The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE FIRST BOOK OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS a 1.1 CONCERNING THE LIFE OF THE BLESSED EMPEROUR CONSTANTINE b 1.2. (Book 1)

The Preface. Concerning the Death of Constantine.

ALL Mankind have not long since ce∣lebrated the recurring periods of our great Emperour's compleated * 1.3 Vi∣cennalia and Tricennalia, with Festi∣vities and publick Banquets. We our selves also, a 1.4 by a Panegyrick spoken in his Vicennalia, have lately venerated the same Glorious Conquerour envi∣roned with a Synod of God's Sacred Ministers. Moreover, b 1.5 we have platted him Crowns of Tri∣cennalian Orations, wherewith we lately encircled his Sacred Head within his own Imperial pallace.

But now * 1.6 I am doubtfull and at a stand, de∣sirous indeed to utter something according to the usuall manner, but ignorant which way to turn my self, and amazed at this only miracle of a new and surprizing † 1.7 spectacle. For, which way soever I look with a fixt and steady eye, whether to the East or West, upon the whole Earth or to Heaven it self, I behold the Blessed [Emperour] present ‖ 1.8 every where and in all places, c 1.9 conversing with Imperiall Majesty her self. And I see his Sons, like some new Lumi∣naries, filling the whole Earth with their Father's Rays, and [I behold] himself as yet living in Power and Authority, and managing the whole affairs of the world better and more potently than before; in regard he is diffused and enlarged by the succession of his Sons. Who be∣fore had * 1.10 been invested with the Caesa∣rian Dignity: but having now clothed themselves with their whole Father, on account of their eximious † 1.11 Vir∣tue and Religion are proclaimed Su∣pream Soveraigns, Augusti, Adora∣ble, Emperours, being illustrated with [all] their Fathers Ornaments.

CHAP. II. The Preface yet.

AND when I behold him (who a little before was seen a 1.12 in a Mortall Body, and b 1.13 converst with us our selves,) in a most admirable manner enjoying the same Imperial Pallaces, honours, and commendations, even after the end of this life, when Nature re∣jects as forreign whatever is superfluous; I am stricken with an incredible amazement. But now, when with an acuteness of mind I reach up to the very Arches of Heaven it self, and there Contemplate his thrice happy Soul conversing with God; wholly divested of its Mortall and Terrestriall Garment, and beauti∣fied with a most * 1.14 Splendid Stole of Light: and when I perceive it not any more involved in the short periods of Time, within these † 1.15 fading Ha∣bitations; but honoured with an ever-flourishing Diadem, and [endowed] † 1.16 with an endless life and a blessed immortality: c 1.17 I am dumb, and wholly deprived of the use of my Tongue and Reason. And being unable to utter one word, but passing sentence my self upon mine own weakness, and decreeing silence against my self, I give place to one more potent, who may de∣clare his * 1.18 praises in a manner cor∣respondent to his deserts; to him namely, who being † 1.19 Immortall and God The Word, is only able to con∣firm and ratifie his own expressions.

CHAP. III. Concerning God who honoured the Pious Empe∣rours and destroyed the Tyrants.

FOr whereas he has predicted, that they who glorifie and honour him, shall by him be * 1.20 compensated with reciprocall Gifts and Re∣wards; but, that those who have † 1.21 profest themselves his Enemies and Adversaries, shall procure to themselves •• destruction of their souls; long since [even from this life] he hath ascertained ‖ 1.22 the Truth of these his own words and promises. For he hath evidently set before our eyes the detestable * 1.23 Exits of im∣pious and God-opposing Tyrants; but hath demonstrated not only the Life of his Servant, but his death also to be desirable and worthy of the highest commendations: a 1.24 in so much that, even † 1.25 this deserves a commemoration, and is egregiously worthy not of Mortall but immortall Sepulchrall Monuments. The ‖ 1.26 wit of men hath indeed found out a comfort and preservative against a Mortall and frail End, and by Consecrations of Statues, as 'twere by immortall ho∣nours, have thought good to Reverence the Memories of their Ancestours. And some have framed Representations of men with the sha∣dowed Colours of b 1.27 Encaustick Painting; o∣thers, with the Sculptures of inanimate matter;

othersome have cut deep Letters on wooden or stone Tablets, wherewith they have c 1.28 taken oc∣casion of consigning to Eternall Memory the Vir∣tues of those whom they honour. But all these things were mortall, and con∣sumed by length of time; in regard they exprest the pro∣portions of mortall bodies, not the * 1.29 Idea's of an immortall † 1.30 mind. However, these things seem∣ed to content those persons, who, after the conclusion of this mortall life, had concei∣ved in their minds an hope of no other thing that was good. But God, God [I say] the Com∣mon Saviour of all things, who hath treasured up with himself greater Goods than Man can have a conception of, for the Lovers of Piety; gives as a foregoing pledge even in this life, the First fruits of future Rewards, and in a manner represents and confirms immortall hopes to mortall eyes. The ancient Oracles of the Prophets, which are committed to writing, do plainly foretell these things. The Lives of per∣sons dear to God, who heretofore have shined with all manner of Virtues, whose [Lives] are as yet celebrated by posterity, do give attesta∣tion hereto. The same is clearly evinced to be true by the Testimony of this our present Age, wherein Constantine, the only person of all those who ever yet Governed the Roman Empire, having been made the friend of God the su∣pream King, is proposed to all men as a power∣full and illustrious instance of a Religious life.

CHAP. IV. That God honoured Constantine.

LAstly, God himself, whom Constantine wor∣shipped, confirmed this with effectuall suf∣frages, a 1.31 by affording him his favourable and benigne presence and assistance, at the begin∣ning, procedure, and end of his Reign: which person God proposed to mankind as an † 1.32 Exemplar for their information in relation to the divine worship. Indeed, of all the Emperours, whom we ever yet heard of, he was the only one, whom God, by those Blessings of all sorts which he conferred on him, demonstrated to be the grea∣test Luminary and Loudest Proclaimer of steady Piety and true Religion.

CHAP. V. That he Reigned upwards of Thirty years, and lived above Sixty.

* 1.33 HE honoured the Time of his Reign with three compleated periods of Ten years, and a 1.34 something more; but he circumscribed the whole Life he lead amongst men, with a space of time double as much. Further, be∣cause † 1.35 He would propose him as the portraicture of his own Monarchicall power, b 1.36 He made him the Conquerour of the whole Tyrannick Brood, and the Destroyer of the * 1.37 Impious Giants: who, [instiga∣ted] by a desperation and madness of mind, took up Arms of Impiety against God himself the supream King But, having made their appearance c 1.38 even during a shorter time than is required to speak, they were extinguished. But God, who is one and the sole God, when he had fortified his Servant, one opposed to ma∣ny, with divine Armour d 1.39, and by his means had cleared the world of the multitude of im∣pious persons, constituted him the Teacher of his own Worship to all Nations: who in the e 1.40 hearing of all men attested with a loud voice, that he acknowleged the True God, but abo∣minated the Errour of false Deities.

CHAP. VI. That he was the Servant of God, and a Van∣quisher of Nations.

ANd, like a faithfull and good servant, he practised and asserted this; openly styling himself a servant, and owning himself a wor∣shipper of the supream King. But God re∣warded him forthwith, by making him Lord and Master, and the only Conquerour of all the Emperours that ever were, alwaies invinci∣ble and insuperable: a 1.41 and [he advanced him to be] so great an Emperour on account of his Victories and Trophies, as no one is ever recorded to have been in former ages: so hap∣py and dear to God; so pious and every way fortunate, that with all facility imaginable he reduced more Nations to a Subjection under him∣self, than the former [Emperours had vanqui∣shed;] and continued possest of his Empire, free from disturbance and disquietude, to the very moment of his Expiration.

CHAP. VII. [Constantine] compared with Cyrus King of the Persians, and with Alexander the Macedonian.

ANcient History relates Cyrus [King] of the Persians to have been more re∣nowned and glorious, than all [the Prin∣ces] that ever were. a 1.42 But, the conclu∣sion of his life, 'tis said, was in no wise fortunate, but reproachfull rather, and igno∣minious; in regard he was slain by a woman. The Greeks tell us, that Alexander, [King] of the Macedonians vanquished * 1.43 innumerable Nations: but before he had perfectly arrived at man's estate, he ended his life by an untimely death, and was taken off by † 1.44 Debauchery and Drunkenness. He finished the whole course of his Life within the space of two and thirty years; ^• not much more than a third part of which years determined the time of his Reign. He march't on through bloud and slaughter, being a person that may be compared to thun∣der, and incompassionately enslaved Nations and whole Cities without any respect had to Age. But when he was scarce arrived at c 1.45 the flower of his Age, and whilst he bemoaned his Catamite, Death approach't him * 1.46 on a sudden, and took him off Childless, without any Stock or Kindred, before he had raised a family, and in an Enemies Country far remote; that he might not any longer be the Ruine of Mankind. His Kingdom was imme∣diately rent insunder, each of his Servants [stri∣ving to] pull and tare off some part for them∣selves. And yet this person is extolled for such mischiefs as these.

CHAP. VIII. That he subdued almost the whole World.

BUt Our Emperour began to Reign from that year of his Age, whereon the Mace∣donian ended his life: and he lived twice as long as Alexander did; but trebled the length of his Reign. Further, having * 1.47 cultivated his Army with the mild and▪ modest Precepts of Piety, he march't into Britannia, and to those who dwell in the very Ocean which is diffused far and wide a 1.48 at the setting of the Sun. He likewise subdued all Scythia, [which lyes] un∣der the North it self, and is divided into innume∣rable Nations of Barbarians, differing both in name and manners. Moreover, having extended his Empire to the utmost confines of the South, to the Blemmyae namely and Aethiopians; he look't upon a dominion over them who dwell at the rising Sun, not to be forreign and inconvenient. In fine, b 1.49 having with the brightest rayes of Piety enlightned all mortalls inhabiting within the circumference of the whole Element of the

Earth, even to the utmost bounds of the * 1.50 Con∣tinent, that is, as far as the Outermost Indians, and the Nations inhabiting round on every side; he brought all the Reguli, Ethnarchs, c 1.51 and Sa∣trapae of the Barbarous Nations under a sub∣jection to himself; all which gave him volun∣tary and joyfull Salutes, sent him Embassies and d 1.52 Presents, and put an high value upon his knowledge and friendship. So that, each per∣son within his own Province paid him ho∣nour, partly by Pictures, and partly with Statues publickly dedicated to him: and Con∣stantine, the only person of the Emperours, was known and famous over the whole World. Even as far as these Nations therefore he Pro∣claimed his own God by his Imperial Accla∣mations, with all the freedome and liberty Ima∣ginable.

CHAP. IX. That [he was] the Son of a Pious Emperour, and left his Empire to his Sons who were Emperours.

NOr a 1.53 performed he this by words only, and was * 1.54 disappointed in the thing it self: but, proceeding on in all manner of Virtue, he † 1.55 abounded with the va∣rious fruits of Piety; ‖ 1.56 oblieging his Friends with Magnificent Benefacti∣ons; Governing by the Laws of Clemency; and making his Empire easie and desirable to all his Subjects. Till at length, af∣ter long periods of years, that God whom he worship∣ped, Crowned him (when wearied out by various Con∣flicts and Exercises,) with the Divine Rewards of an Immortality, and from a mortall Kingdome translated him to an end∣less life, which he hath treasured up with himself for holy Souls; after * 1.57 he had raised him up † 1.58 three children, who might succeed him in his Empire. In this manner therefore, the ‖ 1.59 Im∣periall Dignity descended to him from his Fa∣ther; and by the Law of Nature is reserved for his Children, and for their descendants; and, like some paternall Inheritance, shall hence∣forward be forever propagated and prolonged. And indeed God himself, who hath exalted this most blessed Emperour (as yet * 1.60 conver∣sant amongst us,) to divine Honours, and hath adorned his Death with singular advantages [proceeding] from himself, can only be a fit Writer of his Life; in regard he has b 1.61 Re∣corded his Glorious Actions and Conflicts on Celestiall Tables and Monuments.

CHAP. X. That this History is necessary, and advantagious to the Souls and Mindes [of Men.]

BUt, though I am convinc't of the difficulty of saying any thing * 1.62 befitting the Bles∣sedness of so great a Person, and, that to be silent is safe and without danger: nevertheless [I count it] necessary to consecrate to eternall Memory the Portraicture of a most pious [Em∣perour,] drawn [in the Colours of] words, in imitation of † 1.63 mortall Paint; to the end I may a 1.64 clear my self of the imputation of sloth and negligence. For, b 1.65 I should be ashamed of my self, should I not confer the utmost of my abilities, though they are slender and mean, on him who with a transcendency of piety honoured God. Further, 'tis my Sentiment, that this work will prove both advantagious to the life of man, and necessary to my self also; wherein are contained the Actions of a Great-minded Emperour, which are highly acceptable to God the Supream King. For, how can it be other∣wise than disgracefull, that the Memory of a Nero, and of some other Impious and Atheisti∣call Tyrants far worse than he, should not have wanted indefatigable Writers, who have adorned their Subjects, which were ill Actions, with a politeness and elegancy of Style, and made them up into voluminous Histories: but, that we should be silent, for whom God himself hath vouch∣safed to procure such an Emperour as no c 1.66 Age hath seen, and to whom he has allowed a liberty of coming into his presence, to His knowledge, and converse?

CHAP. XI. That he will at present relate only the Pious Actions of Constantine.

a 1.67 WHerefore, * 1.68 'tis certainly incumbent on us, rather than on any other per∣son, to give a full Narrative of all the good things we have heard, to those whose minds, by an example of good works, are raised to a Love and de∣sire of God. Now, b 1.69 those Authors (who have put in∣to writing the lives of men in no wise grave and sober, and [have Recorded] Af∣fairs wholly unusefull for the improvement of manners, ei∣ther out of favour or hatred to some persons, or else to make a show of their own Learning;) † 1.70 with a magnifick furni∣ture of words have, otherwise than was fit∣ting,

enlarged the Relations of most reproach∣full Villanies, and thereby have rendred themselves the Teachers of vile Actions, and such as deserved to be buried in perpetuall ob∣livion and darkness, to those who by Gods fa∣vour and impulse have had no hand in mischief. But, our Style, though it is weak and altoge∣ther unfit * 1.71 for the greatness and significancy of what we are to set forth, seems nevertheless to be polish't and illustrated even by the bare c 1.72 Relation of good Actions. Nor, is the commemora∣tion of Works acceptable to God, unusefull, but it affords a very advantagious * 1.73 Lesson to those who shall have a mind rightly fitted and prepared. [Not to men∣tion] therefore very many of this Thrice blessed per∣son's d 1.74 Imperiall Actions, his Battells and Military En∣gagements, his deeds of Va∣lour, Victories, and Tro∣phies [raised] against his Enemies, and what ever Tri∣umphs he Lead; moreover, the Constitutions made by him, conducive to the uti∣lity of every person; the Laws also he composed for the profit and ad∣vantage † 1.75 of his Subjects and the Government; in fine, many other of his Labours and Imperial Conflicts, which are kept in memory by all persons; [all these particulars, I say] I think fit to omit; in re∣gard the Scope and De∣sign of the Work under my hand admonishes me to declare and write those matters only which bear a reference to a Pious and Blessed course of life. Further, where∣as even these particulars are almost infinite, out of those matters which have come to my know∣ledge I will choose such passages only as are most sutable and seasonable, and worthiest of being consigned to the Memory of Posterity, and will give a Narrative of them with all possible bre∣vity. In regard the time it self doth hencefor∣ward allow us this Liberty, that we may extoll this Thrice-blessed Emperour with all manner of Commendatory Expressions. For, a power of doing this was not permitted before now, because it has been advised, that e 1.76 we should not pronounce any person blessed before his Death, by reason of the uncertain Turns and Changes of Life. Wherefore, I call God to be my Assistant, and his Celestiall Word to co∣operate with, and inspire me: and, [taking my beginning] from this Emperour's tender years, I will enter upon my Relation in this manner.

CHAP. XII. That Constantine, like Moses, was educated in the Houses of Tyrants.

a 1.77 ANcient History relates, that a Cruell Brood of Tyrants did heretofore op∣press the people of the Hebrews: but, that God, shewing himself propitious to the oppressed, made pro∣vision, that the Prophet Mo∣ses, who at that time was but an infant, should be edu∣cated in the very Houses and Bosomes of the Tyrants, and should be instructed in all the wisdom amongst them. But afterwards, when in process of time he arrived at Man's Estate, and Divine Justice, the usuall Defender of the injured, had taken a resolution to pro∣secute the Oppressours: then this Prophet of God departed out of the Tyrants Houses, and exhibited himself a Minister of the Divine Will. He † 1.78 abominated, as well in reality as words, the Tyrants by whom he had been educated: but those, who in very deed were his own Brethren and Relatives, he declared to be his Friends and Familiars. After this, God constituted him the Leader of that whole Nation, and freed the He∣brews indeed from that Servitude [they were opprest with] by their Enemies; but by his means was revenged on that Tyrannick Brood, by inflicting on them punishments sent from Heaven. This Ancient Story [I say,] which hath been delivered to many persons under the notion of a Fable, has filled the ears of all Mortalls. But now, the same God, who is also our God, hath granted us a power of viewing with our own eyes such Miracles as far surpass all Fables; which manner of Sight is accounted by those who of late have beheld i••, to be truer than all sorts of Report or Hear-say. For the Ty∣rants in our Age, resolving upon waging a War against the supream God, have sorely oppressed his Church. But Constantine, a person that not long after became the Tyrant▪slayer, whilst he was a child, youthfull, and beautified with the Juvenile Down upon his Chin, was in the midst of them, like that Servant of God [Moses,] and made his Residence within the very Houses of the Tyrants. Nevertheless, though very young, he communicated not with the im∣pious in the same Moralls and way of living. For, b 1.79 at that very Age, a good disposition [improved] by the Divine Spirit, incited him to a Life that was pious and highly acceptable to God. Moreover, a studious Emulation of his Father added strength thereto, and invited the Son to an imitation of Virtues and good Actions. For, he had for his Father Constantius, (whose Memory 'tis fit we should at this op∣portunity give a Resurrection to,) the Noblest of the Emperours in our Age. c 1.80 Concerning whom 'tis necessary to relate some passages briefly, which bear a reference to the commen∣dation of his Son.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning his Father Constantius, who refused to persecute the Christians, in such manner as Diocletianus, Maximianus, and Maxentius did.

* 1.81 WHilst the Roman Empire was Go∣verned by Four Augusti, † 1.82 He was the only person who embraced a course of Life different from his Colleagues, and entred into a friendship with the supream God. For they, by a Siege as 'twere, ruined the Churches of God, and demolished them to the ground, and ut∣terly destroyed the Oratories to their very foun∣dations. But he kept his hands undefiled and clean from their nefarious impiety, nor would he in any wise render himself like to them. They defiled the Provinces Subject to them with the intestine Murders of men and women who were worshippers of God. He preserved his own mind from being polluted with a 1.83 such detesta∣ble wickedness. They, by a confusion of the mischiefs of a b 1.84 detestable Idolatry, in the first place enslaved themselves, and then all their Sub∣jects, in the frauds and errours of most impious Daemons. He being the Authour and Preserver of a most profound Peace * 1.85 within the Limits of his own Empire, per∣mitted his Subjects to prosecute their Worship and Service to God without any the least trouble or molestation. [Lastly,] they imposed the heaviest sorts of exactions up∣on all men, and thereby made Life comfortless to them, and far more unpleasant than [any sort of] Death. But Constantius was the only person, who rendred his Government inoffensive, calm, and easie to his Subjects, and gave them an assistance from himself in nothing inferiour to a paternall care and sollicitude. Further, be∣cause innumerable other Virtues of this per∣son are celebrated amongst all men, I will on∣ly commemorate one or two of his brave Actions, from which a conjecture may be made of those that are left unmentioned, and so pass to the proposed scope and design of my Wri∣ting.

CHAP. XIV. How Constantius Father [to Constantine] be∣ing reproach'•• with poverty by Diocletian, fil∣led his Treasuries, and afterwards restored the money to [the owners thereof] who had brought it in.

WHen a great Report was spread abroad concerning this Emperour, that he was mild and calm, that he was a most excellent per∣sonage, that he was a superlative lover of God, and that, by reason of his transcendent clemency and indulgence towards his Subjects, he had hoarded up no money in his Treasuries: that * 1.86 Emperour who then filled the highest Station in the Empire, sent to him, and blamed his negligence in managing the publick affairs: and he reproach't him with poverty, alleadging this as an argument in confirmation of what he said, that he was possest of nothing laid up in his Treasuries. But Constantius entrea∣ted those persons who came to him from the Emperour, to stay some little time with him; then he call'd together those men that were possest of the greatest quantity of riches, who lived within all those Provinces under his Empire▪ and signified to them, that he wanted money, and that this was a fit opportunity wherein every one of them ought voluntarily to give a demonstration of their kindness and benevolence towards their Emperour. When they heard that, a 1.87 as if they had long since made this their desire, that an occasion might be offered them of shewing him their readiness of affection, ['tis said,] that with all imaginable haste and dili∣gence they filled his Treasuries with Gold, Sil∣ver, and other Riches; contending earnestly amongst themselves, that in giving they might out-vie one another: and this they performed with countenances full of joy and pleasantness. When this was done, Constantius gave order, that those persons sent from the b 1.88 Senior Augustus should be Eye-witnesses of his Treasures. Then c 1.89 he commanded them [at their return] to give attestation to what they had seen; [and added,] that at present he had drawn toge∣ther this Treasure and taken it into his own custody; but, that it had long before been kept for him by the owners of the money, deposited as 'twere with such d 1.90 Guards as are usually appointed to have the custody of Treasure. The Messengers were surprized with the strangeness of this thing: but Report says, that the most Benign Emperour, after their departure, sent for the owners of the money; and having high∣ly commended them for their obedience and good affection towards him, ordered them to take back all their money, and return home. This is one Act of the forementioned Emperour's,

which gives a demonstration of his Humanity and good Nature. This other Action of his [which followes,] contains an evident Testi∣mony of e 1.91 his piety towards God.

CHAP. XV. Concerning the Persecution [raised] by the other [Emperours.]

BY the Command of the Emperours, the Governours of Provinces in all places per∣secuted the worshippers of God. And such as were the first of all the pious Martyrs, came out of the very Imperial Pallaces them∣selves, underwent Conflicts in defence of their Religion, and with all imaginable alacrity en∣dured Fire, Sword, the Depths of the Sea, and all sorts of death whatever. In so much that, within a very short space of time, the a 1.92 Im∣perial Pallaces in all places were emptied of God's Worshippers. From whence chiefly it came to pass, that the Authours of this wickedness remained deprived of the divine inspection and as∣sistance. For whilst they persecuted the Worship∣pers of God, by the same means they banished those supplications usually put up for themselves.

CHAP. XVI. How Constantius Father [to Constantine,] pre∣tending himself a worshipper of Idolls, turned out those who were willing to offer Sacrifice; but retained within his own Pallace such as chose to profess themselves Christians.

* 1.93 ONly Constantius entred upon a a 1.94 Prudent and Pious Course. And the thing he performed was wonderfull to be heard, but much more admirable as to its performance. For, having given all the b 1.95 Palatines that be∣longed to his Court, even as far as the Judges that were invested with the supreamest powers, a free Liberty of Choice; he proposed this Con∣dition to them, that if they would Sacrifice to Daemons, they might stay at Court with him, and enjoy their usuall Places and Honours; but if they would not do that, they should be excluded from accesse to him, thrust out, and re∣moved from his knowledge and familiarity. Af∣ter [His Courtiers] therefore had been here∣upon divided into two parties, and some had betaken themselves to this, others to that side, and the Sentiment and purpose of every one of them was laid open: then this admirable Prince discovered his own design, which hitherto he had concealed, and condemned their timiditie and self-love: and to these he gave a kind Re∣ception, on account of their Conscience devo∣ted to God: but then he pronounced those, in regard they were betrayers of God, to be un∣worthy of their Prince's favour. c 1.96 For how [said he] will it be possible they should pre∣serve a fidelity towards their Emperour, who have been detected of perfidiousness towards God? Wherefore he made an Establishment by a Law, that such persons should be removed far from the Imperial Houses. But he decla∣red openly, that those men who by the Testi∣mony of Truth it self were manifested to be * 1.97 acceptable to God, would render themselves like-minded to∣wards their Emperour, and therefore he made them the Protectours of his Body, and the Guards of his Empire: and affirmed, that such persons as these ought to be made use of and accounted d 1.98 as the chiefest and nearest of friends, and most intimate Relatives; and, that they were far more highly to be esteemed, than hoards of the most valuable Riches and Treasures.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning the same [Constantius's] Love and affection towards Christ.

a 1.99 WHat manner of person the Father of Constantine is recorded to have been, we have in short manifested. Now, what a Con∣clusion of Life befell him, who had demonstrated him∣self such a person towards God, and how great a dif∣ference was shown between him and his Colleagues in the Empire, by that God whom he honoured, any one will easily discern, who with attention shall apply his mind to con∣sider † 1.100 the thing it self. For, after he had for a long time given illustrious and approved in∣stances of his Royall Virtue, by [avowing] b 1.101 one only supream God, and by condemning * 1.102 their Impiety who pay a wor∣ship to more Gods than one, and had on all sides fortified

his own house with the prayers of holy men; c 1.103 he compleated the remainder of his Life with∣out any thing of Trouble or disquietude: being made Master of that d 1.104 Felicity, which, as 'tis said, consists in this, neither to be molested by others, nor to give others trouble. After this manner therefore [he rendred] the whole time of his Reign even, undisturbed, and pacate; and con∣secrated his whole Family, his wife namely, and children, and all his servants, to one God the supream King. In so much that, that Com∣pany which conversed together within the walls of his Pallace, differed in nothing from a Church of God. Amongst whom were Ministers of God also, who performed uninterrupted Acts of worship to the Deity, in behalf of the Em∣perour's safety; e 1.105 when as commonly amongst the rest, not so much as the bare name of those sort of men that were Religious, was permitted to be mentioned.

CHAP. XVIII. That after the Resignation of Diocletian and Maximian, Constantius was the first Au∣gustus, and was adorned with a Numerous Issue.

FUrther, in recompense of these things, a re∣ward from God attended him not long af∣ter; in so much that he obtained the first and chiefest place of the * 1.106 Empire. For those † 1.107 Au∣gusti who were His Seniours, by what means I know not, divested themselves of their Impe∣rial Dignity: which sudden Change befell them a 1.108 on the first year after the * 1.109 demo∣lishment of the Churches; from whence forward, only Constantius was declared the first and † 1.110 Chiefest Augustus. Who at first was ador∣ned with the Diadem of the Caesars [together with * 1.111 Galerius,] and had obtained precedency: but after [he had given] an Egregious † 1.112 Spe∣cimen of his own worth in that digni••y of Cae∣sar, he was invested with the highest honour amongst the Romans, and was styled the First Augustus of those b 1.113 Four afterwards proclaimed. Moreover, he was the only person that excelled all the other Emperours in a numerous issue, being surrounded with a great Quire of Chil∣dren, as well Males as Females▪ Lastly, after he had attained to a mature old Age, and, being ready to pay * 1.114 the Common debt of Nature, was at the point of ma∣king his departure out of this life: then did God again demonstrate himself to him the performer of wonderfull Works, and by his providence took care, that Constantine the eldest of his Sons should be present with him at his Death, in order to his taking possession of the Em∣pire.

CHAP. XIX. Concerning his Son Constantine, who when a young man, came into Palestine together with Dio∣cletian.

FOr he convers't with the Emperours [who were his Father's] Colleagues; and made his Residence amongst them, agreeable to that ancient Prophet of the Lord Moses, as we have already said. a 1.115 And ha∣ving newly past over his years of childhood, and ar∣rived at those of his youth, he was vouchsafed the highest honour and esteem amongst the foresaid Emperours. At which Age of his we Our Selves saw him, when he past through the Province of Pa∣lestine, in Company with the Senior Augustus. At whose right hand he stood, and appeared a most excellent and glorious person to those who were desirous of seeing him, and such a one as even then gave indications of an Imperial height of mind. For, as to the beautifull shape of his body, and his tallness of Stature, there was no other person that might be compared to him. Moreover, he so far excelled his equalls in strength and courage, that he was a ter∣rour to them. But he was far more illu∣strious and eminent for the Virtues of his mind, than for his bodily endowments and ac∣complishments. And in the first place he beautified his mind with modesty; after that, with Polite Literature; and as well an innate prudence, as a wisdome infused from above, b 1.116 adorned him in a most transcendent man∣ner.

CHAP. XX. The departure of Constantine to his Father, be∣cause of Diocletian's treacherous designes [a∣gainst him.]

FUrther, when the then Emperours perceived, that the Young man was Couragious, strong, and Great, and * 1.117 endewed with an height and vigour of mind, they were woun∣ded with a 1.118 fear and envy. They watch't there∣fore in expectation of a fit opportunity, where∣in, agreeable to their desire, they might involve him in ignominy and disgrace. Which the young man being sensible of, (for the treacherous designes which had been once and twice framed against him, by the consent and appointment of God were discovered;) He opened away to his own safety by flying; and herein likewise he * 1.119 imitated the great Prophet Moses. Further, God gave him his assistance in all things, and by his Divine provi∣dence disposed affairs in such a man∣ner, that he should be present with his Father, b 1.120 in order to his succeeding him [in the Em∣pire.]

CHAP. XXI. The Death of Constantius, who left his Son Constantine Emperour.

WHen therefore he had avoided these * 1.121 Treacherous contrivances, he made all imaginable hast to his Father, into whose presence he came, after a long space of time. At that instant of his arrivall, his Father was at the very point of dying. When therefore Constantius beheld his Son present with him, whom he did not in the least expect, he leapt from his Bed, and cast his arms about him; and affirming that that only Grief which trou∣bled him now ready to conclude his life, to wit, the absence of his Son, was wholly re∣moved out of his mind, he put up a prayer of thanks to God; and said, that now he ac∣counted Death to be better for him than Im∣mortality. Further, when he had disposed of his affairs in a manner agreeable to his own mind, and a 1.122 had taken leave of his Sons and Daugh∣ters, who like a Quire surrounded him on every side: He ended his life in his Pallace, lying on his Royall Bed, after he had surrendred the * 1.123 Administration of his Empire, agreeable to the Law of Nature, into the hands of b 1.124 his eldest Son.

CHAP. XXII. How * 1.125 after the Death of Constantius, the Army † 1.126 saluted Constantine Augustus.

NOr did the State continue deprived of an Emperour. But Constantine was adorned with his Fathers Purple; and proceeding forth of his Father's * 1.127 House, gave all men a de∣monstration, that, by a resurrection as 'twere, the Father continued as yet to Reign in him his Son. Then he lead out his Father's Funerall, accompanied with the Friends of his Father a 1.128, some of whom went before, others followed; and with all the splendour imaginable celebrated the Obsequies of that Pious Prince. All per∣sons honoured the Thrice-blessed Emperour with Acclamations and Praises, and agreed in an una∣nimous consent, that the succession of the Son in the Empire was a Resurrection of the dead Father. And forthwith, even at the first word, they * 1.129 Saluted the young Prince Em∣perour and Augustus, with fortunate Acclamations. Which expressions ut∣tered in praise of the Son, were an ornament indeed to the dead Emperour; but they loudly proclaimed the Son Blessed, who was declared the Successour to so great a Father. Moreover, all the Provinces subject to his Empire, were filled with gladness and a joy that was inexpressible, because they had not, during the smallest mo∣ment of time, been deprived of the assistance of an Imperiall † 1.130 Providence and in∣spection. Thus in the Emperour Con∣stantius, God gave a demonstration to all persons of our Age, that such as this is the conclusion of a Pious and Religious life and conversation.

CHAP. XXIII. A brief Rehearsall of the Death of the Tyrants.

BUt what the * 1.131 Exits of those other persons were, who by an open War as 'twere made attacks against the Churches of God, I judge in no wise fit to insert into this present Nar∣rative, nor to defile the Memories of the Good by † 1.132 annexing a mention of the mischievous. In∣deed, the ‖ 1.133 matters themselves are sufficient to repress and keep within the bounds of duty those persons, who by their own eyes and ears have received an account of that [whole Scene of Calamities] which befell each of them.

CHAP. XXIV. That Constantine obtained the Empire by the will of God.

IN this manner, the supream God himself, who is the Governour of the whole World, * 1.134 by his own arbitrement designed and constitu∣ted Constantine, begotten of such a Father, Prince and Emperour: in so much that, whereas the rest [of the Emperours] obtained this ho∣nour by the approbation and votes of others, he was the only person, of whose a 1.135 promotion no Mortall might boast.

CHAP. XXV. The Victories of Constantine over the Barbarians and Britanni.

WHen therefore he was firmly setled in the Empire, in the first place he be∣gan to make provision * 1.136 for those parts of the Empire which had been transferred to him from his Father, and with much humanity and ten∣derness a 1.137 visited all those Provinces that had heretofore been under his Father's Administra∣tion. And, having reduced all those barbarous Nations, (whose habitations were about the River Rhine and the Western Ocean, who had taken the boldness to raise Commotions,) to an obedience to his own Government; from being intractable, he brought them over to a mild and more civilized Temper. But he was satisfied in repressing others, whom like Sa∣vage Beasts he frighted from the confines of his Empire; to wit, those whose minds he perceived were incurable, and despaired of bringing them to a peaceable and quiet course of life. When b 1.138 these things had been per∣formed according to his own mind, he set before his eyes the other parts of the world; then he made a c 1.139 Voyage over to the Brittish Nations, situate within the Ocean it self. Whom when he had subdued, he lookt towards other parts of the world, that he might apply re∣medies to those [Nations] who wanted his assistance.

CHAP. XXVI. How he took a Resolution of freeing Rome [from the Tyranny] of Maxentius.

AFter this he took into his consideration the whole * 1.140 world, as twere some vast Body; and perceiving that the Head of the whole Earth, the † 1.141 Chief City of the Roman Empire, was oppressed with a Tyrannick ser∣vitude; in the first place he gave place to a 1.142 them to free it, who had obtained the other portions of the Roman Empire; in regard they were his Seniours in time. Now, when none of them could give it assistance; but those who had resolved upon making tryall, b 1.143 had peri∣shed by an ignominious death; he profest his Life would be uncomfortable, if he should neg∣lect the Imperial City when so sorely afflicted, and therefore made preparations to suppress the Tyranny.

CHAP. XXVII. That [Constantine] weighing in his mind the deaths of those who had worshipped Idols, chose rather the [profession of] Christi∣anity.

BUt having well considered with himself, that he wanted some better assistance than his Military Forces, because of the evill Arts and Magick Impostures studiously followed by the Tyrant; he sought for a God to be his As∣sistant; and accounted his furniture of Arms

and Military Companies † 1.144 as secondary helps on∣ly; but [perswaded himself,] that the assistance of a Deity was invincible and inexpugnable. He began therefore to consider with himself, what God he should take to be his assistant. Which whilst he sollicitously inquired into, * 1.145 these thoughts arose in his mind: that of those many who had arrived at the Empire before him, they that had placed their hopes in a multitude of Gods, and had worshipped them a 1.146 with Sacrifices and consecrated Gifts; at first had been deluded by Prophecies made to please and flatter them, and by Oracles which promised them all things that were prosperous and fortunate; but had at length found an unlucky and disastrous end: nor was any of their Gods ready at hand with them, to † 1.147 free them from that destruction inflicted on them by Heaven. That his Father was the only person, who had taken a course contrary [to those former Emperours;] and had con∣demned their errour; who throughout his whole life had heretofore worshipped one su∣pream God, whom he had found to be the Sa∣viour and Keeper of his Empire, and the Be∣stower of all good. When he had weighed these things with himself, and well considered, that those who had put their confidence in a multitude of Gods, had likewise faln into a multitude of destructions; in so much that, not the least footstep either of their Stock, * 1.148 Issue, † 1.149 Kindred, Name, or Memory was left remaining amongst men: but [on the contrary,] that the God of his Father had given many and those effectuall demonstrations of his own power to his Father. And when he had further con∣sidered, that those who before had lead out their forces against the Tyrant, because they had made their Expedition with a multitude of Gods, had undergone a disgracefull end. For the one of them had retreated ignominiously with all his Forces, without effecting any thing. And the other was killed in the midst of his Army, and so became b 1.150 a cheap and easie sacrifice of death. Ha∣ving, I say, mustered up all these thoughts within his own mind, and considered them well, he judged it the highest pitch of † 1.151 madness to trifle about [the worship of] those Gods which are nothing, and, after so clear a conviction, still to run on in blind errour: but his Sentiment was, that he ought only to wor∣ship the God of his Father.

CHAP. XXVIII. That whilst he was praying to God, He shewed him a Vision; to wit, a Cross of Light in the * 1.152 Heavens, (it being then mid-day,) and an Inscription thereon, which admonished him, that by That he should Conquer.

HE called upon this God therefore in his prayers, entreating and beseeching him, that, who ever he was, he would manifest him∣self to him, and reach out his right hand [to his assistance] in his present affairs. Whilst the Emperour was putting up these Prayers and earnest Supplications, a most wonderfull sign sent from God appeared. Which [sign,] had any other person given a Relation of it, would not easily have been a 1.153 received as true. But since the † 1.154 Victorious Emperour himself told it to us who write this History, a long while after, namely at such time as we were vouchsafed his knowledge and converse; and con∣firmed* 1.155 his Relation with an ‖ oath; who will hereafter doubt of giving credit to his Narrative? Espe∣cially, when the succeeding * 1.156 Times gave an evident attestation to this Relation. b 1.157 About the Meridian hours of the Sun when the day was declining, he said he saw with his own eyes the Trophy of the Cross in the † 1.158 heavens, placed over the Sun, made up of Light, and an Inscription annexed to it containing these words, BY THIS CONQUER. And, that at the sight thereof, an amazement seized both him, and all his Military Forces, which followed him as he was making a Journey some whither, and were spectatours of the Miracle.

CHAP. XXIX. That God's Christ appeared to him in his sleep, and ordered him to make use of a Stan∣dard made in the form of a Cross, in his Wars.

MOreover, he began to doubt with himself, as he said, what the meaning of this Apparition should be. But whilst he was re∣volving it in his mind, and very intent in his thoughts upon it, on a sudden night came on. At which time [as he said,] the Christ of God appeared to him when asleep, with that sign which had been shown him in the Heavens; and ordered him to get a Standard made in imitation of that he had seen in the heaven, which he should use as a salutary defence in his En∣gagements with his Enemies.

CHAP. XXX. The making of that Standard framed in the fa∣shion of a Cross.

AS soon as it was day he arose, and de∣clared the whole secret to his friends. Then he called together the Workers in Gold and pretious Stones, in the midst of whom he himself sate, and by discourse gave them a description of that * 1.159 Standard, and orde∣red them to express its likeness in Gold and pretious Stones. Which [Standard] we our selves also a 1.160 hapned sometime to have a sight of.

CHAP. XXXI. A description of the Standard made in fushion of a Cross, which the Romans do now term The Labarum.

IT was made in this form. A very long Spear overlaid with Gold, a 1.161 had a piece like a Sail-yard laid overthwart it, framed in fa∣shion of a Cross. Above, on the very top of the Spear, was sixt a Crown, made up of pretious Stones and Gold. In this Crown was the Sym∣boll of the Salutary Appellation, to wit, two Letters representing the name of Christ, [which they] denoted by the first Characters, the let∣ter Rho being cut thorow in its middle part. Which two letters the Emperour was wont to wear in his Helmet, though [he embraced that usage] in the times which succeeded these mat∣ters. Further, from the Cross-piece fixed athwart the Spear, was hung a kind of a * 1.162 Flag, to wit, a purple cloth, covered with a variety of pretious Stones joyned one with another, which dazled mens eyes with the Rays of their Light; and being b 1.163 interwoven with much Gold, presented those that viewed it with an inexpressible kind of Beauty. This Flag, hung at the Cross-piece, c 1.164 had a length ex∣actly equall to its breadth. But, the upright Staff of the Spear, d 1.165 from its Lowest part was extended to a very great length, and in its upper part, under the Trophy of the Cross, at the very top of the e 1.166 Flag embroidered with a variety of colours, it bore a Golden Picture of the Pious Emperour, as far as his breast, and [a representation] likewise of his children. This salutary Standard the Empe∣rour always made use of as a defence against the opposed Forces of all Enemies whatever; and he gave order, that other Standards made like to this, should be carried at the head of all his Armies.

CHAP. XXXII. That Constantine becoming a Catechumen, read the Sacred Scriptures.

BUt these things [were done] a little af∣terwards. But being then amazed at that wonderfull Vision, after he had taken a reso∣lution of worshipping a 1.167 no other God but him whom he had seen, he sent for b 1.168 those per∣sons that were skilled in the Mysteries of His Doctrine; and enquired of them what that God was, and * 1.169 what the Vision of that Sign meant.

They affirmed that he was God, the only begot∣ten Son of the one and only God: but that that sign which had been shown him, was the Symboll of immortality, and the Trophy of that Victory, which he, when heretofore conversant on the earth, had obtained over death. They like∣wise taught him the causes of his Advent, and expounded to him the accurate account of his c 1.170 Incarnation. He gave them attention, being desirous of information in those matters. But he was taken up with an admiration of that ap∣pearance of God which had been exhibited to his sight. And when he had compared that Ce∣lestial Vision with the interpretation given of it by the discourses of the Bishops, he was strengthened in mind; and became fully per∣swaded, that the knowledge of these matters was delivered to him by the ministration of God himself. From thence forward he resolved to apply himself to the reading of the Divine Books; and having made those Prelates of God his Assessours, was of opinion, that that God whom he had seen, was to be worshipped with all imaginable observancy. After this, being fortified with good hopes placed in Him, he undertook to extinguish * 1.171 the fire of Tyran∣nick fury.

CHAP. XXXIII. Concerning the adulteries committed by Maxen∣tius at Rome.

FOr he who by Tyranny had possest himself of the Imperial City, was arrived at that height of impiety and wickedness, that no audacious fact, no filthy and impure practises were omitted by him. a 1.172 For he parted the Wives, from their Husbands, to whom they had been legally married; and having debauch't them, in a most dishonourable manner sent them back to their Husbands. Nor did he in this wise insult over and abuse obscure persons, and those of mean quality, but even such as filled the emi∣nentest places in the Roman Senate. But al∣though he vitiated almost infinite numbers of free women in a most shamefull manner, yet could he in no wise satiate the immoderate and intemperate [Lust of] his own mind. But, after he began [to sollicite] Christian wo∣men, b 1.173 He could by no arts of his own bring it about, [that he might enjoy their Embraces.] For they chose sooner to expose their lives c 1.174 to death, than suffer their Bodies to be vi∣tiated by him.

CHAP. XXXIV. How the Praefect's Wife, that she might pre∣serve her chastity, laid violent hands on her selfe.

ONe of these women, wise to a personage of the Senatorian Order in that City, who bore the Praefecture, when she understood that those [Guards,] which the Tyrant made use of as his Ministers in such wickednesses, were standing before her house, (this woman was a Christian;) and knew, that her Husband, out of fear, had given them order to take her, and carry her away [to the Tyrant;] having requested that a short space of time might be allowed her, wherein she might adorn her body in her usuall dress, she went in to her Chamber. And being left alone, she sheathed a Sword in her own Breast. And expiring immediately here∣upon, she left her dead Body indeed to those that came to conduct her [to the Tyrant.] But, by this act of her's, which resounds far more than any voice, she has manifested to all men that now are and shall be in future Ages, that Chastity [a Virtue] so famous amongst Christians, is the only thing that is invincible, and which cannot be destroyed. Thus this wo∣man behaved her self.

CHAP. XXXV. The Slaughter of the People of Rome by Maxen∣tius.

ALL persons therefore, both the Com∣monalty and the Magistracy, as well the Honourable as the Obscure, stood in great fear of him, [when they beheld] him audaciously perpetrating such impieties as these; and were sorely afflicted with his intollerable Tyranny. And although they were quiet, and patiently bore the austere servitude [they were op∣prest with;] yet none could so avoid the Bloudy Cruelty of the Tyrant. For, one time, upon a very trivial pretence, he exposed the peo∣ple of Rome to the slaughter of his own Guards. And so, innumerable multitudes of the Roman peo∣ple (not Scythians, nor Barbarians, but his own Citizens,) were killed with Spears and all man∣ner of Weapons, in the midst of the City. More∣over, 'tis impossible to enumerate how many slaughters were committed of those that were Se∣natours, to the end a seizure might be made of each persons Estate; infinite numbers of them being put to death at severall times, for various Crimes framed [against them.]

CHAP. XXXVI. Maxentius's Magick Arts against Constantine; and the scarcity of Provisions at Rome.

AT length, as the Complement of his im∣pieties, the Tyrant proceeded to [exer∣cise] the delusions of Magick Art: sometimes ripping up women great with child; other∣whiles searching into the Bowells of new-born infants: He also † 1.175 killed Lyons, and performed some other Horrid Rites, to call forth the Dae∣mons, and repell the approaching War. For he hoped, that by these performances he should obtain Victory. Whilst he Tyrannized there∣fore in this manner at Rome, 'tis impossible to relate what mischievous facts he perpetrated, and [how miserably] he enslaved his Sub∣jects: in so much that, they were reduced to such extream penury and want of necessary sustenance, * 1.176 as ('tis recorded by those of our times,) never hapned at Rome, nor any where else.

CHAP. XXXVII. The overthrow of Maxentius's Armies in Italy.

BUt Constantine, moved with compassion at all these [calamities of the Romans,] fur∣nished himself with all manner of military pro∣visions against the Tyranny. And when he had procured the supream God to be his Patron, and invoaked His [Son] Christ to be his Saviour and Assistant; and had set up the Vi∣ctorious Trophy, to wit, the salutary Standard, before his Souldiers and Guards, he began his march with his whole Army, that by his in∣tervention he might restore to the Romans the Liberties they had received from their An∣cestours. Now Maxentius, confiding more in his Magick * 1.177 Impostures, than in the Love and Affection of his Subjects, durst not so much as stir out of the City Gates; but with a multi∣tude of Souldiers, and with innumerable Bodies of men laid in Ambushes, had fortified every place, Region, and City, which were under the pressures of his Tyranny. But the Emperour [Constantine] depended upon Divine assistance, and having attacked the Tyrant's first, second, and third Body, and with ease routed them all at the very first charge, he opened himself a passage into the greatest part of the Country of Italy.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Maxentius's Death on the Bridge of the River Tiber.

ANd he had now made his approaches very near to Rome it self. But least he should be constrained to assault all the Romans for the Tyrant's sake only, God himself drew the Tyrant (as it were with Cords) a great way out of the Gates: and effectually confirmed the truth of those Miracles (a 1.178 Recorded in the ever∣lasting Monuments of the Sacred Scriptures, which though they are accounted fabulous by many persons, and are not credited, are never∣theless believed by the Faithfull;) he had wrought in times past against the wicked, to all in generall, Believers as well as Infidells, who with their own eyes saw this Mi∣racle we are about to re∣late. For, as heretofore in the days of Moses and the old religious Nation of the Jews, God cast the Chariots of Pharaoh and his Army into the Sea, and drowned his Chosen Captaines in the Red-Sea: after the same man∣ner Maxentius with the Souldiers and Guards that were about him, were cast into the deep like a stone; at such time as, having been put to flight by that Divine power which gave assistance to Constantine's Arms, he would have past the River that was in the way before him. Over which he having laid a Bridge of boats well fast∣ned together, had thereby framed an Engin of destruction against himself, being in hopes that the [Emperour] beloved by God might have been caught in this snare: but the God whom he worshipped was present with, and gave him his assistance. But the wretched Maxentius, b 1.179 deprived of his aid, fra∣med these secret machines against himself. On which account these words may be pertinently spoken of him; wherefore, * 1.180 He he hath graven and digged up a pit, and is fallen himself into the destruction that he hath made. His travell shall come upon his own head, and his wickedness shall fall on his own pate. Thus therefore, by God's assent, the Machines framed upon the Bridge of Boats, and the Ambus∣cade placed in them [being disjoyned] at a time in no wise expected, the passage began to sink, and the Boats together with the men in them descended on a sudden to the bottom [of the River.] And in the first place the Wretch Himself, then the Protectors and Guards that were about him, as the Divine Oracles have predicted, sank down like Lead into the deep waters. So that [Constantine's Souldiers] who by Divine assistance then obtained the Victory, in such sort as the Israelites heretofore did who were lead by that eminent servant of the Lord Moses, might deservedly have sung and repeated (though not in words exactly the same, yet in reality) [some of] those expressions which they heretofore did against that impious Tyrant [Pharaoh,] in this manner: * 1.181 We will sing unto the Lord, for he hath been magnificently glorified. The Horse and his Rider hath he thrown into the Sea. [My] helper and defender is become my salvation. And again, who is like unto thee, O Lord, amongst the Gods? Thou hast been glori∣fied in the Saints, admirable in glories, doing wonders.

CHAP. XXXIX. Constantine's Entry into Rome.

AFter Constantine, who at that time imitated that Great servant of God Moses, had in reality sung these and other such like Hymns as these, in praise of God the Governour of all things, and the Authour of Victory; he made his entry into the Imperial City in Tri∣umph. And immediately all persons, as well those of the Senatorian as them of the Equestrian Order in that City, being freed from the con∣finement of a Prison as 'twere, together with the whole Roman Populace, received him with a joy in their * 1.182 Countenances that proceeded from their very Souls, with acclamations and a glad∣ness insatiable. And the men, together with the women, children, and infinite numbers of servants, stiled him a Redeemer, a Saviour, and a Benefactour, with Voices that could not be silenced. But he, possest of a piety towards God naturally implanted in him, was neither swelled with pride at these Shouts, nor elevated at these commendations. But being sensible of that as∣sistance which God had given him, he forthwith rendred a Thanksgiving to the Authour of his Victory.

CHAP. XL. Concerning the Statue of Constantine which held a Cross; and concerning its Inscription.

a 1.183 ANd with a Loud Voice and by Inscriptions He made known to all men the Salutary Standard; by erecting this Great Trophy a∣gainst his Enemies in the midst of the Imperial City, b 1.184 and by plainly Engraving this Salutary Standard, which is the preservative of the Ro∣man Government and of the Empire of the whole world, with indelible Characters. He issued out therefore an immediate order, that an high Spear made in the form of a Cross, should be placed under the hand of his own likeness exprest in a Statue set up in the most publick and frequented place of the City Rome, and that this very inscription in the Latine Tongue should be cut upon it: [thus Englished;]

BY THIS SALUTARY SIGN WHICH IS THE ‖ 1.185 COGNIZANCE OF TRUE VALOUR, I HAVE DELIVERED AND FREED YOUR CITY FROM THE SLAVISH YOAK OF THE TYRANT. AND HAVE SET AT LIBERTY THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF ROME AND RESTORED THEM TO THEIR ANCIENT SPLENDOUR AND DIGNITY.

CHAP. XLI. The rejoycings over the Provinces, and Constan∣tine's Acts of Grace.

THe Pious Emperour having in this manner adorned himself with the Confession of the Victorious Cross, with all imaginable freedom of Speech made known the Son of God to the Romans. And all persons inhabiting the City, as well the Senate as the people, in regard they had been eased of a bitter and Tyrannick Go∣vernment, seemed in their own judgments to enjoy purer Rays of light, and to * 1.186 enter upon a certain new life as 'twere. All those nations also which are bounded with the Western Ocean, freed from those mischiefs wherewith they had been before oppressed, celebrated Festivalls with the greatest cheerfullness, and continued to ap∣plaud [Constantine, and give him the Titles of] Victour, Pious, and The Common Bene∣factour. And with one voice and one mouth, all persons acknowledged he was a Common Good * 1.187 bestowed on men by God's favour and benignity. Moreover, the Emperour's ‖ 1.188 Letters were fixt up in all places, which al∣lowed an enjoyment of their own Estates to those who had had their Goods taken from them, and recalled to their own Houses such as had undergone an unjust Exile. And those per∣sons were freed from Bonds, all manner of dan∣ger, and fear; who by a Tyrannick Cruelty had layn under these sufferings.

CHAP. XLII. The Honours conferred on the Bishops, and the Building of the Churches.

MOreover, the Emperour personally in∣vited God's Ministers to himself, and vouchsafed them the highest a 1.189 Veneration and Honour; to whom he gave a kind and cour∣teous Reception, as well by deeds as words, in regard they were persons consecrated to his God. There were admitted therefore to his own Table, men who as to their out∣ward b 1.190 Garb indeed and Dress seemed de∣spicable, but they were not accounted such by him: For he was not for viewing the out∣side of a man, which is visible to the eyes, c 1.191 but was pleased to look upon God himself.

And these persons he carried a long with him, which way so ever he made a journey; being fully perswaded, that that God whom they wor∣shipped, would d 1.192 for this very reason be pro∣pitious to him. Moreover, he gave very * 1.193 large and plentifull † 1.194 Benefactions to the Churches of God out of his own Treasury; partly enlar∣ging the Oratories, and raising them to an height; and partly adorning the august ‖ 1.195 Sa∣craria of the Churches with many consecrated Gifts.

CHAP. XLIII. Concerning Constantine's Beneficence towards the Poor.

a 1.196 HE likewise made various distributions of money to the indigent. Besides, he shewed himself humane and beneficent even to b 1.197 Extraneous persons who made their ad∣dresses to him. And to those Wretches and Abjects, who beg'd in the Forum, he [gave] not only money, and necessary food; but▪ pro∣vided them decent garments also to cover their Bodies. But, on those, who had heretofore lived well, and by a change of * 1.198 For∣tune had afterwards faln into great Calamities, he bestowed larger and more plen∣tifull allowances. And with a mind truly Royall, conferred on such persons as these, magnificent Benefactions; to some of whom he gave pos∣sessions of Lands; and honoured others of them with various dignities. He took a care, nothing inferiour to that of a Father, of those fal'n into the calamities of † 1.199 Orphancy: and relieved the destitute and forlorn con∣dition of widdows, by cherishing them with his own patronage and protection. Moreover, he match't young Vir∣gins made Orphans by the loss of their Parents, to rich men and such as were known to him∣self. And this he did, when he had before hand bestowed on the Virgins c 1.200 marrying, whatever it was fitting they should bring to such persons as took them to wife. [In fine,] d 1.201 as the Sun, when it rises upon the earth, does liberally im∣part the Rayes of its Light to all men: in the very same manner Constantine, going out of his Imperial Pallace early in the morning, ‖ 1.202 and rising as 'twere together with that celestiall Lu∣minary, imparted the Rayes of Light of his own e 1.203 Beneficence to all those who approacht his presence. Nor did ever any pebrson come near to him, who gained not something of good: neither were they ever frustrated of their good hope, who had expected to receive assistance from him.

CHAP. XLIV. How he was present at the Synods of Bi∣shops.

SUch was his behaviour towards all persons in generall. But his care of the Church of God was signal and eminent: [For] when some persons in several Provinces differed one with another; like some Common Bishop con∣stituted by God▪ he convened Synods of God's Ministers: Nor disdained he to be present and sit with them in the midst of their Congress; but made himself an Associate in reference to the matters inquired into, and ministred to all persons those things which have relation to the peace of God. Further▪ he sate in the midst of them, as one amongst many; and would send off his Protectours, his Armed men, and all the Guards of his Body; but he was covered with the fear of God, and surrounded with the dearest affection of his a 1.204 Faithfull friends. And when he perceived any persons inclinable to ac∣quiesce in an opinion that was sounder and bet∣ter, and disposed to a quiet and agreeing tem∣per of mind; he approved highly of such men, and shewed himself extraordinarily pleased at the unanimous consent of all. But he had an aversion for those that were opinionative and not to be perswaded.

CHAP. XLV. In what manner he bore with the * 1.205 Madmen.

MOreover, he patiently bore with some persons who were exasperated a 1.206 against him; commanding such men in expressions that were sedate and mild, to behave themselves with prudence and modesty, and not to raise Sedi∣tions. Some of these people, revering his ad∣monitions, desisted [from being obstinate and perverse.] But he let alone others of them, who were incurable in reference to their being brought to a soundness of mind, and committed them to God; having at no time designed any thing of severity against any one of them. Hence it hapned, (as 'tis probable,) that b 1.207 those who had raised a Sedition in the Region of the A∣fricans, proceeded to such an height of wicked∣ness, that they attempted some audacious facts; c 1.208 the Devill (as 'tis likely,) envying that plenty of the present blessings, and inciting those men to absurd practises, that he might incense the mind of the Emperour against them.

But he reapt no advantage by his envy; in re∣gard the Emperour accounted what was done to be d 1.209 ridiculous, and affirmed tha he acknow∣ledged it the incitation of the Devil. For [he said] that those were not the actions of sober persons, but of such as were either altogether mad men, or stimulated by the wickedest of Devils: which sort of people ought to be pitied, rather than punish't. [For it would not be such an height of justice to be incited] e 1.210 a∣gainst the fury of mad men, as 'tis a transcen∣dency of Humanity to compassionate their con∣dition.

CHAP. XLVI. His Victories over the Barbarians.

THus the Emperour in all his Actions wor∣shipped God the Inspectour of all things, and a 1.211 with an indefatigable sollicitude made pro∣vision for his Churches. But God rewarded him, and subdued almost all Barbarous Nations under his feet; in so much that he erected Trophies in all places against his Enemies. He proclaimed him Conquerour amongst all men; and rendred him formidable to his Enemies and adversaries; although naturally he was no such man; b 1.212 but rather the mildest, meekest, and most compassionate personage of all Mortalls what ever.

CHAP. XLVII. The Death of Maximin and others, whose Plots Constantine discovered, God making them known to him.

IN the interim that he was doing these things, the a 1.213 second of those two persons who had resigned the Empire, framed a design to cut off Constantine; and being discovered, ended his life by a most ignominious death. And b 1.214 this was the first person, whose Pictures, Statues, and what ever other Monuments are usually erected in honour of the Emperours, were de∣faced and thrown down in all parts of the world, in regard he was an impious and wicked wretch. After this man, other persons also re∣lated to him, who were contriving secret Plots [against Constantine,] were detected; God himself in a most miraculous manner being the discoverer of all their designs to his servant, by Visions. For he frequently vouchsafed him his own presence, the Divine Likeness appea∣ring to him in a most wonderfull manner, and suggesting to him all manner of foreknowledge in relation to future affairs. Indeed, the Mi∣racles [shown him] by divine Grace, are in∣expressible; nor is it possible for a Narrative to comprehend, what great blessings God him∣self vouchsafed to afford his Servant. With which he was surrounded, and spent the re∣sidue of his life in Repose and Safety; highly pleased at the benevolence and good affection of his Subjects; rejoycing because he saw all those under his Government leading peaceable and chearfull lives; but above all, extraordi∣narily delighted with the splendour and flou∣rishing condition of God's Churches.

CHAP. XLVIII. The Celebration of Constantine's Decennalia.

WHilst he was in this condition, the Tenth year of his Empire was com∣pleated. On which account he celebrated pub∣lick and solemn Festivalls, and put up Thanks∣givings, like some pure sacrifices without fire and smoak, to God the supream King. With which [Holy Exercises] he was highly de∣lighted; but [he was not so well pleased] with the account brought him by those Messengers, from whom he received advice, concerning the Ruine of the Provinces in the East.

CHAP. XLIX. In what manner Licinius afflicted the East.

FOr, a 1.215 a certain Savage Beast, he was told, had beset both the Church of God there, and the rest of the Provincialls also; the most im∣pure Devil, enraged with emulation as 'twere, striving to do the quite contrary to those things performed by the pious Emperour. In so much that, the Roman Empire, divided into two parts, seemed to all men to be like the night and the day. For, a darkness involved the Inhabitants of the East: but a most bright day enlightned those who dwelt in the * 1.216 Western parts. Whose enjoy∣ment of those innumerable Blessings procured them by God, was an intollerable spectacle to the Envy of the Devil that hater of good: nor did the Tyrant, who oppressed the other part of the world, think that fit to be born with. Who seeing the affairs of his Empire succeeding pros∣perously, and being vouchsafed an affinity by marriage to so great an Emperour as Constan∣tine was, relinquished the imitation of that pious Prince, and strove to embrace the instru∣ctions and wicked Moralls of the Impious. And he made it his business, rather to follow their advices, whose calamitous end he had been an eye-witness of, than b 1.217 to continue in a friend∣ship and amity with him that was his Better.

CHAP. L. In what manner Licinius attempted to frame Trea∣cheries against Constantine.

HE raises therefore an * 1.218 irreconcileable War against his Benefactour; without calling to mind the Laws of friendship; not considering his Oaths, his affinity, or the Leagues [that were between them.] For, the most Benigne [Constantine,] that he might give him the surest evidence of his sincere Benevolence and affection, made him partaker of his own pater∣nall Lineage, and of that Imperiall bloud he drew from his Ancestours, by matching his Sister to him; and permitted him to enjoy the Colleague-ship of the whole Roman Empire. But Licinius's thoughts were contrary hereto, being taken up in contriving Machinations and ill-designes against his Better; inventing various sorts of * 1.219 Treacheries successively, that with mischiefs he might reward his Benefactour. And at the beginning he pretended friendship, and performed all things with deceit and fraud; hoping that his audacious designs might be kept concealed. But God discovered those Trea∣cheries of his, hatch't in darkness, to his Ser∣vant [Constantine.] Whereupon Licinius, because detected in his first attempts, betook himself to second frauds; sometimes preten∣ding friendship; at others, procuring himself belief [by the Religion] of Oathes and Leagues: then on a sudden he would violate what he had agreed to; and again, would crave pardon by an Embassie; after which he would render himself infamous by Lyes. But at length he proclaimed open War; and, instiga∣ted by a desperate madness of mind, took a resolution in future to bear Arms against God himself, of whom he well knew the Emperour [Constantine] was a Worshipper.

CHAP. LI. Licinius's Treacheries against the Bishops, and his prohibitions of Synods.

ANd in the first place, with great closeness and subtlety he made a strict inquiry into those Ministers of God that lived under his Dominions, who had never committed any Crime against his Government; by hunting out Various Calumnies against them. And when he could not furnish himself with any the least offence of theirs, nor had [any pretext] wherewith he might blame these men; he issued forth a Law, whereby he commanded, that the Bishops should in no wise * 1.220 confer one with another in any place what ever, nor should it be Lawfull for any one of them to go into the Church of his neighbour; nor to convene Synods, nor Councills; or to consult about matters that were usefull and advanta∣gious. Now, this gave him an occasion of vexing and disquieting us. For, if those of our Religion transgrest that Law of his, they were oblieged to undergo punishment; but, if they paid an obedience to this his Order, of neces∣sity they must enervate the Laws of the Church. For, 'tis impossible that the more momentous † 1.221 Controversies should by any other means be composed and rectified, than by Synods. And thus this [Tyrant] highly odious to God, be∣cause he studied in all things to contradict the pious Emperour, issued out such Orders as these [in reference to us Christians.] For Con∣stantine called together God's Priests, in a 1.222 ho∣nour to those consecrated persons, and for the promoting of mutuall Peace and Concord. But Licinius, attempting to abrogate what∣ever was well constituted, endeavoured to ‖ 1.223 disturb the harmonious agreement [of the Churches.]

CHAP. LII. The Banishments and Proscriptions of the Chri∣stians.

ANd because Constantine, who was God's friend, vouchsafed the servants of God admission into his Imperial Pallaces; the Enemy

of God Licinius, whose Sentiments were quite contrary hereto, a 1.224 drove all God's Worship∣pers, who lived under his Dominions, from his Imperial Pallaces; and sent into Banishment those persons in his Court that were faithfullest and best-affected to him. And such persons as for their former brave actions had received from him honour and dignities, them he ordered to serve others, and to perform servile Offices. And when he had seized upon the Goods of every one of them, as if they had been some unhop't-for Gain; at last he threatned [to pu∣nish] those with death, who assumed to them∣selves the salutary name [of Christians.] b 1.225 Fur∣ther, whereas he himself possest a mind that was incontinent and lustfull, and committed infinite Adulteries, and the most infamous Acts of ob∣scenity; c 1.226 it was his Sentiment that no man could be chast and continent; * 1.227 and thus, from his own distemper he past an ill judge∣ment upon the Nature of mankind in gene∣rall.

CHAP. LIII. [Licinius's] Edict, that Women should not meet in the Churches together with the Men.

VVHerefore, he made a second Law, wherein he gave Command, that the men should not be present at prayers [in the Church] of God together with the women: nor should womenkind frequent the Venerable Schools of Virtue: Lastly, that the Bishops should not deliver the Divine Precepts of Reli∣gion to women; but, that women should be made choice of, to be the Teachers of women. But whereas these things seemed Ridiculous to all persons, he invented another device for the sub∣version of the Churches. For, he ordered, that the solemn Assemblies of the people should be held without the Gates, in the open fields; affirming, that the fresh air without the Gates was far more commodious for crouds, than the Oratories situate within the City.

CHAP. LIV. That he Cashiered from the Militia those who re∣fused to Sacrifice; and forbad, that such as were shut up in Prisons should have any nourishment given them.

BUt when he perceived they would not obey him even in this; in future [he went to work] bare-fac't [as we say,] and gave or∣der, that the a 1.228 Civill Milice should be remo∣ved from their attendance upon the * 1.229 Praesidial Office, unless they were willing to sacrifice to Daemons. b 1.230 The Offices therefore of Magistrates throughout every Province, were emptied of pious and religious persons. And he himself, who made this Law, was deprived of the prayers of holy men, which he had bereaved himself of. What need we, c 1.231 besides these things, make mention, in what manner he gave order, that no person should shew compassion to those afflicted in Prisons, by ministring food to them; nor, that any one should take commiseration of such as perished with Famine in their Bonds: (that is, that not so much as one good man should exist:) nor, that those who by nature it self are drawn to a compassion of their neighbours, should do any thing of good? Indeed, this was clearly the most impudent and unjustest of Laws, and far out-did the utmost ferity of Nature. To which Law there was a penalty also annext, that they who shewed compassion, should suffer the same Inflictions with those to whom they shewed it; and that such as per∣formed Offices of Humanity, should be lyable to punishment.

CHAP. LV. Concerning Licinius's Improbity and Avarice.

SUch were Licinius's Constitutions. But, what need we reckon up his Innovations concer∣ning Marriages? Or his new Laws in rela∣tion

to such as are ending their lives? Whereby he presumptuously abrogated the ancient, good; and wisely established Roman Laws, and instead of them introduced certain barbarous and in∣humane [Ordinances.] Besides, he found out a thousand sorts of Exactions towards his Sub∣jects. On which account, he invented * 1.232 New Surveys of Lands, that he might compute a small field to be greater in measure, because of his insatiable desire after unequall Exactions. For this reason, he enrolled in his Censuall Tables the names of countrymen who were not alive, but had been dead long before; procuring to himself from hence a filthy and ignominious gain. For his sordidness had no measure; nor was his unsati∣ableness to be circumscribed by any Limit. Wherefore, when he had filled all his Trea∣suries with Gold, Silver, and immense quanti∣ties of Riches, he sighed and lamented his Po∣verty; his mind being disquieted with the dis∣ease of † 1.233 Tantalus. [Why should I mention] what punishments of Exile he inflicted on In∣nocent persons? What proscriptions of Goods? What Imprisonments of men well-descended and of eminent quality; whose young wives he de∣livered to some impure slaves, that they might be most injuriously vitiated? How many mar∣ried women, virgins, and young maids he him∣self attempted to force, though his Body was now rendred decrepit by age? 'Tis needless to enlarge upon these things, in regard the exor∣bitancy of his last Actions hath evinced his former to be triviall and in a manner no∣thing.

CHAP. LVI. That at length he undertook the raising a Perse∣cution [against the Christians.]

IN fine, he proceeded to that height of mad∣ness, that he armed himself against the Churches; and sets upon the Bishops, whom he accounted to be his chiefest Adversaries; and look't upon them as Enemies, who were friends to the Pious and Great Emperour. On which account he sharpned his fury most espe∣cially against them, having forsaken a 1.234 the way of sober and right reason. Nor did he take into consideration the memory of them, who had Per∣secuted the Christians before him, nor of those, whose Destroyer and Punisher he himself had been appointed, because of the height of those im∣pieties at which they had arrived. Neither [did he reflect upon] what he had been an eye∣witness of; then, when with his own eyes he beheld the b 1.235 chief Authour of [our] mischiefs, whosoever he was, smitten with a scourge sent from Heaven.

CHAP. LVII. That Maximianus having been afflicted with a Fistulous Ulcer that bred worms, wrote [a Law] in favour of the Christians.

FOr, whereas he had begun a Siege of the Churches, and was the first that had defiled his own soul with the bloud of just and religious persons; a punishment sent from God seized him: which, having made its beginning in his very flesh, proceeded even to his soul. For on a sudden an Impostume arose upon him about the midst of the privy parts of his Body; after that a Fistula in ano: and both these diseases spread incurably, and did eat into his inmost bowells. From them bred an unspeakable multitude of worms, and a most * 1.236 noysom stench proceeded therefrom. For, the whole mass of flesh upon his body, by reason of that abundance of food he devoured, was grown to an immense fatness: which being then putrified, became ('tis said) an intollerable and most horrid spectacle to those that approach't him. Whilst therefore he was strugling under these many and great afflictions, at length, though late, he began to be sensible of the Villanies he had audaciously committed against the Church. After which, having made his confession to God, he stops the Persecution against the Christians; and by Laws and Imperial Edicts orders that their Churches should with all expedition be built: and commanded that the Christians themselves should perform their usu∣all Solemnities, and make Supplications [to God] for him.

CHAP. LVIII. That Maximinus being a Persecutor of the Chri∣stians, fled away in a servile habit and hid himself.

SUch was the punishment, which the Beginner of the Persecution underwent. But this [Licinius,] concerning whom we now speak, who had been an eye-witness of these things, and by experience had had an accurate know∣ledge thereof; nevertheless, on a sudden forgat all; neither did he call to mind the punishment inflicted on the Former, a 1.237 nor the revenging judgment [di∣vine justice executed] on the Latter. Who, because he strove with the greatest earnestness imaginable, to out-do the Former in a Combat of mischiefs as 'twere, gloried in his invention of new punishments against us. For he was not satisfied with Fire, Sword, and the * 1.238 Fastnings with Nails; nor with the wild∣beasts and depths of the Sea. But besides all these, he himself contrived a certain new sort of punishment, and by a Law gave order, that those members whereby we perceive the light, should be destroyed. Immediately therefore, vast numbers, not only of men, but of children and women also, having had the Sights of their right eyes, and the Junctures of their feet rendred useless, partly by Iron, and partly by † 1.239 Cauteries, were thrust into the Mines, there to be afflict'd with daily Labour. On which account, the just judg∣ment

of God not long after seized this person also; at such time as, putting his trust in Dae∣mons, whom he thought to be Gods, and con∣fiding in innumerable Myriads of Armed men, he began an Engagement. For, being at that time deprived of the divine † 1.240 assistance, he devested himself of the Imperial Habit, which in no wise became him; and having in a cowardly and most unmanly manner shrowded himself in the com∣mon crowd, * 1.241 purchased his own safety by flight: after this, he absconded in the Fields and Country Villages [clothed] in a servile habit, and supposed he might have kept him∣self concealed. But he could not thus avoid the great Eye † 1.242 of Providence which inspects all things. For when he hoped his life was now in safety, being struck with God's fiery dart, he fell prostrate on the ground; and his whole body was in such a manner consumed by a blow given him from Heaven, that the entire * 1.243 shew of its Pristine beauty vanished; and only his parch't bones, turned into a perfect Skele∣ton, like some Ghost, were left remaining to him.

CHAP. LIX. That Maximine, blinded by [the acuteness of] his Disease, * 1.244 issued out a Law in favour of the Christians.

FUrther, when this Disease, wherewith God had afflicted him, was arrived at a greater degree of acuteness and vehemency, * 1.245 his eyes leap't out; and falling from their proper place, left him blind: thus, by a most just sentence he underwent the same punishments, which he had been the first Inventer of against God's Martyrs. Breathing nevertheless still after these so calamitous miseries, at length, though late, he also made an open confession to the God of the Christians, and declared his own oppo∣sitions of the Deity. He likewise composed a Re∣tractation, in such manner as the former person had done, and by Laws and Edicts in writing con∣fest his own errour in reference to those whom he thought to be Gods; attesting, that by experience it self he had found, the Christians God to be the only true God. Notwithstanding Licinius knew all this, not by the information he received from others, but from the very facts themselves; yet wrapping up his mind within some thick darkness as 'twere, he † 1.246 resolved upon a performance of the very same things they had done.

Notes

• a 1.1

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Graecians are wont to inscribe their Books written concerning any one's Life: Philostratus gave his Books concerning the Life of Apollonius Tyaneus this Title, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Philostratus's eight Books concerning the Life of Apollonias Tyaneus. So also Marcus Antoninus entitled the Books concerning his own Life, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, twelve Books of [Re∣marks] upon himself. 'Tis further to be noted, that although these Books have this Title, concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine, yet all things are not contained therein, which were performed by that Emperour, but those matters only are described, which relate to true piety, and the Glory of the Christian Religion. Whereof Eusebius gives an express advertisement in the beginning of this book, chap. 11. Vales.
• b 1.2

  At this place Robert Stephens has added these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, five Books; what Copies he followed, I know not. For these words occur not, either in the King's Copy, or in the Old Sheets. Neither are these words to be found in the Fuketian Manuscript. 'Tis certain, this Work concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine consists only of four Books; which is also attested by Photius. But, because Eusebius had added three small Pieces, to wit, the Emperour Constantine's Oration to the Convention of the Saints, the description of the Church at Jerusalem together with the Sacred Presents there Dedicated by Constantine, and a Panegyrick spoken at Constantine's Tricennalia▪ hence it came to pass, that this Appendix was by some taken for a Fifth Book. Indeed, the Index of the Chapters which is prefixt before Constantine's Oration to the Saints, in the Fuketian Manuscript has this Title, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Chapters of the Fifth Book. But in the Kings Copy, the Indices of the Chapters are omitted, and this Title is written at the side, though in a more modern hand, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the beginning of the Fifth Book. Vales.
• * 1.3

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Se∣cond and Third De∣cade of years. 'Twas usuall with Emperours to celebrate solemn Feasts and Pastimes for joy they were arrived at the 10^th, 20^th, or 30^th year of their Reign; the Feasts for their tenth year were termed Decennalia; those for their 20^th, Vicennalia; and them for their 30^th Tricennalia.
• a 1.4

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with Vicennalian Hymns. This Ora∣tion spoken by Eusebius in Constantine's Vicennalia is not now extant. We can only affirm this of it, that it was spoken in the Nicene Synod, in the presence of the Emperour Constantine, as Eusebius attests in the following words: but he tells us this very thing much more plainly in book 3, chap. 11. Vales.
• b 1.5

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, we have platted him Tricennalian Crowns of Orations. He means The Tricennalian Oration concerning the praises of Constantine, which Eusebius had annexed at the close of his books concerning the Life of Constantine, as he himself attests book 4. chap. 46. Ne∣vertheless, in the Fuketian Manuscript this Oration is prefixt before Eusebius's Books of the Life of the Emperour Constantine. Which is very right indeed, if we respect the time wherein this Oration was spoken▪ but 'tis Contrary to the opinion of the Writer himself, who ordered that Oration to be placed at the close of these books. Vales.
• * 1.6

  Or, Our Oration is, &c. See chap. 2. note (c.)
• † 1.7

  Aspect, or, Sight.
• ‖ 1.8

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c 1.9

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^r Henry Savil hath noted at the mar∣gin of his Copy, that perhaps the reading should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, un∣derstand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with our Oration is self. The same thing came also into my mind, before I had procured S^r Henry Savils Copy. 'Tis the same with what Eusebius says in the following chapter, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and converst with us our selves, in a most admirable manner. But, after a more diligent in∣spection into the thing, I am now of another opinion. Nor do I doubt but Eusebius wrote thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, accompanied, or, conversing with Imperial Majesty her Self: which is a most elegant expression. For he makes Imperial Majesty a kind of Goddess as 'twere, whose inseparable Companion, he says, Constantine was after his death: in regard he conversed above with God the supreamest of Kings; but reigned on the earth in his Sons. Questionless, whosoever shall read the following words with attention, will never doubt of this Emendation. Vales.
• * 1.10

  Or, Per∣took of the honour of Gaesars.
• † 1.11

  Or, Vir∣tue of Reli∣gion.
• a 1.12

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The rea∣ding in the Old Sheets is truer, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and we have rendred it accordingly. In the Fuketian Manuscript the four former words are wanting, and there is a blank∣space left, capable of one or two words only. Vales.
• b 1.13

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Fuketian Manu∣scripts this place is written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. But I had rather retain the ordinary reading, only I would alter the punctation. For, I am of opinion, that a C••mma is not to be placed after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a most admirable manner, (as Mus∣culus and Christophorson have done,) but after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, thus, converst with us our selves, as we have pointed it. For Eusebius says this was the greatest Miracle and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 most admira∣ble; that although Constantine was dead, yet he had the same honours and obedience paid him as when alive. Vales.
• * 1.14

  Or, Re∣splendent.
• † 1.15

  Or, Re∣sidencies of Mortalls.
• † 1.16

  Or, With an Immor∣tality of an endless, &c.
• c 1.17

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. From the Fuketian Manuscript and S^r Henry Sa∣vil's Copy I have men∣ded this place thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I am dumb, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is an elegant expression, as persons skillfull in the Greek Tongue do very well know. Fur∣ther, whereas all these expressions in this and the foregoing chapter, are spoken by Eusebius in the third person, concerning his Speech or Oration, we chose rather to change the person, and put it in the first, because the propriety of the Latine Tongue seemed wholly to re∣quire that. Vales. For the same reason here given by Valesius in relation to the Latine Tongue, we have likewise altered the person in our English Version.
• * 1.18

  Or, The dignity of his equall praises.
• † 1.19

  Or, The Immortall God and The Word.
• * 1.20

  Or, Sub∣jected to.
• † 1.21

  Made, or▪ constituted.
• ‖ 1.22

  Or, The true pro∣mises of these his words.
• * 1.23

  Conclu∣sions of Life.
• a 1.24

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I am not pleased with the reading in the Fuke∣tian Manu∣script and in Gruter's Copy which reading I found set at the mar∣gin in Mo∣reus's Copy also; it is this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. By a transposition of one particle I mend the place thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in so much that, &c, as we have rendred it. And I dare lay any wager, that Eusebius wrote so. Further, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 imports here Titles or Scpulchrall Monuments, as I have at large remarked on Eusebius's Eccles. History. Vales.
• † 1.25

  His Death.
• ‖ 1.26

  Or, The Na∣ture of Mortalls.
• b 1.27

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He means Paint of Encaustum, or, Ceruss, which was made by wax melted in the fire. This was the most ancient sort of Painting, as Pliny tells us, book 35, chap. 11. Ceris pingere ac picturam inurere quis primus excogitaverit, non Constat; 'tis not known who first found out Painting with wax and burning the Paint. The same Pliny reckons up three sorts of this Painting; to wit, with wax, with the Cestrum [a kind of Peircer to bore with] in Ivory, and with the Pencill in wooden Tables; Encausto pingendi duo fuisse antiquitus genera constat, cera, & in ••bore cestro, donec classes pingi caepere. Hoc tertium accessit, resolutis igni ceris penecillo utendi. By which words 'tis very obscure what Pliny means, in regard he say••, that the first sort of Painting with Encaustum was with wax. For 'tis not to be understood, that there was no wax in the other sorts of Encaustick Painting. The meaning therefore is this, that that first sort of Encaustick Painting was performed with wax only, no other instrument besides wax being made use of to Paint. Procopius (in his first book de Aedificiis Justiniani,) speaking concerning the Roof of a Church, describes this sort of Painting thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the whole Roof was adorned with Paintings, not with wax made liquid [or, burnt,] and diffused. 'Tis apparent, that by these words Pro∣copius means 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Encaustick Painting. 'Tis cer∣tain, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 occurs in John Chrysostome also, as 'tis recorded in the Second Nicene Councill, pag. 542. And in Pope Gregorie's Letter to Germanus Bishop of Constantinople, at page 535 of the same Nicene Councill; where Anastasius Bibliothecarius renders it, imaginem cerâ perfusam, a Picture besmeared with wax. The same term occurs hereafter in our Eusebius, at book 3. chap. 3, and in the History of Nicephorus Patriarch of Constantinople, about the end. Concerning this Painting Apuleius speaks, in defensione suâ, in these words: Enim verò quod luto fictum, vel are infu••um, vel lapide incisum, vel cerâ inustum, vel pigmento illitum. And Nazarius in the Pane∣gyrick he spoke to Constantine, speaking concerning his Images thrown down by Maxentius, writes thus; Aboleri hic vultus non potest: uni∣versorum pectoribus infixu••▪ est, nec commendatione cera aut pigmento∣rum fucis reni••e••: sed desiderio efflorescit animorum. Paulinus like∣wise, in his eighth Epistle to Sulpicius Severus; at which place see Fronto Ducaeus's notes. There is also an eminent passage of Boethius's concerning this matter, in his Preface to his Books of Arithmetick, which he Dedicated to Symmachus the Patricius. At Picturae, manibus ta∣bulae commissae fabrorum; cerae rusticâ observatione decerptae; colorum suci mercatorum solertia perquisiti; Lintea operosis elaborata textrinis, multiplicem materiam praestant. For so that place is to be corrected from an old Manuscript of Thuanus's Library. Lastly, Anastasius in his Sermon de Sabbato, which is recorded in the Seventh Synod, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Image being nothing else but wood, and colours mixt and tempered with wax. Vales.
• c 1.28

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it should be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, have taken occasion: and so the reading is in the Old Sheets of the King's Library. S^r Henry Savil had likewise remarked at the margin of his Copy, that in his judgment the reading was to be thus. But in Moraeus's Copy at the margin 'tis mended thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; with which reading I am best pleased. Vales.
• * 1.29

  Forms, or, figures.
• † 1.30

  Or, Soul.
• a 1.31

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And a lit∣tle after, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it must be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for their information. Vales.
• † 1.32

  Pattern, or, In∣stance.
• * 1.33

  God.
• a 1.34

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. A new and unusuall expression▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in∣stead of that which others would term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Eusebius says, that Constan∣tine reig∣ned thirty compleat years, and something more. Which is true. For, besides thirty years, he reigned al∣most ten months. Further, at the beginning of this period, the reading must be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the time of his Reign; not as the com∣mon reading is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• † 1.35

  God.
• b 1.36

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Write 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He made him the Conquerour; as I found it mended in the margin of the Mora•••• Copy▪ which reading Christophorson has followed. The same reading occurs in the old Sheets, in the Savilian, and in the Fuketian Manu∣scripts. Vales.
• * 1.37

  Or, God∣opposing.
• c 1.38

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophorson renders it prope dixerim▪ I had al∣most said; as if it had been written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I doubt not but Eusebius meant another thing. For, being desirous to show how short a time the Tyrants 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he says they were visible a shorter time than is required to speak. 'Tis the same which Graecians term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the twinkling of an eye▪ a sort of Hyperbole familiar with Graecians. Vales.
• d 1.39

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The one of these words is redundant▪ and therefore we have ••eit it our ••n our Version. The former of them seems to me to be a Scholion: in the Fuket. Manuscript, the latter is wanting. A little after, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c, the rea∣ding must be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c▪ by his means, &c; as 'tis in the Kings Sheets, and in the Savil, and Fuket. Manuscripts. Further, in the Fuketian Manuscript 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• e 1.40

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the virtues of all. It must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the hearing, &c▪ which Christophorson perceived not. In the old Sheets 'tis over written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the same hand. Also, Instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I write 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as 'tis in the Fuketian Manuscript. Vales.
• a 1.41

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and [He ad∣vanced him to be] so great an Emperour, &c. In the Kings Sheets this place is supplied at the margin in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, always vanquishing, and continually made joyfull with Trophies against his enemies. The Fuket. Manuscript has no variation, only adds a conjunction in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and always van∣quishing. Vales.
• a 1.42

  ▪〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ Lear∣ned men have attempted to restore this place several ways, as 'tis apparent from their Emendations, which are set at the mar∣gin of the Geneva Edition, and written in the Moraean Copy. For some have conjectured it should be written thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c, others have men∣ded it thus▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Which reading Christophorson has followed, as appears from his Rendition. But in the Moraean Copy this place is mended something otherwise, in this manner: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. From which im∣perfections any one would conjecture that this is a reading of some Manuscript Copy. The latter imperfection is easily supplied, in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But in regard all these readings abound with faults, nor can any thing that is good be extracted out of them, I had rather expunge these words. Indeed, if these words be razed out, the sense is most plain▪ thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; which I have followed in my Version. The same was done before us, by Johannes Portesius, who first rendred these Books of Eusebius concer∣ning the Life of Constantine into Latine. In the Kings Sheets, after those words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at the margin these words are added, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Fuketia•• Manuscript represents this place in the same manner with the Copy of Moraeus and Turne∣bus. Vales.
• * 1.43

  Or, I〈…〉〈…〉 so•••••• of all man∣ner of Na∣tions.
• † 1.44

  Or, Rio∣tous ban∣quetting. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it must be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not much more, which rea∣ding Porte∣sius has fol∣lowed. But Christophor∣son ren∣dred it so as if the reading were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or some∣thing more. 'Tis cer∣tain, A∣lexander the Great Reigned twelve years and above, which make up something more than the third part of two and thirty years, if we go to an accurate computation. But Oratours, whose business it is to amplifie things, don't usually speak so exactly. Therefore Eusebius says well, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not much more. Vales.
• c 1.45

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Every body sees it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the flower of his Age, as 'tis also remarked in Moraus's Copy. In the old sheets the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but in the Fuketian Manu∣script 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Further, a little after this it must be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And at the close of the chapter I read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is extolled for such mischiefs as these 3 although the Manuscript Copies varie not. In the Fuketian Manu∣script I found it written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is truer than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as 'tis in the common Editions. Vales.
• * 1.46

  Or, Cru∣elly.
• * 1.47

  Or, For∣tified.
• a 1.48

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the King's and Fuke∣tian Ma∣nuscripts, 'tis writ∣ten in two words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, righter without question. So he expresses himself hereafter, at chap. 41. In the King's Copy the reading also is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, righter than in the common Editions, where 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nor is it otherwise in the Fuketian Manu∣script. But on the contrary, a little after this, where the common Editions make it Ble〈…〉〈…〉, the same Fuketian Manuscript has it Ble••••yae; not ill, as I have remarqued at Amm. Marcellin••••, pag. 13. Vales.
• b 1.49

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be written thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Portesius referred these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c, to the Indians: for he has rendred it thus; Indos extremos usque terra undique circumjectos. But I don't suppose this to be Eusebius's meaning. For the Old Geographers never affirmed that the Indians inhabited round the Circuit of the World. The Spaniards indeed, in the memory of our Grandfathers, have named a part of the Earth newly known to them and found out, West-India▪ but they did this according to their own arbitrement. Therefore, in this place of our Eusebius, I think it must be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; or rather, no alteration to be made. For the meaning is, that Con∣stantine Preached Christ every where to all men, from South to North, and from West to East. Vales.
• * 1.50

  Or, Whole World.
• c 1.51

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ma∣ny faults are made in th••se books by the trans∣position of words, as we have formerly shown. At this place such a fault oc∣curs. Write therefore, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Vales.
• d 1.52

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the old Sheets this place is thus supplied at the margin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c, and sent him Embassies and Presents and Gifts. And a little after this, in the same Sheets, the reading is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Constantine was known amongst them all. Vales.
• a 1.53

  The Kings Co∣py begins a Chapter at these words, which we have rea∣dily fol∣lowed. The Fuke∣tian Manuscript also, which usu∣ally prefixes the Titles or Con∣tents before each Chapter, be∣gins the Chapter from these words. And I found the same division in the old Sheets of the King's Library. Vales.
• * 1.54

  Or, De∣frauded.
• † 1.55

  Or, Was adorned.
• ‖ 1.56

  Ensla∣ving.
• * 1.57

  God.
• † 1.58

  Or, An issue of three chil∣dren.
• ‖ 1.59

  Or, Throne of the Empire.
• * 1.60

  Viz. In his Sons▪ see chap. 1.
• b 1.61

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, recorded, is wanting, which I found written at the margin of the Mor••an Copy. But in the Kings Sheets, after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Conflicts, these words are added in the margin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, inscribing them to lasting Ages. Which words, whether added by con∣jecture or taken out of some other Copy, seem to me in no wise to be rejected. The Fuketian Copy has the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.62

  Or, W••r∣thy of.
• † 1.63

  Or, A mortall Picture.
• a 1.64

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Kings, Sa∣vilian and Fuketian Copy, 'tis written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But this expression seems to be a Sol••∣cisme. For he ought to have said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, if he would have spoken cor∣rectly. In the old Sheets the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is written over it. Vales.
• b 1.65

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to be transposed, and must be placed lower, in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For I should be a∣shamed, should I not confer the utmost of mine own abilities, &c. A little after this, in the Fuketian Manuscript the reading is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, if you had rather have it so. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on him who with a Transcendency, &c. In the old Sheets of the Kings Library, this place is thus supplied in the margin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on him who hath honoured us all, in respect of his Transcendency of piety towards God. Which reading I approve of highly. Vales.
• c 1.66

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Kings Copy the reading is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, no time hath seen. Vales.
• a 1.67

  The King's and Fuke∣tian Manu∣scripts, and the King's Sheets be∣gin the Eleventh chapter at these words. Vales.
• * 1.68

  Or, If to any other persons, i•• certainly belongs to us.
• b 1.69

  He means those Writers who had Recorded the Affairs of Nero and other Tyrants; concerning whom he had spoken a little be∣fore. Christophorson therefore ren∣ders it well, Nam illi, &c. For those, &c. But, Portesius tran∣slates it, Nam alii quidem, &c. For others, &c; which is insuffe∣rable. Vales.
• † 1.70

  Or, With a pride of elegancy of words.
• * 1.71

  Or, For the great∣ness of the Emphasis of what, &c.
• c 1.72

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The other rea∣ding, which I found in the old Sheets, pleases me better, name∣ly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Relation. And so the reading is in the Fuke∣tian and Savilian Manuscripts. Vales.
• * 1.73

  Or, Reading.
• d 1.74

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the old Sheets 'twas interli••ed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Stratagems, which I like not. For Eusebius does here oppose Constantine's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Imperial Actions, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to his works that were pious and acceptable to God. And he says, that he does designedly omit his Imperial Acti∣ons: which he divides into two sorts, namely his warlike ones, and those of peace. But, he pro∣poses to himself to set forth only those Actions of his, which bear a relation to Religion. Further, in the Kings Sheets, after those words, and whatever Triumphs he lead, these are added in the mar∣gin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Moreover, the con∣stitutions made by him, in the times of peace, for the regulation of the publick, and conducive, &c. which words seem to me to be of good note. Vales.
• † 1.75

  Or, Of the Go∣vernment of his Sub∣jects.
• e 1.76

  He means that passage which oc∣curs at Ec∣clesiasticus 11. 28. Judge none blessed be∣fore his death: for a man shall be known in his children. Vales.
• a 1.77

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c▪ the King's and Fuke∣tian Manuscripts write it without an Article, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ancient History relates; and so it is in the old Sheets: which sa∣vours more of Eusebius's Style. A little after, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^r Henry Savil has done well to set this note at the beginning of this chapter, Huc usque prooemium, Thus far the Preface. Vales.
• † 1.78

  Or, E∣stranged himself from.
• b 1.79

  Christo∣phorson and Porte∣sius have rendred these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were to be under∣stood; thus, from that sort of life. But my Sentiment is, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 has the same import with jam tum, even then, ab ••o Tempore, from that very time. And so Musculus renders it. Vales.
• c 1.80

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Doubtless it must be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which has the same import with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, concerning whom. And so the reading is in the Kings Sheets and in the Savilian Manuscripts. In the Fuke∣tian Manuscript 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is no ill reading. Vales.
• * 1.81

  Or, Whilst four persons per∣took of the Imperial Power over the Ro∣mans.
• † 1.82

  Constan∣tius.
• a 1.83

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think the reading should be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Do∣natists used al∣most the very same words, in the Suppli∣catory Li∣bell which they pre∣sented to the Empe∣rour Con∣stantine: a Copy whereof is recorded by Optatus, In his first book. Ro∣gam•••• te Constantine Imp. quo∣niam de genere ju∣sto es; cujus pater inter Caeteros Imperatores persecutionem non exercuit: & ab hoc scelere immunis est Gallia. Vales.
• b 1.84

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is wanting, or some other such like word. Nor is the conjecture of that Learned man to be omitted, which I found written at the margin of the Moraean Copy; to wit, that in his judgment the reading ought to be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But Turnebus at the margin of his Copy hath mended it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as hath likewise S^r Henry Savil. In the Kings Sheets, over the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 'tis mended 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ which emendation I prefer before the rest. I write thus therefore, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; and have rendred it accordingly. In the Fuketian Manu∣script the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Vales.
• * 1.85

  Or, To those Go∣verned by him.
• * 1.86

  He means Diocletian.
• a 1.87

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Chri∣stophorson understood not this place; for he has ren∣dred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sta∣tuentes, re∣solving. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 has the same import with vota suscipere, to pray, or, desire ear∣nestly. Which term Eu∣sebius uses in another place, as shall be noted hereafter. Portesius therefore has ren∣dred this place righter, in this manner: His auditis, ac si de illâ ipsâ re vota jamdiu suscepissent ut id eveniret, quò se probare possent, &c. Further, after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, readiness of affection, the verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it's said, must be inserted. Vales.
• b 1.88

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I reade 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as I found it mended in the Copy of Mor••us, Turnebus, S^r Henry Savil, and Fuketius. Further, I have rendred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Senior Augustus. For so Diocletian is called in the Old Panegyricks and in Inscriptions. Vales.
• c 1.89

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Kings Sheets these words are added in the margin; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which words some Learned man hath added by conjecture, as 'tis sufficiently apparent. I think there is only one word wanting here, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to give. I word it thus therefore, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Then he commanded, &c. Which sort of ex∣pression is usuall with Eusebius. Vales.
• d 1.90

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. At the margin of Mor••us's Copy 'tis mended thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But this emendation is need∣less. For, amongst the Ancients, money was deposited in Tem∣ples, on account of securing it, and there kept by Guards or Watches of Souldiers, as Juvenal's Old Scholiast remarks, and Lipsius in his book de Magnitudine Romanâ. To these Souldiers therefore Eusebius alludes. By the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Palatini may also be meant here, who guarded the sacred Treasurie. In the Kings Sheets, 'tis over written in the same hand, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Faithfull; which displeases not. In the Fuketian Manuscript 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• e 1.91

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Doubtless the reading must be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, piety, as I found it mended in the margin of Turnebus's Copy. Vales.
• a 1.92

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Ad∣verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not without reason troubled both the Transla∣tours, as may be gathered from their Renditions. But they ought to have considered, that Palatium, a Pallace, is taken in a twofold sense. For, sometimes it imports the Court of a Prince. In which sense there were at that time only Four Pallaces, to wit answerable to the num∣ber of the Emperours. But sometimes, every House wherein an Em∣perour does usually dwell, is termed a Pallace. And in this sense there were very many Pallaces in the Roman Empire. For there was scarce a City which had not a Pallace. Such Pallaces, or Imperial Houses, as these, were under the dispose of certain Officers, who were termed Curae Palatiorum; concerning whom there is mention in the Notitia Imperii Romani. Eusebius therefore means these Pallaces. I am of opinion, that the Publick or Royall Villae are like∣wise meant, which the Caesariani look't after. Vales.
• * 1.93

  Or, Only into Con∣stantius en∣tred •• wise∣dome of thought.
• a 1.94

  After this word, in the King's Sheets, the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Pious, is elegantly added in the margin, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• b 1.95

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I reade 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as 'tis in the Fuketian, and in Moraeus's Copy. That is, to all the Palatines who bore Office under him, and also to the Judges themselves who were placed in power. Power is a term properly attributed to the Greater Judges, of which sort were the Praefecti Praetorio. So Eusebius ex∣presses himself hereafter; and Socrates, book 2. chap. 16; where he speak•• concerning Philippus Praefectus Praetorio. Moreover, in the Gesta purgationis Caeciliani, Agesilaus Official to the Proconsul Ae∣lian says thus, Potestas tua, &c. Your power, &c. See what I have remarked above, at book 5. chap. 1. of Euseb. Eccles. Histor. note (e.) Vales.
• c 1.96

  In the King's Co∣py, at the side of these words, is set such a mark as this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we have taken no∣tice of such a mark as this some where be∣fore: but, that Letter▪ which is set before the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is not open on the top here, but closed on all sides. Whence I am rather induced to believe, that this mark is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and that it signifies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, attend, con∣sider. For this mark is added at places which have something of difficulty. For instance, the newness of this expression, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, may put the Reader to a stand here, unless he knows that these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are to be understood. Vales.
• * 1.97

  Or, Worthy of.
• d 1.98

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the King's Copy the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. amongst the chiefest and nearest, &c. Those words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ought to be made use of, are a redundancy of expression frequent with Eusebius. For so he has exprest himself in his books of History, as I well remember. Vales.
• a 1.99

  We have made a division of a new chapter here, from the Authority of the Kings Manuscript; whereto a∣grees the Fuketian Copy, and the old Sheets. Vales.
• † 1.100

  Or, The Nature of affairs.
• b 1.101

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ac∣knowledging, or some such like word is wanting. In the Kings Sheets, af∣ter these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 confessing, or, avow∣ing, is ad∣ded in the margin. Turnebus and S^r Henry Sa∣vill add 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 know∣ing, after the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But, that reading which I have produced out of the Kings Sheets, is better. For the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is elegantly opposed to that which follows im∣mediately, to wit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, condemning. In the Fuketian Ma∣nuscript 'tis written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.102

  Or, The Polythe∣isme of the Atheists.
• c 1.103

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^r H. Savil has noted at the margin of his Copy, that perhaps the Verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 'tis said is to be added. But, that emendation is far better, which I found written in the Kings Sheets, at the margin; it is this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which reading we have exprest in our Version. The reading in the Fuketian Manuscript is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• d 1.104

  He alludes to that saying of Epicurus concerning God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; as Nemesius relates it, chap. 44; Cicero, in his first book de Natura Deorum; and Laertius, pag. 795. Vales.
• e 1.105

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Kings Sheets, the last word is undermarked with points, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is written over, which I like better. Further, in the same Sheets, before these words, these are added in the margin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and these [Acts of worship] were performed with him only. They that will, may follow this conjecture of the Learned Antiquary. To me these words seem not necessary. Vales.
• * 1.106

  Or, Imperial power.
• † 1.107

  Viz. Di∣ocletian, and Maxi∣mian.
• a 1.108

  This place is highly remarka∣ble. For, from it this conclusion may be made, that the Persecution began on Diocletian's eighth, and Maximian's seventh Consulate; and not on the foregoing year, as Baronius will have it. Concerning which matter I have spent many words in my notes on Euseb. Eccles. History; see book 8. chap. 2. note (c.) For, whereas Eusebius affirms, that the Emperours Dio∣cletian and Maximian divested themselves of their purple on the year after the Persecution was begun; and whereas 'tis manifest, that they did that on the year of Christ 304; what I have said does necessarily follow, to wit, that Diocletian's Persecution was begun on the year of Christ 303. Vales.
• * 1.109

  Or, Siege.
• † 1.110

  Or, A∣dorable.
• * 1.111

  See Eu∣sebius's Ec∣cesiastical History book 9. chap. 9. note (••;) and the Excerpta of that un∣known Au∣thour pub∣lished by Valesius at the close of his Amm. Marcelinus, pag. 471.
• † 1.112

  Proof, or, try all.
• b 1.113

  S^r Henry Savil has noted at the mar∣gin of his Copy, that these four were, Galerius Maximianus, Severus, and Maximinus, but the fourth Maxentius. As to the three former, I assent to S^r Henry Savil. But, I do affirm, that the fourth was not Maxentius, but Con∣stantius himself. For Maxentius seized not the Empire, till after Constantius's death. Vales.
• * 1.114

  Or, The debt to common Nature.
• a 1.115

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think the reading should be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; which we have exprest in our Version. In∣deed, in Moraeus's Copy the particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is written at the margin. Tur∣nebus, at the margin of his Copy, had mended it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Fuketian Manuscript the reading is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• b 1.116

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, adorned, as Eusebius does usually speak. And so 'tis mended in the old Sheets, at the margin. In the Fuketian Manuscript 'tis written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.117

  Or, Fil∣led.
• a 1.118

  After these words an Aste∣risk ought to be pla∣ced. For there are some words wanting, which Christo∣phorson hath not rightly supplied. For the Emperours Diocletian and Gale∣rius stu∣died not only to disgrace Constantine, but to destroy him utterly. See the Excerpta de Gestis Constantini, which are published at the end of Amm. Marcellinus, and what we have remarked there. I was indeed of opinion formerly, that those Greek words which are written at the margin of the Geneva Edition, were not taken out of any Manuscript Copy, but were made from Christophorson's Latine Version. But after I had procured the Fukctian Manuscript I evi∣dently perceived, that those readings were taken out of Manuscript Copies. 'Tis certain, the Fuketian Manuscript has this place writ∣ten in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; which reading we have exprest in our Version, So I found it written also in the Copies of Turnebus and S^r Henry Savil. But this reading, though confirmed by the authority of Manuscript Copies, nevertheless seems not genuine to me; both for that reason I have produced above, and on account also of the inele∣gancy of the words. Vales.
• * 1.119

  Or, Pre∣served the imitation of, &c.
• b 1.120

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I had rather write 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Will, or, Testament. For Constantius made his Will at that very time when his Son Constantine came to him, as Nicephorus relates book 7. chap. 18. A little before the reading should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, present, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.121

  Or, En∣gines of Treachery.
• a 1.122

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophor∣son rendred this place thus, in me∣dio filiorum & filiarum se statuens, placing himself in the midst of his Sons and Daughters. Portesius has translated it in this manner, Simul Liberis ex commentario distribuit Hereditatem, And also distributed his Inheritance to his chil∣dren out of a Commentary, or Book of Notes. Neither of these tran∣slatours have hit the sense of this word. Eusebius uses the same term at book 3. chap. 20; at which place we will at large declare what 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 means, as also the import of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^r Henry Savil has expounded this word excellently well at the margin of his Copy▪ thus, Valedicens, taking leave, or, bidding fare∣well. And so Athanasius expresses himself in the Life of S^r Antonius, about the end, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, having taken leave of those Monks in the mountain without. Vales.
• * 1.123

  Or, His allotment of the Em∣pire.
• b 1.124

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I write 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. So Eusebius has exprest himself above, at chapter 18, speaking concer∣ning Diocletian and Maximian, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.125

  Or, When Constan∣tius had been carried out to Buriall.
• † 1.126

  Or, Styled.
• * 1.127

  Or, Houses.
• a 1.128

  After this clause, in the King's Sheets these words are added in the mar∣gin; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, brought forth his Father; and with an infinite multitude of people, and a Guard of Souldiers. Which words (though S^r Henry Savil and Christo∣phorson sound them in their Copies, nevertheless) seem to me very little ne∣cessary. Yet they occur in the Fuketian Manuscript. Vales.
• * 1.129

  Or, Styled.
• † 1.130

  Or, Decency.
• * 1.131

  Or, Con∣clusions of life.
• † 1.132

  Or, a composition of the con∣trary.
• ‖ 1.133

  Or, Ex∣perience of the works.
• * 1.134

  Or, By himself.
• a 1.135

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ac∣cession. It ought, as I think, to be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, promotion, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, advancement. And thus Turnebus hath mended it at the margin of his Copy, as I afterwards found. Vales.
• * 1.136

  Or, For his Father's allotment.
• a 1.137

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Eusc∣bius is wont to term the Provinces of the Ro∣mans, as might easi∣ly be pro∣ved from many pla∣ces. Eu∣sebius says therefore, that Con∣stantine, as soon as his Empire was setled, took a progress round all those Provinces that had been under the Empire of his Father. Which Chistophorson understood not. Vales.
• b 1.138

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. At this place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to have the same import with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to his own mind. Which Portesius perceived also. But Christophorson has rendred this place, and the whole chapter, very unhappily. Vales.
• c 1.139

  Concer∣ning this Voyage of Constantine into Bri∣taine, none of the An∣cients have written any thing. Therefore, the memory of this matter we owe to Eusebius only; who at this place does not obscurely intimate the time also; to wit, a little before Constantine undertook his Expedi∣tion against Maxentius. Wherefore, this Voyage of Constantine's into Britaine hapned on Maximianus's eighth Consulate, in the year of Christ 311, as Sigonius has rightly remarked in his Second Book de Occidentali Imperio. But S^r Henry Savil thought Eusebius was mista∣ken here: For this is his remark at this place; Eusebius ignorasse videtur, &c. Eusebius seems to have been ignorant, that the Father of Constantine dyed at York in Britaine. Vales.
• * 1.140

  Or, E∣lement of the world.
• † 1.141

  Or, Im∣perial.
• a 1.142

  He means Galerius Maximi∣anus, and Maximi∣nus. For those he terms 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, his se∣niours in time▪ that is, Senior Emperours. For although Maximinus was scarce declared Augustus as yet, nevertheless, because he had been made Casar some years before Constantine, therefore he may be accounted amongst the Emperours that were Seni••urs to Constantine. Vales.
• b 1.143

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. A twofold sense may be brought of these words. For you may either render them with Portesius and Christophorson, soedum rei eventum nacti sunt, had procured a shamefull event of the affair; or else, as I have translated them, turpi exitu peri••runt, had perished by an ignominious death. The former has rela∣tion to Galerius Maximianus. The Latter interpretation is to be understood of Severus Caesar: who being sent by Galerius with an Army against Maxentius, when he would have made preparations to lay Siege to Rome, he was deserted by his own Forces, (whom Maxentius had brought off to his own side by the hope of rewards,) and fled to Ravenna: in which City he was besieged by Maxentius; and being soon imposed upon by the fraud and perjuries of Maxi∣mianus Herculius, and carried to Rome in the habit of a captive, he was quickly after killed; as 'tis related in the Gesta Constantini. See the following chapter, where Eusebius relates this matter more at large. Vales.
• † 1.144

  Or, In the second place.
• * 1.145

  Or, This thought.
• a 1.146

  In the Kings Shcets the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Liba∣tions, is ad∣ded here. Vales.
• † 1.147

  Or, Give them war∣ning of.
• * 1.148

  Or, Nature.
• † 1.149

  Or, Root.
• b 1.150

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 'Tis very hard to tell what Eusebius means by this expres∣sion. Chri∣stophorson renders it thus; Tanquam supervacanea mortis accessio factus est, was made as 'twere the superfluous accession of death. And Portesius, before him, had rendred it fa••i accessionem, the accession, or, vantage of Fate. But I understand not, why Severus shoud be stiled the vantage of death, when he only of all his Army perished. I had therefore rather render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vilem victimam, a cheap and easie Sacrifice. For vile persons are rightly termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Also, what ever happens with∣out Labour and amidst sport as 'twere, is rightly termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So the death of Severus Caesar may rightly be stiled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in regard he was taken, and slain so easily, as if he had had no Souldiers about him. And perhaps it should be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Indeed, Gelasius Cyzicenus's words (book 1. chap. 3,) are these; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; where the Translator has rendred it the Accession of the War, which I like not. I had rather translate it in Gelasius thus, his velut belli proludiis ad bellum ipsum usus, having used these preludes of war as 'twere in order to the war itself. So also Eusebius expresses himself hereafter at book 2. chap. 52. Further, at this place there is a figure which Graecians term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For the overthrow of Severus Caesar preceded that ignominious ••••ight of Galerius. Vales.
• † 1.151

  Or, Folly.
• * 1.152

  Or, Heaven.
• a 1.153

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, de∣monstrated. I think the reading should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, received, or, admitted as true; and so Nicephorus seems to have read, book 7. chap. 29. So also I found it written in the King's Sheets. In the Fuk. and Savi∣lian Manu∣scripts, the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, appro∣ved, or, entertai∣ned. Vales.
• † 1.154

  Or, Victor Au∣gustus.
• * 1.155

  † Or, Oaths.
• * 1.156

  Or, Time.
• b 1.157

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ Nicephorus (book 7. chap. 29.) has expounded this place thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, For being about noon on the march with his Army about him, the Sun verging towards the West, &c. So also Portesius has rendred Eusebius's words: Sub meridiem (says he) inclinante jam die, about noon, the day now declining. But perhaps the whole clause is to be continued in one breath, and the words of Eusebius to be construed in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the day was now verging towards noon. Which in∣terpretation is favoured by Zonaras, who giving an account of this Vision in the Gesta of Constantine, says it appeared 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at mid-day. Indeed, in the King's and Fuketian Manuscripts, there is no Comma after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but only after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Comma is set. And yet in Socrates, (book 1. chap. 2.) who wrote out these words of Eusebius, after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is set a Comma. Therefore Christophorson at both places renders it thus circiter meri∣diem, die jam in pomeridianum tempus aliquantulum inclinante, about noon, the day now declining somewhat towards the afternoon. Which to me seems foolish, For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cannot be said, but when the day declines towards the evening, that is, after the ninth hour of the day, as Nicephorus rightly took it. But how can that agree with the preceding words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c? For 'tis the same as if you should say, about noon towards the evening. Some one will perhaps say, that by these last words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eusebius would mean, that that Vision was shown to Con∣stantine a little after noon. For the Sun going from the Meridian Point, afterwards by degrees verges into the West. But if Eusebius thought so, what need was there of so many words? For he might have exprest himself with more of brevity, thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it being now mid-day. Besides, Eusebius has said it in the plurall number, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that it might appear, that he meant not the sixth hour, but that whole space of hours which is ascribed to noon, to wit from the fifth hour to the ninth. Wherefore, I am induced to be of this opinion, that that Vision was presented to Constantine about the ninth hour of the day, whilst he was making a journey in company with his Army. And this is plainly confirmed by the following words. For Eusebius adds that Constantine being amazed after the Vision, whilst he was musing of many things within his own mind, night came on. Whence it ap∣pears, that that Vision appeared to Constantine and his Souldiers not long before night. In the Eleventh Book of the Historia Miscella. where this passage of Eusebius is produced, this rendition of it occurs, circa meridiem, declinante jam sole, about noon, the Sun now de∣clining. Vales.
• † 1.158

  Or, Heaven.
• * 1.159

  Or, Sign.
• a 1.160

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hapned is to be added, which I found written at the margin of Moraus's Copy. In the Kings Sheets this place is supplied at the margin in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Emperour himself, God having bestowed that also, vouchsased [us a sight of it.] And so S^r Henry Savil and Christophorson read. In the Fuketian Manuscript this place is written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. as above. But, the one of these expressions is su∣perfluous. For, either the verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must be expunged; or else those words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. must be left out. Unless you will read as S^r Henry Savil did, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For the Em∣perour himself, God having bestowed that also, vouchsased us a sight of it. Vales.
• a 1.161

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lan∣gus, Porte∣sius, and Christophorson have rendred it Cornu, a Horn; whereas they ought to have translated it antennam, i. e. a cross piece like that whereto a Sail is fixed, or, the Sailyard. Vales.
• * 1.162

  Or, Sail.
• b 1.163

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^r Henry Sa∣vil in his Copy has mended it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. in∣terwoven. Indeed, in the Fuke∣tian Manu∣script I found it written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and a little af∣ter, the same Copy and Turnebus read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• c 1.164

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By these words Eusebius shews, that that Flag or Sail was square. For an equall measure of length and breadth, does necessarily make a square figure. Indeed, in the old Coyns of Constantine and the following Princes, this Flag is to be seen in that figure I have mentioned. Christophorson there∣fore has rendred this place ill, in this manner, I stud igitur velamen ad cornu affixum, longitudinis latitudinisque crucis mensuram penitus exae∣quavit. Vales.
• d 1.165

  The meaning is, that that Spear from its basis to the Antenna, or Cross-piece fixed athwart it, was far longer, than from the Antenna to its very top. And this also may be discerned in the Coyns. This place may likewise have another meaning, viz. that that Spear was of a very great length from its bottome to the top. Vales.
• e 1.166

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Painted or Embroidered with a variety of Colours. For, that purple Flag which hung at the Antenna, was adorned with Gold and various sorts of Stones. But, I can't imagine what Chri∣stophorson meant, who has rendred these words of Eusebius in this manner, ad texturae discurrentis fimbrias: unless he read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• a 1.167

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be written in two words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, no other. S^r Henry Savil at the margin of his Copy hath mended it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the Fuketian Manuscript has it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• b 1.168

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. At this place Euseblus seems to have made use of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For there is no doubt but he means the Bishops: because a little after he adds these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. and having made those Prelates of God his Asses∣ours, &c. Vales.
• * 1.169

  Or, What was the meaning of that Sign of the Vision which ap∣peared.
• c 1.170

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. What the import of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is in the writings of the holy Fathers, we have suffi∣ciently no∣ted at book 1. chap. 1. of Eusebius's Ecolcs. Hi∣story. For, whatever Christ as man per∣formed in the flesh, in order to the salvati∣on of men, that is comprehended in the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Therefore Christophor∣son's rendition of this place is not good, who has turned it thus, Christi inter homines oeconomiam, the oeconomic of Christ amongst men. Nor does 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifie amongst men, but rather agreeable to men, that is, in an humane manner and fashion. So Gregorius Nyssenus in his Epistle to Eustathia and Ambrosia; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.171

  Or, The Menace of Tyrannick fire.
• a 1.172

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The place is imper∣fect, as 'tis evident; with Chri∣stophorson we have perfected it from the fourteenth chapter of the eighth Book of his Eccles. Hi∣story. In the Kings Sheets, this place is supplied at the margin in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. In the Fuke∣tian Manuscript 'tis written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Moreover, having parted Wives from their Husbands, be sent them back to their Husbands. Vales.
• b 1.173

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The first word must be expunged. But the following words are maimed and corrupted, which 'tis hard to make good without the assistance of the Manuscript Copies. Yet it may be read in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he was unable to find out a saticty or satis∣faction for his own Lusts. A little after this, the reading in the Fuketian and S^r Henry Savils Copy is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For they chose sooner, &c. Vales.
• c 1.174

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must, as I think, be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to death. For so our Eusebius expresses himself in book 8, chap. 14; where he treats concerning the wickednesses of Maximinus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, others, haled away to be ravished, were more ready to part with their lives, than yield up their bodies to be defiled. Vales.
• † 1.175

  Or, Sa∣crificed.
• * 1.176

  Or, As those of our age do re∣cord never to have hapned at Rome, or any where else.
• * 1.177

  Or, Devices.
• a 1.178

  In Ro∣bert Ste∣phens's E∣dition there was a whole line wanting here, which we have supplied from the Fuke∣tian, Savilian, and Turnebian Copies. But 'twas easie to have made up this defect, without Ma∣nuscript Copies, from book 9. chap. 9. of Eusebius's Eccles. Hi∣story. Vales.
• b 1.179

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Morau••'s Copy the last word is expunged, as superfluous. But I am afraid that some words are wanting here. S^r Henry Savil, at the margin of his Copy, notes that 'tis to be made good thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of his aid, or some such like expression. In the Copy of Ha∣drian Turnebus 'tis mended in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, But that madman; but this emendation is written in a more modern hand, to wit, the hand of Odo Turne∣bus: For Hadrianus had expun∣ged the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as superflu∣ous. Vales.
• * 1.180

  Psal. 7. 16, 17.
• * 1.181

  Exod. 15. 1, 2, 11.
• * 1.182

  Or, Eyes.
• a 1.183

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with a great Pi∣cture. In Eusebius's Panegyrick on Constan∣tine's Tri∣cennalia, the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and with a Loud Voice; which in my judg∣ment is to be prefer∣red. Further, at these words I began a new chapter, following the Authority of the King's and Fuketian Manuscripts; to which agree the old Sheets. Vales.
• b 1.184

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The reading is truer in the Panegyrick, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and by plainly Engraving, &c. A little after this, the Fuketian and Savilian Manuscripts add a word in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which he hath demonstrated to be the pre∣servative, &c. Vales.
• ‖ 1.185

  Or, True Cognizance of Valour.
• * 1.186

  Or, Par∣take of a Regenera∣tion of a fresh and new life.
• * 1.187

  Or, Shown to.
• ‖ 1.188

  Or, Edict was.
• a 1.189

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it must be made, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Veneration and honour. Turnebus in the mar∣gin of his Copy had mended it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; and so 'tis written in the Fuketian Manu∣script. In the Kings Sheets the adverb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is blotted out, and in its place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 them is written above. Vales.
• b 1.190

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. At this place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies not the countenance and form, as Christophorson thought, but the Garb and Dress. Wherefore I have exprest both in my Rendition; which I afterwards found had been done by Portesius also. The Garb and Dress of Prelates was at that time very mean, as Amm. Marcellinus attests in his 27^th Book, where he speaks concerning Damasus and Ursinus. Gregory Nazianzen also, in the Funerall Oration he wrote concerning the praises of Basilius, says that he▪ whilst he was Bishop of Caesarea, was clad in a mean Cloak, which he terms 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• c 1.191

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Kings Sheets this place is supplied in the margin, in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but was pleased to behold God honoured in each person. But the reading is shorter in the Fuketian and Savil. Manuscripts thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but was plea∣sed, or, thought good to look upon God himself. Vales.
• d 1.192

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I had rather write 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, for this Reason. Vales.
• * 1.193

  Or, Rich.
• † 1.194

  Or, As∣sistances.
• ‖ 1.195

  Or, Chappells, or, Vestries of the Church.
• a 1.196

  In the King's and Fuketian M. SS. and in the old Sheets, the Chapter▪ begins at these words. Vales.
• b 1.197

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He means the Heathens, who were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 without the Church. And this is confirmed from the following Chapter, where his words are these; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, such was his be∣haviour to∣wards all persons in generall. But his, &c. The like expression we meet with in Book 2, at the close of the 21, and beginning of the 22 chapters. Vales.
• * 1.198

  Or, Life.
• † 1.199

  Or, Wanting Father and Mother.
• c 1.200

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophorson renders it ill, nuptas, married▪ for, not those that are married, but them who are marrying bring a Portion to their Husbands. The same Christophorson has committed the like mistake, in rendring the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dead, as we have noted at Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 10. chap. 8. note (c.) Vales.
• d 1.201

  In the King's Manuscript, at the side of these words, this mark is set, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ which mark seems to me to denote, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an elegant expression, or, place. Vales.
• ‖ 1.202

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which words Valesius renders thus, ac cum caelesti solis Jubare quodammodo exoriens, and rising in a manner with a celestial beam of the Sun.
• e 1.203

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Eusebius uses this term to signifie benignity or bene∣ficence. So he has also used this word in the tenth book of his Hist. Vales.
• a 1.204

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. At this place Eu∣sebius does not term them faith∣full, who were true∣hearted and well∣affected to∣wards the Emperour, as the Translatours thought▪ but he styles the Christians so. For Constantine, in regard he was a most Religious Emperour, when ever he was present at the Councills of Bishops, was wont to send off all his Guards, and took with him only those of his Courtiers, who had been instructed in the mysteries of the Chri∣stian Faith▪ Vales.
• * 1.205

  That is, The Do∣natists.
• a 1.206

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, exaspera∣ted against them. Doubtless it must be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 against him, as the reading is in the King's and Fuketian Manu∣scripts: which e∣mendation I found written al∣so in Mo∣raeus's Co∣py. In the old Sheets likewise 'tis mended in the same hand. Vales.
• b 1.207

  He means the Donatists, of whose boldness and insolence many passages occur in Optatus and Augustinus. Concerning the begin∣ning and progress of which Schism throughout Africa, we have made many remarks not taken notice of by others, and have designedly placed them at the close of these notes. Vales. See Valesius's notes on Eusebius, pag. 289, &c.
• c 1.208

  In the Kings Sheets, this place is thus supplied in the margin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, some wicked devil (as 'tis likely;) which is more elegant. Vales.
• d 1.209

  Eusebius makes use of too soft a term. For those things which were then done by the Do∣natists in Africa, were such, as not to deserve laughter, but anintadversion rather. For, both the sanctity of Re∣ligion, and the authority likewise of the Emperour himself, were most insolently trampled on by those persons. But perhaps Eusebius at this place meant only those matters which had a reference to the contempt of the Imperial Majesty. For Constantine could dissemble those things, and might think them worthy of laughter, rather than trouble of mind. But he was resolved most severely to revenge what those Donatists did against God and the observancy of the Catholick Law, and on that design determined to pass over into Africk, as he himself writes in his Letter to Celsus Vicar of Africa. Vales.
• e 1.210

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Before these words is to be set an Astorisk. For some words are wanting, which in my judgment may be supplied in this manner: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. which we have express in our Version. Christophorson and S^r Henry Savil made good this place otherwise. In the Kings Sheets this place is thus made up in the margin; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, But, that he would in no wise inflict punishment on the fury of mad-men. But the words immediately following do reject this conjecture, In the Fuketian Manuscript this place is writ∣ten thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The same also is the reading in Turnebus's, and S^r Henry Savils Copy. But this reading seems to me to have issued from the conjecture of the Transcriber. Vales.
• a 1.211

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, made an invulnera∣ble provi∣sion for his Churches. Although this term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be fit∣ly made out concerning Constantine, whose mind could never be exul∣cerated and provok't by the madness of the Donatists and other Here∣ticks of the same stamp; yet at this place I had rather write 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For, in my judgment, it cannot well be said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he made an invulnerable Provision. But on the contrary, the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 will be used most elegantly: that is, he made an indefatigable Provision, &c. So in book 2. chap. 14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he exercised a sleepless or watchfull care over the publick. Vales.
• b 1.212

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but rather the mildest; as 'tis in the King's and Fuk. Manuscripts. Vales.
• a 1.213

  He means Maximi∣anus Her∣culius. For he had ob∣tained the 2^d place in the Em∣pire; and when he had framed Plots a∣gainst Con∣stantine, being de∣tected, he ended his life with an halter. Besides, the following words, wherein Eusebius tells us his Pictures and Sta∣tues were thrown down and defaced, do evi∣dently shew, that Maximi∣anus Her∣culius is meant here. Which if true, Eusebius hath committed a most foul mistake here, in relating Herculius's death after the Victory over Maxentius: when as 'tis certain, that Maximianus Herculius ended his life two years before the defeat and destruction of Maxentius, on the year of Christ 310. But who can believe, that Eusebius, who was contemporary with these times, could have been guilty of so great a mistake? Besides, the Title of this chapter gives us the name, not of Maximianus, but of Maxi∣minus. Therefore, I am easily induced to believe, that this place is corrupted, and that it ought to be mended thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the se∣cond of those persons that were chosen into the Empire by those who had resigned the Government: that so, Maximinus may be meant here, who together with Severus was made Caesar by Diocletian and Maximian, at such time as they resigned their purple, as Idatius writes in his Fasti. And thus the order of the times will proceed right in Eusebius. For Maximinus ended his life after the overthrow of Max∣entius, and by a most ignominious sort of death too, as Eusebius relates, Eccles. Hist. book 9. chap. 10. Vales.
• b 1.214

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, this was the first per∣son; from book 8. chap. 13. of his Eccles. History; where this whole place occurs almost in the same words. Further, what Eusebius says hapned first of all to Maximianus Herculius, that his Pictures and Statues should in all places be thrown down, ought not to seem strange to any one. For we must understand this in the same man∣ner, as where he tells us that Constantius Chlorus was the first Em∣perour that was deified. He means he was the first of those Empe∣rours which he had seen. But if any one had rather understand these words concerning Maximinus, he has Eusebius to defend his Opinion, who in the last chapter of his ninth book attests in express words, that all Maximin's Statues and Pictures were broken after his death. Vales.
• a 1.215

  At these words a chapter is begun in the Fuke∣tian Manu∣script, and in the old Sheets. Vales.
• * 1.216

  Or, Other part.
• b 1.217

  This place must be made up from chapter 8. book 10, of his Eccles. History; whence also the following chapter is to be mended. Vales.
• * 1.218

  Or, Trai∣terous.
• * 1.219

  Or, Menaces.
• * 1.220

  Or, Hold communi∣cation.
• † 1.221

  Matters of conside∣ration, or, debates.
• a 1.222

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Tur∣nebus at the margin of his Co∣py hath mended it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And this reading I found in Moraeus's Copy also. But I had rather write, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in honour to those consecrated persons. For Eusebius gives reasons, why the Emperour Constantine would ever and anon convene Synods of Bishops. The first reason, says he, was, that he might give honour to Gods Priests when assembled together. Secondly, that he might establish Peace and Concord amongst them. 'Tis certain, Eusebius does usually term The Priests 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it frequently occurs in these books. But if, with Turnebus, we would rather read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, then it must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that the discourse may agree with what follows; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must be taken for Religion it self; which is more uncouth, For I had rather express it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in honour to the sacred Law. Vales,
• ‖ 1.223

  Dissipate, or, tear in sunder.
• a 1.224

  Eusebius in his Chro∣nicon, at the four∣teenth year of Constan∣tine, says thus; Li∣cinius drives the Christians from his own Pal∣lace. Oro∣sius says the same in book 7. but in a disturbed order of affairs and times, in regard he relates that before the Cibalensian War, which War hap∣ned on the eighth year of Constantine's Empire. For there were two Civil Wars between Constantine and Licinius. The first War, wherein Licinius was vanquished at Cibalis in Pannonia, hapned on the year of Christ 314. The reasons of which War are Recorded by no other Writer, that I know of, but the Authour of the Excerpta de Gestis Constantini, which I have long since published at the end of Amm. Marcellinus; see pag. 473. But the latter War was that, wherein Licinius was routed near Hadrianople, and at length compelled to a surrendry of himself on the year of Christ 324. Eusebius has made no men∣tion of the former War; for this reason perhaps, because Licinius as yet had not raised Persecution against the Christians. For Licinius undertook to persecute the Christians long after that first War, to wit, on the fourteenth year of Constantine's Empire, as 'tis Recorded in Scaliger's and Miraeus's Edition of Eusebius's Chronicon, that is on the year of Christ 320. The same year occurs in Cedrenus's Chronicon. But Baronius relates, that Licinius raised Persecution against the Christians on the year of Christ 316. But in Baronius's Annalls, the History of both the Wars against Licinius is very much confused, and must be amended, partly from Idatius's Fasti, and partly from the Gesta Constantini heretofore published by me. 'Tis certain, Sozomen (book 1. chap. 7.) attests in express words, that Licinius undertook to persecute the Christians after the Cibalensian War. Vales.
• b 1.225

  From these words a new Chapter ought to have been begun. For these words belong to Licinius's second Law. Further, the expression 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which occurs in the Contents of Chap. 53, seems to be faulty, and put instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Church. And yet 'tis strange, that both in the King's Manuscript, and in the old Sheets, the reading is constantly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Although in the old Sheets 'tis mended in the same hand, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But in the Fuketian Manuscript 'tis excellently written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, should not meet in the Churches together with the men. Vales.
• c 1.226

  Or, He despaired of finding the Ornament of Chastity amongst men. Valesius thinks it should be written and pointed thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; He despaired of the na∣ture of men, making use of an ill argument.
• * 1.227

  Or, He Himself making use of himself as the Brand and Reproach of Nature.
• a 1.228

  See what I have no∣ted at chap. 8. book 10. of Euse∣bius's Ec∣cles. Histo∣ry; whence these pas∣sages are transcri∣bed almost word for word. Vales.
• * 1.229

  See note (b.)
• b 1.230

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So the words are to be con∣strued; which Chri∣stophorson perceived not. In∣deed, in the Fuketian Manuscript, after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is pla∣ced a Com∣ma. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are Offices of Magistrates. For each Magi∣strate had his Office or Attendants. This Office was a certain Body of Officials or Souldiers, who attended on the Judges, as may be seen in the Notitia of the Roman Empire. These Offices the Greeks termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as I have long since remarked at the 26^th book of Amm. Marcellinus, pag. 318 of my notes. The Old Glosses therefore are right, in explaining 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, officium, apparitio. So John Chrysostome in his first Homily on the Epistle to the Corinthians; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Don't you see children, how when at play they make a company of Apparitours or Attendants, and Officials, &c. Vales.
• c 1.231

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Johannes Morinus, a Learned person who has rendred these Books into French, thought that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here, the Gentiles or Heathens were meant; as if Eusebius had said, What need we make mention of the Heathens. See chap. 43, note (b.) But Christophorson renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 praeterea, besides; as if it 'twere the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in which manner Eusebius ex∣presses himself at chap. 43. Vales. Valesius renders it in the same manner with Christophorson.
• * 1.232

  Or, Re∣measurings.
• † 1.233

  The pu∣nishment allotted him was, as we are told, to starve in the midst of plenty.
• a 1.234

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. After these words, an Asterisk is to be pla∣ced. For there is an imper∣fection; which ne∣vertheless may be made up from book 10. chap. 8. in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, de∣clining from the way of sober reason. In the Fuk. Turneb. and Savil. Copies, the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• b 1.235

  He means Galerius Maximianus, who was the first Authour and Ringleader of the Christians Persecution, as Euscbius relates in book 8. of his Eccles. History. Cedrenus writes, that on the eighteenth year of Diocletian, Maximianus had raised a Persecution against the Christians, by the perswasion of one Theotecnus an Impostour. Who having forged Acts of Pilate stuft with impiety against Christ, Galerius made an establishment by an Edict, that Masters should give them to their Schollars to be learned by heart. But any one may perceive, that Ce∣drenus is out here, who attributes that to Galerius Maximianus, which was performed long after by Maximinus. This is an usuall mistake a∣mongst the Greeks, to confound Maximianus with Maximinus. Vales.
• * 1.236

  Or, Deadly.
• a 1.237

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Praeposition must be expunged. Further, this person termed the Latter is Maxi∣minus Tyrant of the East. Vales.
• * 1.238

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• † 1.239

  Or, Sea∣ring-Irons.
• † 1.240

  Or, Hope.
• * 1.241

  Or, In∣vented.
• † 1.242

  Or, Of universall providence.
• * 1.243

  Or, Figure.
• * 1.244

  Or, Wrote.
• * 1.245

  See Eu∣seb. Eccles. Hist. book 9. chap 10, note (a.)
• † 1.246

  Or, Ad∣hered to, or, closed with those very Actions, or, persons.