The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis, And [one] of the EX-PRAEFECTS. (Book 5)

CHAP. I. Concerning the Election of [the Emperour] Ju∣stinus, and concerning his Moralls.

WHen therefore Justinian in this manner had fill'd all places with Disquietude and Tumults, and at the close of his Life had received the condign reward of such [Actings,] he departed to the infernall * 1.1 punishments: but Justinus his Sister's Son, who was intrusted with the custody of the [Imperial] Pallace, which [Grand Officer] the Roman Tongue terms a 1.2 Curopalates, is invested with the pur∣ple after his [death:] neither Justinian's departure, nor the Election of Justinus ha∣ving been made known to any person, save to those that were his Confidents, till such time as he appeared at the * 1.3 Ludi Circenses, † 1.4 in or∣der to his performing and undertaking what usually belongs to an Emperour. After these [Solemnities] therefore were over, when nothing of an * 1.5 opposition had in any wise been attempted [against him,] he returned to the Pallace. [By] the first Edict he promul∣ged, the b 1.6 Prelates who had been convened in all places, were sent home to their own Sees, in order to their worshipping God in the usuall and recei∣ved manner, no Innovation being made in relation to the Faith. And this Action done by him was highly commendable. But, as to his Life, he was dissolute, and * 1.7 altogether a slave to Luxuries and † 1.8 obscene pleasures: so ardent a lover also of other mens mo∣ney, that he sold all things for illegall gain, and revered not the Deity even in the Ecclesiastick preferments, which he made his markets of to any persons he could meet with, and publickly proposed even these to sale. More∣over, being possest c 1.9 with [two most contrary] Vices, Boldness and Sloth, in the first place he caused his d 1.10 kinsman Justinus to be sent for, a personage of an universall honour and esteem, both for his skill in Military affairs, and for those other dignities [which he had born:] he at that time made his residence about the Danube, and hindred the Abari from passing that River.

The Abari are a Scythick Nation who live in Waggons, and inhabit the * 1.11 Regions scituate be∣yond Caucasus. Which people, in regard they had been sorely afflicted by the e 1.12 Turks their Neighbours, [left their habitation, and] with their whole Families fled from them, and came to the Bosphorus. Then leaving the Shore of that termed the Euxine Sea, (where many barbarous Nations who had left their own dwellings, inhabited; moreover, Cities, * 1.13 Castra, and f 1.14 some Stations had been built [there] by the Romans, when either † 1.15 Veterane Souldiers, or Colonies had been sent thither by the Emperours:) they con∣tinued on their journey, engaging▪ all the Bar∣barians they met with, till such time as they were arrived at the Banks of the Danube, and g 1.16 had sent Embassadours to Justinian. From thence therefore Justinus was sent for, on pretence as if he were to enjoy [the advantage of] that Com∣pact which had been made betwixt him and the Emperour Justinus. For, in regard both of them were equall as to their Secular Grandeur and Power, and whereas the Empire * 1.17 hung as it were betwixt them; after many debates they had come to this agree∣ment, that he who was arrived at the Empire, should give the other the Second place; that so, by being Second in the Empire, he might be First in respect of all other persons.

CHAP. II. Concerning the Murder of Justinus Kinsman to the Emperour Justinus.

[THe Emperour] Justinus therefore recei∣ved Justinus with great appearances of kindness and friendship; but soon after he fra∣med [various] causes and pretences, and [by de∣grees] deprived him of his * 1.18 Satellites, his Dome∣sticks, and the Protectors of his Body, and a 1.19 forbids him Access to himself: b 1.20 for he sate at home. [At length] by Justinus's order c 1.21 he is removed to the Great City Alexandria; where he is most inhumanely murdered in the dead of the night, whilst he lay in his bed; this being the reward he received for his kindness to the Republick, and for those eminent Services he had performed in the Wars. Nor would the Emperour Justinus and his wise Sophia abate of their rage, or could they satiate their burning sury [conceived against Ju∣stinus,] till such time as they had seen his head after 'twas cut off, and had trampled it under their feet.

CHAP. III. Concerning those Miscreants Addaeus and Aethe∣rius.

MOreover, a 1.22 not long after, the Emperour delivered up Aetherius and Addaeus, (persons of the b 1.23 Senatorian Order, who had been great Favourites of the Emperour Justi∣nian's,) to a judiciary process, they being charged with an accusation of High-Treason. Of these two, Aetherius confessed that he de∣signed to kill the Emperour by Poyson, and said that he had Addaeus his Accomplice in this at∣tempt, and his Assistant in all [his other de∣signes.] But Addaeus with horrid Oaths affir∣med, that he was wholly ignorant of these [Treasons.] Nevertheless, both of them were beheaded. Addaeus at such time as his head was cut off, affirmed, that in this matter he had been falsely accused, but that he was deservedly punished by [divine] Justice, which inspects all affairs where∣ever transacted: for [he said] that by Magick he had murdered Theodotus the Praefectus Praetorio.

But I cannot positively affirm whither or no these things were so: however, they were both most flagitious wretches. Addaeus was a Notorious * 1.24 So∣domite. And Aetherius omitted no sort of Calum∣ny, but preyed upon the Estates as well of the living, as of the dead, in the name of that Imperial c 1.25 House, of which he was Curator [or, Governour,] during the Empire of Justinian. And such was the con∣clusion of these matters.

CHAP. IV. Concerning the Edict of our Faith, which Justinus wrote to the Christians in all places.

MOreover, the same Justinus wrote an E∣dict to the Christians in all places, [the Contents] whereof [ran] in these express words. IN THE NAME OF THE LORD JESUS CHRIST OUR GOD, EMPEROUR CAESAR FLAVIUS JUSTINUS, FAITH∣FULL IN CHRIST, MILD, THE GREATEST, BENEFICENT, ALEMANICUS, GOTTHICUS, GERMANICUS, ANTICUS, FRANCICUS, ERULICUS, GEPAEDICUS, PIOUS, HAPPY, GLORIOUS, VICTOR, TRI∣UMPHATOR, ALWAYS ADORABLE, AUGUSTUS. * 1.26 My peace I give unto you, says the Lord Christ, our true God. My peace I leave with you, declares the same [Christ] to all men. The purport of which [expressions] is nothing else, but that those who believe in him should † 1.27 unite in one and the same Church: being of the same mind in relation to the true ‖ 1.28 Faith of the Chri∣stians, and having an aversion for them who affirm or think the contrary▪ For, the * 1.29 Primary safe∣ty [which] has been appointed to all men, [is] the Confession of the true Faith. Where∣fore, We also following the Evangelick Admoni∣tions, and the Holy Symboll, or Creed of the Holy Fathers, do exhort all men to betake themselves to one and the same Church and Opinion: believing in the Father, in the Son, and in the Holy Spirit, in the Consubstantiall Trinity, in the One Deity, or Nature and † 1.30 Essence, both in word and deed, and ‖ 1.31 asserting One Might and Power and Ope∣ration, in the three Hypostasis's or Persons, into which we have been baptized, in which we have believed, and to which we have been conjoyned. For we adore the Unity in the Trinity, and the Trinity in the Unity, which hath an admirable both Division, and * 1.32 Unition: an Unity in re∣spect of the † 1.33 Essence or Deity: but a Trinity in respect of the proprieties or Hypostasis's or Per∣sons. For, that we may so speak, it is indivisibly divided, and divisibly conjoyned. For [there is] One in Three, [to wit,] the Deity, and Three [are] One, in whom [namely] is the Deity, or, to speak more accurately, which [are] the Deity it self: God the Father, God the Son, God the Holy Ghost, when as each Person is considered by himself; the mind [to wit] dividing those things which are inseperable: the Three [Per∣sons being one] God, understood together, on ac∣count of the same Motion and the same Nature. For we ought both to confess one God, and also to assert Three * 1.34 Hypostasis's or Proprieties. But we Confess him, the only Begotten Son of God, God the Word, who was begotten of the Father before Ages and without time, not made; in the last days to have descended from Heaven on our account and for our Salvation, and to have been incarnate by the Holy Ghost, and of our Lady the Holy Glorious Theotocos and Ever-Virgin Mary, and to have been born of her: a 1.35 who is our Lord Jesus Christ, one of the Holy Trinity, Glorified together with the Father and the Holy Spirit. For the holy Trinity hath not received an addi∣tion of a Fourth Person, although one of the holy Trinity God the Word hath been incarnate: but he is One and the same our Lord Jesus Christ, Consubstantiall to God and the Father according to the Deity, and the same [Person is] of the same substance with us in respect of the Hu∣manity: passible in the flesh, and the same [Per∣son] impassible in the Deity. For we acknow∣ledge not One God the Word who wrought Mi∣racles, and another who suffered: but we confess One and the same our Lord Jesus Christ God the Word, to have been incarnate and perfectly made man, and that the Miracles † 1.36 belong both to One and the same, as likewise the sufferings, which he Voluntarily underwent in the flesh on account of our Salvation. For * 1.37 a man gave not himself for us; but God the Word himself, made man with∣out [any] Conversion, ‖ 1.38 underwent both a Spon∣taneous Passion, and a death in the Flesh for us. Although therefore we confess him to be God, yet we deny not that the same person is also Man: and by our confessing him to be man, we deny not the same Person to be also God. Whence, whilst we profess one and the same [Per∣son] our Lord Jesus Christ to be * 1.39 compounded of both Natures, the Deity and the Humanity, b 1.40 we introduce not a Confusion into the Unition.

For he * 1.41 will not cease to be God, because † 1.42 a∣greeably to us he was made man: nor again, be∣cause by Nature he is God, and cannot receive a likeness to us, will he refuse to be man. For, as he hath continued God in the Humanity, so also [though] existing in the ‖ 1.43 Majesty of the Deity, he nevertheless [continues] Man: * 1.44 existing Both in the same, and [is] One God and also Man, The Emmanuel. [Further, whereas] we con∣fess him perfect in the Deity, and perfect in the Humanity, of which [two] he is also made up, [yet] † 1.45 we bring not in a particular Division or Section upon his one compounded Hypostasis: but we show the difference of the Natures, which is not destroyed [or, taken away] by the Unition. For, neither has the Divine Nature been changed into the Humane, nor hath the Humane Nature been converted into the Divine. But both [Na∣tures] c 1.46 being understood, or rather existing in the defini tion and ‖ 1.47 manner of the proper Na∣ture, we affirm that the Unition was made according to the person: now, the Unition according to the person imports, that God the Word, that is one Person of the Three persons of the Deity, was united not to a prae-existing Man, but in the Womb of our Lady the Holy-Glorious Theotocos and E∣ver-Virgin Mary; that from her he framed to himself in a proper Person Flesh of the same substance with us and subject to like passions in all things, sin only excepted, and that it was enlive∣ned with a rationall and intelligent Soul. d 1.48 For he had a Person in himself, and was made Man, and is One and the same our Lord Jesus Christ Glorified together with the Father and the Holy Ghost. [Moreover,] weighing in our minds his ineffable Unition, we rightly confess one Na∣ture incarnate of God the Word, which in the Flesh is enlivened with a rationall and intelligent Soul. And again, taking into consideration the difference of the Natures, we assert them to be two, introducing no manner of Division. For each Nature is in him. Wherefore, we confess One and the same Christ, One Son, One Person, One Hypostasis, [to be] God and also Man. But all those, who have thought or do think con∣trary hereto, we Anathematize, and judge them estranged from the Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church of God. Whereas therefore the true * 1.49 Dog∣mata, which have been delivered to us by the Holy Fathers, are asserted; We exhort you all to Concur in one and the same Catholick and Apo∣stolick Church; yea rather, we beseech you. For we are not ashamed, though placed in the sublimity of Royalty, to make use of such expressions e 1.50 for the Consent and Union of all Christians, to the end one Glorification may be † 1.51 attributed to the Great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ; and that in future▪ no per∣son might pretend to quarrell f 1.52 about the Persons or the Syllables. For the Syllables tend to one and the same right Faith and meaning: that Usage and ‖ 1.53 Form, which hitherto hath ob∣tained in God's Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church, [remaining] in all things firm and without Innovation, and con∣tinuing [so] to all Futurity.

To this Edict all persons gave their consent, and affirmed [that the Faith and Doctrine] was [therein] Orthodoxly promulged: but yet it reduced not so much as one [of the Churche's members,] which had been rent insunder, to an Unity, because [the Emperour] in express words had declared, that [the State of] the Churches had been preserved firm and without Innovation, and for the time yet to come [should so continue.]

CHAP. V. Concerning the Ejection of Anastasius Bishop of * 1.54 Theopolis.

MOreover, Justinus ejected Anastasius out of the Chair of Theopolis; objecting a∣gainst him, both the profuse expence of the sacred Revenue which had been made, saying it was immoderate, and not according to what was meet and necessary; and also [charging him] with † 1.55 reflecting abusively on himself. For when Anastasius was asked, why he would fling away the sacred money in so lavish a manner, he replyed openly, that it might not be taken away by Justinus that common Pest. But 'twas said that [Justinus] had therefore conceived an old Grudge against Anastasius, because when

he demanded money of him a 1.56 at his promotion to the Bishoprick, Anastasius would not give it him. Moreover, b 1.57 other matters were objected against Anastasius, by some persons who, I sup∣pose, were desirous of serving and promoting the Emperour's design.

CHAP. VI. That, after Anastasius, Gregorius was made Bi∣shop, and concerning his disposition.

BUt after Anastasius, Gregorius is preferred to the Episcopall Throne, a 1.58 whose Glory, that I may use the Poet's expression, is far spread. [This person] from his younger years had been exercised in the Monastick Conflicts, and had striven with so much courage and constancy of mind, that in a very short time, ‖ 1.59 even during his youthfull age, he arri∣ved at the highest degrees; and Governed the Monaste∣ry of the b 1.60 Byzantii, where he embraced a † 1.61 Monastick life. [Afterwards,] by the * 1.62 order of Justinus [he pre∣sided over the Monks] of mount Sinai al∣so; in which place he fell into the greatest of dangers, by undergoing a Siege from those Arabians [termed] Scenitae. Nevertheless, when he had procured that place a profound Peace, he was called from thence to the † 1.63 Patriarchate. For under∣standing and virtue of mind, c 1.64 and in all other things he was the eminentest person of all men, and the most active in [effecting] whatever he had proposed to himself; ‖ 1.65 of an undaunted spirit, and a man not to be induced to yield, or to be afraid of the Secular power. He made such magnificent † 1.66 distributions of money, and used such a boun∣tifullness and liberality towards all men, that whenever he went abroad, numerous crowds of people, besides those that were his usuall at∣tendants, followed him. And whatever per∣sons could either see, or hear he was d 1.67 going forth, flock't together. e 1.68 The honour gi∣ven to the supreamest Powers [of this world] was inferi∣our to that [paid] to this man; for people were for the most part desirous, both of seeing him as near as pos∣sibly they could, and coveted to hear him discourse. For he was most excellently qua∣lified to excite a desire of himself in all persons, who up∣on what ever account came to and conversed with him. For, his aspect was admirable, and his discourse, by rea∣son of his pleasantness of speech, most delightfull; as ready as ever was any man, in the present apprehending of a thing, and most quick in action: in ‖ 1.69 choosing the best advice, and in passing a judgement, as well of his own, as the affairs of others, he was † 1.70 most pru∣dent. On which account he performed so ma∣ny and such great things, never deferring any business till the morrow. He was the admira∣tion not only of the Roman Emperours, but of them of Persia also, in regard he so demeaned himself in all affairs, as either necessity required,

or occasion would bear; f 1.71 [to which he was] never wanting, as I shall manifest particularly in due place. There was in him much of ve∣hemency, and also some∣times passion. But on the other hand, his Lenity and Mansuetude was not little, but rather † 1.72 abundant and extra∣ordinary. So that, that say∣ing which with great wisedom hath been utte∣red by Gregorius the Divine, might incompa∣rably well befit him; an Austerity so well tem∣pered with ‖ 1.73 Modesty, that the one is not injured by the other; but both are an ornament and com∣mendation to each other.

CHAP. VII. How those termed the Persarmenii surrendred themselves † 1.74 to the Romans: on which account a War broke out ‖ 1.75 between the Romans and Persians.

DUring the first year of this [Gregorius's] Governing his Bishoprick, the [Inhabi∣tants] of that [Country] anciently termed Ar∣menia the Great (which afterwards was named Persarmenia; this [Region] had heretofore been subject to the Romans; but, after Philippus successour to Gordianus, had betrayed it to Sa∣por, that termed Armenia the Less remained in subjection to the Romans; though all the rest was in the power of the Persians:) being profes∣sours of the Christian Religion, in regard they had a 1.76 suffered grievously from the Persians, and especially ‖ 1.77 in those matters which re∣lated to their Religion, sent an Em∣bassy secretly to Justinus, entreating they † 1.78 might be received as subjects to the Romans; to the end they might with freedome and security perform [the Rites] of the Divine wor∣ship and honour, and that nothing might obstruct them [in those performances.] [Which Embassy] Justinus having admitted of, and some [Conditions set forth] in wri∣ting having been agreed to by the Emperour, and confirmed with great and solemn b 1.79 Oaths; the Armenii kill their own c 1.80 Gover∣nours, and * 1.81 in one intire Body joyn themselves to the Roman Empire, toge∣ther with their Neighbours whom they had taken into an Association with themselves, as well those of the same, as of other Nations; Var∣danes [being their Leader,] a person eminent amongst them for descent, dignity, and skill in Military affairs. When therefore Chosroes complain∣ed of these things, Justinus dis∣missed [his Embassadours] with these words, that the peace [which had been made between them] was terminated, and that 'twas not possible for Christians to reject Christians when they made them their refuge in a time of War. This was Justinus's answer. Nevertheless, he made no preparations for a War; but yielded up himself to his usuall Voluptuousness, and ‖ 1.82 Postponed all af∣fairs to his own pleasures.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning Marcianus the † 1.83 Magister Militum, and concerning the Siege of Nisibis.

[FUrther,] he sends a 1.84 Marcianus, who was his kinsman, Magister of the Orientall [Milice,] but allows him neither an Army fit for an engagement, nor any other sufficient pro∣vision for the [carrying on a] War. Marci∣anus arrives in Mesopotamia, to the manifest hazard and Subversion of all affairs, drawing along with him some few Souldiers, and those unarmed; having also with him some Trench∣makers and b 1.85 Oxe-drivers, whom he had by force taken from among the c 1.86 Provincialls. He comes to an Engagement therefore with the Persians in a small Fight about Nisibis, (the Persians them∣selves being as yet unprovided for a War;) and having got the better, lays Siege to the City: the Persians [in the interim] thought not fit to shut the Gates, but most scornfully re∣proach't and derided the Army of the Romans. Many other Prodigies were seen, which fore∣shewed the future misfortunes; but at the be∣ginning of this War, we our selves saw a Calf newly calv'd, out of whose neck grew forth two heads.

CHAP. IX. How Chosroes (after he had sent his Generall Adaarmanes against the Romans, who afflicted them with many and those severe Losses;) went himself in person to Nisibis.

BUt Chosroes, after he had made sufficient pro∣vision of all things necessary for a War, went to a certain [place,] and having past the Eu∣phrates in his own Country, sends Adaarmanes into the Roman Territories, by a [place] ter∣med Circesium. This Circesium is a Town most commodious to the Romans, scituate in the ut∣most confines of the Empire. Which [Town] is fortified not only with walls raised to a vast heighth; but the Rivers Euphrates and Aboras do likewise encompass it, and make the City as 'twere an Island. But [Chosroes] himself having, together with those [Forces] about him, passed the River Tigris, marched directly to Nisibis. [Though] these things had been done, [yet] the Romans were a long while ignorant of them: in so much that Justinus, giving overmuch credit to report, (which said that Chosroes was either already dead, or drawing his very last breath,) became highly incensed, because the Siege of Nisibis was protracted so long; and sent some persons who might hasten Marcianus forward, and might forthwith bring him the Keys of the Gates: But when this af∣fair was not in the least forwarded, but rather he himself procured great ignominy and disgrace, in regard he would attempt those things which could not be done against such and so vast a City, and with so pittifull and despicable an Army; in the first place a message is brought to Gregorius Bishop of Theopolis. For where∣as the Bishop of Nisibis was an intimate friend to Gregorius, in regard he had received great presents from him; and moreover being one that was high∣ly displeased at the Persians contumelious usage of the Christians, which the Christians had continu∣ally suffered from them, being also desirous that his own City might become subject [to the Em∣pire] of the Romans; he gave Gregorius an ac∣count of whatever was done in the Enemie's Country, and in due time made known [to him] all things. Of which [matters Gre∣gorius] forthwith sent Justinus a Relation, de∣claring to him Chosroes's sudden irruption. But Justinus, involved in his usuall pleasures, heeded not what had been written [to him by Gre∣gorius;] nor would he give credit thereto, but only supposed [that true,] which he him∣self desired. For * 1.87 'tis usuall with persons who are dissolute, that they should be both a 1.88 slothfull and con∣fident against the Events [of affairs;] and if any thing happens contrary to their wills, they disbelieve it. He wrote therefore to Grego∣rius, [in which Letters] he perfectly rejected those things [told him by Gregorius,] as being wholly false: or if they were true, yet, that the Persians could never prevent the Siege; but, that if they did prevent it, they would retire [from thence] with great loss. [At the same time] he sends one Acacius (a wicked and spitefull person,) to Marcianus, giving him order, that although Marcianus should have set one of his feet into the City, he should never∣theless * 1.89 turn him out of Commission. Which thing [Acacius] performed exactly, obeying the Emperour's Commands though to the dis∣advantage of the Republick. For being arrived in the [Roman] Camp, he divests Marcianus of his Command, in the Enemies Country, with∣out having acquainted the Army therewith. But the Centurions and Leaders of the Ranks, ha∣ving understood at their coming off the Watch, that their Commander in chief was turn'd out of Commission, b 1.90 would not appear in publick any more, but left [the Service,] were dispersed here and there, and brake up the ridiculous Siege. In the interim Adaarmanes having an Army of Persians and barbarous Scenitae fit to engage, passed by Circesium, and ruined the Roman Ter∣ritories with all manner of depopulations, bur∣ning and killing, designing in his mind or perfor∣ming nothing that was mean and triviall. He also takes Castles and many Villages, no body making a resistance against him: First, because [at that time] there was no Commander [of the Romans:] and then, in regard the [Ro∣man] Souldiers were by Chosroes shut up in Daras; as well Excursions to fetch in forrage, as irruptions, were made without impediment. He made an attack also upon the † 1.91 Theopolites by the Souldiers he had with him; (for he went not thither in person.) Nevertheless, those [Soul∣diers of his] received a repulse beyond all expe∣ctation, although no body, excepting only a very small number, continued in the City; and though the Bishop was fled, and had carried a long with him the sacred Treasure, because, both most part of the wall was fallen down, and the people also had raised a Sedition, being desirous of beginning an Innovation, as it usually happens, and most espe∣cially at such times as those. Moreover, [the Seditious] themselves betook themselves to their heels, and had left the City empty; nothing at all being to be found out, * 1.92 that might either annoy the Enemy, or on the other hand keep them off.

CHAP. X. Concerning the taking of Apamia and Daras.

VVHen therefore a 1.93 Adaarmanes had been frustrated in this attempt, having burnt that City anciently termed Heraclea, but after∣wards named Gagalice, he took Apamia, which had been built by b 1.94 Seleucus Nicator, [a City]

heretofore rich and populous, but in [process of] time it was become extreamly ruinous. Ha∣ving possest himself of this City on some Articles of agreement, (for [the Inhabitants] were in no wise in a capacity to make a resistance, the wall by reason of its age being faln to the ground;) he utterly destroyed it by fire; and when he had made, plunder of all things, con∣trary to the conditions agreed to by him, he went away, and lead away Captive all the Ci∣tizens, and [the Inhabitants of] the adjacent Villages. Amongst which [Prisoners] he car∣ried away alive the Bishop of the City, and that person who was entrusted with the Government [of the Province.] Moreover, he committed all manner of * 1.95 outrages at his departure, there being no body that might restrain or give him any the lest resistance, excepting a very few Souldiers sent by Justinus, under the Command of one Magnus, who was heretofore President of the † 1.96 Argentarii at the Imperiall City, but had afterwards by Justinus been made Curator of one of the Imperial Houses. And these [Souldiers] also ran away with all the hast imaginable, there having wanted but little of their being all taken by the Enemy. When therefore Adaarmanes had performed these Ex∣ploits, he came to Chosroes, who had not yet taken the City [Daras.] His joyning Forces with Chosroes was of great importance to [their] affairs, both because it gave incouragement to their own men, and also struck a terrour into the Enemy. Further, [Chosroes] found that City encompassed with a wall, and a vast Ram∣pire of earth cast up hard by the wall, also those Engines [termed] * 1.97 Helepoles standing ready; and especially the Catapultae wherewith stones are thrown from an Eminence, which [Machines] they usually term † 1.98 Petrariae. ‖ 1.99 In this man∣ner Chosroes became Master of that City by force, in the Winter time, Johannes the Son of Timo∣stratus being its Governour, who was very little sollicitous about it, or rather betrayed it. For both are reported. Now, Chosroes had laid Siege to that City five months and more, no body appearing in its defence. Having there∣fore brought all persons out of the City, (which were a vast multitude,) and in a cruell manner killed some of them there, and preserved others, which were the most in number, alive; he for∣tified the City with a Garrison, because its site was commodious: but he himself returned into his own Countrey.

CHAP. XI. That the Emperour Justinus was seized with a * 1.100 Frensie: but Tiberius undertook the care of the Republick.

WHich [proceedings] when Justinus was made acquainted with, having in his mind not so much as one thought that was sound and prudent, nor bearing his a 1.101 misfortune so as it becomes a man to doe; from such an heighth of pride and haughtiness he falls into a Frantick distemper and madness, and in future became in∣sensible of what was transacted. From thence forward therefore Tiberius had the management of the Republick, a person by descent a Thra∣cian, but one who bore the chiefest place of trust, [and was the greatest favourite] with Justinus. b 1.102 This person had heretofore been sent [by Justinus] against the * 1.103 Abari, [ac∣companied with] a vast Army of Souldiers which had been raised. But, the Souldiers not en∣during so much as the sight of the Barbarians, Tiberius wanted but little of being taken, had not the Divine providence in a wonderfull manner protected him, and reserved him for the Ro∣man Empire; which had been reduced to such danger by Justinus's absurd and rash attempts, that ['twas feared least] together with the whole State it should be utterly ruined, and might yield to the * 1.104 prevalent power and dominion of the Barbarians.

CHAP. XII. That Trajanus having been sent Embassadour to Chosroes, * 1.105 repaired the affairs of the Romans.

TIberius therefore resolves upon a † 1.106 Course very seasonable, and accommodate to the [present juncture of] affairs; which repaired the whole misfortune. For a 1.107 Trajanus, a wise person of the Senatorian Order, a man highly valued by all men for his gray-hairs and un∣derstanding, is dispatcht a∣way to Chosroes: He was not to perform that Embassy in the name of ‖ 1.108 the Emperour, nor of the State; but was to speak in behalf only of [the Empress] Sophia. Moreover, She wrote to Chosroes, [in which Let∣ter] She lamented both the calamities of her Husband, and also the State's being deprived of an Emperour; adding with all, that 'twas misbecoming [a Prince] to insult over a woman that was a wid∣dow, over a ‖ 1.109 dead Emperour, and over a de∣serted State: For, that * 1.110 he himself, when he had faln sick sometime since, had not only ex∣perienced the like [humanity and kind usage,] but had likewise had the best Physitians sent him by the Roman State, who also freed him from his distemper. [Hereby] therefore Chosroes is prevailed upon. And although he was just ready to make an Invasion ‖ 1.111 upon the Ter∣ritories of the Romans, yet he concludes a Truce for the space of three years, in the Eastern parts. But, 'twas thought good, that Armenia b 1.112 should not be included in the like [conditions of a Truce;] so that, he might wage War there, provided no body disturbed the Eastern parts.

During the transaction of these affairs in the East, Sirmium was taken by the c 1.113 Abares: which [City] the Gepidae had possest them∣selves of before, but had afterwards Surrendred it to [the Emperour] Justinus.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning the Election of Tiberius to the Em∣pire, and concerning his disposition.

ABout the same time, Justinus by the advice of Sophia, proclaims Tiberius, Caesar. At which Election [Justinus] made such a speech, as transcends all History, as well ancient as mo∣dern: the most Commpassionate God allowing Justinus this opportunity, both for a confession of his own sins, and also that he might be the Au∣thour of wholesome advice for the advantage and benefit of the State. For, at a convention a 1.114 in the Atrium of the [Imperial] Pallace (where b 1.115 ancient custome says such Solemnities were performed,) both of c 1.116 Johannes the Patriarch, whom we mentioned before, together with his Clergy, of the Magistracy and Honorati, and of all the Grand Officers about the Court; Justinus, when he had invested Tiberius with the Imperial Coat, and had cloathed him in the [Pur∣ple] * 1.117 Robe, with a loud voice spake publickly [these following words.]

Let not the Magnificence of Your Attire de∣ceive You, nor the Scene of those things which are seen: by which I have been imposed upon, and have rendred my self obnoxious to the Extream∣est of Punishments. Do You correct my mistakes, and withall * 1.118 Lenity and Mansuetude Govern the State. Then pointing to the † 1.119 Magistrates; You ought not, said he, in any wise to be per∣swaded by them; and further added, For they have reduced me to those Circumstances wherein You now behold me. [He uttered] severall other such like [expressions,] which put all persons into an amaze, and drew from them plenty of Tears. Now, Tiberius was very tall of Body, and besides his Stature, the Comeliest person, not only of Emperours, but of all other men, d 1.120 as far as any one may conjecture; e 1.121 in so much that, in the first place, even his very shape deserved an Empire. His temper of mind was Sweet and Curteous, [a person] that received all men kindly even at the first sight. He esteemed it [the greatest] Riches to be liberall to all men in reference to bountifull Contributions, not on∣ly as far as a necessity, but even to an affluence.

f 1.122 For he considered no••, what Petitioners ought to receive, but what it became an Emperour of the Romans to give. 'Twas his Sentiment, that that Gold was adulterate ‖ 1.123 which was Collected with the Tears [of the Provincialls.] Hence ('tis cer∣tain) it was, that he remitted the Collection of g 1.124 one whole years Tribute, to the Tributaries. And those possessions which Ada∣armanes had ruined, he freed from the Tribu∣tary Function, not only in proportion to the damage they had suffered, but also much above [the loss.] Moreover, h 1.125 those illegall Presents were remitted to the Magistrates, for which [Bribes] the Emperours had heretofore sold their Subjects [to them.] He also wrote Constitutions concerning these matters, ma∣king thereby provision for the security of po∣sterity.

CHAP. XIV. That the Emperour Tiberius raised a vast Army [to be imployed] against Chosroes; [at the head whereof] he sent Justinianus the Dux, and drove [Chosroes] out of * 1.126 the Roman Pale.

HAving therefore imployed the ill gotten Treasure to a good use, he made pro∣vision for a War. And raises so vast an Army * 1.127 of valiant men, by listing the choycest Soul∣diers, both of the ‖ 1.128 Transalpine Nations who [inhabit] about the Rhine, and also of the † 1.129 Cisalpines, of the Massagetae likewise, and other Scythick nations; of those also about * 1.130 Panno∣nia and Moesia, of the Illyrii and Isauri: that he intermixt near an Hundred and fifty thou∣sand men with his incom∣parable a 1.131 Troops of Horse, and Routed Chosroes: who after his taking of Daras, immediately in the Summer had made an irruption into Armenia, and from thence resolved upon an Invasion of Caesarea, (which is the Metropolis of Cappadocia,) and of the Cities in that Region. He contemned the Roman Em∣pire in such a manner, that when Caesar dis∣patch't away an Embassy to him, he would not vouchsafe the Ambassadours access to him∣self: but ordered them to follow him to Cae∣sarea: for there, he said, he would * 1.132 give them audience. But when he saw the Roman Army fronting him, (Commanded by b 1.133 Justini∣anus c 1.134 Brother to that Justinus who had been barbarously murdered by [the Emperour] Ju∣stinus,) accurately well Armed, the Trumpe••s sounding an Alarm, the Colours raised in order to an Engagement, the Souldier greedy of slaugh∣ter, and with a most incomparable decency breathing forth rage and fury, [lastly] such and so great a number of Horse, as none of the Emperours had ever conceived in their mind; he was stricken with a great amazement, sighed deeply at so unhop't-for and unexpected a thing, and would not begin a Fight. When therefore he deferred an Engagement, made delayes, spent the time, and only feigned a Fight; d 1.135 Curs the Scythian, a person that Commanded the Right Wing, makes an Attack upon him. The Persians were not able to bear the † 1.136 Shock of his Charge, but appa∣rently deserted their ‖ 1.137 Ranks; where∣upon [Curs] made a great slaugh∣ter amongst the Enemy. Then he Attacks the Rere [of the Persian,] where Chosroes and the whole Army had their Baggage: and he takes all the Kings Treasure, and more∣over the whole Baggage, in the very sight of Chosroes, who bore it with patience, and e 1.138 thought his own trouble might with more ease be indured, than the Attack of Curs. In this manner therefore Curs, together with his Souldiers, possesses himself of great Riches and Plunder, and drives away the Beasts of burthen together with their Burthens, amongst which hapned to be Chosroes's Sacred Fire, adored by him as a God: [after this] he marches round the Persian Army singing a Victorious Song, and about Candle-lighting re∣turns to * 1.139 the Roman Army, which † 1.140 had now left its Station; neither Chosroes nor the Romans having be∣gun a Fight: only some Skirmishes had hapned, and (as it usually hap∣pens,)

sometimes one man [came out] of each Army and engaged in a single Combat. On the night following Chosroes kindled many Fires, and prepared for a Night-Fight: and whereas the Roman Army was divided into two Camps, in the dead of the Night he falls upon those who were Encamped to the North∣ward. After he had routed them by his sudden and unexpected Attack, he invades Melitina a City that lay near, which was then without a Garrison and destitute of Inhabitants. And after he had burnt down this whole City, he made preparations for his passing over the River Euphrates. But when the Roman Army was got together into one Body, and followed him, being put into a fear in relation to his own safety, he himself got upon an Elephant, and so past the River. But a vast number of the [Forces] about him were buried in the Tor∣rent of the Euphrates. After he had received information of their being drowned, he mar∣ched away from thence. Chosroes therefore having undergone this last punishment for his so great † 1.141 insolence towards the Romans, in com∣pany of those [of his Forces] who had made their escape, went into the East, where he had a Truce, to the end no one might make an Attack upon him. But Justinianus with the whole Roman Army entred the Persian Em∣pire, where he passed the Winter season, no body giving him any the least molestation. A∣bout the Summer Solstice he returned, with∣out the loss of any part of his Forces, and with great felicity and much glory spent the Summer about the Confines of both Em∣pires.

CHAP. XV. That Chosroes being heavily disquieted at his own overthrow, ended his life: but his Son Hormisda undertook the Government of the Persians.

BUt, an immense [deluge of] sadness being poured in upon a 1.142 Chosroes, (who was now sorely distressed, reduced to a desperation, and overwhelmed with a reciprocall Torrent of Grief,) in a miserable manner took him out of this life; after he had erected an immortall Monument of his own Flight, [to wit] the Law he wrote, that no Emperour of the Per∣sians should in future lead forth an Army a∣gainst the Romans. His Son Hormisda succeeds him in the Empire. b 1.143 Of whom I must at pre∣sent omit to speak, in regard the sequel [of Transactions] calls me to themselves, and doth expect the * 1.144 thread of my Discourse.

CHAP. XVI. Who at that time were Bishops of the Greater Churches.

AFter the departure of Johannes, called also Ca∣telinus, out of this life, a 1.145 Bonosus undertakes the Government of the Bishoprick of Rome; he was succeeded by another Johannes, whose successour was Pelagius. The Con∣stantinopolitane Chair, when Johannes was dead, was re∣stored to Eutychius, who had been Bishop before Jo∣hannes. After Apollinaris, Johannes succeeds in the Throne of Alexandria, who was succeeded by Eulogius. After Ma∣carius, Johannes is promoted to the Episcopate of Jerusalem, a person who had been excer∣cised in the Conflicts of an unfurnished life, in that termed the Monasterie of the Acoemeti; b 1.146 nothing of an Innovation having been at∣tempted in relation to the Ecclesiastick consti∣tution.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning the Earthquake which hapned at An∣tioch in the times of Tiberius.

BUt, a 1.147 in the third year of Tiberius the Cae∣sar's Governing the Roman Empire, there hapned at Antioch and the Suburb Daphne which is near it, a most dismall shaking of the Earth, b 1.148 at the very hottest time of Noon-day. At which time all Daphne was totally demolished by this Earthquake, and the Edifices at Antioch, as well the publick as the private ones, were rent in sunder to the very earth, but fell not to the very ground. Some other accidents hapned likewise, highly worthy to be recorded, both at Theopolis it self, and at the Imperial City also: which disquieted both those Cities, and incited them to the greatest Tumults. [These Acci∣dents] took their * 1.149 beginning from a divine Zeal, and obtained a conclu∣sion befitting God. Which [matters] c 1.150 I come [now] to give a Narrative of.

CHAP. XVIII. Concerning the Insurrection against the Execrable Anatolius.

ONe Anatolius (a person at first a 1.151 of the ordinary rank, and one of the Sedentary Mechanicks, but afterwards in what manner I know not, he had thrust himself into the Magi∣stracy, and into other Offices;) lived in the City Antioch: where also he followed those affairs which he then had in hand. On which account likewise it hapned that he contracted an intimate familiarity with Gregorius the Pre∣late of that City: and made frequent visits to him, b 1.152 partly that he might confer with him, and partly to render his own power and authority greater by often conversing with him. This [Anatolius] was afterwards discovered to have sacrificed [to the Gods;] and having on that account been called to Examination, was detected to be a most execrable wretch, a Con∣jurer, and a person involved in innumerable im∣pieties. But he † 1.153 corrupted the Comes of the East with money; and wanted but little of gaining his dismission, together with his Ac∣complices; (For he had severall others of the same Moralls with himself, who had been ap∣prehended at the same time that he was:) had not the populacy made an Insurrection, and by raising a great disturbance, spoyled that design. Moreover, they exclaimed against the Patriarch himself, and said that he * 1.154 was a party in that Consult. Also, some turbulent and destructive Daemon c 1.155 had perswaded some persons, that he was ‖ 1.156 present together with Anatolius at the [detestable] sacrifices. For this reason Gre∣gorius was reduced to the imminentest of dan∣gers, most violent incursions being made against him by the populacy. And this suspicion was raised to such an heighth, that the Emperour Tiberius himself became desirous of knowing the truth from Anatolius's own mouth. He gives order therefore, that Anatolius and his Accomplices should forthwith be conveyed to the Imperial City. Which when Anatolius understood, he ran to an Image of the Theotocos hung up by a rope in the Prison, and having folded his hands behind his back, shewed him∣self in the posture of an humble Suppliant and Petitioner. But she, abominating [the man,] and reproving [the Wretch] as impious and hatefull to God, d 1.157 turned [her face] quite back∣ward; an horred sight, and worthy to be for∣ever remembred: which thing having been seen, both by all the Prisoners, and also by those who were entrusted with the custody of Anatolius and his Accom∣plices; was declared to all persons. Moreover, she was seen by some of the Faith∣full, inciting them against that Pest Anatolius, and say∣ing that he had been inju∣rious to her Son. But after he was brought to the Im∣perial City, and having been * 1.158 exposed to the acutest of Tortures, had not any thing in the least to say against the Prelate [Gregorius;] he, together with his Asso∣ciates, became the Occasioner of greater Tumults there, and [was the Authour] of a popular Sedition in that City. For, when some of † 1.159 them had received a sentence of Banishment, but were not to be taken off by a capitall punishment; the populacy, incensed by a kind of Divine zeal, put all things into a disturbance, by being exaspe∣rated, and highly enraged. And having seized the persons that had been condemned to Exile, they put them into a Boat, and burnt them alive; which sentence the people pronounc't against them. They likewise exclaimed against the Emperour, and against Eutychius their own Patriarch, as being betrayers of the Faith: And they were about to have murdered Eutychius, and those persons to whom the Cognizance of this Cause had been committed, going up and down to all places in quest of them; had not providence, the preserver of all things, deli∣vered them out of their hands who sought after them, and by degrees appeased the Rage of so numerous a multitude, in such a manner, that no mischievous Action was committed by their hands. Further, Anatolius himself in the first place was cast to the wild Beasts in the Amphi∣theatre, and his Body having been torn by them, was afterwards fixt to a Cross. But neither in this manner found he an end of his punishment in this life. For the Wolves having drag'd his impure Body down from the Cross, (a thing never before seen,) divided it for a prey amongst themselves. There was also a certain person a∣mongst us, who (before these things hapned,) affirmed, that he saw in his sleep, in what man∣ner the Sentence against Anatolius and his Ac∣complices should be * 1.160 pronounced by the peo∣ple. And an Illustrious e 1.161 Curator of the Im∣perial Houses, who was a vigorous defender of Anatolius, affirmed that he saw the Theotocos, who said, how long would he defend Anatolius, who had cast such great contumelies, both on her self, and on her son. And in this manner were these affairs concluded.

CHAP. XIX. Concerning Mauricius's Generalship, and concer∣ning his Vertues.

BUt, Tiberius being now, after the death of Justinus, encircled with the [Imperial] Crown, turns Justinianus out of Commission, in regard he managed not [the War] against the Barbarians with the same fortunate success as formerly. And a 1.162 he Cre∣ates Mauricius Magister of the Eastern Milice, a person that derived his Descent and Name from the seniour Rome; but from his immediate Pa∣rents he acknowledged him∣self a Native of b 1.163 Arabis∣sus, a City of Cappadocia. He was a personage of great prudence and perspicacity, every way accurate and im∣moveable. As to his Diet and Moralls, he was con∣stant and most exact, a per∣fect Master over his appe∣tite, making use of those [provisions] only that were necessary and easily procured; but [avoiding] all other things, † 1.164 where∣with dissolute and intem∣perate men are wont to please themselves. He was not easie of Access as to Conferences with * 1.165 the Many, nor gave attention [promiscu∣ously to all persons;] being sensible, that the first produced contempt, and the second o∣pened the way to flattery. He permitted very few Visits to be made to himself, c 1.166 nor those except concerning affairs of consequence. But to matters superfluous he stopt his ears, not with wax, according to the Poet, but with rea∣son rather: that so, reason might be the best key of his Ears, which should opportunely both open and shut them in Discourses. He had in such a manner, ‖ 1.167 clear'd himself of ig∣norance, the Mother of Rashness; and of Sloth, which d 1.168 dwelleth with her, and is her e 1.169 Comrade: that his being in danger was [to be ascribed] to Wisedome, and his slowness of Action, to security. For, Courage and Prudence rode on Opportunities as 'twere on an Horse, and governed the Raines according to what the Utility [of the Republick] might order. And, the Remissness and * 1.170 Intensness of his very Assaults were performed in a certain Measure, Order, and Proportion. But concerning this matter we shall speak more accurately in the Sequel. For, what and how eminent a person he was, must be reserved to his own Empire; which hath made a more manifest discovery of this man, and, by having allowed him an uncontroulable power of doing any thing, has displaid his very inmost Recesses. This Mauricius therefore having at the head of the Roman Army made an Expedi∣tion into the Persian Territories, takes from the Persians their Cities and most convenient Castles: and possessed himself of so great a Spoil, that the * 1.171 Captives he had brought away [out of Persia] f 1.172 peopled whole

Islands, Cities, and Countreys, which in process of time had been deserted; and land that before had been wholly untilled, was by them rendred fertile; and out of them were raised numerous Armies, which with great Courage and Valour waged wars against other [barbarous] Na∣tions: [in fine,] every family was filled with those that might perform Servile Offices, in re∣gard Slaves could be procured at a most cheap rate.

CHAP. XX. How Mauricius vanquished Tamchosroes and Ada∣armanes Generalls of the Persians.

MOreover, He engaged with the Eminentest of the Persian Commanders, to wit, Tam∣chosroes and Adaarmanes, who had made an ir∣ruption [into the Roman Pale] with a Con∣siderable Army. In what manner, when, and where this Action was performed, let others re∣late; or perhaps we will give a Narrative thereof in another work: for our present Subject pro∣mises an account of far different affairs. Never∣theless, a 1.173 Tamchosroes fell in that Engagement, not by the Valour of the Roman Army, but by the piety only of their Commander in chief [Mau∣ricius,] and by his Faith in God. * 1.174 Moreover, A∣daarmanes flies with all ima∣ginable hast, having been se∣verely worsted in that Fight, and lost many of his own Forces: and that, notwith∣standing Alamundarus, who Commanded the † 1.175 Saracens, had acted perfidiously, and refused to pass the River Eu∣phrates, and to give assistance to Mauricius against those Saracens who were in the Persian Army. For the Sa∣racens are not to be vanquished by others, be∣cause of the fleetness of their Horses: nor can they be taken, if at any time they be * 1.176 stopt, and they prevent the Enemy in their Retreats. Notwithstanding also, b 1.177 Theodorichus, who was Commander of the Scythian Nations, stood not even the first Charge, but fled together with the Forces about him.

CHAP. XXI. Concerning those Signes which † 1.178 presignified Mau∣ricius's being made Emperour.

FUrther, there hapned Signes also shown from Heaven, which foretold, that Mauricius should be Emperour. For, as he offered incense late at night, within the Sanctuary of the Sacred House of the holy and most undefiled Virgin and Theo∣tocos Mary, (which by the Antiochians is termed Justinian's Church,) the Veil about the Sacred Table seemed to be all on fire; in so much that Mauricius was struck with Terrour and Amaze∣ment, and very much dreaded that sight. Gre∣gorius Patriarch of that City, standing by Mau∣ricius, told him, that that thing proceeded * 1.179 from God, and portended the greatest and most eximious events to him. Christ our God appeared likewise to him a 1.180 in the East, requesting of him that he would avenge him. Which [Vision] ap∣parently declared that he should be Emperour. For, from whom else could [our Saviour] have requested such things, save from an Emperour, and from one who was so pious an Adorer of himself? Moreover, his Parents related to me severall other memorable passages, and such as are worthy to be recorded, when I my self made enquiry of them concer∣ning these matters. For his Father affirmed to me, that in his sleep he saw a vast Vine, which sprang out of his Bed at the very time of * 1.181 his conception, and that a great many and those the fairest sort of Grapes appeared hanging on it. And his Mother declared, that b 1.182 at the very time of her delivery, the Earth sent forth a strange and unusuall sweet smell. Also, that she termed c 1.183 The Empusa had often carried away the Infant, as if she would have devoured it: but was unable to do it any mischief. Symeones, likewise who kept his Station upon a Pillar near Antioch, a man of extraordinary prudence in the manage∣ment of affairs, and one adorned with all the Divine Virtues, spoke and performed many things, which declared that Mauricius should be Emperour. Concerning which person we shall speak more opportunely in the following book of our History.

CHAP. XXII. Concerning the Proclaiming of Mauricius and Au∣gusta.

FUrther, Mauricius is promoted to the Em∣pire, at such time as Tiberius was drawing his last breath, and had delivered to him his Daughter Augusta, and the Empire instead of a portion, * 1.184 He survived his being made Emperour but a very short time; but left an immortall Memory for the good Actions he performed. Nor, are they easily to be confined within the bounds of a Narrative. Moreover, Tiberius left an incompa∣rable Inheritance to the Republick, to wit, his proclaiming of Mauricius Emperour. To whom he distributed his Names also: for he styled Mauricius, Tiberius; and to Augusta [he gave the name of] Constantina. What was performed by them, the following book, divine strength affording me its assistance, shall set forth.

CHAP. XXIII. † 1.185 A Computation of the Times from Justinus Junior, to Mauricius.

MOreover, that the Times may be * 1.186 distin∣guished with all imaginable accuracy, you are to know, that Justinus Junior reigned a 1.187 by himself twelve years ten months and a half; b 1.188 with Tiberius [his Colleague,] three years and eleven months. All which time put to∣gether, [make up] sixteen years nine months and an half. Tiberius reigned alone four years. So that, from Romulus untill the proclaiming of Mauricius Tiberius Emperour, there are con∣cluded to be . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , as both the for∣mer, and present [description of] the years hath manifested.

CHAP. XXIV. Concerning the Series of History, which is preserved till our Times.

BY God's assistance, the History of the Church is * 1.189 handed down to us, digested into one body, by [the industry of the best] Writers. Till the times of Constantine, by Eusebius Pam∣philus. From Constantine's Reign, to [the Em∣pire of] Theodosius Junior, by Theodoret, Sozo∣men, and Socrates: and [Lastly,] a 1.190 by those Collections, we have made in this our present Work. The Ancient History, as well Sacred as Profane, is extant, continued in a Series by the Industrious. For Moses, who was the first that began to write an History, (as 'tis most evident∣ly demonstrated by those who have made Col∣lections in reference to these matters;) com∣piled a true and most exact account of affairs from the beginning of the world, according to the information he had from God himself, with whom he conversed in the Mount Sina. Others who followed him, preparing a way for our Re∣ligion, have in the Sacred Volumes set forth what hapned in succeeding Ages. Moreover, Josephus wrote a large History, which is every way usefull and profitable. Whatever occur∣rences, whether fabulous or reall, have hapned amongst the Greeks and ancient Barbarians, whilst the Greeks waged Wars amongst them∣selves, or against the Barbarians; or what∣ever else has been transacted from such time as they had an account that men first existed; have been Recorded by b 1.191 Charax, Theopompus, and Ephorus, and by innumerable other Writers. The Actions of the Romans, wherein is contained the History [almost] of the whole world, or what∣ever else hapned, whilst they were involved in Civill and intestine Broyls, or acted against others; have been set forth in writing by Diony∣sius Halicarnasseus, who began his History from those people termed the Aborigines, and con∣tinued it to Pyrrhus * 1.192 King of the Epirotes. From that time, Polybius the Megalopolite hath brought down [his History] to the destruction of Carthage. All which Apianus has † 1.193 with great perspicuity distinguished, and hath gathered together each Action into one Body, although they were performed at different times. In like manner, the Affairs transacted after the Times of those Historians I have mentioned, have been committed to writing by Diodorus Siculus, [who wrote] till [the Times of] Julius Caesar; and by Dion Cassius who brought down his History to the Empire of Antoninus born at Emesa. He∣rodian also, a Writer of the same Times, has given us a Record of Transactions till the death of Maximus. c 1.194 Nicostratus the Sophist of Tra∣pezus has compiled an History, wherein he sets forth an account of affairs from Philippus who succeeded Gordianus in the Empire, untill Odae∣nathus of Palmyra, and Valerian's disgracefull Expedition against the Persians. Dexippus also has written at large concerning the same matters, who begins from the d 1.195 Scythick Wars, and ends at the Empire of Claudius successour to Gallienus. The same Dexippus hath compiled an History of the Actions of the Carpi and other Bar∣barous Nations, which they performed in their Wars within Achaia, Thracia, and Ionia, Eusebius begins from Octavianus, Trajanus, and Marcus, and has brought down his History as far as the death of Carus. Moreover, e 1.196 Arria∣nus and Asinius Quadratus have written some

things concerning the same times. The History of the following Times is given us by Zosimus, untill the Emperours Honorius and Arcadius. After which Emperours, Affairs have been Re∣corded by Priscus Rhetor, and others. All these Transactions are excellently well reduced in∣to an Epitome by f 1.197 Eustathius Epiphaniensis, in two Volumes; the first whereof [comprizes matters transacted] untill the taking of Troy, and the second, unto the twelfth year of A∣nastasius's Empire. From whence, untill the times of Justinian, Procopius the Rhetorician hath Recorded affairs. The History of those Times next immediately following, untill the flight of Chosroes Junior to the Romans, and his Restauration to his own Kingdom by Mauricius, (who made not any the least delay at that affair, but gave [the Fugitive] a Royall Reception, and with the Expence of a vast sum of money, and accompanied with great forces, conveyed him back into his own Kingdom, g 1.198 with all possible expedition;) hath been written in a continued Series by Agathias the Rhetorician, and h 1.199 Johan∣nes my Fellow-Citizen and Kinsman; although as yet they have not made their Histories pub∣lick. Concerning which affairs, we our selves also, the Divine † 1.200 Clemency giving us permission, will in the Sequel give such a Narrative as is accom∣modate and agreeable.

The End of the Fifth Book of Evagrius's Ecclesiastical History.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Or, Ju∣dicatories.
• a 1.2

  Concer∣ning the Office of the Curopa∣lates, much to hath been already said by many per∣sons, to re∣peat which here is su∣perfluous; we will remark this only, that the Curopalates always went before with a Golden Rod, as often as the Emperour would appear in publick. Cassiodorus tells us this, in his Formula Curae palatii, in these words: Considera quâ Gratificatione tracteris, &c. Consider with what Gratification you are treated, how being adorned with a Golden Rod, amongst numerous obeysances, you seem to go first before the Royall feet. So also Corippus in Book 2. Chap. 7. De Lau∣dibus Justini Minoris; where he describes Justinus's procession to the Cirque [in these words,]

  —Tunc ordine longo Incedunt summi proceres, fulgensque Senatus, Ipse inter primos vultu praeclarus honoro, Fratris in obsequi••m gaudent Marcellus abibat. Dispositorque novus sacrae Baduarius Aulae, Successor Soceri, factus mox Curopalates.

  Concerning this Golden Rod which was wont to be carried before the Roman Emperours, Paulus Silentiarius speaks, in his description of the Church of Saint Sophia, not far from the beginning.

  —〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

  For I assent not to that Learned man, who hath rendred it, Aureas Secures, Golden Axes. And at first this dignity was small, for it was under the dispose of the Castrensis [See D^r Howells History, Second part, pag 64,] of the Sacred Pallace. But afterwards it began to be accounted the chiefest dignity of the Pallace, from such time as Ju∣stinus Nephew to Justinian bore it. It was a Civil, not a Military dig∣nity, as Alemannus thought, who (in his Notes on Procopius's Hi∣storia Arcand,) confounds the Curopalates with the Comes Excubito∣rum. Vales.
• * 1.3

  Or, Running of Horses in the Cirque.
• † 1.4

  Or, About to doe and submit himself to the usages of an Empire.
• * 1.5

  Or, In∣novation.
• b 1.6

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nice∣phorus (book 17. chap. 33.) took these words of Evagrius as meant of the Bi∣shops, who had been banished by Justinian into vari∣ous places for their defence of the true Faith. But that word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 can not bear this inter∣pretation. Therefore Christophorson chose to interpret this place con∣cerning the Bishops, who from all places had been assembled together at Constantinople. But neither can I approve of this Rendition; in regard Evagrius says those Bishops were not convened at Constanti∣nople, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, in all places. Vales.
• * 1.7

  Or, O∣penly in∣volved in.
• † 1.8

  Or, Immense.
• c 1.9

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Some word seems to be wanting, which may be supplied in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 most contrary Vices. And so Christophorson seems to have read. Vales. See chap. 19. note (d.)
• d 1.10

  This Justinus was Son to Germanus Patritius, and Cousin-ger∣mane to the Emperour Justinus, as Johannes Biclariensis informs us in his Chronicon. Indeed, Germanus and Justinus Junior were akin. For Germanus was Justinian's Nephew by his Brother. But the Empe∣rour Justinus was the Son of Vigilantia Justinian's Sister. Further, this Justinus Son to Germanus had born the Consulate in the year of Christ 540. The Emperour Justinian had created the same person Master of the Milice throughout Colchis and Armenia, in place of Marti∣nus, as Agathias writes in his Fourth Book; but afterwards he made the same person Master of the Milice throughout the Thracia's; as Menan∣der Protector declares in the First Book of his History, pag. 99. Vales.
• * 1.11

  Or, Fields.
• e 1.12

  In what manner these Abari, or Abares, having been vanqui∣shed by the Turks, betook them∣selves into Europe, Theophilactus Simocatta relates, Book 7. Chap. 7. Vales.
• * 1.13

  Or, Camps.
• f 1.14

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Nicephorus Book 17. Chap. 34, and in the Tellerian Manuscript, 'tis writ∣ten in one word, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sta∣tions, or Landing places; which I ra∣ther ap∣prove of. But I think this whole place must be thus written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c, where many Barbarous Nations, &c, according as we have rendred it. Vales.
• † 1.15

  Or, Disabled.
• g 1.16

  In Justinianus Augustus's times, the Abares having passed into Europe, became first known to the Romans, as Theophilactus Simocatta relates in Book 7. Chap. 8: for when they had come to the places of Scythia and Maesia, they sent Embassadours to Justinian, on the thirty first year of Justinian's Empire, as Theophanes relates in his Chronicon, and Anastasius Bibliothecarius. But Victor Thunonensis mentions this Embassy a little later. Post Consulatum, &c. After the Consulate of the most famous personage Basilius on the twenty third year; the Em∣perour Justinian makes the Embassadours of the Nation of the Abari whence they had come, &c. This was the thirty sixth year of Justi∣nian's Empire. Concerning the same Embassy of the Abares to Ju∣stinian, Menander Protector is to be consulted in the First Book of his History, pag. 99 of the King's Edition, where he excellently well de∣scribes that Embassy, and confirms Victor Thunonensis's opinion. For he says, that Justinian died not long after. Vales.
• * 1.17

  Or, En∣clined to both of them.
• * 1.18

  Guards, or, Parti∣sans.
• a 1.19

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nicephorus took away the Praeposition here. For he has exprest this place of Evagrius thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and hindred him from going abroad. But I had rather write with Eva∣grius. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which reading I have followed in my Version. Vales.
• b 1.20

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nicephorus and Christophorson understood these words of Evagrius concerning Justinus kinsman to the Emperour Ju∣stinus. But I had rather take them as meant of the Emperour Justinus himself. For he being sickly, for the most part sate at home, and forbad his kinsman Justinus access to himself. Indeed, Cedrenus and Zonaras do attest what I have said concerning Justinus; For Cedrenus's words are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 This Justinus was continually sick, and dim∣sighted, and unable to come abroad. Vales.
• c 1.21

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is brought home. I had rather read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is removed. So in the foregoing chapter, where the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c; Nicephorus read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and understands that place of Evagrius concerning the Barbarians who had been carried thither by the Romans. Further, this Justinus was made Augustalis and Dux of Alexandria, by the Emperour Justinus in the sixth year of his Em∣pire, as Theophanes and Cedrenus do relate. Cedrenus's words are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, But Justinus having heard that his kinsman, who was Augu∣stalis and Dux of Alexandria, meditated treachery against the Emperour, he sent and beheaded him. Write thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according as the reading is in Theophanes. For those two dignities, Augustalis and Dux, although they were distinct, yet were now and then given to one and the same person by the Empe∣rours, as may be proved by many instances. Further, this dignity was bestowed on Justinus by the Emperour, not in honour to him, but rather that he might send him far off from the Imperial City. Therefore the City Alexandria was to Justinus instead of a prison. Hence 'tis, that Theophanes in his Chronicon relates, that Justinus Augustus detained his Cosin-German Justinus prisoner as 'twere at Alexandria. Moreover, Johannes Biclariensis, in his Chronicon, places the murder of this Justinus on the second year of Justinus Junior's Em∣pire; to wit on the same year whereon Aetherius and Addaeus had a capitall punishment inflicted on them. And this is more agreeable to the account given here by Evagrius. Vales.
• a 1.22

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The for∣mer nega∣tive par∣ticle must be expun∣ged, as be∣ing altoge∣ther super∣fluous. Vales.
• b 1.23

  The words of Johannes Biclarien∣sis in his Chronicon are these: Anno Se∣cundo me∣morati principis, &c. On the second year of the mentioned Emperour, in the Imperial City, Aetherius and Addaeus Patritii, being detected whilst by Physitians they attempted to kill Justinus by Poyson rather than sword, are ordered to be punished with a capitall sentence: the former was devoured by wild Beasts, the second was burnt to death. I know not whether Johannes Biclariensis termed these men Patritii instead of Senators; but there is a great difference be∣tween the Patritian and Senatorian dignity. Concerning the same Aetherius and Addaeus, Eustathius in the Life of Eutychius Patriarch of Constantinople, writes thus: Quâ quidem die, id est, tertiâ Octo∣bris, &c; On which day, that is the third of October, those persons also who had framed Plots against the holy man and had cast him into Exile, [I mean] Aetherius and Addaeus, the latter of whom was Praefect of the City, and the former was Curator of [the house of] Antiochus, died, &c. Vales.
• * 1.24

  Or, Bug∣gerer.
• c 1.25

  He means the house of Antiochus, of which Aetherius was Cura∣tor, as Eustathius attests in the place just now cited: ille autem An∣tiochiae Curator. Eustathius's words in Greek, if I mistake not, are these; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, But Aetherius Curator of the House of Antiochus. The same Eustathius makes mention of this house, where he describes in what manner Eutychius was ejected out of the Imperial City: Dicebant enim quidam graves viri, &c. For some grave men said, if he should go out of the Sacred Temple, he would be killed. For some Armed men, who were placed in the Mannour-House of Antiochus, stayed for him without, for that purpose. Theophilactus mentions the same Imperial House in his third Book, Chapter 3. There were many such houses at Constantinople, as the House of Placidia, the House of Flaccilla, the House of Hormisda, and severall others be∣longing to the Emperour: each of which Houses had its Curator, who look't after that House or Pallace, and all its Revenues. These Officers are termed Curae Palatiorum in the Notitia of the Roman Empire, un∣der the dispose of the Castrensis of the Sacred Pallace. But then, the dig∣nity of these Curators was the chiefest, and their Title was Most Glo∣rious and Most Magnificent: as Tiberius Augustus's Constitution de Domibus Imperialibus informs us. Vales.
• * 1.26

  John 14. 27.
• † 1.27

  Or, Run together into.
• ‖ 1.28

  Or, Opi∣nion.
• * 1.29

  Or, First Salvation.
• † 1.30

  Or, Sub∣stance.
• ‖ 1.31

  Or, Glo∣risying.
• * 1.32

  Or, Joy∣ning toge∣ther.
• † 1.33

  Or, Sub∣stance.
• * 1.34

  Or; Sub∣sistencies.
• a 1.35

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who is to the Father and to the Holy Ghost. In Nicephorus, Book 17. Chap. 35, where this Edict of the Emperour Justinus concerning the Faith is recorded, this place is read thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. who is equall to the Father and to the Holy Spirit. Which reading Christophorson hath followed. For he renders it thus; Qui est equalis Patri & Spiritui Sancto, who is equall to the Father and to the Holy Spirit. But in this place the equality of the Father and Son is not treated of: but, whether Christ be one of the Trinity. I have therefore supplyed this place righter from the excel∣lent Florentine Manuscript, in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 who is our Lord Jesus Christ, &c. The Tellerian M. S. has it written thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 who is in the Father and in the Holy Spirit. Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading is the same with that set at the beginning of this note.
• † 1.36

  Or, Are of.
• * 1.37

  Or, a cer∣tain, or, some one man.
• ‖ 1.38

  Or, Re∣ceived.
• * 1.39

  Or, Made up.
• b 1.40

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophorson has rendred this place ill, in this manner: Non Confusionem in Unitatem introducimus, We introduce not a confusion into the Unity. Nor has Musculus done righter; who translates it thus: Unitatem non con••••ndimus, We confound not the Unity. I do not wonder at Musculus, who in this Edict of Justinus always renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Unitatem, Unity, very erroneously. That Learned man hath committed▪ the same mistake, who has done into Latine the Fragments of Ephraemius Bishop of Antioch, which are ex∣tant in Photius's Bibliotheca. But why Christophorson, who every where renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Copulationem, Copulation, should at this place translate it otherwise, I know not. Johannes Langus Nicephorus's Translatour renders it thus: In Unione confusionem non inducimus, We induce not a confusion in the Union. Exactly right, if you add a Syllable, in this manner, in Unitione, in the Unition. For the term Unio, though it be now a days frequently used in the Schools of Philosophers and Divines, is a barbarous word, when 'tis taken for Unition. For Unio in Latine signifies Unitatem, Unity; as may be proved from Ter∣tullian, Jerome, Prudentius, Pope Simplicius, and others. Let there∣fore those Zoili [Carpers, or, Censurers] cease reproving of us, be∣cause in the Letter of Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, which is re∣corded by Socrates book 1. chap. 6, we have translated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Union. For we did that from the use and propriety of the Latine Tongue: which they being wholly ignorant of, thought that Unio, Union, was nothing else but Unitionem, Unition. But, betwixt Unio and Unitio, there is as much difference, as between 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Union or Unity, there is nothing but what is simple or single. But, in Uni∣tion something compounded of two is necessarily understood. 'Tis certain, the Old Translatour of the Chalcedon Synod always renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Unition, or adunation. Vales.
• * 1.41

  Or, Shall not.
• † 1.42

  Or, So as we are.
• ‖ 1.43

  Sublimi∣ty, or Emi∣nency.
• * 1.44

  Or, Be∣ing both at the same time.
• † 1.45

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c 1.46

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Nicephorus 'tis truer written, thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. But, I had rather read thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, be∣ing understood, or rather existing, &c. Nor do I doubt but the Emperour Justinus wrote so as I have said: For he reproves him∣self, because he had said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, being understood; as if the difference of the two Natures in Christ were in the understanding only▪ and did not really exist. Vales.
• ‖ 1.47

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Form, fa∣shion, state.
• d 1.48

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Nice∣phorus the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the ve∣ry Flesh. Which rea∣ding is not tollerable. For Christ had not a proper sub∣sistency in the Flesh, but before he assumed Flesh, he had a pro∣per subsistency▪ in regard he was the second person of the Sa∣cred Trinity. Nevertheless, if any one be minded to defend Nicephorus's reading, I shall not much gainsay it. For it more fitly coheres with the words preceding. The sense therefore is this, that the Son of God, who had a proper subsistency from all Eternity, having assumed Flesh, subsisted therein perso∣nally. Vales.
• * 1.49

  Points, or Opinions
• e 1.50

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. I am of the same mind with the Lear∣ned, who have long since men∣ded it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for the▪ &c. Al∣though Nicephorus has retain∣ed the vul∣gar rea∣ding. Vales.
• † 1.51

  Sent forth.
• f 1.52

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The first word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, persons, is used on ac∣count of Nestorius's Heresie, who asserted two persons in Christ, the one of man, the other of the Word. But the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Syllables was annext on account of the Futychians and Acephali, who affirmed that Christ consisted of two Natures before the Unition; but after the Unition, they asserted but one Nature in him. On the other hand, the Catholicks adored Christ in two Natures. Those Syllables therefore are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which though they are different, yet if they be rightly understood, do both aim at one and the same Faith and Opinion, as Justinus adds. See Evagrius above, at book 1. chap. 1 note (c.) Further, this Edict was promulged by Justinus Junior on the first year of his Empire, to wit the year of Christ 566, as Baronius remarks: than which Edict Justinus conferred nothing more upon the Catholick Church: but, satisfying himself in having only expounded the Orthodox Faith, he in future prohibited disputes about the Nestorian and Eutychian Opinion▪ and permitted every one to think of these matters according to his own arbitrement. From this Edict therefore followed no advantage, as Evagrius observes truly. Wherefore Johannes Biclariensis [said] amiss in his Chronicon, whose words concerning Justinus Junior are these: Qui Justinus anno primo Regni fui, &c; Which Justinus in the first year of his Reign, destroyed those things which had been devised against the Chalcedon Synod. And suffered the Creed of the Holy Fa∣thers of the Church convened at Constantinople, (which Creed had been laudably received in the Chalcedon Synod,) to have entrance, and to be sung by the people in every Catholick Church, before the Lords Prayer was to be repeated. Biclariensis attributes those things to Justinus Junior, which rather befitted Justinus Senior. Vales.
• ‖ 1.53

  Scheme, or State.
• * 1.54

  Or, An∣tioch.
• † 1.55

  Or, Blas∣phemy a∣gainst him∣self.
• a 1.56

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nicephorus, in regard he un∣derstood not these words, omitted them, as may be seen in book 17. chap. 36. For he his exprest this place of Evagrius thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, But 'twas said that Justinus was angry with him, because he refused to give him money when he demanded it. But 'twas easie to have mended the place of Evagrius, in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because having been promoted to the Bishoprick he refused to give [Justinus] money who demanded it. And so Christophorson and Musculus seem to have read. For thus Musculus renders it; Dicitur autem Anastasio succensuise, quòd quum pecuniam pro Episcopatûs collatione exigeret, dare illam noluerit; But 'tis said that he had been angry with Anastasius, because when he exacted money for his Collation to the Bishoprick, he refused to give it. This occasion of hatred therefore against Anastasius was of a long standing, before Ju∣stinus had arrived at the Empire. Wherefore Evagrius uses the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies an ancient and concealed Anger. 'Tis certain, whilst Justinian survived, Anastasius had been elected Bishop of An∣tioch. Now, the Grandees at Court, and those whose interest was great with the Emperour, were wont to exact money of them who were elected Patriarchs, as may be proved by the Example of Chry∣saphius the Eunuch, who demanded money of Flavianus Bishop of Constantinople; as Evagrius has related above, see book 2. chap. 2. Nevertheless, this was forbidden by the Novell Constitutions of Ju∣stinian. Vales.
• b 1.57

  Indeed, Theophanes in his Chronicon, brings another reason, on account whereof Anastasius Sinaïta was deposed from the See of An∣tioch. But, because Translatours have in no wise hit the meaning of Theophanes, I will annex his words here: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: That is, as I render it. On the same year Anastasius the Great, Bishop of Antioch▪ in regard in his answer to the Synodick Letters, he had reprehended John Bishop of Con∣stantinople who had ordained John Bishop of Alexandria, and had [at the same time reproved him] who had been ordained by him was ejected out of his Bishoprick by reason of Justinus's indignation. I reade there∣fore in Theophanes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which emendation is most certain. John Bishop of Alexandria had been ordained at Con∣stantinople by Johannes Scholasticus, on the fifth year of Justinus's Empire, in the year of Christ 570, as Baronius also relates. After his ordination, when (as 'twas usuall) he had written Synodick Letters to Anastasius Bishop of Antioch, Anastasius in his answer to those Let∣ters, had severely reproved his Ordainer Johannes; in regard, con∣trary to the Ecclesiastick Rules, he had been thrust into the place of Eutychius as then living. He had also reprehended him, who having been ordained by him, had drawn upon himself the fault and blot of his own Ordainer. The Emperour Justinus (who loved Johannes Scholasticus, as being the person by whom he had been Crowned,) taking offence at this thing, ejected Anastasius out of his See. Theo∣phanes's Latine Translatour thought, that those Synodick Letters which Anastasius had given answer to, had been written by Johannes Bishop of Constantinople; which is a mistake. For they were written by Jo∣hannes Bishop of Alexandria in the beginning of his Episcopate. Therefore, after the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Comma must be put, as Anasta∣sius Bibliothecarius has done. Further, Baronius places this Deposi∣tion of Anastasius on the year of Christ 573; which is the eighth year of Justinus's Empire. But I had rather, with Theophanes, place it on the Fifth or Sixth year of the same Justinus, in regard it hapned a little after the ordination of Johannes Bishop of Alexandria, which was performed on the year of Christ 570, as Baronius himself does attest. Vales.
• a 1.58

  Musculus and Chri∣stophorson have rendred this place very ill, as if by these words Evagrius would have shown, that Gregorius Bishop of Antioch had been eminent for Poetry. But Langus has turned these words righter, thus: Cujus lata est Gloria, ut Poeta verbis utar, whose Glory is far spread, that I may use the Poets words. Vales. Evagrius makes use of the same expression at chap. 15, book 1; where he speaks of Isidorus Pelusiota.
• ‖ 1.59

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the first down upon his Chin.
• b 1.60

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Johannes▪ Langus renders these words thus: Primùm verò By∣zantii Monasterio praefuit, But in the first place he presided over the Monastery of Byzantium. But E∣vagrius does not say, that Gre∣gorius was a Monk or Abbot of Byzantium, but that he was Ab∣bot of the Monastery of the By∣zantii. This seems to have been a Monastery in Syria, wherein Gregorius, whilst he was yet young, had received the Rudi∣ments of a Monastick life. Theo∣phanes in his Chronicon, pag. 206, says Gregorius had been Apocri∣siarius (that is, procurator, or, A∣gent] of the Monastery of the Byzantii. Vales.
• † 1.61

  Or, Un∣furnished.
• * 1.62

  Or, Per∣swasion.
• † 1.63

  Or, Arch-Bishoprick.
• c 1.64

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I conjecture we should read here▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and in all things he was the emi∣nentest person of all men. For so Evagrius expresses himself here∣after, at chap. 19. of this book; where his words concerning Mau∣ricius are these; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and every way accurate and immovable. Vales.
• ‖ 1.65

  Or, Not to be woun∣ded by fear.
• † 1.66

  Or, Con∣tributions.
• d 1.67

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I had rather make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, going forth. In Nicephorus the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, going. Vales.
• e 1.68

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nicephorus read this place otherwise. For, in∣stead of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he has 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mundane, or, Se∣cular. Which in my judgment is far righter. Johannes Langus has translated Nicephorus's words thus: Et honorem mundanis dig∣nitatibus debitum, prae viri hujus observantiâ secundo loco habebant, And they placed [or, had] the honour due to Secular dignities, in the second place, in respect of the observancy of this man. Vales.
• ‖ 1.69

  Or, Gi∣ving.
• † 1.70

  Or, Most sufficient.
• f 1.71

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. in my own judge∣ment, I have restored this place very hap∣pily, in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, when time, or necessity re∣quired, he would be always at hand. Vales.
• † 1.72

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• ‖ 1.73

  Or, Bash∣fullness.
• † 1.74

  Or, To the Chri∣stians.
• ‖ 1.75

  Or, With the Per∣sians.
• a 1.76

  The same reason of the defe∣ction of the Armenii is assigned by Theophanes Byzantius in Photius, and by Jo∣hannes Bi∣clariensis in his Chro∣nicon; whose words are these: Ar∣meniorum & Iberorum Gens qui a praedicatione Apostolorum Christi fidem suscepe∣rant, &c; The Nation of the Armenii and Iberi who from the Preaching of the Apostles had embraced the Faith of Christ, whilst by Chosdröa Em∣perour of the Persians they were compelled to the worship of Idolls, resu∣sed Obedience to that impious Command, and Surrendred themselves with their Provinces to the Romans. Which thing broke the League of Peace between the Romans and Persians. But the Abbot of Biclaire is mistaken in this, to wit, his placing the defection of the Armenii on Justinus Junior's First year. For the Peace between the Romans and Persians was broken on the Seventh year of the Emperour Justinus, as Theophilactus relates in the Third Book of his History, Chap. 9; and likewise Theophanes, and his Translatour Anastasius Bibliothecarius, and Cedrenus. Besides, even Johannes Biclariensis himself disagrees from himself in his Narrative of this affair. For he subjoyns these words a little after▪ Anno quinto Justinus Imperator, &c; On [his] Fifth year the Emperour Justinus, having repelled the Persians, makes Armenia and Iberia Roman Provinces. Vales.
• ‖ 1.77

  Or, In re∣lation to their own Sentiment, or Opinion.
• † 1.78

  Or, Might be made.
• b 1.79

  Concerning this Oath, wherein the Emperour Justinus had bound himself, that he would never deliver up the Armenii and Iberi (who had Surrendred themselves to the Romans,) to the Persians, Menander Protector speaks in his Excerpt. Legationum, pag. 121 of the King's Edition: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Which words the Translatour understood not. In the first place therefore, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Justinianus, it must be mended thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Justinus. And then, the whole place is to be rendred in this manner. For Tiberius Caesar deservedly made the greatest account of those Oathes, which by the Emperour Justinus had been given to the Persarmenii and Iberi, who had revolted to the Romans. For the Emperour had sworn, that he would use his utmost endeavour, to reduce that Land, which had nourished them, to a subjection to himself. But, if he should not be able to effect that thing, and could not put an end to the War; yet, that he would never Surrender up to the Persians the Authours of that defection, and their Relations, and in generall those who should have a mind to be Subjects [or, partakers] of the Roman Republick. Vales.
• c 1.80

  To wit, Surenas. For he had been made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, Rectour of Armenia by the King of the Persians; af∣ter he was slain, the Persarmenit delivered up themselves to the Romans, as Theophilactus tells us in his third book, chap. 9; and Theophanes Byzantius in his Ex∣cerpta in Photius. Lastly, Menan∣der says the same, in his Excerpta Legationum, pag. 115. Vales.
• * 1.81

  Or, By a generall consent.
• ‖ 1.82

  Or, Put all affairs in the Se∣cond place to, &c.
• † 1.83

  Or, Ma∣ster of the Milice, or, Souldiers.
• a 1.84

  Theophanes in his Chro∣nicon calls this per∣son Marti∣nus, as does likewise his Transla∣tour Ana∣stasius Bib∣liotheca∣rius. But Theophanes Byzantius, whose Ex∣cerpta are extant in Photius's Bibliothe∣ca, terms him Mar∣cianus, and calls him the Empe∣rour Ju∣stinus's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Brother's Son. [Va∣lesius in his note here, renders that Greek word, thus, Consobrinum, Sister's Son.] And says, he was sent Magister Militum into the East by Justinus on the Eight year of his Empire. Vales.
• b 1.85

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. From the Florentine and Tellcrian M. SS, I have mended it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Drivers of Oxen; and so Nicephorus read. But Nice∣phorus inserts two words here. For he expresses this passage thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that is, as Langus renders it, as also Ditchers, and Taylors, and Drivers of Oxen. Which word [Tay∣lours] Nicephorus seems to have read in his Copy. For I see not whence he could have gotten it. Further, there was use of these Taylours in the Camps, to mend the Souldiers clothes, or else to sow Skins together for Tents or Tabernacles. Vales.
• c 1.86

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Translatours have rendred this place ill. For Mus∣culus translates it thus: Et fossores quosdam ac bubulcos ex municipiis acceptos secùm habens, And having with him some Ditchers and Oxe-dri∣vers taken out of the Towns. But Christophorson renders it in this manner: Inter quos habuit fossores & Bubulcos ex numero vectigalium exemptos, amongst whom he had Ditchers and Oxe-drivers exempted [or, taken] out of their number▪ who payed Tribute. They knew not what the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signified. Evagrius has made use of this word above, at chap. 42, book 3. At which place we have remarked, that by that word, are meant the Provinciall Tributaries, who are also termed Collatores in the Code. From those therefore Martinus the Magister Militum had by force drawn Ditchers and Oxe-drivers, and Taylours, that he might make use of their Labour in his Army: for he rec∣koned them not amongst the Souldiers, as Christophorson seems to have thought. Vales.
• * 1.87

  Or, It follows.
• a 1.88

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Nicephorus 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with a double v. So a little before, where the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Nicephorus has it written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is more usuall. Yet, that word may be written with a double 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Hesy∣chius tells us. Vales.
• * 1.89

  Or, Re∣move him from his Command.
• b 1.90

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And so Musculus seems to have read. For he renders it thus: Exercitui porro adessenolunt, would not be any more present with the Army. Christophorson tran∣slates it in this manner, Copias non ulterius ducunt, lead not the For∣ces any more. But the Greek will not bear this sense Vales.
• † 1.91

  Antio∣chians.
• * 1.92

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; words which I have not yet met with▪ used in such a sense, as by all the Translatours they are taken here.
• a 1.93

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This name is found variously written in ancient Authours. In Theophanes's Chronicon, he is called Artabanes, and Ar∣damanes in the Palatine Manuscript Copy. Anastasius Bibliothecarius terms him Dux Adermanus. In Nicephorus 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Vada∣armanes. In Theophanes Byzantius, Baraamanes. Hereafter in the thirteenth chapter he is termed Ardamanes. Theophylactus, Book 3•• calls him Adormaanes. Vales.
• b 1.94

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Undoubtedly it must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Nicatoris. For Seleucus the first King of Syria, because of his fa∣mous Victories, had the surname of Nicator, as we learn from the Old Coyns, which ascribe this Title or Surname to him. Vales. S••e V••▪∣lesius's notes on Amm. Marcel. pag. 41.
• * 1.95

  Or, Cru∣elties.
• † 1.96

  Bankers.
• * 1.97

  Machines used in Sieges, to batter down the walls.
• † 1.98

  Or, En∣gines to cast stones.
• ‖ 1.99

  Or, With which.
• * 1.100

  Or, Frantick distemper.
• a 1.101

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; as I found it written in the Telle∣rian M. S. Vales.
• b 1.102

  The Em∣perour Ju∣stinus sent Tiberius the Comes of his Guards, against the Avares, with an Army sufficiently strong, on the ninth year of his Empire, as Theophanes relates in his Chro∣nicon. But Johannes Biclariensis says that was done on the fourth year of Justinus's Empire: where he relates, that from this Battel Tiberius returned a Conquerour to Constantinople. Which yet is declared to be false by Evagrius and Theophanes. Vales.
• * 1.103

  Or, A∣bores, or, Avares.
• * 1.104

  Or, So great.
• * 1.105

  Corrected, or, restored.
• † 1.106

  Councill, or, advice.
• a 1.107

  This Trajanus was Patritius and Quaestor of the Sacred Pallace; concerning his Embassie to the Persians, Menander Protector speaks in the Sixth Book of his Histories, pag. 157. and 165. This, as I think, is the Trajanus Patritius who had written a short Chronicle, an admirable work, as Suidas attests. Theophanes mentions him in his Chronicon, pag. 56. Suidas writes indeed, that he had lived in the times of Justinianus Rhinotmetus. But I am of opinion that Suidas is out, in regard no person of this name is mentioned in the Empire of Justinianus Rhinotmetus. But in the Reign of Justinus junior, Trajanus Patritius is commended by Menander Protector in his Sixth Book, and by our Evagrius here. Vales.
• ‖ 1.108

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the Em∣pire.
• ‖ 1.109

  Or, De∣jected.
• * 1.110

  Chosroes.
• ‖ 1.111

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Nice∣phorus the reading is truer. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, upon the Territories [or, affairs] of the Romans. Vales.
• b 1.112

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In my own judgment I have re∣stored this place very happily, so, that instead of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it must be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For in the Truce which was made between the Romans and Persians, it had been expressly cautioned, that there should be a Cessation of Armes throughout the East only: but in Armenia and Iberia it should be lawfull to wage War. See Menander Protector in the Sixth Book of his Histories, pag. 157; which authour does fully confirm this our Emendation. And so does Theophylactus, Book 3. Chap. 12. Vales.
• c 1.113

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the Bar∣barians. The rea∣ding in Ni∣cephorus is the same. Nevertheless, I doubt not but it should be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the Abares. For the Abares took the City Sirmium, as Menander Protector attests in his Excerpta Legatio∣num, pag. 117. Which City having before been in the hands of the Gepida, the Abares who had destroyed the Kingdom of the Gepidae, asserted, that that City, with the rest of the riches of the Gepidae, had passed into their power and dominion, as the same Menander relates, pag. 114 and 130. See Theophylactus, Book 1. Chap. 3. Vales.
• a 1.114

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the open Court [of the Pallace.] Nicephorus adds a word here, in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the open Court of the Imperial Pallace. Theophylactus makes mention of this place, Book 1, Chap. 1; and relates, that the Emperours were usually proclai∣med there; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [says he,] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Which place the Latine Translatour has exprest in a long circuit of words, in this manner: Tiberius namque in atriam palatii juxta domum, in quâ multi ex herbis, seu frondibus, ad coenandum, dormiendumve tori, sive Lectisternia, vestibulum illustre, visendumque proscenium. Huc, inquam, gestatus, &c. Whence it appears, that he understood not what was meant by these words. Likewise Nicephorus Callistus, when he wrote out this place of Theophilactus omitted the latter words. But my Sentiment is, that by these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Theophilactus means that House which in Greek was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Because in it there were nineteen Accubita, or Stibadia, whereon the Emperour with his Nobles lay down and ban∣quetted at Christmas, and on the more solemn Festival days, as Theopha∣nes and Anastasius Bibliothecarius do relate in the one and thirtieth year of Justinian; and likewise Luitprandus in Book 6 Rerum per Europam Gestarum, Chap. 3; where his words are these: Est domus quae De∣caennea accubita dicitur, &c. There is an House which is termed the Decaennea accubita. It is so called for this reason, because nineteen Tables are spread there in the Nativity of our Lord. Whereon the Em∣perour and likewise his Guests do banquet, not in a sitting posture, as on other days, but by lying down. Near this House was the Tribunal, or Throne, in which the Emperours and Empresses were crowned. Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus, pag 176, speaking of Isaurus Leo; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (says he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Throne termed the Decaennea Accubita he Crowned his Son Constantine Emperour. Anastasius re∣lates the same, as does likewise the Author Historiae Miscellae, Book 21. The same Writer, book 22, speaking of Constantinus Copronymus: Anno 28 Imperii sui coronavit, &c; On the 28^th year of his own Em∣pire, the Emperour Crowned his Wife Eudoxia, after he had been thrice married, in the Tribunal of the nineteen Accubita. Hence 'tis, that Codinus (in his Origines Constantinopolitanae,) places 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Stepfimon, near the House of the nineteen Accubita: by which term [The Stepsimon] he means the throne whereon the Emperours were Crowned. Now, this House was, in the Third Region [of the City,] near the Hippodrome, as Luitprandus attests. Indeed, the Old Description informs us, that in that Region was the Great Cirque, and the Semicircular [or, half-round] Porticus, which was called The Sigma, and lastly the Tribunal of the Forum of Constantine. And 'tis very likely, that of that Porticus was made the House of the nine∣teen Accubita; for a Sigma is the same with a Stibadium or an Accubi∣tum. Moreover, the Church of Saint Stephen is by Codinus placed near the Tribunal of the nineteen Accubita, which Petrus Gyllius (book 2, chap. 15,) relates, from an Old Authour, to have been near the Sig∣ma. Further, this House of the nineteen Accubita, was also termed The Delphica, or, The Delphicum, as Procopius attests book 1. of his Vandalicks, pag. 116; and Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon. Vales.
• b 1.115

  I can't tell why Evagrius should say this was an old cu∣stome, that the Empe∣rours of Constan∣tinople should be proclaimed in the Atrium of the Imperial Pallace. For the old custome was, that the Augusti should be proclaimed in the Seventh Milliarium, or, mile, from the City, in the presence of the Army, in the Campus, or field without the City. And Valens, [was] the first that had been stiled Emperour in that Suburb, by his Brother Valentinian. After whom, the following Emperours of the East were proclaimed in the same place, as I have long since observed in my Notes on Amm. Marcellinus's 26^th book. pag. 115, 116. The Emperour Zeno. also was Crowned in the Seventh Milliarium by his own Son Leo, as Victor Thunonensis relates in his Chronicon. Likewise Basilis∣cus was a little after stiled Emperour in the Campus, as Theophanes in∣forms us. Now, the Campus was in the Seventh Milliarium, as The∣ophylactus attests, book 8, chap. 12. But who was first saluted Au∣gustus in the Atrium of the Imperial Pallace, at Constantinople, I have not yet plainly found. Indeed, Justinus Junior seems to have been proclaimed Emperour there, as may be gathered from the first chapter of this book. Vales.
• c 1.116

  Theophanes in his Chronicon attests, that (not Johannes Scho∣lasticus, but) Eutychius was then Patriarch of Constantinople. For Johannes Scholasticus died on the Tenth Indiction, in the month August, the day before the Calends of September. And Eutychius was restored to his own See on the same year, in the month October, on the Eleventh Indiction, as Theophanes attests. On the year following (which was the year of Christ 578, in the Twelfth Indiction, on the 26^th of September,) this Eutychius Crowned Tiberius Augustus, as The∣ophanes and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle inform us. But, on a more attentive examination of the thing, I have perceived nothing is to be found fault with here: for Evagrius speaks not here concerning Tiberius's being proclaimed Augustus, but of the Appella∣tion of Caesar granted to him. Further, Tiberias was made Caesar on the Eighth Indiction, as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us: at which time Johannes was Patriarch of Constantinople. Vales.
• * 1.117

  Or, Cloake.
• * 1.118

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, de∣light of mind.
• † 1.119

  Or, Go∣vernours.
• d 1.120

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it must be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as far as any one; &c. Nor do I doubt but Evagrius left it thus written. Our conjecture is confir∣med by the Tellerian Manuscript, wherein I found it plainly written in this manner. Away therefore with the rendition of Musculus, who translates it thus: Insignis magis, quà•• ut quisquam illi conferri possit, more eminent, than that any one might be compared to him. But Chri∣stophorson turns it in this manner; Pulchritudinis excellentiâ omnium opinione major, for the excellency of beauty, greater than the opinion of all men. Vales.
• e 1.121

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The reading in th•• Florentine Manuscript is truer, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c, in so much that, in the first place, &c. Evagrius alludes to that known verse of the Tragoedian; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• f 1.122

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I had rather write, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For he considered not, what Petitioners ought to re∣ceive, as the reading is in Nicepho∣rus, book ••8, chap. 1. In the Flo∣rentine and Tellerian Manu∣scripts, in∣stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 'tis written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• ‖ 1.123

  Or, Which came from Tears.
• g 1.124

  There is extant a Constitution of Justinus Junior, wherein he has remitted to the Provincialls the Remains of the Tributes of the past year, untill the Eighth Indiction of the Cycle current. Which Justinus seems to have done by the perswasion of Tiberius, whom a little be∣fore he had Created Caesar, at the beginning of the Eighth In∣diction, as the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle informs us. Into this first Constitution therefore of the Emperour Ju∣stinus junior, the name of Tiberius the Caesar ought also to have been inserted. Vales.
• h 1.125

  At this present there is extant a Constitution of the Emperour Justinus junior, concerning the promoting Rectours of Provinces without reward. Which amongst the Novelt Constitutions of Justinus junior is the Fifth in number. In that Constitution Justinus gives permission to the Provincialls, that they may make known to the Em∣perour those persons whom they should judge fit to Govern their own Province; and the Emperour promises, that he will give forth the Codicills and the Insignia [Marks, Tokens] of Magistracy free∣ly, without any present or gift. Which Law, in regard it bears date on the eighth year of Justinus Junior's Empire, was, we doubt not, set forth also by the perswasion and suggestion of Tibe∣rius the Caesar. Vales.
• * 1.126

  Or, Land of the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.127

  Or, Of men that were He∣roes.
• ‖ 1.128

  Or, Be∣yond the Alpes.
• † 1.129

  Or, On this side the Alpes.
• * 1.130

  Or, Pae∣onia.
• a 1.131

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Without doubt it must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Troops. 'Tis a wonder to me, that this was not taken notice of, either by Nicephorus, or the Translatours. Vales.
• * 1.132

  Or, Con∣sider of their Em∣bassy.
• b 1.133

  Menan∣der Pro∣tector has mentioned this Ju∣stinian Magister Militum throughout the East, in the Sixth Book of his Histories, pag. 159. As also Theophy∣lactus, Book 3. Chap. 12. And likewise Johannes Biclarien∣sis in his Chronicon: Anno 9. Justini Cos∣droes Per∣sarum Im∣perator, &c; On Justi∣nus's ninth year Cos∣droes Em∣perour of the Per∣sians, with too nume∣rous an Army, ad∣vances to ruine the Roman Confines: against whom Ju∣stinianus Comman∣der of the Roman Milice and Magister Militum of the East being sent by Tiberius, makes ready for a War, and in the Fields which lie between Daras and Nisibis engages in a brave Fight, having with him those most valiant Nations, which in the Lan∣guage of the Barbarians are termed Hermani; where he vanquishes the forementioned Emperour. Vales.
• c 1.134

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. From the Florentine and Tellerian Manuscripts I have made good this place thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Brother to that Justinus who had been barbarously murdered by [the Emperour] Ju∣stinus. This Justinian therefore was Son to Germanus, (which Theo∣phylactus does also attest in his Third Book▪) Brother of that Justinus who had been slain by the Emperour, as Evagrius relates in the be∣ginning of this book. Vales.
• d 1.135

  Theophylactus mentions this person, in book 3. chap. 16; and in book 1. chap. 9. In which places the Latine Translatour terms him Cursius. But, he had better have translated it Cursus. For so Menander Protector calls him, in the sixth book of his Histories, pag. 159 of the King's Edition. In Theophanes's Chronicon, pag. 214, he is corruptly termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Crous. Vales.
• † 1.136

  Or, Ve∣hemency.
• ‖ 1.137

  Or, Or∣der.
• e 1.138

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I rather approve of Nicephorus's reading, (book 18. chap. 2.) which runs thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: only, I would adde an Article, in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, as Johannes Langus renders it, Quòd facilius is impressionem suam, quàm ipsius Cours sustineri posse existimaret, because be thought his own impression might with more ease be endared, than the Attack of Cours. Further, Theophanes in his Chronicon relates this Flight of the Persians and Victory of the Romans, after the death of the Emperour Justinus junior, when Tiberius had obtained the Empire alone. But Theo∣phylactus, from whom Theophanes seems to have taken his Relation, attests that that hapned whilst Justinus was yet alive, when Tiberius bore the Title and Dignity of Caesar only, and governed the State; as may be seen in Theophylactus's third book, chap. 14. To whom agrees our Evagrius; for he relates the Death of Justinus Junior thereafter, in the nineteenth chapter of this book, where he says in express words, that after Justinus's death, Tiberius deprived Justinian of the Dignity of Magister Militum. Vales.
• * 1.139

  Or, His own [for∣ces.]
• † 1.140

  Or, Had now broke their own Ranks.
• † 1.141

  Petulan∣cy, or, Con∣tumelie.
• a 1.142

  The death of Chosdroes King of the Per∣sians is re∣lated too soon here. For he died after Tiberius had gotten the Em∣pire, as Theophy∣lactus at∣tests, book 3. chap. 16. which is also confirmed by Menander Protector in his Excerpt. Legat. Wherefore Theophanes is mistaken in his Chronicon, who relates Chosdroes's death, and the Inauguration of his Son Hor∣misda, in the Empire of Justinus Junior. Vales.
• b 1.143

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of whom I must at present omit to speak: which reading I prefer far before the Vulgar one. Vales.
• * 1.144

  Line, or, Procedure.
• a 1.145

  In Nice∣phorus, book 17, chapt. 35, he is called Bonossus. This is he, whom Anastasius Bib∣liothecarius and the other Au∣thours who have written con∣cerning the Lives of the Bishops of Rome, do term Benedictus. Baronius thinks he had the Sur∣name of Bonosus. Vales.
• b 1.146

  Chri∣stophor∣son under∣stood these words so, as if Evagrius would have said, that in the times of Jo∣hannes Bishop of Jerusalem, no tumuit had been raised in the Church. But to me Evagrius seems to mean another thing▪ to wit, that during that whole time, wherein those Prelates, here named by Evagrius, sate; there had been no tumult in the Church. Vales.
• a 1.147

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nicephorus (book 18▪ chap. 3,) thought that by these words was meant the third year of Tiberius Augustus's Empire. The same was the Sentiment also of Chri∣stophorson and Musculus, as may be gathered from their Renditions. But in my judgment, Evagrius seems to mean here the year of Tiberius's Caesarean Dignity. For, in the first place the words themselves do sufficiently show that. Then secondly, Evagrius has not yet related Justinus Junior's death, nor the Coronation of Tiberius. For he speaks of these hereafter, in the nineteenth chapter of this book. Where∣fore, those things related in this chapter, hapned whilst Justinus Junior was yet alive. Vales.
• b 1.148

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at the very; as 'tis in the Tellerian M. S; or, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as it is in Nicephorus. Vales.
• * 1.149

  Occasion.
• c 1.150

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I begin to relate. I had rather write, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I come: for so Graecians are wont to speak. In the Tellerian M. S. I found it plainly written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I come to give a relation of. Vales.
• a 1.151

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the excel∣lent Flo∣tine Manu∣script I found it plainly written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the ordi∣nary rank, and one of the Sedentary Mechanicks. The same is the reading in Nicephorus. Further, 'tis strange that three Translatours should have been mista∣ken in the rendition of one word. For Johannes Langus renders it thus: Erat Theopoli Anatolius quidam, ex plebeis ille quidem & ig∣navis unus, There was at Theopolis one Anatolius, a person of the ordi∣nary rank and one of the slothfull. Musculus translates it in this man∣ner; Unus ex multis illis qui vitam delicatè instituunt, One of those many who lead a delicate life. Christophorson's Version runs thus; Anatolius vir quidam plebeius primùm & mollis. Anatolius a man at first a plebeian and effeminate, or, soft. Which interpretation they seem to have drawn from Suidas and the Authour of the Etymologicon; who expounded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, idle and effeminate. But, this term signifies something else here, as is concluded from the preceding term. Wherefore I doubt not, but by this word Evagrius means the Artifices Sellularii, Sedentary Me∣chanicks, which the Greeks also term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the same rea∣son, to wit because they do their work sitting. So Julius Pollux book 7, chap. 1; and the Authour of the Etymologicon in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• b 1.152

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I write, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, partly that he might confer with him; the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must be expunged, which crept in here from the foregoing line. Vales.
• † 1.153

  Or, Bought off.
• * 1.154

  Or, Was a partaker of that de∣sign.
• c 1.155

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Doubtless it must be made, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, had perswaded; as the rea∣ding is in Nicephorus. Vales.
• ‖ 1.156

  Or, In∣termixt.
• d 1.157

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Without doubt it must be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, turned [her face] quite backward. And so Nice∣phorus read, who has exprest this place of Evagrius thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 turned her selfe quite away from him. Whence it appears, that Nicephorus put a Comma be∣fore the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, after the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: which puncta∣tion I do rather approve of. Vales. In Robert Stephens's Edition, this passage is worded and pointed thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; But she, both a∣bominating this impious person and perfectly reproving [the Wretch] hatefull to God, turned back∣ward.
• * 1.158

  Or, Subjected.
• † 1.159

  Viz. A∣natolius's Accom∣plices.
• * 1.160

  Given∣out, or, executed.
• e 1.161

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that is, Curator of the Impe∣rial Houses. For the Houses of the Emperours, as well those in the Imperial City, as them in the Suburbs, had their Curatores, who look't after their Revenue. And this dignity was not the meanest, for the persons who bore it had the Titles of Most Glorious and Most Magnificent, as I have remarked before at the third chapter of this book. They seem also to have had a Jurisdiction, as Agathias shews in his Fifth Book, speaking concerning one Anatolius an Ex-consul; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. A person that had both been honoured with the Lignity of the Consuls, and besides had obtained an Office, [which was,] to take care of and to look after the Houses and posses∣sions of the Emperour. Those Officers are by the Romans termed Cura∣tores. The term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Office, in this passage of Agathias (though Vulcanius has omitted it in his Version,) is in no wise superfluous; but it imports an Office of a Magistrate, or a Jurisdiction. Besides, that purple Ribband [or Garland,] and the Tables which the same Ana∣tolius was wont to affixe to the Houses of private persons, that he might challenge them for the Treasury, (as Agathias subjoyns in his fol∣lowing words,) do manifestly enough declare, that Anatolius had a Jurisdiction as Curator of the Imperial Houses. 'Tis certain, the Constitution of the Emperour Tiberius concerning the Divine Houses, doth plainly attest, that those Curatores had Jurisdiction. For in that Constitution, Tiberius does make an express establishment, that an Actor, who shall prefer a Plaint [or, Sue Process] against a Cartularius or a Conductor or a Colonus of an Imperial House, con∣cerning any matter belonging to an House of the Emperour, may, if he will, come to an hearing before the Most Glorious and Most Magnificent Curator. But if he suspects him, he may prosecute his Cause before any other Judge who shall have been put into Commission by the Emperour. But the Emperour Tiberius in that Law prohibites the Cu∣ratores from fixing Tables or Fiscall Titles on the Houses of private per∣sons, and from Sealing them. For the Curatores were wont to sell such Titles as these to the meaner sort, and to exact something of them for their Patronage and Protection, as Tiberius does there shew. More∣over, these Houses, and the Conductores [Hirers] of them enjoyed many priviledges and immunities, as may be seen in the Theodosian Code, Tit. de privilegiis domus Augustae, and in the fore-mentioned Constitution of Tiberius. Vales.
• a 1.162

  Yea, Tiberius, whilst Justi∣nus as yet survived, created Mau∣ricius Magister of the Oriental Milice, after he had turned out Justinian; as Theophylactus attests, book 3, chap. 15. Vales.
• b 1.163

  Arabissus, or Arabissum, was heretofore a Town of Armenia Secunda, as Hierocles informs us in his Notitia of the Provinces of the Eastern Empire. Indeed, in the First Constantinopolitane Sy∣nod, a Bishop of Arabissus in Ar∣menia the less is mentioned. More∣over, Philostorgius ascribes this Town to Armenia the Less, as may be seen in Suidas, in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But afterwards it was attributed to Cappadocia, if we may believe Evagrius. I know not whether it be the same with Arabisson, whereof Menan∣der Protector makes mention in his Excerpta Legationum, (pag. 159 of the Kings Edition,) which Town was near Theodosiopolis. Vales.
• † 1.164

  Or, Wherewith a dissolute life is de∣lighted.
• * 1.165

  Or, The Vulgar.
• c 1.166

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Musculus renders this place thus; ac∣cessus ad se raros per∣mittebat, eosque cla∣boratos, he permitted very few Accesses to himself, and those [pro∣cured] wit•• a great deal of difficulty. Nor has Christophor∣son transla∣ted it bet∣ter, in this manner; Rarò ad se adeundi concessit po∣testatem, e∣amque non nisi vehe∣menter ora∣tus, largi∣tus est; He rarely gran∣ted a power of access to himself; and he be∣stowed that, not without very earnest intreaty. Neither of these Translatours have hit the sense of this place. But the Florentine Manuscript hath shown us the true reading of this passage. For, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it is there writ∣ten 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I doubt not therefore but this whole place is thus to be read; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He permitted very few Visits, &c, as we have rendred it. Further, in the Florent. Manuscript these words are set in the Margin: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Those things which he speaks concerning Mauricius are full of admiration and worthy of praise. There occurs another Elogie of Mauricius, elegant enough, in Suidas in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 taken out of Menander Protector's History: to compare that with this here, would not be unuseful. Vales.
• ‖ 1.167

  Or, Thrust from himself.
• d 1.168

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I am not of the same opinion with Christo∣phorson and Sir Henry Savil, who at this place read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 For there is no such Greek word as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as I think▪ Mus∣culus also seems to have read in the same manner. For he renders it thus; Inscitiam verò matrem temeritatis, & ignaviam illius domesticam ac sociam sic a se repellebat, &c. for he so drove from himself Ignorance the Mother of Rashness, and Sloth her Domestick and Companion, &c. In the same manner Evagrius, in the beginning of this book, hath spoken concerning Justinus Junior; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. being possest with—Vices, Boldness and Sloth: where (as it seems from this place) we should read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with two Vices that were Comrades or Chamberfellowes. But if any one had rather read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Sir Henry Savil does, then the pas∣sage is to be rendred thus; Et inquilinam ejus, ac contubernalem igna∣viam, And Sloth which dwelleth with her, and is her Comrade. For, there is as much difference between the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as between 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Now, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 im∣ports Colonus, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies Inquilinus; as Suidas informs us in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. They who were carried out of their own Country into any Colonie, were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Coloni. But, he who volun∣tarily left his own Country and removed into a Colonie or into any other City, was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophorson is mistaken therefore, who hath rendred this place thus: Inscitiam autem Matrem Audaciae, & Timiditatem quae ei vicina ac finitima est, sic ab se depulit, But he in such a manner thrust from himself ignorance the Mother of Boldness, and Timidity which is her Neighbour and Borderer. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 does not signifie Finitimam a Borderer, but inquilinam, as I have said. And the Latine word inquilina does exactly agree with the Greek-term. For 'tis called inquilinus ab incolatu, from habitation or dwelling. Besides, the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 does not signifie Vicinam, a Neighbour; (for that would be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;) but Contu∣bernalem, a Comrade or Chamber-fellow, who lives under the same Roof. But, after a more diligent inspection into the Matter, I should rather read at this place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• e 1.169

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it must be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, understand, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rashness. The reason of which emendation I have given a little before. Nicephorus (book 18, chap. 8,) writing out this passage of Evagrius, has exprest it thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sloth which dwelleth with her and is her Assessour: which is the worst way of all. Vales.
• * 1.170

  Or, Ve∣hemency.
• * 1.171

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the en∣snared Captives.
• f 1.172

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Florentine Manuscript I found it written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nicephorus has made use of the simple verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I doubt not but Evagrius wrote 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Peopled. Evagrius has used the same term in the first and second chapter of this book. Vales.
• a 1.173

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tamoschroes. It must doubtless be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tamchosroes. For so E∣vagrius calls him a little before. Menander Protector mentions this Commander, in his Excerpta Le∣gationum, and Theophylactus in his Third Book. The same Theophy∣lactus relates also (book 3, chap. 18,) how he was killed in a Battell against Mauricius. And attests, that that was done after the death of the Emperour Justinus, at such time as Tiberius was promoted to be Augustus. In the Tellerian Manuscript it is written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chosrois. Vales.
• * 1.174

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. In Robert Stephens the reading here is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.
• † 1.175

  Or, Barbarous Scenitae.
• * 1.176

  Or, In∣closed, or surrounded.
• b 1.177

  Theophy∣lactus has made men∣tion of this Comman∣der Theodorichus, in his third book, chap. 17. He was by Nation a Goth, as may be concluded from his name. Vales.
• † 1.178

  Or, De∣clared Em∣pire to Mauricius.
• * 1.179

  Or, From a certain Divine in∣stinct.
• a 1.180

  That is when Mauricius was in the East. So Nicephorus ex∣pounds this place of Evagrius, in the ninth chapter of his 18^th book. A little after, from the same Nicephorus, and from the Tellerian M. S. I have mended it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and petitioned him in relation to a re∣venge; whereas before it was one word, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Vales.
• * 1.181

  Mauri∣cius's.
• b 1.182

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. I am of the same mind with Sir Henry Sa∣vil, who hath noted in his Co∣py, that perhaps it should be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. decla∣red, that at the very time of her delivery, &c. And so the reading is in Nicephorus. In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at her very delivery. Vales.
• c 1.183

  See, if you please, what I have remarked concerning The Empusa, at the eighth book of Sozomen's History, chap. 6. Nicephorus, who deservedly derides such Old-wives-fables as these, affirms (chap. 9. book 18.) that in his age this [Shee-devill] was called Gillo. Those termed Strigae by the Romans, were like to these Empusae; concerning these Strigae see Festus. The old Glosses, Strigae, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Laestrygon, a Witch. Concerning this Gillo or Gello, which heretofore was believed to snatch away Chil∣dren, Leo Allatius has remarked much, in his Letter to Paulus Zachias. Vales.
• * 1.184

  Or, He lived in the Empire but, &c.
• † 1.185

  Or, Con∣cerning a summary of, &c.
• * 1.186

  Or, re∣counted.
• a 1.187

  This place gave occasion of a mistake to Baro∣nius, who, in his Ec∣clesiastick Annalls, following Evagrius as his Au∣thour, at∣tributes sixteen years and nine months Reign to Justinus Junior. But, the other Chronologers assign fewer years to Justinus. For, Johannes Bi∣clariensis attributes but eleven years to him; Cedrenus, thirteen years and some few months. The Authour of the Alexandrian Chro∣nicle affirms, that he Reigned twelve years and eight months. Lastly, Dionysius Petavius, a most diligent Writer of Times, gives Justinus thirteen years of Empire, lacking one month. Which years he be∣gins from the year of Christ 565, on the month November, in the fourteenth Indiction, whereon he judges, (with Theophanes and Ba∣ronius,) that Justinian died. To the opinion of which person I do most willingly subscribe. Indeed, that the first year of Justinus Ju∣nior was current with the fourteenth Indiction, we are informed from the same Justinus's First Novel to Julianus Praefect of the City, which has this Subscription: Data 18. Kalendas Octobres Chalcedone, Imp. D. N. Justino P. P. August. Anno Primo, Indictione quintâ decimâ, Dated on the eighteenth of the Calends of October, at Chalcedon, Em∣perour our Lord Justinus Father of his Country Augustus, on his first year, in the fifteenth Indiction. For, the first year of Justinus's Em∣pire began from the month November, as 'tis agreed amongst all writers. It must therefore necessarily have then been the fourteenth Indiction: in regard, on the month September of the year following, the fifteenth Indiction is reckoned. For, if Justinus had begun his Empire on the fifteenth Indiction, (as Victor Thunonensis, Johannes Biclariensis, and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle, have left it recorded;) and in the month November; 'tis certain, the first In∣diction would have begun in the month September of the year following. Further, of these twelve years and eleven months, (during which compleat space of time we affirm that Justinus Reigned,) he Reigned alone and without a Colleague eight years nine months and an half: with Tiberius the Caesar, he Reigned four years, and almost one month. Vales.
• b 1.188

  Tiberius Constantinus was made Caesar by Justinus, in the eighth Indiction, on the seventh-day of the month September, as 'tis recorded in the Alexandrian Chronicle. But he began his Empire in the twelfth Indiction, on the fifth day of the month October. Hence there are four years and twenty eight days of Tiberius's Caesarean power. But, if we had rather follow Theophylactus, who writes, that Tiberius was made Caesar by Justinus on the seventh day of December, on the sixth Feria; there will be three years and almost ten months, which is, from the year of Christ 574, to the year 578. Further, 'tis to be observed, that Tiberius Constantinus, after the death of Justinus Junior, recko∣ned the years of his own Empire from the beginning of his Caesarean power, as we are informed by the Subscription of the same Tibe∣rius's Sacra Pragmatica, concerning the Confirmation of the Emperour Justinus's Constitutions; which runs thus: Data tertio Idûs Au∣gusti, &c. Dated on the third of the Ides of August, at Constanti∣nople, on the eighth year of the Emperour our Lord Tiberius Con∣stantinus Augustus, and on the third year after his own Consulate, and on the first year of the most noble Flavius Tiberius Mauricius the most happy Caesar. Vales.
• * 1.189

  Or, Pre∣served.
• a 1.190

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Doubtless it must be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. And [Last∣ly] by those, &c. For 'tis refer∣red to the foregoing words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which the Transla∣tours per∣ceived not. Vales.
• b 1.191

  Concer∣ning Cha∣rax Perga∣menus a Writer of Greek Hi∣stories, see what Vos∣sius has written in his book de Historicis Graecis. Vales.
• * 1.192

  Or, The Epirote.
• † 1.193

  Or, judi∣ciously.
• c 1.194

  This seems to be the same person, who by Vo∣piscus in the Life of Aurelia∣nus▪ is ter∣med Nico∣machus; he had writ∣ten an History of those times, as Vopiscus attests there. This Nicostratus here was a different person from Nicostratus the Sophist, who flourisht in the Empire of Marcus, as Suidas affirms, and also Georgius Scyncellus in his Chronicon. Vales.
• d 1.195

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In my Annotations on the Excerpta Legationum out of Dexippus, I have long since remarked, that at this place the reading must be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Scythick Wars. For Dexippus wrote the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the Wars which the Romans waged against the Scythians, as Photius attests in his Bibliotheca. Vales.
• e 1.196

  Arrianus wrote the Parthica and Alanica, in which books he re∣lated the Actions performed by the Romans against the Parthians and Alans. Evagrius therefore means these books here. Vales.
• f 1.197

  This is the Eusta∣thius Syrus, whose Te∣stimony our Eva∣grius has made fre∣quent use of, in the foregoing books. Concerning this Authour Suidas writes thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Eustathius Epiphaniensis [wrote] a Chronologicall Compendium of af∣fairs from Aeneas till the Emperour Anastasius in Tomes. At my perill write, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in two Volumes, or Tomes. I have Evagrius's authority here, for this Emendation. Vales.
• g 1.198

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it must be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with all possible expedition; in order to the avoi∣ding the ill sounding of the words. Vales.
• h 1.199

  This Johannes was an Epiphaniensian. For, whereas Evagrius calls him his own Fellow-Citizen, he must needs have been an Epi∣phaniensian, in regard Epiphania a City of Syria, was Evagrius's na∣tive place. Wherefore Vossius is mistaken in his book de Histor. Graecis, who thought that this Johannes was by birth an Antiochian. Vales.
• † 1.200

  Or, Be∣nevolence.