divinity-Schools; The King when privately departing Oxford left (if not a Commission) at least Leave with the Lords to make as good ••earmes for themselves, and all with them in the Citty besieged, as the Enemy would give and they could get in that streightned condi∣tion. The Vniversity therefore was urged by the Committee to have given an Im∣plicite consent to these Articles, and enjoying the Benefit, they must share in the Burthen thereof. To this, the Delegates made many faire and Civill Answers, strengthned with Law and Reason: but alasse, great are the Odds, though Lear∣ning be the Answerer, where Power is the Opponent.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor indeed could it stand with reason, that they should wave the patronage of a gracious Soveraign, who had been a Nursing Father to them, and put them∣selves under the arbitrary power of those who they knew minded nothing but destruction toward them. And that the University did not think it selfe oblig'd by any thing contained in that Article, appears even by our Author himselfe, who tells us in this very passage, that the Delegates from the University pleaded

their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament, that they were onely visitable by the King, and such as should be deputed by him; which certainly they had never done (unlesse our Author will conclude them to be fools or madmen) had they before submitted to that Paramount power, which he adscribes unto the Houses. Nor did the Houses of Parliament find themselves impowered by this clause of the Article, to obtrude any such Visitation on them. And therefore when the Delegates had pleaded, and prov'd their priviledges, a Commission for a Visi∣tation was issued by the two Houses of Parliament in the name of the King, but under the new broad Seal which themselves had made; which notwithstan∣ding▪ the University stood still on their own defence, in regard that though the Kings name was us'd in that Commission, yet they knew well, that he had ne∣ver given his consent unto it. Whereupon followed that great alteration both in the Heads and Members of most Colledges which our Author speaks of.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor endeavours to runne me on one of these dangerous Rocks, either to condemne the University for Fools and Mad men, whom I Love and Hon∣our for Wise and Sober Persons, or else to make me incurre the Displeasure of the Parliament. And the Philosopher's Answer to the Emperour is well known, That it is ill Disputing with them that can command LEGIONS: The best is, I am not bound to answer to this dangerous Dilemma, keeping my selfe close to my Cal∣ling, viz. Reporting vvhat vvas done, but whether Iustly or unjustly, let others decide.

The Animadvertor's Boldnesse herein is for me to admire, not Imitate. When an Old Man vvas demanded the Cause of his Confidence, hovv he durst so freely tell a King of his faults, he rendred a double Reason of his Boldnesse, Orbit••s et Senectus. One, that he had no Children, and therefore Careless to preserve Posterity: the other, that he vvas extreamely Old, therefore lesse curious to keep that Life that vvas leaving him.

How it fareth vvith the Animadvertor in these two Particulars, I know not; sure I am for my self, that I am not so old to be Weary of the World, (as I hope it is not of me); and God having given me Children, I vvill not destroy them, and hazard my selfe by running into needlesse Dangers. And let this suffice for an Answer.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor deals he much more candidly in relating the proceedings of the Visita∣tion, vvhich vvas made in Cambridge; the Visitors vvhereof (as acting by the Paramount power of Parliament) he more sensibly favoureth, than the poor suffe∣rers, or malignant Members, as he calls them, of that University.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor sees more in me then I can see in my selfe; and because vve are both Parties engaged, (the lesse to be credited in our owne Cause,) be it re∣ported to the Reader, if pleased, to peruse the Conclusion of my History of Cam∣bridge, whether I cast not my Graines of Favour into the Scales of the poor Suffe∣rers. These I call not MALIGNANT MEMBERS, but with this Qualifica∣tion (so * 1.31 tearmed). And let not me be condemned for the Ill Language of o∣thers.

I say again, As, as an Historian, I have favoured no side but told the Truth; so I could not so far unman my selfe, but that for Humanity sake (to say no more,) I did pitty the Sufferers; on which Account, I incurred the displeasure of the Opposite Party: the best is, causelesse Anger being an Edglesse Sword, I feare it the lesse.

Dr. Heylyn.

For whereas the Authour of the Book called Querela Cantabrigiensis hath told us of an Oath of Discovery, obtruded by the Visitors upon severall persons, where∣by

they were sworn to detect one another, even their dearest friends. Our Author vvho vvas out of the storm, seeming not satisfied in the truth of this rela∣tion, must vvrite to Mr. Ash, who vvas one of those Visitors, to be inform'd in that which he knew before.

Fuller.

No Person more proper or probable to inform me herein, than Mr. Ash one of the Visitors, who I believed did both know the Truth and would not tell a false∣hood herein: I was so far from desiring Information in what (as the Animadver∣tor saith) I KNEW BEFORE, that I protest I know IT NOT YET, being left in such a Mist about this Oath of Discovery.

On the one side, my Worthy Friend Mr. Peter Gunning, Fellow of Clare Hall, (eminent for his Learning and Honesty,) hath since assured me that such an Oath was offered and urged upon him by the Committee. On the other side, I am, on just grounds, daily confirmed in my Confidence, that neither the Earl of Manchester, nor any under him by his Command or Consent enforced such an Oath, so that where to lay the Blame, I know not; and have neither List nor Leasure, further to enquire, who having Blistered my Fingers already, will burn my Hands no more in so dangerous a subject.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds. And on the reading of Mr. Ash his Answer, declares expresly, that no such Oath was tendred by him to that University.] But first, Mr. Ash doth not absolutely deny, that there was any such Oath, but that he was a stran∣ger to it: and possibly he might be so far a stranger to it, as not to be an Actor in that part of the Tragedy. Secondly, Mr. Ash onely saith, that he cannot call to mind, that any such thing was mov'd by the Earl of Manchester; and yet I trow, such a thing might be mov'd by the Earl of Manchester, though Mr. Ash after so many years was willing not to call it to mind. Or else if no such Oath was tendred by him, as our Author is assur'd there was not, that part of the Tragedy might be acted by Mr. Good the other Chaplain, without communicating his In∣structions to his fellow Visitor.

Fuller.

Mr. Ash, on serious and Solemn recollection, hath since given me Assurance, both by his word of Mouth, and Writing, that no such Oath was urged to his knowledge; and being a Minister of the Gospell, I am in Charity and Consci∣ence bound to believe Him.

Dr. Heylyn.

And therefore thirdly, I would know why Mr. Good was not writ to also, that having from him the like Certificate, our Author might have had the bet∣ter grounds for his unbelief, before he had pronounc'd so positively against the Author of that Querela.

Fuller.

The reason was because Mr. Good was dead, and (had I known whither) I did not know by what Carrier to convay my Letter unto him. I pronounced not positively against Querela in point of the Oath, which I left under very vehement Suspitions.

Dr. Heylyn.

Fourthly, and finally, it is not easie to be thought, that the Author of that Book should have vented such a manifest falshood, especially in a matter so de∣rogatory to all Christian charity, and that neither the Earl of Manchester, nor either of these two Chaplains, or any friends of theirs, should in the space of ten

years and more, endeavour to wipe off such an odious imputation, till our Au∣thor out of pure zeal to the Paramount-power, played the Advocate in it.

Fuller.

I will freely give all my Fees for my Advocation to the Animadvertor, and will Thank him too, if he will be pleased to take them from me to himselfe. It seemes I did not my Worke well, who had nothing but displeasure for my Wages.

Possibly the Earl of Manchester might not know, that the urging of such an Oath was objected against him and his; and probably, if he did know, he satisfied him∣selfe in his own Integrity and Innocence, leaving the Blame and Shame to fall on such as were guilty thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

But to return again to Oxford, one of the first effects which followed on the alteration before remembred (though mentioned by our Author in another place) was the rifling of the Treasury in Magdalen Colledge, of which he tells us, lib. 9. fol. 234. That a considerable sum of Gold, being by Dr. Humphry (who had been Master of that Colledge) left in a Chest, not to be opened, except some great necessity urged thereunto, was lately shar'd between Dr. Wilkinson (who then held the place of President by the power of the Visitors) and the fellows there. But first, Our Author is mistaken in Dr. Humphry, though he be willing to entitle him (whom he calls a moderate Non-con••ormis••) to some benefaction. The summe there found amounted to above twelve hundred double Pistolets, the old Doc∣tor having no fewer than one hundred for his part of the spoile, and every fel∣low thirty a piece for theirs; each Pistolet exchang'd at sixteen shillings six pence, and yet the Exchanger got well by the bargain too. Too great a sum for Dr. Humphry, who had many Children, and no provident Woman to his Wife, to leave behind him to the Colledge, had he been so minded. The Money (as the Tradition went in that Colledge) was left there by the Founder, to remedy and repair such ruines, as either the casualty of fire, or the ravages of a Civil warre might bring upon it; to which the nature of the Coin being all French pieces (remember that the English at that time were Masters of a great part of France) gives a further testimony.

Fuller

As I have been mistaken in the Person, Dr. Humphry for Bishop Wainfleet Do∣nour of this Gold (following common Report therein); so I could heartily have wished I had also erred in the Thing it self, I mean, that an A motion of such Devoted Treasure had never been done.

The Animadvertor might well have forborn his Sparring at the precious Me∣mory of that learned and pious Dr. Humphry. And the new mention of his name, mindeth me of an old fault, which the Animadvertor not long since laid to my charge, viz. my calling of Thomas Bentham [the DEANE, saith he, of Magda∣lens Oxford,] the CENSOR thereof. Whereas I exactly followed the words of Dr. Humphry, in his Latin Life of Iewel, page. 73. Tho. Benthamus, quamvis CENSOR, eo Anno, &c. And I humbly conceive that I having so good a Precedent as Dr. Humphry, President of that Colledge, I might as well call their Deane, Censor in English, as He doth in Latin.

Dr. Heylyn.

Secondly, I would have our Author observe, that those whom he accuseth of this act of Rapine, vvere neither high Royalists, nor covetous Conformists, as vve knovv who vvords it; but men agreeable to the times, and of the same temper and affections vvhich himselfe is of: the Conformists never being so covetous as to cast an eye tovvards it, nor the high Royalists so ignoble in their greatest extrea∣mities, as to lay hands on it.

Fuller.

If I be one of their Persuasion, who shared this Gold, (and I must be so because the Animadvertor doth say it) I have acquitted my self a faithfull Historian, in not consulting my own partie's Credit: but unpartially reporting the truth. Howe∣ver I hope God will keep my hands, that my fingers shall not have the GUILT of the Gold of Tholouse.

Dr. Heylyn.

And thirdly, I must needs charge our Author vvith some partiality in ag∣gravating this fact (vvhich indeed cannot be excused) vvith so many circum∣stances, and passing over the like at Cambridge, as a thing incredible; I cannot be∣leeve, saith he, Hist. Camb. fol. 38. what I have read in the Querela Cantabrigi∣ensis, That three or four hundred pounds worth of Timber brought to Clare-hall for the repair of that House, was lately taken away; that is to say, inverted to the use of some private persons, vvhom our Author hath befriended vvith this incredulity.

Fuller.

I did not aggravate the fact nor heavily lean on my Pen in relating this Pas∣sage, nor layed more vveight thereon than meerly to make it cast Inke. The A∣nimadvertor hath more bitternesse vvrapped up in this one vvord RAPINE than I have stretched out, in all my relation of this accident.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nay so extreamly favourable he is to his friends in Cambridge, as to profess, that, had he seene it, he would not have beleeved his own eyes; vvhich is the highest poynt of partiality, and most invincible unbelief that I ever met vvith.

Fuller.

Herein the Animadvertor is highly-just, (to say no more) unto me. Is it not cruelty to such as vvrite in distracted times, and are, as desirous to impart dange∣rous Truths to posterity, so also to secure themselves, (as vvho can blame them?) as vvell as they may, to hunt them out of the Covert of any figurative or vvary expression: but none so deaf, as He who will not hear, I mean as to understand, The Animadvertor knevv my Expression pointed at, some too high for me safely to reach.

Knovv Reader, that, vvhat Need (as pleaded) in time of War took from Clare∣hall, that Conscience in the same person hath since restored to the full, as Dr. Dil∣lingham my vvorthy friend and Master of the Colledge hath enformed me. Novv though Oxford challengeth antiquity to go before Cambridge, yet herein let her not disdain to come after her, and to follow so good an Example of Restitution: for though I have heard, and partly believe, that Dr. Wilkinson did with might and main oppose the Seisure on that Gold; and though they say it appeared, vvhen seriously examined by the visitors, that it vvas not so foul a fact, as generally it is represented; yet it cannot in all particulars be excused, and therein concur vvith the Animadvertor. So that * 1.32 Iacob's counsel to his Sons may here be sea∣sonably prescribed, Carry the Money back again, peradventure it was an over-sight.

Dr Heylyn.

There remains nothing now to conclude these Animadversions, but some passages relating to Archbishop Williams: in which I must confesse my selfe not willing to meddle, but that I think it is as much against the Rule of distribu∣tive Justice to give one man too much, as to give another man too little. Let us

see therefore what he saith of this Prelate, and how far he saith truth▪ the whole truth, and nothing but the truth And first, saith he, &c.

Fuller.

The Truth hereof will soon appear by the Sequele. For, if the Animad∣vertor shall inflame his smoaking faults, hollow in the Ears of every Dormant Sus∣pition, to awaken it against the memory of this Prelate, yea and hang the weight of his greatest Guiltinesse on the wyers of the slenderest proofe, then notwithstanding this his plausibility to the contrary premised, He will plainly appear to have a Pike (the sharpnesse whereof his Death hath not blunted) a∣gainst Him.

When one was to Preach the Funeral Sermon of a most vitious, and gene∣rally hated Person, all wondered what He would say in his praise, the Preach∣ers friends searing, his foes hoping, that, for his fee, ••e would force his Consci∣ence to flattery. For one thing (said the Minister) this man is to be spoken well o••, by all, and for another thing He is to be spoken ill of, by none. The first is, because God made Him; the second, because He is dead.

Now seeing besides the premises, common to all Christians, yea to all men many worthy works have been done by the Bishop; and especially, seeing known Animisities were betwixt him and the Animadvertor (which with Ingenuity is an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉-super-over-commanding motive to silence) the Animadvertor had better forborn all which followeth in my judgement, and in the Judgement of as ma∣ny learned and Religious men, of all orders and degrees in both Universityes, as ever sollicited him to write against my Church-history.

Dr. Heylyn.

Fol. 227. He sueth to the Parliament for favour, and obtained it, whose General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way, &c.] This is the truth, but whether it be the whole truth, or not, I do more then doubt. His suing for and obtaining pardon from the Parliament, precedeth in the order of time, his being their General; and therefore it is not to be thought, but that he had done some special service to the Parliament to prepare the way for such a fa∣vour. Before his commitment to the Tower about the Bishops Protestation, he was grown as odious to the Commons, as before he had been honoured by them. He had liv'd some time with the King at Oxford, and is said to have done him good services in Wales; and (which is most) he had a fair temporall Estate, able to yeeld some thousands of pounds for Composition in Gold-smiths hall. So that there must be somewhat in it more then ordinary, which occasioned that he neither came under Fine nor Ransome, as the rest of the Kings party did. But what that was, whether he serv'd them with intelligence when he was at Oxford, or by inhibiting his Tenants and Neighbours to pay their accustomed Taxes to the Kings Forces when he liv'd in Wales, I determine not. Certain it is, that before his redintegration with them, he had been in a manner besieged in his House of Penrin by the Lord Byron, for the prohibiting of sending in such provisions as had been required; and that observing with what carel••ssenesse the Kings Souldiers did attend that service, he caus'd a sally to be made out of the House, and slew many of them. Upon the merit of which service, and the promise of greater, it is no wonder if such Ministers and Sollicitors of his as were imploy'd in that businesse, compounded for him without fine, though not without money. That which our Author tells us of his being their General, seems to have been fore-signified some five or six years before the siege of Con∣way Castle. For I remember that about such time as he was prisoner in the Tower with the rest of the Bishops, his picture was sold commonly in black and white, in his Episcopal Roabs, with a squa••e Cap on his head, a Rest in his hand, a Musket on his shoulder, and a Bandeleir about his neck. For which fancy

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at that time I could learn no reason, though he came up to it at the last.

Fuller.

This is not Contradictory but Additory to what I have written, an Additory on∣ly of Suggestions, and Suspitions, no Probations; The Animadvertor's arrow com∣ing off without a Pile, when he saith, I DETERMINE NOT. I had thought when this DOCTOR CATHEDRAE (for Historicall Matters) had so solemn∣ly setled himselfe in the CHAIR, that we should have heard from him some solid Determination, which belike he dares not doe: and in my Opinion, it had been more consonant to Christian charity, not to have discussed what he could not decide; seeing matters of this Nature are to be hunted down, or else it is best they be never started. Is this He who so lately professed his aversnesse to med∣dle with this Arch-bishop, and is now so ready to run out against Him on all occasions when he hardly hath half an Errand? and rather would than can pro∣duce any certainty in his Suggestions?

Dr. Heylyn.

But our Author goes on, Ibid. He was very chaste in his Conversation.] And I hope so too, notwithstanding the scandalous reports of Weldon the namelesse Author aim'd at (in the following words) in his Pamphlet called the Court of King Iames, and some vulgar fames or hear sayes too much credited by a late Historian. But I must needs say, that I am not satisfied in the arguments which are brought to prove it. Wilson in his unworthy History of the reign of King Iames, makes him to be Eunuchus ab utero, an Eunuch from his Mother's womb. The author of the pamphlet called the Observator observed, conceives that Wilson went too far in this expression, and rather thinks, that he contracted some impotency by falling on a stake when he was a Boy, fol, 10. Our Author here seems to incline unto this last, assuring us from such who knew the Privacies and casual∣ties of his infancy, that this Arch-bishop was but one degree remov'd from a Mi∣sogynist, though to palliate his infirmity to noble Females he was most compleat in his courtly addresses. But first, the falsity and frivolousnesse of these defences leave the poor man under a worse suspicion than they found him in. His manly coun∣tenance, together with his masculine voyce, shewed plainly that he was no Eu∣nuch; and the agreeablenesse of his conversation with the female Sex, did as plainly shew, that he was no Misogynist, or Woman-hater. And secondly, admitting these surmises to be true and real, they rather serve to evidence his impotency than to prove his chastity; it being no chastity in that man to abstain from Women, who either by casualty, or by nature is disabled from such co∣pulations. The vertue of chastity consisteth rather in the integrity of the soul, than the mutilation of the body; and therefore more to be ascrib'd to those pi∣ous men, Qui salvis oculis foeminam vident, in Tertullian's language, than to the old Philosopher, who put out his eyes to avoid temptations of that nature. So that if this be all which they have to say for the Bishop's chastity, these advocates had shewed more wisdom in saying nothing, than speaking so little to the purpose.

Fuller.

I am sorry to see the Memory of this Bishop, since his decease, to fall on a sharper Stake than his Body did in his Infancy, even the Pen of the Animadvertors. I confesse, Chastity cannot necessarily be concluded from naturall debility, or casual impotency; there being a possibility of a frying heart in a freezing body, And we know who hath written, * 1.33 ut Eunuchus qui amplectitur virginem & gemit.

The casualty of his Infancy was by me mentioned, and cast in as super-pon∣dium or over-weight, to confirme such as were perswaded before, in his Chastity which was never called into Question by any person of credit. As for Auli∣cus è Coquina, the Courtier cut of the Kitchin, pretending himselfe such a Master of

Defence in all Court-controversies. Such as have perused his Book, will find cause to say of Him, Expectavi Lanistam; inveni Scurram, Rabulam, Lnxam.

The conversableness of this Bishop with Women, consisted chiefly, (if not only) in his Treatments of great Ladyes and Persons of Honour, wherein he did perso∣nate the Compleatness of Courtesie to that Sex: otherwise a woman was seldom to be seen in his House. Hence it was that the Palace of this Prelate, had more Magnificence than Neatnesse therein, sometimes Defective in the Puntillo's and Nicityes of Daintinesse, lying lower than Masculine cognizance; and as level to a womans Eye, to espy, as easy for her Hand to amend.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our author proceeds Ibid. Envy it selfe cannot deny, but that whither soever he went, he might be traced by the foot-steps of his benefaction.] Amongst which benefa∣ctions it was none of the least, that in both the Universities he had so many Pen∣sioners; more (as it was commonly given out) then all the Noble-men and Bishops in the Land together: some of which received twenty Nobles, some ten pounds, and other twenty Marks per annum. And yet it may be said without envy, that none of all these Pensions came out of his own purse, but were laid as Rent-charges upon such Benefices as were in his disposing, either as Lord Keeper or Bishop of Lincoln, and assign'd over to such Scholars in each Univer∣sity as applyed themselves to him. And because I would not be thought to say this without book, I have both seen and had in my keeping, till of late, (if I have it not still) an Acquittance made unto a Minister in discharge of the pay∣ment of a Pension of twenty Nobles per annum, to one who was then a Student in Christ-Church. The name of the parties I forbeare; he that receiv'd it, and he for whom it was receiv'd, (and perhaps he that paid it too) being still alive. And possible enough it is, that this Pensioning of so many Scholars had not been past over in silence by our Author, if he had not known the whole truth as well as the truth.

Fuller.

His Pensioning so many Schollers, foundeth more to his credit, than th•• pau∣city of their Pensioners to the honour of other Lords and Bishops. It was impossi∣ble that so numerous Pensions, could all issue out of his own Purse, without great Impairing of his Estate. And therfore no wonder if he was not the Giver, but the bare disposer of some of them to Promising Pregnancyes, where Worth and Want did meet together in the same person. And though such payments were not costly to the Bishop, they were no lesse comfortable to such as received them; it being all one with the parched ground whether the Water-pot which be-sprinkleth it, be filled from the Spring, or from the River. This was don by him without any appearance of evill, with the free and full consent of such Incumbents as Hee pre∣sented, far from the shadow of Simonia call compliance, seeing besides the Sta∣tute to this purpose, in the reign of King Henry the eighth, the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth do countenance a Bishops assigning five pounds annually out of every hundred pounds of a Benefice to such uses. As for many of the Pensions he paied, I am since as well assured, they were expended out of his own Purse as I am confident the causelesse cavills in our Animadvertor's Book, were bred in his own braines, without any other's Suggesting them unto him.

Dr. Heylyn.

Ibid. Much he expended on the Repair of Westminster Abbey-Church, &c. The Library at Westminster was the effect of his bounty.] This though it be true in part, yet we cannot say of it, that it is either the whole truth, or nothing but the truth. For the plain truth is, that neither the charge of repairing that Church, nor furnishing that Library, came out of his own private Coffers, but the Chur∣ches rents: For at such time as he was made Lord Keeper of the great Seal; he caused it to be signified unto the Prebendaries of that Church, how incon∣venient

it would be both to him and them to keep up the Commons of the Col∣ledge; and gaind so farre upon them that they pass'd over to him all the rents of that Church, upon condition that he should pay the annual pensions of the Prebendaries, School-Masters, Quire-men, and inferiour Officers, and main∣tain the Commons of the Scholars. The rest, amounting to a great yearly va∣lue, was left wholly to him upon his honourable word and promise to expend the ••ame for the good and honour of that Church. The surplusage of which expenses receiv'd by him for four years and upwards, amounted unto more than had been laid out by him on the Church and Library; as was offered to be proved before the Lords Commissioners at the visitation, Anno. 1635. And as for the Library at St. Iohns, it might possibly cost him more wit than money; many books being daily sent in to him (upon the intimation of his purpose of founding the two Libraries) by such as had either suits in Court, or businesse in Chancery, or any wayes depended on him, or expected any favours from him, either as Bishop of Lincoln, or Dean of Westminster.

Fuller.

As the worme on a sudden smot the gourd of Ionah, and it withered; so it is possible, that the most verd••nt and flourishing Charity may be fretted and blasted, by ill reports.

There is a Chapiter-Act subscribed with the hands of the Prebendaries of Westminster (the Date whereof I do not at present remember) and the Copy of it is in the hands of my Worthy friend, wherein they thankfully acknowledge the great bounty of this Bishop, in expending so much on the repaire of their Church.

If the Library of St. Iohns cost him more Wit then Money, (as the Animad∣vertor phraseth it,) sure I am that in the same sense, The founding of Fellow∣ships and Scholler-ships in that Colledge, cost him more Money then Wit.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 228. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred.] But Wilson in his History of great Brittain sings another song, whether in Tune, or out of Tune, they can best tell who liv'd most neere those times, and had opportu∣nities to observe him.

Fuller.

I wonder, That the Animadvertor, who in the Preface to this his Book had branded Wilsons History with the name of a most Infamous Pasquill, maketh mention of any passage therein to a Bishop's disgrace.

Dr. Heylyn.

There is a muttering of some strange offer which he made to King Iames, at such time as the Prince was in Spain, and the Court seemed in common appre∣hension to warp towards Popery, vvhich declared no such perfect hatred (as our Author speaks of) unto that Religion.

Fuller.

The * 1.34 Prophet telleth us of Tongues which have MUTTERED perversnesse, and such to me seem they that are Authors of this report.

Dr. Heylyn.

Not was he coy of telling such whom he admitted unto privacies vvith him, that in the time of his greatnesse at Court, he vvas accounted for the Head of the Catholick Party, not sparing to declare what free and frequent accesses he gave the principall Sticklers in that cause both Priests and Iesuites, and the spe∣ciall services vvhich he did them: And it must be somewhat more than strange if all this be true, that he should hate Popery vvith a perfect hatred; yet not more

strange then that he should so stickle in the preferment of Dr. Theodore Price to the Arch-Bishoprick of Armagh in Ireland, who died a profest Catholick, reconci∣led to the Church of Rome, as our Author hath it, Fol. 226. But if there be no more truth in the Bishop of Lincolns hating Popery, then in Dr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dying a professed Papist, there is no credit to be given at all to that part of the Character. Dr. Price, though once a great Favourite of this Bishop, and by him continued Sub-Dean of Westminster many years together, vvas at the last suppos'd to be better affected to Bishop Laud, than to Bishop Williams, Bishop Laud having lately appeared a Sui••or for him for the Bishoprick of St. Asaph. And there∣fore that two Birds might be kild with the same bol••; no sooner vvas Dr. Price deceased, but the Bishop of Lincoln being then at Westminster, calls the Prebends together, tells them that he had been with Mr. Sub-Deane before his death, that he left him in very doubtfull tearmes about Religion, and consequently could not tell in what form to bury him; that if the Dr. had died a profest Papist he would have buried him himselfe, but being as it was, he could not see how any of the Prebendaries could either with safety or with credit performe that office. But the Artifice and design being soon discovered, took so little effect that Dr. Newel one of the Senior Prebendaries performed the Obsequies, the rest of the whole Chapiter attending the body to the grave, with all due solemnity.

Fuller.

I deny not but as a States-man, he might do some civill offices to the Romish party in that Juncture of time, in compliance to King Iames his commands, But this amounteth not to prove him a Lover of Popery.

As for Dr. Price, I will not rake into his ashes. If he dyed a protestant,'twas the better for him; but the contrary is generally reported, printed, believed.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 228. He was so great an honourer of the English Li∣turgy, that of his owne cost he caused the same to be translated into Spanish, and fairly printed, to confute their false conceipt of our Church, &c.] If this be true, it makes not onely to his honour, but also to the honour of the English Liturgy, transla∣ted into more Languages then any Liturgy in the world, whatsoever it be; translated into Latine by Alexander Alesius, a learned Scot in King Edwards time; as afterward by Dr. Walter Haddon in the reign of Queen Elizabeth and his translation mended by Dr. Mocket in the time of King Iames: translated into French by the command of that King, for the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey: into Spanish at the charge of this Bishop (as our Author telleth us): and finally into Greek by one Mr. Petly, by whom it was dedicated and presented to the late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the greatest Patron and Advancer of the English Liturgy. But secondly, I have some reason to doubt, that the Liturgy was not translated at the charges of Bishop Williams. That it was done by his pocure∣ment I shall easily grant: but whosoever made the Bill of Charges, the Church paid the reckoning; the Dominican Fryer who translated it, being rewarded with a Benefice and a good Prebend, as the Bishop himselfe did signifie by let∣ter to the Duke of Buckingham.

Fuller.

I have been credibly informed by those who have best cause to know it, That it was done not onely by his procurement but at his Cost, Though I deny not but that a benefice might be conferred on the Fryer in reward of his paines. Thus far I am assured by such as saw it, That the Bishop (who had more skill in the Spanish then his policy would publiquely own), did with his owne hand correct every sheet therein.

Dr. Heylyn.

And as for the printing of the book, I cannot think that it was at his charges neither, but at the charges of the Printer; it not being usuall to give the Prin∣ter, money and the copy too.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor so well practised in printing knowes full well, That though i•• be usuall to give Money and Copies too for a saleable book, which being Printed in our owne tongue is every mans Money; yet a Spanish Book printed in England is chargeable, meeting with few buyers, because few understanders there∣of.

Dr. Heylyn.

And Thirdly, Taking it for granted, that the Liturgy was translated and printed at this Bishop's charges; yet does not this prove him to be so great an honourer of it as our Author makes him. For had he been indeed a true honou∣rer of the English Liturgy, he would have been a more diligent attendant on it than he shewed himself: never repairing to the Church at Westminster (where∣of he was Dean) from the 18. of February 1635. when the businesse of the great Pew was judged against him, till his Commitment to the Tower in Iu∣ly 1637.

Fuller.

One reason why he seldome came to Prayers to Westminster Church, was, because he was permitted but little to live there, after he fell into the King's displeasure, being often sent away the day after he came thither. On the same token, that once Sr. Iohn Cook being sent unto him to command him to avoid the Deanery; Mr. Secretary, said the Bishop, what Authority have you to command a Man out of his owne House? Which wrought so much on the old Knight, that he was not quiet till he had gotten his owne pardon.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor ever going to the Chappell of the Tower (where he was a Prisoner) to attend the Divine Service of the Church, or receive the Sacrament, from Iuly 1637. when he was committed, to November 1640. when he was enlarged. A very strong Argument that he was no such Honourer of the English Liturgy, as is here pretended: A Liturgy most highly esteemed in all places whereso∣ever it came, and never so much vilified, despis'd, condemn'd as amongst our selves; and those amongst our selves who did so vilifie and despise it, by none more countenanced then by him, who is here said to be so great an Honourer o•• it.

Fuller.

Though (for reasons best known to himselfe) he went not to Prayers in the Tower Chappell, yet was he his own Chaplain to read them in his own Cham∣ber. And let me add this memorable passage thereunto.

During his durance in the Tower, there was a Kinsman of Sr. William Balforés then Lieutenant, a Scotish man (and his name, Mr. Melvin too) who being mortally sick, sent for Bishop Williams to pray with him. The Bishop read to him the Visitation of the sick, having fore-acquainted this dying man, That there was a form of Absolution in this Prayer, if he thought fit to receive it: Wherewith Mr. Melvin was not onely well satisfied, but got himselfe up as well as he could on his knees in the bed, and in that posture received Abso∣lution.

Dr Heylyn.

But for this Blow our Author hath his Buckler ready, telling us, Ibid. Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists, but Antipathy to Arch-bishop Laud, he was

favourable to some select Persons of that Opinion. An Action somewhat like to that of the Earl of Kildare, who being accused before Henry the Eighth, for burning the Cathedrall Church of Cassiles in Ireland, profess'd ingeniously, That he would never have burnt the Church, if some body had not told him that the Bishop was in it. Hate to that Bishop, an Arch-Bishop of Ireland, incited that mad Earl to burn his Cathedrall Church. And hate to Bishop Laud, the Primate and Metropo∣litan of all England, stir'd up this Bishop to raise a more unquenchable Com∣bustion in the Church of England. So that we may affirm of him as Tertullian (in another case) of the Primitive Christians, viz. Tanti non est bonum, quanti est odium Christianorum. But are we sure that he was favourable to the Non-Conformists out of an antipathy to Bishop Laud onely? I believe not so. His antipathy to the King did as strongly byass him that way, as any thing else. For which I have the Testimony of the Author of the History of King Charls, pub∣lisht 1656. who telleth us of him, That being malevolently inclin'd (about the losse of the great Seal), &c.

Fuller.

I will not advocate for all the actions of Bishop Williams, and though the Animadvertor beholds my pen as over-partiall unto him, yet I know who it was that wrote unto me, Semper es iniquior in Archiepiscopum Eboracensem.

I am a true honourer of his many excellent virtues, and no excuser of his Faults, who could heartily wish, That the latter part of his Life had been like the beginning thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

And so I take my leave of this great Prelate, whom I both reverence for his Place, and honour for his Parts, as much as any. And yet I cannot choose but say, that I find more reason to condemn, then there is to commend him; so that we may affirm of him as the Historian doth of Cajus Caesar, Son of Agrippa, and Nephew to the great Augustus, viz. Tam variè se gessit, ut nec laudaturum magna, nec vituperaturum mediocris materia deficiat, as my Author hath it. And with the same Character, accommodated to our Author, and this present History, I conclude these Notes; subjoyning onely this old Saying as well for my com∣fort as defence, viz.

Truth, though it may be blam'd, can never be sham'd.

Fuller.

Here the Animadvertor doth Tickle and Pinch me both together, yet nei∣ther will I laugh nor cry, but keep my former composure.

I will take no notice of a piece of MEZENTISM in his joyning of the Dead and Living together, and conceive my selfe far unworthy, to be parallel'd in the least degree with his Eminences.

However I will endeavour with the Gladiators 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, honestè decumbere, that when I can fight no longer, I may fall handsomely, in the Scene of this Life.

May God, who gave it, have the glory of what is good in me, my selfe the shame of what is bad, which I ought to labour to amend.

Notes

• * 1.1

  pag. 74.
• * 1.2

  Cambden's Remains pag. 250.
• * 1.3

  Eccle••.
• * 1.4

  In these his Animadver∣sions (as by him set forth pag. 8.
• * 1.5

  Psal. 69.11.
• * 1.6

  Heb. 9.19.
• * 1.7

  Deut. 23.18.
• * 1.8

  2 P••••. 3.5.
• * 1.9

  1 Cor. 15.6.
• * 1.10

  pag. 386. &c.
• * 1.11

  Jam 4.••.
• * 1.12

  Book 11. p. 196.
• * 1.13

  Jam. 2.8.
• * 1.14

  1 Pet. 2 9.
• * 1.15

  Animadversi∣ons, pag. 205.
• * 1.16

  Alledged by th•• Animad∣vertor, former∣ly in his fourth Book.
• * 1.17

  Mal. 3.2.
• * 1.18

  Rev. 12.13.
• * 1.19

  Mich. 7.9.
• * 1.20

  Math. 5.
• * 1.21

  2 King. 9.22.
• * 1.22

  Rom. 12.18.
• * 1.23

  Mr I. Sb.
• * 1.24

  Iames. 4.
• * 1.25

  Gen. 16.22
• * 1.26

  Luke. 8.43.
• * 1.27

  All these Quotations are taken out of the eleventh Book of my Church History.
• * 1.28

  Conf••ssio. lib. 9. cap. 3.
• * 1.29

  Psal. 27.13.
• * 1.30

  Acts. 19.32.
• * 1.31

  Hist. of Camb. pag. 168. parag. 35.
• * 1.32

  Gen. 43.12.
• * 1.33

  Ecclus. 3••.20.
• * 1.34

  Esay. 56.3.