The appeal of iniured innocence, unto the religious learned and ingenuous reader in a controversie betwixt the animadvertor, Dr. Peter Heylyn, and the author, Thomas Fuller.

THE SECOND BOOK. Of the Conversion of the Saxons, and that which followed thereupon till the Norman Conquest.

Dr. Heylin.

IN order to the Conversion of the Saxons, our Author begins (as he had done before in that of the Britans) with the unhappy condition of that People in the state of Gentilism.

Fuller.

Here is an intimation, as If I had mistook my Epoches in my Church History of Britans or Saxons, or both; beginning them too soon or too late. I avouch it done in due time: and so passe from the Animadvertors snarling to his biting.

Dr. Heylin.

In the description whereof, he omitteth that which was indeed their greatest unhappiness, that is to say, their barbarous and inhumane sacrifices of men and women unto two of their Idols. For Camden telleth us of their god called Wooden,* 1.1 that they used to procure his favour by sacrificing unto him men a∣live: And I have read in Verstegan (if my memory fail not) a man inferiour to none, in the Antiquities of this Nation, that at their return from any conquest, they us'd to sacrifice the noblest of their Captives to their Idol Thur. In this not much inferior to the Palestinians, in their sacrifices to Moloch; or to the Carthaginians, in the like abominable sacrifices to Saturn; or to the Scythians, in the like to Diana Taurica;* 1.2 or finally, to the Galls, in theirs to Haesus and Teutate•• their own National Deities. But not to lay at our Authors charge these small sins of Omission, we must next see whether he be not guilty of some sin of Commission also.

Fuller.

See here the signal Charity of the Animadvertor! After he had layed the charge as heavy as he could, (and heavier than he should) he candidly comes off, he will not lay to my charge such small faults of Omission.

I was not bound to particularize in all the Saxon prodigious impieties, all be∣ing included in that my general expression, * 1.3 ABOMINABLE (the proper Scrip∣ture-word in this case) in the Rites and Ceremonies of their Adoration.

Dr. Heylin.

For making a general muster of the Saxon Gods, and shewing how they were dispos'd of in relation to the dayes of the week, he concludes it thus: Fol. 55. And thus we see the whole week bescattered with Saxon Idols, whose Pagan gods were the God-fathers of the dayes, and gave them their names.] Not the whole week, though the greatest part thereof was thus bescattered. Sun∣day and Munday being so call'd in reference to the Sun and Moon, or else in cor∣respondence to the names of Dies Solis and Dies Lunae, which they found given by the Romans at their entrance here. For either the Sun and Moon were wor∣shipped

by the ancient Saxons, and then might think themselves neglected in ha∣ving no place assigned them amongst the rest; or else the Saxon Pagan Gods were not the Godfathers to all the dayes of the week, as our Author telleth us.

Fuller.

It is harsh, that I must be indicted to justifie every metaphorical expression; but know, That the word [bescattered] properly importeth some empty inter∣valls; or naked distances betwixt the things scattered; which otherwise, would be covered all over, and not be scattered. If therefore two dayes in the seven have escaped nomination from Saxon Idols, the week notwithstanding may be said, be∣scattered by them.

Dr. Heylin.

As much he seems to be mistaken in their god called Woden; of whom thus he telleth us. Fol. 54. Woden, that is wood, fierce, or furious, gi∣ving the denomination to Wednesday,* 1.4 or Wodens-day, armed cap a pe with military Coronet on his head, he was the god of Battail, by whose aid and fur∣therance, they hoped to obtain Victory; correspondent to Mars.] But Camden sings another song, telling us that Wooden was not worshipped for Mars, but Mercury. Above all other gods, saith he; they worshipped Mercury, whom they called Woo∣den, whose favour they procured by sacrificing unto him men alive, and to him they consecrated the fourth day of the week, whereupon we call it at this day Wed∣nesday. Thus also in another place,* 1.5 Wansdike, in the Saxon tongue called Wodene∣poic, that is to say, the Ditch of Wooden or Mercury, and as it should seem of Wo∣den, that false imagined god and father of the English Saxons. And herein I shall rather subscribe to Camdens, than our Authors judgement. For certainly had the Saxons worshipped Wooden as the god of Battail, or correspondent to Mars, they would have given him the third day of the week, or the day of Mars, and not the fourth day of the week or the day of Mercury; as they gave Sunday and Munday unto Sol and Luna, and Thursday unto Thur, whom they worshipped in the place of Iupiter, ascribing unto him (as the Greeks and Romans did to Iupiter) the power of bearing rule in the Air, governing Thunder, Lightnings, Windes, Showers, fair weather, &c. as Adam Bremensis, a good Writer, doth inform us of them. And though it may be true, which our Author telleth us, that by his aid and fur∣therance they hoped to obtain Victory, yet this entitleth him not to the place of Mars; as many victories being gotten by wit and stratagem (the known arts of Mercury) as by strength and valour.

Fuller.

In describing the Saxon Idolatries I followed Verstegan, as the best in this kind, as who (Data opera) had written on that subject, and who lately by the * 1.6 Animad∣vertor was styled (and that very deservedly) a man inferiour to none in the Antiqui∣ties of this Nation.

However, finding a difference betwixt him and Mr. Camden in this particular, I fairly entred this plain note in the * 1.7 margin of my book,

So Verstegan pag. 72. but Camden Brit. pag. 135. makes him to be Mercury.

Now either the Animadvertor did not, or did take notice of this marginal note. If he did not, being there tendered so conspicuously to the Reader, it is high time for him to leave off writing of books, and turn his penne into prayers; otherwise, such omissions by those who read unto him, will every day more and more inevi∣tably betray him to, and involve him in more inconveniences.

If he did take notice of this note (which is most probable, alwaies consulting my margin, when making for his advantage) he discovered much superfluity; (not to say of * 1.8 naughtinesse,) Actum agere, that what I had done before, he must

doe again; and also finde fault with me, who had done it before, in this his un∣necessary Animadversion.

I will onely add, that the fierce and furious aspect of Woden, the evidence of his wild and wood nature (whence He had his Name) better countenanceth his corre∣spondency with Mars, than Mercury; the latter being concerned to carry a more meek and mild countenance, as who being of a tamer kind, and acting all by craft and cunning, did not fright, but flatter deluded people into his plausible Designes.

Dr. Heylin.

But from our Authors failers, in recounting the superstitions of our Saxon Ancestors, let us next see how he behaves himself in laying down the story of their conversion. In which, though he ascribe some∣thing unto Austin the Monk, yet he will by no means allow him to be their Apostle: For, fol. 54. The Papists (saith he) commonly call Augustine the English Apostle, how properly we shall see hereafter. And after, fol. 68. The Papists brag that he was the Apostle of the English.] In these few words there are two things to be considered, whether he is called the Apostle of the English by the Papists onely; and secondly, whether he were not so, both in fact and title. Not call'd so by the Papists onely, I am sure of that; but called so commonly by as good Prote∣stants as our Author himself. Thus Camden,* 1.9 a right English Protestant, After this Augustine, whom commonly they call the Apostle of the English men, being sent hi∣ther by Gregory the Great, having abolished these monstrous abominations of Hea∣thenish impiety, with most happy successe, planting Christ in their hearts, converted them to the Christian faith. Nor doth he speak this onely in the voice of the common people,* 1.10 but in another place more plainly, as his own opinion. A place there is about this shire called Austins Oke, at which Augustine the Apostle of the En∣glish men, and the Bishops of Britain met, &c.

Dr. Philemon Holland of Coventry, a good Protestant also, making an Index un∣to Camden, speaks the self same language; Augustine the Apostle of the English; which is short, but full. Gabriel Richardson of Brazen-Nose,* 1.11 an honest Protestant, in his laborious piece called the State of Europe, telleth us of Canterbury, that the Archbishops See was founded by King Ethelbert in the person of St. Austin the Apostle of the English. More of this kind might be produc'd, were it not given us for a Rule in the holy Scripture, Ex ore duorum testium vel trium, that two or three wit∣nesses were sufficient to confirm a truth.

The next thing here to be considered is, whether Austin were not the Apostle of the English, both in fact and title. In order whereunto, we must first take notice, that the word being meerly Greek, doth signifie in its natural and original sence a Messenger, a Legat, an Embassador, from whom, to whomsoever sent; and though appropriated to twelve as by way of excellence, yet not improperly com∣municated unto others in succeeding times, with reference to the Nations whom they had converted. So Boniface an English man the first Archbishop of Ments, is called by Dr. Holland, (as by many others) the Apostle of Germany; Palladius styled by Camden,* 1.12 the Apostle of the Scottish Nation; and the Irish would not think themselves to be fairly dealt with, if their St. Patrick should not be honou∣red with that Title also. In this sence Austin may be call'd, and that not impro∣perly, the Apostle of the English Nation; though a derivative Apostle, an Apostle (as our Author calls him in the way of scorn, fol. 68.) at the second hand, though others propagated the Gospel further than he liv'd to doe. It was enough to en∣title him to this Apostleship, that be first publiquely preacht the Gospel, and brought the glad Tiding of Salvation amongst the English, though he neither con∣verted all the Nation, nor travelled into all parts of the Land to attempt the same. Neither St. Paul could be entitled the Apostle of the Gentiles, St. Thomas of the Indians, nor St. Matthew of the Ethiopians; if it were necessarily required to their Apostleships, that all the Nations of the Indians must be converted by the one, or the vast Countries of the Ethiopians must be converted by the other; of fi∣nally, if St. Paul, to save them a labour, must have reduced all the Gentiles to the

faith of Christ. And this the Embassadors for the King of England at the coun∣cil of Basil, understood right well, when they contended for precedency with those of Castile. For when the Castilians had objected, that although Ioseph of Arimathea had preacht in England, it was but in a corner thereof, the grand bo∣dy of Britain remaining Pagan many hundred years after: the English Embas∣sadors wisely answered, that the Allegation was impertinent to the present pur∣pose, it being not the Universality, but the first Preaching of the Christian Faith which gained the name of an Apostle; there being no Disciple (as they truly ur∣ged it) that ever converted a Kingdome totally and entirely to Christianity, for which consult our very Author, Lib. 4.181.

And yet ••he pains in preaching of Austin were not so limited and restrain'd to one Kingdome only, but that he travail'd into most parts of the Saxon Heptar∣chy, preaching the Gospell in all places to which the spirit did conduct him, or his b••sinesse lead him. Our Author grants him to have converted the King∣dome of Kent, fol. 7. and to have taken care for planting the Gospel in the King∣dom of the East-Saxons, and for that end ordaining Mellitus the first Bishop of London fol. 67. From hence he carries him to a conference with the British Bi∣shops in the Country of the Wiccians (now Worcestershire) then part of the King∣dom of Mercia, fol. 60. From thence to Richmondshire in the Kingdom of Northum∣berland, where he is said to have baptiz'd above ten thousand in one day, fol. 66. And finally, to Cern in Dorsetshire, part of the Kingdome of the West-Saxons, where he destroyed the Idol of Heale of Aesculapius. By which we see, that he visited no fewer than five of the seven Kingdoms in the Saxon Heptar∣chie, not onely doing in each of them that particular work which he went about, but preaching in all fit places as he passed along. And this considered as it ought, with reference to the distance of those several places to which our very Author brings him, gives him just title to that honour which our Author would so willingly deprive him of, when telling us how the Papists called him the English Apostle, he adds these words, how properly (so called) we shall see hereafter.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor engageth deeper in this Controversy, than in my minde it deserveth. To sta••e the difference truly, whether Augustine properly is called the Apostle of the English? we must explain two Terms, Apostle and English.

Waving the generall notation of Apostle for no more than a Messenger; In the new Testament it importeth a person immediately sent by Christ, to preach people into salvation: It was essentiall to their constitution, either to have accompanied Christ in the flesh, a qualification required by St. * 1.13 Peter in such Elects, who should supply the vacancy of Iudas, or at the least that they should see Christ incarnate, either humbled or glorified; the latter favour being peculiarly afford••d to St. Paul:* 1.14 Am I not an Apostle, Am I not free, have I not seen Iesus Christ our Lord? These I may call primitive Apostles; and none will entitle Augustin the Monk, to be one of their order. A second sort I call derivative Apostles, a Term, which though the Animadvertor sayeth is used by me in the way of scorn, I protest it in sober seriousnesse, God hath not endowed me to make a more proper Expression, signifying such as mediatly, and (as I say) at the se∣cond hand, and sent by some eminent servants of God to convert Pagans to Christianity.

English may be taken in a threefold sence.

• First, for all the Nation, (an Indefinite, tantamounting to an universal) and this is the most proper sence of the word.
• Secondly, for the greater part of the Nation, which in common discourse deno∣minates the whole.
• Thirdly, for some part of the nation, which may be made good by a Synec∣doche, especially justified, when it is a chief and first (though least) part thereof, which (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or) per eminentiam, taketh the name of the whole.

My clear sence is, Augustine the Monk may be called a derivative Apostle of

the English in the last acception of the word, and so Mr. Camden, Mr. Richard∣son, Mr. Holland, and I doubt not but many more have and may intitle him.

The Animadvertor measureth the progresse of Augustine with too extensive dimensions, making him a greater English Travailer than ever he was; Kent was generally the Sphere he moved in, and from thence he was Itinerant to Cerne in Dorsetshire, the boundary of his Western travail: No personall atchievments by him North of Thames, seeing that grave baptization (if in Yorkshire) was surely done by Paulinus. As for the interview and conference betwixt him and the British Bishops in Worcestershire (though some probably might be converted in his passage thither, and return thence) no great advantage, but detriment to Chri∣stianity was thereby occasioned, those parts generally remaining in Paganism.

And here I will tender the Reader another distinction of Apostles, submitting it to his judgement, They were either of God alone, Man alone, God and Man together.

Of God alone,* 1.15 as St. Paul (and the other twelve) an Apostle not of Man, neither by man, but by Iesus Christ and God the Father, who raised him from the dead.

Secondly, of Man alone, being such as the false Apostles amongst the Corin∣thians, and else where, whose Commission was made and drawn up by them∣selves, sealed and attested by some of their Factious admirers.

Thirdly, of God and Man, and such an Apostle was Augustine sent, as I may say, by God and Gregory to the English Nation. But let him not ingrosse the name to himself, but admit also as his partners therein, 1 Mellitus, 2 Paulinus, and Aidan, 3 Felix, 4 Birinus, 5 Chad, 6 Wilfrid, Apostles also, because sent to, and convertors of the, 1 East-Saxons, 2 Northumbrians, 3 East-Angles, 4 West, 5 Mercians, 6 South-Saxons.

Dr. Heylin.

I have spent more time than I intended in defence of this Title, and there∣fore think it seasonable to proceed from the Person to his Acts. Of which the first we meet with is, the fixing of the Archiepiscopal See at Canterbury, for which our Author, amongst many other Reasons, gives us this for one, viz. That London, by reason of the receipt thereof was likely to prove the residing place for the English Monarch, and it was probable that the Archiepiscopal dignity would there be eclipst, and outshined by the Regal Diadem.] But here I must needs ask our Au∣thor, whether he thinks, that this was really one of those many motives which occasioned Austin to resolve of Canterbury for his Seat of Residence? If yea, then must our Author grant him to be endued with the Spirit of Prophesie, which I think he will not; if not, then a contingency so remote could not be taken by him into consideration, as indeed it was not. For first, London at that time, was the chief City of the Kingdome of East-sex, one of the weakest of the seven, and so not likely to prevail over all the rest. Secondly, if any of the greater Kingdomes of Mercia, West-sex, or Northumberland, should in fine prevail, it was not probable that the Conquerors would remove the Seat Royal from their own Dominions into any of the conquered Countries. And thirdly, though the Kings of the West-Saxons, who prevailed at last, and became Monarchs of the whole, settled the Royal Seat in London, yet was it not till Winchester, their own Regal City, was destroyed by fire, and made unable to receive them.

Fuller.

Other Reasons are alledged by me, why Austin chose Canterbury rather than London for his Archiepiscopal See. These Arguments Iuncta juvant, and will hold in the Sheaff, though a single Arrow should be broken, I mean, though this one Reason (alledged by me) were disproved.

Austin needed no propheticall Inspiration, whilst prudential prevision could suffi∣ciently suggest unto him, that if ever the Saxon-Heptarchy terminated (which was most probable) in a Monarchy, London might be presumed the principal place of the Royal Residence, as most convenient for Trading, and commo∣dious for scituation: I say London, an Infant in the time of Tacitus, a Stripling in

the time of Austin, a Man before the Conquest, and grown a Giant in our daies.

Dr Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 60. The first cast of his Office was to call a Councel for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together in the consines of the Wiccians and West-Saxons.] Our Author placeth this meeting within few lines after, in the confines of Worcester and Herefordshire, and more rightly there; Worcestershire, or the Countrey of the Wiccii confining on the County of Hereford, but border∣ing in no place on the Kingdome of West-sex, the whole County of Glocester be∣ing interposed. So that our Author being mistaken in the place of the meet∣ing, it is no wonder if he stumble at the Monuments and Records thereof. Of one of which he telleth us.

Fuller

Here is more than an Insinuation, as if I in designing the Place of this Meeting, had written something contrary to Truth, and also to my Self, who indeed have exactly followed the best Authors in the Position thereof.

Bede fixeth it [Book 2. Chap. 2.] in confinio Wicciorum & Occidentalium-Saxonum in the confines of Worcestershire Men and West-Saxons; and H. Hun∣tington hath the same words, lib. 3. pag. 323.

Mr. Camden makes the Oake under which they met, in the bor∣ders of Worcester and Here∣fordshire; and Sir Henry Spel∣man doth concur with him there∣in.

If therefore the Interposition of Glocestershire distanceth Worcestershire from confining on the West-Saxons, the Animadvertor ought to have vented his displea∣sure not on Me, but on Bede, and Huntington, whose words I exactly transla∣ted.

May the Reader be pleased to take notice, that Glocestershire, a limitary Coun∣ty, did in that Age belong to three Dominions: That West of Severn (now the Forest of Dean) to the Britans or Welsh; the East part thereof, (chiefly consisting of Cotswold) to the Kingdome of Mercia; and the middle of that County, (along the East of Severn) to the West Saxons, as I have seen in an exquisite Map of the Heptarchy; and this I tender as the most probable Expedient to reconcile learned Authors amongst themselves, and all to the Truth, in bringing Worcestershire and West Saxons together. Thus being critical in stating the Place, and laying the Scene, I hope I shall be the better believed in relating the Acts of this Con∣ference.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 61. That we can part with it without any losse to our selves, and therefore bids it to make shift for its own Authenticalnesse, fol. 60. The Record sleighted thus, is a Memorial of the Answer of the Abbot of Bancor, to Archbishop Austins proposition, communicated by Peter Moston a Welsh Gen∣tleman, to that learned and industrious Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman, and by him placed in his collection of the British and Saxon Councels: Which honour he had never given it, had he not conceived it worthy to deserve that place▪ nor had the Papists used such violence to wrest it from us, without the hope of gaining some what to themselves.

Fuller.

Had I sleighted that Record, I would not have took the pains to have exem∣plyfied it in British and English, and procured a Prime Antiquary of the Welsh to cor∣rect it; I have given the true Valuation thereunto, esteeming it as highly, as Doctor Hammond hath done, thus writing thereof in his Account of H. T. his Ap∣pendix

to the Manual of Controversie concerning the Abbot of Bangors Answer to Augustine,

Page 168.

In case this one Testimony should be demonstrated to be a Simple Imposture, we can unconcernedly and easily part with it, standing in no need of this Auxiliary: And not long after, The acquisitions of this Author [H.T.] hereby, and proportionably out losses must be so unconsiderable.

For the rest I refer my self to my Church-History in this particular passage, and stand ready to justifie the same, as truly and cautiously written:

Dr. Heylin.

But to proceed, this conference being ended without success, there followed not long after the great slaughter of the Monks of Bancor, for which our Author in a merrier humor than becomes the sadnesse of the matter, or the gravity of an Ecclesiastical History, hath caused Austin to be indited, impanelling a Jury, and pro∣ducing his evidence.

Fuller.

I am sensible of no mis-becoming mirth or levity therein. The impanelling of a Iury is one of the most solemn and serious of all the proceedings in our Law; I pre∣ferred this method as the clearest to present all passages to the fancie, and fittest to fix the same in the memory of the Reader.

Dr. Heylin.

Amongst which Matthew Parker, the learned Archbishop of Canterbury, and Iohn Iewel, the renowned Bishop of Salisbury, must be rejected by the Jury as in∣competent witnesses; partly because of their known opposition to the Romish Church; and partly because of their modern writing, almost a thousand years after the matter in fact, fol. 64. And all this done to add the greater honour to Mr. Fox, as Mo∣dern as either of the two, and as averse as either of them from the Church of Rome. But Mr. Fox was Mr. Fox, no friend unto the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, whereas the other two were Bishops and great sticklers for them. This makes our Author magnifie Fox for his moderation, whose moderate testimony (saith he) much moved the whole Court; and as much to condemn the others for the sharpnesse of their expressions against Austin, (whom our Author him∣self reproacheth often for his pride and haughtinesse, fol. 62.) which made them of lesse credit amongst the Jury. A thread of which fine spinning we shall finde frequently interwoven in the whole web of this History; and towards the latter end thereof, not a few whole pieces made of no better yarn. And let the Reader take this with him for a taste of our Authors good affections to the several parties, that it is bare M. Parker and plain Bishop Iewel, without welt or guard, but reve∣rent Mr. Fox by all means; and so let him passe. And let us passe also to the re∣sidue of the Acts of Austin.

Fuller.

1. I did not expect that the Animadvertor, being of Magdalens in Oxford, would have been offended to have heard his Collegiate (Mr. Fox) to be com∣mended.

2. The testimonies of Archbishop Parker and Bishop Iewell are (to hold the Ballance indifferently) the lesse valued, Because in some sort they were parties, as who (in their Writings) had engaged themselves in this present Controversie, whilest Mr. Fox stands Neu••er as to this particular Controversie.

3. Though the Animadvertor be pleased to entitle him noe friend to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, give me leave to add, and he was no fierce foe against them; But Mr. Fox was Mr. Fox, and Dr. Heylin is Dr. Heylin.

4. As Mr. Fox hath now the casual favour of my Pen to be epithited Reverent,

so afterwards without welt or guard, he is plainly called * 1.16 Iohn Fox. The Animad∣vertor in this his sleight Note, reaping what was not purposely sowen, will finde little food in what He reaps.

Lastly, Bishop Iewel hath his large and due character of commendation (with all honourable Additions with advantage) in due * 1.17 place: So also hath Archbishop Parker, on the same token, that in my History of * 1.18 Cambridge, I cleer him from the scandalous insinuation of Bryan Twine; Si illis standum sit, &c. suggesting some unworthy suspicions, as if he had falsified Mathew Paris in his Edition thereof.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 66. Who all this while was very industrious, and no lesse successfull in converting the Saxons to the Christian faith: Insomuch that a certain Author reporteth, how in the River Swale neer Richmond in Yorkshire, he in one day baptized above ten thousand.] The certain Author whom he means, is an old fragment of a namelesse Author, cited by Camden, fol. 136. who tells the sto∣ry otherwise than our Anthor doth: For though the Fragment tell us, that the River was called Swale, yet that it was the River Swale neer Richmond in York∣shire, is the addition of our Author. That there is a River of that name neer Rich∣mond is affirmed by Camden,* 1.19 who withall telleth us,

That it was reputed very sacred amongst the ancient English, for that in it, when the English-Saxons first embraced Christianity, there were in one day baptized with festival joy by Paulinus the Archbishop of York, above ten thousand Men besides Women and little Children.

Of Austins baptizing in this River, not one word saith he. Neither doth Beda touch upon it, as certainly he would have done, had there been ground for it. And therefore if I may have leave to venture my opinion, I shall concur with the old fragment as to the name of the River, and yet not carry Austin out of Kent, & much less into Richmondshire to perform that office. For when we find in Camden that the Medway falling into the Thames,* 1.20 is divided by the Isle of Sheppey into two great branches, of which the one is called East Swale, the other West-Swale, I see no reason why we should look any where else for that River Swale mentioned in the old fragment, which before we spake of. But herein I must submit my self to more able judgements. The place agreed on, we should next inquire into the numbers, but that our Author seems to grant as much as the fragment craveth.

Fuller.

I could heartily wish that all the Animadvertors Book had consisted of such mat∣ter, then had it been greater though less, I mean bigger in benefit, though smaller in Bulk, and more instructive to the Reader thereof. I did not before take notice of either East or West-Swale in Kent, and now prosesse my self the Animadvertors Convert in this point, agreeing with him, that this grand-Baptizing (if done by St. Austin) was done in the place by him specified.

But this still doth more and more confirm me in my judgement, that Austin advanced never into Yorkshire, and that the conversion of the Northumbrians was the work of Paulinus and others.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 66. If so many were baptized in one day, it appears plainly, that in that age the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those superstitious Ceremonies, as essential thereunto, of crossing, spittle, Oyl, Cream, Salt, and such like Trinkets.] Our Author here reckoneth the signe of the Crosse in Baptism amongst the vain trinkets, and superstitious Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, and thereby utterly condemneth the Church of England, which doth not onely require it in her Rubricks, but also pleads for it in her Canons. Not as essen∣tial to that Sacrament (the Papists not making Spittle, Oyle, Cream, Salt, &c. to be essential thereunto, as our Author saith) but onely for a signe significative, in token

that the party signed shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of Christ crucified,* 1.21 and manfully to fight under his Banner, against sin, the world, and the Devil, and to con∣tinue Christs faithfull soldier and servant unto his lives end. A Ceremony not so new as to be brought within the compass of Popish Trinkets, though by them abu∣sed, For when the point was agitated in the Conference at Hampton Court,* 1.22 and that it was affirmed by some of the Bishops, that the Crosse in Baptism was used in the time of Constantine; Dr. Reynolds, the most able man of the opposite party, who had before acknowledged it to have been in use in other cases, from the very times of the Apostles, had not one word to say against it. And to say truth, no man of modesty and learning, could have spoke against it, when it was proved so clearly by Dr. Andrews then Dean of Westminster out of Tertullian, Cyprian, Origen, (each of which died long time before Constantines birth) to have been used in immortali Lavacro, in that blessed Sacrament. That good old saying of Tertullian, Caro signetur, ut anima muniatur, may serve once for all. And there∣fore when our Author telleth us in the following words, that in that age nothing was used with Baptism, but Baptism, it must be considered as a smack of that old leaven which more and more will sowre the lump of his whole discourse. We have already had a taste of it in the very first Book, we finde a continuance of it here, and we shall see more of it hereafter; our Author not being coy in shewing his good affections not onely to the persons of the Non-conformists, but their incon∣formity; not to the men onely, but their Doctrines and Opinions also. And this is that which we must trust to in the whole course of this History.

Fuller.

This Objection hath been answered at large in the Introduction, and here I in∣tend no repetition, onely desiring the Reader to take notice of those my words, as ESSENTIAL thereunto.

Let me add that a * 1.23 Curse is pronounced on those who remove the Land-marks, and it falleth most heavy on them who remove the limits in Gods worship, (as being Boundaries of highest Consequence,) turn MAY into MUST, convenient into ne∣cessary, Ornamental into Essential.

I have as high an Esteem for the Cross in Baptisme as the Animadvertor Him∣self, so long as it observes the due distance of an Ancient and Significant Ceremo∣ny, and intrudes not it self as Essential. A Chain of Gold is an eminent Ornament about the Neck, but it may be drawn so close, as to choak and strangle the wearer thereof. And in like manner Ceremonies, though decent and usefull, when pre∣tending to Essentiality, become (as Luther saith) Carnificinae Conscientiae, and there∣fore justly may we beware thereof.

Dr. Heylin.

Having now done with the Acts of Austin, we shall not keep our selves to so continued a discourse as before we did, but take our Authors Text by piecemeal, as it comes before us, and making such Animadversions on the same, as may best serve to rectifie the story and maintain the truth, as namely, Fol. 65. Thus the Ita∣lian, Spanish, and French, Daughters or Neeces to the Latine, are generated from the corruption thereof.] This is (I grant) the common and received opinion; but yet, me thinks, our Author who loves singularities, should not vouchsafe to travel on the publique Road.

Fuller.

In my passage to heaven, I desire to goe in the narrow path, and decline the broad way which leadeth to destruction:* 1.24 But on earth I love to travel the common and beaten road, as easiest to finde, and wherein (if wrong, or at a losse,) one may soonest finde company to guide and direct him.

If I should travel over the Animadvertors several at Laceys-Court, I have cause to suspect he would sue me for pedibus ambulando; And it is hard, if also he will not let me goe (without carping at me) in the high-way or publique road.

I build nothing on the high-way (so to trespasse upon the Lord of the Soil) but onely peaceably passe along it: I mean, I make no inferences or deductions from this received opinion, I derive no consequence thence. All that I doe, is to gain just advantage thereby to honour the Welsh tongue, by shewing that it is no Daugh∣ter or Neece (like the Italians, Spanish, and French) but a Mother and original Lan∣guage, and might justly have expected thanks rather than censure, from the Ani∣madvertor for my pains, seeing he delighteth to derive himself from British extraction.

Dr. Heylin.

For in my minde it is affirmed with better reason by our learned Brerewood, That those tongues have not sprung from the corruption of the Latine,* 1.25 by the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in those Provinces, but from the first imperfect impressi∣on and receiving of it in those forein Countries. For the Latine tongue was never so ge∣nerally received in any of the conquered Provinces out of Italy, as to be spoken or∣dinarily by the common people; the Gentry and Nobility might be perfect in it, for the better dispatch of their Affairs with the Roman Magistrates, who had the Government and Lieutenancy in their several Countries. And some taste of it might be found with the Vulgar also, who having continual intercourse with the Roman Souldiers, and some recourse for Trade to the Roman Colonies, could not but get a smattering of the Latine tongue. Just so the Gentry and Nobility both in Wales and Ireland, are trained up for the same reasons in the English tongue; which notwithstanding could never get the mastery of the natural Languages, or gain much ground on those of inferior quality. Secondly, had these National Languages proceeded from the depravation of the Latine tongue, by the mixture of the barbarous Nations, it must needs follow, that the Italian had not now been the language of all people in Italy, nor the French of all the Nations which inha∣bit France: & sic de caeteris. My reason is, because the Heruli, being setled in those parts, which we now call Piedmont, the Longobards more towards the East, the Goths about the middle parts, the Saracens and Greeks in the Realm of Naples, there must needs be as many distinct Languages in that one Continent, as there were barbarous Nations planted in it, or at the least such different Dialects, as could be scarce intelligible unto one another. Whereas it is certainly and most plainly known, that there is onely one Language spoken in all that Countrey, equally understood by all, without so much as any sensible difference in pronun∣ciation; more than is usual in all places between the Countrey Villages and the neighbouring Citizens. The like may be affirmed of the ancient Gallia, planted on the East-side of the Loyre by the Burgundians; on the West-side of that River, and towards the Mediterranean, the Pyrenies and the Aquitan Ocean by the Gothish Nations, in most other parts of it by the Franks; and yet all speaking (with very little difference) the same one Language, which from the most predominant People we now call the French. More to this purpose might be said, were not this sufficient.

Fuller.

In this my Expression, that the Italian, Spanish, and French, are * 1.26 Generated from the Corruption of the Latin, the Animadvertor layeth not so much weight on the term GENERATED, as on the word CORRUPTION; whereas indeed whatsoe∣ver is Generated, must be by the Corruption [in some kinde] of that whereof it is begotten.

Corruption importeth (as currant in common discourse) the abasing of a thing from the purity thereof: Now it is all one in Effect, and equally doth my work, to dignifie the British as an Original, above those three Languages, if they came from the imperfect Impression or Reception of the Latin, which may be reduced to the Corruption thereof. Thus the Siboleth of the * 1.27 Ephraimites, may in proprieiy of phrase, be said to have had its rise and being from the Corruption [viz. natural mis∣pronunciation] of the Hebrew word Shiboleth. As for the Animadvertors long

discourse of the irruption of Barbarous, I will return an answer when at better lei∣sure, beholding my self as utterly unconcerned therein.

Let me ad a passage from the mouth of a person present thereat: Bishop Willi∣ams Lord Keeper could speak the Spanish very well; but knowing how much it concerned a Minister of State to be perfect Master of his Tongue, declined it in all Negotiations, Now Gondomar in a State-passage, desired Him to speak Spanish, and on the Bishops refusal thereof, My Lord (said the Don) doe but spoil your good, turning it into scurvy Latin, and it will make as good Spanish as any in the World. It seems he was of my Mind in this present Controversie.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Ibid. The Hebrew the common Tongue of the whole world, before it was inclos'd (that is to say, divided) into several Languages.] An Opinion as common as the other, and as weakly grounded, such as I marvel at in our Au∣thor, who having traveld over all the Holy-Land, should have been better studied in the true nature and original of the Holy-Tongue.

Fuller.

It is strongly grounded on convincing arguments, as God willing shall soon appear.

The Animadvertors marvelling why I am no better studied in the nature and original of the Hebrew Tongue, who (as he saith) have travelled over the Holy-Land, moveth me more to admire, that he himself should be so utterly ignorant in the Brasilian, Mexican, Aethiopian, Persian, Indian, and Tartarian Tongues; but especially in the China language, one letter whereof he did never understand, al∣though he hath written a general Geographie of the whole world.

Dr. Heylin.

Nor is it the opinion onely, that this Tongue was spoken universally before the Flood, and even in Paradise it self in the state of Innocency, but that it shall be spo∣ken in the Celestial Paradise, the language of the Saints in glory.

Fuller.

I will not ingage my self in such a point of meer curiosity; yet is it not impro∣bable, that it might be spoken in Paradise, seeing the word Paradise, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek, is borrowed, as Criticks confesse, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Hebrew word. Besides, it is not probable that Adam lost his Language with his Innocence; and that he sp••ke Hebrew after his fall, shall immediatly be proved.

Lesse will I trouble my self what Language the glorified Saints shall speak in Heaven, though I am sure that Halaluijah, praise ye the Lord, is pure Hebrew. When people report unto us improbable passages from forain far distant Coun∣tries, we commonly return, That it is better to beleeve them, than to goe thither to confute them. But if any have over confidently affirmed, that the Saints in glorie shall speak Hebrew, let us rather labour to goe thither to confute them, than here to believe them. Mean time let us here take heed of the malicious language of Detra∣ction against our Brethren, and of scurrilous and profane Language, whereby Piety may be dishonoured.

Dr. Heylin.

Insomuch that some good women of my old acquaintance, were once very ea∣gerly bent to learn this Language, for fear (as I conceive) they should not chat in handsomly when they came to heaven.

Fuller.

The Doctors Book bears the title of NECESSARY Animadversions; But if this be one, let it even serve the Reader for his NECESSARY use.

Indeed I have read of Cato, who having heard some Philosophers maintain that

the Heathen gods spake Greek in Heaven, being past sixtie years old, he began to learn the Greek, that after death he might the better converse with them; a pro∣ject and practise proportionable enough to Pagan principles: The analogy where∣of is too applyable to some prophane mouthes of our age, who by execrable oaths and Curses practise aforehand to blaspheme, rendring themselves (without their serious and seasonable repentance) in a neerer capacity to discourse with the De∣vils and Damned in Hell. But of chatting of Hebrew in Heaven, this is the first, and I hope it shall be the last time I shall meet with the expression.

Dr. Heylin.

Now for the ground thereof, it is no other than an old Iewish Tradition, im∣porting, that this being the common Language of all people before the Flood, was afterwards appropriated unto Phaleg (the son of Heber) and to his Posterity, because not present with the rest at the bullding of Babel, and consequently not within the curse of confounded Languages.* 1.28 But against this it is disputed; first that it is but a Tradition, and therefore of no sure foundation to build upon.

Fuller.

Before we come to the serious examination of the point in hand, I would sain be satisfied what means this marginal note, (Heylins Cosmographie, page 19.) What? Doth he alledge himself to prove his own opinion; my bad Heraldry was never guilty of such a fault, metal upon metal.

Now that the Hebrew was the common Tongue of the world, before the Confusion at Babel, is more than a meer Tradition, being back•• with many Authorities and un∣answerable Arguments.

Of Authorities, we begin with St. Hierom, one who is many Authors in this Point (because of his great and general skil in Languages) and who in his Comment on Zephany, chapt. 3.18. affirmeth, Linguam Hebraicam omnium Linguarum esse Matricem, that the Hebrew is the Mother of all Languages. St. Augustine, lib. 10. cap. 1 de Civitate Dei, Quae prius humano generi non immerito creditur esse communis, ideo deinceps Hebreae est nuncupata.

To these I will add a Iury of publike Professors, all of Eminent note, since the reviving of Languages in the Western world.

• 1. Mercerus, Professor Parisiensis Re∣gis, in Gen. 11. 1.
• 2. D. Pareus, Prof. Heidelberg. in eun∣dum locum.
• 3. Rivetus, Prof. Leiden. Isay c. 4.
• 4. Crinesius, Prof. Aldorphini Noricor. de confusione Linguarum, pag. 4.17.
• 5. Ioh. Buxtorfius senior, in Epist. ded. Thesauri Grammat.
• 6. Ioh. Buxtorfius junior, Prof. Basil. de origine Primigeniae Lingua, in 4¹⁰.
• 7. Glassius, Prof. Ienae, lib. 4. tract. 3. de nomine proprio, pag. 775.
• 8. Polyander, Prof. Leid. Orat. 18. in laudem linguae Hebraae, pag. 296, 297.
• 9. Tremellius, Profess. Heb. Linguae, Cantabrigia.
• 10. Fr. Iunius, Prof. Heidelberg. in Gen. 11.1. Urbis iisdem, &c.
• 11. Whitakerus, Prof. Cantab. Con∣trov. 1. quaest: 2. de script.
• 12. Christ. * 1.29 Beckman, de prop. voc. significatione, pag. 30.

These Authorities are seconded with convincing Arguments. Not to insist on some Ruines and Reliques of Hebrew, scattered in all ancient Languages (and there∣fore Io. Scaliger hath his last (as surest) recourse to it in his Quest after the origina∣iion of Words) Names imposed on Persons before the Confusion of Tongues, are by the Spirit in Scripture (the best Interpreter) made to speak pure Hebrew.

Not to instance in Adam, notoriously known for red Earth, we take no∣tice of,

• 1. Eve * 1.30 or Chavah, so called by her husband, Because she was the Mother of all living, and there is life enough in her Name to justifie it.
• 2. Cain * 1.31, so called by his Mother, rejoycing that she had gotten a Man, and the

• word signifieth a Possession, though therein She (with many other parents, abused by their own over-affection) promised her self more happiness than was performed.
• 3. SETH * 1.32, so named by his mother, for God (said she) hath APPOINTED me another seed, &c. and signifieth one put, placed, or constituted.
• 4. Noah * 1.33, so named by his Father, because this son (said he) shall comfort us, &c. as the word doth import.
• 5. Peleg * 1.34, the son of Heber, may be presumed born at or immediatly after the divisions of the World into Languages, and Colonies, and brooks division in his name.

It is not to be expected that all the whole sentence (spoken by their parents) should be completely contained in their name, but onely that the most operative, emphatical, and expressive word, should appear therein.

I am not ignorant that Goropius Becanus in his Book, which is rather smiled at for the wit, than approved for the judgement therein, deriveth all words from the German or Dutch Tongue. An handsome and prety Essay, but I believe that the Animadvertor is not of his opinion.

It is one thing here and there to take a name, and to make it countenance such a sense; and another thing to charge through and through, so as all names may be de∣monstrated Hebrew in persons born before the confusion of Babel.

How vain would He prove himself, who from the name of AHIMAN * 1.35 (one of the giant sons of Anak) and from some correspondency of height in our Lan∣guage, would thence infer, that English was the ancient Tongue spoken in the Land of Canaan.

But I have stayed too long on this discourse, and refer the rest unto Doctor Brian Walton, who in his Preface unto the last and very laborious and judicious Edition of the Hebrew and many-languag'd Bible, hath no lesse learnedly than copi∣ously handled this Subject.

Dr. Heylin.

And secondly, that it is such a Tradition, as holds no good coherence with the truth of Story, it being a most clear and demonstrative truth, that the Hebrew tongue was not the Language which Abraham brought with him out of Chaldea and Mesopotamia, but that which he found spoken in the Land of Canaan at his coming thither, to which both he and his posterity did conform themselves. Or had it been the Language of Heber, as they say it was, (but most undoubtedly was not) yet, thirdly, had this been a priviledge conferred on Heber, that he and his posterity should speak the Original Language without alteration or corruption, it must have been extended to all those of the house of Iocktan, which descend from him; as also to the house of Laban in Padan-Aram, and to the Moabites, and the Ammonites, as the seed of Lot; and finally to the Madianites, Ishmaelites, and Idu∣maeans, descended of Abraham and Esau; and not be limited and confined onely to the House of Iacob. Now that the language which afterwards was and still is called by the name of the Hebrew, was spoken vulgarly in the Land of Canaan be∣fore the coming of Abraham thither, is not affirmed by Brerewood onely, but by Scaliger, Grotius, Vossius, Bochartus, (all of them men of great renown for their learned studies) and by many others of this age. By most of which it is affirmed also, that the name of Hebrews was given unto them by the people of Canaan, not in regard of their descent from Heber the father of Phaleg, but from Abrahams passing over the River Euphrates, when he came out of Chaldaea with his Family to dwell amongst them; that name in the Canaanitish language signifying as much as trajiciens or transfluvialis; and therefore not unfitly given by them to Abraham at his first coming thi••her. And if the Hebrew (as we now call it) was that Holy Language which was spoken in Paradise, continued by the Patriarchs before the Flood, and after to the building of Babel; it must needs seem infinitely strange, that it should be reserv'd onely amongst the Canaanites, accursed in the person of Ca∣naan (their common Parent) by his Grandfather Noah, and so abominated by God for their filthy wickednesses, that he resolv'd to spew them out of their Na∣tive

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

Country, as in fine he did. Or if Abraham brought it with him also, when he came into the Land of Canaan, he must needs leave it behinde him also amongst the Chaldees, where he was born, and where his Ancestors had dwelt before their removal unto Haran. And yet we know that the Hebrew Tongue was so different from the Chaldean, that when the Iews returned from the Captivity of Babylon, where they had been accustomed to, and bred up for the most part in the Chal∣dean Language, they could not understand the very words of the Hebrew Text without an Interpreter, as is apparant in the eighth chapter of Nehemiah, vers. 7.8. But of this Argument enough, let us now goe forward.

Fuller.

There be Three distinct Questions, which the Animadvertor doth purposely huddle together for his own advantage.

• 1. Whether the Hebrew was the common Tongue of the old World.
• 2. Whether the Hebrew was so preserved in the posterity of Heber, and so con∣fined to his Family, that no other communicated therein.
• 3. Whether Abraham did bring the Hebrew Tongue into the Land of Canaan, or rather found it there, as spoken formerly by the Natives thereof.

Such as maintain the first, of the Coevity of the Hebrew with the World and Man∣kind, are not necessarily obliged to defend the two latter.

I said and onely said, (as neither inforcing it, nor inferring any thing thence) that the Hebrew was the common Tongue of the world, and have proved it. The rest I am ready to say, so soon as the affirming thereof shall lye in my way, or make for my work, and then (God willing) I will defend my positions. Til then I will gratifie the Animadvertor with no other Answer; and that for these reasons: 1. To shew my own liberty, that I am free born, and not bound to lacquey after his Animadversions when I have no businesse of my own. 2. To wean him from mo∣rosenesse, by not indulging too much to his humor therein. Lastly, to spare time, my own, and the Readers pains now, that we may the more seasonably spend them hereafter, on matter of more importance.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 69. As Pitseus a Catholick Writer would have it.] A Roman Catholicke if you will, but no catholick Writer. And much I wonder, that an Author so averse from the Church of Rome, should give the Title of Catholick to a stickler in the Romish Quarrel; though others of lesse zeal and prudence doe commonly but inconsiderately bestow it on them, A Title which they take with joy,* 1.36 and from thence suck unto themselves no small advantage. Adeo probanda est Ecclesia nostra à nomine Catholici, quod extorquet etiam ab invitis Haereticis, as is bragged by Barclay. But as Pope Gregory pleading against the Patriarch of Constan∣tinople, who had then assum'd unto himself the name of Oecumenical Bishop; ad∣vertiseth all the rest of that sacred Order; Si ille est Universalis, restat ut vos non sitis Episcopi:* 1.37 so may I say with reference to the present case. By gra••ifying these men with the name of Catholicks, we doe unwittingly confesse our selves to be no Christians, or at least but Hereticks.

Fuller.

Had I called Pits a Roman Catholick, then the Animadvertor would have char∣ged me with a contradiction, of a particular general. To clear all, Catholick shall be deleted in the next Edition, and Papist placed in the room thereof.

It is no great wonder if my Pen, perusing many Authors of the Romish perswa∣sion, hath got a smatch of their language. But the danger is the lesse, seeing the Animadvertor will be my compurgator, that my judgement is not inclined to their erronious Opinions. However, he might have omitted this Note, who in his book against Mr. Sanderson, calleth the whole Lump of English Papists, the Catholick Party; as also he termeth them so in his View of the Life of King Charles,

Page 27. the two first lines.

A necessity lay on Prince Charles (then in Spain) of keeping at that time a plausible correspondency with the Catholick PARTY.

Nor can He justly condemn that in Me, which He committeth in himself.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 76. Oxford lays claim to the Antiquites of ••reke∣lade and Lechlade, two ancient Schools of Greek and Latine, as some would have it, remov'd afterwards to Oxford, &c.] The like we finde fol. 117. where our Author telleth us of two Towns on the banks of the Isis▪ the one call'd Greekelade, in which the Greek, the other Lechlade, or Latinlade, in which the Latin Tongue was taught by Philosophers.* 1.38 Most miserably mistaken in both places. For though ••rekelade, or Grekelade may import a study of Greek Philosophers, as some are ready to be∣lieve, yet certainly Lechlade in no Language will signifie the like study of the La∣tine Tongue. The Countrey people (as it seems) doe better understand them∣selves than our Author doth. Amongst whom there is a common Tradition, that ••rekelade was a University of Greek Philosophers, Lechlade of Leches, or Physici∣ans, as the name doth intimate▪ and Lat••en, a small Village betwixt both, to be the place of study for the Latin Tongue. But though the people are mistaken in the Etymon of the name of Lechlade, yet are they not so far out as our Author is, in making Lechlade or Latinlade, to be both the same place and of the same signifi∣cation; whereas in truth that Town is si•• denominated from the River Lech, which arising in the Hills Cotswold, passeth first by Northlech, from thence to Eastlech, and finally falleth into the Thames neer St. Iohns-bridge in this Parish of Lechlade. As for the University of Oxford, which from hence took beginning, as our Author hath it, and the antiquity thereof, I shall not meddle at the present, though our Author, forgetting the Subject which he was to write of, takes all oc∣casions to hook in every old Tradition, (though lesse probably grounded) to ju∣stifie the seniority of the younger Sister.

Fuller.

I live and learn, being in this particular beholden to the Animadvertor. It seems there be three places neer one another,

• 1. ••reeklad, where Greek, are reported professed.
• 2. Le••ch-lade, where Physick, are reported professed.
• 3. Latten, where Latin, are reported professed.

The last of these I never heard of before, and since have never seen in any Map [Shoxtons, Camdens, Speeds;] so that it seems an inconsiderable Village. Howe∣ver my next Edition, God willing, shall be reformed accordingly. And yet I might justly discount this my mistake, and make it goe for nothing, by setting another of the Animadvertors over against it, when in the close of his last Note he informeth us, that the River Lech falleth into the Thames in the Parish of Lechlade: Whereas Thames is more than eighteen miles from Lech-lade by Land, (and thirty by water) not taking the name until the confluence of Tame with Isis, neer to Dorchester in Oxfordshire. This small Error I had passed over in silence; but because I have to doe with an Adversary, who lyeth at catch for the least advantage, and therefore he ought not to be offended, if I return him the same measure I receive from him.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 78. Del••a, whence, some say, Deirham or Durham, lay betwixt Tues and Humber.] More out of this, than in his Lech-lade or Latin-lade, which before we had. For first Durham is not so called quasi Deirham.

Fuller.

It seems that the Animadvertor playeth alwayes at In and In, and I, alas, at Out and Out; But herein I am not out one hairs breadth, as soon will appear.

Dr. Heylin.

Our learned Antiquary gives us a better and more certain derivation of it.

The River (saith he) as though it purposed to make an Island, compasseth al∣most on every side, the chief City of this Province, standing on a Hill, whence the Saxons gave it the name of Dunholm. For as you may gather out of Bede, they called an Hill Dun, and a River-Island Holme. Hereof the Latine Writers have made Dunelmum, the Normans, Duresme; but the common people most corruptly Durham.

Fuller.

Our learned Antiquary (though here not named) doth name himself even Mr. Cam∣den. I ever did and doe believe, that he giveth the true Denomination of Durham, so called from Dunholm.

But let me ad, that I may lawfully, without the least fault, give in also another etymologie, (though not true, yet probable) which I meet with in perusing of seve∣ral Writers.

Mercator, in his Description of Italy, saith some will have it so called quasi Vitalie, from the fairest and fattest Calves bred therein, though I believe that he himself did not believe it to be true, but onely relates it as he found it in Festus. I may challenge the like liberty of presenting etymologies of places, as tendred to me by other Authors.

Dr. Heylin.

But secondly (which marrsall the matter) the Bishoprick of Durham was not in the Kingdome of Deira, as being wholly situate on the North side of the Tees, and consequently part of the Realm of Bernicia, which makes our Authors mistake in another place, fol. 51. the more remarkable, where speaking of the Kingdome of Deira, he gives us this Comment in the Margin, (viz.) What this day is the Bisho∣prick of Deirham or Durham.

Fuller.

Be it here rather repeated than inserted, that in the Saxon Heptarchy, limitary Counties, did march and retreat, dilated and contracted by their Princes success.

As for the Bishoprick of Durham, (though sometimes it might belong to Ber∣nicia) yet generally it was the North-east boundary of the Kingdome of DEIRA, as in the Archbishop of Armagh doth plainly appear,

De Brit. Eccles. primord pag. 395.

Deiri possessed

• ...Lancashire,
• ...Yorkshire,
• ...Westmorland,
• ...Camberland,
• ...Bishoprick of Durham.

Let me add, that He is as exact (even to fractions) as any who ever wrote of the partage of the Saxon Heptarchy.

Dr. Heylin.

But as long as some say so, all is well, though who those some are (except our Author) I can no where finde. Onely I find, that as it is held necessary for a No body to be in all great Houses, to bear the blame of such mischances as by the careles∣ness

of servants and inconsideratenesse, doe too often happen; so is it no lesse necessary, that there should be a some-body also in all great undertakings to bear the blame of such misfortunes as our Adventurers at wit doe as often meet with.

Fuller.

What if Hee can no where finde it, doth it therefore follow, that it is not to be found? Will he presume that his own reading is adequate to things being?

This No-body, so much derided by the Animadvertor, will at last appear some-body, even Mr. Iohn Fox,

Acts & Mon. pag. 149. last Edition.

Deira, a part of North-Saxons, whereof, as it is thought, that which we now call Deirham taketh his name.

Thus, Reader, I have discharged my self from all appearance of fault, by pro∣ducing my Author, a learned and able Historian, how meanly soever the Ani∣madvertor may be pleased to esteem him.

Dr. Heylin.

And such a some-body as this, our Author hath found out to be the father of ano∣ther conceit of his concerning Teyburn (that I may take in this also whilest it is in my minde) of which he tells us lib. 4. fol. 168. That some have deduced the etymo∣logie of Teyburn from Ty and Burn; because forsooth the Lord Cobham was there hang'd and burnt. Whereas indeed it was so named from the Tey, or Teybourn, a small Brook passing neer unto it in the former times. Which Brook or Bourn arising nor far from Padington, hath since been drawn into several Conduits for the use of the City.

Fuller.

I have heard of the Animadvertors etymologie, and believe it probable. I have also been informed from good Antiquaries, that the true name is Twey-BORN, from two little Brooks (wherewith it is insulated in the Winter) running neer to it.

The deduction of Tye-BORN, alias I BURN, from burning of Lollards, I pro∣test I did read in Harpsfield, and it is none of my own invention.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 69. A place so marked, being foretold fortunate to Aeneas to found Alba (since Rome) therein.] A passage as well stor'd with Errors as the rest before, and such a piece of fine new learning, as never any Antiquary had found out till now. For first, Aeneas was not the founder of Alba, though that the place design'd unto him for the seat of his Kingdom. The building of that City was the work of Ascanius, as we finde in Virgil.

At puer Ascanius — Regnum{que} à sede Lavini Transferet, & longam multa vi muniet Albam.

That is to say,

Ascanius from Lavinum shall translate To Alba strongly fenc'd, the Regal State.

And secondly Alba was not built in the place where Rome since stood, but duede∣cimo ab Urbe lapide, about twelve miles off. For though the River Tiber in some ancient Writers hath the name of Albula, yet I never found in any Writer either old or new (till I incounterd it in our Author) that Rome was anciently called Alba.

Fuller.

Rather than any difference shall arise betwixt us about this matter, the Paren∣thesis [since Rome] shall be altered into [neer Rome] and then I hope all shall be right and strait beyond exception.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 104. It is admirable to consider what Sholes of People were formely vented out of Cimbrica Chersonesus, take it in the largest ex∣tent, for Denmark, Norway, and Swedeland.] And in the largest extent it is taken indeed, such as no Author ever gave it before this time. The Cimbrick Cherso∣nese, truly and properly so call'd, comprehended onely those parts of the King∣dome of Denmark which we now call Iuitland, divided by the River Eydore from the Dukedome of Holstein. Ortelius, and some late Geographers make it to take up all that Languet, or piece of Land on the North of Germany, extended from the River Albis in the South, and stretching Northward to that part of the Ocean which leads into the narrow Strait, or passage now called Sundt. But never any till our Author, extended this name over those great Kingdoms of Denmark, Nor∣way, and Swedeland, or unto any part of either beyond the Sundt. And yet he had need stretch it a great deal further before he can finde place in it for his Huns, and Vandals; of which the first inhabited in Asia, beyond the Fens of Maeotis; the last upon the Coast of the Baltick Sea in Germany, now the Dukedom of Mecklen∣burg.

Fuller.

That Denmark, Norway, and Swedeland are a Chersonesus, or almost an Island, the Animadvertor will not deny. But that I called them the Cimbrian Chersonese, cannot clearly be collected from those my words, take it in the largest extent; which amount onely to a Concession, to such who have a mind so to accept it, and to extend the bounds thereof.

Here plainly to discover my judgement, I conceive that those Sholes of People, did not, and yet did, come out of the Cimbrick Chersonese, in the strickt and true ac∣ception thereof.

They did not, that is, they came not thence, as having all their birth therein. Iuitland, not so big as Yorkshire, and the Languet the Animadvertor speaks of, not bigger than Wales, being Hives too little to hold such swarmes and Cas••es of People.

Yet I believe they did come out of that Chesonese immediatly, it being most probable, that out of the opposite Continent of Norway and Swedland, they crossed the Baltick-Sea, being narrowest thereabouts, and so came into Iuitland, and thence Inunded the most of Europe.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 125. Datum in Grantecestria, Anno ab incarnatione Domini 915. venerabili Fratri Frithstano, Civitatis Scolarium Cantabrig. Cancella∣rio, & Doctori per suum, &c.] These words are the conclusion of an ancient Char∣ter, suppos'd to have been given to the Scholars of Cambridge by King Edward the elder; against which our Author fancies one objection, which he thinks easie to be answered, but utterly leaves out another, which I think unanswerable. The objection which our Author makes against it, is the barbarous style and language of it; which if it be a good objection against this Charter, will be as strong against all the Charters of this age, as some ages following in which there was but little of the Elegancies of the Latine tongue. And therefore this objection might have well been spared, but that our Author would be thought to deal very equally in the business, by saying all that might be said against himself.

Fuller.

I plead my last General Answer, discharging my self, because I did there charge

my Margin with two Authors (besides Clareball in Cambridge, where this Charter is extant) Thomas Rudburn, and Iohn Rouse of Warwick. I did not engage with any earnestness for the Charter, per me si non VALEAT, VALEAT. Yet let me add, that following Arguments of the Animadvertor, are so farre from shattering, they doe not shake the credit thereof.

Dr. Heylin.

But yet I have another objection which he takes no notice of, because not so easie to be answered; which is, that Frithstan (whatsoever he was) is here honour∣ed with the degree of Doctor, and the title of Chancellor. But first I would fain know where Frithstan took the degree of Doctor, and in what faculty he took it; that title in those early dayes being so unusual, as hardly to be found amongst the Attributes of the learnedst men. Secondly, I conceive it to be very hard, I had almost said impossible, for him to prove, that the chief Officer of Cambridge, (admitting it at that time for a place of learning) had the name of Chancellor. When I shall see some proof of this, and some satisfaction, I shall give some cre∣dit to the Charter, till then, none at all.

Fuller.

The name of Doctor is threefold, first, for a Teacher at large, extant in Scrip∣ture, Art thou a * 1.39 Doctor in Israel, and knows not these things?

Secondly, as a title of Dignity fixed by a Society of learned men, on some emi∣nent person amongst them.

Thirdly, for one solemnly and ceremoniously graduated by a Professor in some particular faculty, and the word in this sense is not of so great seniority.

I take Doctor in this Charter in the second acception thereof.

And here I cannot but commend the warinesse of the Animadvertors words, that the Title of Doctor is hardly to be found in those early dayes. He hath read the Rule of Grammarians, Quod fere fit, non fit; quod vix fit, fit; what is almost done, is not done; what is scarcely or hardly done, is done. He knew that the Title of Doctor began to come into request in that Age.

Thus Bale and Pits (but both of them, as they confesse; taking their word from a better Antiquary, I. Leland) writing of BRIDFERTUS, contemporary with our Frithstun in the same Generation, dying about the year 980.

Monachus & DOCTOR Anglus in Coenobio Ramsiensi.

As for the name Chancellor, it was (as in Sir H. Spelman his Glossary doth ap∣pear) used at and before this time by the Saxons for a prime officer (though gene∣rally the Secretary) and therefore no such improbability that the Chief of Cam∣bridge might be so denominated.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 139. Cambridgshire men claim an ancient (now an∣tiquated) priviledge to lead the Van in all Battels.] Zealous alike, not onely for the University, but the County of Cambridge, his zeal in both transporting him be∣yond his knowledge into dark adventures. Some Authors he pretends to for the University, for this priviledge none, telling us onely that he hath read it, though he know not where. But I can tell him when and where I have read the contra∣ry, that is to say, in learned Camden, who ascribes this honour to the Kentish. For this he cites not onely the authority of a namelesse Monk, but the words of Iohannes Saruburiensis in his Polycraticon, which are these that follow, For good desert (saith he) of that notable valour which Kent shewed so puissantly and patiently against the Danes,* 1.40 it retaineth still unto these dayes in all Battails the first and foreward, yea and of the first conflict with the Enemy. And if this priviledge was given the Kentish for their valour shew'd against the Danes, it could neither be given to the

men of Cambridgshire, as our Author would, nor on the same occasion as he saith it was.

Fuller.

I have read, that when at the taking of a City by the Romans, two soldiers con∣tended for the CROWN-MURAL, (each pleading he first scaled the walls) that the General caused two Crowns-Mural to be made, affirming that on serious examina∣tion of all circumstances, both appeared to him mounting the walls in the same mo∣ment; and so rewarding them both, prevented a Mutiny of part-taking in the Army.

This controversie is not capable of the same expedient, seeing one cannot make two VANS at once in the same Army, yet may we distinguish of several Times, and accommodate the contest.

King Arthur in his time, gave the conduct of the Front to the Cornish,

Nobilis * 1.41 Arthurus nobis dat primitus ictum.

Cambridgeshire might afterwards have that honour conferred on them, the words of * 1.42 Brimpton, though not cleaving the pin, touch the mark in this point, Unde Anglis regnantibus laus CANTABRIGIENSIS PROVINCIAE splendide flo∣rebat.

Yet the dignity being but tempory, and disposable at the Princes pleasure, in re∣ward of new Services, the Kentish had it afterward bestowed on them, and for a long time enjoyed it.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 141. It did not afterwards embolden him to the an∣ticipation of the Crown, attending till it descended upon him.] He speaks this of King Edward the Confessor, who had he tarryed till the Crown had descended on him, might possibly have found a place amongst the Confessors, but not amongst the Kings of England. For the truth is, the right title to the Crown was at that time in Edward surnamed the Outlaw, the eldest son of Edmund Ironside, who flying into Hungary to avoid the fury of the Danes, married the Kings sister of that Coun∣try, and was by her the Father of Edgar Atheling, and of Margaret wife to Mal∣colm Conmor King of the Scots. But these being absent at that time, Emma the Mother of Prince Edward, and Widow to Canutus the Dane, took the oportunity to set her son upon the Throne, as being not onely half-brother to King Edmund Ironside, but also half-brother, and consequently nearest Kinsman to Canutus the second; which if it were a good descent, will plead almost as strongly for King Harald as it did for him.

Fuller.

My words are true, and not subject to just exception, which I confined onely to King Edward his relation to his own brethren. The legend of his life reports him to be crowned, when unborn, in his Mothers Belly, and having six elder Bre∣thren by the same father King Ethelred:

• 1. Ethelstan,
• 2. Egbert,
• 3. Edmond,
• 4. Edred,
• 5. Edwy,
• 6. Edgar.

(Some of which came to the Crown, others died in their minority.) King Ed∣ward (though thus pre-crowned) did not endeavor to ante-date his possession of the Throne, before his elder Brethren, but waited till the title (as it was derived unto him from his father) descended on him. Otherwise I advocate not for Him, if He took it from any other, who had more right to it than himself.

Dr. Heylin.

But by what means soever he got the Crown, he deserved to weare it.

Fuller.

I cannot cordially close with the Animadvertors expression herein, being sensi∣ble of no Desert, which in this Case is not attended with a true Title: For who shall judge of the desert of Competitors? If the person himself, then every usur∣per will cry up his own worthinesse. If his party, they will make him most meriting whom they favour most in their fancies. This will unsettle all States, cassat all Titles, and cause much distraction. But believing no Il at all intended in these his words, let us proceed.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author telleth us, ibid. That whereas formerly there were manifold Laws in the Land, made, some by the Britains, others by the Danes, others by the English, &c. He caused some few of the best to be selected, and the rest as captious and unnecessary, to be rejected; from whence they had the name of the Common Laws.] That the Com∣mon-Law was so call'd, because compounded of the Saxon, British, and Danish Lawes, which were before of force onely in such places where the Danes, Bri∣tans and Saxons had the greatest sway; though it be easie to be said, will be hard to be proved. The Britains at that time liv'd under their own Princes, and were governed by their own Lawes, and so they were for a long time after; so that King Edward, having no dominion over them, could not impose a Law upon them. Nor was it propable that he should borrow any of their Laws, or impose them on his natural Subjects, considering the antipathy and disaffection betwixt the Nati∣ons. There were at that time indeed in England three kindes of Laws: The first called Dane-lage, or the Danish Laws, prevailing for the most part in the King∣dome of the East-Angles, and that of Northumberland: Secondly, Saxon-lage, used generally in the Kingdoms of the West-Saxons, East-Saxons, South-Saxons, and that of Kent: And thirdly, Mercen-lage, extending over all the Provinces of the Kingdome of Mercia. As for the Britans of Cornwall and Cumberland, they had no distinct Law for themselves (as had those of Wales) but were governed by the Laws of that Nation unto which they were Subject. By these three sorts of Laws were these Nations governed in their several and respective limits, which being afterwards reduced into one body, and made common equally to all the sub∣jects, did worthily deserve the name of the Common-Law. But secondly I dare not give the honour of this Action to King Edward the Confessor. The great Iu∣stinian in this work was another Edward, called, for distinctions sake, King Ed∣ward the elder, who began his Reign Anno 900. almost 150 years before this Confessor, to whom our Author hath ascribed it. But the truth is, that these Laws being suppressed by the Danish Kings, who governed either in an arbitrary way, or by Laws of their own Countrey, they were revived and reinforced in the time of this Edward, from whence they had the name of Edward the Confessors Laws, and by that name were sued and fought for in the time succeeding, of which more hereafter. Now as this work may be ascribed to his love to Justice; so from his piety, his successors derive as great a benefit of curing the disease which from thence is called the Kings-Evill, which some impute (as our Author tells us) to se∣cret and hidden causes.

Fuller.

This long Note might well have been boiled down from a Gallon to a Gil, to make it more cordial. If the Reader can pick any information out of it, much good may it doe him. Let the honour of so good a Deed, with all my heart, be parted betwixt the two Edwards, one the Beginner, the other the finisher thereof.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 145. Others ascribe it to the power of fancy and an ex∣alted imagination.] Amongst which others, I may reckon our Author for one. He had not else so strongly pleaded in defence thereof. But certainly what effect

soever the strength of fancy and an exalted imagination, as our Author calls it, may produce in those of riper years, it can contribute nothing to the cure of children. And I have seen some children brought before the King by the hanging sleeves, some hanging at their Mothers breasts, and others in the arms of their Nurses, all touch'd and cur'd without the help of any such fancies or imaginations as our Author speaks of.

Fuller.

If I be reckoned amongst them, I am mis-reckoned; for though I conceive fancy may much conduce, in Adultis, thereunto, yet I believe it partly Miraculous, as may appear by my last and largest insisting thereon. I say partly, because a com∣pleat Miracle is done presently and perfectly, whereas this cure is generally ad∣vanced by Degrees, and some Dayes interposed.

Dr. Heylin.

Others lesse charitably condemn this cure as guilty of superstition, quarrel∣ling at the Circumstances and Ceremonies which are used. And this they doe (saith he ibid.) either displeased at the Collect, consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospel of St. John, as wholly improper, and nothing relating to the occasion, &c.] Our Author tels us more than once, lib. 11.167. of his being a Clerk of the Convocati∣on, but I finde by this, that he never came so high as to be Clerk of the Closet.

Fuller.

I never was (nor the Animadvertor neither) Clerk of the Closet, Non tanto me dig∣nor honore. But I have had the honor to see the King solemnly Heal in the Quire of the Cathedral of Sarisbury, though, being so long since, I cannot recover all particulars.

Dr. Heylin.

Which had he been, he would not have mistaken the Gospel for a Collect; or touched upon that Gospel which is lesse material, without insisting on the other, which is more pertinent and proper to the work in hand; or suffered the displea∣sed party to remain unsatisfied about the sign of the Crosse made by the Royal Hands on the place infected (as it after followed) when there is no such crossing used in that sacred Ceremony, the King only gently drawing both his hands over the sore at the reading of the first Gospel.

Fuller.

I fully satisfie the displeased party, (if he be not through weaknesse nor wilfulnesse incapable thereof) about the Sign of the Crosse, in those my words immediate∣ly following.

All which exceptions fall to the ground when it shall be avowed, That the Kings bare Hands, notwithstanding the omission of such Ceremonies have effected the Healing.

Take it pray as since it is set down in more ample manner in a late Book, which I know not whither it be more learned in it self or usefull to others.

* 1.43All along K. Edward the sixth, and Queen Elizabeth her reign, when the Stru∣mosi, such as had the Kings-Evil came to be touch'd, the manner was then, for Her to apply the Sign of the * 1.44 Crosse to the Tumor, which raising a cause of Jea∣lousies, as if some mysterious Operation were imputed to it. That wise and learned King, not only (with his Son the late King) practically discontinued it; but ordered it to be expunged out of the prayers relating to the Cure, which hath proceeded as effectually, that omission notwithstanding, as ever before.

Dr. Heylin.

But that both he and others may be satisfied in these particulars, I have thought fit to lay down the whole form of prayers and readings used in the healing of that malady in this manner following.

The form of the Service at the healing of the Kings-Evil.

THe first Gospel is exactly the same with that on Ascension day▪ At the touching of every infirm person, these words are repeated, They shall lay their hands on the sick, and they shall recover.

The second Gospel begins the first of St. Iohn, and ends at these words, Full of grace and truth. At the putting the Angel about their necks were repeated, That Light was the true Light, which lighteth every man that cometh into the world.

Lord have mercy upon us. Christ have mercy upon us. Lord have mercy upon us.

Our Father which art in Heaven, hallowed be thy Name, &c.

Min. O Lord, save thy servants. Answ. Which put their trust in thee. Min. Send unto them help from above. Answ. And evermore mightily defend them. Min. Help us, O God our Saviour. Answ. And for the glory of thy Names sake deliver us, be mercifull unto us sinners for thy Names sake. Min. O Lord, hear our prayer. Answ. And let our cry come unto thee.

The Collect.

Almighty God, the eternal health of all such as put their trust in thee, Hear us, we beseech thee, on the behalf of these thy servants, for whom we call for thy mercifull help, that they receiving health may give thanks unto thee in thy holy Church, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

The peace of God, &c.

This is the whole form, against which nothing is objected, but the using of the words before mentioned at the putting on of the Angel; the pertinency whereof may appear to any who consider that the Light which was the true Light, and lighteth every man which cometh into the world, did not shine more visibly, at the least more comfortably upon the people, than in the healing of so many sick, in∣firm and leprous persons, as did from time to time receive the benefit of it. But it is time I should proceed.

Fuller.

I perceive by this office, that I have mistaken the Gospel for the the Collect; which in the next Edition (God willing) shall be rectified.

Dr. Heylin.

Our Author proceeds. Fol. 148. These chose Harald to be King, whose title to the Crown is not worth our deriving of it, much lesse his relying on it.] A Title not so despicable as our Author makes it, nor much inferiour unto that, by which his predecessor obtain'd the Kingdome. Harald being son to Earl Godwin, (the most potent man of all the Saxons) by Theyra the natural daughter of Canutus the first, was consequently Brother by the whole blood to Harald Harfagar, and Brother by the half blood to Canutus the second, the two last Danish Kings of England. In which respect being of Saxon Ancestry by his Father, and of the Danish Royal blood by his Mother, he might be lookT on as the fittest person in that conjun∣cture, to content both Nations: But whatsoever his Title was, it was undoubted∣ly better than that of the Norman, had either his success been answerable, or his sword as good.

Fuller.

It was a despicable Tit••le, even after the Animadvertor hath befriended it with his most advantageous representing thereof,

• 1. From his Father, Earl Godwin, the most potent man of Saxon Ancestry.
• 2. From his Mother, Theyra, the natural Daughter of Canutus the first.

As to his Paternal Title, if his Fathers potencie was all can be alledged for it, any Oppressor hath the same right.

His Maternal Title, if from Canutus his natural [understand base] Daughter openeth a Dore (as I may say) for all who come in by the window.

Besides, the Animadvertor is much mistaken in the name of his Mother, seeing Mr. * 2.1 Camden saith, E Githâ Suenonis Regis Danici Sorore natu•• fuit: He was born of Githa Sister to Sweno King of Denmark.

Dr. Heylin.

Upon occasion of which Conquest, our Author telleth us that, Ibid. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered; first by Romans, second∣ly by Picts and Scots, thirdly by Saxons, fourthly by the Danes, and fifthly by the Nor∣man.] But this I can by no means yeeld to, the Scots and Picts not being to be nam'd amongst those Nations who subdued the South part of this Island. That they did many times harrass and depopulate the South part of it, I shall easily grant; but to the subduing of a Countrey, there is more required than to waste and spoil it; that is to say, to fix their dwelling and abode (for some time at least) in the Countrey conquered; to change the Laws, alter the Language, or new mould the Government; or finally, to translate the Scepter from the old Royal Family to some one of their own. None of which things being done in the Invasions of the Scots and Picts, they cannot properly be said to have subdued the South parts of the Island, as our Author (out of love perhaps to the Scots) would perswade the Reader.

Fuller.

I confesse of all Five, the Picts and Scots had the most short and uncertain abode in the South. The distinction is very nice, betwixt harrassing or depopulating of a Countrey and subduing it. If I could but harrasse and depopulate (that is but de∣argumenta••e) the Animamadvertors Book against me, I doubt not but I should be accounted to subdue it.

Why is not my Pen charged with a love to the Picts (whom I also equally with the Scots intitle to this subduing) and is a Nation now no where extant, to be the object of my affection.

But this five-times subduing of the South of this Island, is in all Authors as gene∣rally known and received, as that a man hath five fingers on his hand. Wherefore no more in Answer to just nothing.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Camd. in Brit. fol. 135.
• * 1.2

  Lactant. lib. 16 cap. 21.
• * 1.3

  Lib. 2. pag. 5••
• * 1.4

  In Brit. fol. 135
• * 1.5

  Id. in Wiltsh. fol. 241.
• * 1.6

  In the last page.
• * 1.7

  Pag. ut prius.
• * 1.8

  Iames 1.21.
• * 1.9

  Camd. Brit. fol. 136.
• * 1.10

  Id. in Worcest. fol. 578.
• * 1.11

  Richardsons State of Europe lib. 3.
• * 1.12

  Camd in Scot∣land, fol. 45.
• * 1.13

  Acts 1.21.
• * 1.14

  1 Corinth. 9.1.
• * 1.15

  Gal. 1.5.
• * 1.16

  Church Hist. Book 9. page 187. parag. 63
• * 1.17

  Lib 9 pag 101 and oft before.
• * 1.18

  Page 14.
• * 1.19

  Camden in Richmondshire, fol. 720.
• * 1.20

  Camden in Kent, fol. 333.
• * 1.21

  Form of Baptism.
• * 1.22

  Conference pag. 7.
• * 1.23

  Deut. 27.17.
• * 1.24

  Matth 7.14.
• * 1.25

  ••••••••••wood 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap V.
• * 1.26

  I request the Reader to con∣sult my words, as rendred by the Animad∣vertor, in the formar para∣graph.
• * 1.27

  Iudges 12.6.
• * 1.28

  Heylins Cos∣mog. pag 17.
• * 1.29

  For the elder Buckstors and Beckman, I am as certain they were, as uncer∣tain were, publike Pro∣fessors.
• * 1.30

  Gen 3.20.
• * 1.31

  Gen. 4.1.
• * 1.32

  Gen. 4 25.
• * 1.33

  Gen. 5.24.
• * 1.34

  Gen. 10 25.
• * 1.35

  Numb. 13 22.
• * 1.36

  Parenes. ad Scotos p 99.
• * 1.37

  Greg. M. Epist. 70.
• * 1.38

  Camden in Wilts. 241.
• * 1.39

  Iohn 3 10.
• * 1.40

  Camd. in K••nt, 324.
• * 1.41

  Carew in Cornwall.
• * 1.42

  Cronicon pag. 887.
• * 1.43

  H. le Strange Alliances of Divine Offices, pag. 250.
• * 1.44

  As appears in Dr. Tuckers Charisma p. 109.
• * 2.1

  Britar. Lat. pag. 104.