The life of Dom John de Castro, the fourth vice-roy of India wherein are seen the Portuguese's voyages to the East-Indies, their discoveries and conquests there, the form of government, commerce, and discipline of warr in the east, and the topography of all India and China : containing also a particular relation of the most famous siege of Dio, with a map to illustrate it / by Jacinto Freire de Andrada, written in Portuguese ; and by Sr Peter Wyche, Kt., translated into English.

THE LIFE OF DOM IOHN DE CASTRO. (Book 1)

The First BOOK. (Book 1)

I Am Writing the Life of Dom Iohn de Castro, a Man greater then his Name, greater then his Victories; whose Me∣mory is yet fresh in the East, descen∣ding from Father to Son, a successive Book, wherein the Fame of his Actions is preserv'd always Alive; and we will add to the gene∣ral Acclamations of his Glory this little shout, since Records keep not so well in Tradition as Writing.

1. Dom Iohn de Castro,* 1.1 was, a Renown'd Branch of an Illustrious Family: But first we will tell his Vertues, then his Stock; the Nobility a man raiseth by his Actions, being greater then that he acquires from his Ancestors. He spent his first Years in that Learning and Vertue, his Age was then capable of; being so naturally inclin'd to Learning, that he needed not be forc'd, but only put in the way. Dom Iohn, not being the Heir of his House, was intended for Study; Learning being always the second Birth-right amongst the best Houses of this Kingdome. Dom Iohn obey'd, not having then Liberty to refuse, or a School to take another Lesson in.

2. He Learnt Mathematicks of Peter Nonnius,* 1.2 the greatest Man Portugall knew of that Profession, and came to be such a Master in the Science, as if he had intended to profess it. In this School he was Compa∣nion to the Infante Dom Lewis, whose Familiarity he

got into, both by his Quality and Ingenuity: but as Dom Iohn embrac'd Learning out of Obedience, and Arms by Destiny, he look'd upon the glory of the Schools as small, finding himself intended for the Warrs, both by his own Inclination, and by his fore-fathers Example.

3. The repute of Dom Edward Menezes, Governour of Tangiers, was at that time great, whose Name the Africans heard with terrour, and we with respect; Dom Iohn look'd more upon his Victories, then the Schemes and Circles of Euclid, loving the Arts only as they waited on Courage.

4. Being eighteen years Old,* 1.3 finding himself more grown in Spirit then in Age, making an escape, he Embark'd for Tangiers, where (contrary to the Custom of such places) he bore Arms nine years, as if he in∣tended to spend his Life, in what was only a beginning: on all occasions, in that Warr he behaved himself with Courage equal to his Blood, and above his Years, de∣serving the joy of it from his Friends, and envy from the Souldiery.

5. Dom Edward de Menezes respected him,* 1.4 as if he had then read in this History, his Victories in Asia we are now Writing; he would needs with his own hands give and receive the honour of Knighting him, being proud so long before of this Son of his Discipline; and considering, that so great Bravery deserv'd to be en∣couraged by the favours of Princes, desiring that Valour should have due Rewards, equally favouring the King, and Subject, he writ to the King Dom Iohn the Third, that Dom Iohn de Castro had so serv'd,* 1.5 that now no Place or Reward could be too great for him; that his Highness ought to conferr some honour on him, because Kings make Souldiers by taking notice of them, and it was just, that in the sight of so great a Prince, Vertue should not remain unrewarded.

6. The King immediately sent for Dom Iohn,* 1.6 by so honourable a Letter as if he had intended him no other

recompence, with that Dom Iohn came to the Court, where he was as much Envy'd for his wounds as for the favour shown him; The King made him Commenda∣tory of Salvaterra, awaking Deserts in others by the Value he had for them in him.

7. Dom Iohn spent some time in Court,* 1.7 without being drawn away to any youthfull Vice, either by his Years, or Example, appearing truly a Man all along, taking so well his Measures, that neither his Maturity made him ill-humour'd, nor his Civility facil: He knew how to play the Philosopher amongst the Varieties of the Court; shunning in that kind of Life what had any shew of Idleness, not any thing that arguesd Discre∣tion.

8. He altered his course of Life by Marrying the Lady Leonore Coutinho,* 1.8 his Cousin German once remo∣ved, the Daughter of Leonel Coutinho, a Gentleman of the Illustrious House of Marialva, Nobility so known and so auntient, that our knowledge of that and the Kingdome bear both the same Date: He had no other Portion but the Qualities and Vertues of his Bride; yet without the propps of an Estate, did so maintain his Honour, that he was by all treated with the respect of a Rich, and the pitty of a Poor man.

9. Then presented it self the Battail of Tunis,* 1.9 an Action more famous for the Victory, then Advantage, in which, Dom Iohn de Castro had no little share, in the Honour of Danger. We will give a larger relation of its success, The King Dom Iohn having engaged in it his Forces,* 1.10 the Infante Dom Lewis, his Person. That notorious Rover Barba-Rossa had infested all the Me∣diterranean with more Strength and Boldness then is ordinarily heard of in a Pirat, finding Fortune so ready to assist his Daring, that, amidst the Triumphs of Charls, only Barba-Rossa was the scandal of his Victories; See∣ing himself every day more advanc'd in Opinion, and Forces, he went to serve the Turk, with whom, the report of our injuries had given him credit; and buying

his favour with the most Valuable things he had, got to be Admiral of the Seas; coming often with great numbers of Gallies, he very much infested the Ports of Naples and Sicily; the Valour of the Natives, or the Protection of the Empire, (to which they were Vassals) not being able to defend them; He made Slaves of i••finite numbers, (whereof divers truckt their Faith for their Liberty) laid waste Provinces, and burnt Ships, getting a very great Name amongst the Infidels, by the miseries of the Christians, till forgetting his beginning, his Prosperity made way for his ambition of Reigning, and he usurp'd the Kingdome of Iunis by diverse Arti∣fices, which Story be••ongs not to our History. Charls, looking upon this Tyrant, having so much force of his own, that he was abetted by a far greater Power, and that his Kingdoms lying so near, it was not fit he should root himself at the Gates of his House; that the Moors (who wanted not ••alour, but Discipline) being set on work by so experienc'd a Souldier, would come to know their own Strength to the prejudice of his King∣doms; resolv'd with a very strong Navy to find him out, and to divest him of the Protection of Tunis, because at the best scaping from thence he must to Sea again, where, as a Pirat, he could only offend with stragling Forces, which the weather, and fortune, might more easily Destroy. He drew his old Souldiers from the Garrisons of Italy, (whom he suppli'd with new) made great Leavies in High Germany and Flanders, Listed Italians and Spaniards, besides Gentry and Nobi∣lity which serv'd without Pay, and the Enterprise being so usefull and justifiable, and where the Emperour ventur'd his own Person, there came many Voluntiers to joyn with so pious and valiant Arms. The Emperour Mustered the men he rais'd, in Sardinia, and found five and twenty thousand Foot on the List who received Pay, besides very many others who serv'd without it, who made up a great part of the Army; every day he receiv'd diverse Succours which increast his Camp.

10. The Infante Dom Lewis,* 1.11 a Prince worthy of de∣signs matching his Courage, resolv'd to accompany the Emperour his Brother-in-law in the expedition, and though very much disswaded by the King Dom Iohn, with diverse Arguments, some taking in his affection to a Brother, others the care for his Person; yet the Infante apprehending the King's inclinations forwarder to excuse his Courage, then to accept his Obedience, did with some Gentlemen depart privately; which when the King knew, he sent him to Barcellona (where the Emperour then was) large Credit, and ordered the Equipping 25 Carvels, and some other Ships, a∣mongst the rest* 1.12 one Galleone, which carried two hundred Brass pieces; the greatest that till then ever Rode in our Seas: that, under the Command of An∣tonio de Saldanha, they might be in readiness for the Fight, and out of respect to the Infante all the Vessels of the Fleet were entrusted with Gentlemen of emi∣nent Quality, of whom Dom Iohn de Castro was one, who in this Action did equally despise Danger and Co∣vetousness, as will presently appear by the ensuing rela∣tion.

11. Those Gentlemen who Embark'd in this expe∣dition,* 1.13 and who are come to my knowledge, were (besides Dom Iohn de Castro) Dom Affonso of Portu∣gall, Son and Heir of the Earl of Vintioso, Dom Affonso de Vasconcellos, Son of the Earl of Penel••a, Lewis Al∣varez de Tavora, Lord of Mogadoura, with his Brother Ruy Lorenco de Tavora, who was afterwards Vice-King in the Indies, Dom Iohn de Almeyda, Son of the Earl of Abrantes, Dom Pedro Mascarenhas, who also was Vice-King in the Indies, Dom Diogo de Castro Governour of the Castle of Evora, Dom Fernand•• de Noronh••, Dom Fraucisco de Faro, Dom Francisco Pereira, Embassadour from King Dom Sebastian to Castille, Dom Affonso de Castelbranco, Lord High Bailiff of Portugall, Pero Lo∣pez de Sousa, Iohn Gomez de Sylva, Page of the Lance, and Dom Lewis de Attayda, afterwards Earl of Attouguia,

and Dy'd in the Indies, being the second time Vice-King there. All these Gentlemen serv'd at their own Charge, carrying with them Servants and Souldiers without any pay; their Cloaths also and Liveries show'd with what delight they went to the Warr. All the Fleet came to Anchor in the Port of Barcellona, and saluting the Emperour's Admiral, made a warlick and pleasing sight. The Emperour came to the Portugall Embassadors House, (Alvaro Mendez de Vasconcellos) which being on the Sea-side was fitter to honour and entertain the Entry.

12. The Dukes of Alva and Cordova, with many other Lords, came to the Sea-side to find out the Ge∣neral, and the Gentlemen with him, they all went to Kiss the Emperour's hands, who received them with all the honour and welcome befitting his place, very glad to be accompany'd with our experienc'd and stout Souldiery, to whom the half Moons, and Lances of Africa were no strangers. The Emperour acquainted the Infante Dom Lewis with all his weighty Resolutions, not only out of respect to the greatness of his Person, but to that of his Judgement, well seen both in Court, and State; of whom I must here tell a pass of Civility, for the valew the Castillians put on it.* 1.14 The Emperour and the Infante were together one Night, and at the going in of a Door both Complemented for the pre∣cedency, the one would have the Stranger go fore∣most, the other would put it upon Majesty; The Em∣perour taking him by the Arm forc'd him to enter first, The Infante not willing to accept the honour, nor able to refuse it, snatch'd a Torch from a Page. The Infante knew so well how to please the Emperour, as he re∣solv'd to give him the State of Milan, finding in him Qualities to deserve it, Valour to defend it. But the claims of France, made the Dominion of that State so uncertain, as it lay many years under the Decision of Arms.

13. I will not tell the success of that Warr, because

the Story is from my purpose, though Dom Iohn de Castro behav'd himself so in't,* 1.15 as the Emperour would fain have Knighted him; an Honour, from which he justly excus'd himself, as having had it before from other Hands, which, though not so Royal, suppli'd that defect by their stoutness. The Emperour Commanded two Thousand Crusades should be given to every Captain of the Fleet,* 1.16 which Dom Iohn alone accepted not, serving more Ambitiously for Renown than Reward.* 1.17

14. Charls now Triumphing, like an other Scipio, after the Warr of Africa, saw Himself at rest, amidst the Applause and Acclamations of Europe, styling him∣self more fitly the Founder, than the Heir of his Em∣pire. Our Fleet return'd to the Port of Lisbone, where Dom Iohn found in the Embraces of the King, and Salutations of the People, a greater reward than he had refus'd from Cesar; and as one who knew how to despise his own Fame, he retir'd to his Country House at Sintra,* 1.18 desiring to Live to himself, having so carry'd himself in his Country's Service, that he neither forsook it, as an Unprofitable, nor Courted it as an Ambitious Person: Here he past his time in a strange and new kind of Husbandry, Cutting down Fruitfull Trees, and Planting in their stead Wild and Barren ones; by this perhaps shewing, that in all he did he was so dis-inte∣ress'd, that from the Earth he Till'd he look'd for no return of benefit: but 'tis not much, if he so little valew'd what the Rocks of Sintra could produce, when he scornfully Trampled upon the Rubies and Diamonds of the East.

15. Dom Iohn in the prime of his Age, found him∣self put upon Service by the Examples of his own* 1.19 Family; and, as the Warr in Africa, by the new Con∣quests in the East,* 1.20 was either slighted or forgot, (the World most Valewing the Fame which is far fetch'd) He resolv'd to go for the Indies, whose Conquests stored the Kingdome with Glory and Victories; He went on Board, without asking any employment or

reward, counting that Honour more his own he went to winn, than that he might carry with him.

16 In that expedition, Dom Garcia de Noronha, his Brother-in-law, went Governour to the Indies, who look'd upon Dom Iohn de Castro as one fit to succeed him, though he then past but for a private Souldier; as soon as the King knew Dom Iohn's resolution,* 1.21 he ordered him a Thousand Crusades yearly all the time he serv'd in the Indies, and by his Letters Patents the Government of the Fortress of Ormus, which he, I know not if with greater ambition or temper,* 1.22 refus'd; the Memory of rewards rejected being rarer than of those accepted: an Action more easily prais'd than imitated.

17. Dom Iohn de Castro* 1.23 took Shipping with his Son Dom Alvaro then about thirteen, giving him for the pass-time of that Age the Dangers and Tempests of so long a Voyage. Dom Garcia's Fleet arriv'd prosperously at the Indies, where he found the Governour Nuno de Cunha going with a Fleet to the relief of Dio, and to Fight the Turks Galleys which lay before it; in that famous siege, Antonio de Sylveira held out. Dom Garcia at once with the possession of the Government took on him the Obligation of succouring the place, in which service Dom Iohn de Castro offer'd himself,* 1.24 and as a Souldier of fortune earnest upon't, put himself on the first Ship, as if he fore-saw those future Triumphs Dio call'd him to: but the retreat of the Turks lost Dom Garcia the Victory, or rather gave it him without Blood-shed, if less glorious, more secure.

18. Dom Garcia Dy'd in a little time, to whom suc∣ceeded Dom Estevaon da Goma, one who had in the Indies the Reputation of his Family,* 1.25 and was likely to have had the Fortune, had not his Government been so short; He engag'd in an Action, great in the danger, and the glory of it, which was to pass the streight of the Red-Sea, and burn the Turks Galleys which were Building at Sues, with intent (as 'twas given out) to

drive the Portugues out of India: a design the Turk thought worthy his Power.

19. When all the Fleet was under Sail, there was not any Souldier of Courage not inspirited by the hazard of so extraordinary an action of as much Fame in the undertaking as Victory.* 1.26 Dom Estevaon de Gama set Sail with twelve great Ships, and sixty small Boats the first of Ianuary 1541. here Dom Iohn de Castro had the Command of a Gallione, and pursuing their Voyage with Easterly winds, they all, though scattered, saw the Coast of Arabia. The Governour Dom Estevaon da Gama* 1.27 made it about Monte Felix, and arriv'd at the mouth of the Streight, expected the other Ships of his Convoy; here they had notice that the Enemies Galleys were drawn on shore,* 1.28 and so watch'd that there was no Burning 'em without open force; which (for the Flats and Shelves of that Port) would be impossi∣ble to our Round-bottom'd Ships. Yet Dom Estevaon da Gama slighting the advice and danger, went forward with some small Barks, (one of which, Dom Iohn de Castro, (leaving his Ship) Commanded.)* 1.29 They past by the Primero Islands, which lye in twelve degrees and ½ and by the Bay of Velha which is in almost thirteen, they Anchord in the Bay of Fortune, which is in the same heighth. In all the Creeks and Bays from the mouth of the Streight to Sues, was Dom Iohn taking the height of the Sun, and making a Journal, discour∣sing, sometimes like a Natural Philosopher, sometimes like a Sea-man; showing how blind the bare Experi∣ence of Pilots is, without the rules of Art; here with as much Judgment, as he had Courage, he Learnedly canvas'd the Reasons why the Red-Sea was call'd so, and the Natural causes of the over-flow of Nile in the Summer; a Theme which hath kept many Wits awake, yet hath Nature for so many years kept her own secret; but we reckon as the least part of this Mans greatness, that which the Romans with so swelling Rhetorick write of their Cesar, that he manag'd a Pen as Judiciously,

as he did a Sword Couragiously. This and other Tracts, (of which we promise you more Light) writ at Sea in Storms and Winds, he Dedicated to the Infant Dom Lewis,* 1.30 presenting him with the Fruits of that Learning they suck'd in together.

20. From this Harbour they had a sight of Mount Sinai, where the Angels laid the Reliques of St. Ka∣therine in a famous Repository of their own Building;* 1.31 at the sight Dom Estevaon da Gama Knighted Dom Alvaro de Castro, who in memory of so great a Sanctu∣ary took for his Crest the Katherine-wheel, which his Family doth Religiously give to this day;* 1.32 we will give no particular account of that design, because the Vigilancy of the Turks hindered it from taking effect.

21. Dom Iohn* 1.33 returning to the Kingdome, (as if designedly giving the Palms of the East time to grow, which were afterwards to Crown his Victories) brought no other Riches on shore but the Fame of his Actions; and being yet in his Sea-cloaths, (those too scarce dry) was by the King chosen to be Admiral of the Navy of the Coast;* 1.34 putting him on new Employ∣ment in recompence of his former Services. Dom Iohn immediately put to Sea in the year 1543. to Convoy those Ships which were expected from the Indies, and plying too and again in his Station, spy'd a French Corsaire, who had with seven Ships infested those Seas, and had made Prize of some of ours, which had Em∣bold••ed and Enrich'd him; as soon as Dom Iohn saw him, with his Fleet before the Wind he made up to him, and setting on the Enemies Admiral, Boarded him,* 1.35 and after a brave Defence made him yield, two Ships he sunk, the rest by the advantage of the Night sav'd themselves; the Circumstances of this Fight are not to be found in Writing, the Carelesness of other excusing our silence.

22. Dom Iohn in a few days saw our Ships,* 1.36 when by Saluting one the other they rejoyc'd for the overthrow

of the Corsaire; they came together over the Barr of Lisbone, the applause of his reception being so general, that he seem'd to have already weathered the storms of Hatred, or Envy; an Happiness, or Misery, which Great men in their Graves only purchase or avoid: In this success Dom Iohn had no other reward than that of the Victory; for when the Debt is great, Kings, not to be thought Niggards, chuse rather to appear Un∣gratefull, being more willing to confess the Vices of their Person, than their Majesty.

23. 'Twas but a little time Dom Iohn had to rest in the content of his Victory, being forc'd for a business of greater moment, to put on his Arms again, as I will (though against my Custom) more largely relate, ta∣king it higher, not to Disjoynt the History. That fa∣mous Pirat Haradin Barba-Rossa, found himself almost quite broken with the loss of Tunis and Goleta, and more after the loss of his Galleys, losing by Land the power of a Tyrant, and by the Sea the strength of a Pirat; yet was not this Arch Enemy so much shaken, but that Italy many years after sighed under his Lash; He had laid up in diverse places the best part of his Booty, as an other plank to save himself upon; this he presented to Solyman the Grand Signior, of Valew enough, to efface, or excuse, the disgrace of his Fleet, and Flight at Tunis; which was yet fresh in Solymans grief, and me∣mory; withall represented what he could do against the Christians, that taking the Sea at first with only two Galliots ill fitted out, his Valour and Success had made him so formidable and powerfull, that with their own spoils he entertain'd them with a sharp Warr, that the Jaols of Africa would not hold the Slaves; that in the Kingdome of Naples, in all Apulia, and the Terra de Lavoro, he had committed such Out-rages, that neither their Blood, or Tears were yet dry; that the Galleys of Sicily out of fear rotted at Anchor; That, that Andrea Doria (so much sought to by the Princes of Europe) could not but confess how oft he was forc'd

to Row for't, to escape Barba-Rossa, that he fear'd not to Cite his Enemies witnesses of his Actions; that the Emperour Charls (Nettled with so many Losses, seeing Barba-Rossa only over-cast his Victories) did more like the impatient Man, than the Souldier, joyn all the Forces of Germany, Italy, Spain, and Flanders, to Destroy him, rashly exposing the best of his King∣doms, to the chance of his either losing or getting the Day, and though his Old Fortune left him not, he only got the credit of the Battail without any pro••it, (for Dispossessing one Enemy of Tunis, investing an other in't) neither was the Victory so entire that it Cost him not Ships and Men, and with the expence of so great a force he had exhausted the Exchequer of Spain; that now was the true time to ruine Christendome, weakned with a great Warr, and grown careless with a seeming Victory; that in the Streight of Gibraltar was the famous City of Ceita, (the Port whence heretofore the Africans with Victorious Arms entred on their Conquest of Spain) which the Portuguese held with weak Walls, and a poor Garrison, more bent upon Di∣sturbing their Neighbours, than securing themselves from 'em, because heightned with their prosperity in the East, they slighted things at home, like Rivers that are largest at their greatest distance from their Spring-head; that if the Grand Signior's Majesty were incli∣nable to bring under his Dominion that so considerable a part of Europe, He would underatake with a reaso∣nable number of Galleys to possess him of Ceita; by which those who were farthest West should Live in awe of his Empire. Thus discourst the Corsaire, endea∣vouring with an others force to recover the Credit and Station from which he was fall'n. And as in Princes Courts, great Designs more than possible are listned to, and Barba-Rossa's Experience and Valour had so good security, proud and warlick Solyman began to give ear to a defign of so great Importance, and so well laid for the peace and prosperity of his Empire: He willingly

heard Barba-Rossa perswading him that the Benefit of this Action would out-weigh the Difficulty; The Moors of Africa too kindled the Turks indignation, who Lamented they could not breath quietly in peace with us, some bewailing their lost Liberty, others the Effronts of their Prophet in their ruind Mosques; for the remedy of these grievances, they strive to engage the Turk upon his Zeal, and Greatness, which Motives concerning Religion, and Majesty, might veil over the Ambition, and justifie the Action.

24. Charls the Emperour Sollicitous what Barba-Rossa did in Constantinople,* 1.37 knowing that that Stock (whose Branches he had Lopt) was not so Dry, but that it might with anothers warmth, produce fresh Poison, did all he could to know what the Turk re∣solv'd about the invasion of Spain, and though the first Blow was aim'd at Ceita, yet (Victory never stopping where it begins) and unwilling to be crush'd in our ruins, He ordered the providing of Ships, Listing men, and the doubling those Garrisons which were in the Ports of the Streights mouth, writing to the King Don Iohn his Brother-in-law the News he had, that they might joyntly provide for the resisting the common Enemy.

25. The news coming to Portugall, the King imme∣diately fell upon Fortifying Ceita, whose Defence was only after the rate of those Times; and we being Conquerours in Africa, kept our Garrisons by our Neighbours fear. Dom Affonso de Noronha was then Governour of Ceita,* 1.38 who was by the King entrusted with the Fortifications, and had sent him Men, Ma∣terials, and Engeneers. The Emperour desir'd the King, that our Fleet might come forth and joyn with his at Cales, under the Command of Don Alvaro Bacaon, and so expect the Enemy in the Streights mouth, where, happen what would, the protection of his Ports would secure their Retreat; upon Debate, the joyning of the Fleets seem'd reasonable, that

all the weight of the Warr might not lye upon our Forces.

26. The King was busie in finding out one to Com∣mand the Fleet, and though there were men enough in our Kingdome, whom the Experience and Dangers of our Conquests had made Souldiers, yet Dom Iohn de Castro's Name made it self room amongst the first; t'was his Pride neither to ask or to deny any Service for his Country: We know that though King Iohn lov'd his Valour, he car'd not for his Right, so that what he got by one Virtue, he lost by an other; and we observ'd not that he had any Place or Preferment about the King, because so free a Spirited man might be endured as a Subject,* 1.39 not as a Favorite. The Fleet was ready to Sail, a great part of the Nobility of the Kingdome on Board, and the Souldiers expecting who should Command in so considerable an Expedition, when on a sudden Dom Iohn de Castro was nam'd to be the Man, to the general satisfaction even of his Com∣petitors.

27. The King sent for Dom Iohn, acquainting him with the News from the Emperour, and with the De∣signs of the Turk, expressing to him with what Envy he sent him upon so Honourable an Employment; but since it was the Royal Prison of Kings, to conferr Ho∣nour, and not to be in a condition to deserve it; He entrusted him with that Fleet, in confidence he would, with the Arms of the Castro's quarter the Banners he wonn from the Turks; and leave them more Honou∣rable to his Posterity, than he receiv'd them from his ancestors; Dom Iohn kist the Kings hand with a sence of his Favours, knowing how much better it was to be esteem'd, than countenanc'd by Princes.

28.* 1.40 On the Twelfth of August 1543. all the Fleet set Sail, and in few days with favourable Winds came in sight of Gibraltar, where they found the Emperours Fleet at Anchor, which receiv'd ours with all the Cere∣mony of the Sea, by their often repeated Saluta∣tions

Rejoycing and Affrightnings of the place. Dom Alvaro Bacaon with the Chief Officers of the Fleet, came presently to Visit Dom Iohn de Castro on Board, where (when the Complements were ended) he gave him an account of what he heard of the Enemy, and that according to Intelligence, his first Onset would be upon Ceita; they then fell upon't, that the Fleets of two such great Princes being joyned, it lay upon both their Honours to Fight the Enemy,* 1.41 though he should be much stronger; that we Fought in our own Seas, and in sight of our own Ports, which would be able in the Fight to furnish us with fresh men, and our battered Ships would have a refuge at hand; that though the Turks should get the Victory, they would be so broken, as not to be able to set upon any place in the Streight, which, by Fighting, let the success be what it would, they should secure; Besides, the Orders they had under Seal to find out the Enemy, could not be understood otherwise with safety to their Honour and Obedience. Having taken this so precise and bold Resolution, the Souldiers were all on Fire, and the Chief Commanders Sollicitous in giving out their Or∣ders,* 1.42 and disposing for so great an Affair; when on a suddain advises came thick, that Barba-Rossa with his whole Fleet was coming towards the Streight. Dom Iohn de Castro presently sends for his men who were on shore, Commands the Captains to fit and trim their Ships, and sends word to Dom Alvaro he was weighing, who coold of his first heat by an imaginary fight of the Enemy, writ to Dom Iohn,* 1.43 that new accidents must have new Counsails; that by the Spies intelligence, he knew Barba-Rossa's Fleet was double to the Armados; that 'twas neither according to the Intention or for the Service of their Princes, to lose themselves in so appa∣rent a Danger; that while their Fleets were entire, the Enemy could undertake no great matter,* 1.44 and if in the Fight they should have the worst of't, all the places of the Streight would be the reward of the Vi∣ctory;

that 'twas much against his humour to desist from Fighting, but the Service of Cesar was to be mind∣ed before the Gallantry of particular Persons; that he desir'd him to bring all his Fleet into Port, and as the Turk mov'd, they would more safely conclude what was to be done.* 1.45 Dom Iohn de Castro answer'd the Spa∣nish General, that he alter'd not his Opinion at the fight of the Enemy, that their appearing timorous would encourage the Turks, whose design being to get footing in Spain, the Fleets ought out of honour to engage, much more out of a sense of the Effront; what would the World say, if the Forces of two such great Princes joyn'd only to manage a defensive Warr against Barba-Rossa, letting the Turkish Banners Lord it in our Seas, in sight of the Eagles of the Empire, and the Cinques of Portugall; that he was resolv'd to expect the Enemy, not fearing to be Blam'd however the day went, be∣cause, if worsted, lost men answer'd nothing, and no body would call Conquerours to question.

29. But neither had this Resolution force enough to sway the Spanish General Dom Alvaro Bacaon; we are not certain whether he thought it the better or the more secure way.* 1.46 Don Iohn de Castro put himself in the Streights mouth, where he lay three days: here he had advice, that the Enemies Fleet steered another course, by Dissentions of the Chief Officers, or (as other Memorials have it) Barba-Rossa had received new Orders from the Turk, to bring back the Fleet; yet the Gallantry of Dom Iohn de Castro's staying in the Streight, deserv'd envy from the Living, glory from Posterity, since for the obtaining a memorable Victory, not Courage, but Occasion was wanting; though this so generous resolution was diversly tax'd in Spain, those Branding it, who call all extraordinary actions Teme∣rity; yet I believe, those who most condem'd it, would have been content to have it themselves.

30. Dom Iohn seeing, by the Enemies retiring, those places above their fear, went to Ceita, to communicate

some part of his instructions to Dom Affonso Noronha, who receiv'd him with so many Shot, as the Spaniards in Gibraltar thought the Fleet had been engag'd, yet would they not weigh Anchor and come forth; so alterable were they in their first, so firm in their second resolution. Here Dom Iohn had news that the Moors had laid close siege to Alcacere Ceguer,* 1.47 a place our men kept in Africa at an unnecessary charge and dan∣ger; the Governour was a Gentleman of the Family de Freitas, he immediately sent his Son Dom Alvaro with part of the Fleet, and Orders to put relief into the Town, and to continue in the Port till the Enemy sail'd out first, which he did, providing the place with Victuals and Ammunition; and the Moors Army con∣sisting of Hot-headed men, the heat of their first On∣set being cool'd,* 1.48 they rais'd the siege. Dom Alvaro re∣turn'd to the rest of the Fleet, which, (having secur'd Ceita, and freed it from fear of the Turks) return'd to Lisbone, where the Fame of both his adventures was arriv'd before, which was the greater, by lighting on Valour so unquestionable; but Dom Iohn who counted nothing great, and despis'd his own Actions, avoided popular applause by retiring to Sintra, either out of Modesty, or Hight, not Valewing any thing he did wor∣thy of himself.

31. The King Dom Iohn was about finding out one to Govern the State of India, Martin Affonso de Sousa having staid out his Time, and instantly desiring a Suc∣cessour, the affairs of the East, upon diverse Emergen∣cies declining, and he unwilling that the glory of his Actions should be foil'd by a mis-carriage in the Warr, very well knowing that the Peoples ignorance might occasion such a disgrace as might discredit many Victo∣ries; for so considerable an employment, the King look'd upon men differently qualified, upon some, who for the antiquity of their Blood, without respect to their Deservings, us'd to Inherit the great places, a second piece of Tyranny of the Nobilities invention,

upon others, who were mean in their Birth, but famous in Themselves, who lost what was due to their Merits, because others had none; so as for so eminent an em∣ployment deserts not well Born, or a bare Title would not do.

32. The King on these reasons irresolv'd whom to chuse to trust with-the weight of so great a Govern∣ment;* 1.49 ask'd the Infant Dom Lewis, whom, (as affairs now stood) He should make Governour in the Indies: He told him the opinion he had of Dom Iohn de Castro's Temper, that, though in the business of the Streights, many thought he had behav'd himself too Daringly; yet 'twas certain, there's no Souldier but would be glad to have been guilty of so Honourable a fault; that, though those who envy'd him, accus'd him of being High and Cynical, because he begg'd no Rewards, or Courted the Ministers of State, these faults were of so good a kind, that Dom Iohn's Vices might be more Va∣lew'd than others Virtues;* 1.50 that he knew none but Dom Iohn de Castro, who could keep up the first Discipline of the Indies, who serv'd so unconcern'd for his own interest, as if he despis'd all earthly Rewards, and his Majesty were not a King of Men, but a God of Vassals; that he did very much love Dom Iohn de Castro for his Qualities, but so impartially, that he should Valew his Deserts (though separated from his Person) in any other.

33. The King, (with whom the Infant's opinion had no little credit, seeing him prize Dom Iohn with a Zeal for his Prince, and Knowledge of his Friend) lik'd the Hint the Infant gave him,* 1.51 (whose Authority too had an influence over the minds of others) and sending for Dom Iohn de Castro to Evora,

where the Court was, in the publick Hall, told him, I have of late been Sollicitous to provide one whom I might send Governour to the Indies, and was of opinion I might find him in the Family of the Castros, from whose Stock the Kings my Predecessors have always

tane Generals for their Armies, and Regents for their Provinces; I too flatter my self that the Fruit of so generous a Root cannot degenerate; and that the rather, by guessing what you will do by your former Actions, which have given you so just a repute in the Kingdoms opinion, and my esteem, and for which I confidently put into your hands the Govern∣ment of the Indies, expecting that you will so carry your self there, as I may give what you do, for a pat∣tern to those who succeed you.

Dom Iohn kist the King's hand, better pleas'd with the Honour, than the Employment, in so great a charge only Valewing the not seeking it: There were diverse Opinions in the Court about this Election, some found fault with it out of Envy, others out of Custom, and where they could not tax any Defect in parts, they charged the excess; yet was it so lik'd of the most, and best, that the King was glad he had pitch'd upon one, who so much pleas'd every one.

34. The King gave him Orders presently to provide the Fleet, not letting any Body else have to do with it, as is falsly writ by one Author, who tells us, that Dom Iohn went Discontented to the Indies, because he was not Comply'd with in some particulars; a thing so thwarting our certain information, and the little am∣bition of this Gentleman, who was more busie in what to deny, than what to ask, as if the King had met with one he was not to entreat but obey.

35. He resolv'd to carry with him his Sons,* 1.52 Dom Fernando, and Dom Alvaro, who being the Eldest, had bespoke some rich Cloaths, allow'd of by his Years and Quality; Dom Iohn passing by chance through the Iubiteria,* 1.53 saw a pair of Embroidered Breeches hang out, and stopping his Horse ask'd whose they were? the man answering, that Dom Alvaro the Governours Son of India bespoke 'em, Dohn Iohn ask'd for a pair of Cisers, and cut 'em in pieces, leaving this word with the Master of the Shop: Bid the Boy buy Arms. We read not

that the Discipline of the old Romans was more exem∣plary or severe.

36. Dom Iohn quickly made ready the Fleet,* 1.54 with∣out the oppression and complaints of the Poor, the Extorsion which great Officers carry out by their Princes favour, being then not us'd, or not known; the main of the Fleet was six great Ships, on which went two thousand paid men. The Admiral call'd the Saint Thomas, on which the Governour went, who gave her that name which he afterwards call'd upon in the Field, justly imploring the protection of the Apostle of the Indies in all his undertakings; the other Captains of the Convoy, were Dom Ieronimo de Menezes, Son and Heir of Dom Henrique, Brother to the Marquiss of Villa Real; Iorge Cabral, Dom Manoel da Silveyra, Simaon de Andrade, and Diego Rebello.

37.* 1.55 All the Fleet set Sail the seventeenth of March 1545. and in a few days they had been at Sea, 'twas told the Governour, that in his Ship there were about two hundred who had their allowance of Diet, and nothing to do there; some were not receiv'd because useless, others were offenders who got on Board by stealth: The Officers were importunate with the Go∣vernour to put them on Board the Hospital Ship, so to rid his own, and keep their Provisions for the Casualties of so long a Voyage; but the Governour (more Com∣passionate than Cautious, making his and the poor mens case the same) follow'd on his course; in a little time Provision began to be scarce, on which the Mari∣ners and Souldiers were forc'd to complain of the Go∣vernour,* 1.56 who with so Venturous compassion would to save a few, hazard all; most were of opinion to Land those men on the Cape de Verde Islands, where the Of••enders would be out of the reach of Justice, and the Necessitous kept from Starving; but the Gover∣nour upon Reflection, that the Air and Soil of the I∣slands at that time of the Year,* 1.57 were in every ones opinion unhealthfull, resolv'd to protect the poor men

in his own Ship, hoping to preserve both himself and them, saying in their behalf, It would be unhumanly done to deny them the Sea who fled from the Land; They had but little Winds, till they met with the Trade winds on the Coast of Guine, where the Gover∣nours Ship striking upon the ground,* 1.58 was like to over∣set, those Seas, in the judgment of Mariners being clear, and where the Card mark'd no Sands. Every ones Con∣fusion was like his who drinks in Death unexpectedly▪ the season and fear too heightned the danger, when the Ship being all on one side,* 1.59 and not feeling the Rudder, began to be on float again; it might be chance, but seem'd a miracle. The Governour commanded 'em to shoot off three Pieces, that the Ships which were on stern him might avoid the Sands, which, not under∣standing the Warning came upon 'em; but with bet∣ter Luck, than Skil, though of the same Burden with the Admiral, scap'd the Sands, finding in the same place other Fortune, the cause of which pusled the Sea∣men.

38. The Governour,* 1.60 with the whole Fleet got to∣gether, pursuing his Voyage arriv'd at Mocambique, where the Landing of, and the procuring conveniencies for, the sick men was what he chiefly minded, being in that assisted by his two Sons, Dom Alvaro, and Dom Fernando, who then were Heirs apparent of his Chari∣tableness, afterwards of his Valour; the time he staid at Mocambique, he observ'd, the Fortress the State hath there to be ill contriv'd in being too far from the shore, by which, with difficulty it provided and reliev'd our Fleets, and being in a bottom was commanded by many Hills, which also hindring the good Air, made it un∣wholsome; He put this to those who either by Study, or Experience, had any Skil in this Science,* 1.61 and all agreed that the faults in the Fortification were judici∣ously observ'd; what was Debated was immediately put in hand, and with the choice of a convenient Situ∣ation he ordered Materials and Work-men for a new

defence; and this going on in the Governours sight, the Gentry as well as others carry'd Stones, some for Flattery, others to promote the Building.

39. The Fortress made tenable, and the Sick reco∣ver'd by the fresh Air and fresh Provisions on shore,* 1.62 the Governour set Sail again, and having the Winds al∣ways favourable, cast Anchor on the 10^th. of September at the Barr of Goa; where, Martin Affonso de Sousa, (by a Ship which went before) having had notice his Successour was near, provided to receive him with such Jollity as might shew the content he had, in welcom∣ing his Guest, and leaving his Government; he went presently in a Rich Brigantine to meet him at Sea, whence he carry'd him to Antoni Correa's House of Plea∣sure, whilst the Solemnity of his reception was prepa∣ring; there he Feasted the Governour, Gentlemen, and Captains of the Fleet, with so much Exquisiteness in the manner, and aboundance in the meat, that it seem'd he was doing the last honour to his expiring charge. That night there were Balls and Dancing, Rejoycings which the simplicity of old Portugall carry'd to the East. Here the Governour staid two days, attended by all the Gentlemen of the place, who forsook Martin Affonso de Sousa, even those who were his Favourites, and he had rais'd from nothing, disci∣plin'd in the Oriental ingratitude of the Indians, who cast stones at the setting Sun, and adore him rising.

40. When the Entry was to be, the two Governours were in a Faluque with gilded Oars, and an awning of divers-colour'd Silks; the Castles and Ships entertain'd 'em with the horrour of reiterated shootings, the Vivas and expectation of the common people did without any cunning flatter the new Government;* 1.63 they came to Land at a great place where the Common-Councel in a body expected them, and when they were plac'd with all the Ceremony vanity for that purpose hath inven∣ted, one of the Magistrates made an Elaborate speech, in which the State expected a great deal of happiness

in the new Minister; after the Governour had heard the publick Flatteries, he listned to the private ones of a great many, who with them made way for their par∣ticular Interest.

41. When the Solemnity was ended,* 1.64 and Don Iohn possest of the Government of India, Martin Affonso went to Cochim, to provide for his return into the King∣dome; the Governour immediately was engag'd in the care of quieting the People, who were all in an Uproar for the alteration of the Money, which the King's Officers had rais'd, to the prejudice of the Subjects, and the scandal of the Neighbouring Pagans; I'le tell the occasion begun it.

42. There is current in India a low sort of Money,* 1.65 which they call Bazaruccos, which amongst Christians, Moors, and Pagans, had always the same Valew; this being of Copper, (which then came from Portugall and bore no price) the Officers thought fit for the King's profit to raise the price, the alteration of the Money was solemnly Proclaim'd, and it began to pass at the new Rate; but, as this Legal worth was not intrinsical, (the Valew coming from the Law, not from the weight) the Pagans (not subject to strangers Laws) brought not in the usual Provision, and the people seem'd to suffer by their own orders; the Chief Officers back'd it as the King's cause, standing for the King's profit, in the Peoples destruction; the whole City cry'd out, that the Kings of Portugall never encreast their Treasuries by their miseries, nor us'd to Drink in Gold plate their Subjects tears; that the Pagans and Moors made their Braggs that not being able by the Sword to ruine the Portuguese, by their own Laws they Destroy'd 'em, arming against 'em the ambition of their Governours. The hunger and liberty of the Petiti∣oners grew high, justify'd by a good cause, and the Conformity of the common oppression;* 1.66 with these grievances the Magistrates of the City, with the poor, Women, and Children, (some full of Complaints, the

other of Arguments) went to the Governour, who Commanding the people to be quiet, heard, as a Judge the Magistracy, as a Father the rest, and hunger admitting of no long Cures, ordered the next day for determining the business; thus he sent them away satisfy'd, some be∣lieving that (as was the custom of India) it being his predecessors Act, it would by him be counted unjust. The same evening he sent for the King's Officers,* 1.67 and after hearing what they had to say for themselves, referr'd the matter to the ablest Lawyers, and those best skill'd in the policy of that State, who unanimously agreed the decree to be Cruel, and very contrary to the Pious in∣tentions of our Princes; this opinion too was counte∣nanc'd by Custom, and the Peoples privileges, besides other Legalties, which (not to make our History tedi∣ous) we lay aside. This Law being revok'd by the Go∣vernour, Provisions began to come in from the Inland-Country, and the people made him a present of those Lives he had by the indulgent remitting the Tax re∣deem'd.

43.* 1.68 This business made an end of with so much re∣pute to the King's Clemency, Embassadours came to him from Hidalcaon, who (after the Customary salutes and giving him joy of his Office) desir'd the Delivery of a Prisoner on the terms agreed on with his Prede∣cessor, and this business coming to that height as to engage the State in an open Warr, we will not leave its beginning unrelated.

44. Bazarb Prince of Balagate Dying,* 1.69 when Nuno de Cunha was Governour, Meale, though in his Cradle, was Heir apparent to the Crown, then was Hidalcaon the second Person in the Kingdome in Power, and the first in Courage, having in the late Warr with the Neighbour Princes given a large testimony of his Acti∣ons; Hidalcaon (as amongst this so Barbarous a people Men reign oftner by making use of their Opportuni∣ties, than by observing what's Right) seeing his own strength, and the Heirs incapacity, pave his ambitions

way to the Crown, began to try the hearts of the great Ones, before whom with a great deal of Artifice he deplor'd the miseries of the Kingdome, in so Infant a successour, under whom they must obey or endure, as so many Kings all those he fancy'd; that the Princes with whom they had now Warrs would not let slip this occasion of ruining 'em, when they saw him who should defend 'em in the Cradle; that where, there were so many, they ought to find out one to save their Country; that he would be the first should obey him, because the Government of the Kingdome could not wait those slow motions, by which Nature gives a little one first Strength, then Understanding; that if with unprofitable obedience they should adore Meale in his Nurses arms, he did not doubt but by keeping their King, they would lose their Kingdome. He was affable to the People, liberal to the Souldiers, as if he desir'd to Reign not for himself, but for them: Ambitiously making use of, the whole Chain of Vertues, not as necessary for Living, but Reigning. The great Ones at last offered him the Crown, believing, he would al∣ways remember he was his Subjects Creature, and ••etain constantly in his Memory so signal a grace.

45. Hidalcaon was Liberal and Stout, and without doubt would have been a great Prince, had he kept the Kingdome by the same Vertues he put on to atchieve it; but seeing himself obey'd, those affected Artifices not having any natural motion, were at an end, and broke out into ambition and pride, the Vices of his Person; He did not then speak of killing Meale, either out of a counterfeit Clemency, or an unheard of Cru∣elty, intending perhaps that the poor Prince should by a servile obedience confirm the Scepter he had usurp'd from him. The Nobility of the Kingdome (repenting when 'twas too late, and seeing they now could not without danger, be either Traitors or Loyal) consulted how Meale might secure himself from the Tyranny of Hidalcaon, as if the unfortunate Prince had had more

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right to his Life then his Kingdome; some years past in these contrivances, in which Meale arriv'd at Age to apprehend his danger, and considering that his presence reproach'd the Tyrants guilty Conscience, (who plot∣ted with his blood to quiet the memory of his usurping the Crown,) by the Counsel of those who took the Kingdome from him, He went to Cambaya, where he was well receiv'd, both King and People shewing, how much they resented the miseries of the Blood-Royal; but, as such favours have more ambition in them, then charity, they lasted not long, for, only the first days they treated him as a King, the rest as one Persequuted, but Meale still continu'd in Cambaya, counting more tolera∣ble, the sleights of a Stranger, then the injuries of a Tyrant.

46. In the mean time, Hidalcaon's great design was, to destroy those who gave him the Crown, whom, for all they had a just title to his favour by being complices in his Treason, he hated, because they put him in mind, either of his Obligation, or faults, and being now jea∣lous of his own Actions, he found that Cruelty would root him faster then Clemency, so that his own Vice, and necessity together made him doubly so; upon pre∣tence of correcting faults, either imputed, or forgot, (covering his Tyranny with a veil of Justice) he in∣chroach'd upon the Estates of the great Ones, to Level 'em with the common people, Confident, by pulling down the Nobility, to get into the poorer sort, who (out of a natural dislike of their own Fortune) do al∣ways delight in the fall of those above them; and they (seeing their patience work'd not their quiet) con∣sulted how they might restore Meale, some were for Revenge, others for Calling him in; they had their private meetings, where they took divers Resolutions, which fear, or the difficulty of the business, (harder to execute then design) every day altered; their forc'd obedience being at last wrack'd to the utmost stretch by new oppressions, they endeavour'd by Hidalcaon's

Death to redress their Error, and hide the shame of their former Treason; the Desperate, not the Bold were of this opinion, because now Hidalcaon liv'd with the strength of a King, and the circumspection of a Tyrant; He was assisted by the people, who hating the King, lov'd the Cruelties he us'd against the Gentry, who, for the disproportion of theirs, and the others Fortunes are always obnoxious. The Plotters fearfull of themselves, and that their hatred would cool by delay, their base servitude too, turn Customary, seeing their own Force not equal for the enterprize, laid out for assistance from abroad; they bethought themselves of imparting the business to Martin Affonso de Sousa, (then Governour of the State of India) desiring him to send for Meale from Cambaya, and let him be at Goa; that though he refus'd the glory of restoring him, he thereby would keep Hidalcaon in awe, and inclinable to serve the States occasions.

47. Martin Affonso being perswaded, that 'twas more convenient to increase then extinguish this Flame which begun to burst out, 'twixt Hidalcaon and his Subjects, and that the weakning of a Warlike and Powerfull neighbour would turn to the States advan∣tage; (Cloaking these conveniences with more plau∣sible pretences, as the sheltering under our Arms a dis∣possest and persecuted Prince, an Action glorious abroad and profitable at home) resolv'd to find out Meale at Cambaya,* 1.70 giving him notice of his Subjects inclinations for his Restauration, who would be more eager when they saw the State protected both his Cause and Person. The Moor upon the receit of so unlook'd for a message, (counting the pity, of men not only different but con∣trary in Religion, extraordinary) betook himself to the faith and favour of the State, and with his poor Family embarking himself, arriv'd at Goa, where he was by the Governour receiv'd, with honours more befit∣ting his Blood then Fortune, by some construed to be done him, more for effronting the Neighbour then re∣specting

the Guest. Meale's arrival (who begun now to Reign in the hearts of a great many) being voic'd all along that Coast, his party began to be stronger among the Plotters, who now saw, his cause sheltered under the protection of our Arms, and his name sound∣ing better in the peoples Ears.

48. Hidalcaon upon consideration,* 1.71 that the State (whose victorious Arms were the more dreadfull by their nearness) did not send for Meale only to secure his Person, but defend his Cause, dispatch'd Embassa∣dours to Martin Affonso de Sousa, giving him notice that he understood Meale was in his power, whom, he thought Fortune preserv'd, to disturb the peace of the East; that he knew what Title some Seditious spirits gave him, who being weary of Obeying, strove to set up new Lords whom they might Command; that Hidalcaon would not tell what mov'd him to seize on the Crown, because if Princes were bound to give ac∣count of their Pretensions, there were no difference 'twixt King and People; that the right of Princes was to be judged of God, not of Men; that 'twas the Worlds opinion now that there was no difference in Princes titles, but only in their Persons; that he deny'd not, that Contemptible and Cowardly Meale was of the Royal blood, but, that, the fault Nature committed, Fortune would correct by giving the Kingdome to him who was Daring and Stout; that nature to Lyons only gave a Crown by their Birth, Men she let winn it and wear it; that many things appear••d injust to the World, because besides Custom; that for a man who was worthy of it, to possess himself of a Kingdome, would at first be look'd upon as a Scandal, afterwards as a Law; that Meale was the basest Fellow ever Born in his Kingdome, and he the most Fortunate, and naturally all men hated natures Monsters, and lov'd Fortunes prodigies: that we should examine our selves, how we came to Lord it in Asia? what Kin we vvere to Sabayo, that he should leave us Goa? how near vve were Sultan Badour to

Inherit Dio from him? whether Achem left us Malaxa by his Will? and all the places which pay us Tribute all over the East? that he desir'd us not to quarrel at that Title in him, that made us absolute Lords of the World; that, we should let God alone with the Go∣vernment of the World, and being Born farthest West, not busie our selves to compose the Disorders of Asia; that he would have us know, he had in his Kingdome Mines of different Metals, that some furnish'd him with Gold for his Friends, others with Iron for his Ene∣mies; that in the last place, he desir'd the Governour to deliver him up Meale, that, by the mercy he should use him withall, the World might see how worthy he was to Reign, who so treated his greatest Enemy; that, his Embassadours had order to settle all that concern'd the State.

49. Martin Affonso having receiv'd the Letters, and given Audience to Hidalcaon's Embassadours, understood by 'em, that they proffer'd for Meales person an hun∣dred and fifty thousand Pardaos, and the main Land of Bordez and Salsete, very considerable to the State for its Revenue and Nearness to Goa. Martin Affonso look'd upon the business, as very weighty, and either Face promising great advantages; the restoring of a Prince, and pulling down a Tyrant, was a design worthy the Arms of Christians, by which the State would purchase no ordinary reputation, letting the World see, that our Banners were not displaid in Asia, either to usurp King∣doms, or get Riches, since their employment was that the Pagans and Moors of the East, should keep the true Faith towards God, and Justice amongst themselves: On the other side 'twas said, that if Meale after a long Warr should come to Reign, he could not give the State more, then now without it Hidalcaon offer'd, and that the Moors by their hatred and Religion being Enemies, the World would laugh to see us with our own Blood, destroy one Infidel and set up an other; when too our happiness depended on both their ruines,

besides that our Arms came not to India to defend the Enemies of the Faith, but to destroy 'em; that if Meale found no Protection from the King of Cambaya, his near Kinsman, why should he look for't from the Portuguese to whom he was an Enemy? that when he found him∣self restor'd, and strong, the first Lance that was hurl'd against the State would be his, because the Neighbour∣hood of so brave men who made him King would be suspicious to him, and the Memory of so great a good turn was enough to make him Hate us.

50. Martin Affonso, on grounds not throughly weigh'd, resolv'd at last to deliver up Meale, dispach'd the Embassadours; and with them Galvaon Viegas an Honourable Gentleman, with full Power, to settle the Contract, in the manner it hath been related, sending with the consent of the Embassadours to take imme∣diate possession of the main Land, in virtue of Hidal∣caon's profer.

51. In this condition did Dom Iohn de Castro find the affairs of Meale, and was sued to by a new Embassy from Hidalcaon, in confidence of the Capitulation made with his Predecessor;* 1.72 but Dom Iohn with different maturity answered Hidalcaon, that the Portuguese were faithfull to their Enemies, much more to their Guest; that the propositions of his Predecessor, were more for a right understanding of the cause,* 1.73 then to determine it; that the main Land belong'd to the State by more antient Grants, and that it was just out of its Revenue to maintain Meale, in gratitude to the Kings his Prede∣cessors, who annex'd it to the State, that he should suffer him quietly to enjoy this little memory of his Right; that the States securing his Person, was not yet Protection but Charity; that he should not with over-hasty Arms disturb the Peace, for then he would make sure what he fear'd, provoking the State to take in hand the revenging of both; and because his Em∣bassadours had hinted that, the denying Meale would necessarily make a Breach, He put 'em in mind that

most of the Fortresses we had made in India, were founded on the ashes of destroy'd Kingdoms; that the Portuguese were like the Sea, which raiseth it self and grows greater in Storms; that for his part as he sought not a Warr, so he could not deny one.

52. With this answer the Governour dismist the Embassadours, who, by his firmness in delivering it, understood that neither fear or advantage would bend him to give up Meale; Immediately he put himself in readiness to make or expect a Warr, which coming from a neighbour Prince we might sooner feel the Blow, then see the Sword. He gave orders for the raising of Horse, which were to be about two hundred, and to serve under the same Colours, a more stout, then order∣ly Militia: He entrusted the Guard of the City with the Train-bands, and had Souldiers in pay ready for any suddain invasion of the Enemies. He set upon the making ready the Fleet out of hand, which by the Voy∣ages and Warrs of his Predecessor, and the poverty of the State, he found all in pieces, and the strength of the Navy, being what is most considerable, here he wholly laid himself out; He new fitted the Vessels which lay in the River, made three Galleys, and six Round-bot∣tom'd Ships with wonderfull speed, not failing the Officers in their pay, or his thanks; by which means the work went on, diligence over-coming time; He nam'd Captains of those Galleys and Ships, who intended the work as their own business, an expedient, which did a great deal towards the quickness of the dispatch, the goodness and plenty of Ammunion and Provision, with which (in an opportune and short time) the Fleet was ready, with this he so bridled the Neighbour Princes, as he hindred 'em from joyning with Hidalcaon, who had already sollicited them to shake off the yoak, as an advantage to the common Liberty.

53. Hidalcaon,* 1.74 having notice of the Governours resolution, appeal'd to the Justice of his Sword, endea∣vouring to carry the Warr from home, before Meale's

presence rais'd the people, who by their commands, and advantages in the Warr, would make the cause their own: He presently on severe penalties forbid the Victuallers carrying the ordinary Provision to Goa, which, having it all from the Inland, was not furnish'd to endure so suddain a Warr; after this he sent Acede∣caon a stout Turk with ten thousand men, to take in, that part of the main Land, which Liv'd under our O∣bedience.

54. But Dom Iohn de Castro knowing, that first suc∣cesses give reputation to a Warr,* 1.75 went out with two thousand Foot, and the Horse of the place to resist the Enemy, and being perswaded by a great many Gentle∣men, that he should not engage his person in so un∣equal a party; that it was not for the honour of a Governour of India to put on his Sword against one of Hidalcaon's Captains, nor to let the World know he look'd so much upon this Warr, especially having Gen∣tlemen who deserv'd the honour and danger of the Action; it was not possible to disswade him from his first resolution, saying with more confidence then his Forces would bear, that he went out to Chastise, not to Overcome, and marching two Leagues from Goa he came in sight of the Enemy, who, lodg'd at the foot of a Hill with a River in their front, (which was to them instead of a Ditch and Trench) with the advan∣tages of their numbers, and Encamping, expected ours, who though wearied with their March, re-inforcing themselves by the presence of the Governour, or sight of the Enemy, begun to pass the River with more Re∣solution, then Discipline, the Commanders could not stay, or order them, the most daring cast themselves into the River, and the more cautious were by this put upon a necessity; as to most of 'em to follow their Comrades example, past for Discipline.

55. The Governour with admirable prudence com∣manded those who staid behind to go over the River, knowing, that what was in the beginning a fault, was

now the Cure; and because that day he had not room enough to Order as a Commander,* 1.76 he Fought as a pri∣vate Souldier. Our men run upon the Moors so furi∣ously, that discouraged, with the first Onset, they gave ground, and their Ranks, being confus'd and broken by themselves, were disordered and overcome; Our men (which seldome happens) seeing an Army routed without loss. The Moors loss was great in their Flight, none at all in their Resistance; Ours were two Leagues executing the Liberty, and cruelty of Victory, gather∣ing up the Arms those poor men flung away, as a bur∣den, not a defence. The pursute lasted as long as the Day, the horrour of the Night freeing the Enemies from that of the Victory; Our Souldiers retreated, full of Blood, Honour, and Booty; the Governour kept the Field till the next day, without censuring the Soul∣diers for that Disorder which gave them the Victory, following the course of human judgements, which never speak well of Losses, or blame Victories.

56. The Governour,* 1.77 at his Entry into Goa, was re∣ceiv'd with an extraordinary applause, from that people, so us'd to see, and slight Victories; and because, in this and many other Fights which Dom Iohn wonn, he call'd upon the name of St. Thomas, the Apostle of the Indies, we believe they were got by the favour of so great a Padrone, who, to recompence the piety, and honour the memory of Dom Iohn de Castro, was pleas'd, in the days of his Government, to discover that mira∣culous Cross, found at Meliapor on the Coast of Choro∣mandell; the wonderfull Cross and the Body of the Saint being as it were cover'd with the same Earth,* 1.78 and as Dom Iohn de Castro worshipp'd this sign of our Re∣demption, with a due, but a strange Reverence, (lighting always from his Palanquim or Horse when he met the Cross,* 1.79 and putting himself on his Knees) this discovery will not seem to have been by chance, since the mercies of Heaven come not by accident. We will give you the relation of the Mystery, because it carries

with it a successive miracle in testimony of the faith of the East, cultivated in those Countries with the Blood and Doctrine of our Portuguese.

57. After the wonderfull finding the Body of this holy Apostle in the City,* 1.80 or rather ruins of Meliapor, (then call'd Calamina) the Kings, Dom Manoel, and Dom Iohn, being with a pious Zeal inflam'd to revive those dead Ashes, which had been there from the first planting Christianity by the Apostle, (though now corrupted by the Doctrine of the Armenian and Chaldean Priests, who separated from the Roman-Catholick Church, did make those well-meaning Christians swallow dangerous Opinions, which by the pains of our Missionaries have in part been reform'd) set upon Building a Church in the same place where the Vene∣rable Body of the Apostle was found, and opening the Foundations for the Fabrick, found a Cross (wrought in a Marble Pedestall) of four Spans long and three broad, besprinkled with dropps of Blood, which might be thought to be newly done, (the Cross was like that of the Knights of Aviz;) on the bottom of the Pedestall were lesser Crosses of the same fashion with the biggest, sprinkled with the same spots of Blood; on the top of the great Cross was a hovering Pidgeon, there was Old writing about it, which, (being in an unknown Tongue, and not in one continued sence) the Natives understood not; the oldest and most knowing Anti∣quaries in different Languages were consulted with, but none could make out the Character or meaning of the Writing, till a while after was brought a Bramene from Narzinga, who expounded it in current Sence, and said thus;

Thirty years after the Law of the Christians came into the World, on the 21^th. of December, the Apostle Saint Thomas Dy'd in Meliapor, where was the knowledge of God, change of Laws, and the destruction of the Devil; This God taught twelve Apostles, one of whom, with a staff in his hand, came to Meliapor where he Built a Temple, and

the Kings of Malabar, Choromandell, and Pandi, with others of different Nations and Sects freely submitted them∣selves to Saint Thomas's Law; time was when the Saint was put to Death by a Bramene, and with his Blood made this Cross.

This Exposition, being an hir'd Interpreters, in a matter of so great moment, our Nation did not too confidenly believe, but sent for an other Pagan Learn'd in all the Oriental Languages, who, knowing nothing of the other Exposition, decypher'd the Letters in the same manner, without any difference, the Copy of the Print (as you see it here) was brought to the King Dom Sebastian in the Year 1562.

[illustration]

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Our Nation (with the greater expence in reverence to that place, which had been the Depository of so Sacred a pledge) went on in Building the Church, the Piety and Conflux of the people of Malabar was great too, at the sight of so notable a Testimony of their Faith. The Church was in a short time perfected, the Cross engrav'd on Marble (as we have said) serv'd in place of Altar-piece. Divine Service began to be said there, with the Decency so remote a place would permit; and on the 18. of December, (the day of our * 1.81 Ladies expectation) as Mass was saying in a full Con∣gregation, when the Priest began the Gospel, the Holy Cross too began to be cover'd with a great Sweat,* 1.82 let∣ting fall no little drops on the Altar. That the signs of the Miracle might be more Visible, the Priest stop't in the Sacrifice, wip't off the Humidity the Cross breath'd with the Corporalls, which (before a great many there present immediately seem'd dip't in Blood); the Holy Cross began presently to change its Alablaster to a paler Colour, which turn'd to an obscure black, that too chang'd to an unusual bright Azure, which lasted as long as Mass, when that was done it came to the natural Colour of which 'twas found.

58. The same Miracle hath successively for many years been seen on the same day, and we know by good Authors and faithfull Relations that it yet happens sometimes, by which means, those Christians with a stronger Faith receive our Doctrine. This Miracle, after much arguing on both sides, was clear'd before the Bi∣shop of Cochim in open Court, the proceedings came to this Kingdome, in the time of the King Dom Henry, the Cardinal, who, by the consent of Pope Gregory 13^th. confirm'd the Miracle, which is now divulg'd in our own Chronicles and forein Authors. Dom Iohn de Castro re∣ceiv'd* 1.83 the news of this Miracle with no ordinary shew of Piety, protecting Saint Thomas's Christians, opprest with the slavery of Pagan Princes, who had taken from 'em certain Grants and Priviledges, which by the inter∣cession

of the Holy Apostle had by the Kings their Pre∣decessors been indulg'd 'em, but, by the hatred of the Infidels, and corruption of the times were only re∣membred.

59. Hidalcaon gave not over infesting us on the main Land with his usual incursions, which kept us on con∣tinual Duty, and hindered the Husbandmen from Til∣ling, upon which the Governour resolv'd to strike where the Blow might be most felt;* 1.84 He presently Commanded his Son Dom Alvaro to go out with the Fleet, he had provided, with Orders, to do all the hurt he could in Hidalcaon's Ports, giving the Souldiers all free Pillage, that the hopes of Plunder might make 'em not mention some Arrerages the State ow'd 'em; and put by others from playing the Merchants, a Corruption which stole upon a great many by the foul example of their Superiours.

60. Dom Alvaro put to Sea with 900. Portuguese and 400.* 1.85 Indians on six Ships and some long Boats with Oars, and after a few days Sailing spy'd four of Hidal∣caon's Ships going with Stuffs and other Commodities to Cambaya. Dom Alvaro presently commanded his Captains to come on Head him, and the Boats to keep close to the shore, for fear the Enemy should out of Desperatness run a ground; the Ships were Merchant men, and but few Souldiers in 'em, who, seeing they could neither fly,* 1.86 nor defend themselves, sent aboard the Admiral two Moor Merchants, who, with reasons and tears, shew'd themselves not concern'd in the difference 'twixt Hidalcaon and the State, and profer'd a reaso∣nable present toward the expence of the Fleet; but neither the covetousness of the Souldiers, or the policy of Warr would let them be heard, but the Ships were Boarded and sent to Goa, that the Prize might be divi∣ded according to the Governours Proclamation. Upon the arrival of those Ships at Goa, the people was stangely transported, seeing Victories so got one upon the neck of an other; in the first they prais'd the Cou∣rage

of the Father, in the second the Fortune of the Son.

61. Dom Alvaro,* 1.87 seeing opportunity and weather on his side, and that the Souldiers were contented be∣cause they had in hand the fruit of their late Enterprize, commanded his Pilot to steer to the Port of Cambre, where, since the breaking out of the Warr, Hidalcaon kept double Garrison; there were two Forts with Ordinance planted at the entrance of the Barr, and the Chanel was so narrow that without eminent danger our Ships could neither pass through, or ride there. The General Dom Alvaro, put to the Captains of the Fleet the apparent difficulties, which every one conclu∣ded of moment enough to be considered of, alleging that voluntary undertakings ought not to be set upon with so certain danger; that they should more to pur∣pose carry on the Warr against Hidalcaon, by Lording it in his Seas, and in his sight, taking away his commerce; that there was more hazard then profit in what could be done by Land; that (as they saw) the Chanel was so begirt with those Forts, our Ships must pass by the mouth of the Canon; that the first Ship they should shatter, would hinder the rest from passing. But Dom Alvaro urging,* 1.88 that he was resolv'd to execute his Or∣ders, which were, to get on shore and burn the Enemies Ports; the Councel replied by proposing, that he as Ge∣neral should stay to Command at Sea, and that most of the Commanders of the Ships would strive to pass the Barr, because if any thing should happen amiss to the Admiral of that Fleet, Son and Heir to the Governour of India, what greater Dammage could the State receive, then the necessity of engaging in so just a Vengeance? On which Dom Alvaro in a great deal of passion brake off the consult, saying, that he car'd for no Victories where his danger was not as great as the least common Souldiers; that, out of obedience he was their Gene∣ral, and in danger their Companion; that, he had in∣structions from the Governour, to venture his own

Person on every occasion, his Souldiers but upon ne∣cessity; that he look'd upon the Dangers they repre∣sented to be less then those he came in chase of, because Honour was not to be purchas'd without hazarding; that he came from Portugall to find out this Day, which he hop't would be glorious for them all, and that in this Resolution he ask't not their advice, only that they would consult about the manner of the falling on. The Generals Gallantry, and Youth, did then excuse his Rashness, afterwards the Success; 'twas agreed that the men should go into the long Boats, and that at the be∣ginning of the Dawning when Day-light was not well broke, and so the Enemy not sure of his aim, they should get on shore;* 1.89 they all that Night provided them∣selves, seeing in the Generals looks hopes of Victory. The General (having left sufficient Guard on the Ships) got on shore, with 800. Choise men, and with Fortune so declaring for him, that of a great many Shot that lighted on the Boats, not one either kill'd or wounded a Souldier, this accident being a Disposition to, or be∣ginning of the Victory.

62. The City (which ran along a great Plain) con∣tain'd five thousand Families, the Houses by themselves, and not leaning on one an other, without any other policy,* 1.90 union, or share of ground, then what every one took for his pleasure or ability; and yet the Turrets and Balconies of every House, did altogether present a rude Stateliness, as if Built with more Pride then Art; it had on the North-side a little Mountain, whence ran some small Rivulets, with no name, which, contribu∣ted both to the pleasantness and fertility of the Soil. The City was antiently Inhabited by the Bramenes, now by Merchant Moors, a place amongst the Eastern people always famous, then for Superstition, now for Wealth; it was not defended by either Walls or Works, the In∣habitants being secure by the Power of their Lords, or the Peace they preserv'd with the Neighbouring Princes; but at present, the Warr we had with Hidalcaon begin∣ning

Victoriously, the Moors, saw the danger they were in, by example, and had drawn two thousand paid Souldiers to Guard the City, who with the standing Militia, were (according to their computation) suffi∣cient for their Defence.

63. These came, with their Colours flying, and with so much resolution to hinder our men from Landing, as for a good while they retarded us, obliging us to Fight at a stand,* 1.91 and so close as our Souldiers could not make use of their Musquets, whose first charge only, they receiv'd with notorious resolution. Here Dom Alvaro notably shew'd his Valour and Conduct, encou∣raging his men to Fight, sometimes by Speeches, some∣times by the Example of his own Actions. Ours at last saw themselves so streightned as they fought more for Life then Victory. The success, for an hour hung doubt∣full, till a great many of the Inhabitants, wounded with their own fear, and our Swords, quitted the Field, shewing in the first encounter, Valour, above Men, in the second, below Women, a thing very ordinary in raw Souldiers, where the greatest fear follows the greatest daring; the rest by this example were getting off, in fear and disorder; here the Moors receiv'd great loss, falling with little or no Resistance, those who drop't too were so many as they hindred the rest from Flying.

64. Ours entred the City mingled with the Moors,* 1.92 where the poor men stop't, o'recome with the fond∣ness and tears of Wives, and Children, who then with useless compassion bore 'em company, rather Witnesses, then Defenders of their Lives; some there were, who embracing their Husbands let themselves be run through with our Lances, inventing fresh sadness by a new remedy; Of our Souldiers, some Robb'd 'em, some Defended 'em, some following the disposition of the Season, others of their Nature; Out of desperate Love some of those Women ran amongst our arm'd Squa∣drons to seek their Dead, seeming not to valew their

Lives; full of tenderness for others Wounds, without any for their own;* 1.93 at last we gain'd the City with less loss, then danger, because resolving to enter under the Enemies Canon, Dom Alvaro was more lead on by Courage, then Discipline; the greater part of the Moors was Destroy'd, some in the Fight, most in the Flight; the VVomen shew'd more Courage, then their Husbands; These lost their Lives, they could not defend, the others despis'd theirs they might have sav'd; of ours there Dy'd twenty two, the VVounded were more, of whose number was the General hurt by an Arrow. 'Twas necessary to end one Cruelty to begin an other, their Anger ceast, and their Covetousness began; Dom Alvaro gave order to Plunder the City, where the Booty was as great as the Victory,* 1.94 because, either out of Confidence or Carelesness the Moors had sav'd nothing, and kept in the City those who were useless for the Defence of it, out of contempt of our Forces, or not to dishearten their own. In fine, the Prize was so great, that it could not all be carry'd aboard, the Souldiers took the best, leaving the rest as Fuel for that Fire which was to Consume the City, by Dom Alvaro given up to the merciless Flames; which did not a little strike the Neighbouring Colonies, that place being the Richest and most Tenable of all the Coast, once, as it were, the Bulwark of the rest, now their Lamentable example.

65. The General with all the Fleet weigh'd Anchor, and steer'd for Goa to unlade the Ships,* 1.95 (put out of their trim, by too great a Burden;) resolving to leave there the Sick and VVounded, and return to carry on the VVarr, which the Souldiers, content with the Li∣berality, and Fortune of their new General, very much desir'd. The news arriv'd at Goa before the Ships, the Governour very much valued the Victory, the people the Plunder; not long after came intelligence, that those who had scap'd the Rout had been to acquaint Hidalcaon with the lamentable Destruction of their

City, who, while they vented their first grief for their Children and Kindred, could not keep in the second calamity of their Goods and Houses, where the devou∣ring Fire had so mingled the Ashes, they could not with peculiar tears, weep over their Dead; they told Hidal∣caon, that if he resolv'd to continue the Warr with such a people, they would go and Inhabit the Deserts, where they should be out of sight of those Western Beasts, Born for the reproach and ruine of Asia, they told and curs'd our Victories one after the other, which look't bigger in their Fears, then our Books.

66. Hidalcaon, considering the fortune of our Arms, the complaints,* 1.96 and calamities of the Inhabitants, and many disaffected to his Service, whom the Warr, and those Successes would more embolden, was inclinable to Peace, thereby to remedy the Dissentions and Sedi∣tions at home, which might grow stronger by the li∣berty of men in Arms; and communicating to his Councel the present condition of things, all were of opinion, they ought by a feignd peace to cloak their grievances, expecting till time offered 'em a fairer op∣portunity to set upon the State, joyning their Forces with other Kings who were offended. And the Moors fighting more for their conveniency then quarrel, Hi∣dalcaon sent Embassadours to the Governour, frivo∣lously excusing the Warr he made, and minding him of the benefit the State might receive by his Friend∣ship.

67. The Governour, in publick and in great State, gave audience to the Embassadours,* 1.97 answering them, that as he sought not for Warr, so he could not deny it; that the felicity of the State consisted in having many Enemies, because with Spoils and Victories it grew always greater; but, that he never deny'd Peace to any one, who by his Actions, and faithfull Friendship de∣serv'd it; that he would deprive his Souldiers of the conveniences they look't for from that Warr; but Hidalcaon must know the first day he was to pass for a

King, was that in which he treated Peace with the Portuguese. Thus did he dispatch the Embassadours, aw'd with so great a Courage; with the same neglect did he always manage the Warrs in the East, in which his Va∣lour was equal to his Fortune.

68. He presently betook himself to the dispatching particular business,* 1.98 rewarding the Souldiers who had serv'd him, whom he parted with as well satisfy'd with the rewards he gave them, as his acceptance of their Ser∣vice; He put Commanders into the void Forts, which were unprovided by the King; making so just an esti∣mate of Deserts, that he was Debtor neither to conve∣niency, or the State, a virtue hardly arriv'd at by Princes, and very rare in their Ministers.

69. He was not less fir'd with zeal for the honour of God, then for that of the State, in the confusion of Warr, and the noise of Arms, applying himself to mat∣ters of Religion,* 1.99 as if he had been only sent to stickle for them. And the King Dom Iohn, knowing his Piety, as well as his Valour, commended to him the propaga∣tion of the Faith, and Divine worship. Out of a Letter, which on this Subject the King writ him, is well gathe∣red, how both King and Minister were inflam'd in God's cause, of which we will here give a Copy, that the World may see our Arms in the East, brought more Sons to the Church then Vassals to the State.

The King's Letter to Dom John de Castro.

FRiend and Governour. The great Concernment, which lies upon Christian Princes to look to matters of Faith, and employ their Forces for its Preservation, makes me advise you how sensible I am, that not only, in many parts of India under our Subjection, but even in our City of Goa, Idols are Worshipp't, places in which our Faith might more reaso∣nably

be expected to Flourish; and being as well inform'd with how much liberty they celebrate Heathenish festivals, we command you, to discover by diligent Officers all the I∣dols, and to demolish and break 'em in pieces where ere they are found; Proclaiming severe punishments against any one who shall dare, to Work, Cast, make in Sculpture, En∣grave, Paint, or bring to light, any Figure of an Idol, in Metall, Brass, Wood, Plaister, or any other matter, or bring them from other places; and against those, who publickly, or privately, Celebrate any of their sports, keep by them any Heathenish Frankincense, or assist and hide the Bramenes, the sworn Enemies of Christian Profession; whosoever of the fore-nam'd shall run into the like Crimes, 'tis our pleasure you Punish 'em, with that severity the Law in that case, or our Prolamation requires, without admitting any appeal or dispensation in the least. And that the Pagans may submit themselves to the yoak of the Gospel, not only out of Con∣viction of the purity of its Faith, and fed with the hopes of Eternal Life, but be advantag'd too, by some temporal fa∣vour shew'd 'em, (which doth very much work upon Sub∣jects hearts) you are with all Diligence to see that the new Christians, may henceforward have and enjoy all the Exemp∣tions and Liberties from Taxes, enjoying those Privileges, and places of Honour, which the Pagans did hitherto use to do. We have too been inform'd, that many Indians are forc't to go in our Fleet, and are for that at charges against their wills, desiring that so great Exorbitancy should be remedy'd, we order that the Christians be exempt from that Oppression, and in case the necessity be very pressing, you shall if they go, (with that trust we look for, from your care, and diligence) provide, that they be every day satisfy'd for their Labour; Having known too, from grave and credible Persons, (and what we particularly resented) that some Portuguese buy Slaves for little, that selling them to the Moors and other In∣fidel Merchants, they may get by 'em, which is done to the great Dammage of their Souls, they being easily to be Converted to the Faith, we command you to employ all your power for the preventing so great an evil, by hindring such Sales, for the

great service which by it is done to God, and you will do to us, if with the rigor the case requires, you remedy a thing which appears so foul to us. You are to take care for the curbing the excessive liberty of some Usurers, who as we are inform'd, are amongst you under the protection of an old Law of Goa, which we do at this present, and you are also to revoke, taking it away from the Body of the rest, as contrary to Christian Religion; you are to give order for the speedy Building a Church in Bacaim, which is to be Dedicated to St. Joseph, and upon our account to assign it rent for a Rector, some Beneficiaries, and Chaplains who may officiate there; and because the Preachers, and Ministers of our Faith, by going about to Convert the Pagans, are in Necessity, we think it fitting, and 'tis our will to give 'em something towards de∣fraying their Charges, and only for that you are to lay a year∣ly Tax of three thousand Pardaos on all the Mosques the Moors have in our Territories. You shall too out of our Customs and Rights for ever give three hundred Bushels of Rice for the maintenance of those whom the Vicar Miguel Vaz either hath or shall Convert about Chaul, which quan∣tity we order to be put into the Bishops hands, that he (as he sees necessity) may distribute it. We have too been in∣form'd that about Cochim, Saint Thomas's Christians are cheated in their weights and measures by our Merchants who sell Pepper there, and that they take from 'em the Sur∣plusage they (according to an old Custom) ought to have over and above the just weight, and measure, whom for many re∣spects, 'twere better to favour then oppress; for that end you are to give order, they may enjoy their old Customs; you are also to treat with the King of Cochim, that he cause to be tane away certain Pagan Rites and Superstitions which his South-sayers use to practice in the sale of Pepper, his advantage by 'em being very little, and the Scandal to the Christians who contract there very great; and because we have been advis'd of the Cruelty that King useth against those Indians who receive our Faith, by seising on their Estates, you must zealously endeavour the said Kings (to whom we have writ about it) leaving that so Barbarous

cruelty, which so much injures the Souls and Bodies of his Subjects, which, being our Friend, he will do; you on your part employing that care we charge you with. For that, which by your Letters and Advises we have, concerning the delivering the people of Socotora from the miserable Sla∣very in which they Live, we are of opinion so to remedy it, that the Turk (whose Subjects they are) shall not with his Fleets infest those Seas, you are to look how that is most conveniently to be done by the advice of the Vicar Miguel Vaz, whose Experience, both in that and all other business of moment that shall occurr, will very much help you. We know that those who Fish for Pearl, besides other wrongs and oppressions they lye under, suffer in their Estates, our Sea-Captains out of their little fear to God, forcing 'em on very hard terms, only to Fish for them, upon which, (desir∣ing that none of our Subjects should suffer any Violence or Oppression) we order you to see that those people be not so hardly us'd, and that our Captains usurp not so unjust a Power; and further, for the avoiding the like grievances and cruelties you are to look if those Coasts be sufficiently Guarded, and, if 'tis possible for us to recover our Dues without having a Fleet there: and finding it Feasible, you are to withdraw thence our Captains, commanding none to Sail along those Coasts, by that means the Natives may enjoy their Estates, and Cruelties and Extorsions be prevented; above all we recommend to you the consulting with the Father Francisco Xaverius in what ever occurs, chiefly what is to be done for the encrease of Christianity on the Fishing Coast, that those who are newly Converted may not be employed in the Fishing, if they be, it may be upon knowledge that with their new Religion they have got new Manners, and the great abuses they use in it may be Curb'd. We have been likewise inform'd, that those who from Paganism are Converted to our holy Faith, are ill us'd and despis'd by their Kindred and Friends, who, with so great Outrage and so high an Hand banish 'em their Houses, and seize on their Estates, that they are forc'd to Live miserably in great want and necessity; that such things may be redress'd, you are (with the Counsel

of the Vicar Miguel Vaz) to see they be reliev'd at our Charge, putting, what is to be given 'em, in the hands of the Rector who hath care of 'em, that he may every year distribute it as is most convenient. We know too that from Ceilaon, there came a youth to Goa, flying the fury and anger of his Kindred, and being (as he is) of the Royal Family, that he ought to succeed in the Kingdome, upon which, (for the encouragement of those already, and those yet to be Converted) we have thought good that you accommodate him (now he••s a Christian) in Saint Pauls Colledge in the City, where, at our Charge, such Lodgings, and necessaries may be provided him, as are sit, not only for his maintenance, but pleasure, that our Grandeur with Persons of his quality may be seen; besides, you are to endeavour to clear his claim to the Kingdome; and what you find in the business, send us with the proofs, that we may according to conveniency provide; in the mean time 'tis our pleasure, that with all imaginable severity you call the Tyrant to account for his Cruelties against those who are Converted to our holy Faith; obliging him to give satis∣faction for so great insolence, that all the Princes of India may see our love to Iustice, and how we put upon our own score the protecting those who cannot help themselves. And because, 'tis not fit Pagan Artificers should (as hitherto hath been allow••d 'em) Cast, Paint, or Work any Images or Fi∣gures of our Lord Christ, or his Saints, to sell 'em; we command you to use all diligence, for the hindring it, laying Penalties, that he, who shall be prov'd to make any of the fore-mention'd Images, shall (besides the having two hun∣dred Drubbs) lose his Estate, because without doubt it looks not well that Images representing so holy Mysteries should pass through the hands of Pagan Idolaters. We have it from the same hand, that the Churches newly begun to be Built at Cochim, and Coulaon, want finishing, being un∣cover'd and expos'd to all the injuries of the Weather; which is not only an ill sight, but prejudices the Building; you shall therefore give Order, that (without sticking at the charge) they may be gone on with, till Finish'd, by the work and design of the best Architects and Overseers; you are

too, to cause a Church to be Built in Naraon, in Honour of, and with the Dedication to, the Apostle Saint Thomas, and to look to the finishing of that already begun in Calapor, by the name of the holy Cross; you are too, to make another in the Neighbouring Island of Coraon, for design and state∣liness as you shall think convenient, there being nothing, which, in the Pagans will more stirr up Devotion for the matters of our holy Faith, then the affection they see on our part. Besides which, we do more straightly charge you with the founding Schools and Houses of Devotion, in all places fit for't; whether, on certain Days, not only the Christians, but Pagans may resort to Sermons, and Spiritual exercises, that so they may come to the Love of our holy Faith, and the Knowledge of the errors in which they Live, being illu∣minate with the Light of the Gospel; for which you are to choose Ministers with those parts such a Ministry requires. And above all, earnestly desiring that the Name of God may be known and worship't, and his holy Faith receiv'd in our State, we will, and 'tis our pleasure, that in the Territories of Salsete and Bardez all the Idols, and infernal Worship, which hath hitherto been practis'd there, be utterly rooted out; and that it may be done with the less difficulty, and without the necessity of using any force or violence, we command the Preachers in their Sermons and Disputations, to manage the hearts of the Pagans with such prudence and zeal, that (by God's blessing) they may be sensible of the good in∣tended them, by bringing 'em to the knowledge of their Er∣rors, and delivering 'em from the miserable servitude of the Devil in which they are, out of which, they only are to be freed by closing with our holy Faith, the sole way to know that blindness in which Satan leads 'em, not to consider how much the Salvation of their Souls concerns 'em; and be∣cause it very much imports this business, that the under∣takers of it be Men of a good Life and Conversation, and able Scholars, you are to pick out such, from whom we may expect the Effect we desire, and to recommend to 'em the care and diligence requisite on their part; and on yours, you are to endeavour the drawing of, and favouring all men, espe∣cially

the Nobility and Great ones, (whose example the mul∣titude follows) and who being once reconcil'd to our holy Faith, the difficulty will be but little to Convert the common people, who will immediately be doing, what they see done by the Grand••es. Let them who turn, he well us'd, (that more may be wonn) having favour shew'd 'em, not only in the general, but in their particulars, be they never so poor and miserable. Of all this, we thought fit to inform you, that, for the confidence we have of your care and diligence, you might remedy all, from which, great Glory will result to our Lord God; and we will reckon it to you as a peculiar service.

Dated at Almeirim the eight of March in the year of our Lord Iesus Christ 1546.

By the KING.

70. Dom Iohn put as much of this Letter in Exe∣cution, as his being always in Arms would permit him; for the time of his Government was one continued Battail, and the Souldiers, by the Licence of VVarr, were readier to ruine the Laws, then reform their Man∣ners; yet will the History shew us no slight Arguments of his Zeal, recompens't extraordinarily by Heaven with signs and miracles, one of 'em, which hapned in the Molucca's, (annex'd to his Government,) I'le relate with my Customary brevity.

71. The light of the Gospel had shin'd in those I∣slands; (Saint Francisco Xaverio as a faithfull Labourer in the Lord's Vineyard, having in a great part clear'd those places of the Thistles and Briars of Infidelity) though we owe the first Cultivating to that great Portuguese Antonio Galvaon, the most Couragious Go∣vernour and Zealous Apostle of those Pagans, whose Prowess was answered by its Fruits in the wonderfull Conversion of Souls, who with their Baptism re∣ceiv'd the easie Yoak of Christ, the Princes and great Ones, as well as the People, being all Tunable to the

Obedience of the Gospel. The Devil perceiving that, in that Cessation of Paganism,* 2.1 a Light appear'd from Heaven discovering the ways of Life, arm'd against the innocent Christians a Pagan thereabouts call'd Tolon, who had usurp't the Island of Moro. He with in∣fernal Zeal began to persecute the new Converts, forcing them by new Torments to turn Renegados from that Faith they had profest; for which, many chose to shed their Blood in a happy Martyrdome, others of weaker Faith yielded to the Torments. The Tyrants boldness encreasing to the Affronting of our Arms, oblig'd 'em out of obedience to the Faith, and for the service of the State, to Chastise that Idolater. The persecuted, and fearfull, came with complaints to the Portuguese, in Ternate, who resolving to bring down the Infidel, with more zeal then strength went to find him out at his own Home. Their motion could not be so secret, but the Tyrant had notice of it; who, by fortifying the entrance of the Island with Trenches and strong Barricados, provided for his Defence; and in case our men should get those, he had strew'd Splinters and long poyson'd Crows-feet in all the Avenues which led to the City, o're which, whilst ours in the heat of Anger, and Victory, past, they must necessarily lose themselves. It hapned, that after winning the first Stacade, (which the Infidels probably quitted without any hot dispute, in confidence of their second Strata∣gem) whilst ours, baited with the flight of the Enemy, were incautelously passing on, there fell on a suddain, (a thing miraculous) such a quantity of Ashes from the Sky as made ours stop, till, after the Air was clear'd, they pursu'd their Victory over the Crows-feet, where the Ashes had made the way hard and sure; so the astonish't Infidels afterwards related it, making use of the Miracle, for an argument of the truth of that Do∣ctrine they persecuted.

72. Thus did Asia yield to the Faith and the State in the time of Dom Iohn de Castro, who had in one hand

the Gospel, in the other a Sword, and fill'd the East with the discourse of so great an Action, as was, the Volun∣tary undergoing a Warr for the defence of Meale, a persecuted Moor, whose Subjects had refus'd him their Obedience, and the Princes his Allies their Prote∣ction.

73. Asia gave him but little time of rest in the Tri∣umphs of his Victories, Cambaya beginning immediately to rouse him with the Alarums of a new Warr; the noise of it was already in the States intelligence; but being the most notable piece of our History, we will relate it in a Book apart.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The first Studies of Dom Iohn de Castro.
• * 1.2

  He learnt the Mathe∣maticks.
• * 1.3

  He goes to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.4

  Dom Edward de Menezes Knights him,
• * 1.5

  and informs the King of his Desert.
• * 1.6

  The King sends for him, and re∣wards him
• * 1.7

  His behavi∣our at Court.
• * 1.8

  He marries Leonore Coutinho.
• * 1.9

  The Battail of Tunis.
• * 1.10

  The occa∣sion of it.
• * 1.11

  The Infante Dom Lewis is there in Person.
• * 1.12

  This was the Vessel which in the invasion 1588. was c••ll'd the Caca-foogo.
• * 1.13

  Gentlemen who were at the Fight.
• * 1.14

  Civility betwixt the Emperour and Infante.
• * 1.15

  The Empe∣rour would have Knight∣ed Dom Iohn de Castro, who refus'd it.
• * 1.16

  A Crusade worth 3 s. 8^d.
• * 1.17

  As the re∣ward of Mo∣ney.
• * 1.18

  He retires to Sintra.
• * 1.19

  He goes the first time for the Ind••es.
• * 1.20

  See Iohn de Barro's Hi∣story of In∣dia, Decade 5. Lib. 3. Cap. 8. N^o. 10.
• * 1.21

  The King profers him a Reward, and ••ow he ac∣cepts it.
• * 1.22

  Ibid.
• * 1.23

  He carries his Son Dom Alvaro.
• * 1.24

  He embarks himself for the relief of Dio.
• * 1.25

  History of India, Dec. 5. Lib. 7. Cap. 1.
• * 1.26

  History of India, Dec. 5. Lib. 7. Cap. 5.
• * 1.27

  He goes to the Red-Sea with Dom Estevaon d•• Gama.
• * 1.28

  Ibid.
• * 1.29

  Ibid.
• * 1.30

  Ibid.
• * 1.31

  Dom Este∣vaon Knights Dom Alva∣ro.
• * 1.32

  History of India, Dec. 5. Lib. 7. Cap. 8.
• * 1.33

  Dom Iohn returns to the Kingdome.
• * 1.34

  Is made Admiral of the Coast.
• * 1.35

  Defeats seven Ships of the Cor∣saires.
• * 1.36

  Brings in the Indian Fleet.
• * 1.37

  The Empe∣rour adviseth the King.
• * 1.38

  Desires aid of him a∣gainst the Turk.
• * 1.39

  The King mak••s Dom Iohn Gene∣ral.
• * 1.40

  He joyns with the Emperours General.
• * 1.41

  They dis∣course about the Battail.
• * 1.42

  Resolve to Fight.
• * 1.43

  The Spa∣nish General changeth his mind.
• * 1.44

  Endeavours to bring off Dom Iohn.
• * 1.45

  He persists in Fighting with the Turks.
• * 1.46

  And stays for 'em three days in the Streight.
• * 1.47

  He sends his Son to relieve Al∣cacere Ce∣guer.
• * 1.48

  He returns to Lisbone, and retires to Sintra.
• * 1.49

  Is propos'd by the Infant fo•• Gover∣nour in the Inlies.
• * 1.50

  See Iohn de Barro's Hist. of India, Dec. 6. Cap. 1. Fol. 1.
• * 1.51

  The King chuseth him, and speaks to him.
• * 1.52

  He finds fault with his Sons rich Cloaths.
• * 1.53

  A street in Lisbone where the Whole-sale∣men sell Cloaths.
• * 1.54

  The Ships and their Comman∣ders.
• * 1.55

  What time they set Sail.
• * 1.56

  The Gover∣nours com∣passion.
• * 1.57

  When the Winds do not blow.
• * 1.58

  The danger his Ship was in.
• * 1.59

  Not feeling the Rudder.
• * 1.60

  He arrives at Mocam∣bique.
• * 1.61

  Changeth the Fo•••••••• seating it better.
• * 1.62

  He departs for Goa.
• * 1.63

  His arrival, and recep∣tion.
• * 1.64

  What con∣dition he found his Government in
• * 1.65

  by the Alte∣ration of the Bazaruccos.
• * 1.66

  He hears the City and People.
• * 1.67

  His resolu∣tion about it.
• * 1.68

  Hidalcaon's first Em∣bassy.
• * 1.69

  Meale's is the better cause.
• * 1.70

  See Iohn de Barro's Hist. of In∣dia, Dec. 5. Lib. 10. Cap. 11.
• * 1.71

  Hidalcaon's Embassage.
• * 1.72

  The Gover∣nours an∣swer.
• * 1.73

  See Iohn de Barro's History of India, Dec. 6. Lib. 1. Cap. 2.
• * 1.74

  Hidalcaon's first motion.
• * 1.75

  The Gover∣nour goes in Person.
• * 1.76

  He fights and routs the Enemy.
• * 1.77

  He returns to Goa.
• * 1.78

  His venera∣tion to the Cross.
• * 1.79

  A kind of Sedan in the Indies, car∣ry'd on mens Shoulders.
• * 1.80

  The finding St. Thomas's Cross.
• * 1.81

  A peculiar Feast in Spain and Portugall, when the B. Virgin look't to b•• brought to Bed.
• * 1.82

  A famous Miracle of the same Cross.
• * 1.83

  How the Governour was affected with the News.
• * 1.84

  He sends his Son Dom Alvaro a∣gainst Hi∣dalcaon.
• * 1.85

  He goes out with six Ships.
• * 1.86

  His prize.
• * 1.87

  Dom Alva∣ro proposeth the Entry into Cambre.
• * 1.88

  He resolves to invest.
• * 1.89

  He gets on shore.
• * 1.90

  The large∣ness and strength of the place.
• * 1.91

  The Ene∣mies resist∣ance.
• * 1.92

  Ours enter,
• * 1.93

  and gain the City.
• * 1.94

  The De∣stroying and Plundring of it.
• * 1.95

  Dom Al∣varo returns to Goa.
• * 1.96

  Hidalcaon profers Peace.
• * 1.97

  The Gover∣nour accepts it.
• * 1.98

  He looks to the affairs of the State,
• * 1.99

  and matters of Religion.
• * 2.1

  A miracu∣lous success in the Mo∣cuccas.