The appeal of iniured innocence, unto the religious learned and ingenuous reader in a controversie betwixt the animadvertor, Dr. Peter Heylyn, and the author, Thomas Fuller.

THE APPEAL OF INJUR'D INNOCENCE. (Book 1)

CHAP. I. That it is impossible for the Pen of any Historians writing in (as our's) a divided Age, to please all Parties, and how easie it is to Cavil at any Author.

SUch as lived after the Flood, and before the Confusion of Tongues, were happy in this particular, that they did Hear to Understand, and Speak to be Understood with all persons in their Generation. Not such their Felicity who lived after the Confusion of Languages at the Tower of Babel, when the Eloquence of the Best was but Barbarisme to all, save a few Folk of his owne Familie.

Happy those English Historians who wrote some Sixty years since, before our Civil Distempers were born or conceived; at leastwise, before there were House-burnings (though some Heart-burnings) amongst us: I mean, before Mens latent Animosities broke out into open Hostility; seeing then there was a generall right understanding betwixt all of the Nation.

But alass! Such as wrote in or since our Civil Wars, are seldome apprehended truely and candidly, save of such of their owne perswasion, whilest others doe not (or what is worse will not) understand them aright: And no wonder if Speeches be not rendred according to the true intent of the Speaker,* 1.1 when Prejudice is the Interpreter thereof.

This I foresaw when I entred upon my Church-History, but comforted my self with the counsel of Erasmus; Si non possis placere Omnibus, place to Optimis; If thou canst not please all, please the best. In order whereunto I took up to my self this Resolution, to Stere my course betwixt the two Rocks of Adulation and Irritation; though it seems I have run upon both, if the Animadvertor may be beleeved; whereof hereafter.

As it is impossible in distracted Times to please all, so is it easie for any at any time to Cavil at the best Performance. A Pigmey is Giant enough for this purpose. Now Cavils may be reduced to these two heads:

Cavils

• Without Cause.
• Without Measure.

Causeless Cavils are such as the Caviller himself doth create, without any Ground for the same; such find a Knot in a Bulrush, because they themselves before had ty'd it therein; and may be compared to Beggers, who breed Vermine in their owne bodies, and then blow them on the cloaths of others.

Cavils without measure, are, when the anger and bitterness of the Caviller ex∣ceedeth due proportion, and the demerit of the Fault; as when he maketh Memorie to be Iudgement-mistakes; Casual, to be Voluntary Errors; the Printers, to be the Authors faults: And then brags every Foil to be a Fall, and Triumpheth at the Rout of a small Party, as at the Defeat of the whole Army. This Distinction is here premised, whereof hereafter we shall make use as we see just occasion.

CHAP. II. Why the Author desired and hoped never to come under the Pen of the Animadvertor in a Controversal Difference.

IT was ever my Desire ••nd Care, if it were possible, not to fall under the Pen of the Animadvertor; having several reasons thereof to my self, which now I publickly profess:

• 1. I knew him a Man of able Parts, and Learning; God sanctifie both to his Glory, and the Churches Good.
• 2. Of an Eager spirit, with him of whom it was said, Quicquid voluit valde voluit.
• 3. Of a Tart and Smart Style, endevouring to down with all which stood betwixt him and his Opinion.
• 4. Not over Dutiful in his Language to the Fathers of the Church, (what then may Children expect from him?) if contrary in Judgment to him.
• Lastly and chiefly, One, the Edge of whose keenness is not taken off by the Death of his Adversary; witness his writing against the Archbishops of York and Armagh.

The Fable tells us that the Tanner was the Worst of all Masters to his Cattle, as who would not onely load them soundly whilest living, but Tan their Hides when dead; and none could blame one if unwilling to exasperate such a Pen, which, if surviving, would prosecute his Adversary into his Grave. The premises made me, though not servilely fearful, (which I praise God I am not of any Writer) yet generally cautious not to give him any Personal pro∣vocation, knowing that though Both our Pens were Long, the World was Wide enough for them without Crossing each other.

As I desired, so I partly hoped that my Church-History would escape the Animadvertor: First, because a Gentleman came to me (sent from him, as I supposed) informing me, That had not Dr. Heylin been visited with blindness, he had been upon my bones before. Then I desired him to return this Answer; That, as I was sorry for the Sad Cause, the Doctors Blindness; I was glad of the Ioyful Effect, my owne Quiet. Nor hearing any more for many moneths after, I conceived my self secure from any wind in that corner.

It increased my Confidence, because I conceived Dr. Heylin neither out of Charity or Policy, would write against one who had been his Fellow-Servant to▪ and Sufferer for, the same Lord and Master, King Charles; for whose Cause I lost none of the worst Livings, and one of the best Prebends in England: Onely thus happy I was in my very unhappiness, to leave what was taken away from the rest of my Brethren.

In a word, seeing no Birds or Beasts of Prey (except Sharp-set indeed) will feed on his own Kind, I concluded Dr. Heylin would not write against me, who conceived my self to be One of his owne Party.

But it seems I reckoned without my Host, and now am call'd to a Rear-account; I cannot say with Iob, The thing that I feared; but, The thing that I feared not, is faln upon me.

* 1.2However, I conceived my self bound in Duty to David's Command, Not onely to seek peace, but to pursue it; though in some sort it fled away from me, being now informed that the Doctor was writing against me; wherefore, finding him in Fleetstreet, and following him at his heels to his Chamber, (at a Stationers house over again St. Dunstan's Church) I sent up my Name to him by a Ser∣vant of the House, desiring to speak a few Words with him; the Messenger went to him, and return'd me this Answer; That the Doctor was very busie, and could not be spoken with. Thus my Treaty for Peace taking no effect, I armed my self with Patience, and quietly expected the coming forth of his Book against me.

CHAP. III. That after serious Debate the Author found himself Necessitated to make this Appeal in his own just Vindication.

HAving perused the Books of the Animadvertor against me, it bare a strong Debate within me, whether I should pass it over in silence, or return an Answer unto him, and Arguments on both sides presented themselves unto me.

Silence seemed best, because I lacked leisure solemnly to confute his Animad∣versions, having at this time so much and various Imployment: The Cow was well stocked with Milk, thus praised by the * 1.3 Poet;

Bis venit ad Mulctrum binos alit Ubere faetus. She suckles Two, yet doth not fail Twice a day to come to th' Pail.

But I justly feared, who twice a Lords-day do come to the Pulpit, (God knows my Heart I speak it not to Ostentation) that I could not suckle my Parish and the Press, without Starving or Short-feeding of one: Whereas the Animad∣vertor in his retired Life gives no other Milk then following his own private Studies.

Secondly, I suggested to my self, that the second blow makes the Frey, and should I rejoyn, probably it would engage me in an endless Contest, with which my declining age could ill comport. I remembred the Man who moved in Chancery for a Gelt Order which should beget no more; but knew not when any such Eunuch-Answer should pass betwixt us, to put a period to the Controversie.

Lastly, our Saviours counsel came into my mind, Matth. 5.39. Resist not evil; but whosoever shall smite thee on the right side, turn to him the other also. And al∣though some Divines make this Precept but Temporary (as a Swadling-cloath to the Church, whiles in the Infancy thereof, under Persecution;) yet others make it alwaies Obligatory, and of perpetual Continuance.

On the other side, the Distinction came seasonably to my Remembrance, of a Mans RIGHTING and REVENGING himself; the latter belongs to God alone, * 1.4 Vengeance is mine, I will repay it; the former Men may, and in some cases must do, in their owne fair defence, without Breach of our Saviours Pre∣cept lately alledged.

I called also to Mind, how in our Common Law, MUTES at the Bar, who would not plead to the Indictment are Adjudged guilty, and therefore justly suspected I should from my Silence be concluded Cast in the Court of Religion and Learning, for such Faults and Errors as the Animadvertor hath charged on me.

But most of all it moved me, that Ministers of Gods Word and Sacraments ought to Vindicate their Credits, that so they may be the more Effectual Factors for Gods glory in their Vocation. When our Saviour went about to Heal the Mans withe∣red hand on the Sabbath day, Mar. 3.4. Is it lawful (said he) to save Life, or to Kill? Where I observed, that our Saviour accounted not healing to be hurting; yea, not curing to be killing, in that person who had Ability and Opportunity to do it. And by the same Proportion, not plaistering is Killing of ones wounded Credit, and so consequently I should be FELO DE SE, and by my sinful Silence be the Wilful murtherer of my own Reputation.

These last Reasons did preponderate with me; and I resolved on two things; to return a Plain, Full and Speedy Answer; and to refrain from all Railing, which is a Sick Wit (if not the Sickness of Wit;) and though perchance I may have something tart to Quicken the Appetite of the Reader, yet nothing bitter against the Credit of the Animadvertor. This my Answer I have here Entituled, The APPEAL unto the RELIGIOUS, LEARNED and INGENUOUS.

But before I close with the Animadvertor, Comminùs, Hand to hand; let us first, Eminùs, try it at Distance, and entertain the Reader (to his Profit and Pleasure, I hope) with my General Defences, before I proceed to Answer each Particular.

CHAP. IV. The Author's first General Answere taken from his Title-page and Word ENDEVOVRED.

MEn may be ranked into three Forms, of INTENDERS, ENDEVOURERS and PERFORMERS.

INTENDERS are the first and lowest Form, yet so far favoured by some Papists, that they maintain, That a good Intention though embracing ill Means, makes a good Action.

PERFORMERS are the third and highest rank, to which my Thoughts dare not aspire, but leave this upper room empty, to be filled by Men of better parts and ability.

The middle Form consists of ENDEVOURERS, amongst whom I took my station in the Title-page of my Book, The Church-History of Britain, ENDEVOURED by Thomas Fuller. And as I did not hope that any Courteous Reader would call me up higher, so I did not fear that any Caviller thereat could cast me lower, but that I might still peaceably possess my Place of an ENDEVOURER.

For, what though I fall short of that which I desire, and strive to perform, I did neither belie my self, nor deceive the Reader, who neither was the first, nor shall be the last, of whom it may be truly said, Magnis excidit Ausis. The Fate of many, my Betters, who have undertook to compass high and hard Matters.

But it may be objected against me, that being conscious of my owne weakness with the weight of the burden, I should have left the Work for some stronger back to bear, and quitted it to those who would not only have endevoured but performed the same.

I answer; first, I did hope, that what was acceptable to God, would not be con∣temptible to good Men; having read, If there be first a willing mind, it is accepted according to that * 1.5 a man hath, and not according to that he hath not. Secondly, seeing this my willingness was attended with a competencie of Books, Records, Friends, Intel∣ligence, Strength, Health and Leisure, (be all spoken not to my praise, but Gods glory) I did hope something worth the Readers acceptance might be produced. Lastly, though failing in what I undertook, I hoped to perform what might be usefull and advantagious to abler Pens undertaking the same task, and to use my owne (as who should forbid) Expression, my Beams, might be Scaffolds; my Corner, Filling stones for his more beautiful Building.

The premisses encouraged me to undertake my Church-History; wherein, if I have not done what the Reader expected, let him consider with himself, whether he did not expect what I never promised. Who being unwilling to be Cast by the Verdict of the Ingenuous, for laying my owne Action too high, have not farced the first page of my Book, like a Mountebanks Bill, pretending no higher but to ENDEVOUR.

CHAP V. The Second Generall Answer. That many, especially MEMORY Mistakes and Pen-slips, must be ex∣pected in a great Volume.

IT is the Advantage of a Small Book, that the Authors Eye may in a manner be Incumbent at once over it all, from the Beginning to the End thereof; a Cause why they may be more exactly corrected. A Garden hard by ones House is easier Weeded and Trimmed, than a Field lying at some distance; Books which swell to a great Volume, cannot be spun with so even a Thread, but will run courser here and there; yea, and have Knots in them sometimes, whereof the Author is not so sensible as the Reader; as the Faults in Children are not so soon found in them by their own Fathers, as by Strangers. Thus the Poet; Verum opere in Longo Fas est obrepere somnum.

As for MEMORY-MISTAKES, which are not the Sleeping bnt Winking of an Author, they are so far from overthrowing the Credit of any Book, as a speck, (not paring-deep) in the rind of an apple, is from proving of the same rotten to the core.

Yea, there want not learned Writers▪ whom I need not name) of the Opinion that even the Instrumental Pen-men of the Scripture might commit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; though open that window to profaneness, and it will be in vain to shut any dores; Let God be true, and every man a lyer: However, I mention their judgments to this purpose, to shew that Memory-mistakes have not been counted such hainous matters, but venial in their own nature, as not only finding but deserving pardon.

I confess when such mistakes become common and customary in an Author, they mar the credit of his Book, and intollerably abuse the Reader. Nothing is lighter in it self than a single crumb of Sand, yet many of them put together are the heavyest of bodily burdens: Heavier than the * 1.6 Sand on the Sea. What is slight in it self, if nume∣rous, will become ponderous; but I hope that Memory-mistakes and Pen-slips in my Book will not be found so frequent; and desire the benefit of this Plea to be allowed me but four times, in my Answer to the Animadvertor. A Number low enough, I hope, for the Ingenuous Reader to grant, though perchance too high for me to request.

CHAP. VI. The Third General Answer. That in Intire Stories of impregnable Truth it is facile for one to Cavill with some Colour at Dismembred Passages therein.

IT is an Act as easie as unjust, for one to assault a naked Sentence, as it stands by it self, disarmed of the Assistance of the coherence before and after it: all Sentences (except they be intire and independent) have a double strength in them, one Inherent, the other relative, and the latter sometimes greater than the former; when what in a Sentence is doubtful, is explained; difficult, expounded; defective, supplyed; yea, seemingly false, rendred really true by the Connexion.

We read in the Life of * 1.7 St. Edward, that Harold Cup-bearer to the King, chanced to stumble with the one foot, that he almost kissed the Ground; but with the other Leg he recovered himself: whereat his Father Godwin, Earl of Kent (then dining with the King) said, Now one * 1.8 Brother doth help another; to whom the King re∣plyed, And so might my Brother have helped me, if it had so pleased you.

Many times when one Sentence in my Book hath had a Casual slip, the next to it out of Fraternal kindness would have held it up (in the apprehension of the Reader) from falling into any Great Error, had the Animadvertor so pleased, who uncharitably cutteth it off from such support, so that one Brother cannot help another; whilest he representeth mangled and maimed Passages, to the Disadvan∣tage of the Sense and VVriter thereof. Thus one may prove Atheisme out of Scri∣pture it self; There is no God. But what went before? The fool hath said in his heart.

I have dealt more fairly in this my Appeal with the Animadvertor; and have not Here and There picked out Parcels, and cut off Shreads where they make most for my advantage; but have presented the whole Cloath of his Book, (as he will find so, if pleasing to measure it over again) Length and Breadth, and List and Fag and all; that so the Reader may see of what Wool it is made, and what Thread it is spun, and thereby be the better enabled to pass his verdict upon it.

CHAP. VII. The Fourth General Answer. That FAVOVR of COVRSE is indulged to the first (as least per∣fect) Edition of Books.

THe first Edition of a Book, in a difficult Subject, hath ever been beheld as less complete; and a liberty of Correcting and Amending hath been al∣lowed to all Authors of this kind.

I will instance in his Book (whose Books would I was worthy to bear) Mr. Camden's Britania. His first Edition was a Babe in a little; the second, a Childe in a bigger Octavo; the third, a Youth in a Quarto (but Map-less;) the last, a Man in a fair Folio; first and last differing more then a Gally and Galeas, not onely in the Greatness but Perfection, every newer Edition amending the Faults of the former.

Next, we will insist in another Author above all exception, even the Animadver∣tor himself, who in his Epistle to the Reader, before the Second and much altered Edition of his MICROCOSME, thus expresseth himself, not unhappily either for his owne or my purpose:

I am not the first of whom it was said, Secundae Cogitationes sunt meliores; neither is it a thing rare for Children of this nature, to be as often perfected as born; Books have an Immortality above their Authors. They when they are full of Age and Guiltiness, can be retaken into the wombe which bred them, and with a new Life, receive a greater Portion of Youth and Glory. Every Impression is to them another being; and that alwayes may, and often doth bring with it, a sweeter Edition of Strength and Loveliness. Thus with them Age, and each several Death, is but an Usher to a new Birth; each several Birth the mother of a more vigorous Perfection.

Had the like liberty of a Second Edition been allowed me, which the Animadvertor assumed, his pains had been prevented, and most of the Faults he hath found in my Book (being either derected by my self, or discovered by my Friends, com∣municating the same unto me) had been rectified.

Thus in the Latin Tongue the same word SECUNDUS signifieth both Second and Successful, because Second Undertakings (wherein the failings of the former are observed and amended) generally prove most Prosperous.

But it will be Objected, Such Second Editions with new Insertions, Additions and Alterations, are no better than Pick-pockets to the Reader, who having purchased and perused the first Edition, is by this new one, both in his purse and pains equally abused, and his Book rendred little better than Waste paper.

I Answer; First, I am no more obnoxious to this Objection than other Authors who set fort New Editions. Secondly, I hope my Alterations shall not be so many or great as to disguise the second from the first Edition; Lastly, I will take order (God willing) for the Printing of a peice of Paper (lesse then a Leaf) in my second Impression, being the Index of Alteration, so that the Owners of the First, may (if so pleased) in less then an Hour, with their Pens, conform their Books to the new Edition, which though a little less Beautifull to the Eye, will be no less Beneficial to the Users thereof.

Here let me humbly tender to the Readers Consideration, that my HOLY WARRE, though (for some Design of the Stationer) sticking still in the Title Page, at the third Edition (as some unmarried Maids will never be more then eigh∣teen) yet hath it oftner passed the Press, as hath my HOLY STATE, MEDITA∣TIONS, &c. and yet never did I alter Line or Word in any new Impression.

I speak not this by way of Attribution to my Self, as if my Books came for that first with more Perfection then other Mens, but with Insinuation to the Reader, that ti is but equall that I, who have been no Common Begger in this Kind, yea never before made use of a second Edition, may now have the Benefit thereof allowed me, especi∣ally in a Subject of such Length, Latitude, Difficulty, Variety and Multiplicity of Matter.

CHAP. VIII. The Fifth General Answer. That it is no shame for any Man to confess (when convinced thereof) and amend an Error in his Iudgement.

THe Knowledge of our Saviour, as God, may be compared to the Sun, all perfect and compleat at once without any accession or addition thereunto, whilst his Knowledge, as Man, like the Waxing Moon was capable of Increase, and was (though not subject to the least Error) receptive of clearer Information; * 1.9 and Iesus increased in Wisdome; yea, it is expresly said, yet learned he Obedience by the thing which he suffered.

Not such, the Knowledge of the best and wisest Man, which besides a Capability of more Instruction, is always attended with an obnoxiousnesse to many mistakes, seeing * 1.10here wee know in part, and easy it is for any Man to come on the Blinde Side of another, as being better versed and skilled in such particular matters.

When therefore I find my self convinced in my Judgement of an Error in my Church-History, by perusing the Notes of the Animadvertor, I will fairly and freely confesse and amend it.

And I conceive it is no shame at all for a Childe to write a few Lines of Retractation, after so good a * 1.11Father hath set him so fair a Copy thereof.

In such a case let not the Animadvertor give me any Blowes, where I conceive that my own Blush is a sufficient Penance for the same; and let him not immoderately insult on such occasions, seeing my Iudgement-Faults will be found neither in number nor Nature such as He hath suggested. Covetous Euclio in the * 1.12Comedy, complained that his Servant Intromisit Sexentos Coquos, had let in six hundred Cooks, when they wanted five hundred ninety eight of that number, being but two [Anthrax and Congrio] truely told; and though the Animadvertor frequently complaineth, that I * 1.13run into many Errors, run into many Errors; yet on examination, many of those Errors will prove Truths, and such as remain Errors will not prove many.

Besides, the Animadvertor is concerned to be civill to me in this Kind, seeing in this particular.

Veniam petimus dabimusque vicissim: A mutuall Bargain we may make, Pardon to give, and Pardon take.

If I were minded to retaliate, and to show that Humanum est errare, I could instance in many mistakes in the last Edition of his Geography. Some of the best Birth and Brains in our Nation, and Travalers in foreign parts, as far as India it self, proferred me on their accord to detect in several Countryes unexcusable Errors, confuted by their ocular discovery.

I heartily thanked them for that which I refused to accept; and did return; First, that the Book had atchieved a generall Repute, and not undeservedly. Secondly, that it was very usefull, and I my Self had reaped Benefit thereby. Thirdly, that it would seem in me like to Revenge in this Juncture of Time, when the Doctor was disadvantaged by some Infirmity. Lastly, that others might be detremented thereby. Yea, if we but look into his SHORT VIEW of the Life and Reign of King CHARLES, some Faults occur therein which God willing I will calmly discover in our Answer to these Animadversions, not with intent to Cloud his Credit, but Clear my own.

CHAP. IX. The Sixth General Answer. That Prelial Mistakes in Defiance of all Care will escape in the best Corrected Book.

THe most accurate Book, that ever came forth into Light, had some Mistakes of the Presse therein. Indeed, I have heard of Robert Stephen, that he offered a great Summe of Money (equivalent perchance to five Pounds of our English Coin) to such who would discover any Erratum in his Folio Greek Testament, dedicated to King Francis the first.

But sure I am, that some of our English Bibles, which may be presumed set forth with the best Care, printed at London, have their Errats; and therefore Prelial Faults being a catching Disease, no wonder if my Book as well (or rather as ill) as others, be subject to the same.

Here it will be objected that there is a known and sure Receipt for the Cure of this Disease, viz. the Listing of such Faults as have escaped, either in the Beginning or End of the Book; that so the Reader may, if he please, amend, if other∣wise, avoid them. Such an Index Erratorum, or Catalogue of Mistakes, is, in some sort a STOOL OF REPENTANCE, wherein Offenders find their lost Innocence; and such faults thus confessed, are never charged either on the Author's or Printer's Account.

It is answered, that although such a List of Faults, generally followeth as the Impedimentum or Baggage in the Rere of a Book, yet seldome or never is it adequate to all the Errata's, which are committed therein.

For first, all committed, are not discovered, neither by the Corrector, nor the Author himself, who perusing his own Book, in overlooking the faults therein, Overlooks them indeed, and following the conduct of his own fancy, (where∣in He intended all to be right) readeth the words in his Book, rather as they should be, than as they are printed.

Secondly, all faults which are discovered are not confessed. Such as the Printer esteemeth small, He leaveth to be amended by the direction of the Sense, and discretion of the Reader; according to the common Speech, that the Reader ought to be better than his Book.

In my Book, the Index of Errata's amounts not to above forty, a very small number in proportion of so voluminous a Work, which with Credit might crave the allowance of twice as many more thereunto: The Animadvertor in these his Notes, maketh great advantage of some of these un-confessed-Faults, and I sometimes plead the mistake of the Press for my Answer, though seldome, save when some similitude of form in the mistaken letter rendreth it probable for a Prelial Error.

CHAP. X. The Seventh and last General Answer. That an Author charging his Margin with his Author is thereby Himself discharged.

HIstorians, who write of things done at distance, many miles from their dwellings, and more years before their Births, must either feign them in their owne Brains, or fetch them from other credible Authors. I say credible, such as carry worth and weight with them, Substantial Persons, Subsidie men (as I may say) in Truths Book; otherwise, for some Pamphlets, and all Pasquils, I behold them as so many Knights of the Post, even of no Reputation.

Now, for the more credit of what is written, and better assurance of the Reader, it is very expedient that the Author alledged be fully and fairly quoted in the Margin, with the Tome, Book; Chapter, Leaf, Page and Columne, sometimes (seldome descending so low as the Line) where the thing quoted is expressed; and this done, the Author is free from fault which citeth it, though He may be faulty who is cited, if delivering a falshood.

Indeed, if one become bound as Surety for another, he engageth Himself to make good the Debt in the Default of Principal. But if he onely be Bail for his Appearance, and accordingly produceth his Person in Publick Court, He ought to be discharged without farther trouble.

Semblably, if one not onely cites, but commends the words of an Authour,

then He undertakes for him, adopts his words to be his owne, becomes his Pledge, and consequently is bound to justifie and maintain the truth of what he hath quo∣ted. But if he barely alledgeth his words, without any closing with them in his Judgement, he is onely bound for that Author's appearance. Understand me, to justifie that such words are exactly extant in manner and form in the place alledged, easy to be found by any who will follow the Marginal direction.

This I reserve for my Eighth and last Answer, when taxed by the Animadvertor for such things for which I have presented my Author in the Margin. In such cases I conceive I should be discharged; and, if any Fees at all be to be paid, I hope the Courteous Reader (on my request) will remit them, and dismiss me, without more molestation.

CHAP. XI. That many of the Animadvertors Notes are onely Additional, not Op∣posite to what I have written; And that all things, omitted in an History, are not Defects.

WHo so beholdeth the Several places in my Book, noted on by the Animadvertor, hath cause, at the first Blush, to conclude my Church-History very Erroneous and full of Faults; out of which, so bigg a Bundle of Mistakes have been collected: but upon serious Perusal of these Notes, it will appear that a third part of them at the least, are meerly Additional not opposite to what I have written; so that they render my Book not for Truth the lesse, but his for Bulk the greater.

Herein he seemeth like unto those Builders; who either wanting Materials to erect an intire house, or fearing so frail and feeble a Fabrick will not stand by it self, run it along the side-walls of another house, whereby they not onely save Timber, but gain strength to their New Edifice.

The Animadvertor had a Mind to communicate some new Notions he had to the World, but he found them not many and weighty enough to fill a just Book for Sale: whereupon, he resolves to range his Notions against my Church-History, that so partly carping thereat, and partly adding thereto, he might be∣twixt both make up a Book Competent for Sale.

Hence, it is that sometimes not liking my Language (as not proper and expressive enough) he substituted his owne, with little or no variation of Matter; and some∣times adds new Passages: some whereof I could formerly have inserted, but be∣cause I perceived my Book (as the Reader is sensible by the price thereof) grown already to too great a Volume.

When Additional Notes frequently occur, I conceive my self not obliged in the least degree to return an Answer thereunto, as being rather besides than against what I have written: However, if I have left out any thing, it would have been suspected I had omitted that which most had made against me, to pre∣vent which Jealousie, such Additional Notes are also here verbatim represented.

To such as object that the Animadvertor's Additions are Suppletory of the Defects in my Church-History; I answer, that a Defect properly is Absentia debiti adesse, the Absence of what ought to be there, so that a thing is maimed or lame with∣out it.

But Additions to an History are reducible to these two Heads, viz. either such as they

Must without Imperfection be added. May without Impertinency be added.

Few, if any, of the former; some of the latter kind are found in the Animad∣vertor's Additory Notes. And let me tell Him, that if He writes Books against

all who have written Books, and have not written all which may be said of their Subject, he may even write against all who have ever written Books, and then He will have work enough.

Let us go no farther then to his own Geophraphy, being sure he is too Iudicious to be so conceited of his own pains, as to think he hath inserted all that may be said of so large a Subject.

The * 1.14 Story is well known of Aesop's Master, who buying two Servants toge∣ther in the Market-place, demanded of one of them, what he could doe; He an∣swered, that he would doe all things, doe all things. Then the other [Aesop him∣self] being askt what he could doe, answered, He could doe nothing. His Master seeming angry to keep so unprofitable a Servant; How can I (returned Aesop) doe any thing, when my Fellow-servant will doe all, and leave me nothing to doe?

If Dr. Heylin hath done all things in his Geography, he hath given a Writ of Ease for ever to Posterity, who may Despair to merit more of that matter. All who hereafter shall write a new Book of Geography, must also find out a new World with Columbus, as anticipated by the Doctor, having formerly completed all on that Subject.

I presume not to say, that I have in my Church-History done all things, having written many and most material Passages, leaving the rest to others. But this I say, that all things left out in a History, are not wanting; neither are all things wan∣ting, Defects, if not essential thereunto. As for some of the Animadvertors added Notes, they are no more needful or useful than a sixth finger to a mans Hand, as (God willing) in due time shall appear.

CHAP. XII. That the Author Designed unto himself no Party-pleasing in Writing his Church-History.

PArtiality is constantly charged on me by the Animadvertor, and once, with a witness, as followeth, pag. 257.

We see by this, as by like Passages, which way our Author's Bowle is BY ASSED, how constantly he declares himself in Favour of those who have either Separated from the Church, or appeared against it.

I return, (to prosecute his Metaphor) that I have used as UPRIGHT BOWLES as ever any that enter the Alley of History, since our Civil Dissentions.

I do freely declare my self, that I in VVriting my Book, am for the Church of England, as it stood established by Law; the Creed being the Contracted Articles, and the 39. Articles the Expanded Creed of her Doctrine, as the Canons of her Discipline. And still I prise her Favour highest, though for the present it be least worth, as little able to protect, and less to prefer any that are faithfull to her Interest.

As for pleasing of Parties, I never Designed or Endevoured it. There were a kind of Philosophers, called ELECTICI, which were of none, yet of all Sects, and who would not engage in gross in the Opinions of any Philosophers, but did pick and choose here and there, what they found Consonant to Truth, either amongst the Stoicks, Peripateticks, Academicks, or (misinterpreted Epicures,) receiving that, and rejecting the rest; such my Project to commend in all Parties what I find praise-worthy, and condemne the rest; on which Account, some Fleer, some Frown, none Smile upon me.

First, for the Papists, though I malice not their Persons, and have a Pity (as God I hope hath a Mercy) for many amongst them, yet I do, as occasion is offered, dislike their Errors, whereby I have incurred (and according to their principles) deserved their Displeasure.

The old Non-conformists being the same with the modern Presbuterians, but de∣pressed and under, as the modern Presbuterians are the old Non-conformists, but vertical and in Authority, do (though the Animadvertor twi••teth me constantly to Advocate for them) take great and general exception at me; and it is not long since, in a Meeting of the most Eminent amongst them, I was told, that I put too much Gall into my Inck against them.

The Independent, being the * 1.15 Benjamin of Parties, (and his Mess I assure you is none of the least) taxeth me for too much fieriness, as the Animadvertor (in his Expression lately cited) chargeth me for too much Favour unto them.

Thomas Lord Coventry, when coming from the Chancery to sit down at Dinner, was wont to say, Surely, to day I have dealt equally, for I have displeased both sides. I hope that I have his Happiness, for I am sure I have his Unhappiness, that having disobliged all Parties, I have written the very Truth. Thus I can onely privately comfort my self in my owne Innocence, and hope that when my Head is laid low, what seems too sweet, too bitter, too salt, too fresh to the pre∣sent divided Age, will be adjudged well tasted and seasoned to the Palate of Unpartial Posterity.

CHAP. XIII. What Good the Animadvertor might, but would not doe; and, what Good, by Gods goodness he Herein hath done unto the Author.

WHen the Animadvertor had perused my Book, marking some (but making moe) faults therein, it was in his Power to have done me a Pleasure, the greatest he could give, or I receive, viz. not to paradigmatize me, but by Letter in an amicable way to impart my Mistakes unto me, that I might amend them in my next Edition. Say not, He owed me no such thing, who would have beheld it not as a Debt paid unto, but Alms bestowed upon me.

I was not wholly without hope hereof, having found such favour from some worthy Friends. Had the Animadvertor done the like, How had he obliged me? As the Society of Peter-house do preserve the Pictures of their Benefactors in their Parlour, so would I have erected unto him a Monument of Gratitude in my Heart, besides my publick acknowledgement of the courtesie.

But it seems He intended not my Information, but Defamation. However, he hath done to me a great good turn, for which (because not intended) I will thank God, viz. He by his causeless Carping hath allayed in me the delight in Writing of Histories; seeing nothing can be so unpartially and inoffensively written, but some will carp thereat.

Mothers minding to wean their Children, use to put Soot, Wormwood or Mustard on the Nibbles of their Breasts. God foresaw I might Suck to a Surfet in Writing Histories, which hath been a Thief in the Lamp of my Life, wasting much Oyle thereof. My Head and Hand had robb'd my Heart in such delight∣ful Studdies. Wherefore he raised the bitter Pen of the Animadvertor to wean me from such Digressions from my Vocation.

I now experimentally find the Truth of * Solomon's words, of making many Books there is no End. Not, but that all perfect Books (I mean perfect in sheets, otherwise none save Scripture perfect) have Finis in the Close thereof; or that any Author is so irrational, but He propounds an End to himself before he begins it; but that in making of many Books there is no end; that is, the Writers of them seldome or never do attain that End which they propound to themselves, especially if Squinting at sinister Ends, as who is not flesh and blood? Such as project wealth to themselves, are commonly by unwise managing, or casual miscarriage, impaired

thereby in their Estates. Others who designed to themselves, (with the builders of Babel) to get them a Name, commonly meet with shame and disgrace. Or else, when their Books are ended, yet they are not ended, because though never so cautiously written, some Antagonists will take up the Bucklers against them, so that they must begin again after they have ended, (or sink in their credits) to write in their own vindication, which is my case, enough to take off my edge, for∣merly too keen in making multiplicity of Books.

I confess, I have yet one History ready for the Press, which I hope will be for Gods Glory and Honour of our Nation. This new-built Ship is now on the Stocks, ready to be lanched; and being a Vessel of great Burden, God send me some good Adventurers to bear part of the Expence. This done, I will never meddle more with making any Books of this Nature. It is a provident way, be∣fore Writing leave us, to leave of Writing; and the rather, because Scribling is the Frequentative thereof.

If therefore my Petitioning and Optative Amen, shall meet with Gods Commis∣sioning and Imperative Amen, I will hereafter totally attend the Concernments of my Calling, and what directly and immediately shall tend to the advance of Devotion in my Self and in Others, as preparatory to my Dissolution out of this state of Mortality.

CHAP. XIV. That the Author is unjustly charged by the Animadvertor for being agreeable to the Times; And how far forth such Agreeableness is consistent with Christian Prudence.

* 1.16THe Animadvertor is pleased to Charge me to be a great Temporizer, and agreeable to the Times. In Order to my Defence herein, let me premise this Distinction; that there is a Sinful and Sinless Agreeableness with the Times, be they never so bad.

It is a Sinful Agreeableness, when People for their private profit, or safety, or both, are resolved in Belief and Life; Faith, and Fact; Doctrine and Manners, to be the same with the Times; how contrary soever they be unto the Will and Word of God. Be it BIBLE, or THALMUD, or ALCORAN, or MASSE-BOOK, or COMMON-PRAYER-BOOK, or DIRECTORY; any, many, all, or no Manner of God's publick Service; to them, all is alike, and equally imbraced.

But there is also a Sinless, yea lawful and necessary agreeableness to the Times, insomuch that no meaner Father than St. Ambrose, or worse Critick than Erasmus, read the Text Romans 12.11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Serving the Time. A Reading countenanced by the Context, Rejoycing in Hope, patient in Tribulation, continu∣ing in Prayer; all being Directions of our demeanour in dangerous times. And even those who dislike the Reading as false, defend the Doctrine as true; that though we must not be Slaves and Vassals, we may be Servants to the Times, so far forth as not to Dis-serve God thereby.

This Sinless and lawful Agreeableness with the Times, is partly Passive, partly Active. Passive chiefly consisteth in Bearing and Forbearing: Bearing, in paying all Pecuniary burdens imposed; it being but equal (in my opinion) there to return Tribute where we receive Protection. I doubt not but in this point even the Animadver∣tor himself is agreeable to the Times, going along with the rest of his Neighbours in their paying of all publick Taxes.

Forbearing expresseth it self, first in Silence. The Spanish Proverb, true at all, is necessary in dangerous, Times, Where the mouth is shut no Fly doth enter: Yea, the Spirit of God giveth his Servants this counsel, * 1.17 Therefore the prudent shall keep silence in that Time, for it is an evil Time. Thus, Holding of ones peace, that is,

using no Provoking Language against the Present Power, procureth Holding of ones Peace, that is, retaining and possessing of one's Safety and Quiet.

Secondly, Forbearing consisteth in Refraining (though not without secret sor∣row) from some Laudable Act which he heartily desireth, but dares not doe, as visibly destructive to his Person and Estate, being prohibited by the Predominant Powers: In such a Case a man may, to use the * 1.18 Apostle's phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for the present necessity, omit many things Pleasing to, but not Comman∣ded by that God, who preferreth Mercy before Sacrifice.

For instance; If any Earthly Prince or Power should enjoyn a Christian (as Darius did * 1.19 Daniel) not to pray to God for the space of Thirty dayes together; his Command is not to be obeyed, as contrary to Gods positive Precept, * 1.20 Pray con∣tinually. But if he should onely enjoyn him to forbear such a Form of Prayer, allowing him liberty to use any other; I conceive that such an omission, Lawful; dictated unto him by the Principles of Prudence, for his self-Preservation.

The Active Part of Lawful Agreeableness with the times, is in doing what they enjoyn, as being Indifferent; and sometimes so good, that our own Conscience doth or should enjoyn the same. In such a case, where there is a Concurrence of Both together, it is neither Dishonesty, nor Indiscretion, for one in himself to conceal his own Inclinations, and publickly to put his Actions (as Fasting, Thanksgiving, Preaching, &c.) on the Account of Conformity to the Times; it being (as flattery to court, so no less) folly to contemne and reject the favour of the Times, when it may be had without the least violation, yet possibly with an Improvement of our own Conscience.

I have Endevoured to steer my Carriage by the Compass aforesaid; and my main Motive thereunto was, that I might enjoy the Benefit of my Ministry, the bare using whereof, is the greatest Advancement I am capable of in this Life. I know all Stars, are not of the same Bigness and Brightness; some shine, some only twinkle; and allowing my Self of the latter Size and Sort, I would not willingly put out my own (though dimme) light in total Darkness, nor would bury my halfe-Talent, hoping by putting it forth to gain an other half-Talent thereby to the Glory of God, and the good of others.

But it will be Objected against me, that it is suspicious (at the least) that I have Bribed the Times, with some base Compliance with them, because they have re∣flected so favourably upon me. Otherwise, how cometh it to pass, that my fleece, like Gideons, is dry, when the rest of my Brethren of the same party, are wet with their own Tears; I being permitted Preaching, and peaceable Enjoying of a Parsonage.

I answer first, I impute this Peaceableness I enjoy, to Gods undeserved Goodness on my Unworthiness. He hath not dealt thus with all my Brethren, above me in all respects. God maketh People sometimes, potius reperire quàm invenire Gratiam, to find the Favours they sought not for. If I am one of them, whom God * 1.21 hath made to be pitied of those who carried me away captive, I hope, I shall be thankful unto Him; and Others, I hope, will not be Envious at me for so great a Mercy.

Next to the Fountain of Gods Goodness, I ascribe my Liberty of Preaching, to the Favour of some Great Friends, God hath raised up for me. It was not a Childish answer, though the answer of a Child to his Father taxing him for being Proud of his New Coat, I am glad (said he,) but not proud of it. Give me leave to be glad, and joyful in my self, for my Good Friends; and to desire, and endevour their Continuance and increase. A Friend in the Court hath alwayes been accounted as Good as a Penny, in the Councel; as a Pound, in the Purse. Nor will any rational man Condemn me, for making my Addresses to, and improvement of them, seeing the Animadvertor himself (as I am informed) hath his Friend in the Councel; and it is not long since, he had Occasion to make use of his Favour.

I must not forget the Articles of Exeter, whereof I had the Benefit, living, and waiting there on the Kings Daughter at the Rendition thereof. Articles, which

both as Penned, and Performed were the best in England, thanks to their Wisdome, who so Warily made; and Honesty, who so well observed them. Nor was it (though last named) least causal of my Quiet, that (Happy Criticism to my self as I may call it) I never was formally sequestred, but went, before driven away from my Living, which took of the Edge off the Ordinance against me, that the Waight thereof fell but slentingly upon me. Thus when God will fasten a favour on any Person, (though never so unworthy) he ordereth the Concurrences of all things contributive thereunto.

All I will add is this, that hitherto (and I hope, Who hath, will keep me I speak it in the presence of God) I have not by my Pen, or Practice to my knowledge done any thing Unworthily to the betraying of the Interest of the Church of England; and if it can be proved, Let my Mother-Church not onely spit in my face (the expression it seems of * 1.22 Parents amongst the Iews when they were offended with their Children for some misdemeanor) but also spew me out of her mouth. Some will say, such a Vaunt savoreth of a Pharisaical Pride. I utterly deny it. For even the Publican after he came from his Confession he had made in the Temple * 1.23 God be merciful to me a Sinner, had he met one in the outward Court, accusing and taxing him with such particular Sins, whereof he was guiltless, would no doubt have replied in his own just defence. And seeing I am on my Purgation, in what the Schools term Iustitia Causae (though not Personae) I cannot say less, (as I will no more) in my Iustification.

Thus have I represented the Reader with the True Complexion of my Cause, and though I have not painted the ••ace thereof with false Colours, I hope I have washed from it the foul Aspersion of Temporizing or sinful Agreeableness with the Times, which the Animadvertor causlesly casts upon it.

So much for my Outward Carriage in reference to the Times; Mean time what the Thoughts of my Heart have been thereof. I am not bound to make a Discovery to my Own Danger. Sure I am, such who are * 1.24 Peaceable and Faithful in Israel, may nevertheless be * 1.25 Mourners in Zion, and greive at what they cannot mend, but must endure. This also I know that, That Spoak in the Wheel which Creeketh most, doth not bear the Greatest burden in the Cart. The Greatest complainers are not alwayes the Greatest Sufferers, whilst as much yea more sincere sorrow may be managed in Secret Silence, than with Querulous, and Clamorous Obstreporous∣ness; and such, who will neither print nor preach Satyrs on the Times, may make Elegies on them in their own Soules.

Dr. Heilyn's TITLE-PAGE. Examen Historicum: OR A DISCOVERY and EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes, Falsities, and Defects in some Modern History. Part. I. CONTAINING Necessary ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church-History of BRITAIN: AND The History of CAMBRIDGE, Publish'd by Thomas Fuller: For Vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the Injured Clergy.

2 CORINTH. 13.8. Non possumus aliquid adversus veritatem: sed pro veritate.

Minut. Foel. in Octavio. Et Veritas quidem obvia est, sed requirentibus.

Fuller.

THe Chalenge, is no part of the Combate; nor the Mountebanks Bill of the Cure. It is answer enough to a Title-page, to return, It is but a Title-page. Whereas the Doctor intituleth his Notes on my Books Animadversions, know, Animadvertere in Latine signifieth, to mark, and observe; but rather, by the way of reproof, than approbation. And in a Secundary Sense, it importeth to correct, chastise, and severely to punish a [reputed] Malefactor, as the Doctor in a Judicatory, of his own Erecting, (without any Commission for the same,) hath herein passed many most heavy Censures on Me, before He heard what I could say in my own just defence.

Whereas the Animadvertor proceedeth, as followeth,

ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church-History of BRITTAIN: AND The History of CAMBRIDGE, Publish'd by Thomas Fuller: For Vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the Injured Clergy.

He hath done me more—right, than he was aware of, or was willing to do: for those indeed were the three principal Motives of my weak Endea∣vours in my Church-History. However, because he intended those words to relate not to my History, but his own Animadversions thereon, let the Reader Judge, to which of our two Works they bear the best and most proper reference.

The words of St. Paul 2. Cor. 13.8. Non possumus aliquid adversus veritatem sed pro veritate, We can do nothing against the Truth but for the Truth; well fitted the mouth of the Apostle, divinely inspired in his writings, only to be a Cham∣pion for the Truth. In one sense I allow them also applicable to the Animad∣vertor, according to the received Rule Illud possumus, quod jure possumus, We can do that which we can lawfully do —. But otherwise, I humbly conceive that St. Paul could not, and the Animadvertor should not, do any thing against the Truth.

All that I will add is this, that although the Doctor be pleased to call his notes Necessary Animadversions, (who can blame the loving Father for giving his own dear Babe a good name) yet upon serious examination it will appear that some of these Animadversions, ought to have been omitted, for the promoting of Piety; and many of them might have been omitted, without any prejudice to the Truth: as in due time and place, God willing, shall be observed.

Dr. Heylyn.

A General PREFACE TO THE WHOLE.

It is affirmed of History by the famous Orator, that it is Testis Temporum, the Witness and Record of Time, by which the Actions of it are transmitted from one Age to another. And therefore it concerns all those who apply themselves to the writing of Histories to take speciall care, that all things be laid down exactly, faithfully, and without Deviation from the Truth in the least particular; For if the Witnesses be suborned, the Record falsified, or the Evidence wrested, neither posterity can Judge rightly of the Actions of this present time; or this time, give a certain Judgement of the Ages past.

Fuller.

Allthough Mr. Sanderson is equally concerned with my Self in this Generall Preface, yet because I am beheld as the principal malefactor, I have here pre∣sented it intire. I look on it thus far as but the flourish or Illumining of a Text and Initial-Letter, signifying nothing in it self: and therefore let him proceed, to something more materiall.

Dr. Heylyn.

It is therefore a good direction which Iosephus the Historian gives us, and which he followed as it seems in his Iewish Antiquities, not only to be care∣full that the Stile be pleasing, but that the whole work be framed by the level and line of Truth, Nam qui Historiam & rerum propter Antiquitatem ob∣scurarum expositionem, &c.

They (saith he) who make profession to write Histories, and to recite such things as are obscured by Antiquitie, ought not only studiously to conform their stile, but also to beautyfie the same with ornaments of Eloq••ence, to the intent the Reader may converse in their Wri∣tings with the more delectation. But above all things they must have an especial care so exactly to set down the truth, that they who know not how those things came to pass, may be the more duely and fitly informed.

Fuller.

I acknowledge that this is the Character of a Complete Historian, to which all in their Writings ought to aspire with their best endeavours; though I believe none ever attained to the height thereof.

But first I would fain know, (seeing these are Necessary Animadversions) what need there was of that long-Latine-Line (staved off at last with an &c.) seeing Io∣sephus did write in Greek. And if the Doctor would have presented us with the Original, it should have been in Greek; if but with a Translation, it might only have been in English.

I behold Iosephus as a worthy Historian, whose memory I deservedly honour; yet herein he might say with the Poet, Monitis sum minor ipse meis. He in his Practise fell far short of his Precepts, witness his inserting of this false passage, opposite to the very Letter of the Old Testament, speaking of Iehojakaim King of Iudah,

2 King. 24.9.

And he did what was evil in the sight of the Lord, according to all that his Father had done.

Iosephus Ant. Iud. lib. 10. cap. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This man being merciful and just by his nature. &c.

But because it is not my Work to accuse Iosephus (whom I cannot praise and prize enough) but to defend my self against the Animadvertor, let us proceed.

Dr. Heylyn.

There is another rule which he bound himself to, that is to say, Neither to omit any thing through ignorance, nor to bury any thing in forgetfullness: And all these cautions well observed make a perfect History.

Fuller.

Here is the Elixir indeed of Historical perfection. Let a Glorified Saint write such an History of the Church-Triumphant, that so there may be a just proportion betwixt the Author and his Subject, both being Perfect.

I have met with this Distick made by reverend * 1.26 Bernard Gilpin, upon such Sectaries as require exactness in our Church of England.

Optant ut careat maculis Ecclesia cunctis; Praesens vita negat, vita futura dabit.

Thus Englished by Bishop Carleton.

Men wish our Church no blemish had at all; It cannot be so here, in Heaven it shall.

This is true both of our Church, and all Church-Histories; whereof none without faults, and they the best which have the fewest.

Dr. Heylyn.

But on the contrary, there are some who do spend themselves on the style and dresse, as if their business rather were to delight the ear then inform the judge∣ment; Others so byassed by self-ends and private interesse, that they seem ra∣ther Advocates to plead for some growing party, then true Reporters of affairs as they be before them. Some who endevouring to be copious, clap all together in a huddle which is offered to them, without relation to the Ornaments and Attire of Language; and others with like carelesness as unto themselves, but greater inconvenience as unto the Reader, examine not the truth and certainty of what they write, so they write somewhat which they think may inform the Reader. Betwixt these, Truth is oftentimes irrecoverably lost, the Reader led aside from the wayes of Verity into the crooked lanes of Error; and many times conducted to such dangerous precipices as may prove destructive to himself, and of ill conse∣quence to all those which are guided by him. The Errors of the Understanding, in matters which may possibly be reduced to Practise, are far more mischievous then those which do consist in the niceties of Speculation, and advance no far∣ther; which moved the Orator, not onely to honour History with the Attribute of Testis Temporum, but to style it also by the name of Magistra Vitae.

Fuller.

I remember when the reverend Vice-master of Trinity College in Cambridge was told that one of the Scholars had abused him in an Oration. Did he (said he) name me? Did he name Thomas Harrison? And when it was returned, that he named him not; then said he, I do not believe that he meant me. Although it is very suspicious that I am the mark aimed at in this discourse; yet being not conscious of such faults to my self, and because I am not named by him, I will not understand my self intended, till he toucheth me with more personal par∣ticularities.

Dr. Heylyn.

These things considered as they ought, hath made me wonder many times at the unadvisedness of some late Writers in this kind, whose Histories are com∣posed with so much partiality on the one Side, and so much inadvertency on the Other; that they stand more in need of a Commentator to expound the Truth, and lay it clear and open to the view of the Reader, than either the dark words of Aristotle, or any other obscure Piece of the ancient Writers. I speak of Histories, not Libels; of which last sort, I reckon Weldon's Pamphlet, called The Court of King Iames; and Wilson's most infamous Pasquil of the Reign of that King: in which it is not easie to judge, whether the Matter be more false, or the Stile more reproachful in all parts thereof. Certain I am, we may affirm of them as Cremutius Cordus doth of the Epistles of Antonius, and the Orations of Brutus, Falsa quidem in Augustum probra, sed multa cum acerbitate habent; that is to say, that they contained not only false and disgraceful passages against the honour of Augustus, but were apparelled also in the habit of scurrilous language. With such as these I shall not meddle at the present, leaving their crimes unto the punishment not of an Index, but an Ignis Expurgatorius, as most proper for them.

Fuller.

I am not concerned at all in this Paragraph; Onely let me add this in the honour of the deceased Robert Earl of Warwick, who told me at Beddington,

that when Wilson's Book in Manuscript was brought unto him, he expunged out of it more than an hundred offensive passages. My Lord, said I) you have done well, and you had done better if you had put out one hundred more.

Dr. Heylyn.

But as for those whom either the want of true intelligence or inadvertency in not weighing seriously what they were to do, or the too much indulgence to their own affections have made more capable of being bettered by correction, I have thought it more agreeable to the Rules of justice, to rectifie their mistakes, and reform their Errors, than absolutely to condemn and decry their Writings.

Fuller.

REFORMING of Errors is a specious and glorious Designe, especially when proportionable means are used in order thereunto. But of late the word RE∣FORMATION is grown so thredbare, it hath no nap left it, thereunder to cover foul acts to attain a fair end. I much suspect the Animadvertor will prove such a Deforming-Reformer, as our Age hath produced too many of them.

Dr. Heylyn.

At this time I have Two before me whom I conceive to stand in need of such Observations, by which the truth may be preserved, and the clear face of things presented to the Readers eye; the one of them an Authour of Eccle∣siastical, the other of some Civil Histories.

Fuller.

I commend the valour of the Animadvertor, to combate with Two at once; odds, on which Hercules himself durst not adventure. I also am to deal with two, the Animadvertor and Dr. Cosins, but not as a Challenger, but in the notion of a poor Defendant; and if one be assaulted by two hundred, he may and must guard himself against them as well as he can.

Dr. Heylyn.

In both I find the Truth much injured, and in one the Church. The Errors of the one tend not to the subversion of any publick interesse, but, being Errors, may misguide the Reader in the way of his knowledge and discourse; and therefore I have rectified him with some Advertisements (not taking notice of such passages as have been made the subject of some Observations from another hand) that so he may be read with the greatest profit.

Fuller.

This is meant of Mr. Sanderson. I am not so divellishly minded as to desire all men might be equally faulty with my self, that so being involved with others in a joynt-Guiltiness of the same degree, I might on that account pretend to a mock-Innocence. If Mr. Sanderson's Pen be less peccant than mine, I congratu∣late his condition, and provide to answer to my owne Charge, which followeth.

Dr: Heylyn.

The other (besides Errors of this kind too many) hath intermingled his Discourse with some Positions of a dangerous nature; which being reduced into practise, as they easily may, not only overthrow the whole power of the Church,

as it stands constituted and established by the Laws of the Land, but lay a probable foundation for the like disturbances in the Civil State.

Fuller.

Si satis sit accusâsse, quis Innocens? saith Tertullian. To this double Indictment I plead, not guilty, and put my self on the Trial of God and Goodmen, request∣ing the Reader's patience till the proofs on both sides be produced.

Dr. Heylyn.

And therefore I have fitted him with some Animadversions in the way of an Antidote, that so he may be read if possible without any danger.

Fuller.

Common custome hath oversway'd the word Antidote to signifie a Defensative against, or expulsative of, Poyson; However, the bare notation of the word advanceth no further than to import something given against: in which sense none of our Nation hath been so free of his Antidotes as the Animadvertor; having given them against Mr. Calvin, Archbishop Williams, Archbishop Usher, Dr. Hackwell, Dr. Prideaux, Dr. Barnard, Mr. Le-strange, Mr. Sanderson, and my un∣worthy Self, no shame to follow in the Reere after such a Van and Main-battel.

Sure I am, his pretended Antidote on my Book, hath more of Poyson than Cordial therein, envenoming many plain and true passages, sound and solid sentences,, with his false Glosses, forced Inferences, and pestilent Applications.

Dr. Heylyn.

I know well, how Invidious a Task I have undertaken and that it will be charged upon me at the first apprehensions of it, that I have rather chosen to find fault with the writings of others, than to write any things of this kind, which may be subject to the like partialities, and mistakings. Carpere vel noli nostra, vel ede tua, might come in seasonably here, if I had not somewhat to alledge for my Justification; But when the Reasons which induced me to the first Adventure (mentioned in the Introduction following) be seriously considered, as they ought to be, I hope I shall be capable of excuse, if not of pardon.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor hath here raised up (I assure you) a Strong Spirit against himself, and whether the Spells, here used by him, be able to conjure it down again, others must decide it; mean time, fight Animadvertor, fight Objection of his own making, seeing I have neither Skill, nor Will, to interpose to part them.

Dr. Heylyn.

And for my venturing on the other, I shall say nothing more at the pre∣sent, but that as well my love to Truth, as to do right unto the Author (whom I would willingly look on as a man well principled, and of no ill affectio∣ons to Church or State) hath invited me to it.

Fuller.

Here my credit is more deeply wounded by the glance of a bullet, than if it were directly shot against me; For whereas he saith, that he would willingly look on Mr. Sanderson as a man well principled, and of no ill affections to Church,

or State, he concludes me by plain intimation disaffected to both; But I hope that those who are cleer-sighted, look on me under a better notion.

Dr. Heylyn.

Truth is the Mistris which I serve.

Fuller.

Rough though I am, I have a Mistris too, and her the Self-same, with the Animadvertor's. Be it referred to Her, to Judge betwixt us, which of us hath, doth, or shall do her the better Service; and let him be received, the other rejected.

Dr. Heylyn.

And I presume that none will be offended with me, because I tell them of their Errors in a modest way, and bear witness for them to that Truth, of which they do profess themselves such especiall lovers. In that great Disputation betwixt the Esquires of the Body of King * 1.27 Darius, whether the King, Women, or the Truth, were of greatest Power, the whole Assembly cried out in the behalfe of Truth, Magna est veritas & praevalet, that is to say, Great is Truth, and mighty above all things.

Fuller.

I acknowledge this a Canonical Truth, though written in the Apocrypha. It will soon be seen, who will shout most at the Triumphs of Truth, I or the Animadvertor, corrivall with me to the same Mistris.

Dr. Heylyn.

So that in standing for the Truth, without Consideration of the RECOM∣PENCE of REWARD, I hope though I meet some Adversaries, I shall find more Friends.

Fuller.

Here he soareth so high a flight I cannot follow him; yea, I suspect, that in reaching so high a Note he hath strained (if not broken) his voice. What, no reflexion on a Reward? He might have had an Intuition at it, as the Incouragement though not the Cause of his pains; he might look at, in, through, and beyond the Reward, without the least mixture of any Mercenar inesse: Sure I am, that one of as much Meekness, as some are of Morosness, even upright Moses himself, in his Service of the Essential, and Increated Truth (of higher consequence than the Historical Truth controverted betwixt us) had notwithstanding a * 1.28 respect to the recompence of Reward.

Dr. Heylyn.

If not (for I am at a reasonable pass for that) it shall be no small comfort to me, that the weak Candle of my Studyes hath given light to others, whereby they may discern some Historical Truths even in the darkest mists of Error, which either Partiality or Incogitance hath cast before the eyes of many Readers.

Fuller.

The Reader in due time will Judge, whether his Candle hath by the light

thereof discovered more Truths; or by the Smoke thereof darkned more, or given more just offence by the unsavory Snuff thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

Which said, I shall now add no more, but that having two Patients under cure of different tempers, it is not to be thought, that I should administer unto both the same kind of Physick, an ordinary purge being sufficient for the one, where∣as the foul body of the other doth require a Fluxing; as some wounds may be healed with Balm, when others more corrupt and putrified do exact a Lancing.

Fuller.

Which said, I shall now add no more but that having two Adversaries, Dr. Heylyn, and Dr. Cosens to encounter, it is not to be thought, that I should pro∣ceed against both alike; Dr. Cosens hath merited much of the Protestant Cause in France, and thereby commands my Pen to pay the Homage of due reverence to the Crown of his old Age, especially when found in the way of Truth. But I am not under any such Obligation of particular respect to Dr Heylyn on the same account.

I could wish he had used a more cleanly Metaphor, and forborn the phrase of Fluxing. Such a cure appears not in Hippocrates, as being a modern remedy, for a modern malady. However, would I were but half so holy as he was, of whom it was said, An evill disease * 1.29 say they (and they did but say it) cleaveth fast unto him.

I will use no harsher Metaphor in relation of my answers to my two Antagonists, than only, That men may meddle with a Mallow with naked hands, but need to put on their Hedging-gloves when to deal with a Thorn or Nettle.

Onely here I shall presume to request the Reader, to take especial notice of those remarkable words of the Animadvertor [tell them of their Errors in a MODEST WAY] and keep them against a rainy-day, I mean such a seasonable Time as we may make use thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

But so it happeneth many times, that some men are more impatient of the Cure, then sensible of their Diseases; and that, in stead of giving thanks to to the Physitian, for the great pains he took about them, they pay him with nothing but displeasures. Which being the worst that can befall me, I am armed against it.

Fuller.

But so it happeneth many times, that (as in this case) there may be plus periculi à Medico quàm à Morbo, More danger of the Physitian than of the Disease; A good belief and conceit of the Physitian, is more than half a Cure: and I con∣fess I have none of the Animadvertor, whom I behold but as an adventurous Emperick, having seen and marked his practise on other Patients, rather disgrace∣ing their Persons than amending their Errors: Give me a Physitian of my own Election, not of his Intrusion; especially when he usually wrappeth up his best Receipts in Poysoned Papers.

Dr. Heylyn.

If by the hazard of my Peace I shall procure this benefit to the present and succeeding times, that men may prove more careful of what they write, and

not obtrude upon the Reader (either through Ignorance, inadvertency, or somewhat worse) such and so many falsities, mistakes, and errors, as have been lately put upon him in some modern Histories; It is that I aimed at, and having gained that point, I have gained my purpose.

Fuller.

But what if on the contrary (which is more probable) it commeth to pass, that some having commendable Inclinations, and proportionable Qualifications to write Histories, perceiving their Books, Damnatos antequam natos, baned before born, by the prejudice which this Animadvertor bears their Parents; who is ready as soon as their Books shall peep out of the Press, to assault them with causless cavills: What I say if such persons on the tender resentment of the premises shall quit all their Intentions to write; the Animadvertor can little com••ort himself, and others will less commend him, for this his over-activity, so destru∣ctive to the publick Good. But there are some, who when they can no longer bewitch with their Beauty, endevour to doe it with their Malice, thereby to render themselves in any sort considerable; to be feared, when they are no more loved. All I will add is this, He who already having one of his feet in the Grave, will spurn his brother with the other; will find few to pitty him, if falling all a∣long for his pains.

Dr. Heylyn.

Non Partis Studiis agimur, sed Sumpsimus Arma Consiliis Inimica tuis, Ignavia fallax.

Peter Heylyn.

Fuller.

This Distick, whereof the Animadvertor, (by the immediate subscription of his name thereunto▪ may to some seem the Author, is frequently cited by Mr. Selden, and may thus be Englished,

We serve no Sides, nor Parties seek to please, But do defie, Sloth, thy deceiving Ease.

However I humbly conceive, that (what faults soever I am guilty of) the sin of Sloth cannot justly, especially in my Church-History, be laid to my charge.

1. All passages of Church-concernment from the Reign of Henry the third, untill King Henry the sixth, I got exactly written and attested out of the Records in the Tower.

2. The most material transactions in all Convocations since the Reformation till the time of Queen Elizabeth (save that sometimes the Journals be very defective, which was no fault of mine,) I transcribed out of the Registers of Canterbury.

3. I have by much labour procured many Letters and other Rarities (which formerly never did see the light) out of the Library of Sir Thomas Cotton and others.

4. The learned Mr. Selden (on his own desire) honoured my first four Centuries with reading, and returned them unto me some weeks after; without any considerable alterations.

5. The best Antiquaries of England (amongst whom the Arch-Bishop of Armagh, it being not then my happiness to be known to the Learned and religious Sir R. Twisden,) I consulted with; These now I forbear to name, lest I remove and derive the Animadvertors anger on them from my self, who am (though not the most able) the best prepared to endure his displeasure.

Give me leave to add, that a greater volume of general Church-Historie might

be made with less time, pains, and cost: for in the making thereof, I had Straw provided me to burn my Brick; I mean, could find what I needed, in printed Books. Whereas in this Brittish Church-History, I must (as well as I could) provide my own Straw, and my pains have been scattered all over the Land, by riding, writing, going, sending, chiding, begging, praying, and sometimes pay∣ing too, to procure manuscript materials.

These particulars seriously considered, I hope it will appear, that the Animad∣vertor unjustly chargeth Sloth on my account, and Tyrannically crieth out with Pharoah, * 1.30 Ye are idle, Idle are you. Yea I hope, I may alter the property of the Animadvertors Distick, and turn his Sword into my Shield after this manner.

Non Partis Studiis agimur, sed sumpsimus arma Consiliis peramica tuis, Industria Doctrix.

Thomas Fuller.

An ANSWER TO Dr. Heylyn's Necessary INTRODUCTION &c.

Dr. Heylyn.

INtending some short Animadversions on the Church-History of Brittain, for Vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the injured Clergy, I have thought good to prepare the way unto them by a plain, but necessary Introduction, touching the Quality and Nature of the Book which I have in hand.

Fuller.

Intending, God willing, to return a true, clear, and short Answer to the Introducti∣on, I conceived it requisite to premise these few lines following.

The Animadvertor like a Cunning Market-man, hath put his best Corn in the top of his Sack to invite Chapmen to buy it. His Preface hath a Decoction of his whole Book, which was advisedly done by him, hoping that those might read his Preface whom he suspected would never peruse his Book.

Reader, As I am loath, any thing in his Book should not be once Answered, so be not offended, if to avoid repetition, I am loath it should be twice answered. Each particular in the Preface will recurre in the body of the Book, where (by Gods assistance) no emphatical word nor syllable shall pass without its respective reply.

Nor hath the Reader any cause to suspect, that by such shifting I intend any Evasion, by pleading in the Preface, that I will answer objections in the Body of my Book, and alledging in the Body of my Book, that I have answered them in the Preface. For I have to do with the Animadvertor, so cunning and so exacting a Merchant, that it is impossible for one indebted unto him, to escape without full payment, by changing the place of his habitation.

However the Animadvertor hath dealt severely (to say no worse) with me, who, to render me the more culpable, and my Book of the less credit, hath re∣presented all my faults in a Duplicating Glass; And whereas the Best of Beings, non bis judicat in id ipsum, doth not punish the same faults twice, he hath twice taxed every supposed mistake in my History, once in his Preface, and again, in the Body of his Book.

Dr. Heylyn.

Concerning which, the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. Mr. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State; in the Preface whereof he let•• us know,

that he should count it freedom to serve two Appr••ntiships (God spinning out the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thread of his life so long) in writing the Ecclesiastical History from Christ•• time to our daies. And so much time it seems he had spent upon it (excepting some 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for recreation in the Holy Land, before he had finisht and expos'd it to pub••••ck view; the Book not comming out untill the year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expect••tion, we are now to see.

Fuller.

My words are by the Animadvertor given-in de••ectively, and (as to me) disad∣vantageously; this ••assage (which ought to have been inserted) immediatly pre∣ceding my Promise.

If I may be so happy as to see these gloomy dayes disclouded with the beams of Gods mercy.

I appeal to the Conscience of the Animadvertor himself, wh••ther in his Soul he conceiveth these days disclouded or no. Gloomy they were when I w••ote those words, before any war rained in the Land; and since such bloody showers have ended, they continue louring, gloomy, and dark unto this day.

My promise therfore being thus but Conditional, and the condition on which it was grounded not as yet performed, I have no ne••d Liberare fidem, to free my Faith, which was never bound, though I had ever since utterly quitted all thoughts of writing any Church-History.

For, the first five years, during our actual Civill Wars, I had little list or leasure to write; fearing to be made an History, and shifting daily for my safety. All that time I could not live to study, who did onely study to live.

So soon as Gods goodness gave me a fixed habitation, I composed my Land of Canaan or Pisgah-Sight. This, though I confess it be no part of Church-Building, yet it is the clearing of the floore or Foundation thereof, by presenting the performances of Christ and his Apostles in Palestine. I perceive the Anim∣advertor hath a months mind to give me a Jeere, for my fallying into the Holy-Land, which I can bear the better, seeing (by Gods goodness) that my Book hath met with generall reception, likely to live when I am dead; so that friends of quality solicite me, to teach it the Latine-Language.

Dr. Heylyn.

For first, the Reader might expect by the former passage, that he designed the Generall History of the Church, from the first preaching of Christ, and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in: whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Brittain, which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ, that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles, of any of the Seventy Disciples, or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times.

Fuller.

Charity begins, but doth not end, at home. The same Method was embraced in my Church-History. It began with our own Domestick affairs, to confute that accusation, commonly charged on Englishmen, that they are very knowing in for∣rain parts, but ignorant in their own Country. I intended (God willing) to have proceeded to forrain Churches, but I am discouraged by the causless cavil∣ing at what I have written already.

My Church-History beginneth (for point of Time) Indeterminately before the Birth of Christ, (lapping in, or folding over part of Paganisme) and presenteth the dolefull condition of the Britons, whilest yet unconverted, and grievious Idolaters.

Determinately, my History begins Anno Dom. 37. which is but four years after Christs Passion, and that is very early, I assure you: Christianity in this Island, being a Timely riser, to be up so soon, and dressing it Self, whilest as yet (and many years after) most Countreys were fast asleep in Pugan Impiety,

I deny not but that Apostolical men, were the first founders of Religion in our Land. But as for such Apostles, (St. Peter, St. Paul, &c.) who without probability of Truth, and against proportion of Time, are by some Authors obtruded on us, those I do reject, (I hope, without the least ••ault) rendring my reasons for the same.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly, Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Brittain, yet he pursues not his Design agreeable to that Title neither: there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland, which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Brittain; and less (if any thing at all) of the Church of Ireland, which anciently past in the account of a Brittish-Island.

Fuller.

I will render the Reader a true account, why I entitled my Book, The Church-History of Brittain.

First, the Church-History of England I might not call it, the five first Centu∣ries therein belonging wholly to the Brittains before the Name and Notion of England, was ever heard of in any Author.

Secondly, The Church-History of Great-Brittain, I did not call it; for fear of bringing in Scotland within the Latitude thereof, a compass too large for my weak Endeavours.

Thirdly, The Church-History of Brittain, I did, and might call it, in a double respect, tam à parte Majore, quàm meliore, both from the bigger and better, the fairer and fruitfuller part of Brittain, the Ecclesiastical affairs whereof were there∣in contained.

Yea the Animadvertor knows full well, that the South of this Island, by way of Eminence is so called: To give one Instance of many, from the Title-page, of a passage of State.

Nobilissima disceptatio super Dignitate & magnitudine Regnorum Britannici Et Gallici, habita ab utriusque Oratoribus & Legatis, in Concilio Constantiensi; Lovanii, anno 1517. Typis excusa.

The most noble Dispute, about the Dignity and greatness of the Kingdomes of Brittain and France, betwixt the Embassadors and Legates of both Sides, in the Councell of Constance; Anno 1517. printed at Lovaine.

Here the contest only was betwixt the Crowns of England [here termed Brittain] and France, Scotland not at all interesting it self therein.

It will not be long before the Animadvertor (as, God willing, in due time shall be observed) stickleth with might and main, that Lucius might properly style himself, and be styled King of Brittain, who had not an half of the Southern-half of this Island: and therefore, by his own Principles, it is no Solecisme in me, to name the cis-Tweedan Moity thereof, Brittain.

Had I given my native Countrey a narrow and restrictive name, I had deserved due reproof; but now, measuring the denomination thereof, with all honourable advantage, I humbly conceive my self not to fall under just reprehension for the same.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor is it, thirdly, a Church-History rightly and properly so called, but an aggregation of such and so many Heterogeneous bodies, that Ecclesiastical affairs make the least part of it. Abstracted from the dresse and trimming, and all those outward imbelishments which appear upon it, it hath a very fit resem∣blance to that Lady of pleasure of which Martial tells us, Pars minima est ipsa puella sui, that the woman was the least part of her self. The name of a Church-Rhapsody had been fitter for it, though to say truth (had it been answerable thereunto in point of learning) it might have past by the old Title of Fuller's Miscellanies. For such and so many are the impertinencies, as to matters of Histo∣ricall nature, more as to matters of the Church, that without them this great Volume had been brought to a narrower compass, if it had taken up any room at all. So that we may affirm of the present History, as one did of the Wri∣tings of Chrysippus an old Philosopher,* 1.31 viz. Si quis tollat••è Chrysippi Libris quae aliena sunt, facilè illi vacua relinquerentur Pergamena, that is to say, that if they were well purged of all such passages as were not pertinent to the business which he had in hand, there would be nothing left in them to fill up his Parchments.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor hath a free liberty to name His own Books; and I crave the same leave my self, to denominate My own.

Before he had fallen so fiercely on my extravagancies in the Church-Historie, he had done well to have defended his own, in his Geographie; sixteen parts of twenty therein being meerly Historicall, and aliene from his Subject in the strictness there∣of. Sure I am, Ptolomey, Strabo, Pliny &c. in their severall descriptions of the world, have nothing to countenance the excursions about the Pedegrees of Princes, not reductive to Geographie without the great favor of the Reader so to understand it.

But because Recrimination is no part of Purgation, I provide my self to answer to all which shall be objected for impertinencies.

Dr. Heylyn.

The first of this kind which I am to note, is a meer extrinsecall and outside unto those impertinencies which are coucht within; consisting of Title-Pages, Dedicatory-Epistles, and severall intermediate Inscriptions unto every Section. A new way, never travelled before by any, till he found it out; and such where∣in he is not like to find many followers, though the way be opened. I know it is no unusuall thing for works of different Arguments, publisht at severall times, and dedicated to severall persons, to be drawn together into one Volume; and being so drawn together, to retain still those particular Titles and Dedicati∣ons which at first they had. But I dare confidently say, that our Historian is the first, who writing a Book of the same Argument, not published by peece-meal, as it came from his hand, but in a full and intire Volume, hath filled his Sheets with so many Title-leaves and Dedications, as we have before us.

Fuller.

I answer first, Although it be unlawfull even for the owner himself abuti re sua, to abuse what is his own, because the Publick hath an interest therein; Yet, * 1.32 Is it not lawfull for me to Do, what I will with my Own?

Secondly, seeing the Animadvertor pretendeth in his notes to rectifie Mistakes, Falsities, and Defects, this cometh not under any of these notions. And whereas he writeth (as he saith) for the Vindication of the Truth, Church, and injured-Clergy;

by my dedicating of my Book to many Patrons, the Truth is not prejudiced, nor the Church wronged, nor any of the Clergy injured.

Thirdly, Of late some usefull and costly Books, when past their Parents power to bring them forth, have been delivered to the Publick, by the Midwifery of such Dedications.

Fourthly, Many (if not most) of my Patrons invited themselves purposely to encourage my endevours; And why should any mans eye be evil, because theirs were good unto me.

Lastly, It is all one in effect, whether one printeth his Dedications to many Pa∣trons, or whether one presenteth a printed History of St▪ George, to each English Knight of the Garter, with a written * 1.33 letter prefixed to every one of them: save that the former way is better, as which rendereth the Authors gratitude the more publick and conspicuous.

Dr. Heylyn.

For in this one Book, taking in the History of Cambridge, which is but an Appendix to it, there are no fewer than twelve particular Titles, besides the generall; as many particular Dedications; and no fewer then fifty eight or sixty of those By-Inscriptions, which are addrest to his particular Friends and Be••ef••ctors, which make it bigger by forty Sheets at the least, then it had been otherwise. Nay, so ambitious he is of increasing the Number of his Patrons, that having but four Leaves to come to the end of his History, he finds out a particular Benefactress to inscribe it to: Which brings to my minde the vanity of Vitellius in bestowing, and of Roscius, Regulus for accepting the Consular Dignity, for that part of the day on which Cecinna, by Order and Decree of the Senate, was degraded from it: Of which the Historian gives this Note, that it was, Magno cum irrisu accipientis tribuentisque, a matter of no mean dis∣port amongst the People for a long time after.

Fuller.

Ordinary Dedications exceed not a dozen lines, and therefore I believe the Animadvertor is much mistaken in his proportions.

If I did Dedicate four leaves to a distinct Patroness, no such fault therein; seeing, I am confident, those four leaves contain in them so remarkable an Accident, as the Animadvertor never read the like in four thousand leaves of any Historian.

Dr. Heylyn.

But of this Argument our Author heard so much at the late Act at Oxford, that I shall say no more of it at this present time.

Fuller.

I heard nothing thereof at Oxford, being then sixty miles distanced thence. Sure I am, I did not there Malè audire deservedly; and if undeservedly, mala fama bene parta delectat.

Secondly, I have heard since, that one in the Act, was bold to play on my own name and Church-History. But for the seventeen years I lived in Cambridge, I never heard any Prevaricator mention his Senior by name: We count such particularizing beneath an University.

Thirdly, I hope it will not be accounted Pride, but Prudence in me, to believe my self above such Trifles, who have written a Book to Eternity.

Fourthly, I regreat not to be Anvile, for any ingenious Hammer to make pleasant musick on; but it seems my Traducer was not so happy.

Lastly, I remember a speech o•• Sir Walter Rawleighs, If any (saith he) speaketh against me to my face, my Tongue shall give him an Answer; but my back-side is good enough to return to him, who abuseth me behind my back.

Dr. Heylyn.

In the next ranck of Impertinencies, which are more intrinseall, part of the substance of the work, I account his Heraldry, Blazons of Arms, Descents of noble Families with their Atchivements intermingled as they come in his way; not pertinent, I am sure, to a Church-Historian, unless such persons had been Founders of Episcopal Sees, or Religious-Houses, or that the Arms so blazoned did belong to either.

Fuller.

I answer in generall, Those passages of Heraldry are put in for variety and diversion, to refresh the wearied Reader.

They are never used without asking of leave before, or craving pardon after the inserting thereof; and such craving is having a request in that kind with the Ingenious. Grant it ill manners in the Author not to ask, it is ill nature in the Reader not to grant so small a suit.

Mr. Camden in his description of Oxfordshire, hath a prolixe (though not tedious) poeme, of the marriage of Thame and Isis, which he ushereth in with Si placet, vel legas vel negligas, read or reject, either set by it, or set it by; as the Reader is disposed.

The same, (though not expressed) is implied in all such Digressions, which may be said to be left unprinted in Effect, to such as like them not: their Ploughs may make Balks of such deviations, and proceed to more serious matter.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author tells us, lib. 9. fol. 151. that knowledge in the Laws of this Land, is neither to be expected or required in one of his profession; and yet, I trow, considering the great influence which the Laws have upon Church-matters, the knowledge of the Law cannot be so unnecessary in the way of a Clergy-man, as the study of Heraldry: But granting Heraldry to be an Ornament in all them that have it, yet is it no ingredient requisit to the composition of an Ecclesiasti∣cal History: The Copies of Battle-Abbey Roll fitter for Stow and Hollinshead, (where before we had them) can, in an History of the Church, pretend to no place at all, though possibly the names of some may be remembred, as their Foundations or Endowments of Churches give occasion for it. The Arms of Knight-Errant, billeted in the Isle of Ely, by the Norman Conqueror, is of like extravagancy. Such also is the Catalogue of those noble Adventurers, (with their Arms, Issue and Atchievements) who did accompany King Richard the first to the War of Palestine, which might have better serv'd as an Appendix to his History of the Holy War, then found a place in the main Body of an History of the Church of England: Which three alone, besides many intercalations of that kind, in most parts of the Book, make up eight sheets more, inserted onely for the ostentation of his skill in Heraldry, in which notwithstanding he hath fallen on as palpable Errors as he hath committed in his History:

Fuller.

Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments hath done the like, presenting the names of such who came over at the Norman Conquest. I have only made their Catalogue more complete. And seeing it was preserved in Battle-Abbey, the very addition of Abbey doth dye it with some Ecclesiastical tincture.

The Arms of the Knights of Ely, might on a threefold title have escaped the Animadvertor's censure: First, they was never before printed. Secondly, the Wall whereon they were depicted, is now demolished. Lastly, each Knight being blended (or, as I may say, empaled) with a Monk, a Moiety of that Mixture may be construed reducible to Church-History.

As for the Arms of some signal persons atchieved in the HOLY-WAR; If the Sirname of WAR be secular, the Christian name thereof, HOLY, is Ecclesiastical; and so rendred all actions therein within the latitude of Church-History, to an inge∣nuous Reader.

Dr. Heylyn.

For, besides those which are observed in the course of this work, I find two others of that kind in his History of Cambridge, to be noted there.

For fol. 146. he telleth us, That Alice Countess of Oxford was Daughter and sole Heir of Gilbert Lord Samford, which Gilbert was Hereditary Lord Chamberlain of England]. But, by his leave, Gilbert Lord Samford was never the hereditary Chamberlain of the Realm of England, but only Chamberlain in Fee to the Queens of England; betwixt which Offices how vast a difference there is, let our Au∣thour judge.

Fuller.

I plead in my own defence (according to my last general Answer) that I have charged my Margin with my Autho••. Mr. Parker* 1.34 (Fellow of Caius College in Cambridge,) one known for a most ab•••• Antiquary, but especially in Heraldry; and I thought that he had lighten on some rare Evidence, out of the ordinary road: but, seeing he was mistaken, I will amend it (God willing) in my next Edition.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly, The Honor of Lord Chamberlain of England, came not unto the Earls of Oxford by that Marriage, or by any other, but was invested in that Family, before they had attained the Title and Degree of Earls: Conferred by King Henry the first on Aubrey de Vere, a right puissant Person, and afterwards on Aubrey de Vere his Son, together with the Earldome of Oxford, by King Henry the second; continuing Hereditary in that House, till the death of Robert Duke of Ireland, the ninth Earl thereof, and then bestowed for a time at the Kings discre∣tion, and at last setled by King Charls in the House of Lindsey.

Fuller.

This is nothing Confutatory of Me, who never affirmed that the High-Cham∣berlainship accrued to the House of Oxford by any such match.

Dr. Heylyn.

But because being a Cambridge Man, he may be better skill'd in the Earls of that County, let us see what he saith of them; and we shall find, fol. 162. That Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, was the eighth Earl of Cambridge.

Whereas first, Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge.

Fuller.

He was, he was, he was; as presently (God willing) will appear, beyond all doubt and contradiction.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly, If he had been such, he must have been the seventh Earl, and not the eighth: For thus those Earls are marshalled in our Catalogues of Honor, and

Books of Heraldry, viz. 1. William de Meschines. 2. Iohn de Hainalt. 3. William Marquess of Iuliers. 4. Edmond of Langley, D. of York. 5. Edward D. of York. 6. Richard de Conisburgh, younger Brother of Edward. 7. Iames Marquess Hamil∣ton, &c.

Fuller.

Indeed they are thus reckoned up in a late little (and useful) Book, entituled, The Help of History, made (as I am credibly informed) by the Animadvertor himself, and therefore by him wel stiled OUR Catalogues of Honour. But more exact Heralds, whom it concerns to be skilful in their own Profession, do otherwise account them.

Dr. Heylyn.

No Richard Duke of York to be found amongst them; his Father, Richard of Konisburgh, having lost that Title by Attainder, which never was restored to Richard his Son (though most improvidently advanced to the Dukedom of York) nor unto any other of that Line and Family.

Fuller.

I admire at the Animadvertor's peremptoriness in this point, when the no less learned (but more modest) Mr. Camden, speaking of these Earls in the Descri∣ption of Cambridge-shire, saith, that after the death of Richard of Conisburgh,

The Title of the Earl of Cambridge, either wholly vanished with him, or else lay hid amongst the Titles of Richard his Son, who was restored Duke of York as Kinsman and Heir to his Uncle Edward Duke of York.

What he warily said laid hid, is found out by such as since wrote on that Subject, Mr. Brooke, York Herald, and Mr. Augustine Vincent (in effect Mr. Camden revi∣sed;) who writing Corrections on Brooke,* 1.35 concurreth with him in this particular.

for Richard of Conisburgh, Edward's Brother, was after created Earl of that place, [Cambridge] and after him another Richard, who was Richard of Conisburgh's Son.

See Reader what an Adversary I have gotten, who careth not to write against the most evident and avowed Truths, so be it, he may write something against Me.

Dr. Heylyn.

4. Proceed we in the next place to Verses, and old ends of Poetry, scattered and dispersed in all parts of the History, from one end to the other; for which he hath no precedent in any Historian, Greek or Latine, or any of the National Histories of these latter times: The Histories of Herodotus, Xenophon, Thucidides and Plutarch, amongst the Greeks; of Caesar, Livy, Salust, Tacitus, and Suetonius, amongst the Latines; afford him neither warrant nor example for it: The like may be affirmed of Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Ruffin and Evagrius, Church-Historians all; though they had all the best choice, and the most excel∣lent Poets of the world to befriend them in it: And he that shall consult the Historyes of succeeding times, through all the Ages of the Church, to this present day, will find them all as barren of any incouragements in this kind, as the ancients were.

Fuller.

Never had Herodotus given his Nine Books the names of the Nine Muses, if such was his Abstemiousness from Poetry. Not one of them, which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this kind; and there are found in Clio the first, no fewer than thirty Verses of the Oracles of Pythia. As those his Books are fruitful, so his Book of the Life of Homer hath a superfetation of them, so that if Paose be the Warp,

Verses are the Woof thereof. Whereas the Animadvertor instances in Plutarch; open at the life of Theseus, and we are presented with Poetry therein.

But grant no precedent in this nature in these Authors. A more free Genius acteth in modern than in ancient Historians, manumissed from the Servilities they were tied (or tied themselves) unto. The Animadvertor, like another Empson, endevoureth to revive the Penal Statutes of History against me, (so to subject me to fine for the breach thereof) which Time in effect hath cancelled.

Qui Scribit Historicè, scribit miserè, if enslaved to all puntillo's thereof. Let the Animadvertor keep those Steel-bodys for his own wearing, and not force them on me. What, not a Plait or a Ruffle more or less but all must be done in Number, Waight, and Measure! according to Historicall criticisme! This is not put∣ting the Book, but the Author himself, into the Press.

Tacitus himself, (here instanced in) would be Tacitus indeed, if all Politick Sentences and prudential results were deleted in him, being trespasses on the pre∣ciseness of History, confined to matter of Fact: But well-fare that Historian, who will go out of his own way, to direct his Reader.

We know Pliny, Solinus, &c. in their Topographical description of Countreys, are barren of verses. Let the Animadvertor on the same account therefore charge Mr. Camden for surcharging his Britannia with Poetry, having but three verse∣less Shires, viz. (Dorset, Bucks, and Westmerland) in all England, and more than fourscore verses apeece, in the three severall Counties of Berks, Oxford, and Somerset.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nay, whereas Bishop Godwin in his Annals, gives us an Epitaph of two Verses only made on Queen Iane Seymour, and afterwards a Copy of eighteen verses on the Martyrdome of Arch-Bishop Cranmer; he ushers in the last with this short Apology, Contra morem Historiae liceat quaeso inserère, &c. Let me, (saith he, I beseech you) insert these following verses, though otherwise against the Rule and Laws of History.

Fuller.

What if that worthy Prelate was pleased to pass a Complement on his Reader, it followeth not that they do want Civility, who have less Courtship in this Point than he hath. Let us look on his Catalogue of Bishops, which hath more vici∣nity with my Subject, and there we shall find (the Bulk of the Book consider∣ed) more verses in proportion, than in my Church-History, on the token that where I cite but four, he quoteth fourteen, out of Martial, to prove Claudia Ruffi∣na a Britan, and a Christian.

Dr. Heylyn.

But what alas were eighteen or twenty verses compared with those many hundred (six or seven hundred at the least) which we find in our Author, whether to shew the universality of his reading in all kind of Writers, or his faculty in Translating (which when he meets with hard Copies, he knows how to spare) I shall not determine at the present.

Fuller.

If peeces of verses be counted whole ones, which in this point is no Charitable Synecdoche, and if Translations be reckoned distinct Verses, though it is hard that a Man and his Shadow should be accounted two different persons:

And if the verses in the History of Cambridge be adjected, though he who banisheth Poetry out of an University, will find Iambicks enough to pay him for his pains:

And if the verses in the History of Waltham-Abby be cast in, though who

shall hinder but I will describe my own Parish in Prose or Poetry as I think fit; all put together will not amount to the number.

Besides many of my verses may be said to be Prose in Effect, as containing the Religion of that Age, and therefore alledged as Evidence thereof, before the Norman Conquest; and no authority can in Prose be produced which doth so fully and cleerly represent the same.

Other Verses are generally Epitaphs on some eminent Church-men, which could not well be omitted.

Dr. Heylyn.

Certain I am, that by the interlarding of his Prose with so many Verses, he makes his Book look rather like a Church-Romance, (our late Romancers being much given to such kind of mixtures) than a well-built Ecclesiastical History. And if it be a matter so inconvenient to put a new peice of cloth on an old garment; the putting of so many old patches on a new peice of cloth, must be more unfashion∣able. Besides that, many of these old ends are so light and ludicrous, so little pertinent to the business which he has in hand, that they serve only to make sport for Children, (ut pueris placeas & Declamatio fias) and for nothing else.

Fuller.

Had the Animadvertor come with a good stomach, such larding had been no bad Cookery. Certain I am, that a Comment admitteth less latitude in this kind than a Church-History. Certain I am also, that a Comment on the Creed, is allow∣ed less Liberty then other Comments. Now the Animadvertor hath be scattered his, every where with Verses, and Translations. It consisteth not with my Charity to miscall it a Creed-Romance, accounting it a sin so to decry or disparage his usefull endevours. The best way to discover the deformity of my Fabrick, is for the Animadvertor to erect a more beautifull Building hard by it, that so his rare and regular, may shame my rude peece of Architecture.

What if such mixtures make the Garment (which also I utterly deny) to be less in the fashion (the fondling of Fancy;) I made it not for Sight but Service, that it might be strong and warm to the Wearers thereof.

I stand on my justification, that no such light or ludicrous Verses are to be found in my Book, which render it to just exception. But no wonder if the Bel clinketh even as the prejudic'd Hearer thinketh thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

This leads me to the next impertinency, his raking into the Chanel of old Po∣pish Legends, writ in the darker times of Superstition, but written with an honest zeal, and a good intention, as well to raise the Reader to the admiration of the person of whom they write, as to the emulation of his virtues: But being mixt with some Monkish dotages, the most learned and ingenious men in the Church of Rome have now laid them by; and it had been very well if our Author had done so to, but that there must be something of entertainment for the gentle Reader, and to inflame the reckoning which he pays not for.

Fuller.

I have not raked into the Kennel of old Popish Legends, who took the clearest water, in this kind, out of those Rivers which run, at this day, in highest Reputa∣tion with the Romanists. I never cited any Legend but either out of Harpsfield, who wrote in the last Generation, and was as Ingenuous as any of his Perswasion; or else out of Hierom Porter his Flores Sanctorum, who wrot some forty years, and in high esteem with the Papists at this day, as appears by the dear price thereof.

I confess I have instanced (taking ten perchance out of ten thousand) in the grossest of them, (that is the fairest Monster, which is most Deformed) partly to shew what a Spirit of Delusion acted in that Age, partly to raise our Gratitude to God, seeing such Lying vanities, are now ridiculous even to children.

I believe not the Animadvertor, when saying, that the most learned and Ingenious of Rome have laid them aside, seeing Cornelius à lapide weaveth them in, all along his

comments, and K. Iames did justly complain, that Bellarmine himself, did mar his pretty Books of Devotion, with such Legendary mixtures.

Dr. Heylyn.

But above all things, recommend me to his Merry Tales, and scraps of Trencher∣jests, frequently interlaced in all parts of the History; which if abstracted from the rest, and put into a Book by themselves, might very well be serv'd up for a second course to the Banquet of Iests, a Supplement to the old Book, entituled, Wits, Fits, and Fancies; or an additional Century to the old Hundred Merry Tales, so long since extant. But standing as they do, they neither do become the gravity of a Church-Historian, nor are consistent with the nature of a sober argument.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor should have rendred me liable to just Reproof, by instancing in One of those Tales so inconsistent with the gravity of a Church-Historian: which no doubt he had done, but because he knew himself unable to produce it.

He, who is often seen to snap hastily at, and feed hungerly on an hard crust, will not be believed if bragging that he can eat Pheasants and Partridges at his Pleasure. And seeing the Animadvertor, doth commonly carp and cavil at the silly shadows of seeming mistakes, in my Book; it is utterly improbable he can, yet will not, charge me with a fault, which cannot be defended.

But let him at leasure produce the most light and ludicrous Story in all my Book, and here I stand ready to Parallel it with as light, (I say not in the Animadvertor,) but in as Grave Authors as ever put Pen to Paper.

Dr. Heylyn.

But as it seems, our Author came with the same thoughts to the writing of this present History, as Poets anciently address themselves to the writing of Come∣dies, of which thus my Terence.

Poeta cum primùm animum ad scribendum appulit. Id sibi negotii credidit solum dari, Populo ut placerent quas fecisset fabulas.

That is to say,

Thus Poets, when their mind they first apply In looser verse to frame a Comedy, Think there is nothing more for them to do, Then please the people, whom they speak unto.

Fuller.

I admire that the Animadvertor, who so lately had taxed me for writing and tran∣slating of Verses, will now do the same himself. There is a double people-pleasing. One sordid and servile, made of falshood and flattery, which I defie and detest. The other lawful, when men deliver and dress Truth in the most plausible expression. I have a precedent above Exception to warrant it, even Solomon himself, Eccles. 12.10. The Preacher sought out Acceptable words. This I did, and will, aim at in all my writings, and I doubt not but that the Animadvertor's Stationer doth hope and de∣sire, that he hath thus pleased people in his Book, for the advancing of the price, and quickning the Sale thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

In the last place proceed we to the manifold excursions about the Antiquity of Cambridge, built on as weak Authority as the Monkish Legends, and so impertinent

to the matter which he hath in hand, that the most Reverend Mat. Parker (though a Cambridge man) in his Antiquitates Britannicae, makes no business of it.

The more impertinent, in regard that at the fag-end of his Book there fol∣lows a distinct History of that University, to which all former passages might have been reduced.

But, as it seems, he was resolved to insert nothing in that History but what he had some probable ground for; leaving the Legendary part thereof to the Church-Romance, as most proper for it. And certainly he is wondrous wise in his gene∣ration.

For fearing lest he might be asked for those Bulls and Chartularies which fre∣quently he relates unto in the former Books, he tells us in the History of Cam∣bridge, fol 53. That they were burnt by some of the seditious Townsmen in the open Market place, Anno 1380. or thereabouts: So that for want of other ancient evidence, we must take his word; which whether those of Cambridge will depend upon, they can best resolve.

For my part I forbear all intermedling in a controversie so clearly stated, and which hath lain so long asleep, till now awakened by our Author to beget new quar∣rels: Such passages in that History as come under any Animadversion, have been reduced unto the other, as occasion served, which the Reader may be pleased to take notice of as they come before him.

Fuller.

Because omitted by Arch-Bishop Parker, I have the more Cause and Rea∣son to insert it: Otherwise, had he handled the Subject before, the Animad∣vertor would have cryed out Crambe, that there was nothing novel therein.

Call it (I pray) The FRINGE of my Book, be it but for the Subjects sake, whereof it treats, my dear Mother, the University of Cambridge.

I live in the same generation with the Animadvertor, and I hope shall acquit my self as honest, which truly is as wise as himself. CHURCH-ROMANCE parciùs ista.

As I tell the Reader of the burning of those Original Charters, so in the same place I charge my Margin with my Author, [Dr. Caius] and thereby discharge my self.

Doth the Animadvertor now forbear all intermedling therein, in this Controversy? Why did he not forbear before, when setting forth his last Geography some five years since? And is it not as lawful for me to defend, as for him to oppose my Mother? When, where, and by whom, was this Controversie so clearly stated? Was it by the Animadvertor himself? Such a Party is unfit for a Iudge. Or, was it stated by the Parliament mentioned by him 1^mo. Iacobi, when, as he telleth us, the Clerk was commanded to place Oxford first. But it plainly appears it was not then so clearly decided; but that the question was ever started again, in the late long Parliament, with Arguments on both Sides. Witness the printed Speech of Sir Simonds D'EWES on that occasion.

Dr. Heylyn.

All these extravagancies and impertinencies (which make up a fifth part of the whole Volume) being thus discharged, it is to be presum'd that nothing should remain but a meer Church History, as the Title promiseth. But let us not be too presumptuous on no better grounds.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor's Words, mind me of a Memorable passage, which here∣after he hath in his Animadversions on my Sixth Book, or History of Abbeys.

The Intruder payeth to the Sequestred Minister but a NINETEENTH part in stead of a FIFTH.

But if the FIFTH-PART, in relation to my Book, be here stated to the same proportion, for the NINETEENTH, yet will not the Animadvertor's measure be reconciled to the Standard of Truth.

Dr. Heylyn.

For on a Melius inquirendum into the whole course of the Book which we have before us, we shall find too little of the Church, and too much of the State, I mean too little of the Ecclesiastical, and too much of the Civil History: It might be reasonably expected, that in a History of the Church of England, we should have heard somewhat of the foundation and enlargement of Cathedral Churches, if not of the more eminent Monasteries and Religious Houses; and that we should have heard somewhat more of the succession of Bishops in their several and respective Sees, their personal Endowments, learned Writings, and other Acts of Piety, Magnificence, and publick Interess, especially when the times afforded any whose names in some of those respects deserv'd to be retain'd in ever∣lasting remembrance.

Fuller.

I doubt not, but the Reader, who hath perused my Church-History, will bear me witness, that therein there is a competent Representation of all these particu∣lars, so far forth as the Proportion of the Book will bear.

Dr. Heylyn.

It might have been expected also, that we should have found more frequent mention of the calling of National and Provincial Synods, with the result of their proceedings, and the great influence which they had on the Civil State, spa∣ringly spoken of at the best, and totally discontinued in a manner, from the death of King Henry the fourth, until the Conv••••••tion of the yeer, 1552. of which no notice had been taken, but that he had a mind to question the Authority of the Book of Articles which came out that year, though publisht as the issue and product of it, by the express Warrant and Command of King Edward the sixth.

Fuller.

All Councels before the Conquest, with their Canons are compleatly (and the most remarkable, after it) represented in my History. With what face can the Animadvertor say that I have discontinued the Acts of the Convocation till the year 1552? The Acts of one [critical] Convocation in the 27 of Henry the eighth, 1535. taking up no less than eight sheets in my Book, and another in the same Kings Reign imploying more than a sheet.

Dr. Heylyn.

No mention of that memorable Convocation in the fourth and fifth years of Philip and Mary, in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed, by which the Subjects of the Temporality, having Lands to the yearly value of five pounds, and upwards, were charged with finding Horse and Armour, according to the proportion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions, did by their sole authority, as a Convocation, impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land, the finding of a like number of Horses, Armour, and other Necessaries for the War, according to their yearly income, proportion for proportion, and rate for rate, as by that Statute had been laid on the Temporal Subjects.

Fuller.

I am confident that this is the self-same Convocation which is thus entered in my Church-History, Book 8. p. 39. Anno 1557. quinto Mariae.

The Clergy gave the Queen a Subsidie of eight shillings in the pound (confirmed by Act of Parliament) to be paid in four years: In requital whereof, by Poole's procurement, the Queen Priviledged them from shewing their horses with the Laily; yet so, that they should muster them up for the defence of the Land, under Captains of their own own chusing.

I cannot therefore be justly charged with no mention of the Acts of this Con∣vocation.

Dr. Heylyn.

And this they did by their own sole Authority, as before was said, Ordering the same to be levyed on all such as were refractory, by Sequestration, De∣privation, Suspension, Excommunication, Ecclesiastical Censures all; without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament, which they conceiv'd they had no need of.

Fuller.

I took the less notice of, and gave the less heed to the transactions of the Clergy therein, because then they were in their Hufte and Height, furious with Fire and Fagot, so that all done by them de facto, cannot be justified for Legal; who sometimes borrowed a point of Law (even with intent never to repay it) in their proceedings. It may be proved out of Mr. Fox, that some at that time (by a cruell Prolepsis) antedated the burning of some Martyrs, before the Writ de Haeretico Comburendo came unto them. Wherefore all their actions in that time are not Precedential to warrant Posterity, and the Air of that Torrid Zone will not fit the Bodyes in our Temperate Climate.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor find we any thing of the Convocations of Queen Elizabeths time, ex∣cept that of the year 1562. (and that not fairly dealt with neither, as is else∣where shewed) though there passed many Canons in the Convocation of the year 1571. and of the year 1585. and the year 1597. all Printed, and still publickly extant; besides the memorable Convocation of the year 1555. in which the Clergy gave the Queen a Benevolence of 2 s. in the pound, to be levyed by Ecclesiastical Censures, without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament, as had accustomably been used in the Grant of Subsidies.

Fuller.

Bernardus non vidit omnia; I could not come to the knowledge of every particular. But I confess I cannot conjecture the cause of the Animadvertor's retrograd•• motion, who after so many years in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, goeth back again to the year 1555. Which was four years before she came to the Crown.

Dr. Heylyn.

It might have been expected also that we should have found in a Church-History of Brittain, the several degrees and steps by which the Heterodoxies and Superstitions of the Church of Rome did creep in amongst us; and the degrees by which they were ejected and cast out again, and the whole Refor∣mation setled upon the Doctrine of the Apostles, attended by the Rites and Ceremonies of the Primitive times.

Fuller.

I hope the peruser of my Book will be sensible of no defect, but that the same in a good degree is performed by me on several occasions.

Dr. Heylyn.

As also that some honorable mention should be found of those gallant Defences which were made by Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Bilson, Dr. Bridges, Dr. Cosins, and divers others, against the violent Batteries and Assaults of the Puritan Faction in Queen Elizabeths time; and of the learned Writings of B. Buckeridge, B. Morton, Dr. Sut∣cliff, Dr. Burges, &c. in justification of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, against the remnants of that scattered (and then broken) Faction in the time of King Iames; of which we have Ne gry quidem, not a word deli∣vered: Nor could it stand with his design (which will discover it self in part in this Introduction, and shall more fully be discovered in the Animadversions) that it should be otherwise.

Fuller.

I answer: First, no Drag-net can be so comprehensive as to catch all Fish and Fry in the River; I mean, no Historian can descend to every particular.

Secondly, What if I left that piece in the Dish, for manners sake? I must not ingross all History to my self, but leave some to such as shall succeed me in the same Subject.

Thirdly, the Reader in perusing my Book will bear me witness that most of these have their true Encomiums on the same account; and especially Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Bilson, Dr. Cosins.

Fourthly, if my omission of his Book hath offended B. Morton, my asking will be having the pardon of so vivacious a piety; who being past the age of a man, now leads the life of an Angel.

Lastly, I have a Book of the Lives of all English Worthies, (God send it good success) which had been in print, if not obstructed by the intervening of this Contest; And, coming forth, will be suppletory of all such defects.

Dr. Heylyn.

All which together, make it cleer and evident that there is too little of the Church or Ecclesiastical History in our Authors Book: And that there is too much of the State or Civil History, will be easily seen, by that unnecessary inter∣mixture of State-Concernments, not pertinent to the business which he hath in hand.

Fuller.

I answer first in general; Such the sympathy betwixt the embracing Twins, Church and State, that sometimes 'tis both painful and pity to part them. More parti∣cularly, such passages have at the least a cast or eye of Church-colour in them, or else they are inserted for necessity, Ne detur vacuum, for meer lack of Church-matter. All the Ecclesiastical History in Mr. Fox, during the Reign of Edward the fourth, will not fill his hollow Pen, the cause why he makes it up with History of the State; and I sometimes do the like. Lastly, it is done for Variety, (and then, commonly, I crave the Readers leave) which I hope is no offence. Must I turn School-boy again, and the Animadvertor be my School-master, to give me a Theam, that I must write on no other Subject, but what he appoints me?

Dr. Heylyn.

Of this sort to look no further, is the long Will and Testament of King Henry the eighth, with his Gloss or Comment on the same, taking up three whole sheets at least, in which there is not any thing which concerns Religion, or which relates unto the Church, or Church-affairs; although to have the better colour to bring it in, he tells us that he hath transcribed it, not onely for the rarity thereof, but because it contained many passages which might reflect much light upon Church-History.

Fuller.

I answer first, All ancient Wills have something of Sacredness in them, begin∣ning In the name of God Amen. Secondly, they are proved in the Court-Christian, which evidenceth something of Ecclesiasticalness in them. Thirdly, Kings have ever been beheld as mixt Persons, wherein Church and State, are blended together. Fourthly, the Will of King Henry the eighth, in that Active-juncture of times, is more than the Will of an ordinary King. Fiftly, it is most remarkable even in Church-History, if only on this Account, to shew that he who had violated the Testaments of so many Founders and Benefactors, had hardly any one Particular of his own Will performed. Sixthly, it never was, and perchance (had I not done it) never had been Printed Seventhly, false and imperfect Copies there∣of pass about in Manuscript. Lastly, I have received so much thanks from the Animadvertor's Betters for printing of it, that I will freely pardon and pass by his causless cavil against me for the same.

Dr. Heylyn.

Lib. 5. fol. 243. Of this sort also is his description of the pomp and order of the Coronation of King Charles, which though he doth acknowledge not to be within Pale and Park of Ecclesiastical History, yet he resolves to bring it in, because it comes within the Purlews of it, as his own words are: But for this he hath a better reason than we are aware of, that is to say, That if hereafter Divine Providence shall assign England another King, though the transactions here∣in be not wholly precedential, something of State may be chosen out gratefull for im∣itation.

Lib. 11. fol. 124. As if the Pomp and order of a Coronation were not more punctually preserved in the Heralds Office who have the ordering of all things done without the Church, (and are eye-Witnesses of all which is done within) than in our Authors second-hand and imperfect Collections.

Fuller.

I answer first, a Coronation is Church-work, performed therein by an Arch-bishop, attended with prayers and a Sermon.

2. I never expected that a Chaplain to K. Charles, should find fault with any thing tending to the honour of his Lord; How can any good Disciple grudge at what is expended 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on the buriall of the Memory of his Master being the last in this kind.

3. My Collections, I mean printed by me, but observed by my most worthy Friend, are (abating onely the uncertain place of the Lord Maior) most critically exact.

Lastly, though the Heralds Office doth carefully preserve all such Ceremonyes, yet cannot all persons living at great distance, and desiring information here∣in, have on all occasions so facill and convenient access to their Office, as to my Printed Book.

Dr. Heylyn.

The like may be said also of the quick and active Raigns of Edward the the sixth, and Queen Mary, in which the w••ole Body of the reformed Re∣ligion was digested, setled, and destroyed; sufficient of it self to make a com∣petent Volume, but contracted by our Author (like Homer's Iliads, in the Nut∣shell) into less than 25. sheets: And yet in that small Abstract we find many Impertinences, as to the work he hath in hand, that is to say, the great profici∣ency of King Edward, in his Grammar Learning, exemplified in three pieces of Latine of his making, when he was but eight or nine yerrs old.

Fuller.

Just reason of such contraction because of Mr. Fox his dilatation on the same: Where he found my fault, he (if so pleased) might have found my defence, viz. If Papists preserve the Nailes and Hairs of their supposed Saints, give me leave to Record the first Essays of this Pious Prince, especially they being un∣printed rarieties, with which no Divine or Schollar, save the Animadvertor alone, would, or could have found any fault.

Dr. Heylyn.

The long Narrative of Sir Edward Montague, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, to vindicate himself from being a voluntary Agent in the business of the Lady Iane Gray needlesly inserted.

Fuller.

King Edward the sixth, his passing the Crown (over the heads of his two Sisters) to his Cousin the Lady Iane, is a piece of Church-History; because the continuing of the Protestant Religion, is all the plausible Plea for the same, and the fair varnish of so foul a Ground-work. This passage of Consequence is defectively delivered by our Historians, some Circumstances thereof being hitherto lockt from the world: Some have endevoured to force the lock by their bold Conjectures. I am the first that have brought the true key and opened it, from Judge Montague's own hand, truely Passive, (though charged to be most Active therein) driven with the Tempest of Duke Dudley's anger, against the Tide of his own Inclinations. I prize a Dram of acceptance from the Ingenuous Reader, above a Pound of the Animadvertor's Cavilling; which is offended with my inserting of so authentique and informative a Manuscript.

Dr. Heylyn.

Needless the full and punctual relation of Wyats Rebellion, and the Issue of it, though acted upon some false grounds of Civil Interess, without relating to Religi∣on or to Church Affairs: Infinitum esset ire per singula, &c.

Fuller.

This Rebellion was grounded on Erronious Principles of Religion, and therefore Goodman (Il-man) did in his Book of that Subject entitle it GODS-CAUSE; and, though souly mistaken therein, it is enough to reduce this Design to Church-concernment. Had I omitted it, the Animadvertor would have charged me with Puritanical (pardon the Prolepsis) compliance▪ so hard it is to please him, either full, or fasting.

Dr. Heylyn.

But well it were, if onely Aberrations from Historicall truth were to be met with in our Author: In whom we find such a continual vein of Puritanism, such dangerous grounds for Inconformity and Sedition to be raised upon, as easily may pervert the unwary Reader, whom the facetiousness of the style (like a Hook baited with a painted Fly) may be apt to work on. Murthering of Kings avowed for a necessary prudence, as oft as they shall fall into the power of their Subjects, Lib. 4. fol. 109.

Fuller.

The Page cited by him happily happeneth to be the Initial One of a Section, and hath no more therein then as followeth.

Church-History, Book 4. Page. 109.

Soon after his Death, K. Edward was much lamented by those of whom in

his li••e time he was never beloved. Whether this proceeded from the meer mu∣ta••ility ••f mens minds, (weary to loiter long in the lazie posture of the same affection.) Or whether it proceeded from the Pride of Mortimer, whose insolence grew intolerable. Or whether, because his punishment was generally apprehended too heavy for his fault; so that Deposition without Death, or (at the worst) Death without such unhumane cruelty, had been sufficient.

One of our English-Poet-Historians accquainteth us with a passage which to my knowledge appeareth not in any other Author.

This all in that page.

Reader I request thee do Me, thy Self, and Truth right: Whether can my avowance of King-murdering be collected from any thing here written by me?

But because, some will say, the Quotation possibly may be mistaken: If any thing sounding to that sense, there, or elsewhere, be found in my Book, may the Ravens of the Valleys (whom I behold as loyall Subjects) in Vindication of the Eagle their Soveraign pick out my eyes, for delivering such rebellious Doctrine.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Coronation of Kings, (and consequently their succession to the Crown of England made to depend upon the suffrage and consent of the People, Lib. 11. fol. 122.

The Sword extorted from the Supream Magistrate, and put into the hands of the common People, whensoever the Reforming humor shall grow strong amongst them, Lib. 9. fol. 51.

The Church depriv'd of her Authority in determining controversies of the Faith, and a dispute rais'd against that clause of the Article, (in which that Au∣thority is declared) whether forg'd or not, Lib. 9. fol. 73.

Fuller.

Stylus Equabilis! Here is a continued Champian, large Levell, and fair Flat, of fourteen untruths at least, without any Elevation of Truth interposed. No such matter in that place, as hereafter shall appear.

False as the former as in due time and place (cited now, afterwards by him eagerly improved) will appear.

I am depraved unjustly, who never deprived' the Church of her Authority. I raised no such Dispute, but would have quel'd it, if in my power. All which I refer to my Answer to these respective Quotations.

Dr. Heylyn.

Her power in making Canons every where prostituted to the lust of the Parliament, contrary both to Law and constant practise.

Fuller.

Every where, is No where. And seeing no particular place is instanced; to a General Charge, a General Deniall shall suffice. Let me add, that whereas the An∣imadvertor * 1.36 hereafter taxeth me for calling the two Houses, the Parliament; we therefore may presume that he (not running on the same rock) by Parliament meaneth the King, Lords, and Commons: which granted, how much of loyalty and Discretion there is in these his words prostituted to the LUST let others judge.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Heterodoxies of Wickcliff Canoniz'd for Gospel, and Calvin's Opinions whatsoever they were, declar'd for Orthodox.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor's words are more than Apocrypha, even a very untruth.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Sabbatarian Rigors, published for Divine and Ancient Truths, though there be no antiquity nor divinity in them.

The Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for, as shewes he had a mind to betray the cause, &c.

Fuller.

Most false, as in due time and place shall abundantly appear.

Weakly, it may be, for lack of Ability, not coldly for want of affection: But rather than the Cause I so cordially wish well to, should miscarrie by my well-in∣tended weakness, hence-forward I will stand by, and resign my place at the Bar, to better Pleaders in its behalf.

Dr. Heylyn.

Whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians, whom he chiefly acts for: And this is that which we must look for, par my & par tout, as the Frnchmen say. Nor deals he otherwise with the Persons which are brought be∣fore him, than he doth with the Causes which they bring. No profest Puritan, no cunning Non-conformist, or open Separatist, comes upon the Stage, whom he follows not with Plaudite's and some fair Commends.

Fuller.

He means Mr. Carlwright, Travers, Stone, Udal, Greenham, Hildersham, Dod; all, (though dissenting from the Church in Ceremonyes) eminent in their Genera∣tions. I commend them not for their Non-conformity, but other qualities of Piety, Painfullness, Learning, Patience, &c. Doth not * 1.37 Mr. Camden give Babington (who suf∣fered as a Traitor to Q. Eliz.) the commendation of Wealth, Wit, Learning, and Handsomness? Yea, doth not the holy Spirit praise Absalom for his blamless Beauty? and Achitophel for his oraculous wisdome? The worst of moral men may be commended for their Naturals, and the worst of Spiritual men for their Morals.

Dr. Heylyn.

When as the Fathers of the Chuch, and conformable Children of it, are sent off commonly in silence, and sometimes with censure.

Fuller.

The Reader by perusing my Book will find, I have embalmed their memoryes with my best spices.

Dr. Heylyn.

The late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, so eminently deserving of the Church of England, must be raked out of his Grave, arraigned for many misdemeanors, of which none could accuse him when he was alive; all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together, make him hatefull to the present and succeed∣ing Ages; when Mr. Love's Treasonable practises and seditious Speeches, must needs (forsooth) be buried in the same Earth with him.

Fuller.

I have in this my Appeal collected twenty two commendations of the Arch-Bishop out of my Church-History, and had made them up forty, save that the Press prevented me: The best is, what is lost in the Hundred, is found in the Shire; I mean may be (though not in this my Defence) found in my Book at large.

Dr. Heylyn.

The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated, upon sleight occasions.

The late King's party, branded by the odious Title of Malignants, not better'd by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology.

Fuller.

When, and Where, being now left at large, without any direction to the place; I am more troubled what my Offence is, than what my Defence shall be. I am sure the Animadvertor, (as a dutifull Son to his Mother) will in due time and place discover it, and (unwilling to antedate my own molesta∣tion,) my answer is deferred (or rather referred) thereunto.

As for my using the term Malignant, in due time I shall make a satis∣factory Answer.

Dr. Heylyn.

The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Confor∣mists. Lib. 9.fol. 98.

Fuller.

Who would not think, but that (as the Charge standeth against me) I had branded all Conformists with the Note of Covetous, which had been an Abomi∣nable Scandall indeed. Whereas my words only relate to some particular per∣sons: whom, if the Animadvertor will say, they were Conformists, (as indeed they were;) I dare sweare, (if called thereunto) that they were Covetous, as who, by Unreasonable Leases, (as the Statute calleth them) wasted the Lands of the Church, till they were seasonably retrenched by that wholesom Law made the 13.^th. of Q. Elizabeth.

Regular Clergy they might be, (as the Animadvertor termeth them) in other things, but in this particular, Regular, only to the Rules of Avarice: making such Leases against Reason, and common Equity, though, in the Rigor of the [then] Law, justifiable; I wonder that the Animadvertor will advocate for their Actions so detrimental to the Church.

Nor doth this dash the least disgrace on Conformity it self, they not doing it quà Conformists. It was not their Conformity made them Covetous, (though perchance their Covetousnesse might make them conformable) but their own Corruption.

But if the Epithet of Covetous be so offensive, I will in my next Edition, to mend the Matter, change it into Sa••rilegious Conformity, and justifie my Expression, according to the Principle of the Animadvertor's own Judgement, because they enriched themselves with impayring the goods of the Church.

Dr. Heylyn.

And those poor men who were ejected by this late long-Parliament, des∣pitefully called Baal's Priests, unsavory salt, not fit to be thrown upon the Dung∣hill; though he be doubtfull of the Proofs which were brought against them. Lib. 11. fol. 207.

Fuller.

I have, at large, defended my self against this foul and false accusation, when the place cited doth occur.

Dr. Heylyn.

So many of all sorts wronged and injured him, that, should they all study their personal and particular Revenges, he were not able to abide it: And therefore we may justly say, in the Poet's Language,

Si de tot laesis sua Numina quisque Deorum. Vindicet, in poenas non satis unus erit. Which may be Englisht in these words. Should all wrong'd parties seek t'avenge their fame, One man were not enough to bear the shame.

Fuller.

If I stand endebted to so many for wronging of them, the fairest way is for them jointly, to seize on what I have, that so my small Estate may be shared amongst them all, so far as it will go, and every one have his Proportion thereof: Whereas now the Animadvertor taking all (and more then all) his Penny-worths out of Me, he hath injuriously dealt with the rest of the Creditors thereby. However, I hope to appear responsible, (seeing no debt is soon satisfied) and the Animadvertor himself in due time, will be found in my debt, if all accounts be equally audited betwixt us.

This I dare boldly say (though I confess his faults excuse not mine, if guilty) that he hath wronged more, and Persons of higher quality, in his late Books. Bishop Iames Montague, a known eminent Scholler, vilified by an odi∣ous and indiscreet comparing him with another of his Sirname.

Judge Hutton and Crook scandalously abused by him for consenting private∣ly to the SHIP-MONY, who as well privately (in the King's presence) as pub∣likely opposed it, though they subscribed their hands, in Conformity to the greater number: as the Animadvertor (more knowing in Law, than my self) will acknow∣ledge the common and constant custome in such cases. I could instance in many more, it being no discretion to play out all I have at once, but to keep a Reserve in my hand, in case, (which God forefend) I should be provoked to another Answer.

Dr. Heylyn.

But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithfull dealing, then his report of the proceedings in the Isle of Wight, between his Majesty, and the long-Parliament Divines; of which he tells us, Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his Majesty, in the last Paper which he sent them, acknowledged their great pains to inform his Iudgement, according to their perswasions, and also took especial no∣tice of their Civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply; and having cleer'd himself from some mis-understanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of, puts an end to the businesse. The man who reads this passage, cannot choose but think that his Majesty, being van∣quisht by the Arguments of the Presbyterians, had given over the cause; and therefore, as convicted in his Conscience, rendreth them thanks for the In∣struction which he had received, and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof. But he that looks upon his Majestie's last Paper, will find that he had Learnedly and Divinely refel'd all their Arguments: And having so done, puts them in mind of three questions which are propos'd in his former Paper, acknowledged by themselves, to be of great importance in the present controversie; without an Answer whereunto, his Majesty declared that he would put an end to that conference: It not being probable (as he told them) that they should work much upon his Iudgement, whilst they are fearfull to declare their own, nor possible to relieve his conscience, but by a free declaring of theirs. But they not able, or not daring, (for fear of displeasing their great Masters) to return an Answer to those Questions, his Majesty remain'd sole Master of the field, a most absolute Conquerour: For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel, it is the last blow always that gets the Victory: But Regium est cum benefeceris malè audire: It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes, when they deserve best, to be worst reported.

Fuller.

Here I will truely acquaint the Reader with the State of this Matter. The posting Press, which with the Time and Tide will stay for no man, mis∣taking my Copy compleat, and not attending my coming to London, that morning from Waltham, clapt it up imperfect. I must therefore deservedly take all the blame and shame thereof on my self, and here in this Sheet do publick-pennance for the same, promising amendment to the full, God willing, in the next Edition.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor deals he better with the Church, then he does with the King; con∣cealing such things as might make for her justification, and advocating for such things as disturb her order. In the last Book we find him speaking of some heats which were rais'd in the Church, about placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise, and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men, who had the managing of that business. But he conceals his Majesties Determination in the Case of St. Gregories, Novemb. 3. 1633. By which all Bishops and other Ordinaries, were incouraged to proceed, therein, and consequently those of in∣feriour rank to defend their actings.

Fuller.

I have not full twenty Lines on the whole Subject, being loath to enlarge on so odious a difference, sopited in good measure: and as I durst not totally o∣mit, so I passed it over, with all possible brevity.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Chappel of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge is built North and South, contrary to the usage of the primitive times; and the Church of England, with which King Iames being made acquainted, he answered (as our Author tels us) That it was no matter how the Chappel stood, so the heart stood aright: Which Tale being told by him, and believed by others (& populum, qui sibi credit, habet, Ovid. in Ep. Hysiphil.) as he is like enough to find many Believers, farewell to all external Reverence in the Service of God: What need we trouble our selves or others with standing, kneeling, bowing in the acts of Worship; it is no matter in what posture the Body be, so the Heart be right.

Fuller.

The Speech of K. Iames was no Tale but a Truth; when he did not exclude bodily reverence, but prefer Soul sincerity in divine Service. Parallel unto those Scripture-In∣stances, Psalm. 51.26. for thou desirest no Sacrifice, that is, thou wouldest them not, com∣paratively to cordial Contrition. 1 Pet. 4, 3. speaking of good women, whose a∣dorning let it not be that outward of playting the hair, viz. not chiefly therein, to the neglecting of inward holiness. Nor is the Speech inductive of corporal Irreverence, if believed; seeing a Mans body may, and ought easily, quickly, and cheaply, be contrived; into standing, bowing, kneeling; when it requires time, and expence to take down, and re-build a Chappel, which would cost the Colledge five hundred Pounds at the least.

Dr. Heylyn.

What need we put our selves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods, of Gowns and Cassacks, in the officiating of Gods Service; It is no matter in what habit the Body be, so the heart be right. There is another Chappel in Cambridge which was never consecrated, (whether a Stable or a Dormitory, is all one to me.) At which time when some found themselves grieved, our Author tells them, This others of us great Learning and Religion (himself espe∣cially

for one) dare defend, that the continued Series of Divine Duties, pub∣lickly practised for more then thirty years (without the least check or controul of those in authority) in a place set apart to that purpose, doth sufficiently consecrate the same: Stables and Barns by this Argument, shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches.

Fuller.

Had I lived in Sidney Colledge, when that Dormitory was first used for a Chappel, I would have advised, and (in my Sphere) advanced its consecration; accounting the Omission to fall under just reproof. But seeing it hath been so long omitted, I now conceive it hath no need of Consecration, seeing though never solemnly and formally dedicated to Divine Service by the Ordinary, (or one deputed by him) yet hath it had a tacite, & interpretative Consecration, and thereby hath contracted a relative Sacrednesse. By the same Proportion, it is, that Utensils, long used in a Family, to most civill and generous imploy∣ment, by degrees acquire to themselves, the Reputation (in the Apostle's language) of vessels of honour; as being opposed to such vessels imployed in sordid (though necessary) Service, and of the same metal and matter.

I doubt not but if this place used for a Chappel (now about a Jubilee of years) should be turned to a Stable, the Animadvertor would behold it (and justly too) as a piece of Prophanation, and this intimates a Sacrednesse therein.

It is mainly material, that Bishop Andrews, of Ely, a Reverend Prelate, and as knowing as any of his Order in this point of Antiquity; knew this to be in his Diocesse, yet never manifested the least Regreet at the Chappelizing of this Place.

As for consecration of Churches and Chappels, I say; first, is no Sacra∣mental action.

Secondly, It is not of Evangelical Institution, as Bellarmine himself doth freely confesse, no Express for it in the New-Testament.

De cultu Sanctorum. lib. 3. cap. 5. In statu Evangelii non habemus tam expressa testimonia Scripturae.

Thirdly, It is charitably to be presumed, that when Dr. Montague, and the fellows first entred the Dormitory, sequestring that place for a Chappel, they by Prayers and a Sermon, did solemnly consign it, to the Service of God: seeing no man of common Principles of Piety, will offer to eat meat, before he hath said Grace.

Fourthly, Such Prayers did in some sort Dedicate the place, wanting no formality, save, because not done by a Bishop; and if this be all the fault can be found therein, let the Animadvertor prove, (probatio incumbit affirmanti) that in the primitive Times, consecrating of Churches was only an Episcopal Act.

Fifthly, What was wanting in the consecration at the first, hath since suf∣ficiently been supplyed and corroborated by usance thereof to Gods Service only.

If factious people, should, in peaceable times, against lawfull Authority con∣venticle in a Barn or Stable; their Meetings, (sinfull in themselves) could not derive any Sacrednesse to the place, whilst the World lasteth.

But if Persecution, which God of his goodness avert (though we by our wickednesse deserve it) should invade our Land; I conceive, Stables are, by Prayers, and presence of God's suffering Servants, and chiefly by God's presence with them, at the minute of their entrance thither, elevated into Holy places.

Dr. Heylyn.

And if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be pent up in so narrow a Room, tis but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise, and that in a like traet of time shall become as holy as Solomons Temple, or any consecrated place whatso∣ever it be.

Fuller.

Not the solemnest Consecration, can advance our Churches into the same degree of Sacredness with Solomon's Temple, which was (yea might bee) but one, dignified (when dedicated) with God his Glorious Presence, 2 Chro. 7.12. Who chose that place to himself for an house of Sacrifice. It was the Type of our blessed Saviour, perfect in all Points, as made by inspired Architects; and the utensils in the Holy of Holiest, the self same which Moses made according to the pattern in the Mount.

But I hold English Churches may amount to the Holinesse of the Jewish Synagogues.

Dr. Heylyn.

Churches may well be spared, pulled down, and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints.

Fuller.

God forbid! The clean contrary followeth from my Position, wherein I do offer an Argument for the Sacredness of Places, the Register of whose Consecration is lost, as Time out of Mind, so that now they can no other∣wise prove it, (no Record being extant thereof) save by pious Prescription. Enough in my Judgement to give Sacriledge, a Rap over the fingers, if offe∣ring to lay hold on such places and buildings, and turn them to her private Profit.

Were it in my power, I would have built a Church, where I only made my Church-History. But the worst is, the Animadvertor would then have quar∣relled the contriving and adorning of my Church, as much as now he doth the matter and making of my Book; and therefore I leave it to others, of more ability, first to do, and then to defend their good Actions, from his Morosity.

Dr. Heylyn.

A Tub by this our Author's Logick, will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edifica∣tion.

Fuller.

This is a Tale (for I am sure it is no Truth) of a Tub indeed. I ever beheld a Pulpit, as in some sort jure divino, ever since I read Nehem. 8.4. that Ezrah stood upon a Pulpit of Wood. However, if called thereunto, I pray God I may make but as good a practical Sermon, as Iohn Badby effectually preached in a Tub, of Constancy and Christian Patience, when put into such a * 1.38 Vessel, and burnt therein for the testimony of the Truth, in the Reign of K. Henry the fourth.

Dr. Heylyn.

And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular, unconsecrated, and unfurnished Chappel, &c.

Fuller.

Next to an Heart, such as David had, made (the best Coppy of the best O∣riginal) after Gods own heart, I most highly prize a regular and consecrated Chappel, furnished with Matron-like, not Meritricious Ornaments.

Dr. Heylyn.

Melvin's infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chappels Royall, (for which he was censur'd in the Star-Chamber) must be brought in by head and shoulders, out of time and place, for fear lest such an excellent piece of Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity: These things I might have noted in their proper places, but that they were reserv'd for this as a taste to the rest.

Fuller.

I account not those his verses worth the translating, (though easie) and speak of his censure as well as of his offence. I mis-timed nothing, having enter∣ed this passage near the year wherein he was setled a Professor beyond the Seas.

Dr. Heylyn.

Et jam sinis erat; And here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Author's Book, but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof, which requires a little further consideration.

For in that Preface he informs us, by the way of caution, That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King, as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government: The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor hath fairly and fully (no constant Practice) cited my words; I request the Reader to take especial notice of those three FOR THE MAIN

I presume the Reader conceiveth such a caveat not improper or impertinent, but safe and seasonable, for my Defence, and his Direction, especially seeing the like happened not to any English Historian, this thousand * 1.39 years, that his Pen (during the writing of his Book) should pass through Climates of different Governments.

Dr. Heylyn.

By which it seems, that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of Truth, but to attemper it to the palat of the present Govern∣ment, whatsoever it then was, or should prove to be; which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History.

And though I can most easily grant, that the fourth Book and the rest that follow, were written after the great alteration and change of State, in making a new Common-wealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy; yet I con∣cur not with our Author in the time of the former: For it appears by some passages, that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King, or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes, that the King should never be restored to his place and Power, by which he might be called to a reckoning for them.

Fuller.

It Seems. [Multa videntur quae non sunt.] The Inference is false and forced; Titus Livius lived in Imperial, yet wrote of Regal, Consulatory, Tribunitial at Rome, without the least imputation of falshood. I conceive Monarchical Aristocratical and Democralical truth, to be One and the Same: It followeth not, that two-faced Ianus (as beholding two worlds, one before, the other after the Flood) had also two Hearts. I did not attemper my History to the Palat of the Govern∣ment; so as to sweeten it with any Falshood; but I made it Palatable thus far forth as not to give a wilful disgust to those in present Power, and procure danger to my self, by using any over-salt tart or bitter Expression, better forborn than inserted, without any prejudice to the Truth.

Dr. Heylyn.

For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket, by which it appears not, I am sure, to have been written in the time of Kingly Government, that being no expression sutable unto such a time.

Fuller.

Should I simply and absolutely call the Cross in Baptisme a Popish Trinket,

my fore-head (Signed therewith) would give my Tongue the lye, and return the Popery in the teeth thereof. I behold it as an Ancient and Significant Cere∣mony, but in no degree essentiall to, or completory of, the Sacrament▪ witness the wisdome of the Church of England, which in private Baptism permitteth the omitting thereof. But when Ceremonyes shall devour their distance, and in∣trude themselves necessary and essential, it is high time to term them Superstiti∣tious Trinkets. The rest I referr to what I have written, when this passage recurreth in the place cited by the Animadvertor.

Dr. Heylyn.

Secondly, speaking of the precedency which was fixt in Canterbury, by re∣moving the Archiepiscopal See from London thither, he telleth us that the matter is not much, which See went first, when living; seeing our Age hath laid them both alike level in their Graves: But certainly the Government was not changed into a State or Commonwealth, till the death of the King; and till the death of the King, neither of those Episcopall Sees, nor any of the rest, were laid so level in their Graves, but that they were in hope of a Resurrection; the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight, as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government, as the alienation of their Lands.

Thirdly, In the latter end of the same Book, he makes a great dispute a∣gainst the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England, in curing the disease comonly called the Kings Evil, whether to be imputed to Magick, or Imagi∣nation, or indeed a Miracle; next, brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth, as if she had disclaimed that power she daily exercised; and final∣ly, manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil, which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies, no inferior Crimes: Are all these passages proper to that Government also?

Finally in the third Book, he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons, giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the civil Rights of the Subjects, not to the King, but to the Lay-people of the Land assembled in Parliament; which game he after followeth in the eighth and last: And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth and last, to derogate in this manner from the King's supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs; yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do, nor proper for him so to write, in the time of the Kingly Government, unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spake of.

Fuller.

I desire the Reader, to remember my late words, (as the Animadvertor re∣cited them) FOR THE MAIN.

I confess, though these Books were written in the Reign of King Charles; yet after his Death, I interpolated some lines, and amongst others, that of level∣ling all Bishopricks.

I raised no dispute against the Kings curing the Evil, it being raised be∣fore I was born, and which I endeavoured to allay, referring it to Miracle, as to the peruser of my History, in that place will appear. I tell no old Wives Tale of Queen Elizabeth, it being a Masculine Truth, from most authen∣tick Authors.

I derogate not, in the least degree, from the power of the Church; but the Animadvertor doth arrogate unto it more then is due, by the Lawes of God and Man: maintaining that Church-men may go beyond Ecclesiastical Censures, even to the Limbs and Lives of such! as are Recusants to their Constitutions.

WRETCHED and what formerly he said DISLOYAL HOPES, I defie and return them in the Teeth of him that wrote the words.

He had WRETCHED AND DISLOIAL HOPES, who wrote, that King Iames went to New-market, as Tiberius to his Capreae; he waved his Loyalty and Discretion together, who so saucily and un-subject-like counted, how often King Charles waved his Crown.

Here give me leave to tell the Animadvertor, that such whom he slighteth for LOW-ROYALISTS, were (whilst they had a King in England) as HIGH in their Loyalty to him, Prayers and Sufferings for him, as those HIGH-ROI∣ALISTS, who maintain that all goods of the Subjects are at the King's abso∣lute Dispose, and yet since those Kings are departed this life, can write of them in so base and disparaging Language, that any one of the LOW-ROIALISTS, would have his right hand cut off, rather then write the like. Reader, pardon my too just passion, when DISLOIALTY is laid to my charge: It is with me Either now speak or else for ever hereafter hold your Peace.

Dr. Heylyn.

I must needs say that on the reading of these Passages, and the rest that follow, I found my self possest with much Indignation.

And I long expected when some Champion would appear in the Listes against this Goliah, who so reproachfully had defied the whole Armyes of Israel.

And I must needs confess withal, that I did never enter more unwillingly on any undertaking.

But beeing solicited thereunto by Letters, Messages, and several personal Addresses, by Men of all Orders and Dignityes in the Church, and of all de∣grees in the Universities, I was at last overcome by that Importunity, which I found would not be resisted.

Fuller.

* 1.40Indignation, is grief and anger boiled up to the height. What just cause I have given for so great passion, the Reader will judge.

If I be a Goliah, in this point may I have his Success to be conquered, killed, and my head cut off even with my own Sword; If I be none, May the Animadver∣tor be graciously pardoned.

And it may be, he shall never come off any undertaking more unhappily.

I could mate him, with telling him, that Men of all Sorts and Sizes, their Equals in Number and Quality, have likewise importuned me, not tamely to sit down, but to vindicate my own credit and conscience.

Dr. Heylyn.

I know that as the Times stand, I am to expect nothing for my pains and Travel but the displeasure of some, and censure of others.

Fuller.

I will take no advantage by the Times; and, if without their help, I cannot Bwoy up my credit, let it sink for ever. And I humbly desire all, who have, or may reap benefit by my Books, not to be displeased with the Animadver∣tor, in my behalfe. It is Punishment enough that he hath written, and too much for his Stationer that he hath printed, so impertinent a Book.

When Henry Lord Hunsdon, on the High-way, had in Passion, given a Blow to Sir Henry Colt, the Lord had it returned him, the Principal with Interest: and when the Lord his Servants and Followers began to draw their Swords, Away, away, (said he) cannot I and my Neighbour exchange a Box on the Ear, but you must in∣terest your selves in the matter.

Let none of my Friends and Favourers, engage their anger in this diffe∣rence betwixt Mee and the Animadvertor. Let us alone; and although we enter Adversaries in the Beginning, wee shall I hope go out friends at the end of the Contest, after there hath been a Pass or two betwixt our Selves. Thus,

Heats betwixt Lawyers born at the Bar, in Westminster-Hall, are commonly buryed at the Board, in the Inns of Court.

Dr. Heylyn.

But coming to the work with a single Heart abstracted from all self-ends and Interests, I shall satisfie my Self, with having done this poor Service to the Church, my once blessed Mother, for whose sake only I have put my Self upon this Adventure.

The party whom I am to deal with, is so much a stranger to me, that he is neither beneficio, nec injuriâ notus; and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions.

Which I have writ (without Relation to his person) for vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the injured Clergy, as before is said: So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience;

Non lecta est operi, sed data, causa meo, That this imployment was not chosen by me, but impos'd upon me; the unresistable Intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands.

But howsoever, Iacta est alea, as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon.

I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves. So God speed me well.

Fuller.

How much of this SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE is performed by him, let the Reader judge in due time.

I am glad to hear this Passage from the Animadvertor, that I never did him any In∣jury; the rather because some of my Friends have charged me for provoking his Pen against me. And though I pleaded that neither in Thought, Word, or Deed, I ever did him any wrong, I hardly prevailed with them for beliefe: And now the Animadvertor hath cleared me, that I never did any Injury unto him. Would I could say the same of him, that he never did me any Injury. However, as a Christian, I here fully and freely forgive him, and hereafter will ende∣vour as a Scholar, so to defend my self against his Injury, that (God willing) it shall not shake my Contentment.

Without relation to my person, let the Reader be Judge hereof. Indeed Thomas hath been well used by him, but Fuller hath soundly felt his displeasure. However, if Truth, the Church, and Clergy have been abused by me; He hath given Me too fair quarter, who deserved Death down-right, for so hainous an Offence.

Amongst all which Persons inciting him to write against me, one Letter sent to him, from Regina Pecunia was most prevalent with him. Witnesse this his Book offered to, and refused by some Stationers, because, on his high terms, they could not make a saving Bargain to themselves.

Iacta est alea. The English is, you have cast the Dey. And seeing the Animadvertor, hath begun the Metaphor, I hope I may make it an Allegory, without rendring either of us Scandalous. I appeal to the Reader, whom I make Groom Porter, (termed by Mr. Camb. Aleatorum Arbiter) and let him judge, who plays with False, who Coggs, who slurrs a Dey and in a doubtful Case, when we cannot agree upon the Cast; betwixt our selves, let him decide it.

By Fortune, I presume the Animadvertor intendeth nothing derogatory to divine Providence, in which Sense St. Augustin, retracteth his [former] frequent using of the Word. Only he meaneth uncertainty of Successe. In which notion I say an hearty Amen to his Prayer, when I have enlarged his God speed me into God speed US well. May he, who manageth this Controversie, with most Sincerity, come off with best Successe. AMEN.

Errata confessed by the Printer of Dr. Heylyns Animadversions.

PAge 10. line 17. for Helkinus r. Telkinus, p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of, r. Queen of England, p. 27. l. 6. for Wooderpoir r. Woodensdike, p. 42. l. 1. for inconsideratenesse r. the inconsideratenesse of Children, p. 121. l. f28. for ter. r. better, p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo •• statuendi p. 15 l. 22. Horcon••nar r. cantuur, p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. Dr. Boke, p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this, p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuites r. Franciscans, p. 189. l. ult. 2 or contemn r. confession, p. 221. in the Marg. for whether r. with other, p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean, p. 239. l. 9. for Commons r. Canons, p. 271. l. ult. for culis r. ocul••s.

Fuller.

THis is a Catalogue of Prelal. Mis••akes, committed and confessed in the Doctor's Book of Animadversions, and here by me inserted, not to disparage the pains of c••re of the Printer, but on these Considerations.

First, to prevent all Exceptions, that I have defectively presented in his Book.

Secondly, to show, that sometimes (as here) there may be an Erratum Erratorum, to be re-reformed. It thus beginneth. Page 10. l. 17. for Melkinus r. Tolkinus. That is, read that which is wrong, instead of tha•• which was right before. For a M••lkinus Avalonius, appeareth in Bale, Pits, and others but a Telkinus was never in Nature. But Take notice also of this confessed Mistake, p. 163. l. 28. for Iesuits r. Franciscans. There is here no temptation to the Press to Erre, there being betwixt the two Words, no literal Similitude, or Orthographical Symbolizing, scarce a letter in the one, which is in the other.

I make no other use hereof save only to crave the like Favour, in my own Defence, when in the Earls of March, Roger is misprinted Edward; and in the Earls of Bath, Henry is misprinted William, in my Church History.

I confess there be some Press faults in this my Book, as for Prelial, (wherever occurring) read Prelal; part 1. p. 50. l. 32. for Anno Dom. 580 r. 560. part. 1. p. 52. l. 18. for DEMOL r. DEINOL. and part 2. page 88. betwixt the 33. and 34 l. insert I pray,

Papists, Non-conformists, and covetous Conformists, the Acts therein appearing like.

For the rest, I hope they are nothing so many or great, as to discompose the sense, and therefore I confide in the Reader's Discretion as also in the Animadvertor's Ingenuity, expecting he will deal as candidly with me, as I have done with him, when such (though unconfessed) Errata's do occur.

And because my hand is now in, I request such as have my Church-history to delete these words

Book 2. p. 129. l. 21. A Title till his Time unknown in England

For I profess I know not by what casualty these words crept into my Book, contrary to my intent.

PART I.

Dr. Heylyn.

IN order to the first conversion of the British Nation, our Author takes be∣ginning at the sad condition they vvere in, before the Christian Faith was prea∣ched unto them.] And in a sad condition they were indeed, as being in the state of Gentilism, and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them.

Fuller.

The Author takes beginning vvhere Dr. Heylyn himself, had he writ the Church-History of Brittain, I believe, would, and I am sure should, have begun. And seeing he concurreth vvith the Author in the same expression, that the Brittains were in a sad condition, he might have spared himself and his Reader the trouble, of the following impertinency.

Dr. Heylyn.

But yet they were not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles, &c.

Fuller.

Nor did I ever say they vvere. Had I said so, the Doctor's carping had had a handle to hold on, vvhereas novv his teeth and nails must bite and scratch a fastning for themselves.

Dr. Heylyn.

But yet not in a vvorse condition then the other Gentiles, vvho vvere not one∣ly darkened in their understanding, but so deprav'd also in their affections, as to work all manner of uncleanness even with greediness. Not so effeminate in their conversation as the Asiaticks, nor so luxurious as the Greeks, nor branded with those filthy and unnaturall lusts which St. Paul chargeth on the Romans, and were in ordinary practise with most Eastern Nations.

Fuller.

What of all this? It is said of King * 1.41 Ioram, He wrought evill in the sight of the Lord, but not like his father and like his mother. It is said of King * 1.42 Hoshea, He did that which was evill in the sight of the Lord, but not as the Kings of Israel that were before him. It doth not follow, that these Kings were good, because less bad then others. So that my words stand an un-shakened truth, that the Brittains be∣fore their conversion were (though not so debauched as other Heathens) Idola∣ters, in a sad condition.

Dr. Heylyn.

And though they were Idolaters, yea, and foul ones, as our Author hath it; yet neither, &c.

Fuller.

If they were Idolaters, they must be foul ones, except (as one hath fancied a tale of a fair Aethiopian) any could make a truth of fair Idolaters.

Dr. Heylyn.

Yet neither were their gods of so brutish and impure a nature, as the Pria∣pus, Cloacina, and Stercutia amongst the Romans; or as their Venus, Flora, Lupa, common Harlots. All of vvhich, and such like other gods, the old Fathers tell

us, that they vvere not nomina Colendorum, sed crimina Colentium. Nor vvere they so immodest and obscene in their rites and ceremonies, as were the Greeks and Romans, in the Sacrifices to their Cybele or Berecynthia, vvhom they call the mother of the gods; described by Arnobius, Lactantius, and others of the antient Writers, in such lively colours, as no chaste eye can look upon them without detestation.

Fuller.

Well may the Doctor run apace, drawing an empty Cart after him. What is all this to confute my position, that the unconverted Brittains, foul Idolaters, were in a sad condition? It seems he had a mind to tell the world of the foulest Idolls amongst the Romans; and, if so, let them thank him for his intelligence, who knew it not before.

Dr. Heylyn.

And for the number of their gods, they fell extreamly short of that infinite multitude, which St. Augustine finds amongst the Romans, our Author naming onely three, (which he calls gods paramount) that is to say, BELINUS, AN∣DATE, and DIANA.

Fuller.

If they had onely three gods, they had two too many, However, it will appear, that these were onely (as the Author phraseth them) Paramount▪ That they fell not (to use the Doctor's words) extreamly short (a virtuous ex∣tream) of the Romans in their Idolatry, may thus be proved.

They that had Idolls almost exceeding the Aegyptians in number, fell not much short of the Romans.

But the antient Brittains almost exceeded the Aegyptians in number of Idolls.

Therefore they fell not much short of the Romans.

The Major is plain in Scripture, often complaining of the Idols of Aegypt; as also in human Writers, Iuvenal jeering the Aegyptians, for being over-stocked with such kind of cattle, whose gods (Leeks and Onyons) did commonly grow in their Gardens.

The Minor are the very words of grave Gildas, the most antient Brittish Wri∣ter, (flourishing Anno Domini 580.) Portenta pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia. Where, in few words, we have the Numerosity and Monstrosity of the Brittish Idols. Numerosity, almost exceeding the Aegyptians; Monstrosity, called Portents, mishapen Anticks of prodigious deformity.

Dr. Heylyn.

When therefore Gildas telleth us of the antient Brittains, that in the number of their gods they had almost exceeded Aegypt, (Portenta pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia, in that Author's language) it must be understood with reference to the Times in which he lived, when all the Roman Rabble had been thrust upon them, and not as speaking of the time of their first Conversion.

Fuller.

Satis pro Imperio, MUST is for a King; and seeing the Doctor and I are both Kings alike, I return, He MUST NOT be so understood; as, to any judicious and indifferent Reader will appear.

For the clearing hereof, I will present and translate the words of Gildas, with what precedeth and followeth them, conducing effectually to the true understanding of this clause controverted. I use the first and best printed Editi∣on, set forth by Polydore Virgil 1523. and Dedicated to Cuthbert Tonstall, then the learned Bishop of London, Onely because I suspect, that some Readers will be out of breath in going along with the long-winded style of Gildas, (the excusable fault of the Age he lived in) I crave leave to divide his long and entire Sen∣tence,

for the better understanding thereof, into severall parcells, without the least addition thereto, or alteration thereof.

Gildas Folio primo.

Igitur omittens priscos illos com∣munesque cum omnibus gentibus, erro∣res, quibus ante adventum Christi in carne omne humanum genus obligabatur adstrictum.

Nec enumerans PATRIAE POR∣TENTA ipsa diabolica pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia, quorum nonnulla lineamentis adhuc deformibus intra vel extra deserta moenia solito more rigentia, torvis vultibus intuemur.

Neque nominatim inclamitans Mon∣tes ipsos aut Colles, vel Fluvios (olim exi∣tiabiles, nunc vero humanis usibus utiles) quibus divinus Honor à caeco tunc populo cumulabatur.

Et tacens vetustos immanium Tyran∣norum Annos, qui in aliis longe positis Regionibus vulgati sunt, ità ut Porphy∣rius, rabidus orientalis adversus Ecclesi∣am canis, dementiae suae ac vanitatis stylo hoc etiam adnecteret, Britannia, inquiens, fertilis Provincia Tyrannorum.

Illa tanium proferre conabor in medi∣um, quae temporibus Romanorum Impera∣torum & passa est, & aliis intulit Civibus & longe positis, mala.

Gilda first Leafe.

Omitting therefore those old Errors, and common [to the Brittains] with other Nations, to which all Mankind was tyed and fettered, before the comming of Christ in the flesh.

Nor reckoning up those very de∣villish PORTENTS of our own COUNTRY, almost exceeding those of Aegypt in Number; some where∣of we, with frowning eyes, do still behold, drawn with deformed shapes within or without our desert Walls.

Nor calling upon by name the Mountains themselves, or Hills, or Rivers, (in times past deadly, now profitable to mans use) on which di∣vine honour was then heaped up by the blind people.

And passing over in silence the an∣tient years of those vast Tyrants, which are commonly spoken of in other far-distant Countries; so that Porphyrius (that raging Dog of the East against the Church) in the style of his madness and vanity, addeth this also, Brittain (saith he) a fruitfull Pro∣vince of Tyrants.

I will onely endeavour publickly to proffer such evils, as she [Brittain] in the times of the Roman Emperours both suffered in her self, and impres∣sed on her People placed far off.

See here this Prolixe sentence of Gildas, built (as I may say) five stories high; the four first are of Privation, or Preterition, of what he will not meddle with; the fifth and last, of Position, whereon he would insist. He would not reckon the Brittish Errors common with others, nor Patriae Portenta, the Portentive Idolls of their Country, which plainly decideth the thing in controversie, that those their Idolls were Indigenae, non Advenae; Natives, not Forraigners, of Brittish originati∣on, not Roman superinduction. His method plainly proveth, that these Subjects which he declineth to treat of, were all of them precedaneous to the Romans comming into Brittain, whence he beginneth his History. I mention not the Marginal Note of Polydore Virgil, (placed over against the words of Gildas) Ve∣terum Britannorum vana Religio, The vain Religion of the old Brittains. The rest of his Testimony we leave lying in the Deck, and it will not be long before we shall make use thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

But whether their Idols were more or fewer, our Author is resolved on DIA∣NA for one though whether this were a Brittish deity may be more then que∣stioned, whose Temple was built in, or near the place, where St. Pauls now stands, as our learned Antiquaries do acknowledge.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor doth confesse, that the Brittans did worship Diana: But whether she was one of the latter brood of Idols, brought in by the Romans at their Conquest; or hatched long before amongst the Brittains, as their own Coun∣try-goddess, is the Question. I am confident in the latter.

The Brittish Stories tell us, that Brutus (some hundred of years before the Ro∣mans arrived here) being upon his Sea-voyage to seek his fortune, repaired to the Temple of Diana, in an Island called Largeria, and there addressing him∣self to her Temple, was in a dream not onely instructed in the manner of her sacrifices, and rituall services; but also directed to an Island in the West, now Brittain, where his Posterity should fix themselves in happiness. And that this passeth for currant amongst the Welch, I report my self to their learned Gentry, the proper judges thereof.

Let me add this Passage from the Pen of as great an Antiquary, as any Wales now doth enjoy.

As for the name of Diana, I do conceive that she was called Dain in our Language; and I have many Histories of our Nation, that seem to make no que∣stion of it. To this day in Wales, fatt marketable Cattle are called Guartheg Demol; that is to say, Diana's Cattle, or, Cattle fit to be sacrificed, &c. And I am more then confident, there is no man living can put any other interpre∣tation upon this word Demol; it must be an Adjective of Dain, and Dain hath no other signification in our Language, then the name of Diana.

Dr. Heylyn.

This Temple of Diana in London (saith the Author) rendreth their conceit not altogether unlikely, who will have London so called from L••an-Dian, which signifieth in Brittish, the Temple of Diana.] A conceit, whosesoever it was, not altogether so likely neither as the Author makes it.

Fuller.

No cautiousness of proof against captiousness. I called it but a conceit, I said not that it was true; yea, my words left an insinuation of unlikeliness to an indif∣ferent Reader. But seeing the Animadvertor is so hard-hearted to an innocent conceit, I shall ever hereafter love it the better.

Dr. Heylyn.

A conceit, LONDON from LLAN-DIAN, whosesoever it was; not altoge∣ther so likely neither as the Author makes it. For though the Brittains being well stored with Wood and Venison, possibly might have a Hunting-goddess amongst the rest. Yet certainly she was not called by the name of Diana, till the Roman Conquest and Plantations, before which time this City had the name of London, (or Londinum) as we read in Tacitus. The name and sacrifices of Diana were not originally Brittish, but of Roman race, as the great Temple in or near the place where St. Pauls now stands, was of their foundation. The Brittains, worshipping Apollo by the name of Belinus, as both Cambden and our Author say they did, must be supposed to have another name for Diana also, and were more likely to have called her by the name of Artemis, her old Grecian name, or by some other of as near a resemblance to it, as Belinus was to that of Bel in the Eastern Countries. Assuredly, if that great City had received its name from Diana's Tem∣ple, the Welch being so tenacious of their antient Language, would have had some remembrance of it, who to this day call it Lundayn, and not LLAN-DIAN, according to the new conceit which our Author speaks of. But of this enough.

Fuller.

Yea indeed, too much. So may you say, A surfeit is enough. Whosesoever this con∣ceit was.] I had thought the Animadvertor could not have been ignorant thereof, being no meaner a man than Mr. Selden.

This learned Antiquary, after he had alledged some Verses out of Robert of Glocester, deriving the name of LONDON, quasi LUD'S TOWN, from LUD, he proceedeth as followeth;

In his Notes on the eighth SONG in POLYOLBION, Page 126.

Iudicious Reform••rs of fabulous Report, I know, have more serious derivations of the name; and, seeing conjecture is free, I could imagine, it might be called at first LHAN-DIEN, 1. the Temple of Diana, as LHAN-DEWI, LHAN-STEPHAN, LHAN-PADERN VAUR, LHAN-VAIR. i. e. S. Dewys, S. Stephans, S. Pa∣tern the great, S. Mary (and Verulam, is by H. Lhuid derived from VER-LHAN, i. e. the Church upon the River Ver) with divers more such places in Wales: and so afterwards by strangers turned into Londinium, and the like. For that Diana and her brother Apollo (under the name of Belin) were two great deities amongst the Britons.

If the Animadvertor hath a mind to enter the List with Mr. Selden, and have a vennue with him, to try whose skill is most and weapon best; he may, if he pleaseth.

Dr. Heylyn.

Now to facilitate this great work of their Conversion, Cambden and Godwin, two great Antiquaries, have alledged one reason, which is not allowed of by our Author; and our Author hath alledged another reason, which none can al∣low of but himself. The reason alledged by the two great Antiquaries, is, that the Druides did instruct the Brittains in the knowledge of One onely God, which que∣stionlesse was a great step to their Conversion. Druides unum esse Deum semper in∣culcârunt, saith our Author's Margin. But this he reckoneth a mistake, and thus charitably wisheth thereupon, viz.

May their mistake herein be as freely forgiven them, as I hope and desire, that the charitable Reader will with his pardon meet those unvoluntary errors, which in this work by me shall be committed.

Whether all the errors of our Author be involuntary, or not, (for I grant that some of them may be such) will be seen hereafter.

Fuller.

In good time, Sir. But till this [hereafter] cometh, Iudge not, lest you be judged; and think charitably, that a Christian will not willingly, wittingly, and wilfully run into errors.

Dr. Heylyn.

But whether those two learned Pens were mistaken or not, shall be now exa∣mined. I conceive clearly, that they were not mistaken in it, it being first improbable, if not impossible, that two Men of such Parts and Learning, and of such eminent integrity in all their Writings, should vent a Proposition, or position rather, which they have no ground for.

Fuller.

They were learned Pens indeed, as ever our Nation bred, in their kind of Studies; and great Antiquaries. But onely the * ANTIENT OF DAIES is Omniscient and Infallible. And I am confident, such was their Ingenuity, that they would rather be thankfull to, than angry with any, who, with due respect to their persons, should discover their mistakes. Amongst which, this was one, that the DRUIDES instructed the Brittains in the knowledge of one God.

The contrary doth plainly appear by the testimony of Gildas, lately alledged, whose words are so walled about (as I may say) on both sides, by what went

before, and after that, as they cannot be evaded, they cannot be perverted to other reference, than relating unto the Religion of the antient Brittains, long before the entrance of the Romans into this Island; who, besides a numerous rabblement of portentous Idolls, gave divine honour to Mountains, Hills, and Rivers. Nothing can be more diametrically opposite to the worship of One God, than such gross and generally diffused Polytheism.

Add to the authority of Gildas that of Origen, thus writing in his fourth Ho∣mily on Ezekiel.

Confitentur & miserabiles Iudaei haec de Christi presentia praedicari; sed stultè ignorant personam, cum videant impleta quae dicta sunt. Quando enim terra Britanniae ante adventum Christi in unius Dei consensit religionem? Quando ter∣ra Maurorum, &c.

All judicious Readers easily understand this Interrogation, [When did the Land of Brittain, before the comming of Christ, consent in the Religion of one God?] I say, all do understand, that this his question asked, and left unanswered, amoun∣teth unto a very strong Negation; and, that before the comming of Christ, Brittain was divided into the worshipping of many gods.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly our Author tells of the Druides, that they were Philosophers, Divines, and Lawyers, to the rest of the Brittains; and if Philosophers, they might by their long study in the book of Nature, and their Industrious inquiry into naturall Causes, attaine unto the knowledge of that one and onely Superna∣turall Cause, (as others of the Heathen Philosophers in their severall Countries,) from which the works of Nature had their first Originall. And of some other the old Philosophers, it is said expresly by Minutius, that they had spoken so divinely of the things of God; ut quivis arbitretur aut nunc Christianos Philoso∣phos esse, aut Philosophos fuisse jam tunc Christianos. So little was the difference in that particular, between these old Philosophers and the Primitive Christians. For though they did admit a multitude of Inferiour Gods, Topical in respect of Countries, and Tutelar in respect of particular Persons; yet in the middle of that darknesse they discerned one Supreme God over all the rest, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the Grecians; Hominum Sator atque Deorum, as the Latines call him. And though they were mistaken in the name of that Supream Power, whom generally they entituled by the name of Iupiter, yet they did well e∣nough agree in giving him the Supream Power over all the world. Et qui Iovem principem volunt falluntur in nomine, sed de ea potestate consentiunt, as my Au∣thor hath it. Nor did those old Philosophers keep the great truth unto them∣selves, like a Candle in a dark-Lanthorn, or hid under a bushell; but plac'd it like a great Light on the top of a Mountain, that all the people might discern it; who thereupon lifting their hands unto the Heavens, did frequently make their addresses but to one God onely, saying in common SPEECH unto one another, that God was great, and God was true, and, If God permit. Of which, my Author (the same Christian Advocate) seems to make a question; Vulgi iste na∣turalis sermo est, an Christiani confitentis oratio? that is to say, Whether these expressions favoured not rather of the Christian, than the vulgar Heathen. And hereupon I may conclude in the behalf of the Druides, (or rather of those lear∣ned Pens who affirm it of them) that being Philosophers in Study, and Divines by Office, and very eminent in their times in both capacities, they might as well instruct the People in the knowledge of one onely God, as any other of the Heathen Sages, either Greeks or Romans. The reason alledged by these great Antiquaries being thus made good, we next proceed to the examination of that which is produced by our Author.

Fuller.

In this long Harangue, I know not what the Animadvertor aimes at; this I know, he hits not me, nor alledgeth any thing in opposition to what I have

written. If he desireth onely to prove, that the refined Heathens worshipped one God above all the rest, he shall not onely have my free consent, but the adjection of this my Symbole thereunto.

I conceive, that the Pagans adored the Essence of God under the name of Iupiter: and his Attributes under other Titles; Wisdom, of Apollo; Omni-pre∣sence, Swiftnes of Mercury; Power, of Mars; Beauty, of Venus; Providence over the Sea, Neptune; Winds, Aeolus; Catile, Pan, &c. Yet can I not see, how this can excuse them from being foul Idolaters, seeing the morall Commandement doth not say, Thou shalt not have other gods in equall degree of worship with me; but, * 3.1 Thou shalt not have other gods before me: and the Animadvertor knoweth well, that the Originall importeth, Coram me, that is, Thou shalt have none other in my sight or presence.

Now for quietnesse sake, let the result of this long discourse (so far as I can understand) be granted him, and it amounts to no more, then to put the Brit∣tains in the same form with the Grecians; instructed by their Druids in the wor∣ship of one God, as well and as far as the Grecians were in the same Lesson by their Philosophers. Now what the Grecians held and did in this point, will ap∣pear by the practise of the Athenians, whose City was the Mistris of Greece, Staple of Learning, and Palace of Philosophers; and how well the Athenians worshipped one God, we have from the infallible witness of St. * 3.2 Paul, whose spirit was stirred within him, whilst he saw the City wholly given to idolatry. Whence it will follow, that the Brittaines, form-fellowes with the Grecians, were wholly given to Idolatry: which is as much, and more then I said before.

And now the Reader may judge, what progress the Animadvertor hath made in confuting what I have written; yea, less then the Beast Pigritia in Brasil, which, as he telleth us * 3.3 elsewhere, goeth not so far in fourteen daies, as one may throw a stone. Yea, our Adversary hath not gone at all, (save back∣ward) and if he doth not mend his pace, it will be late before he commeth to his lodging.

Here let me mind the Animadvertor, that my Church-History thus begin∣neth; That we may the more freely and fully pay the tribute of our thanks to Gods goodness, for the Gospell which we now enjoy; let us recount the sad condition of the Brittains, our Predecessors, before the Christian faith was preached unto them. If there∣fore the Animadvertor by his tedious discourse, endeavouring to UN-IDO∣LATRIZE the Brittains as much as he could; I say, if hereby he hath hindred or lessened any mans paying of his thanks to God, he hath done a thankless office both to God and Man therein.

Dr Heylyn.

Our Author proceedeth, fol. 3. It facilitated the entrance of the Gospell hither, that lately the Roman Conquest had in part civilized the South of this Island, by transporting Colonies, and erecting of Cities there.] Than which, there could not any thing be said more different from the truth of story, or from the time of that Conversion, which we have in hand; performed, as all our latter Writers (and amongst them our Author himself) have affirmed from Gildas, who lived in the fourth Century of the Christian Church) Tempore summo Tiberii Caesa∣ris, toward the latter end of the Reigne of Tiberius Cesar, that is to say, about thirty seven years after Christs Nativity, at what time the Romans had neither erected any one City, nor planted any one Colony in the South parts of the Island. For though Iulius Cesar, in pursuance of his Gallick Conquest, had at∣tempted this Island, crossed the Thames, and pierced as far as Verulamium, in the County of the Cattieuchlani, (now Hartfordshire) yet either finding how difficult a work it was like to prove, or having business of more moment, he gave over the enterprize, resting contented with the honour of the first disco∣very. Et ostendisse potiùs quàm trad disse, as we read in Tacitus. Nothing done af∣ter this in order to the Conquest of Brittain, untill the time of Claudius. Au∣gustus would by no means be perswaded to the undertaking, and much less

Tiberius, in whose last years the Gospell was first preach'd in Brittain, as before was said. * 3.4 Concilium id Divus Augustus vocabat, Tiberius praecipue. And though Caligula, leaving the honour of this Conquest to his Uncle Claudius, who next succeeded in the Empire; and being invited into Brittain by a discontented par∣ty amongst the Natives, reduc'd some part thereof into the form of a Roman Province. Of this, see Tacitus at large, in the life of Agricola. By which it will appear most clearly, that there was neither City of the Romans erection, nor Co∣lony of their plantation, till the time of Claudius, and consequently no such fa∣cilitating of the work, by either of those means which our Author dreams of. But from the Time, proceed we to the Author of this first Conversion, of which thus our Author.

Fuller.

In the first place, know, Reader, that Mr. Burton, in his late learned Notes on Antoninus, justifieth, that Iulius Cesar did Colonize (what ever the Anim∣advertor saith to the contrary) some part of this Land; otherwise, his whole Conquest would have unraveled after his departure, and his Successors had had their work to begin afresh.

2ly. I say not, the first entrance, but, the Entrance of the Gospell was facilitated by the Roman Conquest. The entrance of the Gospell into this Island was so far from being done in an instant, or, simul & semel, that it was not, res unius se∣culi, the product of one age; but was successively done, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at sundry times, and in divers manners. So that this extensive entrance of the Christian Religion, gradually insinuating it self, took up a century of years, from the latter end of Tiberius, and so forwards.

Christianity entred not into this Island like Lightning, but like light. None can behold this Essay thereof in the time of Tiberius, otherwise then a mor∣ning-Star; some forty years after the day dawned; and lastly, under King Lucius, (that Leuer-Maure, or the great light) the Sun of Religion may be siad to arise; before which time, the South of this Island was sufficiently Colonized by the Romans, whereby Commerce and Civility ushered Christianity into Brittain. Yet to clear my words, not from untruth in themselves, but mistakes in others, and to avoid all appearance of falshood, it shall be altered (God-willing) in the next Edition. It facilitated the entrance and propagation of the Gospell here, &c.

Dr. Heylyn.

Parsons the Iesuite mainly stickleth for the Apostle Peter to have first preached the Gospell here. And our Author doth as mainly stickle against it. The Reason which induced Parsons so to stickle in it, was, as our Author thinks and telleth us, fol. 4. to infer an Obligation of this Island to the See of Rome. And to exempt this Island from that Obligation, our Author hath endeavoured to disprove the Tradition.

Fuller.

That the Iesuite furiously driveth on that designe▪ appeareth to any that per∣use his Works, and your Author conceiveth his owne Endeavours lawfull and usefull in stopping his full Carrere, and disobliging the Church of England from a Debt as uniustly pretended, as vehemently prosecuted.

Et veniam pro laude petit; laudatus abun••e, Non fastiditus, si tuus Author erit. Your Author for his praise doth pardon crave; If not despis'd, his praise enough shall have.

It is therefore but hard measure, for you to require his good intentions, (if failing in successe) with contempt and reproach.

Dr. Heylyn.

Whereas indeed St. Peters preaching in this Island, (if he were the first that preach't here) in the Time of Tiberius, must be before his Preaching in the Cit∣ty

of Rome, to which he came not till the Reigne of the Emperour Claudius. And thereupon it followeth by the Iesuit's Logick, that the Brittains by spa∣ring their Apostle to preach at Rome, did lay an Obligation upon that Citty, but received none from it.

Fuller.

Yea but if Simeon * 3.5 Metaphrastes be to be believed (on whose testimony Parsons Principally relieth) being the selfe same Author, whom the Animadvertor within few lines hereafter doth so highly commend and extoll, St. Peter prea∣ched here, not before, but long after his being at Rome; and but a little before his Death, namely in the twelfth year of Nero Cesar.

Dr. Heylyn.

Or granting that St. Peter did first preach at Rome, yet would this draw up∣on us no such engagement to the Pope, and the Church of Rome, as our Author fears; and other German Nations by Boniface, Willibade, Willibad, Willibidd, and Swibert, English Saxons all, might or did draw the like Dependance of those Churches, upon this of England.

Fuller.

The proportion, I confesse, is Good and well-grounded: but I answer, great the difference betwixt the Natures of England and Rome. England never pretended Superiority over other Churches, which Rome doth, prosecuting even Shadowy pretences with all violence. What the Talent-hiding servant said of his Master, may be justly said of moderne Rome, She reapeth where she hath not strowed; demanding Officium, where she never bestow'd Beneficium, and requi∣ring duty where she never conferred Courtesie. Rome therefore being no faire Creditor, but so cruell an Extortioner, I conceive my paines well imployed, to quit England from a Debt of Obligation, unjustly exacted of her by Parsons the Iesuite, on the pretence of St. Peter's preaching here.

Dr. Heylyn.

So that this fear being overblown, we will consider somewhat further of St. Peters first Preaching in this Island, not as deliver'd by Tradition from the Church of Rome, which is suspected to have pleaded their own Interest in it; but as affirmed positively by the Greek Menologies, and in the works of Simeon Metaphrastes an approved Greek Author. Of the Menologies (though vouched by Camden to this purpose) our Author takes no notice at all, but lets the weight of his displeasure fall on Metaphrastes.

Fuller.

The best way to over-blow this feare is to confute the five Arguments alled∣ged by Parsons, for St. Peters Preaching here, which I hope is done effectually by me in my Church-History, where I follow the Iesuite verbatim, in answering to his Reasons. And this is the Reason that I took no notice of the Greek Meno∣logies, because not mentioned by Parsons: whence I collect that either he had never seen them, (which is very improbable,) or else he conceived, that no great beliefe was to be given unto them, or advantage thereby to be gotten for his Cause.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author saith, Metaphrastes is an Au••hor of no Credit, as Baronius himselfe doth confesse. But first, Baronius himselfe makes no such Confession, that which our Author tells us from him being onely this, In alijs multis ibi ab ipso positis errare eum certum est; that is to say, that he hath err'd in many things by him delivered. Assuredly if to erre in many things delivered in so great a Work, as that of Simon Metaphrastes, may forthwith be conceived sufficient to

make an Author of no Credit, God blesse not onely our Historian, but Baronius him∣selfe from being held Authors of no Credit, in both whom there are many Er∣rours not possible to be reconciled to the Truth of Story.

Fuller.

THREE is a perfect Number, let therefore the Animadvertor be put in also, partly to make up a Compleate company; partly that he may have the Benefit of his owne JEAR-PRAYERS to himselfe.

Baronius being Dead, to pray for him, is Popery; and to take God's Name in vain (to Jear us both) is Prophanenesse. The Animadvertor who now inserts, GOD-BLESSE, when it might have been omitted, will omit it when it should be inserted; as God willing I shall take notice of in due time and place hereafter.

Dr. Heylyn.

But secondly, as Baronius did not, so he could not say, that Metaphrastes was an Author of no credit: the Man being not onely pious, but Learned also, for the times wherein he lived; honoured as a Saint in the Greek Menologies, on the 27. day of November, and graced with a Funeral Oration by Michael Psellus a Renouned Scholler, highly extolled by Balsamon for his paines and industry in this present work, and no lesse magnified by the Fathers in the Councill of Florence, Anno. 1436. All which had never set such an Estimate upon him in their severall Times, had he been an Author of no Credit as our Author makes him.

Fuller.

I shall hereafter have an higher esteem for Metaphrastes. However, to re∣turn to the words of Baronius, which (in the last Note) gave the occasion of this contest.

In aliis multis IBI ab ipso positis errare eum certum est: It is certain that he hath er∣red in many things THERE delivered by him. The Animadvertor in his Translati∣on omitteth THERE, the most emphaticall word in the whole Sentence, see∣ing, granting Metaphrastes a good Author in other things, he is erroneous in this particular.

Dr. Heylyn.

I had now ended with St. Peter, but that I find him appear in a vision to King Edward the Confessor, and telling him, That he had preached the Gos∣pell in Brittain, (occasioning thereby the foundation of the Abbey of St. Peter in Westminster.) To which our Author makes this answer, To this vision pretended of Peter, we oppose the certain words of St. Paul, 1 Tim. 4.1. Neither give heed to fables.

What a pitty is it, that this apparition was not made, and the same tale told over again, to Thomas Fuller of Hammersmith, that so it might have found some credit with our Author, though with no body else.

Fuller.

Nay rather, what a pitty was it, that this Apparition of St. Peter was not made unto his name-sake Peter, (here the Animadvertor) and then all had been authentick indeed.

Dr. Heylyn.

For of this, Thomas Fuller our Author telleth us, (and telleth it in confirmation of some Miracles done by King Henry the sixth after his decease) that being a very honest man, he hapned into the company of some who had stoln some Cattle, for which he was condemned and executed; and being on the top of the Ladder, King Henry the sixth appeared unto him, and so ordered the matter, that he was not strangled with the Rope, but preserved alive: And finally, that in gratitude of so great a benefit, he repaired to that Kings Tomb in Chertsey Abbey, and there presented his humble thanks for that great deliverance. There being

as good Authors for that Apparition of St. Peter, as of this of St. Henry. Vel neutrum flammis ure, vel ure duos: Either let both be believed for truths, or for fals∣hoods burn both.

Fuller.

Let the Eccho both in Latine and English answer for me, Ure duos, Burn both, for a brace of notorious falshoods, and see who will shed a tear to quench the fire. As for the Apparition to Thomas Fuller of Hammersmith, seeing afterwards the Animadvertor twitteth me therewith, we will till then defer our Answer thereunto.

Dr. Heylyn.

Less opposition meets the preaching of St. Ioseph of Arimathea, though it meeteth some. For notwithstanding that this Tradition be as generall, as universally received, as almost any other in the Christian Church; yet our Author, being resolved to let fly at all, declares it for a piece of Novel super∣stition, disguis'd with pretended Antiquity. Better provided (as it seems) to dis∣pute this point than the Ambassadours of Castile, when they contended for pre∣cedency with those of England in the Council of Basil; who had not any thing to object against this Tradition of Iosephs preaching to the Brittains, although the English had provoked them, by confuting their absurd pretences for St. Iames his preaching to the Spaniards.

Fuller.

I never denyed the Historicall ground-work, but the Fabulous varnish of Arima∣thean Ioseph here preaching. My words run thus.

Church-History, Pag. 6. Part 12.

Yet because the Norman Charters of Glassenbury refer to a Succession of many antient Charters, bestowed on that Church by severall Saxon Kings, as the Saxon Charters relate to Brittish Grants in Intuition to Joseph's being there; We dare not wholly deny the substance of the Story, though the Leaven of Monkery hath much swollen and puffed up the circumstance thereof.

And to the impartiall peruser of the connexion of my words, Novell Superstition, disguised with pretended Antiquity, relate not to the substance of the Story, but as it is presented unto us with fictitious embellishments.

And here I foretell the Reader, what he shall see within few pages performed, namely, that after the Animadvertor hath flung, and flounced, and fluttered a∣bout, to shew his own activity and opposition, against what I (though never so well and warily) have written, at last he will calmly come up, and in this con∣troversie close with my sense, though not words, using (for the more credit) his own expressions.

Dr. Heylyn.

For first, our Author doth object in the way of scorn, that, fol. 6. The relation is as ill accoutred with tacklings, as the Ship, in which it is affirmed that St. Phillip, St. Jo∣seph, and the rest, were put by the Iews, into a Vessell without Sails or Oars, with intent to drown them; and being tossed with tempests in the midland Sea, at last safely landed at Marcelles in France, and thence afterwards made for England.] No such strange piece of Errantry (if we mark it well) as to render the whole truth suspected.

Fuller.

Not by way of scorn, Sir, but by way of dislike and distrust. The more I mark it, the more strange piece of Errantry it seemeth, so that I cannot meet with a stranger.

Dr. Heylyn.

For first, we find it in the Monuments of elder times, that Acrisius King of Argos exposed his daughter Danae, with her young son Perseus, in such a vessell as this was, and as ill provided of all necessaries, to the open Seas; who, not∣withstanding,

by divine providence, were safely wafted to those parts of Italy, which we now call Puglia.

Fuller.

Monuments of elder times! What be your Acts, if these be your Monuments? Ask my fellow if I be a thief; ask a Poeticall Fable, if a Monkish Legend be a lyar. And what if Danae (the self-same forsooth which had a golden shoure rained into her lap) crossed from Argos in Peloponesus, to Apulia, now Puglia, al∣most in a streight line, and the narrowest part of the Adriatick. This doth not parallel the improbability of Ioseph his voyage, in an un-accoutred Ship, from some Port in Palestine, to Marselles, the way being ten times as far, full of flexures, and making of severall points; which costs our Sea-men some months in sailing, (though better accommodated). I confess, Gods power can bring any, a grea∣ter distance, with cordage of cobweb in a nut-shell, but no wise man will make his belief so cheap, to credit such a miracle, except it be better attested.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly, for the middle times, we have the LIKE story in an Author above all exception, even our Author himself, who telleth us, lib. 6. fol. 265. of our present History, that King Athelstane put his brother Edwin into a little Wherry or Cock-boat, without any tackling or furniture thereunto, to the end, that if the poor Prince perished, his wickedness might be imputed to the waves.

Fuller.

Thanks for the jeer premised. I am not the Author, but bare Relater of that story, obvious in all our English Chronicles. Nor is the story LIKE to that of Io∣seph's, except he had been drowned in his Waftage to Marelles, as this expo∣sed Prince Edwin was in our Narrow Seas, (whether wilfully or casually, not so certain) his corps being taken up in Flanders. The resemblance be∣twixt stories chiefly consists in similitude of success; And what likeness betwixt a miserable death, and a miraculous deliverance?

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author objecteth in the next place, that no writer of credit can be produced before the Conquest, who mentioneth Joseph's comming hither.] For answer where∣unto, it may first be said, that where there is a constant uncontrolled Tradi∣tion, there is most commonly the less care taken to commit it to Writing.

Fuller.

Less care implyeth some care, whereas here no care, but a pannick silence of all Authors, Brittish, Saxon, and Christian, for a thousand years together. Second∣ly, the Animadvertor might have done well, to have instanced in any one Tra∣dition, (seeing he saith it is most commonly done) which is constant and uncon∣trolled, yet attested by no creditable Author; and then let him carry the cause.

Dr. Heylyn.

Secondly, that the Charters of Glassenbury, relating from the Norman to the Sax••n Kings, and from the Saxons to the Brittains, being all built upon St. Ioseph's comming hither, and preaching here, may serve instead of many Authors bea∣ring witness to it.

And thirdly, that Frier Bale, as great an enemy to the unwarrantable Tra∣ditions of the Church of Rome, as our Author can desire to have him, hath vouch'd two witnesses hereunto, that is to say, Melkinus Avalonius, and Gildas Albanus; whose Writings, or some fragments of them, he may be believed to have seen, though our Author hath not.

Fuller.

Nor the Animadvertor neither. Bale doth not intimate that he ever saw any part of them; and he useth to Cackle, when lighting on such Eggs. But we col∣lect from him and other Authors, that no credit is to be given to such suppo∣sititious fragments.

Dr. Heylyn.

As for some circumstances in the story, that is to say, the dedicating of Io∣sephs first Church to the Virgin Mary, the burying of his body in it, and the in∣closing of the same with a large Church-yard; I look upon them as the pro∣ducts of Munkish ignorance, accommodated unto the fashion of those times which the writers liv'd in. There is scarce any Saint in all the Calendar, whose History would not be subject to the like misconstructions, if the addita∣ments of the middle and darker times should be produced to the disparage∣ment of the whole Narration.

Fuller.

Now the Reader sees my Prediction performed, viz. that after the Animad∣vertor had flounced about, he would close with my sense in his owne words. Is no•• this the very same in effect with what I said, approving the Substance, but reject∣ing the Fabulous circumstances of the story of Ioseph? In all this he hath done just nothing, save onely swelled his Book, (though hollow within) to make it amount to a Saleable bignesse.

Dr. Heylyn.

But such an Enemy Our Author is to all old Traditions, that he must needs have a blow at Glassen-bury Thorne, though before ••ut down by some Souldiers, as himselfe confesseth; like Sir Iohn Falstaffe in the Play, who to shew his Va∣lour, must thrust his sword into the Bodies of those men which were dead be∣fore.

Fuller.

Not to all old Traditions, good Animadvertor. Saint Paul * 3.6 saith, Hold the Tra∣ditions which you have been taught whether by Word, or our Epistle: such Traditions as these, whether in Doctrine or Practice, I desire to retaine. As for unwitnessed Traditions, my Emnity is not such, but in the heat thereof I can smile at them. The Animadvertor hath wronged me, and, The Comedian hath wronged Sir Iohn Falstaffe. He was a valiant Knight, famous for his Atcheivements in France, made (as the History * 3.7 of St. George testifieth,) Knight of the Garter by King Henry the Sixt, and one who disdained to violate the Concerments of the Dead. Nor have I been injurious to the Thorne of Glassenbury living or Dead, as will appeare.

Dr. Heylyn.

The budding or blossoming of which Thorne, he accounts untrue (which, were it true, &c. Fol. 8.) affirming, from I know not whom, that it doth not punctually and critically bud on Christmas Day, but on the dayes neare it and about it. And were it no otherwise then so, the Miracle were not much the lesse, then if it budded critically on Christmas Day, as I have heard from persons of great Worth and credit dwelling neare the place, that indeed it did: though unto such, as had a mind to decry the Festival, it was no very hard matter to belie the Miracle.

Fuller.

My words amount not to an absolute Denial, but to some Dissatisfaction. Par∣cel-Diffidelity in matters of such nature, I am sure is no sin. Mr. Taylor, burges for Bristol in the long Parliament, was He who told me, that going thither pur∣posely with his Kinsman it did not that year exactly bud on Christmas Day. A Person as improbable to de••ry the Festival, being a Colonel on the Kings side,

(who refusing quarter was killed under the walles of Bristol); so unlikely, if living, to have taken the LYE from the Pen of the Animadvertor.

And now Reader, (seeing some mirth will not be amisse) know that, As I do not believe his report, who on a Christmas day, stroaking his Hand down his Doublet before, found there a great green Quick-Set suddenly grown, and Wondred thereat, untill he remembred, that the moulds of his Bald-worne but∣tens were made of Glassen-bury Thorne: so am I not of so sullen and Morose a Nature, as not to Credit what is generally and Credibly reported. Nor do my words Positively and Peremptorily conclude against the budding of this Thorne, but against the necessary relating thereof, to Arimathean Ioseph, which I rather leave at large to some occult Quality in nature, paralleling it with the like, (never as yet fathered on any Saint the causer thereof,) the Oake in Ham∣shire. But enough, lest we occasion the altering of the Proverb from de Lana Caprina, into de Corno Glastoniensi.

Dr. Heylyn.

In fine, our Author either is unwilling to have the Gospell as soon preach't here as in other places, or else we must have preachers for it from he knowes not whence. Such preachers we must have, as either drop down immediately from the Heavens, as Diana's Image is said to have done by the Towne-Clark of Ephesus; or else must suddenly rise out of the earth, as Tages the first Sooth-sayer amongst Thuscans, is reported to have done by some antient Writers. And yet we cannot say of our Author neither, as Lactantius did of one Acesilas (if my memory fail not,) Recte hic aliorum sustulit disciplinas, sed non rectè fundavit suam; that is to say, that though he had laid no good grounds for his own opinion, yet he had solidly confuted the opinions of others. Our Author hath a way by himselfe, neither well skill'd in pulling down, or in building up.

Fuller.

I have plucked nothing dovvn but vvhat vvould have fallen of it selfe, and thereby perchance hurt others, (I meane mis-inform them) as grounded on a foundred foundation. In place vvhereof I have erected, if not so faire, a more firme Fabrick, acknovvledging, That Apostolicall men did at first found the Gospell here, though (to use my * 3.8 vvords) the British Church hath forgotten her own infancy, and who were her first God-Fathers. Adding hereto that as God concea∣led the Body of * 3.9 Moses to prevent Idolatry; So, to cut off from posterity all occasion of superstition, He suffered the memories of our Pri••itive planters to be buried in Obscurity.

This is enough to satisfie any ingenuous person, who ••••eferreth a modest truth before adventurous assertions, having in them much of fals-ho••d and more of un∣certainty.

Dr. Heylyn.

From the first conversion of the Brittains, proceed we now unto the second, as Parsons cals it, or rather from the first Preaching to the Propagation. The Christian Faith here planted by St. Peter or St. Ioseph (or perhaps planted by the one, and watered by the other, in their severall times) had still a being in this Island till the time of Lucius. So that there was no need of a new Con∣version, but onely of some able Labourers to take in the Harvest. The Mira∣cles done by some pious Christians induced King Lucius to send Elvanus and Meduinus (two of that profession) to the Pope of Rome, requesting principally, that some Preachers might be sent to instruct him in the saith of Christ. Which the Pope did according to the Kings desire, sending Faganus and Derwianus, two right godly men, by whom much people were converted, the Temples of the gods converted into Christian Churches, the Hierarchy of Bishops setled, and the whole building raised on so good a foundation, that it continued undemo∣lisht till the time of the Saxons.

Fuller.

This is the Sum and Substance of the Story of K. Lucius, which the Ani∣madvertor hath breviated, and with whom I concurre therein. It never came into my thoughts to doubt the substance, but deny some circumstances thereof. My owne * 3.10 expression is, that the whole Bulk thereof is not to be Refused, but Refined, and to this I adhere.

Dr. Heylyn.

And in the summing up of this story, our Author having refuted some petit Arguments which had been answered to his hand (though much mistaken by the way in taking Diotarus King of Galatia, for a King of Sicilie, fol. 10.) gives us some other in their stead, which he thinks unanswerable.

Fuller.

I deny not that P. Eleutherius might or did send a Letter to K. Lucius, but I justly suspect the Letter novv extant to be but-pretended and forged. I ne∣ver thought (by the vvay, hovv came the Animadvertor to knovv my thoughts,) my Arguments unanswerable, but now I say they are unanswered; standing in full force, notvvithstanding any alledged by the Animadvertor to the contrary. I confesse a Memory-mistake of Sicilia for Galatia: and as it is the first fault he hath detected in my Book; so shall it be the first by me (God Willing) amen∣ded in the next Edition.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author First objects against the Popes answer to the King, that

Fol. 11. It relates to a former letter of King Lucius wherein he requested of the Pope to send him a Copy or Collection of the Roman Lawes, which being at that time in force in the Ile of Britain, was but actum agere.] But certainly though those parts of Brittain in which Lucius reign'd, were governed in part (and but in part) by the Lawes of Rome, yet were the Lawes of Rome, at that time more in num∣ber, and of a far more generall practice, then to be limited to so narrow a part of their Dominions. Two thousand Volumes we find of them in Iustinians time, out of which, by the help of Theophilus, Trebonianus, and many other lear∣ned men of that noble faculty, the Emperour compos'd that Book or body of Law which from the universality of its comprehension, we still call the Pan∣dects.

Fuller.

One who hath taken but two Turnes in Trinity hall Court in Cambridge, knowes full well what PANDECTS are, and why so called. All this is but praefatory: I waite for the answer to the Objection still to come.

Dr. Heylyn.

In the next place it is objected, that

This letter mounts King Lucius to too high a Throne, making him the Monarch or King of Britain, who neither was the Supreme nor sole King here, but partial and sub∣ordinate to the Romans.] This we acknowledge to be true, but no way preju∣diciall to the cause in hand. Lucius both was and might be call'd the King of Britain, though Tributary and Vassal to the Roman Emperors, as the two Baliols Iohn and Edward were both Kings of Scotland, though Homagers and Vassals to Edward the first, and third, of England, the Kings of Naples to the Pope, and those of Austria and Bohemia to the German Emperors.

Fuller.

A Blank is better then such writing to no purpose. For first, both the Baliols in their severall times were (though not SUPREME) SOLE Kings of Scotland. So

were the Kings of Naples, and the King of Austria, (there never being but one, the first, and Last, viz. * 3.11 Fredoritus Leopoldus) and the Kings of Bohemia in their respective Dominions. Not so Lucius, who was neither Supreme nor Sole King of Brittain.

Besides the Baliols being Kings of Scotland, did never Style themselves, (or were Styled by other) Kings of Brittaine. The Kings of Naples never entituled themselves Kings of Italy: Nor the Kings of Austria and Bohemia ever wrote themselves, (or were written to,) as Kings of Germany.

Whereas Lucius, (Ruler onely in the South West-part of this Isle,) is in this Letter made King of Brittain, more then came to his share; an Argument that the Forger thereof was unacquainted with the Constitution of his Kingdom. And this just Exception stands firme against the Letter, what ever the Animadvertor hath alledged in the excuse thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor doth the next objection give us any trouble at all, that is to say, that

The Scripture quoted in that Letter is out of St. Hieroms Translation, which came more then a hundred years after:] Unless it can be prov'd withall (as I think it cannot) that Hierom followed not, in those Texts, those old Translations, which were before receiv'd and used in the Western Churches.

Fuller.

See the different tempers of men, how some in point of Truth, are of a ten∣derer constitution than others. The * 3.12 Primate Armach was so sensible of the strength of this reason, that it made him conclude against the authenticallnesse of the Letter.

Dr. Heylyn.

Lesle am I mov'd with that which follows, viz.

That this letter not appearing till a thousand years after the death of Pope Eleuthe∣rius, might probably creep out of some Monks Cell, some four hundred years since.] Which allegation being admitted, (the Monks Cell excepted,) it makes no more to the discredit of the letter which we have before us, then to the under∣valuing of those excellent Monuments of Piety and Learning, which have been recovered of late times from the dust and moths of ancient Libraries. Such Treasures like money long lock't up, is never thought lesse profitable when it comes abroad. And from what place soever it first came abroad, I am confi∣dent it came not out of any Monks Cell; that generation being then wholly at the Popes devotion, by consequence not likely to divulge an Evidence, so ma∣nifestly tending to the overthrow of his pretensions. The Popes about four hun∣dred years since were mounted to the height of that power and Tyranny which they claimed as Vicars unto Christ. To which there could not any thing be more plainly contrary then that passage in the Pope's letter, whereto he tells the King, That he was Gods Vicar in his owne Kingdom (vos estis Vicarius Dei in Regno vestro, as the Latin hath it.) Too great a secret to proceed from the Cell of a Monk, who would have rather forg'd ten Decretals to uphold the Popish usurpations over Soveraign Princes, then published one onely (whether true or false) to subvert the same. Nor doth this Letter onely give the King an empty Title, but such a Title as imports the exercise of the chief Ecclesiastical Power within his Dominions. For thus it followeth in the same; The people and the folk of the Realm of Britain be yours, whom if they be divided, ye ought to gather in concord and peace, to call them to the faith and law of Christ, to cherish and maintain them, to rule and govern them, so as you may reign everlastingly with him whose Vicar you are. So far the very words of the letter, as our Author rendereth them, which savour far more of the honest simplicity of the Primitive Popes, then the impostures and supposititious issues of the latter times.

Fuller.

I confesse some pretious pieces of Antiquity, long Latent in Obscurity, have at last broke forth into the Light, with no little advantage to Learning. But then such were intire Books, and we know, how, when, where, and by whom, they were found out, and brought forth. Whereas this loose Letter secretly and slily slid into the World, unattended with any such Cicumstances to attest the Genuinesse thereof. Children casually lost, are no whit the lesse Legitimate; and beloved the more, when found and owned of their Parents. But give me leave to suspect that Babe a Bastard, which is left on a bulk, or under a Stall; no Father being found, or Mother, to maintaine it. A Presumption that this Letter of Elu∣therius is supposititious.

I confesse, this pretended Letter of Lucius hath something in it, which doth act and personate primitive simplicity, (as that passage of Regal power in Church-matters,) but more which doth practise the Monkish ignorance, of later times. There were lately false twenty Shilling pieces, (commonly called Morgans) coyned by a cunning and cheating Chymist, whose part without the Rind was good Gold, and would endure the touch, whilst that within was base as but double guilded Brasse. Such, this Letter of Lucius; some part whereof will endure the Test, the other not: the Monk, who made it, pretending something of anti∣quity, (so to palliate the deceit); but having more of the Novelty of the middle age. He lived in some six hundred years since.

May the Reader be pleased to take notice, that the Animadvertor hath silently passed by, the strongest Argument to shatter the credit of this Letter alledged by me, and taken from a phrase unknown in that Age, yet used in the Letter, even MANU TENERE, to Maintain, or defend. This the Animadver∣tor slips over in silence, and that I believe for nineteen reasons, whereof this was one, because He himselfe was unable to answer it, and knew Criticks would laugh at him, if affirming those words, in that sense, contemporary with Pope Eleutherius. Herein, He appears like a Dunkerker, who delights to prey on poore Marchants Ships passing on in their Calling, but meeting an English Man of War, He can look Big, and fairly give him the goe-By. He finds it more facile to carpe an easie inoffensive passage, then to confute what hath difficulty, and strength of reason therein.

I resume what I said before, and what the Animadvertor hath gain-said to no purpose, viz. that this Story of K. Lucius is not to be Refused but Refined, and the drosse is to be put from the good Metall; or (as my own words also are,) the good Corn therein sifted from the Chaffe; and, amongst the Chaffe, I have cast away this Letter. But if the Animadvertor loves to eat both Corn and Chaffe, much good may his Diet do him, and let Him and Horse feed on their Loafe together.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author tells us, fol. 9. that he had ventured on this story with much aversnesse; and we dare believe him. He had not else laboured to discredit it in so many particulars, and wilfully (that I say no worse) suppressed, &c.

Fuller.

Can he say worse than wilfully, except it be Maliciously? Seeing, in my con∣science, I believe the Story of the conversion of K. Lucius: though this Letter, and some other circumstances seem to me improbable.

I enter'd on this story with this much aversenesse, as finding much difficulty, and fearing not to give satisfaction therein to my self, and others.

I see not how it can be inferred from such my aversenesse, that I therefore la∣boured to discredit the story in so many particulars.

If this be a good consequence, I desire the Reader to remember, what the Animadvertor hath written in the latter end of the introduction to his Ani∣madversions on my Book, viz.

I must needs confesse withall, that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any un∣dertaking, then I did on this.

May I not then, by the same Logick, conclude his endeavouring to disparage my Book: because he entered thereon so unwillingly?

Dr. Heylyn.

The best part of the Evidence in the words of Beda; who being no friend un∣to the Brittains, hath notwithstanding done them right in this great businesse. And from him take the story in these following words; Anno ab Incarnatione Domini, 156. &c. In the 156. year after Christs Nativity, Marcus Antonius Verus together with Aurelius Commodus his Brother, did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Ceasar, undertake the government of the Empire. In whose times when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome, Lucius King of the Brittains sent unto him, Obsecrans u•• per eius mandatum Christianus efficeretur, intreating by his means to be made a Christian. Whose vertuous de∣sire herein was granted; and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Brittains, was by them kept inviolate and undefiled untill the time of Diocle••ian. This is the substance of the story, as by him delivered, true in the main, though possibly there may be some mistake in his Chronology, as in a matter not so canvassed as it hath been lately.

Fuller.

I entered a grand Jury of Authors, which mentioned the Conversion of Lucius, amongst whom Bede is one. I expressed none of them, (as I had no cause) in their words at length; neither can I properly be said to suppress any of them, solemnly giving in their names, and their severall Dates, which they assigne to that memorable action.

Dr. Heylyn.

Now to proceed unto our Author, he tells us. Fol. 10. out of Ieffery of Monmouth, That at this time there were in England twenty eight Cities, each of them having a Flamen or Pagan Priest; and three of them, namely London, York, and Caer-lion in Wales, had Arch-flamens, to which the Rest were subjected: and Lu∣cius placed Bishops in the Rome of the Flamens, and Arch-bishops, Metropolitans in the places of Arch-flamens; concluding in the way of Scorne, that his Flamines, and Arch-flamines seem to be Flams and Arch-flams, even notorious False-hoods.

Fuller.

I would not willingly sit in the seat of the * 3.13 Scorner, and if the Animadvertor by his force will thrust me down into it, I will (God willing) rise up againe, and leave the place empty to himselfe to stand or sit therein, Pro libero suo Arbi∣trio.

I say no more, nor so much, as that Worthy Knight Sr. Henry Spelman (so great an Antiquary, that it is Questionable, whether his Industry, Iudgment, or Humility were the Greatest) hath said on the same Subject. Who having learnedly con∣futed this Report of Geffery of Monmouth, concludeth with the cause of his Mis∣take, relying on some supposititious Epistles.

Sr. H. Spelman de Concilijs Page 13.

Gaufrido autem atque alijs, qui Flaminum. Archiflaminum, et Protoflaminum Commento capiuntur, imposuisse videtur Gratiani authoritas, Epistolis munita S Lucij, &c.

See! He calleth that Commentum, which our Dictionaries English a Flat. Lye, which I have mitigated into a Flamme, as importing in common Discourse a Falshood, which hath more of vanity, then Mischiefe therein.

Dr. Heylyn.

And it is well they do but seem so, it being possible enough that they may seem Falshoods to our Author, even notorious Falshoods; though they seem true enough to others, even apparent Truths.

Fuller.

They seem so also to learned Sr. Henry Spelman, lately alledged; and to the Reverend Arch-bishop of Armagh, and many others.

Dr. Heylyn.

And first though Ieffery of Monmouth, seem to deserve no credit in this par∣ticular, where he speaks against our Author's sense; yet in another place where he comes up to his Desires, he is otherwise thought of, and therefore made the Fore-man of the Grand-inquest against Augustine the Monk, whom he enditeth for the Murther of the Monks of Bangor. And certainly, if Ieffery may be be∣lieved when he speaks in Passion, when his Welch-Blood was up, as our Author words it, as one that was concerned in the Cause of his Country-Men; he may more easily be believed in a Cause of so remote Antiquity, where neither Love nor Hatred, or any other prevalent Affection had any power or reason to di∣vert him from the Way of Truth.

Fuller.

It is usuall with all Authors, sometimes to close with the Iudgments of the same Person, from whom they afterwards on just Cause may dissent; and should not this Liberty be allowed me, to like or leave, in Ieffery Monmouth, what I think fitting? The Animadvertor concurreth with Bishop God-win, that the DRUIDES instructed the Britons in the worship of one God; yet will not be con∣cluded with his Iudgement, when averring the Letter fathered on Eleutherius not to savour of the Style of that Age. Yea, when I make for him, he can alledge twenty Lines together, out of my Book, against H. le Strange; though at other times, when he hath served his Turne of me, I am the Object of his sleighting and Contempt.

Now when as the IN-ANIMADVERTOR (for now I must so call him for his Carelesnesse,) citeth a place in my Book, viz. [Lib. 2. Fol. 63.] that I make J. Monmouth the Foreman of the great inquest against Augustine the Monk, he is much mistaken therein. For in the place by him cited, I Impannell a Grand Iury, (amongst whom J. Monmouth is neither Fore-man, nor any Man) of Iudici∣ous Readers consisting of twenty four. As false is it what he addeth, as if in that Triall I attributed much to the judgment of J. Monmouth, who therein is one∣ly produced as a Witnesse, and a Verdict brought in, point-Blank against his Evi∣dence, acquitting Augustine the Monk of the Murther, whereof Monmouth did accuse him.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly, though Ieffery of Monmouth be a Writer of no great credit with me, when he stands single by himselfe; yet when I find him seconded and confirmed by others, I shall not brand a truth by the name of falshood, because he reports it. Now that in Brittain at that time there were no fewer then eight and twenty Cities, is affirmed by Beda. Henry of Huntington not only agrees with him in the number, but gives us also the names of them, though where to find many of them it is hard to say. That in each of these Cities was some Temple dedicated to the Pagan Gods, that those Temples afterwards were im∣ploy'd to the use of Christians, and the Revenues of them assign'd over to the maintenance of the Bishops and other Ministers of the Gospel, hath the concur∣rent testimony of approved Authors; that is to say, Matthew of Westminster out of Gildas, Anno 187. Rodolph de Diceto, cited by the learned Primat of Armach in

his Book De Primordiis Eccles. Brit. cap. 4. Gervase of Tilbury, ibid. cap. 6. And for the Flamines, and Arch-flamines, they stand not onely on the credit of Ieffery of Monmouth, but of all our owne Writers, who speak of the foundation of the antient Bishopricks, even to Polydor Virgil.

Fuller.

I concurre with the Animadvertor in the number of the Citties in Brittain.

Also I do not deny but that K. Lucius might place Bishops in some (perchance half) of them, which I believe is all which the Animadvertor doth desire. On∣ly as to Bishops and Arch-bishops exactly substituted in the Individual places of Flamens and Arch-flamens, my beliefe cannot come up to the height thereof. I find that Giraldus Cambrensis and other Authors of that age, (though concur∣ring with J. Monmouth in Lucius his Episcopating of Citties,) make not any mention of these Arch-flamens.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor want there many forrain Writers who affirm the same, beginning with Martinus Polonus, who being esteemed no friend to the Popedom (because of the Story of Pope Ione which occurs in his Writings) may the rather be believ'd in the story of Lucius. And he agrees with Ieffery of Monmouth in all parts of the story, as to the Flamines and Arch-flamines, as do also many other of the Roman Writers which came after him.

Fuller.

Nothing more usuall then for forrain Writers, with implicite faith, to take things on the credit of such who have wrote the History of their own Country. But on the Confutation of the Leading Author, the rest sink of course of them∣selves.

Dr. Heylyn.

But where both our Author and some others have rais'd some objections against this part of the History, for Answer thereunto I refer the Reader to the learned and laborious Work of Francis Mason late Archdeacon of Norfolk, De Ministerio Anglicano, the sum whereof in brief is this, Licet in una urbe multi Fla∣mines, that though there were many Flamines in one City, yet was there onely one which was called Pontifex or Primus Flaminum; the Pope or principall of the Flamines; of which kind one for every City, were those whom our Histori∣ans speak of. And for the Archi-Flamines or Proto-Flamines, though the name occurre not in old Roman Writers, yet were there some in power and Autho∣rity above the rest, who were entituled Primi Pontificum (as indeed Coifi by that name is called in Beda) which is the same in sense with Arch-flamines although not in sound. All I shall further add is this, that if these 28 Cities were not all furnished with Bishops in the time of Lucius, for vvhom it vvas impossible to spread his armes and expresse his power over all the South parts of the Island; yet may the honour of the vvork be ascribed to him, because begun by his encouragement, and perfected by his example; as Romulus is generally esteem∣ed for the Founder of Rome, although the least part of that great City vvas of his Foundation.

Fuller.

But, whereas both the Animadvertor and some others conceive their Answers satisfactory to such Objections raised against this part of the History; I refer the Reader unto Sr. Henry * 3.14Spelman, and to the Arch-bishop of* 3.15 Armagh; both as learned and Judicious Antiquaries as ever our Land enjoyed.

These it seemes were not satisfied, with such Solutions, as Mr. Mason pro∣duceth against those Objections, because (writing later than Mr. Mason) they in their judgments declare themselves against J. Monmouth herein.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author has not yet done vvith Lucius. For admitting the story to be true, he disallowes the turning of the Pagan Temples into Christian Churches, vvhich he censureth as the putting of new Wine into old Vessels, which afterwards savour'd of the Cask, Christianity hereby getting a smack of Heathen ceremonies. But in this point the Primitive Christians were as wise as our Author, though they were not so nice. Who without fearing any such smack, accommodated them∣selves in many ceremonies to the Gentiles, and in some to the Iewes; that being all things to all men, they might gain the more, as in fine they did: which not∣withstanding our Author hereupon inferreth.

Fuller.

I onely humbly tendered my weak Opinion herein, that Religion was a loser by such mixtures. If it findeth no welcome in the brest of the Animadvertor and others, no hurt is done; let it fairly return into his Bosome, who (it seems) first gave it a beeing, though I could cite most Pious and Learned Authors of the same Judgement. But for the present let all the weight of the guilt light on my selfe alone.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 13. They had better built new Nests for the holy Dove, and not have lodg'd it where Schriech-owls and unclean Birds had formerly been harboured.] A prety piece of new Divinity, and such as savours strongly of the Modern Anabaptist; such as not onely doth reproach the practise of most pious Antiquity, but layes a sure ground for the pulling down of all our Chur∣ches (as having been abus'd to Popish Superstitions in the former times) if ever that encreasing faction should become predominant. What pitty is it that our Author had not liv'd and preacht this Doctrine in King Edwards time, that the Parochiall Churches and Cathedrals being sent after the Abbies, new Nests might have been built for the Dove in some tree or other, under the shade whereof the people might assemble to their devotions: and not new Nests provided only, bur new feathers also, the vestments prescribed to the Ministers by the Church of England, being condemned and disallowed by the Puritan party, because in use formerly with the Priests of the Church of Rome. More of this stuffe, but of a more dangerous consequence to the publick peace, we shall see hereafter.

Fuller.

I do not quarrell with the posture of my Nativity, knowing God hath * 3.16 de∣termined the times fore-appointed and the bounds of their Habitation. Nor would I have my beeing antedated in the dayes of K. Edward the sixt, whereby my Soul should be degraded into a dimmer Light, then what now I live in.

Had I lived in His Reigne, I know not what I would have done, seeing one may be lost in the Labyrinth of his owne Heart. But though I know not what I would have done, I know what I should have done, viz. perswaded, to my power, all people to be sensible of the vast difference betwixt Heathen-Temples and Christian-Churches.

The former were the Styes of swine, yea the Dens of Devils, profaned to the foul Idols of Pagans.

The latter were dedicated to the true God, and the memory of his glorious Saints, out of zeal, and wel-intended Devotion. And though the same were abused by superstition, yet the substantiall use of them might remain, when their acciden∣tial abuse was removed, and might be continued for God's service without any Sin; not to say, could not be aliened from it, without some sacriledge.

Dr. Heylyn.

We have now done at last vvith the story of Lucius, and must next follow

our Author unto that of Amphibalus, in prosecution whereof he telleth us of a great slaughter of Christians in or near the City of Litchfield, from thence so de∣nominated, of vvhich thus saith he;

Fol. 19. This relation is favoured by the name of Litchfield, which in the British tongue signifies a Golgotha, or a place bestrewed with skuls.] It's true indeed that Litchfield, or Licidfield, as Bedae calleth it, is made by Iohn Rosse to signifie Ca∣daverum Campus, or the field of dead bodies. But that it doth so signifie in the British language, I do more then doubt, the termination of the vvord be∣ing meerly Saxon, as in Hefensield, Cock-field, Camps-field, and many others. As little am I satisfied in the Etymon of the name of Maiden-head, which he ascribes unto the worshipping of the head of one of those many Mai∣dens vvhich vvere martyred with Ursula at Colen, fol. 36. For vvhich though he cite Camden for his Author (following therein, but not approving the old Tradition) yet vvhen I find in the same Camden, that this Town was formerly called Maiden-hith, that anciently there vvas a ferry near the place vvhere the Town now stands, and that Hith in the old Saxon tongue, did signifie a Wharf, Haven, or landing place, I have some reason to believe, that the Town took this name from the Wharf or Ferry belonging at that time to some neighbouring Nunnery, or to some private Maidens dwelling thereabout, vvho then received the profits of it. Just so, Queen-Hith in London took that appellation, because the profits of that Wharf vvere antiently accompted for, to the Queens of Eng∣land; and Maiden-bradly in Wilshire, vvas so denominated because belonging to one of the inheretrices of Manasses Basset, a most noble personage in his time, who founded a House here for Maiden Lepers.

Fuller.

As for Litchfield, thereof hereafter. But whether it be Maiden-head, or Maiden-hith, is not a straw matter to me, who cited the words out of Cambdens Latine Brittannia: which is more properly Cambden, than the English transla∣tion thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

But to return again to Leitch-field, It must needs seem as strange to my judi∣cious Reader, that one part of it should be borrowed from the Brittains, and the other from the Saxons; as it seems strange unto our Author, and that justly too, that Cern in Dorcetshire should anciently be called Cernel, from the Latine vvord Cerno, vvhich signifies to see, and the Hebrew vvord El signifying God, fol. 67.

Fuller.

Nothing more usuall, than for the same vvord to bear parly par pale, two languages. But such mixtures onely are made in such places, vvhere those two Languages have entred common together.

And this is the reason that disapproveth the probability of Cern-el, because Hebrew and Latine never incorporated together, Greek, as I may say, being interposed betwixt them.

But such Conjunctions of two Languages, vvhich, in some sort, indented one another, are frequent and familiar.

Our Author lately presented us vvith two half-Greek, half-Latine Archi-flamens, and Proto-flamens.

He also just now mentioned a vvord half••French, half Saxon, Camps-field.

Many towns names in England are half Saxons, half British; Up-Avon, Nea∣ther-Avon, tvvo villages in Wilt-shire. Avon being a river in the Brittish tongue.

To put all out of doubt, the Reader may rely on the judgement of this my vvorthy friend, vvhose Letter I have here caused to be inserted,

Mr. Fuller.

As touching the Elymology of the City of Litchfield, I can give you no satisfactory accompt; being not well skill'd in the Saxon Tongue. But if Mr. John Rosse hath ground for his Campus Cadaverum, I conceive he deduced it from the British Tongues and Saxon. For in our Brittish language, Llaith signifies death, as may be seen in severall antient Brittish Authors, as Taliefin and others. Lleithfa may well bear a place of slaugh∣ter as wel as lladdfa; the word lladd in the Brittish is the same with occidere in the La∣tine, ma and Man, denotes a place: and ma, being joyned with lleith or lladd, the m by the rules of the Brittish language turns into f as lladdfa lleithfa lladdfaes. Maes is the ordinary name for a field in our Language, and so the old Saxons, which were not igno∣rant of our language might well make use of their owne word field and ioyne it with the Brittish lleith: which in processe and corruption of time came to be Litchfield. You must note that when the Saxons met with our ll, they wrote and pronounced it alwayes as one single l.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author proceeds, Fol. 20. I fear that learned pen hath gone too far, who makes him founder of a Bishoprick at York, and styleth him an Emperour surpassing in all virtue and Christian piety.] The learned pen here spoken of, is that of judici∣ous Camden, whose character of Constantius Chlorus our Author in this place will not let passe without some censure. That he did found (or rather re-found) a Bishoprick in the City of ••ork, I am confident Cambden had not said without very good grounds, though on what grounds he said it, I am yet to seek. A Bishoprick and a Bishop of York we find on good Record within few years after; Eborius the Bishop of that City subscribing to the Councill of Arles in the time of Constantine, the Son and next successor of Constantius Chlorus. And that he was a Prince of surpassing virtue, is generally agreed upon by all Historians, both Pagans and Christians. The Question then will be onely this, Whether he did surpass also in Christian piety, which our Author will not otherwise grant, but by our Saviours Argument onely, concluding those to be on our part who are not against us; Constantius doing no other good unto Christianity, but that he did not do it harm. A censure not agreeable to so good an Emperour, who though he were no through-paced Christian, yet did he both favour their Religion, and protect their persons, as Eusebius testifies de vita Constantini, lib. 1. cap. 12. And not so onely, but as our Author himselfe confesseth, he both permitted and preser∣ved them who would rebuild the decayed Christian Churches. If to preserve the per∣sons of Christians in the exercise of their Religion, to have them near unto him in places of greatest trust and eminence, to suffer them to rebuild their Churches and defend them in it, be not the doing of some good unto Christianity, more then the doing it no harm, let our Author carry it, and Cambden bear the blame of his needlesse Courtship.

Fuller.

If at the end of this long Note, the Animadvertor at Last had demonstrated that Constantius Chlorus was a thorow-paced Christian; the Reader, and I my selfe, would not have grudged our attention unto it.

But what is the Total sum of what he saith? It amounts to just nothing, only to show that (which I confessed) he did some good (besides no hurt) to Christi∣anity. What is this to prove the words of Learned, (but here mistaken) Mr. Camden.

An Emperour surpassing in all Virtues and Christian Piety.

The Animadvertor should first have proved that this Constantius had passed into Christianity before he was surpassing therein; a thing which He, and all his Friends, are never able to evidence by any authentick Author.

In a word, As Chlorus or YELLOW (so his Name in Greek) is a Middle colour betwixt White and Black, below the former, and above the latter in Brightnesse; So this Emperour, (well answering his name,) was indeed much better than

most Pagans, and yet far short (so far as by any humane Author can be collect∣ed) of a true Christian.

Dr. Heylyn.

But this is not the first time, in which our Author hath clasht with Camden, and I see it will not be the last, by that which followeth. For speaking on the by how. Wolves first entred into England, considering that Merchants would not bring them, and that they could not swim over themselves, he adds these words, viz.

Fol. 25. Which hath prevailed so far with some, as to conceive this now an Iland, ori∣ginally annext to the Continent.] It seems that though some so conceive it, yet our Author doth not. And yet he cannot chuse but know that those whom he doth pass so slightly over by the name of some (as if not worthy to be notified by their proper names) are the most eminent and renowned Antiquaries of these latter times. Amongst which if I reckon Camden for one, and a chief one too, I should but do him right, and not wrong the rest. Whose arguments to prove the point; he that lists to see, may find them at large laid down in his description of Kent; which when our Author can confute (as I doubt he cannot) he may then slight it over as a thing conceived, and conceived only by some men not worth the naming. Till then, I shall behold it as a matter not conceived but prov'd, and so must he.

Fuller.

It seems] multa videntur quae no•• sunt. I am ashamed to return an answer to this needlesse and impertinent Note. S. Hierom honoured not Cicero more then I reverence Mr. Camden.

Dr. Heylyn.

I should here end this Chapter and this Book together, but that I find a trifling errour not worth our notice, but that I would set all things right as they come before me; which is the placing of the Emperor Constantine in the Catalogue of those who commonly pass under the name of the 9 Worthies, and this saith he.

Fuller.

Not so. He should have ended this Chapter and Book before, and not have in∣serted his last impertinent note. Num Aquila capit muscas?

Dr. Heylyn.

Fol. 39. Is more then comes to the proportion of Britain; that amongst but nine in the whole World, two should prove Natives of this Iland, Constantine and Arthur.] That Arthur goes for one of the Worthies, I shall easily grant, and I shall grant too, that in the opinion of some writers this Island gave birth unto another of them, namely Guy of Warwick. His Knight Sir Guy one of the nine, we touch but by the way, saith Warner in his Albions England.

Fuller.

Perchance Guy of Warwick may be made one of the nine English worthies. But I believe none ever made him one of the NINE GENERALL WORTHYES little known beyond the Seas, no General [not to say Prince] as the rest of his Form-fellowes, and fam'd onely for his personal performances.

Dr. Heylyn.

But in the common estimate they are reckoned thus; that is to say, three Iewes, 1. Ioshua, 2. David, 3. Iudas Maccabeus; three Gentiles, 4. Hector of Troy, 5. Alexander the great, and 6. Iulius Caesar; three Christians, 7. Arthur of Brittain, 8. Charlemain of France, and 9. Godfry of Bovillon. But I condemn my selfe for mingling this poor piece of Errantry with such serious matters, though the ne∣cessity of following my Leader as he goeth may excuse me in it.

Fuller.

The words of the Animadvertor in common estimate intimate, that they are not constantly so accounted. The seven wise men of Greece are variously reckoned up, as severall Authors fancied them. So also are the nine Worthyes; and if worth makes a worthy, Constantine deserved a place amongst them, being in time be∣fore any, in valour behind none of the three Christians. Yea as Sapho is adject∣ed by * 3.17 some to the nine Muses, and made a Tenth; so let there be ten worthyes, ra∣ther than Constantine should be excluded. But enough hereof, Poets and Pain∣ters being the most staple Authors in this point.

Notes

• * 1.1

  ☜
• * 1.2

  Psal. 34 14.
• * 1.3

  Virgill Eg.
• * 1.4

  Rom. 12.19.
• * 1.5

  1 Cor. 8.12.
• * 1.6

  Job 6.3.
• * 1.7

  Cit••d in Cam. Romains. pag. 241.
• * 1.8

  Meaning his Brother Alfred whom Godwin had shameful∣ly murthered.
• * 1.9

  Luke 2.28.
• * 1.10

  1 Cor. 13.9.
• * 1.11

  St Augustin.
• * 1.12

  Aulularia Plauti.
• * 1.13

  Page 218, 223, and often else∣where.
• * 1.14

  In Vit. Aesopi.
• * 1.15

  Gen. 43.44.
• * 1.16

  Page. 268. towards the bottom there∣of
• * 1.17

  Amos 5.13.
• * 1.18

  1 Cor. 7 26.
• * 1.19

  Dan. 6.7.
• * 1.20

  1 Tehss. 5.17.
• * 1.21

  Psal. 106.46.
• * 1.22

  Numb. 12.14.
• * 1.23

  Luk. 18.13.
• * 1.24

  2 Sam. 20.19.
• * 1.25

  Esaiah 61.3.
• * 1.26

  in his Life Page, 103.
• * 1.27

  Esdr. 4.41.
• * 1.28

  Heb. 11.26.
• * 1.29

  Psal. 41.8.
• * 1.30

  Exod. 5.17.
• * 1.31

  Diog. Laert. in vita Chry∣sippi.
• * 1.32

  Math. 5.10.
• * 1.33

  As in the 〈…〉〈…〉 wh••ch I have seen under the hand of the Animad∣ve••••o••.
• * 1.34

  In his S••••••e∣••on Cantab. M. Sc.
• * 1.35

  Pag. 94, 95.
• * 1.36

  Vide, infra. part. 3. pag. 70.
• * 1.37

  Anno 1586.
• * 1.38

  Fox, Acts and Monu∣ments.
• * 1.39

  The Govern∣ment of Eng∣land, though often translat∣ed from one Family, yea Nation to a∣nother, yet hath so long continued Monarchical.
• * 1.40

  The Breaks in my Answer re∣late respective∣ly to those in the Doctor's Animadver∣sions.
• * 1.41

  2 King. 3.2.
• * 1.42

  2 King. 17.2.
• * 3.1

  Exod. 20.3.
• * 3.2

  Act. 17.16.
• * 3.3

  In his Mi∣crocosm, p. 800.
• * 3.4

  〈◊〉〈◊〉cit. in vita 〈◊〉〈◊〉ola.
• * 3.5

  S. Metaphra∣stes, Com∣ment. de Pe∣tro et Paulo ad diem 29. Junij.
• * 3.6

  Of Thessal. 2.15.
• * 3.7

  Pag. 329.
• * 3.8

  1 Cent. p. 4.
• * 3.9

  Deu. 34.6.
• * 3.10

  Church Hist. v. 1. pag. 10.
• * 3.11

  Seb. Munste∣rus de Germa∣nia.
• * 3.12

  De prim Ec. Brit.
• * 3.13

  Psal. 1.
• * 3.14

  In his Coun∣cels.
• * 3.15

  In his Pri∣mord. Eccl. Angl.
• * 3.16

  Act. 17.23.
• * 3.17

  Le••bia pieriis Sapho soror addita Mu••is, Ausonius.