The appeal of iniured innocence, unto the religious learned and ingenuous reader in a controversie betwixt the animadvertor, Dr. Peter Heylyn, and the author, Thomas Fuller.

An ANSWER TO Dr. Heylyn's Necessary INTRODUCTION &c.

Dr. Heylyn.

INtending some short Animadversions on the Church-History of Brittain, for Vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the injured Clergy, I have thought good to prepare the way unto them by a plain, but necessary Introduction, touching the Quality and Nature of the Book which I have in hand.

Fuller.

Intending, God willing, to return a true, clear, and short Answer to the Introducti∣on, I conceived it requisite to premise these few lines following.

The Animadvertor like a Cunning Market-man, hath put his best Corn in the top of his Sack to invite Chapmen to buy it. His Preface hath a Decoction of his whole Book, which was advisedly done by him, hoping that those might read his Preface whom he suspected would never peruse his Book.

Reader, As I am loath, any thing in his Book should not be once Answered, so be not offended, if to avoid repetition, I am loath it should be twice answered. Each particular in the Preface will recurre in the body of the Book, where (by Gods assistance) no emphatical word nor syllable shall pass without its respective reply.

Nor hath the Reader any cause to suspect, that by such shifting I intend any Evasion, by pleading in the Preface, that I will answer objections in the Body of my Book, and alledging in the Body of my Book, that I have answered them in the Preface. For I have to do with the Animadvertor, so cunning and so exacting a Merchant, that it is impossible for one indebted unto him, to escape without full payment, by changing the place of his habitation.

However the Animadvertor hath dealt severely (to say no worse) with me, who, to render me the more culpable, and my Book of the less credit, hath re∣presented all my faults in a Duplicating Glass; And whereas the Best of Beings, non bis judicat in id ipsum, doth not punish the same faults twice, he hath twice taxed every supposed mistake in my History, once in his Preface, and again, in the Body of his Book.

Dr. Heylyn.

Concerning which, the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. Mr. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State; in the Preface whereof he let•• us know,

that he should count it freedom to serve two Appr••ntiships (God spinning out the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thread of his life so long) in writing the Ecclesiastical History from Christ•• time to our daies. And so much time it seems he had spent upon it (excepting some 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for recreation in the Holy Land, before he had finisht and expos'd it to pub••••ck view; the Book not comming out untill the year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expect••tion, we are now to see.

Fuller.

My words are by the Animadvertor given-in de••ectively, and (as to me) disad∣vantageously; this ••assage (which ought to have been inserted) immediatly pre∣ceding my Promise.

If I may be so happy as to see these gloomy dayes disclouded with the beams of Gods mercy.

I appeal to the Conscience of the Animadvertor himself, wh••ther in his Soul he conceiveth these days disclouded or no. Gloomy they were when I w••ote those words, before any war rained in the Land; and since such bloody showers have ended, they continue louring, gloomy, and dark unto this day.

My promise therfore being thus but Conditional, and the condition on which it was grounded not as yet performed, I have no ne••d Liberare fidem, to free my Faith, which was never bound, though I had ever since utterly quitted all thoughts of writing any Church-History.

For, the first five years, during our actual Civill Wars, I had little list or leasure to write; fearing to be made an History, and shifting daily for my safety. All that time I could not live to study, who did onely study to live.

So soon as Gods goodness gave me a fixed habitation, I composed my Land of Canaan or Pisgah-Sight. This, though I confess it be no part of Church-Building, yet it is the clearing of the floore or Foundation thereof, by presenting the performances of Christ and his Apostles in Palestine. I perceive the Anim∣advertor hath a months mind to give me a Jeere, for my fallying into the Holy-Land, which I can bear the better, seeing (by Gods goodness) that my Book hath met with generall reception, likely to live when I am dead; so that friends of quality solicite me, to teach it the Latine-Language.

Dr. Heylyn.

For first, the Reader might expect by the former passage, that he designed the Generall History of the Church, from the first preaching of Christ, and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in: whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Brittain, which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ, that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles, of any of the Seventy Disciples, or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times.

Fuller.

Charity begins, but doth not end, at home. The same Method was embraced in my Church-History. It began with our own Domestick affairs, to confute that accusation, commonly charged on Englishmen, that they are very knowing in for∣rain parts, but ignorant in their own Country. I intended (God willing) to have proceeded to forrain Churches, but I am discouraged by the causless cavil∣ing at what I have written already.

My Church-History beginneth (for point of Time) Indeterminately before the Birth of Christ, (lapping in, or folding over part of Paganisme) and presenteth the dolefull condition of the Britons, whilest yet unconverted, and grievious Idolaters.

Determinately, my History begins Anno Dom. 37. which is but four years after Christs Passion, and that is very early, I assure you: Christianity in this Island, being a Timely riser, to be up so soon, and dressing it Self, whilest as yet (and many years after) most Countreys were fast asleep in Pugan Impiety,

I deny not but that Apostolical men, were the first founders of Religion in our Land. But as for such Apostles, (St. Peter, St. Paul, &c.) who without probability of Truth, and against proportion of Time, are by some Authors obtruded on us, those I do reject, (I hope, without the least ••ault) rendring my reasons for the same.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly, Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Brittain, yet he pursues not his Design agreeable to that Title neither: there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland, which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Brittain; and less (if any thing at all) of the Church of Ireland, which anciently past in the account of a Brittish-Island.

Fuller.

I will render the Reader a true account, why I entitled my Book, The Church-History of Brittain.

First, the Church-History of England I might not call it, the five first Centu∣ries therein belonging wholly to the Brittains before the Name and Notion of England, was ever heard of in any Author.

Secondly, The Church-History of Great-Brittain, I did not call it; for fear of bringing in Scotland within the Latitude thereof, a compass too large for my weak Endeavours.

Thirdly, The Church-History of Brittain, I did, and might call it, in a double respect, tam à parte Majore, quàm meliore, both from the bigger and better, the fairer and fruitfuller part of Brittain, the Ecclesiastical affairs whereof were there∣in contained.

Yea the Animadvertor knows full well, that the South of this Island, by way of Eminence is so called: To give one Instance of many, from the Title-page, of a passage of State.

Nobilissima disceptatio super Dignitate & magnitudine Regnorum Britannici Et Gallici, habita ab utriusque Oratoribus & Legatis, in Concilio Constantiensi; Lovanii, anno 1517. Typis excusa.

The most noble Dispute, about the Dignity and greatness of the Kingdomes of Brittain and France, betwixt the Embassadors and Legates of both Sides, in the Councell of Constance; Anno 1517. printed at Lovaine.

Here the contest only was betwixt the Crowns of England [here termed Brittain] and France, Scotland not at all interesting it self therein.

It will not be long before the Animadvertor (as, God willing, in due time shall be observed) stickleth with might and main, that Lucius might properly style himself, and be styled King of Brittain, who had not an half of the Southern-half of this Island: and therefore, by his own Principles, it is no Solecisme in me, to name the cis-Tweedan Moity thereof, Brittain.

Had I given my native Countrey a narrow and restrictive name, I had deserved due reproof; but now, measuring the denomination thereof, with all honourable advantage, I humbly conceive my self not to fall under just reprehension for the same.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor is it, thirdly, a Church-History rightly and properly so called, but an aggregation of such and so many Heterogeneous bodies, that Ecclesiastical affairs make the least part of it. Abstracted from the dresse and trimming, and all those outward imbelishments which appear upon it, it hath a very fit resem∣blance to that Lady of pleasure of which Martial tells us, Pars minima est ipsa puella sui, that the woman was the least part of her self. The name of a Church-Rhapsody had been fitter for it, though to say truth (had it been answerable thereunto in point of learning) it might have past by the old Title of Fuller's Miscellanies. For such and so many are the impertinencies, as to matters of Histo∣ricall nature, more as to matters of the Church, that without them this great Volume had been brought to a narrower compass, if it had taken up any room at all. So that we may affirm of the present History, as one did of the Wri∣tings of Chrysippus an old Philosopher,* 1.1 viz. Si quis tollat••è Chrysippi Libris quae aliena sunt, facilè illi vacua relinquerentur Pergamena, that is to say, that if they were well purged of all such passages as were not pertinent to the business which he had in hand, there would be nothing left in them to fill up his Parchments.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor hath a free liberty to name His own Books; and I crave the same leave my self, to denominate My own.

Before he had fallen so fiercely on my extravagancies in the Church-Historie, he had done well to have defended his own, in his Geographie; sixteen parts of twenty therein being meerly Historicall, and aliene from his Subject in the strictness there∣of. Sure I am, Ptolomey, Strabo, Pliny &c. in their severall descriptions of the world, have nothing to countenance the excursions about the Pedegrees of Princes, not reductive to Geographie without the great favor of the Reader so to understand it.

But because Recrimination is no part of Purgation, I provide my self to answer to all which shall be objected for impertinencies.

Dr. Heylyn.

The first of this kind which I am to note, is a meer extrinsecall and outside unto those impertinencies which are coucht within; consisting of Title-Pages, Dedicatory-Epistles, and severall intermediate Inscriptions unto every Section. A new way, never travelled before by any, till he found it out; and such where∣in he is not like to find many followers, though the way be opened. I know it is no unusuall thing for works of different Arguments, publisht at severall times, and dedicated to severall persons, to be drawn together into one Volume; and being so drawn together, to retain still those particular Titles and Dedicati∣ons which at first they had. But I dare confidently say, that our Historian is the first, who writing a Book of the same Argument, not published by peece-meal, as it came from his hand, but in a full and intire Volume, hath filled his Sheets with so many Title-leaves and Dedications, as we have before us.

Fuller.

I answer first, Although it be unlawfull even for the owner himself abuti re sua, to abuse what is his own, because the Publick hath an interest therein; Yet, * 1.2 Is it not lawfull for me to Do, what I will with my Own?

Secondly, seeing the Animadvertor pretendeth in his notes to rectifie Mistakes, Falsities, and Defects, this cometh not under any of these notions. And whereas he writeth (as he saith) for the Vindication of the Truth, Church, and injured-Clergy;

by my dedicating of my Book to many Patrons, the Truth is not prejudiced, nor the Church wronged, nor any of the Clergy injured.

Thirdly, Of late some usefull and costly Books, when past their Parents power to bring them forth, have been delivered to the Publick, by the Midwifery of such Dedications.

Fourthly, Many (if not most) of my Patrons invited themselves purposely to encourage my endevours; And why should any mans eye be evil, because theirs were good unto me.

Lastly, It is all one in effect, whether one printeth his Dedications to many Pa∣trons, or whether one presenteth a printed History of St▪ George, to each English Knight of the Garter, with a written * 1.3 letter prefixed to every one of them: save that the former way is better, as which rendereth the Authors gratitude the more publick and conspicuous.

Dr. Heylyn.

For in this one Book, taking in the History of Cambridge, which is but an Appendix to it, there are no fewer than twelve particular Titles, besides the generall; as many particular Dedications; and no fewer then fifty eight or sixty of those By-Inscriptions, which are addrest to his particular Friends and Be••ef••ctors, which make it bigger by forty Sheets at the least, then it had been otherwise. Nay, so ambitious he is of increasing the Number of his Patrons, that having but four Leaves to come to the end of his History, he finds out a particular Benefactress to inscribe it to: Which brings to my minde the vanity of Vitellius in bestowing, and of Roscius, Regulus for accepting the Consular Dignity, for that part of the day on which Cecinna, by Order and Decree of the Senate, was degraded from it: Of which the Historian gives this Note, that it was, Magno cum irrisu accipientis tribuentisque, a matter of no mean dis∣port amongst the People for a long time after.

Fuller.

Ordinary Dedications exceed not a dozen lines, and therefore I believe the Animadvertor is much mistaken in his proportions.

If I did Dedicate four leaves to a distinct Patroness, no such fault therein; seeing, I am confident, those four leaves contain in them so remarkable an Accident, as the Animadvertor never read the like in four thousand leaves of any Historian.

Dr. Heylyn.

But of this Argument our Author heard so much at the late Act at Oxford, that I shall say no more of it at this present time.

Fuller.

I heard nothing thereof at Oxford, being then sixty miles distanced thence. Sure I am, I did not there Malè audire deservedly; and if undeservedly, mala fama bene parta delectat.

Secondly, I have heard since, that one in the Act, was bold to play on my own name and Church-History. But for the seventeen years I lived in Cambridge, I never heard any Prevaricator mention his Senior by name: We count such particularizing beneath an University.

Thirdly, I hope it will not be accounted Pride, but Prudence in me, to believe my self above such Trifles, who have written a Book to Eternity.

Fourthly, I regreat not to be Anvile, for any ingenious Hammer to make pleasant musick on; but it seems my Traducer was not so happy.

Lastly, I remember a speech o•• Sir Walter Rawleighs, If any (saith he) speaketh against me to my face, my Tongue shall give him an Answer; but my back-side is good enough to return to him, who abuseth me behind my back.

Dr. Heylyn.

In the next ranck of Impertinencies, which are more intrinseall, part of the substance of the work, I account his Heraldry, Blazons of Arms, Descents of noble Families with their Atchivements intermingled as they come in his way; not pertinent, I am sure, to a Church-Historian, unless such persons had been Founders of Episcopal Sees, or Religious-Houses, or that the Arms so blazoned did belong to either.

Fuller.

I answer in generall, Those passages of Heraldry are put in for variety and diversion, to refresh the wearied Reader.

They are never used without asking of leave before, or craving pardon after the inserting thereof; and such craving is having a request in that kind with the Ingenious. Grant it ill manners in the Author not to ask, it is ill nature in the Reader not to grant so small a suit.

Mr. Camden in his description of Oxfordshire, hath a prolixe (though not tedious) poeme, of the marriage of Thame and Isis, which he ushereth in with Si placet, vel legas vel negligas, read or reject, either set by it, or set it by; as the Reader is disposed.

The same, (though not expressed) is implied in all such Digressions, which may be said to be left unprinted in Effect, to such as like them not: their Ploughs may make Balks of such deviations, and proceed to more serious matter.

Dr. Heylyn.

Our Author tells us, lib. 9. fol. 151. that knowledge in the Laws of this Land, is neither to be expected or required in one of his profession; and yet, I trow, considering the great influence which the Laws have upon Church-matters, the knowledge of the Law cannot be so unnecessary in the way of a Clergy-man, as the study of Heraldry: But granting Heraldry to be an Ornament in all them that have it, yet is it no ingredient requisit to the composition of an Ecclesiasti∣cal History: The Copies of Battle-Abbey Roll fitter for Stow and Hollinshead, (where before we had them) can, in an History of the Church, pretend to no place at all, though possibly the names of some may be remembred, as their Foundations or Endowments of Churches give occasion for it. The Arms of Knight-Errant, billeted in the Isle of Ely, by the Norman Conqueror, is of like extravagancy. Such also is the Catalogue of those noble Adventurers, (with their Arms, Issue and Atchievements) who did accompany King Richard the first to the War of Palestine, which might have better serv'd as an Appendix to his History of the Holy War, then found a place in the main Body of an History of the Church of England: Which three alone, besides many intercalations of that kind, in most parts of the Book, make up eight sheets more, inserted onely for the ostentation of his skill in Heraldry, in which notwithstanding he hath fallen on as palpable Errors as he hath committed in his History:

Fuller.

Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments hath done the like, presenting the names of such who came over at the Norman Conquest. I have only made their Catalogue more complete. And seeing it was preserved in Battle-Abbey, the very addition of Abbey doth dye it with some Ecclesiastical tincture.

The Arms of the Knights of Ely, might on a threefold title have escaped the Animadvertor's censure: First, they was never before printed. Secondly, the Wall whereon they were depicted, is now demolished. Lastly, each Knight being blended (or, as I may say, empaled) with a Monk, a Moiety of that Mixture may be construed reducible to Church-History.

As for the Arms of some signal persons atchieved in the HOLY-WAR; If the Sirname of WAR be secular, the Christian name thereof, HOLY, is Ecclesiastical; and so rendred all actions therein within the latitude of Church-History, to an inge∣nuous Reader.

Dr. Heylyn.

For, besides those which are observed in the course of this work, I find two others of that kind in his History of Cambridge, to be noted there.

For fol. 146. he telleth us, That Alice Countess of Oxford was Daughter and sole Heir of Gilbert Lord Samford, which Gilbert was Hereditary Lord Chamberlain of England]. But, by his leave, Gilbert Lord Samford was never the hereditary Chamberlain of the Realm of England, but only Chamberlain in Fee to the Queens of England; betwixt which Offices how vast a difference there is, let our Au∣thour judge.

Fuller.

I plead in my own defence (according to my last general Answer) that I have charged my Margin with my Autho••. Mr. Parker* 1.4 (Fellow of Caius College in Cambridge,) one known for a most ab•••• Antiquary, but especially in Heraldry; and I thought that he had lighten on some rare Evidence, out of the ordinary road: but, seeing he was mistaken, I will amend it (God willing) in my next Edition.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly, The Honor of Lord Chamberlain of England, came not unto the Earls of Oxford by that Marriage, or by any other, but was invested in that Family, before they had attained the Title and Degree of Earls: Conferred by King Henry the first on Aubrey de Vere, a right puissant Person, and afterwards on Aubrey de Vere his Son, together with the Earldome of Oxford, by King Henry the second; continuing Hereditary in that House, till the death of Robert Duke of Ireland, the ninth Earl thereof, and then bestowed for a time at the Kings discre∣tion, and at last setled by King Charls in the House of Lindsey.

Fuller.

This is nothing Confutatory of Me, who never affirmed that the High-Cham∣berlainship accrued to the House of Oxford by any such match.

Dr. Heylyn.

But because being a Cambridge Man, he may be better skill'd in the Earls of that County, let us see what he saith of them; and we shall find, fol. 162. That Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, was the eighth Earl of Cambridge.

Whereas first, Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge.

Fuller.

He was, he was, he was; as presently (God willing) will appear, beyond all doubt and contradiction.

Dr. Heylyn.

And secondly, If he had been such, he must have been the seventh Earl, and not the eighth: For thus those Earls are marshalled in our Catalogues of Honor, and

Books of Heraldry, viz. 1. William de Meschines. 2. Iohn de Hainalt. 3. William Marquess of Iuliers. 4. Edmond of Langley, D. of York. 5. Edward D. of York. 6. Richard de Conisburgh, younger Brother of Edward. 7. Iames Marquess Hamil∣ton, &c.

Fuller.

Indeed they are thus reckoned up in a late little (and useful) Book, entituled, The Help of History, made (as I am credibly informed) by the Animadvertor himself, and therefore by him wel stiled OUR Catalogues of Honour. But more exact Heralds, whom it concerns to be skilful in their own Profession, do otherwise account them.

Dr. Heylyn.

No Richard Duke of York to be found amongst them; his Father, Richard of Konisburgh, having lost that Title by Attainder, which never was restored to Richard his Son (though most improvidently advanced to the Dukedom of York) nor unto any other of that Line and Family.

Fuller.

I admire at the Animadvertor's peremptoriness in this point, when the no less learned (but more modest) Mr. Camden, speaking of these Earls in the Descri∣ption of Cambridge-shire, saith, that after the death of Richard of Conisburgh,

The Title of the Earl of Cambridge, either wholly vanished with him, or else lay hid amongst the Titles of Richard his Son, who was restored Duke of York as Kinsman and Heir to his Uncle Edward Duke of York.

What he warily said laid hid, is found out by such as since wrote on that Subject, Mr. Brooke, York Herald, and Mr. Augustine Vincent (in effect Mr. Camden revi∣sed;) who writing Corrections on Brooke,* 1.5 concurreth with him in this particular.

for Richard of Conisburgh, Edward's Brother, was after created Earl of that place, [Cambridge] and after him another Richard, who was Richard of Conisburgh's Son.

See Reader what an Adversary I have gotten, who careth not to write against the most evident and avowed Truths, so be it, he may write something against Me.

Dr. Heylyn.

4. Proceed we in the next place to Verses, and old ends of Poetry, scattered and dispersed in all parts of the History, from one end to the other; for which he hath no precedent in any Historian, Greek or Latine, or any of the National Histories of these latter times: The Histories of Herodotus, Xenophon, Thucidides and Plutarch, amongst the Greeks; of Caesar, Livy, Salust, Tacitus, and Suetonius, amongst the Latines; afford him neither warrant nor example for it: The like may be affirmed of Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Ruffin and Evagrius, Church-Historians all; though they had all the best choice, and the most excel∣lent Poets of the world to befriend them in it: And he that shall consult the Historyes of succeeding times, through all the Ages of the Church, to this present day, will find them all as barren of any incouragements in this kind, as the ancients were.

Fuller.

Never had Herodotus given his Nine Books the names of the Nine Muses, if such was his Abstemiousness from Poetry. Not one of them, which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this kind; and there are found in Clio the first, no fewer than thirty Verses of the Oracles of Pythia. As those his Books are fruitful, so his Book of the Life of Homer hath a superfetation of them, so that if Paose be the Warp,

Verses are the Woof thereof. Whereas the Animadvertor instances in Plutarch; open at the life of Theseus, and we are presented with Poetry therein.

But grant no precedent in this nature in these Authors. A more free Genius acteth in modern than in ancient Historians, manumissed from the Servilities they were tied (or tied themselves) unto. The Animadvertor, like another Empson, endevoureth to revive the Penal Statutes of History against me, (so to subject me to fine for the breach thereof) which Time in effect hath cancelled.

Qui Scribit Historicè, scribit miserè, if enslaved to all puntillo's thereof. Let the Animadvertor keep those Steel-bodys for his own wearing, and not force them on me. What, not a Plait or a Ruffle more or less but all must be done in Number, Waight, and Measure! according to Historicall criticisme! This is not put∣ting the Book, but the Author himself, into the Press.

Tacitus himself, (here instanced in) would be Tacitus indeed, if all Politick Sentences and prudential results were deleted in him, being trespasses on the pre∣ciseness of History, confined to matter of Fact: But well-fare that Historian, who will go out of his own way, to direct his Reader.

We know Pliny, Solinus, &c. in their Topographical description of Countreys, are barren of verses. Let the Animadvertor on the same account therefore charge Mr. Camden for surcharging his Britannia with Poetry, having but three verse∣less Shires, viz. (Dorset, Bucks, and Westmerland) in all England, and more than fourscore verses apeece, in the three severall Counties of Berks, Oxford, and Somerset.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nay, whereas Bishop Godwin in his Annals, gives us an Epitaph of two Verses only made on Queen Iane Seymour, and afterwards a Copy of eighteen verses on the Martyrdome of Arch-Bishop Cranmer; he ushers in the last with this short Apology, Contra morem Historiae liceat quaeso inserère, &c. Let me, (saith he, I beseech you) insert these following verses, though otherwise against the Rule and Laws of History.

Fuller.

What if that worthy Prelate was pleased to pass a Complement on his Reader, it followeth not that they do want Civility, who have less Courtship in this Point than he hath. Let us look on his Catalogue of Bishops, which hath more vici∣nity with my Subject, and there we shall find (the Bulk of the Book consider∣ed) more verses in proportion, than in my Church-History, on the token that where I cite but four, he quoteth fourteen, out of Martial, to prove Claudia Ruffi∣na a Britan, and a Christian.

Dr. Heylyn.

But what alas were eighteen or twenty verses compared with those many hundred (six or seven hundred at the least) which we find in our Author, whether to shew the universality of his reading in all kind of Writers, or his faculty in Translating (which when he meets with hard Copies, he knows how to spare) I shall not determine at the present.

Fuller.

If peeces of verses be counted whole ones, which in this point is no Charitable Synecdoche, and if Translations be reckoned distinct Verses, though it is hard that a Man and his Shadow should be accounted two different persons:

And if the verses in the History of Cambridge be adjected, though he who banisheth Poetry out of an University, will find Iambicks enough to pay him for his pains:

And if the verses in the History of Waltham-Abby be cast in, though who

shall hinder but I will describe my own Parish in Prose or Poetry as I think fit; all put together will not amount to the number.

Besides many of my verses may be said to be Prose in Effect, as containing the Religion of that Age, and therefore alledged as Evidence thereof, before the Norman Conquest; and no authority can in Prose be produced which doth so fully and cleerly represent the same.

Other Verses are generally Epitaphs on some eminent Church-men, which could not well be omitted.

Dr. Heylyn.

Certain I am, that by the interlarding of his Prose with so many Verses, he makes his Book look rather like a Church-Romance, (our late Romancers being much given to such kind of mixtures) than a well-built Ecclesiastical History. And if it be a matter so inconvenient to put a new peice of cloth on an old garment; the putting of so many old patches on a new peice of cloth, must be more unfashion∣able. Besides that, many of these old ends are so light and ludicrous, so little pertinent to the business which he has in hand, that they serve only to make sport for Children, (ut pueris placeas & Declamatio fias) and for nothing else.

Fuller.

Had the Animadvertor come with a good stomach, such larding had been no bad Cookery. Certain I am, that a Comment admitteth less latitude in this kind than a Church-History. Certain I am also, that a Comment on the Creed, is allow∣ed less Liberty then other Comments. Now the Animadvertor hath be scattered his, every where with Verses, and Translations. It consisteth not with my Charity to miscall it a Creed-Romance, accounting it a sin so to decry or disparage his usefull endevours. The best way to discover the deformity of my Fabrick, is for the Animadvertor to erect a more beautifull Building hard by it, that so his rare and regular, may shame my rude peece of Architecture.

What if such mixtures make the Garment (which also I utterly deny) to be less in the fashion (the fondling of Fancy;) I made it not for Sight but Service, that it might be strong and warm to the Wearers thereof.

I stand on my justification, that no such light or ludicrous Verses are to be found in my Book, which render it to just exception. But no wonder if the Bel clinketh even as the prejudic'd Hearer thinketh thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

This leads me to the next impertinency, his raking into the Chanel of old Po∣pish Legends, writ in the darker times of Superstition, but written with an honest zeal, and a good intention, as well to raise the Reader to the admiration of the person of whom they write, as to the emulation of his virtues: But being mixt with some Monkish dotages, the most learned and ingenious men in the Church of Rome have now laid them by; and it had been very well if our Author had done so to, but that there must be something of entertainment for the gentle Reader, and to inflame the reckoning which he pays not for.

Fuller.

I have not raked into the Kennel of old Popish Legends, who took the clearest water, in this kind, out of those Rivers which run, at this day, in highest Reputa∣tion with the Romanists. I never cited any Legend but either out of Harpsfield, who wrote in the last Generation, and was as Ingenuous as any of his Perswasion; or else out of Hierom Porter his Flores Sanctorum, who wrot some forty years, and in high esteem with the Papists at this day, as appears by the dear price thereof.

I confess I have instanced (taking ten perchance out of ten thousand) in the grossest of them, (that is the fairest Monster, which is most Deformed) partly to shew what a Spirit of Delusion acted in that Age, partly to raise our Gratitude to God, seeing such Lying vanities, are now ridiculous even to children.

I believe not the Animadvertor, when saying, that the most learned and Ingenious of Rome have laid them aside, seeing Cornelius à lapide weaveth them in, all along his

comments, and K. Iames did justly complain, that Bellarmine himself, did mar his pretty Books of Devotion, with such Legendary mixtures.

Dr. Heylyn.

But above all things, recommend me to his Merry Tales, and scraps of Trencher∣jests, frequently interlaced in all parts of the History; which if abstracted from the rest, and put into a Book by themselves, might very well be serv'd up for a second course to the Banquet of Iests, a Supplement to the old Book, entituled, Wits, Fits, and Fancies; or an additional Century to the old Hundred Merry Tales, so long since extant. But standing as they do, they neither do become the gravity of a Church-Historian, nor are consistent with the nature of a sober argument.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor should have rendred me liable to just Reproof, by instancing in One of those Tales so inconsistent with the gravity of a Church-Historian: which no doubt he had done, but because he knew himself unable to produce it.

He, who is often seen to snap hastily at, and feed hungerly on an hard crust, will not be believed if bragging that he can eat Pheasants and Partridges at his Pleasure. And seeing the Animadvertor, doth commonly carp and cavil at the silly shadows of seeming mistakes, in my Book; it is utterly improbable he can, yet will not, charge me with a fault, which cannot be defended.

But let him at leasure produce the most light and ludicrous Story in all my Book, and here I stand ready to Parallel it with as light, (I say not in the Animadvertor,) but in as Grave Authors as ever put Pen to Paper.

Dr. Heylyn.

But as it seems, our Author came with the same thoughts to the writing of this present History, as Poets anciently address themselves to the writing of Come∣dies, of which thus my Terence.

Poeta cum primùm animum ad scribendum appulit. Id sibi negotii credidit solum dari, Populo ut placerent quas fecisset fabulas.

That is to say,

Thus Poets, when their mind they first apply In looser verse to frame a Comedy, Think there is nothing more for them to do, Then please the people, whom they speak unto.

Fuller.

I admire that the Animadvertor, who so lately had taxed me for writing and tran∣slating of Verses, will now do the same himself. There is a double people-pleasing. One sordid and servile, made of falshood and flattery, which I defie and detest. The other lawful, when men deliver and dress Truth in the most plausible expression. I have a precedent above Exception to warrant it, even Solomon himself, Eccles. 12.10. The Preacher sought out Acceptable words. This I did, and will, aim at in all my writings, and I doubt not but that the Animadvertor's Stationer doth hope and de∣sire, that he hath thus pleased people in his Book, for the advancing of the price, and quickning the Sale thereof.

Dr. Heylyn.

In the last place proceed we to the manifold excursions about the Antiquity of Cambridge, built on as weak Authority as the Monkish Legends, and so impertinent

to the matter which he hath in hand, that the most Reverend Mat. Parker (though a Cambridge man) in his Antiquitates Britannicae, makes no business of it.

The more impertinent, in regard that at the fag-end of his Book there fol∣lows a distinct History of that University, to which all former passages might have been reduced.

But, as it seems, he was resolved to insert nothing in that History but what he had some probable ground for; leaving the Legendary part thereof to the Church-Romance, as most proper for it. And certainly he is wondrous wise in his gene∣ration.

For fearing lest he might be asked for those Bulls and Chartularies which fre∣quently he relates unto in the former Books, he tells us in the History of Cam∣bridge, fol 53. That they were burnt by some of the seditious Townsmen in the open Market place, Anno 1380. or thereabouts: So that for want of other ancient evidence, we must take his word; which whether those of Cambridge will depend upon, they can best resolve.

For my part I forbear all intermedling in a controversie so clearly stated, and which hath lain so long asleep, till now awakened by our Author to beget new quar∣rels: Such passages in that History as come under any Animadversion, have been reduced unto the other, as occasion served, which the Reader may be pleased to take notice of as they come before him.

Fuller.

Because omitted by Arch-Bishop Parker, I have the more Cause and Rea∣son to insert it: Otherwise, had he handled the Subject before, the Animad∣vertor would have cryed out Crambe, that there was nothing novel therein.

Call it (I pray) The FRINGE of my Book, be it but for the Subjects sake, whereof it treats, my dear Mother, the University of Cambridge.

I live in the same generation with the Animadvertor, and I hope shall acquit my self as honest, which truly is as wise as himself. CHURCH-ROMANCE parciùs ista.

As I tell the Reader of the burning of those Original Charters, so in the same place I charge my Margin with my Author, [Dr. Caius] and thereby discharge my self.

Doth the Animadvertor now forbear all intermedling therein, in this Controversy? Why did he not forbear before, when setting forth his last Geography some five years since? And is it not as lawful for me to defend, as for him to oppose my Mother? When, where, and by whom, was this Controversie so clearly stated? Was it by the Animadvertor himself? Such a Party is unfit for a Iudge. Or, was it stated by the Parliament mentioned by him 1^mo. Iacobi, when, as he telleth us, the Clerk was commanded to place Oxford first. But it plainly appears it was not then so clearly decided; but that the question was ever started again, in the late long Parliament, with Arguments on both Sides. Witness the printed Speech of Sir Simonds D'EWES on that occasion.

Dr. Heylyn.

All these extravagancies and impertinencies (which make up a fifth part of the whole Volume) being thus discharged, it is to be presum'd that nothing should remain but a meer Church History, as the Title promiseth. But let us not be too presumptuous on no better grounds.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor's Words, mind me of a Memorable passage, which here∣after he hath in his Animadversions on my Sixth Book, or History of Abbeys.

The Intruder payeth to the Sequestred Minister but a NINETEENTH part in stead of a FIFTH.

But if the FIFTH-PART, in relation to my Book, be here stated to the same proportion, for the NINETEENTH, yet will not the Animadvertor's measure be reconciled to the Standard of Truth.

Dr. Heylyn.

For on a Melius inquirendum into the whole course of the Book which we have before us, we shall find too little of the Church, and too much of the State, I mean too little of the Ecclesiastical, and too much of the Civil History: It might be reasonably expected, that in a History of the Church of England, we should have heard somewhat of the foundation and enlargement of Cathedral Churches, if not of the more eminent Monasteries and Religious Houses; and that we should have heard somewhat more of the succession of Bishops in their several and respective Sees, their personal Endowments, learned Writings, and other Acts of Piety, Magnificence, and publick Interess, especially when the times afforded any whose names in some of those respects deserv'd to be retain'd in ever∣lasting remembrance.

Fuller.

I doubt not, but the Reader, who hath perused my Church-History, will bear me witness, that therein there is a competent Representation of all these particu∣lars, so far forth as the Proportion of the Book will bear.

Dr. Heylyn.

It might have been expected also, that we should have found more frequent mention of the calling of National and Provincial Synods, with the result of their proceedings, and the great influence which they had on the Civil State, spa∣ringly spoken of at the best, and totally discontinued in a manner, from the death of King Henry the fourth, until the Conv••••••tion of the yeer, 1552. of which no notice had been taken, but that he had a mind to question the Authority of the Book of Articles which came out that year, though publisht as the issue and product of it, by the express Warrant and Command of King Edward the sixth.

Fuller.

All Councels before the Conquest, with their Canons are compleatly (and the most remarkable, after it) represented in my History. With what face can the Animadvertor say that I have discontinued the Acts of the Convocation till the year 1552? The Acts of one [critical] Convocation in the 27 of Henry the eighth, 1535. taking up no less than eight sheets in my Book, and another in the same Kings Reign imploying more than a sheet.

Dr. Heylyn.

No mention of that memorable Convocation in the fourth and fifth years of Philip and Mary, in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed, by which the Subjects of the Temporality, having Lands to the yearly value of five pounds, and upwards, were charged with finding Horse and Armour, according to the proportion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions, did by their sole authority, as a Convocation, impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land, the finding of a like number of Horses, Armour, and other Necessaries for the War, according to their yearly income, proportion for proportion, and rate for rate, as by that Statute had been laid on the Temporal Subjects.

Fuller.

I am confident that this is the self-same Convocation which is thus entered in my Church-History, Book 8. p. 39. Anno 1557. quinto Mariae.

The Clergy gave the Queen a Subsidie of eight shillings in the pound (confirmed by Act of Parliament) to be paid in four years: In requital whereof, by Poole's procurement, the Queen Priviledged them from shewing their horses with the Laily; yet so, that they should muster them up for the defence of the Land, under Captains of their own own chusing.

I cannot therefore be justly charged with no mention of the Acts of this Con∣vocation.

Dr. Heylyn.

And this they did by their own sole Authority, as before was said, Ordering the same to be levyed on all such as were refractory, by Sequestration, De∣privation, Suspension, Excommunication, Ecclesiastical Censures all; without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament, which they conceiv'd they had no need of.

Fuller.

I took the less notice of, and gave the less heed to the transactions of the Clergy therein, because then they were in their Hufte and Height, furious with Fire and Fagot, so that all done by them de facto, cannot be justified for Legal; who sometimes borrowed a point of Law (even with intent never to repay it) in their proceedings. It may be proved out of Mr. Fox, that some at that time (by a cruell Prolepsis) antedated the burning of some Martyrs, before the Writ de Haeretico Comburendo came unto them. Wherefore all their actions in that time are not Precedential to warrant Posterity, and the Air of that Torrid Zone will not fit the Bodyes in our Temperate Climate.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor find we any thing of the Convocations of Queen Elizabeths time, ex∣cept that of the year 1562. (and that not fairly dealt with neither, as is else∣where shewed) though there passed many Canons in the Convocation of the year 1571. and of the year 1585. and the year 1597. all Printed, and still publickly extant; besides the memorable Convocation of the year 1555. in which the Clergy gave the Queen a Benevolence of 2 s. in the pound, to be levyed by Ecclesiastical Censures, without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament, as had accustomably been used in the Grant of Subsidies.

Fuller.

Bernardus non vidit omnia; I could not come to the knowledge of every particular. But I confess I cannot conjecture the cause of the Animadvertor's retrograd•• motion, who after so many years in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, goeth back again to the year 1555. Which was four years before she came to the Crown.

Dr. Heylyn.

It might have been expected also that we should have found in a Church-History of Brittain, the several degrees and steps by which the Heterodoxies and Superstitions of the Church of Rome did creep in amongst us; and the degrees by which they were ejected and cast out again, and the whole Refor∣mation setled upon the Doctrine of the Apostles, attended by the Rites and Ceremonies of the Primitive times.

Fuller.

I hope the peruser of my Book will be sensible of no defect, but that the same in a good degree is performed by me on several occasions.

Dr. Heylyn.

As also that some honorable mention should be found of those gallant Defences which were made by Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Bilson, Dr. Bridges, Dr. Cosins, and divers others, against the violent Batteries and Assaults of the Puritan Faction in Queen Elizabeths time; and of the learned Writings of B. Buckeridge, B. Morton, Dr. Sut∣cliff, Dr. Burges, &c. in justification of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, against the remnants of that scattered (and then broken) Faction in the time of King Iames; of which we have Ne gry quidem, not a word deli∣vered: Nor could it stand with his design (which will discover it self in part in this Introduction, and shall more fully be discovered in the Animadversions) that it should be otherwise.

Fuller.

I answer: First, no Drag-net can be so comprehensive as to catch all Fish and Fry in the River; I mean, no Historian can descend to every particular.

Secondly, What if I left that piece in the Dish, for manners sake? I must not ingross all History to my self, but leave some to such as shall succeed me in the same Subject.

Thirdly, the Reader in perusing my Book will bear me witness that most of these have their true Encomiums on the same account; and especially Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Bilson, Dr. Cosins.

Fourthly, if my omission of his Book hath offended B. Morton, my asking will be having the pardon of so vivacious a piety; who being past the age of a man, now leads the life of an Angel.

Lastly, I have a Book of the Lives of all English Worthies, (God send it good success) which had been in print, if not obstructed by the intervening of this Contest; And, coming forth, will be suppletory of all such defects.

Dr. Heylyn.

All which together, make it cleer and evident that there is too little of the Church or Ecclesiastical History in our Authors Book: And that there is too much of the State or Civil History, will be easily seen, by that unnecessary inter∣mixture of State-Concernments, not pertinent to the business which he hath in hand.

Fuller.

I answer first in general; Such the sympathy betwixt the embracing Twins, Church and State, that sometimes 'tis both painful and pity to part them. More parti∣cularly, such passages have at the least a cast or eye of Church-colour in them, or else they are inserted for necessity, Ne detur vacuum, for meer lack of Church-matter. All the Ecclesiastical History in Mr. Fox, during the Reign of Edward the fourth, will not fill his hollow Pen, the cause why he makes it up with History of the State; and I sometimes do the like. Lastly, it is done for Variety, (and then, commonly, I crave the Readers leave) which I hope is no offence. Must I turn School-boy again, and the Animadvertor be my School-master, to give me a Theam, that I must write on no other Subject, but what he appoints me?

Dr. Heylyn.

Of this sort to look no further, is the long Will and Testament of King Henry the eighth, with his Gloss or Comment on the same, taking up three whole sheets at least, in which there is not any thing which concerns Religion, or which relates unto the Church, or Church-affairs; although to have the better colour to bring it in, he tells us that he hath transcribed it, not onely for the rarity thereof, but because it contained many passages which might reflect much light upon Church-History.

Fuller.

I answer first, All ancient Wills have something of Sacredness in them, begin∣ning In the name of God Amen. Secondly, they are proved in the Court-Christian, which evidenceth something of Ecclesiasticalness in them. Thirdly, Kings have ever been beheld as mixt Persons, wherein Church and State, are blended together. Fourthly, the Will of King Henry the eighth, in that Active-juncture of times, is more than the Will of an ordinary King. Fiftly, it is most remarkable even in Church-History, if only on this Account, to shew that he who had violated the Testaments of so many Founders and Benefactors, had hardly any one Particular of his own Will performed. Sixthly, it never was, and perchance (had I not done it) never had been Printed Seventhly, false and imperfect Copies there∣of pass about in Manuscript. Lastly, I have received so much thanks from the Animadvertor's Betters for printing of it, that I will freely pardon and pass by his causless cavil against me for the same.

Dr. Heylyn.

Lib. 5. fol. 243. Of this sort also is his description of the pomp and order of the Coronation of King Charles, which though he doth acknowledge not to be within Pale and Park of Ecclesiastical History, yet he resolves to bring it in, because it comes within the Purlews of it, as his own words are: But for this he hath a better reason than we are aware of, that is to say, That if hereafter Divine Providence shall assign England another King, though the transactions here∣in be not wholly precedential, something of State may be chosen out gratefull for im∣itation.

Lib. 11. fol. 124. As if the Pomp and order of a Coronation were not more punctually preserved in the Heralds Office who have the ordering of all things done without the Church, (and are eye-Witnesses of all which is done within) than in our Authors second-hand and imperfect Collections.

Fuller.

I answer first, a Coronation is Church-work, performed therein by an Arch-bishop, attended with prayers and a Sermon.

2. I never expected that a Chaplain to K. Charles, should find fault with any thing tending to the honour of his Lord; How can any good Disciple grudge at what is expended 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on the buriall of the Memory of his Master being the last in this kind.

3. My Collections, I mean printed by me, but observed by my most worthy Friend, are (abating onely the uncertain place of the Lord Maior) most critically exact.

Lastly, though the Heralds Office doth carefully preserve all such Ceremonyes, yet cannot all persons living at great distance, and desiring information here∣in, have on all occasions so facill and convenient access to their Office, as to my Printed Book.

Dr. Heylyn.

The like may be said also of the quick and active Raigns of Edward the the sixth, and Queen Mary, in which the w••ole Body of the reformed Re∣ligion was digested, setled, and destroyed; sufficient of it self to make a com∣petent Volume, but contracted by our Author (like Homer's Iliads, in the Nut∣shell) into less than 25. sheets: And yet in that small Abstract we find many Impertinences, as to the work he hath in hand, that is to say, the great profici∣ency of King Edward, in his Grammar Learning, exemplified in three pieces of Latine of his making, when he was but eight or nine yerrs old.

Fuller.

Just reason of such contraction because of Mr. Fox his dilatation on the same: Where he found my fault, he (if so pleased) might have found my defence, viz. If Papists preserve the Nailes and Hairs of their supposed Saints, give me leave to Record the first Essays of this Pious Prince, especially they being un∣printed rarieties, with which no Divine or Schollar, save the Animadvertor alone, would, or could have found any fault.

Dr. Heylyn.

The long Narrative of Sir Edward Montague, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, to vindicate himself from being a voluntary Agent in the business of the Lady Iane Gray needlesly inserted.

Fuller.

King Edward the sixth, his passing the Crown (over the heads of his two Sisters) to his Cousin the Lady Iane, is a piece of Church-History; because the continuing of the Protestant Religion, is all the plausible Plea for the same, and the fair varnish of so foul a Ground-work. This passage of Consequence is defectively delivered by our Historians, some Circumstances thereof being hitherto lockt from the world: Some have endevoured to force the lock by their bold Conjectures. I am the first that have brought the true key and opened it, from Judge Montague's own hand, truely Passive, (though charged to be most Active therein) driven with the Tempest of Duke Dudley's anger, against the Tide of his own Inclinations. I prize a Dram of acceptance from the Ingenuous Reader, above a Pound of the Animadvertor's Cavilling; which is offended with my inserting of so authentique and informative a Manuscript.

Dr. Heylyn.

Needless the full and punctual relation of Wyats Rebellion, and the Issue of it, though acted upon some false grounds of Civil Interess, without relating to Religi∣on or to Church Affairs: Infinitum esset ire per singula, &c.

Fuller.

This Rebellion was grounded on Erronious Principles of Religion, and therefore Goodman (Il-man) did in his Book of that Subject entitle it GODS-CAUSE; and, though souly mistaken therein, it is enough to reduce this Design to Church-concernment. Had I omitted it, the Animadvertor would have charged me with Puritanical (pardon the Prolepsis) compliance▪ so hard it is to please him, either full, or fasting.

Dr. Heylyn.

But well it were, if onely Aberrations from Historicall truth were to be met with in our Author: In whom we find such a continual vein of Puritanism, such dangerous grounds for Inconformity and Sedition to be raised upon, as easily may pervert the unwary Reader, whom the facetiousness of the style (like a Hook baited with a painted Fly) may be apt to work on. Murthering of Kings avowed for a necessary prudence, as oft as they shall fall into the power of their Subjects, Lib. 4. fol. 109.

Fuller.

The Page cited by him happily happeneth to be the Initial One of a Section, and hath no more therein then as followeth.

Church-History, Book 4. Page. 109.

Soon after his Death, K. Edward was much lamented by those of whom in

his li••e time he was never beloved. Whether this proceeded from the meer mu∣ta••ility ••f mens minds, (weary to loiter long in the lazie posture of the same affection.) Or whether it proceeded from the Pride of Mortimer, whose insolence grew intolerable. Or whether, because his punishment was generally apprehended too heavy for his fault; so that Deposition without Death, or (at the worst) Death without such unhumane cruelty, had been sufficient.

One of our English-Poet-Historians accquainteth us with a passage which to my knowledge appeareth not in any other Author.

This all in that page.

Reader I request thee do Me, thy Self, and Truth right: Whether can my avowance of King-murdering be collected from any thing here written by me?

But because, some will say, the Quotation possibly may be mistaken: If any thing sounding to that sense, there, or elsewhere, be found in my Book, may the Ravens of the Valleys (whom I behold as loyall Subjects) in Vindication of the Eagle their Soveraign pick out my eyes, for delivering such rebellious Doctrine.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Coronation of Kings, (and consequently their succession to the Crown of England made to depend upon the suffrage and consent of the People, Lib. 11. fol. 122.

The Sword extorted from the Supream Magistrate, and put into the hands of the common People, whensoever the Reforming humor shall grow strong amongst them, Lib. 9. fol. 51.

The Church depriv'd of her Authority in determining controversies of the Faith, and a dispute rais'd against that clause of the Article, (in which that Au∣thority is declared) whether forg'd or not, Lib. 9. fol. 73.

Fuller.

Stylus Equabilis! Here is a continued Champian, large Levell, and fair Flat, of fourteen untruths at least, without any Elevation of Truth interposed. No such matter in that place, as hereafter shall appear.

False as the former as in due time and place (cited now, afterwards by him eagerly improved) will appear.

I am depraved unjustly, who never deprived' the Church of her Authority. I raised no such Dispute, but would have quel'd it, if in my power. All which I refer to my Answer to these respective Quotations.

Dr. Heylyn.

Her power in making Canons every where prostituted to the lust of the Parliament, contrary both to Law and constant practise.

Fuller.

Every where, is No where. And seeing no particular place is instanced; to a General Charge, a General Deniall shall suffice. Let me add, that whereas the An∣imadvertor * 1.6 hereafter taxeth me for calling the two Houses, the Parliament; we therefore may presume that he (not running on the same rock) by Parliament meaneth the King, Lords, and Commons: which granted, how much of loyalty and Discretion there is in these his words prostituted to the LUST let others judge.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Heterodoxies of Wickcliff Canoniz'd for Gospel, and Calvin's Opinions whatsoever they were, declar'd for Orthodox.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor's words are more than Apocrypha, even a very untruth.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Sabbatarian Rigors, published for Divine and Ancient Truths, though there be no antiquity nor divinity in them.

The Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for, as shewes he had a mind to betray the cause, &c.

Fuller.

Most false, as in due time and place shall abundantly appear.

Weakly, it may be, for lack of Ability, not coldly for want of affection: But rather than the Cause I so cordially wish well to, should miscarrie by my well-in∣tended weakness, hence-forward I will stand by, and resign my place at the Bar, to better Pleaders in its behalf.

Dr. Heylyn.

Whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians, whom he chiefly acts for: And this is that which we must look for, par my & par tout, as the Frnchmen say. Nor deals he otherwise with the Persons which are brought be∣fore him, than he doth with the Causes which they bring. No profest Puritan, no cunning Non-conformist, or open Separatist, comes upon the Stage, whom he follows not with Plaudite's and some fair Commends.

Fuller.

He means Mr. Carlwright, Travers, Stone, Udal, Greenham, Hildersham, Dod; all, (though dissenting from the Church in Ceremonyes) eminent in their Genera∣tions. I commend them not for their Non-conformity, but other qualities of Piety, Painfullness, Learning, Patience, &c. Doth not * 1.7 Mr. Camden give Babington (who suf∣fered as a Traitor to Q. Eliz.) the commendation of Wealth, Wit, Learning, and Handsomness? Yea, doth not the holy Spirit praise Absalom for his blamless Beauty? and Achitophel for his oraculous wisdome? The worst of moral men may be commended for their Naturals, and the worst of Spiritual men for their Morals.

Dr. Heylyn.

When as the Fathers of the Chuch, and conformable Children of it, are sent off commonly in silence, and sometimes with censure.

Fuller.

The Reader by perusing my Book will find, I have embalmed their memoryes with my best spices.

Dr. Heylyn.

The late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, so eminently deserving of the Church of England, must be raked out of his Grave, arraigned for many misdemeanors, of which none could accuse him when he was alive; all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together, make him hatefull to the present and succeed∣ing Ages; when Mr. Love's Treasonable practises and seditious Speeches, must needs (forsooth) be buried in the same Earth with him.

Fuller.

I have in this my Appeal collected twenty two commendations of the Arch-Bishop out of my Church-History, and had made them up forty, save that the Press prevented me: The best is, what is lost in the Hundred, is found in the Shire; I mean may be (though not in this my Defence) found in my Book at large.

Dr. Heylyn.

The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated, upon sleight occasions.

The late King's party, branded by the odious Title of Malignants, not better'd by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology.

Fuller.

When, and Where, being now left at large, without any direction to the place; I am more troubled what my Offence is, than what my Defence shall be. I am sure the Animadvertor, (as a dutifull Son to his Mother) will in due time and place discover it, and (unwilling to antedate my own molesta∣tion,) my answer is deferred (or rather referred) thereunto.

As for my using the term Malignant, in due time I shall make a satis∣factory Answer.

Dr. Heylyn.

The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Confor∣mists. Lib. 9.fol. 98.

Fuller.

Who would not think, but that (as the Charge standeth against me) I had branded all Conformists with the Note of Covetous, which had been an Abomi∣nable Scandall indeed. Whereas my words only relate to some particular per∣sons: whom, if the Animadvertor will say, they were Conformists, (as indeed they were;) I dare sweare, (if called thereunto) that they were Covetous, as who, by Unreasonable Leases, (as the Statute calleth them) wasted the Lands of the Church, till they were seasonably retrenched by that wholesom Law made the 13.^th. of Q. Elizabeth.

Regular Clergy they might be, (as the Animadvertor termeth them) in other things, but in this particular, Regular, only to the Rules of Avarice: making such Leases against Reason, and common Equity, though, in the Rigor of the [then] Law, justifiable; I wonder that the Animadvertor will advocate for their Actions so detrimental to the Church.

Nor doth this dash the least disgrace on Conformity it self, they not doing it quà Conformists. It was not their Conformity made them Covetous, (though perchance their Covetousnesse might make them conformable) but their own Corruption.

But if the Epithet of Covetous be so offensive, I will in my next Edition, to mend the Matter, change it into Sa••rilegious Conformity, and justifie my Expression, according to the Principle of the Animadvertor's own Judgement, because they enriched themselves with impayring the goods of the Church.

Dr. Heylyn.

And those poor men who were ejected by this late long-Parliament, des∣pitefully called Baal's Priests, unsavory salt, not fit to be thrown upon the Dung∣hill; though he be doubtfull of the Proofs which were brought against them. Lib. 11. fol. 207.

Fuller.

I have, at large, defended my self against this foul and false accusation, when the place cited doth occur.

Dr. Heylyn.

So many of all sorts wronged and injured him, that, should they all study their personal and particular Revenges, he were not able to abide it: And therefore we may justly say, in the Poet's Language,

Si de tot laesis sua Numina quisque Deorum. Vindicet, in poenas non satis unus erit. Which may be Englisht in these words. Should all wrong'd parties seek t'avenge their fame, One man were not enough to bear the shame.

Fuller.

If I stand endebted to so many for wronging of them, the fairest way is for them jointly, to seize on what I have, that so my small Estate may be shared amongst them all, so far as it will go, and every one have his Proportion thereof: Whereas now the Animadvertor taking all (and more then all) his Penny-worths out of Me, he hath injuriously dealt with the rest of the Creditors thereby. However, I hope to appear responsible, (seeing no debt is soon satisfied) and the Animadvertor himself in due time, will be found in my debt, if all accounts be equally audited betwixt us.

This I dare boldly say (though I confess his faults excuse not mine, if guilty) that he hath wronged more, and Persons of higher quality, in his late Books. Bishop Iames Montague, a known eminent Scholler, vilified by an odi∣ous and indiscreet comparing him with another of his Sirname.

Judge Hutton and Crook scandalously abused by him for consenting private∣ly to the SHIP-MONY, who as well privately (in the King's presence) as pub∣likely opposed it, though they subscribed their hands, in Conformity to the greater number: as the Animadvertor (more knowing in Law, than my self) will acknow∣ledge the common and constant custome in such cases. I could instance in many more, it being no discretion to play out all I have at once, but to keep a Reserve in my hand, in case, (which God forefend) I should be provoked to another Answer.

Dr. Heylyn.

But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithfull dealing, then his report of the proceedings in the Isle of Wight, between his Majesty, and the long-Parliament Divines; of which he tells us, Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his Majesty, in the last Paper which he sent them, acknowledged their great pains to inform his Iudgement, according to their perswasions, and also took especial no∣tice of their Civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply; and having cleer'd himself from some mis-understanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of, puts an end to the businesse. The man who reads this passage, cannot choose but think that his Majesty, being van∣quisht by the Arguments of the Presbyterians, had given over the cause; and therefore, as convicted in his Conscience, rendreth them thanks for the In∣struction which he had received, and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof. But he that looks upon his Majestie's last Paper, will find that he had Learnedly and Divinely refel'd all their Arguments: And having so done, puts them in mind of three questions which are propos'd in his former Paper, acknowledged by themselves, to be of great importance in the present controversie; without an Answer whereunto, his Majesty declared that he would put an end to that conference: It not being probable (as he told them) that they should work much upon his Iudgement, whilst they are fearfull to declare their own, nor possible to relieve his conscience, but by a free declaring of theirs. But they not able, or not daring, (for fear of displeasing their great Masters) to return an Answer to those Questions, his Majesty remain'd sole Master of the field, a most absolute Conquerour: For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel, it is the last blow always that gets the Victory: But Regium est cum benefeceris malè audire: It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes, when they deserve best, to be worst reported.

Fuller.

Here I will truely acquaint the Reader with the State of this Matter. The posting Press, which with the Time and Tide will stay for no man, mis∣taking my Copy compleat, and not attending my coming to London, that morning from Waltham, clapt it up imperfect. I must therefore deservedly take all the blame and shame thereof on my self, and here in this Sheet do publick-pennance for the same, promising amendment to the full, God willing, in the next Edition.

Dr. Heylyn.

Nor deals he better with the Church, then he does with the King; con∣cealing such things as might make for her justification, and advocating for such things as disturb her order. In the last Book we find him speaking of some heats which were rais'd in the Church, about placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise, and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men, who had the managing of that business. But he conceals his Majesties Determination in the Case of St. Gregories, Novemb. 3. 1633. By which all Bishops and other Ordinaries, were incouraged to proceed, therein, and consequently those of in∣feriour rank to defend their actings.

Fuller.

I have not full twenty Lines on the whole Subject, being loath to enlarge on so odious a difference, sopited in good measure: and as I durst not totally o∣mit, so I passed it over, with all possible brevity.

Dr. Heylyn.

The Chappel of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge is built North and South, contrary to the usage of the primitive times; and the Church of England, with which King Iames being made acquainted, he answered (as our Author tels us) That it was no matter how the Chappel stood, so the heart stood aright: Which Tale being told by him, and believed by others (& populum, qui sibi credit, habet, Ovid. in Ep. Hysiphil.) as he is like enough to find many Believers, farewell to all external Reverence in the Service of God: What need we trouble our selves or others with standing, kneeling, bowing in the acts of Worship; it is no matter in what posture the Body be, so the Heart be right.

Fuller.

The Speech of K. Iames was no Tale but a Truth; when he did not exclude bodily reverence, but prefer Soul sincerity in divine Service. Parallel unto those Scripture-In∣stances, Psalm. 51.26. for thou desirest no Sacrifice, that is, thou wouldest them not, com∣paratively to cordial Contrition. 1 Pet. 4, 3. speaking of good women, whose a∣dorning let it not be that outward of playting the hair, viz. not chiefly therein, to the neglecting of inward holiness. Nor is the Speech inductive of corporal Irreverence, if believed; seeing a Mans body may, and ought easily, quickly, and cheaply, be contrived; into standing, bowing, kneeling; when it requires time, and expence to take down, and re-build a Chappel, which would cost the Colledge five hundred Pounds at the least.

Dr. Heylyn.

What need we put our selves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods, of Gowns and Cassacks, in the officiating of Gods Service; It is no matter in what habit the Body be, so the heart be right. There is another Chappel in Cambridge which was never consecrated, (whether a Stable or a Dormitory, is all one to me.) At which time when some found themselves grieved, our Author tells them, This others of us great Learning and Religion (himself espe∣cially

for one) dare defend, that the continued Series of Divine Duties, pub∣lickly practised for more then thirty years (without the least check or controul of those in authority) in a place set apart to that purpose, doth sufficiently consecrate the same: Stables and Barns by this Argument, shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches.

Fuller.

Had I lived in Sidney Colledge, when that Dormitory was first used for a Chappel, I would have advised, and (in my Sphere) advanced its consecration; accounting the Omission to fall under just reproof. But seeing it hath been so long omitted, I now conceive it hath no need of Consecration, seeing though never solemnly and formally dedicated to Divine Service by the Ordinary, (or one deputed by him) yet hath it had a tacite, & interpretative Consecration, and thereby hath contracted a relative Sacrednesse. By the same Proportion, it is, that Utensils, long used in a Family, to most civill and generous imploy∣ment, by degrees acquire to themselves, the Reputation (in the Apostle's language) of vessels of honour; as being opposed to such vessels imployed in sordid (though necessary) Service, and of the same metal and matter.

I doubt not but if this place used for a Chappel (now about a Jubilee of years) should be turned to a Stable, the Animadvertor would behold it (and justly too) as a piece of Prophanation, and this intimates a Sacrednesse therein.

It is mainly material, that Bishop Andrews, of Ely, a Reverend Prelate, and as knowing as any of his Order in this point of Antiquity; knew this to be in his Diocesse, yet never manifested the least Regreet at the Chappelizing of this Place.

As for consecration of Churches and Chappels, I say; first, is no Sacra∣mental action.

Secondly, It is not of Evangelical Institution, as Bellarmine himself doth freely confesse, no Express for it in the New-Testament.

De cultu Sanctorum. lib. 3. cap. 5. In statu Evangelii non habemus tam expressa testimonia Scripturae.

Thirdly, It is charitably to be presumed, that when Dr. Montague, and the fellows first entred the Dormitory, sequestring that place for a Chappel, they by Prayers and a Sermon, did solemnly consign it, to the Service of God: seeing no man of common Principles of Piety, will offer to eat meat, before he hath said Grace.

Fourthly, Such Prayers did in some sort Dedicate the place, wanting no formality, save, because not done by a Bishop; and if this be all the fault can be found therein, let the Animadvertor prove, (probatio incumbit affirmanti) that in the primitive Times, consecrating of Churches was only an Episcopal Act.

Fifthly, What was wanting in the consecration at the first, hath since suf∣ficiently been supplyed and corroborated by usance thereof to Gods Service only.

If factious people, should, in peaceable times, against lawfull Authority con∣venticle in a Barn or Stable; their Meetings, (sinfull in themselves) could not derive any Sacrednesse to the place, whilst the World lasteth.

But if Persecution, which God of his goodness avert (though we by our wickednesse deserve it) should invade our Land; I conceive, Stables are, by Prayers, and presence of God's suffering Servants, and chiefly by God's presence with them, at the minute of their entrance thither, elevated into Holy places.

Dr. Heylyn.

And if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be pent up in so narrow a Room, tis but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise, and that in a like traet of time shall become as holy as Solomons Temple, or any consecrated place whatso∣ever it be.

Fuller.

Not the solemnest Consecration, can advance our Churches into the same degree of Sacredness with Solomon's Temple, which was (yea might bee) but one, dignified (when dedicated) with God his Glorious Presence, 2 Chro. 7.12. Who chose that place to himself for an house of Sacrifice. It was the Type of our blessed Saviour, perfect in all Points, as made by inspired Architects; and the utensils in the Holy of Holiest, the self same which Moses made according to the pattern in the Mount.

But I hold English Churches may amount to the Holinesse of the Jewish Synagogues.

Dr. Heylyn.

Churches may well be spared, pulled down, and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints.

Fuller.

God forbid! The clean contrary followeth from my Position, wherein I do offer an Argument for the Sacredness of Places, the Register of whose Consecration is lost, as Time out of Mind, so that now they can no other∣wise prove it, (no Record being extant thereof) save by pious Prescription. Enough in my Judgement to give Sacriledge, a Rap over the fingers, if offe∣ring to lay hold on such places and buildings, and turn them to her private Profit.

Were it in my power, I would have built a Church, where I only made my Church-History. But the worst is, the Animadvertor would then have quar∣relled the contriving and adorning of my Church, as much as now he doth the matter and making of my Book; and therefore I leave it to others, of more ability, first to do, and then to defend their good Actions, from his Morosity.

Dr. Heylyn.

A Tub by this our Author's Logick, will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edifica∣tion.

Fuller.

This is a Tale (for I am sure it is no Truth) of a Tub indeed. I ever beheld a Pulpit, as in some sort jure divino, ever since I read Nehem. 8.4. that Ezrah stood upon a Pulpit of Wood. However, if called thereunto, I pray God I may make but as good a practical Sermon, as Iohn Badby effectually preached in a Tub, of Constancy and Christian Patience, when put into such a * 1.8 Vessel, and burnt therein for the testimony of the Truth, in the Reign of K. Henry the fourth.

Dr. Heylyn.

And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular, unconsecrated, and unfurnished Chappel, &c.

Fuller.

Next to an Heart, such as David had, made (the best Coppy of the best O∣riginal) after Gods own heart, I most highly prize a regular and consecrated Chappel, furnished with Matron-like, not Meritricious Ornaments.

Dr. Heylyn.

Melvin's infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chappels Royall, (for which he was censur'd in the Star-Chamber) must be brought in by head and shoulders, out of time and place, for fear lest such an excellent piece of Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity: These things I might have noted in their proper places, but that they were reserv'd for this as a taste to the rest.

Fuller.

I account not those his verses worth the translating, (though easie) and speak of his censure as well as of his offence. I mis-timed nothing, having enter∣ed this passage near the year wherein he was setled a Professor beyond the Seas.

Dr. Heylyn.

Et jam sinis erat; And here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Author's Book, but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof, which requires a little further consideration.

For in that Preface he informs us, by the way of caution, That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King, as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government: The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State.

Fuller.

The Animadvertor hath fairly and fully (no constant Practice) cited my words; I request the Reader to take especial notice of those three FOR THE MAIN

I presume the Reader conceiveth such a caveat not improper or impertinent, but safe and seasonable, for my Defence, and his Direction, especially seeing the like happened not to any English Historian, this thousand * 1.9 years, that his Pen (during the writing of his Book) should pass through Climates of different Governments.

Dr. Heylyn.

By which it seems, that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of Truth, but to attemper it to the palat of the present Govern∣ment, whatsoever it then was, or should prove to be; which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History.

And though I can most easily grant, that the fourth Book and the rest that follow, were written after the great alteration and change of State, in making a new Common-wealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy; yet I con∣cur not with our Author in the time of the former: For it appears by some passages, that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King, or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes, that the King should never be restored to his place and Power, by which he might be called to a reckoning for them.

Fuller.

It Seems. [Multa videntur quae non sunt.] The Inference is false and forced; Titus Livius lived in Imperial, yet wrote of Regal, Consulatory, Tribunitial at Rome, without the least imputation of falshood. I conceive Monarchical Aristocratical and Democralical truth, to be One and the Same: It followeth not, that two-faced Ianus (as beholding two worlds, one before, the other after the Flood) had also two Hearts. I did not attemper my History to the Palat of the Govern∣ment; so as to sweeten it with any Falshood; but I made it Palatable thus far forth as not to give a wilful disgust to those in present Power, and procure danger to my self, by using any over-salt tart or bitter Expression, better forborn than inserted, without any prejudice to the Truth.

Dr. Heylyn.

For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket, by which it appears not, I am sure, to have been written in the time of Kingly Government, that being no expression sutable unto such a time.

Fuller.

Should I simply and absolutely call the Cross in Baptisme a Popish Trinket,

my fore-head (Signed therewith) would give my Tongue the lye, and return the Popery in the teeth thereof. I behold it as an Ancient and Significant Cere∣mony, but in no degree essentiall to, or completory of, the Sacrament▪ witness the wisdome of the Church of England, which in private Baptism permitteth the omitting thereof. But when Ceremonyes shall devour their distance, and in∣trude themselves necessary and essential, it is high time to term them Superstiti∣tious Trinkets. The rest I referr to what I have written, when this passage recurreth in the place cited by the Animadvertor.

Dr. Heylyn.

Secondly, speaking of the precedency which was fixt in Canterbury, by re∣moving the Archiepiscopal See from London thither, he telleth us that the matter is not much, which See went first, when living; seeing our Age hath laid them both alike level in their Graves: But certainly the Government was not changed into a State or Commonwealth, till the death of the King; and till the death of the King, neither of those Episcopall Sees, nor any of the rest, were laid so level in their Graves, but that they were in hope of a Resurrection; the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight, as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government, as the alienation of their Lands.

Thirdly, In the latter end of the same Book, he makes a great dispute a∣gainst the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England, in curing the disease comonly called the Kings Evil, whether to be imputed to Magick, or Imagi∣nation, or indeed a Miracle; next, brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth, as if she had disclaimed that power she daily exercised; and final∣ly, manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil, which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies, no inferior Crimes: Are all these passages proper to that Government also?

Finally in the third Book, he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons, giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the civil Rights of the Subjects, not to the King, but to the Lay-people of the Land assembled in Parliament; which game he after followeth in the eighth and last: And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth and last, to derogate in this manner from the King's supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs; yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do, nor proper for him so to write, in the time of the Kingly Government, unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spake of.

Fuller.

I desire the Reader, to remember my late words, (as the Animadvertor re∣cited them) FOR THE MAIN.

I confess, though these Books were written in the Reign of King Charles; yet after his Death, I interpolated some lines, and amongst others, that of level∣ling all Bishopricks.

I raised no dispute against the Kings curing the Evil, it being raised be∣fore I was born, and which I endeavoured to allay, referring it to Miracle, as to the peruser of my History, in that place will appear. I tell no old Wives Tale of Queen Elizabeth, it being a Masculine Truth, from most authen∣tick Authors.

I derogate not, in the least degree, from the power of the Church; but the Animadvertor doth arrogate unto it more then is due, by the Lawes of God and Man: maintaining that Church-men may go beyond Ecclesiastical Censures, even to the Limbs and Lives of such! as are Recusants to their Constitutions.

WRETCHED and what formerly he said DISLOYAL HOPES, I defie and return them in the Teeth of him that wrote the words.

He had WRETCHED AND DISLOIAL HOPES, who wrote, that King Iames went to New-market, as Tiberius to his Capreae; he waved his Loyalty and Discretion together, who so saucily and un-subject-like counted, how often King Charles waved his Crown.

Here give me leave to tell the Animadvertor, that such whom he slighteth for LOW-ROYALISTS, were (whilst they had a King in England) as HIGH in their Loyalty to him, Prayers and Sufferings for him, as those HIGH-ROI∣ALISTS, who maintain that all goods of the Subjects are at the King's abso∣lute Dispose, and yet since those Kings are departed this life, can write of them in so base and disparaging Language, that any one of the LOW-ROIALISTS, would have his right hand cut off, rather then write the like. Reader, pardon my too just passion, when DISLOIALTY is laid to my charge: It is with me Either now speak or else for ever hereafter hold your Peace.

Dr. Heylyn.

I must needs say that on the reading of these Passages, and the rest that follow, I found my self possest with much Indignation.

And I long expected when some Champion would appear in the Listes against this Goliah, who so reproachfully had defied the whole Armyes of Israel.

And I must needs confess withal, that I did never enter more unwillingly on any undertaking.

But beeing solicited thereunto by Letters, Messages, and several personal Addresses, by Men of all Orders and Dignityes in the Church, and of all de∣grees in the Universities, I was at last overcome by that Importunity, which I found would not be resisted.

Fuller.

* 1.10Indignation, is grief and anger boiled up to the height. What just cause I have given for so great passion, the Reader will judge.

If I be a Goliah, in this point may I have his Success to be conquered, killed, and my head cut off even with my own Sword; If I be none, May the Animadver∣tor be graciously pardoned.

And it may be, he shall never come off any undertaking more unhappily.

I could mate him, with telling him, that Men of all Sorts and Sizes, their Equals in Number and Quality, have likewise importuned me, not tamely to sit down, but to vindicate my own credit and conscience.

Dr. Heylyn.

I know that as the Times stand, I am to expect nothing for my pains and Travel but the displeasure of some, and censure of others.

Fuller.

I will take no advantage by the Times; and, if without their help, I cannot Bwoy up my credit, let it sink for ever. And I humbly desire all, who have, or may reap benefit by my Books, not to be displeased with the Animadver∣tor, in my behalfe. It is Punishment enough that he hath written, and too much for his Stationer that he hath printed, so impertinent a Book.

When Henry Lord Hunsdon, on the High-way, had in Passion, given a Blow to Sir Henry Colt, the Lord had it returned him, the Principal with Interest: and when the Lord his Servants and Followers began to draw their Swords, Away, away, (said he) cannot I and my Neighbour exchange a Box on the Ear, but you must in∣terest your selves in the matter.

Let none of my Friends and Favourers, engage their anger in this diffe∣rence betwixt Mee and the Animadvertor. Let us alone; and although we enter Adversaries in the Beginning, wee shall I hope go out friends at the end of the Contest, after there hath been a Pass or two betwixt our Selves. Thus,

Heats betwixt Lawyers born at the Bar, in Westminster-Hall, are commonly buryed at the Board, in the Inns of Court.

Dr. Heylyn.

But coming to the work with a single Heart abstracted from all self-ends and Interests, I shall satisfie my Self, with having done this poor Service to the Church, my once blessed Mother, for whose sake only I have put my Self upon this Adventure.

The party whom I am to deal with, is so much a stranger to me, that he is neither beneficio, nec injuriâ notus; and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions.

Which I have writ (without Relation to his person) for vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the injured Clergy, as before is said: So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience;

Non lecta est operi, sed data, causa meo, That this imployment was not chosen by me, but impos'd upon me; the unresistable Intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands.

But howsoever, Iacta est alea, as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon.

I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves. So God speed me well.

Fuller.

How much of this SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE is performed by him, let the Reader judge in due time.

I am glad to hear this Passage from the Animadvertor, that I never did him any In∣jury; the rather because some of my Friends have charged me for provoking his Pen against me. And though I pleaded that neither in Thought, Word, or Deed, I ever did him any wrong, I hardly prevailed with them for beliefe: And now the Animadvertor hath cleared me, that I never did any Injury unto him. Would I could say the same of him, that he never did me any Injury. However, as a Christian, I here fully and freely forgive him, and hereafter will ende∣vour as a Scholar, so to defend my self against his Injury, that (God willing) it shall not shake my Contentment.

Without relation to my person, let the Reader be Judge hereof. Indeed Thomas hath been well used by him, but Fuller hath soundly felt his displeasure. However, if Truth, the Church, and Clergy have been abused by me; He hath given Me too fair quarter, who deserved Death down-right, for so hainous an Offence.

Amongst all which Persons inciting him to write against me, one Letter sent to him, from Regina Pecunia was most prevalent with him. Witnesse this his Book offered to, and refused by some Stationers, because, on his high terms, they could not make a saving Bargain to themselves.

Iacta est alea. The English is, you have cast the Dey. And seeing the Animadvertor, hath begun the Metaphor, I hope I may make it an Allegory, without rendring either of us Scandalous. I appeal to the Reader, whom I make Groom Porter, (termed by Mr. Camb. Aleatorum Arbiter) and let him judge, who plays with False, who Coggs, who slurrs a Dey and in a doubtful Case, when we cannot agree upon the Cast; betwixt our selves, let him decide it.

By Fortune, I presume the Animadvertor intendeth nothing derogatory to divine Providence, in which Sense St. Augustin, retracteth his [former] frequent using of the Word. Only he meaneth uncertainty of Successe. In which notion I say an hearty Amen to his Prayer, when I have enlarged his God speed me into God speed US well. May he, who manageth this Controversie, with most Sincerity, come off with best Successe. AMEN.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Diog. Laert. in vita Chry∣sippi.
• * 1.2

  Math. 5.10.
• * 1.3

  As in the 〈…〉〈…〉 wh••ch I have seen under the hand of the Animad∣ve••••o••.
• * 1.4

  In his S••••••e∣••on Cantab. M. Sc.
• * 1.5

  Pag. 94, 95.
• * 1.6

  Vide, infra. part. 3. pag. 70.
• * 1.7

  Anno 1586.
• * 1.8

  Fox, Acts and Monu∣ments.
• * 1.9

  The Govern∣ment of Eng∣land, though often translat∣ed from one Family, yea Nation to a∣nother, yet hath so long continued Monarchical.
• * 1.10

  The Breaks in my Answer re∣late respective∣ly to those in the Doctor's Animadver∣sions.