The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis, And [one] of the EX-PRAEFECTS. (Book 4)

CHAP. I. Concerning the Empire of * 1.1 Justinus Senior.

ANastasius therefore being (as I have said,) translated to a better allot∣ment, Justinus, by Extract a Thra∣cian, vests himself with the purple Robe, on the ninth day of the month Panemus, which amongst the Romans is termed July, in the Five hundredth sixty sixth year of Antioch's be∣ing styled a free City: he was declared [Empe∣rour] by the Imperial Guards, of whom also he was Commander, having been made a 1.2 Master of the Offices at Court. He obtained the Im∣perial Dignity beyond all expectation, in regard there were many of Anastasius's relations, who were eminent personages, had arrived at the greatest fortunateness imaginable, and who had procured to themselves all that power which might have invested them * 1.3 with the Imperial Dignity.

CHAP. II. Concerning the Eunuch Amantius, and Theocri∣tus, and in what manner Justinus put these persons to death.

MOreover, there was [at that time] one Amantius the chief person of the Im∣perial Bed-Chamber, a man of great power [and interest.] Who, in regard 'twas unlawfull for a man deprived of his Genitalls [as he was,] to be possest of the Roman Empire, was de∣sirous of encircling Theocritus, a great Con∣fident of his, with the Imperial Crown. Having therefore caused Justinus to be sent for, he gave him vast quantities of money, ordering him to distribute it amongst those who were most fit to effect this thing, and who might be able to in∣vest Theocritus with the purple Robe. But Ju∣stinus having with this money purchased, either [the suffrages of] the people, or else the Bene∣volence of those termed The Guards, (For 'tis reported both ways;) invested himself with the Imperial Dignity. Forthwith therefore he * 1.4 takes off Amantius and Theocritus, together with some other persons.

CHAP. III. In what manner Justinus slew Vitalianus by trea∣chery.

BUt, he calls Vitalianus [then] a 1.5 making [his Residence] in Thracia, (who had attempted to divest Anastasius of the Empire,) to Constantinople: being afraid of his power, of his skill in relation to Military affairs, of the greatness of his Fame then [spread] amongst all men, and of the desire he had to obtain the Empire. But perceiving by a sagacious foresight, that he could on no other terms bring Vitalianus within his own power, unless he should feign himself his friend; and having [for that rea∣son] mask't his face with a fraud not to be detected, he constitutes him Master of b 1.6 one [of those Armies] termed The Present Militia.

After this, he gave a greater * 1.7 occasion of perswa∣sion, whereby Vitalianus might more deeply be im∣posed upon, and promotes him to the Consulate. c 1.8 Vitalianus therefore being made Consul, after he was arrived at the Imperial Pallace, ended his life by being treacherously murdered d 1.9 at one of the inner Gates; e 1.10 paying this punishment for those high contumelies wherewith he had affe∣cted the Roman Empire. But these things hap∣ned afterwards.

CHAP. IV. How [Justinus] having Ejected Severus, put Paulus into his place: and, that some little time after, Euphrasius obtained the See of An∣tioch.

BUt Severus, who had been Ordained Bishop of Antioch, agreeable to what we have * 1.11 already related, (in regard he ceased not a 1.12 daily to Anathematize the Synod at Chal∣cedon, especially in those they term b 1.13 The In∣stalling Letters, and in the Answers thereto, which he sent to the Patriarchs in all places; (but they were embraced and admitted of at Alexandria only, by Johannes Successour to the former Johannes, and by Dioscorus and also c 1.14 Timotheus, which Letters are preserved till these Times of Ours;) and because many con∣tentions in the Church arose therefrom, and the most faithfull people were divided into Factions; this Severus [I say]) is by Justinus's order Seized in the d 1.15 First year of his Empire, and underwent the punishment of having his Tongue cut out, as it has been reported by some persons.

The executing of which punishment was com∣mitted to Irenaeus, e 1.16 who being then Comes of the East, resided at Antioch. 'Tis certain, Se∣verus himself (in his Letter to some of the An∣tiochians, wherein he relates the manner of his own Flight;) does aver, that Irenaeus had been ordered to apprehend * 1.17 him. In which Letters, he loads Irenaeus with the greatest Calumnies, f 1.18 because he had placed the watchfullest Guard imaginable about him, that he might not make his escape out of Antioch. There are those who affirm, that Vitalianus, who as yet seemed to hold the chiefest place of favour and authority with Justinus, requested Severus's tongue, because Severus in his own Sermons had been injurious towards him. Severus therefore flies from his own See [the Chair of Antioch,] in the month Gorpiaeus, which in the Roman Tongue is termed September, on the Five hun∣dredth sixty seventh year of Antioch's being styled a free City. After whom Paulus ascends that [Episcopal] Chair, and g 1.19 is ordered pub∣lickly to commend and assert the Chalcedon Synod. Moreover, Paulus having h 1.20 voluntarily with∣drawn himself from Antioch, finished his life, and goes the [common] way of all men. Af∣ter him, Euphrasius, who [came] from Jeru∣salem, is preferred to his Chair.

CHAP. V. Concerning the Fires which hapned at Antioch, and the Earthquakes; wherein Euphrasius was buried, and ended his life.

ABout these same Times of Justinus, frequent and dreadfull Fires hapned at Antioch, which lead the way as 'twere to those most terrible Earthquakes that followed afterwards, and gave beginning to the ensuing Calami∣ties. For, after some short time, in the seventh year of Justinus's Reign, a 1.21 on [his] Tenth month, in the month Artemisius, or May, on the Twenty ninth day thereof, at the very hottest time of Noon-day, on the sixth day of that termed The Week, a shaking and quaking of the Earth invaded the City, which almost wholly overturned and ruined it. After th••se [trem∣blings and quakings of the Earth] followed a Fire, sharing as it were the Calamity with them. For, those places which these [shakings and quakings of the Earth] afflicted not, the fire spreading it self all about, reduced to Embers and Ashes▪ Further, what places of the City were ruined, how many persons perished in the Fire and by the Earthquakes, (as 'tis probably supposed;) also, what wonderfull and [almost] inexpressible accidents hapned; Johannes the Rhetorician has most pathetically related, with the Narrative whereof he hath closed his History. Lastly, Euphrasius himself also, having been inclo∣sed within those ruines, b 1.22 ended his life; [which accident brought] another Calamity upon that City, in regard no person was left alive, who might provide such things as were necessary.

CHAP. VI. Concerning Ephraemius who succeeded Euphra∣sius.

BUt the Salutary providence of God over men, which [usually] provides the Re∣medy before the Blow, and sharpens the Sword of its Anger with Clemency, which in the very interim that affairs are in a deplorable and desperate posture, displays its own compassion▪

excited Ephraemius a 1.23 then Comes of the East, to take all possible Care, that the City might want nothing of those things that were necessary. Which person the Inhabitants of Antioch ad∣mired on this very account, and chose him their Bishop. Ephraemius therefore obtains the Apo∣stolick Chair, which was allotted to him as the Reward and Recompence as 'twere of such his pro∣vidence [towards that City.] Thirty months after this, Antioch was again afflicted with Earthquakes: b 1.24 at which time also it [changed its name, and] was called Theopolis; and the Emperour made provision for it by all other care and diligence whatever.

CHAP. VII. Concerning Zosimas and Johannes who were Wor∣kers of Miracles.

BUt, in regard we have mentioned the foresaid Calamities, come on, we will also insert some other passages, worthy to be remembred, into this our present Work; which passages were brought to our knowledge by those who saw them. There [was] one Zosimas, a person who exercised him∣self in a Monastick life, by Extract a Phoenician, of that Phoenice termed Maritima; the place of his Nativity was Sinde, a Village distant from Tyre not full out twenty furlongs. This man▪ by his abstinence from and use of meats, and by other virtues of his life, had in such a manner * 1.25 possest himself of God, that he could not only foresee things future, but had also received [from God] the Gift of † 1.26 being free from all manner of perturbation of mind. Being therefore [one time] in the City Caesarea, which is the Me∣tropolis of one of the Palestines, at the house of a 1.27 a personage of eminency; (his name was Ar∣cesilaus, a person Nobly descended and Learned, and one who had arrived at Honours and those other [accomplishments] which adorn the life of a man:) at that very instant of time wherein Antioch was ruined [by the Earthquake,] this Zosimas all on a sudden grew sad, mourned and sighed deeply, and shed so great a quantity of tears that he wetted the earth. He also asked for a Censer, and having burnt Incense all over that place where they stood, he prostrates him∣self on the ground, in order to his appeasing God with Prayers and Supplications. Then Arcesilaus asking him, what that was which trou∣bled him so much, he answered in express words, that the Noise of the Ruine of Antioch just then rang in his ears. In so much that Arcesilaus and those then present, being stricken with an amazement, wrote down the hour, and found afterwards, that it had so hapned as Zosimas had declared. Severall other wonders were wrought by this person; the multitude whereof I will omit, in regard they are even more in number than can be told; and will mention only some of them. There flourished at the same time with this Zosi∣mas, a man by name Johannes, for virtues like to him; who had exercised a Monastick and * 1.28 immate∣riall life in the Laura b 1.29 Chu∣ziba, (which is scituate in the extremity of the valley, at the Northern part of the highway that leads passen∣gers from Jerusalem to the City Jericho;) c 1.30 but had been made Bishop of the forementioned City Caesarea. This Johannes the Chuzibite, in regard he had heard that the wife of the foremen∣tioned Arcesilaus had beat out one of her eyes with a Weavers Shuttle, ran to her in great hast, to make an inspection into the wound. But when he had seen it, and [perceived] that the pu∣pill was faln out, and the whole eye perfectly run out, he orders one of the Phi∣sitians who had * 1.31 come thither, to bring a Sponge, and to put the eye which was faln out into its place again as well as he could, and to put the Sponge about it and bind it with † 1.32 Swathells of Linnen. Arcesilaus, was not then present. For ••e hapned to be at that time with Zosimas, in his Monastery, which was scituate in the Village of the Sindeni, distant from Caesarea about five hundred furlongs. Messengers therefore ran in great hast to Arcesilaus, to acquaint him with what had hapned. Arcesilaus was sitting near to Zosimas holding a Conference with him. As soon as he understood [the misfortune that had befaln his wife,] he wept bitterly, pluckt off and tore his hair, and threw it into the air. When Zosimas enquired the reason hereof, Arcesilaus gave him an account of what had hapned, but made fre∣quent interruptions in his Relation by sighs and tears. Zosimas therefore having left him, retired alone by himself into a certain little * 1.33 Room, where he was wont to converse with God, as 'tis the usage of such persons. After

some little time he came out, lookt chearfully, and with a modest and grave smile † 1.34 stroakt Arce∣silaus's hand softly, Go, says he, go away with joy: Grace is given to the Chuzibite. Your wife is cured; she has both her eyes; that accident could deprive her of nothing, in regard it so plea∣sed the Chuzibite. And so it hapned, these two righteous persons having at one and the same time wrought a Miracle. This same Zosimas going one time to Caesarea, and leading an Ass after him whereon he had laid some things that were needfull to him, meets a Lyon, who having seized upon the Ass, went his way. Zosimas followed the Lyon over the wood, till such time as he had filled his belly with the Asse's flesh. After which Zosimas laugh't, and speaks [these words] to the Lyon; But Friend [says he] my journey is stopt, for I am a man d 1.35 gross and fat, and of a very great age; nor am I able to carry that burthen on my back which was laid upon the Ass. If therefore you have a mind that Zosimas should remove from hence, you must necessarily carry my Burthen, [though this be a thing] contrary to the Law of your Nature; and [after that] you shall be a wild Beast again. The Lyon wholly forgetting his Rage, began to fawn, in a most gentle manner e 1.36 ran immediately to Zosimas, and by his gesture * 1.37 shewed his obedience. Zosimas therefore having laid the Asses burden on him, lead him as far as the Gates of Caesarea; demonstrating hereby the power of God, and how all things serve and obey us men, when we live to God, and do not adulterate that Grace which is given to us. But, least I should lengthen my History by [re∣lating] more [such passages as these,] I will return to that place from whence I have made a digression.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning the Universall Calamities.

DUring the same Justinus's Governing the [Roman] Empire, that [City] now named Dyrrachium (which was anciently called Epidamnus,) was ruined by an Earthquake. As was likewise Corinthus, scituate in Achaia. Anazarbus also, the Metropolis of the Second Cilicia, [suffered] a fourth Calamity of this sort. Which Cities Justinus rebuilt by the ex∣pence of a vast sum of money. In these very same times also, Edessa a City of the Osröeni, which was vastly great and rich, was drowned by the waters of the torrent of The Scirtus which runs hard by it; in so much that most of the houses were beaten down, and an innumerable multitude of men destroyed, whom the water carried away. Edessa and Anazarbus had their [ancient] names changed by Justinus; for both those Cities were adorned with * 1.38 his own name.

CHAP. IX. How Justinus whilst he was yet living, took Ju∣stinianus to be his Colleague in the Empire.

THe same Justinus having passed the eighth year of his Empire, a 1.39 and also nine months and three days [of his ninth year,] Justinianus his Sisters Son is made his Colleague in the Em∣pire, being proclaimed on the first [day of the month] Xanthicus, or Aprill, in the Five hun∣dredth seventy fifth year of Antioch's being stiled a free City. And when these affairs had pro∣ceeded in this manner, Justinus removes from his Empire here [on earth,] * 1.40 ha∣ving ended his life on the first day of Löus, or the month August, when he had reigned four months with Justinianus, and had b 1.41 held the Empire [as well alone, as with a Colleague] nine compleat years [c 1.42 one month,] and three days. [Further,] when Justinianus was invested with the sole Go∣vernment of the whole Roman Empire, and the Synod at Chalcedon had been asserted over all the most Holy Churches, by the order of Justinus, as I have related; the affairs of the Ecclesia∣stick constitution were as yet disturbed in some Provinces; and especially at the Imperial City, and at Alexandria: Anthimus then Governing the Bishoprick of Constantinople, and Theodosius presiding over the Church at Alexandria. For both [these Prelates] asserted one Nature [in Christ.]

CHAP. X. That Justinianus favoured those who embraced the Chalcedon Synod. But [his Wife] Theodora was a Lover of the Contrary party.

JUstinianus indeed couragiously defended the [Fathers] which had been convened at Chalcedon, and the Expositions they had made. But his Wife Theodora [favoured] them who asserted one Nature: a 1.43 whether it were because they themselves really thought so:

(For when the Subject of the debate is concer∣ning the Faith, Fathers differ from their Chil∣dren, and Children from their Parents, the Wife [disagrees] with her own Husband, and again the Husband with his own Wife:) or whether it had been so agreed upon between themselves b 1.44 out of a politick design, that the Emperour should defend those who asserted two Natures in Christ our God after the Union: but the Empress, them who maintained [there was but] one Nature. Nevertheless, neither of them yielded to the other. But Justinian pertina∣ciously adhered to what had been agreed on at Chalcedon: and Theodora, addicted to the Con∣trary party, made all imaginable provision for those who asserted one Nature. And she every way cherished c 1.45 our Country-men; but she fa∣voured Forreigners with vast presents of money. [In fine,] she perswades Justinian to cause Se∣verus to be sent for [to Constantinople.]

CHAP. XI. How Severus perverted Anthimus [Bishop] of Constantinople, and Theodosius [Bishop] of Alexandria: which Prelates the Emperour ejected, and put others [into their Sees.]

SEverus's Letters, both to Justinianus, and also to Theodora, are still extant: from which it may be Collected, that Severus, after his relin∣quishing the Chair of Antioch, at first deferred his journey to the Imperial City; but, that after∣wards he went thither. He writes also [in the same Letters,] that when he was come to Con∣stantinople, he discoursed with Anthimus, and finding that he embraced the same Sentiments with himself, and [maintained the same] opi∣nion in relation to God; he perswaded him to relinquish his [Episcopal Chair.] He wrote al∣so concerning the same matters to Theodosius who was Bishop of the City Alexandria: in which [Letters] he boasts, that he had per∣swaded Anthimus himself, as hath been said, to give such Opinions as these the preference before earthly Glory, and his own [Episcopal] Chair. Anthimus's Letters to Theodosius concerning these matters are also extant, as likewise Theodosius's to Severus and Anthimus; which Letters I omit, (leaving them to those who are desirous of rea∣ding them,) least I should heap together an im∣mense multitude [of transactions] a 1.46 within this present book. But, both these [* 1.47 Pre∣lates,] in regard they proceeded con∣trary to the Emperour's Commands, and would not embrace what had been agreed on at Chalcedon, were expelled from their own Sees. And b 1.48 Zoilus succeeds in the Chair of Alexandria: but in that of the Imperial City, c 1.49 Epiphanius: d 1.50 so that, in all the Churches from hence forward, the Chalcedon Synod was publickly e 1.51 preacht up and asserted, and no body dared to Anathematize it: but those per∣sons who would not embrace these Sentiments,

were by innumerable ways compelled to give their consent thereto. A f 1.52 Constitution there∣fore was written by Justinianus, wherein he hath Anathematized Severus and Anthimus with others, and has made obnoxious to most sore punishments those who assert their Opinions. From that time therefore, nothing of dissention remained in the Churches over the whole world: but the Patriarchs of each Dioecesis agreed one with another, and the Bishops of the Cities fol∣lowed their own g 1.53 Exarchs: and the Four Synods were Preach't up in the Churches; the First whereof was that at Nicaea, then, that at Con∣stantinople, the Third [was] the Former Synod at Ephesus, and the Fourth that at Chalcedon. More∣over, there was a Fifth Synod convened by the Order of Justinianus: concerning which I shall speak what is fit and accommodate in its due place. In the interim, I will interweave into this present History those affairs which were transacted one after the other in these very times, and which deserved to be recorded.

CHAP. XII. Out of the History of Procopius Caesariensis, concerning Cavades King of the Persians, and his Son Chosröes.

PRocopius the Rhetorician has written the af∣fairs transacted by Belisarius: [and he de∣clares,] that Cavades King of the Persians, de∣sirous to invest Chosröes being the younger of his other Sons, with the Kingdom, a 1.54 considered how he might procure his Son Chosröes to be adopted by the Emperour of the Ro∣mans; to the end that by this means the Kingdom might be most firmly se∣cured to him. In regard therefore * 1.55 he mist of this his design; by the inducement of Proclus who sate Quaestor to [the Emperour] Justinian, the Feud against the Romans was increased. Fur∣ther, the same Procopius with much exqu site∣ness and great elegance hath set forth the Actions of Belisarius Master of the Eastern Milice, at such time as the Romans and Persians were at War one with another. He relates the first Victory therefore of the Romans about the places Daras and Nisibis, when Belisarias and Hermoge∣nes commanded the Roman Army. To which he subjoyns also what hapned in the Country of the Armenians, and with how great [mischiefs] Alamundarus Commander of those Barbarians [termed] * 1.56 Scenitae, infested the Roman Pro∣vinces. Which Alamundarus took Timostratus, Brother to Rufinus, alive, together with the Souldiers † 1.57 under his Command; and after∣wards delivered him up [when Ransomed] with a vast sum of money.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning Alamundarus and Azarethus; and concerning that Sedition at Constantinople, which had the name Nica given it.

[THe same Authour] * 1.58 most passionately describes the Incursion of the fore men∣tioned Alamundarus and Azarethus into the † 1.59 Roman Pale; and how Belisarius, forced there∣to by his own Army, made an attaque upon those Barbarians in their return to their own Country, near the Banks of The Euphrates, the Festivall of Easter then approaching; and how the Roman Army was ruined, by their refusing to obey the advices of Belisarius: and lastly, how Rufinus and Hermogenes made that Peace with the Persians called * 1.60 The Interminate Peace. To which † 1.61 he subjoyns the popular Sedition that hapned at Byzantium, whereto The ‖ 1.62 Word of the people gave a name. For they gave it the Appellation of Nica, [because] the po∣pulacy being assembled together had given one another this † 1.63 Word, in order to their distin∣guishing one another. In that [Sedition,] Hypatius and Pompeius were by the populacy forced to set up for Tyrants. But the Heads of them both by Justinian's Command were cut off by the Souldiers, and drowned in the Sea; the people having been soon quelled. More∣over, Procopius affirms, that Thirty thousand men perished * 1.64 in this Tumult.

CHAP. XIV. Concerning * 1.65 Hunericus King of the Vandalls, and concerning those Christians whose tongues were cut out by him.

THe same Procopius, in his Book wherein he has related the Affairs of the Vandalls, gives a Narrative of † 1.66 strange things, and which de∣serve for ever to be kept in memory by men; which matters I come now to relate. Hunericus who succeded Gisericus in the Kingdom, in re∣gard he embraced [the Tenets] of Arius, be∣haved himself most barbarously towards those Christians in Africa; forcing them who asserted the Orthodox Opinions to [retract and] turn to the Opinion of the Arians. And if any re∣fused to obey his Commands, he destroyed them by fire, and infinite other sorts of death. But he ordered the tongues of some of them to be cut out. Procopius affirms, that he him∣self

a 1.67 saw these persons when they were at Con∣stantinople, to which City they had fled; and that he conferred with them [and heard them] speak in such a manner as if they had suffered no such thing: and [he says,] that their tongues indeed were cut out from the very root: but, that they had an articulate voice, and spake di∣stinctly: [which thing was] a wonder new and unusuall. The Constitution of * 1.68 Justinian mentions these persons also. Two of whom Lapsed, as the same Procopius relates. For in regard they would † 1.69 con∣verse with women, they were deprived of their voice, and the grace of Martyrdom continued not any longer with them.

CHAP. XV. Concerning Cabaones the Moor.

MOreover, [Procopius] a 1.70 relates another admirable passage, which was wonderful∣ly effected by God [our] Saviour, amongst men who were strangers in∣deed to our Religion, but who behaved themselves pi∣ously and holily at that time. He says, that Cabaones was King of those Moors about Tripoly. This Cabaones, says he, (for I think fit to make use of Procopius's own words, who has elegantly related these matters, as well as others;) Having received information, that the Vandalls would undertake an Expedition a∣gainst him, behaved himself in this manner. In the first place he ordered his Subjects, to abstain from all manner of injustice, and * 1.71 from dainty and delicious dishes, but most especially from the † 1.72 company of women. Then, he pitcht two Camps, in the one he himself Encamped, together with all the men: but within the other he shut up the wo∣men; and threatned he would inflict a punishment of death upon any one that should go into the wo∣mens Entrenchment. After this, he sent ‖ 1.73 Spies to Carthage, to whom he gave these Orders: that if the Vandalls, when on their expedition, should * 1.74 defile any Oratory † 1.75 wherein the Chri∣stians worshipped, they should make an Inspection into what was done. But, when the Vandalls were removed from that place, [he enjoyned them] to do all things that were the quite contrary, to that Church out of which the Vandalls had made their Removall, and were gone. 'Tis reported that ‖ 1.76 he said this also, that he was indeed ignorant of that God whom the Christians worshipped: but 'tis probable, says he, if he be a strong and powerfull [God,] as he is said to be, that he will be revenged on those who injure [his Deity,] and will defend his worshippers. The Spies there∣fore, when they were arrived at Carthage, con∣tinued there, and * 1.77 veiwed the preparation of the Vandalls. But when their Army had begun their Expedition towards Tripoly, † 1.78 they put themselves into a mean garb, and followed them. The Van∣dalls on the very first day [of their march] made Stables of the Christians Oratories, into which they brought their Horses, and their other Beasts; omitting the performing no sort of Contumely what∣ever: also they themselves practised * 1.79 their usuall unruliness, cuff't those Christian ‖ 1.80 Ministers whom they could take, tore their backs with many stripes, and commanded them to wait on them. But, Cabaones's Spies, as soon as ever the Vandalls had removed from those places, performed what they had been ordered to do. For they cleansed the Churches immediately, with great care car∣ried away the dung and whatever else had been irreligiously put therein, lighted all the Candles, paid the highest Reverence imaginable to the * 1.81 Mi∣nisters, and were indulgent to them in all other instances of kindness and beneficence. Then, they distributed money amongst the indigent, who sate about those sacred Houses; in this manner they followed the Army of the Vandalls. And the Vandalls from this very time throughout their whole Expedition committed such impious facts as these: but the Spies made it their business to apply remedies thereto. But when the Vandalls drew near [towards the Moors] the Spies hastned and told Cabaones, as well what the Vandalls, as what they themselves had done to the Churches of the Christians, and [informed him] that the Enemy approacht. Cabaones hearing this, put his Army into a posture fit to ingage. Most of the Vandalls, as 'tis said, were destroyed: many of them were taken by the Moors, and very few of that Army returned to their own homes. This overthrow Thrasamundus suffered from the Moors: and not long after this he ended his life, when he had Reigned seven and twenty years over the Vandalls.

CHAP. XVI. Concerning Belisarius's Expedition against the Vandalls, and their totall overthrow.

THe same Procopius relates, that Justinian (in compassion to those Christians who suf∣fered grievously there,) declared [he would undertake] an Expedition [into Africa;] but by the suggestions of Johannes the Prae∣fectus Pr••torio, he was diverted from that design. Yet, he was afterwards admonished in a a 1.82 Dream, not to desist from that Invasion.

For [he was told,] that in case he would give the Christians assistance, he should ruine * 1.83 the King∣dom of the Vandalls. Incouraged by this Dream, b 1.84 having passed the seventh year of his Reign, he sends Belisarius to the Carthagi∣nian War, about the Summer Solstice: after the * 1.85 Praetorian Ship had been brought to that Shore which is be∣fore the Pallace, and Epi∣phanius Bishop of the [Im∣perial] City had made such Prayers as were fit and a∣greeable, and had put a∣board the Praetorian Ship some of those Souldiers, whom he had baptized a little before. The same Authour likewise has given a Narrative of some pas∣sages concerning The Mar∣tyr Cyprianus, which deserve [to be inserted into this] History: his express words are these. All the Cartha∣ginians have an high vene∣ration for that holy per∣son Cyprianus, and [in honour] of him have e∣rected a most magnificent Church * 1.86 without that City, near the Sea-Shore, and besides other Religious respects [by them paid to him,] they also celebrate an Anniversary Fe∣stivall, which they term Cypriana; and hence the Mariners are wont to call that Storm (which I have even now mentioned,) by the same name with this Festivall, because it usually rages at that very time, whereon the Africans are accustomed perpetually to celebrate that Festivall. In the Reign of Hunericus, the Vandalls took this Church from the Christians by force, drove the Priests out thence with great Ignominy, and afterwards * 1.87 altered it, in regard it was come into the posses∣sion of the Arians. The Africans being vexed and highly displeased on account hereof, they say that Cy∣prianus appeared and visited [them] frequently in [their] sleep, [and said to some of them,] that the Christians ought in no wise to be solli∣citous about him: for, that he himself in process of time would be his own Revenger. Which pre∣diction was compleated in the Times of Belisarius; when Carthage by the Commander Belisarius was reduced to a Subjection to the Romans, c 1.88 after the Ninty fifth year of its being lost: when also the Vandalls were totally vanquished, the Heresie of the Arians was prefectly driven out of Africa, and the Christians recovered their own Chur∣ches, according to the Martyr Cyprianus's pre∣diction.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning the Spoyls which were brought out of Africa.

THe same Procopius hath recorded this pas∣sage. When Belisarius (says he) having vanquished the Vandalls, was returned to Con∣stantinople, bringing along with him the Spoyls, the Prisoners of War, and Gelimeres himself King of the Vandalls; a Triumph was granted him, [at which time] he lead through the Cirque all things that were worthy of admiration. Amongst which there was a vast Treasure; for Gizerichus had heretofore plundered the Pallace at Rome, (as has before been related by me;) at such time as Eudoxia Wife to Valentinian Emperour of the Western Romans, (having both lost her Hus∣band by Maximus's means, and also been injured as to her Chastity,) had sent for Gizerichus, promising she would betray the City t•• ••im. At which time [Gizerichus] burnt Ro••••, and car∣ried away Eudoxia with her two Daughters into the Country of the Vandalls. When also, together with other Treasures, he made plunder of what ever Titus Son to Vespasian had brought to Rome, after his Conquest of Jerusalem; to wit, Solo∣mon's Gifts, which he had dedicated to God. Which Gifts Justinian sent to Jerusalem again, in honour to Christ our God; whereby he ex∣hibited a due honour to God, to whom they had been before dedicated. Procopius says also, that Gelimeres, lying then prostrate on the ground in the Cirque, over against the Empe∣rours Throne whereon Justinian sate and be∣held what was done, uttered this divine Oracle in his own Country Language, Vanity of Vani∣ties, all is Vanity.

CHAP. XVIII. Concerning those Phoenicians who fled from the face of Jesus the Son of Nave.

MOreover, [the same Procopius] relates another thing, never mentioned by any Authour before him, which is most admirable, * 1.89 and transcends almost all belief. He relates therefore, that The Moors, a Nation of the Afri∣cans, removed out of Palestine, and took up their habitation in Africa: and, that they are those [people] whom the sacred Scriptures do men∣tion [by the names of] Gergeshites and Jebu∣sites, and those other Nations who were vanqui∣shed by Jesus the Son of Nave. And he sup∣poses this thing to be ‖ 1.90 unquestionably true, from a certain Inscription cut in Phoenician Let∣ters, which he affirms that he himself read. This [Inscription he says,] is to be seen near a Foun∣tain,

where two Columns of white Marble are erected, on which these words are cut: WE ARE THEY WHO FLIE FROM THE FACE OF THAT THIEF JESUS THE SON OF NAVE. And this was the conclusion of these transactions; Africa was again reduced to a subjection to the Romans, and paid in the Annuall Tributes, as it had usually done before. 'Tis moreover re∣ported, that Justinian repaired an Hundred and fifty Cities in Africa, (some whereof were wholly ruined, and others, as to their greatest part) and, that he made them most transcen∣dently more magnificent than they had been be∣fore, [beautifying them] with an eximious splendidness, with Ornaments, and with Stru∣ctures as well private as publick; with the In∣closures of walls also, and with other vast Edi∣fices, wherewith Cities are both usually adorned, and also [wherein] the Deity is appeased; with plenty of waters likewise, as well for use, as ornament; some of which waters were first brought into them by him, the Cities having not had them before; and others he reduced to their ancient course and order.

CHAP. XIX. Concerning * 1.91 Theodoricus the Goth and what hapned at Rome under him till the times of Justinian, and, that Rome was again reduced to a Subjection to the Romans, after Vitiges had fled out of that City.

I come now to declare the affairs which were transa••••••d in Italy, and these Procopius the Rhetorician has with great accuracy ralated till his own times. After Theodoricus, as it has * 1.92 already been declared by me, had taken Rome, (having wholly vanquished Odoacer who tyran∣nized therein;) and had Governed the Roman Empire as long as he lived; Amalasuntha, who had been his Wife, undertook the † 1.93 Tutelage of ‖ 1.94 Atalarichus Son to them both, and Governed the Empire; she * 1.95 was a woman of a Masculine Spirit, and in this manner she managed affairs. This woman first incited Justinian to a desire of a Gothick War, having sent Embassadours to him, in regard a Plot was framed against her. Fur∣ther, when Atalarichus had ended his life, which he did whilst very young, * 1.96 Theodatus kinsman to Theodoricus takes upon himself the administration of the Western Empire. Who, when Justinian had sent Belisarius into the Western parts, relinquished his Government; (for being a person addicted rather to Books and Study, he was wholly unexperienced in Military affairs;) Vitiges a most warlike person being in the in∣terim Commander in chief of the Western For∣ces. From the History of the same Procopius we may extract this also, that when Belisarius arrived in Italy, Vitiges left Rome; and, that Beli∣sarius with his Army about him made his approach to Rome. Whom the Romans received most wil∣lingly, and opened their Gates to him; that ha∣ving been chiefly effected by Silverius then Pon∣tif of that City; who on this account had sent Fidelis a person that had been Assessour to Ata∣larichus. Thus the City was delivered up to Belisarius without an Engagement: and Rome was again brought to a subjection to the Romans, after [the space of] Sixty years, on the ninth of the month Apellaeus which the Latines term December, when Justinian was in the eleventh year of his Empire. The same Procopius relates also, that when the Goths besieged Rome, Beli∣sarius having a suspicion that Silverius Pontif of that City would betray it, † condemned him to * 1.97 a Deportation into Achaia; and made Vigilius Pontif in his stead.

CHAP. XX. How those [people] termed The Eruli turned Christians in the times of Justinian.

ABout these very times, as the same Procopius relates, The a 1.98 Eruli (who long before had passed the River Danube, at such time as Anastasius Governed the Roman Empire;) ha∣ving been kindly received by Justinian who en∣riched them with great wealth, by a generall consent turned all Christians, and changed their Pristine way of living for a more civilized and quieter course of life.

CHAP. XXI. That Belisarius recovered [the City] Rome, which had been again taken by the Goths.

AFter this, Procopius sets forth Belisarius's Return to Constantinople, and how he car∣ried Vitiges along with him, together with the Spoyls taken out of Rome; also, Totila's seizure of the Roman Empire, and how Rome was again reduced under the Goths Dominion; and, that Belisarius arriving the second time in Italy, re∣covered Rome again. And how, when the Per∣sian War broke out, Belisarius was again sent for to Constantinople by the Emperour.

CHAP. XXII. That the Abasgi turned Christians also in those times.

THe same [Writer] Relates, that about these very times the Abasgi became more civilized, and embraced the Christian Religion; and, that the Emperour Justinian sent one of the Eunuchs belonging to his Court, by descent an Abasgian, his name Euphrata, amongst the Abas∣gians, to declare to them, that no one in that Nation should in future have his Genitalls cut off with an Iron, nor, that a force should be put upon Nature. For, out of these the Ser∣vants of the Imperial Bed-Chamber were for the most part chosen, whom they usually term Eunuchs. Then also Justinian built a Church [in honour] of The Theotocos amongst the Abasgi, and constituted Priests amongst them. And from thence forward [The Abasgi] lear∣ned

* 1.99 The Dogmata of the Christians with the greatest accuracy imaginable.

CHAP. XXIII. That the Inhabitants of Tanais also at that time embraced the Christian Religion; and con∣cerning the Earthquakes which hapned in Greece and Achaia.

IT is related by the same Writer, that the Inha∣bitants of Tanais (those who dwell in this Region, term that Stream [which runs] out of the Lake Maeotis, untill [it falls] into the Euxine Sea, Tanais;) earnestly entreated Ju∣stinian to send a Bishop to them; and, that Ju∣stinian a 1.100 brought their Peti∣tion to effect, and most wil∣lingly sent a Prelate amongst them. The same Authour with much elegancy records, that in the times of Justi∣nian, the Goths made an ir∣ruption out of Maeotis into the * 1.101 Roman Pale; [he declares] also, that there hapned dreadfull Earthquakes in Greece, Boeotia, and Achaia, and, that the places about The Crisaean Bay were shaken, and, that innumerable other Towns and Cities were totally ruined. That there hapned likewise Chasms of the Earth in many places: and, that in some places the Ground closed and came together again: but, that in others, [those Chasms] continued.

CHAP. XXIV. Concerning Narses a Master of the Milice, and his Piety.

* 1.102 HE relates likewise Narses's † 1.103 Expedition, who was sent into Italy by Justinian; and in what manner he Conquered Totila, and af∣ter him Teia; and how Rome was taken the Fifth time. Further, those persons who had an in∣timacy with Narses do re∣port, ‖ 1.104 that he appeased the Deity with supplications and other [offices of] Piety [in such a manner,] pay∣ing so due a veneration thereto, that even The Vir∣gin and Theotocos her self manifestly declared to him the time when he ought to Engage: and that he should not give the On∣set, before he had received the Signall from † 1.105 thence. Many other actions, which deserve great commendation, were performed by Nar∣ses; for he vanquished Buselinus and Sind∣valdus, and reduced many [Regions,] as far as the Ocean, [to the Roman Empire.] Which [Actions] Agathias the Rhetorician has re∣corded, but as yet they are not come to our hands.

CHAP. XXV. That Chosroes, Stimulated with Envy at the pros∣perous successes of Justinian, broke out into a War against the Romans, and ruined many Roman Cities, amongst which [he destroyed] Antioch The Great also.

THe same Procopius has related these mat∣ters also, how Chosroes, after he had re∣ceived information that affairs both in Africa and Italy had succeeded so fortunately to the Roman Empire, was excessively inflamed with envy: and objected some things against the Roman Empire, affirming that the League was violated [by them,] and that they had broken the Peace which had been agreed on [be∣tween the two Empires.] And, that in the first place Justinian dispatch't away Embassa∣dours to Chosroes, who might perswade him not to break that Interminate Peace [which had been made] between them, nor to violate the Articles of agreement, but rather that the mat∣ters in controversie might be inquired into, and composed in an amicable manner. But he says, that Chosroes, corroded by envy which stimula∣ted him within, would accept of none of those rationall proposalls; but with a numerous Ar∣my made an Invasion into the Roman Terri∣tories, in the Thirteenth year of Justinian's Go∣verning the Roman Empire. [The same Pro∣copius] relates likewise, how Chosroes laid Siege to and destroyed * 1.106 Sura a City scituate on the Banks of The Euphrates, [with the Inhabitants whereof] he seemingly made some Articles of agreement, but dealt with them far otherwise, [perpetrating] all the most Impious and Ne∣farious Facts [amongst them,] having not in the least heeded the Articles of agreement; and was made Master of that City by Treachery rather than his * 1.107 Arms. Also, how he burnt Beroea; and after that [made] an Attack upon Antioch, Ephraemius being then Bishop of that City, who had left it, a 1.108 in regard nothing of what he did, succeeded according to his design. Which [Pre∣late] is reported to have preserved the Church and all [the Edifices] about it, ha∣ving adorned [the Church] with sacred Gifts, [on this design,] that they might be the price of its Redemption. Moreover, [the same Wri∣ter] also gives a most pa∣theticall and lively descri∣ption of the Siege of An∣tioch, laid to it by Chos∣roes, and how Chosroes [be∣coming master of it] rui∣ned and destroyed all things with Fire and Sword. Also, how * 1.109 he went to Seleucia a neighbouring City [to Antioch,] then to the Suburb Daphne; and after that to Apamea, Thomas then Governing the Chair of that Church, a person [admirable and] most powerfull both in words and deeds. This Prelate wisely refused not to be a Spectatour, together with Chosroes, of † 1.110 The Cirque-Sports in the Hip∣podrome, (though that was a thing contrary to the usage of the Church;) [it being his desire] by all imaginable ways to gratifie Chosroes, and

to mitigate his mind. Whom Chosroes asked, whether he should be willing to see him at his own City. And they say, that Thomas answe∣red really and according to the true Sentiment of his own mind, that he would not willingly see Chosroes in his own City. Which answer, as 'tis reported, Chosroes wondred at, and deserved∣ly admired this man [for the love he bore] to Truth.

CHAP. XXVI. Concerning the Miracle of the Pretious and Vi∣vifick wood of the Cross, which hapned at A∣pamia.

BUt, in regard I am fallen upon this relation, I will also declare a Miracle that hapned * 1.111 there, which deserves to be inserted into our present History. When the Inhabitants of A∣pamia were informed that Antioch had been burnt [by Chosroes,] they earnestly besought the fore∣mentioned Thomas, to bring forth and expose to view (though contrary to the usuall cu∣stome,) the Salutary and Vivifick wood of the Cross, to the end they might have the last sight of, and kiss the only Salvation of men, and might take the † 1.112 Viaticum of another life, the pretious Cross being their Convoy to a better allotment. Which thing Thomas performed, and brought forth the Vivifick wood, having appointed some set days for its being exposed to view, to the end that all the neighbourhood might come to∣gether thither, and enjoy the safety [arising] from thence. Together therefore with others, ‖ 1.113 my Parents also went thither, leading me along with them who then * 1.114 went to [the School of] a Grammar master. Wherefore at such time as we were vouchsafed to reverence and kiss the pre∣tious Cross, Thomas lifting up both his hands, shewed the wood of the Cross [which was] the abolition of the Old Curse, and went all a∣bout the sacred Church, as 'twas the usage on solemn and set days of † 1.115 veneration. But, as Thomas moved up and down, there followed him a vast flame of a shining, not of a burning fire, in so much that every place, where he stood to shew the pretious Cross, seemed to be all on a flame. And this hapned not once, or twice, but oftner, whilst the Bishop went round all that place, and whilst the people there assembled earnestly entreated Thomas that that might be done. Which thing predicted that safety which hapned to the Apamensians. A picture there∣fore was hung up at the Roof of the Church, which a 1.116 by its representation might declare these things to those who know them not. Which [picture] was preserved intire untill the incursion of b 1.117 Adaarmanes and the Per∣sians. At which time it was burnt, together with Gods holy Church and that whole City. And these things hapned thus. But Chosroes at his going away violated his Articles of agree∣ment, (for he had agreed to some things then also;) and did the quite contrary; which [be∣haviour] was agreeable indeed to his unstable and inconstant humour, but does in no wise befit a man of sense and reason, much less a King, * 1.118 who has a value for his Articles of a∣greement.

CHAP. XXVII. Concerning Chosroes's Expedition against E∣dessa.

THe same Procopius records what has been re∣lated by the Ancients concerning Edessa and Agbarus, and how Christ a 1.119 wrote to Agbarus. Further also, how in another Incursion Chosroes resolved upon a Siege of the Edessens, supposing he should * 1.120 enervate what had been divulged by the Faithfull, [to wit,] that Edessa should never be subdued by † 1.121 an Enemy. Which thing is not indeed extant in that Letter sent from Christ our God to Agbarus, b 1.122 as may be ga∣thered by the studious from what has been re∣lated by Eusebius Pamphilus, who has inserted that Letter word for word [into his ‖ 1.123 Hi∣story.] Nevertheless, 'tis both divulged and be∣lieved amongst the Faithfull, c 1.124 and the Event it self de∣clared the Truth, Faith brin∣ging the Prediction to effect. For, after Chosroes had made an Attack against the City, and had severall ways attem∣pted to break into it, and had raised so vast a Rampire, that in heighth it surmoun∣ted the City-walls; and had made use of infinite other Engines; [after all this, I say] he retreated without effecting his design. But I will give a particular Nar∣rative of what was done. Chosroes ordered the Forces he had about him, to bring together a vast quantity of wood of any sort of Trees they could light on, in order to a Siege. This [wood] having no sooner been orde∣red to be brought together than 'twas effected, he laid it round in the form of a circle, cast Earth into the midst of it, and advanced it di∣rectly towards the City. Building in this man∣ner

* 1.125 by degrees upon the wood and on the earth, and making nearer approaches to the City, he raised it to so vast a height, and made it surmount the City-wall so far, that from an higher place he could throw darts against those who in defence of the City endangered themselves on the wall. The Besieged therefore, when they saw the Rampire (like a Mountain) coming near and approaching the City, and were in ex∣pectation that the Enemy would set foot into the City; very early in the morning attempted to work a Mine directly opposite to the Ram∣pire which by the Romans is termed an d 1.126 Ag∣gesta; and put fire therein, to the end that, the wood being consumed by the flame, the Rampire of Earth might fall to the Ground. And that work was brought to perfection. But, after they had kindled the fire, * 1.127 their project proved unsuccesfull, in regard the fire had not a passage, whereby the air being let in, it might † 1.128 catch hold of the heap of wood. Being reduced therefore ‖ 1.129 to the greatest Non-plus imaginable, they bring forth e 1.130 that Image framed by God, which the hands of men had not made; but Christ [our] God had sent it to Agbarus, in regard [Agbarus] desired to see him. Having carried this most holy Image therefore into the Mine which they had made, and † 1.131 sprin∣kled it with water, they cast [some] of the same [wa∣ter] upon the pile of fire and on the wood: and im∣mediately (the Divine po∣wer giving assistance to their Faith who had done this,) what had before been impossible to them, was brought to effect. For the wood forthwith received the flame, and being in the twinkling of an eye reduced to coals, transmitted it to the wood which lay above, the fire preying all about upon all things. Now the Besieged, when they saw the smoak brea∣king out above, made use of this device. They brought forth little † 1.132 Stone-bottles, and having stuft them with Brimstone, Tow, and other mat∣ter which would readily take fire, they threw them upon that termed The Aggesta: which Bottles, (the fire kindling within them by the force of their being thrown,) raised a smoak, and thereby effected this, [to wit,] that it was not perceived that a smoak broke out of the Rampire. For all persons who were ig∣norant hereof, supposed, that the smoak came out of the Bottles rather than from any other place. On the third day after this therefore, * 1.133 the small Tongues of Fire appeared coming forth out of the earth, and then those of the Persians who fought † 1.134 upon the Rampire, were sensible what imminent danger they were in. But Chosroes, as if he resolved to make a resi∣stance against the Divine power, turned the A∣quaeducts which were before the City, up〈…〉〈…〉pile of fire, and attempted to extinguish it〈…〉〈…〉 the fiery pile received the wa'er as if it had been rather Oyle, or Brimstone, or some such mat∣ter as is † 1.135 combustible, and was much more in∣creased, till such time as it had destroyed the whole Rampire, and perfectly reduced the Ag∣gesta to ashes. Then therefore Chosroes, disap∣pointed of all his hopes, and being experimen∣tally sensible, that he had gotten great disgrace by supposing he could vanquish that God wor∣shipped by us; made an inglorious return into his own Territories.

CHAP. XXVIII. Concerning the Miracle which was performed at Sergiopolis.

MOreover, I will relate another thing, which was done by [the same] Chosroes at the City Sergiopolis; in regard 'tis [a passage] worthy to be recorded, and in reality deserves to be consigned to eternall memory. For Chos∣roes came to this City also, and attempted to take it by a Siege. After therefore he had made an Attacque against its walls, † 1.136 the Inhabitants came to a Parley with him about a preserva∣tion of the City. And it is agreed [at length on both sides,] that the sacred Treasure and Gifts [which had been dedicated to the Church] should be the Ransome of the City; amongst which [gifts] was that a 1.137 Cross also which had been sent thither by Justinianus and Theodora. After these things had been brought to Chosroes, he asked the Priest and those Persians who had been sent with him [into the City on that account,] whether there were any thing remaining. Then a certain person of those not accustomed to speak the truth, returned answer to Chosroes, that there were o∣ther sacred Gifts of great value, which were concealed by the Citizens who were very few in number. Now, of [the sacred Treasure] which was brought out [of the City to Chos∣roes,] nothing of value had been left behind consisting either of Gold or Silver, but of ano∣ther sort of matter more pretious, and which was wholly dedicated to God; to wit, the most holy Reliques of the Victorious Martyr Sergius, which lay in a certain oblong Chest covered over with Silver. When Chosroes, per∣swaded hereby, had sent his whole Army to the City, on a sudden, round the whole Circuit [of the City walls] there appeared an innumerable multitude of Souldiers, who with Bucklers de∣fended the City. Which [Apparition] those sent by Chosroes having beheld, returned, and with admiration declared both their number, and their kind of Armour. But Chosroes, after on a second enquiry he understood that very few persons were left in the City, and those either very aged or very young, the men of strength and vigour being all cut off and destroyed; found that the Martyr was the Authour of this Miracle. And being [on this account] put into a fear, and having admired the Faith of the Christians, he returned into his own King∣dom.

b 1.138 They say also, that at the close of his Life he was vouchsafed [the Laver of] Divine Regeneration.

CHAP. XXIX. Concerning the Pestilentiall Distemper.

MOreover, I will give a Narrative of that [Pestilentiall] Distemper which brake out [in these times,] and which has raged now these Two and fifty years, (a 1.139 a thing which is never related to have hapned before,) and has in a manner destroyed the whole Earth. For, two years after Antioch had been taken by the Persians, a Pestilentiall disease began to rage, in some things like to that recorded by * 1.140 Thu∣cydides, in others far different. And it took its beginning from Aethiopia, as 'twas then re∣ported: but by turns it has overrun the whole world; this Distemper having, I think, left no Mortalls untouch't. Some Cities were so sorely oppressed [with this Calamity,] that they be∣came wholly empty of Inhabitants: but in other places where the Distemper arrived, its chastise∣ment was more light. Nor did [this Pesti∣lence] rage at any certain and set season [of the year;] nor, after it had raged, did it in a like manner recede. But, it seized some places at the beginning of Winter, others in the Spring time, b 1.141 others in Summer; again, othersome during the procedure of the Autumn. And, in some Cities, when it had touched some parts, it abstained [from infecting] the other parts thereof. And you might frequently see in a City not infected, some Families utterly de∣stroyed: But in other places, one or two Fa∣milies having been consumed, the rest of the City in future continued untouch't by the Distem∣per. But, after a more accurate inspection in∣to the matter, we found, that those Families which had continued untouch't, were on the year following the only ones which suffered [by this Distemper.] But, that which was the most wonderfull thing of all, was this, that if it hap∣ned that the Inhabitants of those Cities infected, removed to any other place where this Distem∣per raged not, they were the only persons seized with these Diseases, who [coming] out of in∣fected Cities, made their Residence in Cities un∣infected. And these things hapned frequently, both in Cities and in other places, at the periods of those Cycles termed the Indictions. But, most especially c 1.142 on the 2^d year * 1.143 of each Indiction, almost a totall destruction befell men. In so much that I my self who write these things; (For I thought good to interweave into this History what has a relation to my self, by a fit insertion of what is Congruous at places opportune and con∣venient: [I my self, I say,]) who d 1.144 as yet frequented [the School of] a Grammer-Ma∣ster, was seised with those termed the † 1.145 Bubo's, about the beginning of this [Pestilentiall] Distemper. And in those Sicknesses which raged at seve∣rall times, I lost many of my Chil∣dren, my Wife, and severall others of my Rela∣tions, e 1.146 my Servants also, and very many of those who lookt after and tilled my Grounds: the Circles of the Indictions dividing as 'twere the Calamities that befell me amongst themselves. At what time therefore I did write these things, being in the f 1.147 fifty eighth year of mine age, g 1.148 with∣in these two last years, when this Distemper had raged at Antioch now the fourth time,

(For the h 1.149 fourth Cycle [of the Indictions] hath passed from the beginning [of this cala∣mitous Disease:]) besides the persons foremen∣tioned, I lost my Daughter, and my Grandchild born of her. Further, this Distem∣per * 1.150 consisted of a complication of Diseases. For, in some it began from the head, and having made the eyes bloudy, and tumified the face, it descen∣ded into the throat, and sent the person seized with it from among men. In o∣thers there hapned a † 1.151 loose∣ness of the Belly. In other∣some arose Bubo's, and thence [hapned] very high Fea∣vers: and within two or three days they died, being as firm and ••ound in body and mind as those who had been afflicted with no Distemper. Others became distracted and mad, and so ended their lives. Carbuncles also breaking out [of the body,] destroyed many men. Some per∣sons having once, twice, and thrice been seized [with this Distemper,] and escaped with their lives; afterwards were infected [with it] a∣gain, and died. The ways likwise of contra∣cting this Distemper were different and mani∣fold, and such as were * 1.152 unaccountable. For some died, meerly by conversing and living to∣gether [in the same house:] others, by a touch only: othersome, by entring into an house: again, others [contracted the Infection] in the Forum. Some having fied out of infected Cities, continued uninfected themselves, but im∣parted the Disease to those who were not in∣fected. Others contracted no Distemper at all, although they had lived with many in∣fected persons, and had touched not only per∣sons Distempered, but those likewise who were dead. Othersome (although they made it their business to destroy themselves, because of the loss of their Children or Families; and on this ac∣count especially were continually conversant with the infected; nevertheless, as if the Disease made a resistance against their will,) were in no wise seized with it. This Pestilentiall Distemper there∣fore has raged Two and fifty years, as I have said, till this present time; having out-done all [Plagues] which [ever hapned] before. * 1.153 But Philostratus admires, because in his time a Plague raged Fifteen years. Now, the Events after this yet to come, are uncertain, in regard they pro∣ceed thither, whither it shall seem well pleasing to God, who certainly knows both the Causes [of things,] and also whither they tend. But I will return to that place, from whence I have digressed, and will give a Narrative of the rest of Justinian's Transactions.

CHAP. XXX. Concerning * 1.154 Justinian's insatiable Avarice.

JUstinian was indeed [a person,] of an insa∣tiable Avarice, and ••o † 1.155 extravagant a Lover of what was another's, that for Gold he sold his whole Empire, to those who governed the Pro∣vinces, to the Collectors of the Tributes, and to a∣ny persons else who for no cause at all are ‖ 1.156 wont to frame Plots against men. Besides, * 1.157 by pat∣ching Calumnies together, he punished many and [almost] innumerable persons, whose possessions were great, with the loss of their whole E∣states. Further, if a woman who got her lively∣hood by the prostitution of her body, had † 1.158 false∣ly objected a familiarity or mixture against any one, out of her desire to procure what he had; immediately all the Laws were abolished and made null, and, provided she had made Justinian partaker of her * 1.159 filthy gain, she might remove all the riches of the person calumniated to her own house. Nevertheless, the same Emperour was profuse in his expending money: in so much that he erected many holy a 1.160 and magnificent Churches every where; and other pious Houses for the taking care of men and women, as well young as old, and of those disquieted with Va∣rious diseases: and he allotted vast Revenues, out of the Income whereof these things might be done. He likewise did infinite other pious [Acts,] and such as are well pleasing to God, provided the doers thereof perform [those works] with such Goods as are their own, and offer their pure Actions, as a sacrifice, unto God.

CHAP. XXXI. Concerning the Great Church of Saint Sophia, and [that] of The holy Apostles.

FUrther, [the same Emperour] erected not only many other Churches at Constantinople of a gracefull composure, [in honour] to God and [his] Saints: but he also built that great and incomparable Work, [the like whereto] is not to be found any where on record, [to wit,] * 1.161 that most spacious Church of Saint Sophia, [a Stru∣cture] beautifull and emi∣nent, and which exceeds the possibilty of a description. Nevertheless, as far as I am able, I will attempt to de∣scribe this Church. † 1.162 The fabrick of the Sanctuary is a ‖ 1.163 Tholus, erected upon four Arches, raised to so vast an heighth, that 'tis very difficult for those who look steadfastly from below, to see the Top of the * 1.164 Hemisphaere: but such as stand above, though they be persons very bold and daring, will in no wise attempt to look down, and cast their eyes downwards to the Pavement. The Ar∣ches are raised a 1.165 empty from the Pavement to the very Covering [or, Top] of the Roof.

On the right hand and on the left, b 1.166 opposite to the [Arches] are placed Pillars, framed of Thessalick Stone: and they bear up c 1.167 Hype∣r••a, which being underpropt by other such like Columns, give a liberty to those that are de∣sirous of looking down from on high upon the Mysteries. To which place also the Em∣press comes on Holidays when She is present at the Sacred performance of the Mysteries. But the [Columns placed] at the East and West, d 1.168 are so left, that there should be nothing which might hinder the admiration of so vast a greatness. The Porticus's of the forementioned Hyper••a, finish so great a Work with Pillars and small Arches. Further, that the Miracle of this Structure may be plainer and more manifest, I have resolved to insert here the [number of] Feet, both of its Length, Breadth, and Heighth; as likewise the empty spaces, and heighth also of the Arches. The measure therefore is this. The length from that † 1.169 Door opposite to the Sacred e 1.170 Concha, where the unbloudy Sa∣crifice is offered, unto the [Concha] it self, is an Hundred and ninty Feet: the breadth from North to South, One hundred and fifteen Feet: the * 1.171 heighth from the Center of the He∣misphaere to the Pavement, is an Hun∣dred and eighty Feet. The breadth of each of the Arches is f 1.172 ...... Feet. The length from East to West [contains] Two hundred and sixty Feet. g 1.173 The breadth of their Light is Se∣venty five Feet. There are besides at the West two other Porticus's very splendid, and open Courts on all sides of an admirable Beauty and Gracefullness. The same Justinian built the Church of The Divine Apostles, which will not readily give precedency to any other Temple. In which Church the Emperours h 1.174 and the Pre∣lates are customarily interred. But, concerning these and such things as these, let thus much every way [suffice] to have been said.

CHAP. XXXII. Concerning the Emperour [Justinian's] madness rather than kindness shown * 1.175 towards [the Faction] of the Venetiani.

a 1.176 THere was also another thing in Justinian, that exceeded the utmost ferity of Savage Beasts: (which whether [it proceeded] from a fault of Nature, or from sloth and fear, I cannot say; but, it took its beginning from that popular Sedition [termed] * 1.177 Nica.) For he seemed so † 1.178 highly to favour the one of the Factions, I mean that ‖ 1.179 of the Venetiani, that they committed murders up∣on persons of the contrary Faction at noon day, and in the midst of the City; and not only feared not punish∣ments, but also obtained re∣wards: in so much that hence it hapned, that many were made Murderers. Moreover, a li∣berty was indulged them of entring even into houses, of plundring the riches laid up therein, and of selling [miserable] men their own safe∣ty. And if any one of the Magistrates had at∣tempted to punish them, he endangered his own safety. 'Tis certain, a personage who was Comes of the East, because he had ordered some Seditious persons to be bea∣ten with † 1.180 Bow-strings, he himself was lead through the midst of the City and scourged with Bow-strings. Callinicus likewise Governour of Cilicia, be∣cause according to the prescript of the Laws he had inflicted a capitall punishment upon two Cilician Murderers, Paulus and Faustinus, who fell upon him and would have murdered him; was Crucified, undergoing this punishment on account of his great prudence in passing judge∣ment,

and of [his observing] the Laws. Hence it hapned, that * 1.181 those of the other Faction, having fled out of their own Country, and fin∣ding reception amongst no men what ever, but being driven from all places as persons most detestable; beset Travellers, and committed Ra∣pines and Murders: and all places were filled with untimely deaths, Robberies, and such like horrid and impious Crimes. But sometimes † 1.182 he tur∣ned to the contrary opinion, and slew the Ve∣netiani themselves; subjecting them to the Laws, to whom he had given permission of perpetra∣ting nefarious Facts, in a Barbarick manner, throughout every City. But, to give a perti∣cular Narrative of these matters, is a thing above Relation or [any compass of] time: never∣theless, these things [I have mentioned] are sufficient for the making a conjecture concerning the rest.

CHAP. XXXIII. Concerning Barsanuphius the Asceta.

AT the same time, Divine persons, and such as were Workers of great Miracles, lived in various parts of the world: but such of them, whose Glory shone every where, [were thus term∣ed.] Barsanuphius by extract an Egyptian: This per∣son lead an unfleshly life in the flesh, in a certain Monastery near the Town Gaza: insomuch that he performed many Miracles and such as are superiour to [any] Relation. Moreover, 'tis believed that he lives at this present, shut up in his Cell; although Fifty years and upwards are now past, since he hath been seen by any person, or has pertaken of any thing that is upon the Earth. Which things Eustochius Prelate of Je∣rusalem a 1.183 disbelieving, when he had ordered the Cell, wherein this man of God had inclosed himself, to be dug open, a fire brake out thence, which burnt almost all persons that were there present.

CHAP. XXXIV. Concerning the Monk Symeon, who for Christ's sake [feigned himself] a Fool.

MOreover, at [the City] Emisa there was one Symeones: this person had in such a manner divested himself of the Garment of Vain-glory, that amongst all persons who knew him not, he was accounted an Idiot, although he abounded with all manner of wisdom and divine Grace. Further, this Symeones for the most part lived alone by himself, allowing no person what ever a Liberty of knowing, either when or in what manner he † 1.184 prayed to God; nor [permitting them to know] at what time he abstained from, or partook of nourishment at home. At some times being abroad in the streets, he seemed a 1.185 to be a person distracted, and to have nothing of prudence or wisdom in him. At other times he would go into a Victualling∣house, and eat of what ever food or provision he met with, when he was hungry. But, if any person b 1.186 bowed his head and reverenced him, he would immediately run from that place in anger, being a∣fraid that his own Virtue should be found out by the Vulgar. And in this man∣ner Symeones behaved him∣self in the Forum. But there were some per∣sons that held a familiarity with him, with whom he usually conversed without any thing at all of dissimulation. Amongst those of his acquaintance therefore, one had a maid, who having been debauch't and got with child by some person, when she was forced by her Ma∣sters to declare the man who had done this, she affirmed that Symeones had had to do with her in private, and that she was with child by him, and that she would swear that the matter was so, and (if need should require,) could mani∣festly prove the thing. Which when Symeones had heard, he assented, saying that he carryed flesh about him, which was a frail and mutable thing. But when this matter came to be di∣vulged amongst all persons, and Symeones (as it seemed) was obnoxious to a great ignominy, he withdrew himself, and feigned that he was ashamed. When therefore the woman's time of delivery was come, and she sate in the usuall posture of women in Travail; her Labour caused most acute, many, and intollerable pangs, and brought the woman into the imminentest dan∣ger of her life. But the Birth * 1.187 fell not in the least. Symeones therefore being designedly come thither, when he was requested [by those pre∣sent] to go to Prayers, he declared before them all, that the woman should not be delivered, un∣till she would confess who was the Father of the child in her womb. Which when she had done, and had named the true Father, the Infant leap't forth immediately, Truth it self doing [as 'twere] the office of a Mid-wife. The same person was one time observed to go into the house of a Strumpet, and having shut to the door, he and she continued alone for some time: after this he opened the door again, and ran a∣way in great hast, looking round least any one should see him, whereby he much increased the suspicion. In so much that the persons who had seen him, brought forth the woman, and enquired of her, both what the meaning of Sy∣meones's coming into her was, and why he made so long a stay. The woman swore, that for three days before that, because of her want of necessaries, she had tasted of nothing but water only: but, that Symeones had brought victualls and meat and a vessell of Wine along with him, and having shut the door, had spread the Table, and bad her go to supper, and fill her self with provisions, because she had been sufficiently afflicted with want of nourishment; and she fetcht out the Remains of the victualls [which Symeones] had brought to her. Further, some small time before that Earthquake hapned which shook Phoenice Maritima, wherein c 1.188 Berytus, Byblus, and Tripolis suffered more [than other Cities, the same Symeones] holding a whip on high in his hand, scourged most of the Columns in the Forum, and cryed out, Stand, You must dance. Because therefore nothing was done unadvisedly and without design by this man,

some persons present at his doing hereof, took particular notice of those Columns, which he passed by, and did not scourge: which Pillars fell not long after, being ruined by the Earth∣quake. Moreover, he did very many other things, the Relation whereof requires a peculiar Treatise.

CHAP. XXXV. Concerning the Monk Thomas, who in like manner feigned himself a Fool.

THere was also at the same time one Thomas, who followed the same course of life in Syria Coele. This person went [one time] to Antioch, to receive the annuall stipend [allot∣ted for the maintenance] of his own Monastery. a 1.189 For [this annuall stipend] was ordered [to be paid] out of the [Revenues of the] Antiochian Church. Anastasius * 1.190 Oe∣conomus of the same Church, (in regard the said Thomas troubled him frequently,) gave him [one day] a box on the ear with his hand. Where∣at when the persons pre∣sent with them were much offended, Thomas said, that neither he himself would re∣ceive any thing more [of the annuall stipend,] nor should Anastasius † 1.191 pay any more. Both which things came to pass: Anastasius ending his life on the day following; and Thomas be∣ing translated to an immortall life b 1.192 in the Hospitall of the Infirm at the Daphnensian Suburb, whilst he was on his Return home. They laid his dead Body in the Monuments of the Strangers. But, in regard when one or two had been buried after him, Thomas's Body was still above them, (God showing a great Mi∣racle, even after his death: for [the other Bodies] were removed and thrust down;) [the Inhabitants] admire this holy person, and declare [the thing] to c 1.193 Ephraemius. Then his * 1.194 Holy dead Body is removed to An∣tioch with a publick Festivity and [a solemn] pomp, and is honourably buried in the Coemitary; having at its transla∣tion caused the Pestilentiall distemper, which then raged at Antioch, to cease. And the In∣habitants of Antioch do magnificently celebrate an anniversary Feast [in honour] of this [Tho∣mas] till these our times. But let us † 1.195 return to the * 1.196 proposed Series of our History.

CHAP. XXXVI. Concerning the Patriarch Menas, and concerning the Miracle which hapned then to the Boy of a certain Hebrew.

ANthimus having been ejected (as I have * 1.197 said,) out of the Chair of the Imperial City, a 1.198 Epiphanius succee∣ded in that Episcopate: and after Epiphanius, Menas; in whose time hapned a Mi∣racle highly worthy to be recorded. There is an b 1.199 an∣cient usage at Constantinople, that when a great quantity of the Holy parts of the im∣maculate Body of Christ our God are left▪ remaining, [some] young Boyes of their number who frequent the Grammar-Schools are sent for, that they may eat them. Which thing having hapned at that time, the Son of a * 1.200 Glass-ma∣ker (as to his o∣opinion a Jew,) was † 1.201 called amongst the o∣ther Boyes. This child told his Parents, who enquired the reason of his stay, what had hap∣ned, and what he together with other boyes had tasted of. His Father, highly incensed and en∣raged, snatcht up the boy immediately, and threw him into the Furnace of coals, wherein he usual∣ly formed Glass. But his mother sought for her son, and when she could not find him, she went all about the City mourning and * 1.202 making great lamentation. And on the third day after standing at the door of her husband's work-house, she called her Son by his name, † 1.203 weeping and tea∣ring herself. The Boy knowing his mother's voice, answered her out of the Furnace. Shee breaks open the doors, goes in, and sees her Son standing in the midst of the coals, the fire having not touch't him in the least. The child, when afterwards asked in what manner he had continued un-hurt, said, that a woman cloathed in a purple garment came to him frequently, gave him water, quenched the coals that were near him, and fed him as often as he was hun∣gry. Which passage having been brought to [the hearing of] Justinian, he [ordered] the boy and his mother to be ‖ 1.204 Baptised in the Laver

of Regeneration, and c 1.205 enrolled them amongst the Clergy: but his father, because he would not embrace the profession of Christianity, was [by the Emperour's order] crucified in [the Suburb] d 1.206 Sycae, as designing to have murde∣red his own son. These things hapned in this manner.

CHAP. XXXVII. Who were Bishops of the Greater Cities at that time.

AFter Menas, Eutychius ascends the [Epis∣copall] Throne [at Constantinople.] But at Jerusalem, after Martyrius, Salustius succeeds in that See, and after him, Helias. After Helias, Petrus; and after Petrus, Macarius; [whose Election] the Emperour approved * 1.207 not of; so that he was [afterwards] Ejected out of his own Chair: a 1.208 For they affirmed that he asserted Origen's opinions. After this [Macarius] there∣fore, Eustochius succeeded in that Bishoprick. Af∣ter the Ejection of Theodosius, as has been re∣lated † 1.209 above, Zoilus is declared Bi∣shop of Alexandria. And when he was added b 1.210 to [the Alexandrian Bishops] his predecessours, Apollinaris undertakes [the Government of] that Chair. After Ephrae∣mius, Domninus is entrusted with the [Episco∣pall] Throne of Antioch.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Concerning the Fifth Holy Oecumenicall Synod, and on what account it was convened.

DUring therefore Vigilius's presidency over the Elder Rome; whilst in the first place Menas, and then Eutychius [was Patriarch] of Constantinople; and whilst Apollinaris [was Bi∣shop] of Alexandria, Domninus of Amioch, and Eustochius of Jerusalem; Justinian con∣venes the Fifth Synod, on this account. The Assertours of Origen's opinions abounding and growing powerfull [in the Monasteries of Pa∣lestine,] and especially a 1.211 in that termed The new Laura; Eustochius made it his whole busi∣ness to eject them. And going to The new Laura, he drove them all out, and pursued them to a great distance, as being the common pest [of mankind.] They, dispersed into severall places, associated many persons to their own party. Theodorus surnamed Ascidas (Bishop of Caesarea the Head-City of the Province Cappadocia; [a Prelate] resident with Justinian, faithfull to him, and of whom the Emperour made great use;) undertook the Patronage of these [Monks.] Upon * 1.212 his making a disturbance therefore at the [Imperial] Pallace, and terming [Eusto∣chius's] Fact the † 1.213 highest impiety and wicked∣ness; Ruphus Abbot of Theodosius's Monastery, and b 1.214 Conon [Abbot] of the [Monastery] of Saba (persons of the chiefest note * 1.215 amongst the Monasticks, both for their own worth, and on account of the Monasteries over which they pre∣sided;) are sent to the Imperial City by Eustochius. They were accompanied with others also, not much inferiour to them in dignity. And these men resolved to debate con∣cerning Origen primarily, and concerning Eva∣grius and Didymus. But Theodorus the Cappa∣docian, desirous of diverting them to another matter, c 1.216 proposes to be debated the Cause of Theodorus [Bishop] of Mopsuestia, and that

of Theodoret and Ibas: the All-good God ha∣ving excellently well disposed the whole matter so, that whatever was profane both on the one and on the other side might be wholly expelled. The first Question therefore having been pro∣posed, whether it were lawfull to Anathematize the dead; Eutychius who was then present, (a person incomparably well versed in the Sacred Scriptures, who during Menas's Life was not very eminent; for he was then but d 1.217 Apocri∣siarius to the Bishop of Amasia;) being not only wiser, but also looking with contempt upon those convened, said in express words, that that question need not be debated: in regard King Josias did not only heretofore slay the living Priests of Daemons, but also dug open the Se∣pulchers of those who had been dead long before. All persons that were present look't upon these [words of Eutychius's] to be most appositely spoken. Which [saying of his] when Justi∣nian was acquainted with, he prefer∣red * 1.218 him to the Chair of the Im∣perial City, on the death of Menas which hapned soon after. Further, Vigiliuse 1.219 gave his consent by his Letters, but refused to be pre∣sent at the Synod. The Synod therefore being convened, when [the Emperour] Justinian asked, what their Sentiment was concerning Theodorus, and in relation to those things which Theodoret had written against Cyrillus and his Twelve † 1.220 Heads; also [what they thought] of that Letter said to be Ibas's, [written by him] to Maris the Persian: after many passages had been re∣cited [out of the Books] of Theodorus and Theodoret, and after it had been made apparent, that Theodorus had long since been condemned, and [his name] expunged out of the Sacred Diptycks; and, that Hereticks ought to be con∣demned even after their death: with all suffrages (as the usuall saying is,) they Anathematize Theodorus, and what had been written by Theo∣doret against Cyrillus's Twelve Heads, and a∣gainst the true Faith; Ibas's Letter also, which he wrote to Maris the Persian; [their con∣demnation of the foresaid persons and writings] being conceived in these express words.

f 1.221 Whereas the Great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ according to the Parable in the Gospells, &c. And after some other words. Besides all those other Hereticks which are con∣demned and Anathematized by the four foremen∣tioned holy Synods, and by the holy Catholick and A∣postolick Church; We also condemn and Anathe∣matize Theodorus who is styled Bishop of Mopsue∣stia, and his impious writings; also, what hath been impiously written by Theodoret, both against the true Faith, and against the Twelve Heads of Cyrillus of Blessed memory, and against the First Holy Synod at Ephesus; in fine, whatever has been written by the same [Theodoret] in de∣fence of Theodorus and Nestorius. Moreover, we also Anathematize that impious Letter said to have been written by Ibas to Maris the Per∣sian. And after some few words, they expoun∣ded Fourteen g 1.222 Heads concerning the right and † 1.223 sincere Faith.

And these things proceeded in this manner. But, h 1.224 when Libells were delivered in by the Monks Eulogius, Conon, Cyriacus, and Pan∣cratius, against the opinions of Origen Ada∣mantius, and against the followers of his im∣piety and errour; Justinian consulted the then convened Synod about these matters, having sub∣joyned [to his own Letter] a Copy of the Li∣bell, as also what he had written to Vigilius concerning these things. From all which it may be gathered, that Origen had made it his business, to fill the * 1.225 Purity of the Apostolick † 1.226 Dogmata with i 1.227 Paganish and Ma∣nichaean Tares. A Relation therefore was transmitted to Justinian from the Synod, after the Exclamations which they [had heaped together] against Origen and those in∣volved in the same erroneous Tenets with him. Part of which [Relation] runs thus.

You who possess a mind partaker k 1.228 of a Cele∣stiall Nobility, Most Christian Emperour! And after some other words. We have avoided there∣fore, we have avoided that [Doctrine.] For we knew not the voice of Strangers. And having securely bound this person, as a Thief, and like a Robber, with the Ropes of an Anathema, we have cast him out of the Sacred Rails. And after some few words. But you will know the power and efficacy of the matters which have been transacted by us, by the reading thereof.

Hereto they also annexed whatever * 1.229 Heads Origen's followers had [from their Masters] learned to assert; which [Heads] manifested both their agreements, as also their disagree∣ments, and likewise their l 1.230 manifold errour. Amongst these there was a Fifth Head [which contained] the Blasphemies broach't by some private persons of that termed The New Laura; the Contents of which Head run thus. m 1.231 Theo∣dorus Ascidas the Cappadocian said: If the A∣postles and the Martyrs doe now work Miracles, and are in so great honour; unless in the Re∣surrection they shall be made equall to Christ, what manner of Resurrection shall they have? The same Fathers related severall other Blasphe∣mies of Didymus, Evagrius, and Theodorus, which with great diligence they had collected out of their Books. Further, some intervall of time after this Synod, n 1.232 Eutychius is ejected, and o 1.233 Jo∣hannes is placed in the Chair of the Constantino∣politane Church in his room. This Johannes was born at p 1.234 Sirimis, which is a Village scituate in the Cynegick Region, in the Antiochian Terri∣tory.

CHAP. XXXIX. That Justinian * 1.235 having forsaken the right Faith, asserted the Body of [our] Lord to be incor∣ruptible.

AT the same time Justinian † 1.236 deflected from the right High-way of [Orthodox] Sen∣timents, and having entred a path untrodden by the Apostles and Fathers, fell into Thorns and Brambles. Wherewith being desirous to fill the Church, he mist of his design; the Lord having securely fenced * 1.237 the High∣way a 1.238 with hedges not to be broken, that Murderers [and Thieves] might not break in, as if the wall had been faln and the Fence broken down: [and thus] he ful∣filled the Prophets Predi∣ction. Johannes therefore, who was also termed Cate∣linus, having b 1.239 succeeded Vi∣gilius in the Bishoprick of the Elder Rome, and Johan∣nes born at Sirimis Gover∣ning the Constantinopolitane Church, and Apoli∣naris that of Alexandria, Anastasius successour to Domninus presiding over the Antiochian Church, and over that at Jerusalem c 1.240 Macarius, who was again restored to his own Chair:

when * 1.241 he had Anathematized Origen, Didy∣mus, and Evagrius, after Eustochius's deposition; Justinian writes that which amongst the Ro∣mans is called an Edict, wherein he has termed the Body of [our] Lord incorruptible; and incapable of Naturall and irreprehensible † 1.242 pas∣sions; affirming that [our] Lord ate in the same manner before his Passion, as he did eat after his Resurrection, his most holy Body ha∣ving received no change or alteration from its very Formation in the Womb, neither in the Voluntary and Naturall Passions, nor yet after [his] Resurrection. To which [Assertions] Justinian [resolved] to force the Prelates in all places to give their assent. But when all of them affirmed, that they earnestly expected [the opinion of] Anastasius Bishop of An∣tioch, they [thereby] represt the [Empe∣rour's] first Attempt.

CHAP. XL. Concerning Anastasius Arch-Bishop of Antioch.

MOreover, This Anastasius [was a person] both incomparably well skilled in the Sa∣cred Scriptures, and also accurate in his Moralls and way of living: in so much that he would * 1.243 take consideration about the most triviall mat∣ters, nor would he † 1.244 deflect at any time from a constancy and firmness, much less in things mo∣mentous, and which had a relation to the Deity it self. And he had * 1.245 tempered his disposition so, that neither an easiness of access to and con∣ference with him, might render him exposed to what was unmeet and inconvenient; nor should an Austerity and Rigour make him inaccessible in relation to what was fit and rationall. In [conferences that were] weighty and Serious, he was of a ready ear, and fluent Tongue: But in [discourses that were] impertinent and su∣perfluous, he had his ears perfectly shut. A bridle represt his tongue in such a manner, that he † 1.246 mea∣sured his discourse with reason, and rendred Si∣lence far better than talke. This person there∣fore Justinian makes an Attack against, as a∣gainst some inexpugnable Tower, and sets upon him with all manner of Engines; considering with himself, that if he could ruine a 1.247 this [Tower,] he should afterwards become Ma∣ster of the City with ease, enslave the Doctrine of the true Faith, and lead captive the Sheep of Christ. But Anastasius by a divine heighth of mind rai∣sed himself so far [above the Emperour,] (for he stood upon a Rock of Faith not to be broken;) that by his own Relation sent to Ju∣stinian, he openly contradicted him, and in the same [Relation] demonstrated [to him] most perspicuously and with great eloquence, that the Body of [our] Lord was corruptible in passions naturall and irreprehensible, and that the Divine Apostles and * 1.248 Holy Fathers both thought and taught so. The same answer he returned to the Monks of the First and Second Syria, who had consulted him: and he confirmed the minds of all persons, and † 1.249 prepared for the Conflict, reci∣ting daily in the Church that saying of that Vessell of Election; * 1.250 If any one preach any other Gospell unto you, than that you have received, though he be an Angell from Heaven, let him be accursed. Which [words] when all persons had ‖ 1.251 weigh∣ed in their minds, a very small number only excepted, they imitated him. The same Ana∣stasius wrote a b 1.252 Valedictory Oration to the An∣tiochians, after he had received information, that Justinian was resolved to send him into Banish∣ment. Which Oration is deservedly delightfull and admirable, for the elegancy of its words, the abundance of its * 1.253 sententious expres∣sions, the frequent quotations of Sa∣cred Scripture, c 1.254 and for the Accom∣modateness of the History.

CHAP. XLI. Concerning the death of Justinian.

BUt this Oration was not published, God having provided some better thing for us. For Justinian, whilst he dictated a sentence of Deportation against Anastasius and the Prelates about him, was invisibly wounded, and ended his life, after he had Reigned in all Thirty eight years and eight months.

The End of the Fourth Book of Evagrius's Ecclesiastical History.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Or, Ju∣stinus the First.
• a 1.2

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, Magi∣ster Offici∣orum, Ma∣ster of the Offices. For so the Greeks do usually ex∣plain that dignity. Nevertheless, Jordanes in his Book de Successione Regnorum, relates, that Justinus was by the Senate elected Emperour, not from his being Master of the Offices, but Comes of the Guards. To whom agrees the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle, and the Old Chronographer whom I long since published at the end of Amm. Mar∣cellinus's History. Procopius (in his Anecdota, pag. 28,) speaking of the Emperour Justinus as yet a private person, writes thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, For the Emperour Anastasius had made him Comes of the Guards in the Pallace. The same Procopius makes Justinus, not a Thracian, (as Evagrius, Cedrenus, and Zonaras do,) but an Illyrian, born at the Town B••derian••. Theophanes also says Justinus was an Illyrian. But, I cannot enough admire at the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle, who although he makes him a Bederianite, yet terms him a Thracian. Vales.
• * 1.3

  Or, With so great a dignity.
• * 1.4

  Or, De∣stroyes from amongst men.
• a 1.5

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nicephorus (book 17. chap. 1.) instead of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, making, substituted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, living. But I am of o∣pinion, that Evagrius wrote▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, making his Residence▪ and, that the two former words were omitted by Transcribers. The reading may also be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, pitching his Tent, or, dwelling. Vales.
• b 1.6

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. There were two Armies in the Court of the Roman Emperour, who were called Praesentes, in Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. These were commanded by two Magistri Mi∣litum, who were termed in Praesenti, or Praesentales. And in the Eastern Empire, one of these Commanders was a Magister of Foot, the other of Horse. But in the Western Empire, each of them was a Magister of Horse and Foot. Concerning these two Magistri of the present Milice, or, Milice in waiting, Malchus speaks in his Ex∣cerpta Legationum pag. 93. Moreover, Jordanes in his Book de Suc∣cessione Regnorum agrees with our Evagrius, where he speaks these words concerning the Emperour Justinus; Foedusque cum Vitaliano percussit, &c. And he made a League with Vitalianus, and after he had sent for him, made him present Master of the Milice and ordinary Consul. See Meursius's Glossary in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Fifth Action of the Constantinopolitane Synod under Menas, pag. 751, these words occur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.7

  Or, Place.
• c 1.8

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Tellerian M. S. this place is written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• d 1.9

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Musculus renders this place thus, in obscuriore quâdam Palatii janu••, in a certain more obscure gate of the Pallace. Christophorson translates it in this manner; in portâ quâdam post Aulam positâ, in a certain gate placed after [or, behind] the Pallace. Johannes Langus, who rendred Nicephorus into Latine, has translated it thus; ad quandam in mediâ Aulâ Januam, at a certain Gate in the middle of the Pallace. He was minded belike to express that word which Nicephorus made use of, to wit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Greeks had two Gates in their Edisices which had no Cellars, or, Vaults. The first of these, which lookt towards the Street, was termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Porch-Gate, as Harpocration informs us in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the second Gate was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it was in the midst between the Porch and the Atrium [or, Court;] or else because it was in the middle between The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, men's Apartment, and The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, womens Apartment; as the Authour of the Etymologicon affirms. Lysias men∣tions both these Gates in his Oration pro Eratosthene de Caede, in these words; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but having remembred that in that night the Gate between the Porch and Atrium and the Porch-Gate creak't. I think it must be written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Heliodorus (in the close of his third book,) alludes to this place of Lysias, when he says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which passage the Translatour renders thus, Perstrepebat Ostium Atrii, the Gate of the Atrium creak't. Aelius Dionysius (in his Lexicon in Eustathius on 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. pag. 862,) says these words; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; The Greeks term the middle Gate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪, especially the middle of the two Gates, as Aelius Dionysius affirms▪ Which [Gate] also the same person stiles 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The same is affirmed by The Scholiast of Apol∣lonius at his third book. Let thus much be noted concerning the propriety of this word, in the Exposition whereof Harpocration is mistaken, (see him in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;) who from Lysias thought the import of it was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that termed the sordid Court [or, Yard] were the fowls were. But, we must now come nearer to the matter. The words of Victor Thunonensis in his Chro∣nicon are these: Maximo V. C. Coss. Vitalianus, &c. In the Consulate of the most famous Maximus, Vitalianus is said to have been killed at Constantinople within the Pallace, (in a place which by a Greek word they term The Delphicum,) by the faction of Justinianus the Patricius. Further, The Delphicum was an House in the Pallace at Constantinople, wherein were the Stibadia [see book 5. chap. 13. note (a.)] of the Emperour; it was so termed from The Delphick Table; whereon drinking Cups were wont to be placed, as Procopius informs us in the first book of his Vandalicks, pag. 116. The Delphicum there∣fore was The House of the nineteen places to lye down on and banquet, near to which was a spacious Atrium, or Area, as we will declare hereafter at our Annotations on book 5. chap. 13. In this Area, there∣fore or spatious Court, Vitalianus was slain in his own Consulate, on the year of Christ 520, as Marcellinus informs us in his Chronicon. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 imports Cur••is, a large and spacious Court, which was betwixt the mens Apartment and the womens Apartment, as we have seen from the Authour of The Etymologicon, &c. But, if we would rather take 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to signifie a Gate, we must mean the Gate of The Delphicum. Thus the Constantinopolitan Synod under Menas is said to have been held 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that is, in the Western Atrium of the Venerable Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Cedrenus in Justinian's thirty seventh year says that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the greater Church was burnt; which is termed The Garsonasta∣sium. The old Glosses de Habitatione, interpret 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, compluvium, a p••nt-house. Theophanes in his Chronicon, pag. 158, relates that Ju∣stinian built a great Cistern of The Mesaulium or Atrium of Illus's Ba∣silica. The Old Glosses expound 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Atrium, a Court. But when we read that the Councill was held in the Mesaulium, it is not to be understood of an open Court, but of the Porticus's of the Court. For the Councills of Bishops were not held abroad in the open Air. Vales.
• e 1.10

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I had other make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, paying. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is no Greek ph••••se, if I mistake not. But, 'tis righter thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which the Latines term poenas solvere, to undergo punishment. Thus Evagrius expresses him∣self in chap. 32. of this book. Vales.
• * 1.11

  Book 3. Chap. 33.
• a 1.12

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, daily, as the rea∣ding is in the Tellerian Manu∣script, and in Ni∣cephorus. Evagrius took this passage out of the Li∣bell of the Monks, which is recorded in the Fifth Action of the Constantinopolitane Synod under Menas, pag. 712: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for daring daily (as we may say,) to Anathematize the Holy Synod at Chalcedon, he hath held Communion thus far, [or, in this manner,] he has in the sacred Diptycks many of the Bishops under him∣self who had sate in that Holy Synod at Chalcedon. For so it must be read agreeable to the Old Translatour: and this, Liberatus confirms in his Breviarium, chap. 19; where his words concerning Severus are these: Sed vexabatur in Episcopatu, tanquam Anathematizaret quidem Synodum, nominaret autem Episcopos Synodi; But he was vexed in his Bishoprick, as if he should Anathematize the Synod, but would name the Bishops of the Synod. Vales.
• b 1.13

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophorson understood not this term, as 'tis apparent from his Version. For he has rendred it thus: Et maximè in Litteris quae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, id est, quae de Episcopis in sede Episcopali collocandis scriptae sunt, &c; and especi∣ally in the Letters which [are termed] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, which are written concerning the Bishops to be placed in the Episcopall Chair. Johannes Langus (in chap. 2, book 17, of Nicephorus,) translates it truer, thus: Potissimùm verò in eis quae Enthronisticae, sive Synodales dicuntur, Epistolis, &c; but most especially in those Letters, which are termed Enthronistick or Synodicall Letters, &c. So the Letters were termed, which the Patriarchs sent one to another, at their Install∣ment, that is, in the beginning of their Episcopate▪ There were also Enthronistick Homilies, or Sermons, which the Bishops Preacht to the people at their entrance upon their Episcopate. Concerning these, Liberatus (chap. 19.) writes thus, treating of our Severus, concerning whom Evagrius speaks here▪ Fertur autem Expositio ejus, quae ab eo dicta est in Enthronismo, &c; But his Exposition is extant, which was spoken by him at his Installment, wherein he does both embrace Zeno's Uniting Edict, and also Anathematizes the Chalcedon Synod, and like∣wise confesses himself to hold Communion with the Alexandrian and Con∣stantinopolitane Prelates. Vales.
• c 1.14

  He means Timotheus Bishop of Alexandria, who had succeeded Dioscorus Junior in that Bishoprick▪ as Liberatus relates chap. 19. For Timotheus Bishop of Constantinople cannot be meant here, in re∣gard Evagrius has said just before, that Severus's Synodick Letters were embraced and admitted of only at Alexandria▪ Vales.
• d 1.15

  Nay; Severus was ejected in the second year of the Emperour Justinus, on the year of Christ 517, as Baronius has remarked truly▪ Vales.
• e 1.16

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By these words I am of o∣pinion the Comes of the East is meant; which was a Civill dignity▪ as I have long since re∣marqued at Amm. Marcelli∣nus, pag. 5. of my notes. Neverthe∣less, Nice∣phorus thought that this Irenaeus was the Dux of the Militia. For he has interpola∣ted this passage of Evagrius in this manner: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who commanded the Military Companies at Antioch. But there is a fault in these words of Evagrius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which in my judgment are to be expunged; or else to be corrected in this man∣ner 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.17

  Severus.
• f 1.18

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Without doubt it must be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because he had placed the watchfullest Guard imaginable about him, &c. I have noted already, that in these Books of Evagrius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is most frequently put instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• g 1.19

  The Emperou•• Justinus, at the beginning of his Empire, made an establishment by a Law, that all the Bishops should embrace the Chalcedon Synod: but if any would not embrace it, they should be driven from their Sees. Liberatus has mentioned this Law in his nineteenth chapter, in these words: Mortuo Anastasio, & Justino facto Imperatore, &c; Anastasius being dead, and Justinus being made Em∣perour, Severus is accused by Vitalianus the Magister Militum, a Religious and Orthodox person, because he despised the Emperours Command, and would not embrace the Synod. See Baronius at the year of Christ 519, Number 145. Further, this place of Evagrius seems to have given occasion of a mistake to Nicephorus. For, because our Evagrius had said, that Paulus, Severus's successour had been ordered to assert the Chalcedon Synod at his Installment, Nicephorus thought that this Pau∣lus was in secret an Eutychian: Nevertheless, that this was false, Liberatus informs us in his Breviarium chap. 19; as also the Legates of the Apostolick See in their Relation to Pope Hormisda, which Baronius records at the year of Christ 519. Vales.
• h 1.20

  Paulus Bishop of Antioch was accused by his own Clergy, and by some others of the people of Antioch, before the Legates of the Apo∣stolick See, who as yet resided at Constantinople; and after their depar∣ture, before the Emperour Justinus; who not able to clear him∣self of the Crimes objected against him, being vanquished by the testimony of his own Conscience▪ presented Recusatory Libells, re∣questing that he might have leave to retire from the Episcopal Office which he had undertaken. Which when he had been permitted to do, he spontaneously removed himself from the Sacerdotall Function, as the Emperour Justinus relates in his Letter to Pope Hormisda, which Baronius records at the year of Christ 521. But although it is not expresly said in the foresaid Letter▪ to whom Paulus presented those Libells: yet it seemeth to me▪ that he presented those Libells to the Emperour Justinus. For, that is declared by Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople, in the Letter which he wrote to Pope Hormisda con∣cerning the same affair. Vales.
• a 1.21

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Chri∣stophorson understood not this passage, as 'tis appa∣rent from his Ver∣sion. For he renders it thus: Anno Septi∣mo Regni ejusdem Justini, mense ••e∣cimo, Arte∣misio vide∣licet, id est, Maio, &c; In the se∣venth year of the same Justinus's Reign, on the tenth month, to wit Ar∣temisius, that is, May, &c. Christophorson thought, that the tenth month was here termed Arte∣misius. But 'tis not so. For Artemisius was not the tenth month of the Macedonians. Evagrius therefore says this only here, that that Earthquake hapned at Antioch in the seventh year▪ on the tenth month of Justinus's Empire. Concerning the year we shall see after∣wards, whether it be truly reckoned the seventh. But the tenth month is rightly put by Evagrius. For, that Earthquake hapned in the month May, as Evagrius, and likewise Theophanes do attest. Now, this was the tenth Month of Justinus's Empire. For Justinus be∣gan his Reign on the ninth day of the month July, as the Au∣thour of the Alexandrian Chronicle observes. Therefore, the month May of the following year was the tenth month of Justinus's Reign. These things concerning the month admit of no doubt. As to the year, our Evagrius had done ill to place this Earthquake on the se∣venth year of Justinus's Empire, in regard he ought rather to have said the eighth. For this Earthquake hapned on the fourth Indiction, when Olybrius was Consul alone; as Marcellinus Comes and Theo∣phanes do attest in their Chronicon's: which was the year of Christ 526. On which year the eighth year of the same Emperours Reign was current till the month July. Baronius therefore has not rightly pla∣ced this Earthquake on the year of Christ 525; who was lead into a mistake by Evagrius. Further, in the Florentine Manuscript, at these words of Evagrius, this Scholion was set in the Margin; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, [Note] that May is termed the tenth month. But this Scholiast, whosoever he was, is mistaken here. For May is not simply and absolutely termed the tenth month by Evagrius here, but only the tenth month of Justinus's Empire, as I have said above. Vales.
• b 1.22

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in fine therefore. In the Florent. M. S. the reading is truer, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ended his life. Further, concer∣ning this Earthquake wherewith Antioch was ruined in the times of the Emperour Justinus; besides Theophanes and Cedrenus, Procopius speaks in the first book of his Persica, pag. 67, and 68; where he re∣lates that three hundred thousand person•• perished in that Earth∣quake. Vales.
• a 1.23

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who held the Raines of Govern∣ment of the East. That is, was then Comes of the East, under whose dispose were all the Provinces of the East; as the No∣titia of the Roman Empire informs us. That Ephraemius was adorned with this dignity, we are told by Johannes Moschus in chap. 37. of his Limonarium; where his words are these: Eo tempore vir clemens, & misericordiae operibus deditus Ephraemius Comes Orientis erat, &c; At that time Ephraemius, a person of great clemency, and addicted to works of compassion, was Comes of the East, and by him the publick Buildings were repaired: for the City had been ruined by an Earthquake. Photius also attests the same, in his Bibliotheca, chapter 228. Vales.
• b 1.24

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and then also▪ &c. I would rather read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at which time also, &c. Which is the reading in the Telle∣rian Manuscript, and in Nicephorus, who writes, that in Justinian's Reign Antioch had that name given it. The same is attested by Stephanus Bysantius in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and by Theophanes in his Chronicon. This Latter Earthquake hapned on the twenty ninth day of November, in the seventh Indiction, two years after the former Earthquake, as Theophanes relates pag. 151; or rather thirty months after the former Earthquake, as Evagrius says truly. For, so ma∣ny months are reckoned from the twenty ninth of May in the year of Christ 526, to the twenty ninth of November in the year of Christ 528. In which year the seventh Indiction began to be reckoned from the month September. Whence, that appears to be most true which I have remarked before, viz. that that former Earth∣quake hapned at Antioch on the year of Christ 526; and not on the year 525, as Baronius thought. And yet Baronius has rightly placed the latter Earthquake on the year of Christ 528; which is true. For, where∣as he follows Evagrius's Calculation, he ought to have placed that Earthquake on the year 527: in regard the former Earthquake had hap∣ned at Antioch on the year 525 of Our Lord's Nativity. Vales.
• * 1.25

  Or, Brought God home with in him∣self.
• † 1.26

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of all man∣ner of un∣disturbed∣ness in re∣lation to the passions.
• a 1.27

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Musculus has referred these last words, to the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For he renders it thus: Hic junctus erat nobili cuidam Caesariensi, He was joyned to a certain Noble man of Caesarea. But Njcephorus and Christophorson construed these words otherwise, and referred them to the verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which precedes, thus; Being therefore, &c, as we have rendred it. Which opinion I do ra∣ther approve of. Yet, that which follows in Evagrius raises a doubt, to wit, that Zosimas asked the standers by for a Censer. For, if Zo∣simas was in the house of Arcesilaus a Laick, how could he seek for a Censer there, in regard 'tis not usuall to have Censers in the house of a Laick? Vales.
• * 1.28

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a life void of matter.
• b 1.29

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chuzica. So also the reading is in Nicephorus, and Ortelius has retained the same reading in his Thesaurus Geogra∣phicus. But in the excellent Flo∣rentine Manuscript it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chuziba; which is doubtless truer. For so Johannes Moschus terms that Laura in chap. 24; cùm autem venisset in Eremum, & moraretur in Cellis Cusibas, &c; But when he was come into the Desert, and abode in the Cells at Cusiba, be performed the same works of mercy. For he went through the high way which leads from Jordan to the Holy City. Where 'tis observable, that those are termed Cells by Moschus, which Evagrius calls a Laura. Indeed, a Laura was nothing else but Cells of Monks dispersed here and there, as I have remarkt a∣bove, at book 1. chap. 21. note (b.) yet Moschus (chap. 24.) calls it The Monastery Chuziba.—Vales.
• c 1.30

  This Johannes was first Ab∣bot and Presbyter of the Mona∣stery Chuziba; whence he had the surname of Chuzibite. But afterwards he was made Bishop of Caesarea, as (besides Evagrius) Johannes Moschus informs us, chap. 24. Vales.
• * 1.31

  Or, Fol∣lowed.
• † 1.32

  Or, Rol∣lers.
• * 1.33

  Or, House.
• † 1.34

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, cooled his hand. In Robert Ste∣phens the reading is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.35

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Musculus omitted these words in his Ver∣sion. But Christo∣phorson has rendred them thus; quippe cùm annis pluri∣mis onustus ••im, in re∣gard I am loaden with many years. Which rendition is not to be born with; for his fol∣lowing words are, & aetate admodùm provectus, and very aged. By this Version therefore Evagrius would be made to say the same thing in both places. The Greeks term Gross, thick and fat men 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which sort of persons are tender and delicate, and unfit to carry a burden. See Suidas in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nice∣phorus also understood not this word. For instead thereof he has substituted these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and by reason of my want of necessaries am macerated, [or, melted.] Vales.
• e 1.36

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Doubtless it must be written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ran to. In Nicephorus the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ran under. But our Emendation seems better. Vales.
• * 1.37

  Or, Roared out.
• * 1.38

  That is, he gave each of them the name of Justinopo∣lis.
• a 1.39

  The Au∣thour of the Alexan∣drian Chro∣nicle, in∣stead of, three days, has made it, five. For he writes, that Justi∣nianus was made Au∣gustus by Justinus, after eight years nine months and five days of Ju∣stinus's Empire, on the Calends of Aprill, in the Consu∣late of Ma∣vortius; which was the year of Christ 527. But the Authour of that Chro∣nicle disa∣grees from himself: for he relates, that Justinus entred on the Em∣pire on the ninth day of the month July, in the year of our Lords Na∣tivity 518. From which time to the Calends of Aprill in the year 527, there are eight years, and as many months, together with one and twenty days. But if we follow Cedrenus, who relates that Justi∣nianus was made Augustus by Justinus on the fourteenth of Aprill, then the Computation of the Alexandrian Chronicle will be most certain. Vales.
• * 1.40

  Or, Ha∣ving un∣dergone his perfect day.
• b 1.41

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Tellerian Manuscript, I found it written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and had held the Imperiall Government, or, the Empire: which reading pleases me best. Vales.
• c 1.42

  From Evagrius's own Computation 'tis apparent, that these words [one month] must be added here. For in regard he has said a little before this, that on the Calends of Aprill of this year, the eighth year of Justinus's Reign was compleated, and that he had reigned over and above, nine months and three days; the Consequence is, that on the Calends of August of the same year, nine years were passed toge∣ther with one month and three days. Whence 'tis Collected, that Justinus's Reign is to be begun from the twenty eighth day of June, ac∣cording to Evagrius's Sentiment. Vales.
• a 1.43

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it should be worded thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whether it were because they themselves really thought so. For the sense requires this reading. Nicephorus in no wise understood the meaning of this passage. But Musculus has explained it excellently well in this manner: Sive autem sic verè sentiebant, sive sic dispensa∣tione quâdam inter ipsos convenerat; But whether they really thought so, or whether it had been so agreed amongst themselves by a certain dispen∣sation. Christophorson has followed Musculus, and began a new period from these words, in this manner, Sive igitur ita r••ver•• sentiebant, &c. Whether therefore they really thought so, &c. But we have joyned them with the foregoing words. Vales.
• b 1.44

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Musculus renders it, dispensa∣tione quâ∣dam, by a certain dis∣pensation. Which Version I do not ap∣prove off. Johannes Langus translates it, ex com∣posito, by a∣greement, or, appointment. Christophorson, deditâ operâ, on set purpose. I would rather render it, per simulationem, through pretence, or, out of a politick design. For, 'tis opposed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to truth. Some therefore were of opinion, that by fraud and under a Colour it had been agreed on between Justinian and Theodora, that the one should adhere to the Catholicks, the other to the Acephali. In French we should term it, Par Politique. Vales.
• c 1.45

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By this word Christophorson understood The Acc∣phali. For he has explained this place thus: Et ejus epinionis Homines, si Nostrates essent, benevolè & amicè complexa est: Sin externi, prae∣miis benigne remunerata: And the men of that opinion, if they were our Country-men, she entertained kindly and friendly: but if Forreigners, she rewarded them liberally with gifts. But Nicephorus renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Catholicks and the Orthodox; which I can by no means ap∣prove of. For, by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 our Evagrius means The Orientalls. But, by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Forreigners, he means The Westerns, Vales.
• a 1.46

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I agree with the Learned, who have already mended this place thus▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, within this present book. Vales.
• * 1.47

  To wit, Anthimus, and Theo∣dosius.
• b 1.48

  In the place of Theodosius Bishop of Alexan∣dria, Pau∣lus was substituted. Who be∣ing soon ejected, Zoilus was put into his See, as Liberatus informs us in his Breviary, chap. 23; and likewise Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon, and Theophanes pag. 188. Liberatus attests, that this Paulus was Orthodox. But Victor Thunonensis and Theophanes affirm him to have been an Heretick, and to have celebrated Dioscorus's name in the Sacred Diptycks. For Victor's words are these: Basilio V. C. Cos. Alexandrinae Ecclesiae, &c; in the Consulate of the most famous Basi∣lius, Theodosius and Gaianus being banished from the Alexandrian Church, instead of them Paulus the first of the Tabennesiotae [is made Bishop,] who celebrating the deposition of his predecessour the Heretick Dioscorus, is deposed by the Palestine Councill, and Zoilus is ordained Bishop in his room. But Theophanes writes thus concerning Paulus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; This person having celebrated the memory of the profane Severus, was ejected out of his Bi∣shoprick by the Emperours displeasure. He had better have said, of the profane Dioscorus; for Severus, if I mistake not, was as yet living, at such time as Paulus was ejected out of his Bishoprick, that is, on the year of Christ 537. I have made these remarkes for this reason, be∣cause Baronius, in his Annalls, says nothing else concerning this Paulus, save what had been related by Liberatus. Vales.
• c 1.49

  Evagrius mistakes, and puts Epiphanius instead of Menas. For Anthimus had succeeded Epiphanius. After Anthimus was ejected, in his place Menas was ordained Bishop of Constantinople by Pope Aga∣petus; after Belisarius's Consulate, on the year of Christ 536; as Marcellinus relates in his Chronicon. Vales.
• d 1.50

  Concerning this Peace and Union of the Churches which hapned after the Ordination of Paulus Bishop of Alexandria, Liberatus (in his Breviarie, chap. 23.) speakes these words: Hoc ergo modo unitas facta est Ecclesiarum anno decimo imperii Gloriosi Justiniani Augusti, On this manner therefore an Union was made of the Churches in the tenth year of the Empire of the Glorious Justinianus Augustus. For all the Patriarchs at that time embraced and admitted of the Chalcedon Synod; that is, in the year of Christ 537. To wit, the Bishop of Rome, whose Apocrisiarius [or, Legate,] Pelagius was at Constantinople: Paulus Bishop of Alexandria: Ephraemius of Antioch, and Petrus of Jerusa∣lem. Of which Prelates, Paulus, when at the beginning he had preten∣ded to assert the true Faith, afterwards revolted to the Eutychian He∣resie, as I have remarked at note (b,) from Victor and Theophanes their Chronicles. Vales.
• e 1.51

  Some person studious of Ecclesiastick Antiquity, will perhaps make enquiry here, in what manner or order this Preaching [Publishing, or Asserting,] of the Chaleedon Synod was wont to be performed. I answer, that this preaching was usually made in the Ambo, or Pulpit of the Church, by the Bishop, or another person deputed by him, whilst the Solemn [or, Publick] Prayers were performed. We have this information from the Letter, or Libell of the Orthodox Bishops pre∣sented at Constantinople to Pope Agapetus, which Libell is recorded in the First Action of the Constantinopolitan Synod under Menas, where they speak thus concerning the Emperour Justinian: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And on this account he made a Constitution that the four Sacred and Holy Synods should be Preached by the divine Preachers in the divine Prayers wheresoever performed. The Old Translatour renders these words thus: & propter hoc Statuit quatuor Sanctas Synodos in divinis & sacris initiati∣onibus, a sacris praedicatoribus praedicari, And on this account he ordered, that the four Holy Synods should be Preach't by the Sacred Preachers, in the di∣vine and Sacred Initiations. This Translatour thought, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was taken in this place for Initiation, or Baptism, as it is wont usually to be taken. But at this place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is taken for The Publick Prayers, and has the same import with- 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Divine Liturgie. Indeed, the Chalcedon-Synod was first Preach't [or, Asserted] in the Publick Prayers at Constantinople, in the Reign of Justinus Senior, as may be seen in the Fifth Action of the Constantino∣politane Synod under Menas, pag. 725, &c. Edit. Colon. But the Stu∣dious of Ecclesiastick Antiquity must be cautioned, that they suffer not themselves to be led into an errour by the Latine Translatour, who writes that this publication was made after the prayers were ended. When as nevertheless, the Greek Text there has a far different im∣port; the words whereof are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c: when Sunday and Munday come, the Liturgle being to be performed [or, celebrated,] in the Holy Church of God. The same errour is com∣mitted by the Translatour, at pag. 733; where the Greek runs thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. which words are to be rendred thus: And after the reading of the Holy Gospell, when the Divine Liturgie, as usually, is to be celebrated, and the doors are shut, and the Holy Creed, according to Custome, read, &c▪ Which passages the studious Reader may peruse there, if he has a mind to understand the whole order [or fashion,] wherein the Four Oecumenicall Synods were Preach't [or proclaimed,] and read in the Sacred Diptycks. Vales.
• f 1.52

  He means Justinian's fourty se∣cond No∣vell, which is also re∣corded in the Fifth Action of the Con∣stantinopo∣litan Synod under Me∣nas. In the Edition of Henry Ste∣phens, who publisht Justinian's Novells in Greek, this Constitu∣tion is in∣deed said to have been dated on the se∣venteenth of the Calends of August, in the Consulate of the most famous Belisarius. But, in the Edition of the Constantinopolitane Councill under Menas, 'tis said to be dated on the eighth of the Ides of August, after the Con∣sulate of the most famous Belisarius; which is doubtless truer. For, in regard Justinian promulged that Constitution against Anthimus and Severus, after the sentence of the Constantinopolitan Synod pronounc't against those Prelates, (as the Emperour himself attests in the Pre∣face of that Constitution:) and whereas the Constantinopolitan Synod pronounced a Sentence of Condemnation against the foresaid An∣thimus and Severus on the twelfth of the Calends of June, after Beli∣sarius's Consulate: it is altogether necessary, that that Constitution of Justinian's should have been promulged on the year after Belisa∣rius's Consulate. Vales.
• g 1.53

  Exarchs at this place are the Primates, or Patriarchs of each Dioecesis, as Evagrius has said a little before: in the same manner as Jacobus Syrmondus has explained it in the Second Book of his Propem∣pticon▪ Chap. 5, where he discourses excellently and most Learnedly concerning Exarchs. To whose exact diligence there remains nothing to be added by us. Nor has Christophorson done ill in rendring 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here, Arch-Bishops. For Primates were heretofore termed Arch-Bishops, as Isidorus informs us in the Seventh Book of his Origines, in these words: Ordo Episcoporum quadripartitus est, &c; The order of Bishops is divided into four parts, into Patriarchs, Arch-Bishops, Metropolitanes, and Bishops. A Patriarch in the Greek tongue imports the highest Father, because he holds the first, that is, the Apostolick place: As the Roman, the Antiochian, the Alexandrian. Arch-Bishop in Greek is termed the highest of Bishops. For he holds the Apostolick place, and presides as well over Metropolitanes, as Bi∣shops. Vales.
• a 1.54

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The conjecture of Learned men displeases me; who (instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, de∣sires,) have mended it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, consulted how, &c. Nicephorus (book 17. chap. 10,) instead of these two words uses this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, thought, or, cast in his mind: which pleases me best. Vales.
• * 1.55

  Cavades.
• * 1.56

  Or, Who dwelt▪ in Tents: He means the Sara∣cens.
• † 1.57

  Or, A∣bout him.
• * 1.58

  Or, With a Vehemen∣cy of affe∣ction.
• † 1.59

  Or, Land of the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.60

  Or, End∣less, or, boundless.
• † 1.61

  Proco∣pius.
• ‖ 1.62

  Or, Watch∣word.
• † 1.63

  Or, Watch∣word.
• * 1.64

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this mis∣chief, or, harm.
• * 1.65

  Or, Ono∣richus.
• † 1.66

  Or, The Greatest.
• a 1.67

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It must be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as others before us have alrea∣dy obs••r∣ved. Fur∣ther, con∣cerning these Afri∣can Con∣fessours (whose tongues Huncricus King of the Van∣dalls had commanded to be cut out, and who afterwards desisted not from spea∣king though their tongues were cut out,) Marcellinus Comes speaks in his Chronicon, at the Consulate of Theodoricus and Venantius; where he also attests that some of them were seen by him. Victor Thuno∣nensis records the same in his Chronicon, at Zeno Augustus's third Con∣sulate. And Victor Vitensis in his book De Persecutione Vandalorum; and lastly the Emperour Justinian in his First Law de Officio Praefecti Praetorio Africae. Which Constitution of Justinian's our Evagrius quotes a little lower in this chapter; although in the Greek Text the name of Justinus is erroneously written instead of Justinianus. See more in Baronius, at the year of Christ 484. Vales.
• * 1.68

  In the Greek Text here, and in Robert Stephens's Edit. 'tis Justinus: See note (a) in this chapter.
• † 1.69

  Or, Have to do with.
• a 1.70

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, produces. I had rather make it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, relates: as Evagrius expresses himself at the begin∣ning of the next chapter. Vales.
• * 1.71

  Or, From food which brought nourish∣ment.
• † 1.72

  Or, Copu∣lation with.
• ‖ 1.73

  Or, Scouts.
• * 1.74

  Or, Be injurious to.
• † 1.75

  Or, Which.
• ‖ 1.76

  Cabaones.
• * 1.77

  Or, Be∣held.
• † 1.78

  The Scouts, or, Spies.
• * 1.79

  Or, Their own Intem∣perance.
• ‖ 1.80

  Or, Priests.
• * 1.81

  Or, Priests.
• a 1.82

  Concer∣ning this Vision which appeared to Justinian in his sleep, Victor Thunonensis writes thus: Justiniano Aug. IV. Cos. Justinianus Imp. Visitatione Lati, &c; Justinianus Augustus being the fourth time Consul. The Emperour Justinianus, by a Visitation of Laetu•• the Bishop who was made a Martyr by Hunericus King of the Vandalls, sends an Army into Africk against the Vandalls, under the Command of Belisarius Master of the Milice. Victor Vitensis has made mention of this Laetus the Bishop, in his first book De Persecutione Vandalorum. Further, concerning this Expedi∣tion of Justinian into Africk against the Vandalls, Marcellinus Comes speaks also in his Chronicon, and places it on the Fourth Consulate of the same Justinianus, that is on the year of Christ 534. Marius Aven∣ticensis relates the same in his Chronicon. But Baronius in his Annalls reproves Marcellinus, and maintains that that Expedition was under∣taken by Justinianus in his Third Consulate, on the year of Christ 533. Justinian's Constitution de Confirmatione Digestorum (which is pre∣fixt before the work of the Pandects,) confirms Baronius's opinion. But, by Baronius's favour, I think the opinion of Marcellinus and Victor to be truer. Nor do I doubt, but a fault has crept into Justinian's Constitution, (on the authority whereof Baronius relies,) and that the Third Consulate of the Emperour Justinian has been written by Transcribers of Books instead of The Fourth. And this Justinian him∣self does so manifestly shew in the foresaid Constitution, that I admire it was not perceived by Baronius. For thus Justinian speaks: Leges autem nostras, quas in his Codicibus, id est, Institutionum & Digestorum posuimus, &c; But our Laws which we have put in these Codes, that is, of the Institutions and Digests, [shall] obtain their strength from [our] third most happy Consulate of the present twelfth Indiction, on the third of the Calends of January, and shall be of force for ever. For on the twelfth Indiction Justinian bore his Fourth Consulate, as Marcellinus Comes attests. But, some one will object, that the twelfth Indiction was begun from the Calends of September, in Justinians Third Consulate. Therefore, we must have recourse to another Argument, to prove what I have said above; viz. that the Vandalick Expedition was begun on Justinians Fourth Consulate, and that that Constitution whereon Ba∣ronius's opinion is founded, was written in Justinians Fourth Consulate. Now, this may be proved thus. In the end of the foresaid Constitution, as well in the Greek as Latine, Justinian makes mention of a Pr••fectus Praetorio of Africa. But, a Praefectus Pr••torio of Africa was first created by Justinian in his Fourth Consulate, a little before the Calends of the September of the thirteenth Indiction, as the First Law of the Code de Praefecto Praetorio Africae informs us. For Justinian speaks in this manner: Haec igitur Magnitudo tua cognoscens, ex Calendis Septem∣bribus futurae decimae tertiae Indictionis effectui mancipari procuret. Vales.
• * 1.83

  Or, Af∣fairs.
• b 1.84

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Procopius's words out of the First Book of his Van∣dalicks pag. 107, are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Which words import, that his se∣venth year was already past. Now, if we should say that the Vanda∣lick Expedition was undertaken in Justinians third Consulate, as Justinians words do wholly seem to perswade; (when, about the Summer Solstice, the Roman Navy came up to the Byzantine Port, and soon after set Sail from thence (as Procopius relates,) that is about the end of the month June:) Justinian was then in the seventh year and third month of his Empire. For the first day of Justinians Reign is brought from the Calends of Aprill. But, if we should place the Vandalick Expedition on Justinians Fourth Consulate, it will be the eighth year of his Empire; and not the seventh, as Procopius writes: wherefore Baronius's opinion is truer; which is confirmed both by the Emperour Justinians au∣thority, and also by the testi∣mony of Procopius. Vales.
• * 1.85

  Or, Ad∣mirall Ship.
• * 1.86

  Or, Be∣fore.
• * 1.87

  Reformed, or, re∣paired.
• c 1.88

  The Em∣perour Ju∣stinian a∣grees; whose words in the First Law of the Code De Officio Praefecti Praetorio Africae, are these: Ut Africa per not tam brevi tempore reciperet Libertatem, ante nonaginta quinque annos a Vandalis captivata; that Africk should by vs receive its Liberty in so short a time, having been captivated by the Vandalls ninty five years be∣fore. Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon relates, that Carthage was taken by the Romans on the ninty sixth year of its being lost. But Victor Thunonensis affirms that Africk was recovered by the Romans under the Command of Belisarius, on the ninty seventh year of the Vandalls entrance into it. Vales.
• * 1.89

  Or, And transcends the Hyper∣bole [ex∣cess, or, superla∣tiveness.] of every wonder.
• ‖ 1.90

  Or, E∣very way.
• * 1.91

  Or, Theuderi∣chus.
• * 1.92

  Book 3. Chap. 27.
• † 1.93

  Gardian∣ship.
• ‖ 1.94

  Athalari∣cus.
• * 1.95

  Or, She inclined ra∣ther to a masculine gravity.
• * 1.96

  Or, Theudatus.
• * 1.97

  * Or, Car∣ried him a∣way into Greece.
• a 1.98

  Concer∣ning the conversion of these people to the Faith of Christ, Procopius speaks in book 1. of his Go∣thicks, and Theophanes in his Chronicon, pag. 149. These people, in regard they lived near the Lake Maeotis, in Fenny places, were from thence first termed Eluri. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek signifies Fens, or Fennish places. Jordanes in his book de Rebus Ge••icis, writes thus concerning The Heruli: Nam praedicta Gens, Ablabio Historico referente, &c; For the foresaid Nation, as Ablabius the Historian relates, dwelling near the Lakes of Maeotis, in Fennish places, which the Greeks term Ele, were named Eluri. The Authour of the Etymologicon says the same in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Helmoldus in his Chronicon of the Slavi, chap. 2, affirms that these Heruli were a Slavick Nation, who dwelt between Albia and Odora, and reach't a great way out to the South in a long Bay; who also, as he writes, were by another name termed Heveldi. Vales.
• * 1.99

  Or, The Opinions.
• a 1.100

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I doubt not but Evagrius wrote 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and that Justinian brought their petition to effect. For thus Nicephorus words it, book 17, chap. 13. Vales.
• * 1.101

  Or, Land of the Ro∣mans.
• * 1.102

  Procopius.
• † 1.103

  Or, Com∣mand of the Army.
• ‖ 1.104

  We have rendred this Clause, as far as the next full point, ac∣cording as we found it pointed in Robert Stephens's Edition; the punctation in Valesius's E∣dition (as the Learned Reader will easily observe,) puts a sense upon these words far different from that we have expressed in our Version.
• † 1.105

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that is, Coe∣litùs, from Heaven, as Grynaeus and Curte∣rius have rendred it. Valesius translates it, ab illâ, from her, to wit, The Virgin Mary.
• * 1.106

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.107

  Or, War.
• a 1.108

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I have cor∣rected this place from the Telle∣rian Manuscript, and from Nicepho∣rus, in which Authour 'tis written thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in regard nothing of what he did succeeded according to his design, or, desire. See Pro∣copius Book 2. Perfic. where he says, that Ephraemius the Bishop was falsely accused for having a design to deliver up Antioch to the Persians; and, that soon af∣ter he fled into Cilicia, being a∣fraid of the Irruption of the Persians. But concerning the Or∣naments given by Ephraemius to the Church of the Antiochians, there is not a word extant in Procopius. Vales.
• * 1.109

  Chosroes.
• † 1.110

  Or, Equestrian Games.
• * 1.111

  At Apa∣mia.
• † 1.112

  Or, Voy∣age-provi∣sion.
• ‖ 1.113

  Or, Those who brought me to the Light.
• * 1.114

  Or, Fre∣quented an inferiour Schoolma∣ster.
• † 1.115

  Or, Ado∣rations.
• a 1.116

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 'Tis doubtfull, what 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should signifie here, whether a picture, and an image of that flame which had followed the wood of the Cross; or, a Writing. Musculus took it for a Writing, or, an Inscription; as did also Christophorson, who renders it thus: Ob quam causam imago in testudine Sanctuarii statuta fuit, quae Inscriptione in Basi incisâ, hoc miraculum illis qui ejusdem ignari erant, commonstravit; For which reason an image was set up in the Roof of the Sanctuary, which by an Inscription cut upon its Basis, might show this Miracle to those who were ignorant of it. But this Rendition is intollerable. For first, a Basis is, not a term properly used about a Painted Picture, but concer∣ning a Statue only. Besides, if the Image were in the Roof, where, I pray, was the Basis set. My Sentiment is, that the Image [or, representation] of this Miracle was Painted in the Arched Roof of the Church, whereon perhaps some Verses were inscribed, which might record this Miracle. Such like Inscriptions are extant in ••ruther's Thesaurus, and in Paulinus's Epistles. Vales.
• b 1.117

  In Nice∣phorus and the Telle∣rian Manu∣script the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ardaar∣manes. Concer∣ning this Adaarma∣nes Ca∣ptain of the Persians, and his ir∣ruption into Syria, our Evagrius speaks in his sixth book. Vales. In Robert Stephens he is called Adearmanes.
• * 1.118

  Or, Who makes an account of his &c.
• a 1.119

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I agree with Christophorson and S^r Henry Savill, who instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sent away, have mended it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wrote. More∣over, the words which immediately follow, (to wit, these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c,) are corrupted also. In the Florentine Manu∣script 'tis thus worded, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. But the place as yet is not without fault. I write thus therefore: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Further also, how in [or, at] another incursion Chosroes resolved upon a Siege of the Edessens. Vales.
• * 1.120

  Or, provo false.
• † 1.121

  Or, E∣nemies.
• b 1.122

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I had rather write, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the stu∣dious. Vales.
• ‖ 1.123

  Book 1. Chap. 13.
• c 1.124

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This whole place is corrupted, as 'tis ap∣parent to the Readers. S^r Henry Savill at the margin of his Copy hath noted, that perhaps it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, demonstrated, or, de∣clared: which emendation Nice∣phorus confirms, in chap. 16, book 17. where he writes out this place of Evagrius thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that is, as Langus tenders it, Res ipsa quoque praedictionis ejus fidem, quòd vera maximè sit & sibi ipsi consentiens, confirmavit; the thing it self also confirmed the authority [or, faith] of that prediction, that it might be very true and agreeable to it self. My Sentiment therefore is, that this whole clause of Eva∣grius must be written thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the event it self declared the Truth, Faith bringing the pre∣diction to effect. Vales.
• * 1.125

  Or, By little and little.
• d 1.126

  See Pro∣copius (out of whom Evagrius borrowed this,) book 2. Persic. pag. 83. In what manner these Aggesta were built by the Romans, Apollodorus informs us incomparably well in his Mechanicks. Which Book, being lately done into Latine by me, by Gods assistance I will e're long publish, together with some other Writers of the same subject. Vales.
• * 1.127

  Or, They mist of their design.
• † 1.128

  Or, Em∣brace the matter.
• ‖ 1.129

  Or, To the greatest difficulty, or, highest pitch of desperation.
• e 1.130

  This place of Evagrius is cited in the Seventh Occumeni∣call Synod, pag. 613; and like∣wise by Barlaam in his book Con∣tra Latinos. Further, concerning this Image not-made-with-hands, which Christ is said to have sent to Agbarus, see Gretser in his book De Imaginibus non Manufactis. But, it is to be noted, that no mention is made of this Image transmitted by Christ to King Agbarus, either by Eusebius in the First Book of his Ecclesiastick History, or by Procopius in his Siege of the City Edessa. For these Authours relate, that a Let∣ter only was sent by Christ to Agbarus, by the Apostle Thad∣daeus. Vales.
• † 1.131

  Or, O∣verwhel∣med.
• † 1.132

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Ro∣bert Ste∣phens's E∣dition 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lexicogra∣phers have no such word. I meet with the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which sig∣nifies La∣genam a Flagon, or Stone-bot∣tle.
• * 1.133

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• † 1.134

  Or, From,
• † 1.135

  Or, Wont to catch, Or, nourish a flame
• † 1.136

  Or, There was a con∣ference on both sides about, &c.
• a 1.137

  Concerning this Golden Cross which Chosroes had ta∣ken out of the Church of the Sergiopolites for the price of its Redemption, Theophylactus Simo∣catta speaks in the Fifth Book of his History, Chap. 13. Where al∣so Chosroes, Grandchild [or, Nephew] to this Chosroes here mentioned by Evagrius, does in express words attest, that that Cross in honour of the Martyr Sergius had been sent by the Emperour Justinian to Sergiopo∣lis, and was placed in the Church of S^t Sergius. Vales.
• b 1.138

  In the excellent Florentine. Manuscript these words are written in the margin here: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that is, [Note that Evagrius] speaks that concerning Chosroe, which no other Historian has men∣tioned: to wit, that about the close of his Life he received the Sacra∣ment of Baptism. Vales.
• a 1.139

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. A Postpositive Article seems necessary to be added, in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a thing which is never related to have hapned before. Which Emendation Nicephorus confirms book 17. chap. 17; who hath worded this place of Evagrius thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which thing never was heard of, that it [a Plague] should invade the earth for the space of two and fifty years. Indeed, no Plague is recorded to have raged so long. This Pestilence is said to have begun on the year after Basilius's Con∣sulate, which was the year of Christ 543, as 'tis attested by Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon, and by the Continuer of Marcellinus Comes's Chronicon. Victor Thunonensis writes thus concerning this Plague: Horum exordia malorum general•••• orbis Terrarum morta∣litas sequitur, &c. A generall Mortality of the world follows the be∣ginnings of these mischiefs, and the greater part of the people is killed by a Persecution of their Groynes. The words of Marcellinus's Continuer run thus: Indictione 6. Anno Secundo post Consulatum Basilii, &c; in the sixth Indiction, on the Second year after Basilius's Consulate, a great Mortality destroys Italy, the East and Illyricum having in the same manner been already consumed. Victor does indeed seem to agree with Mar∣cellinus, relating that that Plague began on the second year after Ba∣silius's Consulate, as Marcellinus, records. But, in reality he dissents in the space of one year. For, the second year after Basilius's Con∣sulate, in Victor Tunonensis is the same with the first year after Basilius's Consulate, to wit, the year of Christ 542. For, Victor Thunonensis does always term that year immediately following the Consulate of any Con∣sul, the second year, not the first; as may be proved by many instances. Further, our Evagrius seems to follow Victor Thunonensis's opinion. For Evagrius says, that that Pestilence began two years after Antioch had been taken by the Persians. Now, Antioch was won by the Per∣sians when Justinus Junior was Consul, on the year of our Lords Na∣tivity 540, as Marcellinus and Marius relate in their Chronicles. But Baronius will have this Plague to have begun on the year of Christ 544. Vales.
• * 1.140

  See Thu∣cydides's Hist. book 2. pag. 129, &c. Edit. Fran∣cosurt. 1594.
• b 1.141

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think it should be worded thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, o∣thers in Summer, as the rea∣ding is in Niceph. book 17. chap. 18. Vales.
• c 1.142

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I am of the same opinion with Lear∣ned men, who have mended it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in [or, on] the second year; as the rea∣ding is in Nicephorus, So, 'tis cer∣tain, S^r Henry Sa∣vill hath mended it in the mar∣gin of his Copy, and hath added this note, Anno Chri∣sti 539, on the year of Christ 539. S^r Henry Savill thought indeed, that by these words Evagrius meant, that that Plague had raged chiefly on the Second Indiction. But Evagrius says not that; nor, had that Plague be∣gun to rage on the year of Christ 539. Evagrius therefore says this only; viz. that on the second year of each Indiction that Plague raged more sorely than 'twas wont to do at other times. Vales.
• * 1.143

  Or, O•• the Cycle of fifteen years.
• d 1.144

  In the excellent Florent. and Tellerian M. S. I found it written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as yet frequented [the School of] a Gram∣mar-Master; which is more elegant. And thus Evagrius speaks above, at chap. 26; where he writes, that he frequented the School of the Grammarians, at such time a•• Antioch was taken by Chosroes, that is, on the year of Christ 540. Vales. In Robert Stephens the rea∣ding is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as yet frequenting the Gram∣mer-Masters.
• † 1.145

  Or, swellings in the Groyn.
• e 1.146

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: That is, Servos & Colonos, my Servants and Husband-men. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are Rusticks, or Tillers of Ground, who are likewise termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as I have remarked at book 6, of Euseb. Eccles. Hist. chap. 40, note (••.) So Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 139, speaking of Dioscorus Junior's Election; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, says he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Where Anastasius Bibliothecarius renders it well, thus, Multitudinem Rusticorum, the mulitude of the Rusticks. Vales.
• f 1.147

  From this place, Evagrius's Birth may easily be found out. For, whereas he has said in the beginning of this chapter, that at such time as he wrote these things, it was the fifty second year of that Plague; and does now assert, that whilst he wrote the same things, he was in the fifty eight year of his age; it necessarily follows, that he had been born six years before the beginning of this Plague. Further, that Plague began on the year after Ba••ilius's Consulate, or, two years after the destruction of Antioch, as Evagrius has said above. Evagrius there∣fore was born on the year of Christ 536, or 537. Vales.
• g 1.148

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, duobus his postremis annis nondum elapsis, these two last years being not yet overpast. Which I should not have remarked, had not I perceived, that both Transla∣tours have been out in the Version of this place. For Musculus renders it thus; Cùm autem ista scriberem, & annum aetatis quinquagesimum octavum agerem, & duo ista temporis spatia nondum elapsa essent, &c; But whenas I wrote these things, and was in the fifty eighth year of my age, and those two spaces of time were not yet overpast, &c. But Christophorson translates it thus: Cùm autem ista scriberem, quinquagesimo octavo anno scilicet aetatis, non biennio antè, &c; But when as I wrote these things, to 〈…〉〈…〉 in the fifty eighth year of my age, not two years before, &c. He had 〈…〉〈…〉 have said, intra hoc postremum Biennium, within these two last 〈…〉〈…〉 Vales.
• h 1.149

  These words are not to be understood so, as if four entire Indictions had passed from the beginning of this Plague, to that year where∣on Evagrius wrote these things. For four entire Indictions make sixty years. But, Evagrius has said above, that at such time as he wrote these things, it was the fifty second year of that Pesti∣lence. These words therefore are not meant concerning entire Indictions. For the Pestilence began to rage in the East, in the fifth Indiction, on the year after Basilius's Consulate, which was the year of Christ 542. From which if you count two and fifty years in order, it will be made the year of Christ 594. Vales.
• * 1.150

  Or, Was made up of many Dis∣eases.
• † 1.151

  Flix, or, Lask.
• * 1.152

  Or, Sur∣passing [all] ac∣count.
• * 1.153

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the Flo∣rentine and Tellerian Manu∣scripts, 'tis written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, For Philo∣stratus admires; which reading nevertheless I approve not of. But, who this Philostratus should be concerning whom Evagrius speaks, and where he should have written this, 'tis uncertain. Philostratus an Athenian Historian is mentioned by Georgius Syn∣cellus in his Chronicon, on the first year of the Emperour Aurelian. Vales.
• * 1.154

  〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 to ••e of mo∣ney, and i••∣sati••ble∣ness.
• † 1.155

  Or, ••••∣seemly.
• ‖ 1.156

  Or, De∣sirous.
• * 1.157

  Or, Ha∣ving colou∣red over inexcusable Praetexts.
• † 1.158

  Or, For∣ged any fa∣miliarity or mixture; that is, an act of un∣cleanness.
• * 1.159

  Or, Ab∣surd.
• a 1.160

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^t Henry Sa∣vel has ex∣punged the particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 out of his Copy. But I am of opinion it is to be re∣tained here, pro∣vided the words be only transposed, in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in so much that he erected many holy and magnificent Churches every where. Vales.
• * 1.161

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that most spatious Temple of the Church.
• † 1.162

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Temple of the Sanctuaries.
• ‖ 1.163

  See Evagrius, Book 2. Chap. 3. note (b.)
• * 1.164

  Or, Arch.
• a 1.165

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Some one will ••er•• haps ask, what this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, emp•••••• m〈…〉〈…〉▪ For Eva∣grius says that the Arches or Vaults a∣rose empty from the Pavement to the top. In this place there∣fore we are to under∣stand, that [the Ar∣ches] were open, up∣held by no Columns. Procopius in his first Book De Aedificiis, attests this concerning two of the Arches only: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but two of the Arches were raised up into the empty Air, at the rising and at the setting Sun. Vales.
• b 1.166

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Translatours have rendred this place very badly. Musculus turns it thus: In dextro Latere ad Sinistram or∣dinatae sunt in illis Columnae; In the right side on the left hand Columns are placed in them. Christophorson interprets it in this manner: In dextro latere, sunt homini ingredienti ad Laevam Columnae ordine locatae &c; In the right side, on the left hand to a man going in, Pillars are placed in order, &c. They were led into a mistake by the omission of one Conjunction, [to wit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and, which is wanting in Robert Ste∣phens's Edition;] which we have put in from the Florentine M. S. in this manner; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; On the right hand and on the left, &c. It remaines now that we explain what those words mean which follow next, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Evagrius himself therefore shall be his own Interpreter; who (in his first Book, chap. 14,) describing the sacred Church of Symeones the Stylite, says it consisted of four Portico's. [But, by Valesius's favour, Evagrius's words in that Chapter are these; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, beautified with Portico's of [or, at the] four sides.] And then he adds these words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. That is, opposite to [or, near to] those Portico's are placed Pillars; wherefore at this place, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I would more willingly read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; to wit, by understanding the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Arches. Vales.
• c 1.167

  These Hyper••a [Galleries, or, Upper Rooms] were designed for the women, that being therein placed apart by themselves, they might behold the solemn performances of the Divine Service, as Paulus Silentiarius relates in his description of Saint Sophia; which Authour says, that those upper rooms or Galleries, were upheld by six Columns of Thessalick Marble; whereas nevertheless, there were only two Columns below, which upheld the Galleries, pag. 110. Paulus terms them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the womens Hyper••ia; in like manner as our Evagrius does here, and also Procopius in his first Book; where he describes this Church of Saint Sophia: although Procopius rather terms them Porticus's. Vales.
• d 1.168

  By these words Evagrius sets forth the difference which was be∣tween the Columns of the Church of Saint Sophia. For he says, that the Columns which were at the right and left side of the Church, that is, at the North and South, had Galleries or Chambers laid upon them, out of which the Faithfull might behold the Sacred Mysteries which were celebrated at the Altar. But the Columns which were placed at the East and West, upheld no Gallerie; but were left naked. It was my sentiment that these things were to be more largely explained, for this reason; because I perceived Translatours, especially Christophor∣son, saw nothing here. Vales.
• † 1.169

  Or, gate.
• e 1.170

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He means, I suppose, the most Easternly part of the Church; which, because the whole Structure was a Tholus, must be almost Semi-circular, or, made in the form of a Shell.
• * 1.171

  Or, depth.
• f 1.172

  In Robert Stephens's Edition, as likewise in this of Valesius's, there is an imperfection in the Greek Text here. Curterius, Grynaeus, Chri∣stophorson, and D^r Hanmer, in their Versions have inserted this num∣ber, Sixty six; from what authority I know not. Musculus and Vale∣sius leave a Blank here in their Versions; the latter of whom says no∣thing concerning this imperfection, in his Notes.
• g 1.173

  See, if you please, the descri∣ption of Saint So∣phia's Church, which Franciscus Combesisas, (a person that de∣serves well of Lear∣ning) has lately published, page 254. Paulus Silentiarius describes these Windows, in his Ecphrasis, (which the most Learned person Ca∣rolus de Fraxino hath newly published;) and Procopius, in his first Book De Aedificiis. Vales.
• h 1.174

  Sozomen says the same in the close of his second Book of Ecclesia∣stick History. But (which is to be taken notice of,) neither of them (neither Evagrius nor Sozomen,) do affirm it was peculiar to the Constantinopolitane Bishops, that they, in like manner as were the Em∣perours, should be buried in the Church of the Apostles; but they speak in generall concerning the Bishops. Indeed Nicephorus (book 8. chapter the last,) does expressly attest, that not only the Constantino∣politane, but other Bishops also, who for sanctity of life had excelled others, were interred there. For it often hapned, that Bishops, either sent for by the Emperours, or making a journey to the Imperial City on account of Ecclesiastick affairs, ended their lives there. Thus in the times of Anastasius, Alcissus and Gajanus died at Byzantium, and by Marcellinus in his Chronicon are recorded to have been buried in one Sepulcher. Vales.
• * 1.175

  Or, To∣wards [the Faction in] the blew colour.
• a 1.176

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Robert Stephens's Edition the verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is wanting, which the Geneva Printers have inserted unhappily from the conjecture of Christophorson and others. But from the Tellerian and Florentine Manuscripts I have mended this place thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c, There was also another thing, &c: Which emendation Nicephorus confirms. For instead of these words of Evagrius, he substitutes these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.177

  See Chap. 13.
• † 1.178

  Manifestly, or, openly.
• ‖ 1.179

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, those of the Blew.
• † 1.180

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the term signifies originally a Nerve, or, Sinew; it imports also a Bow-string, or, Rope.
• * 1.181

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Valesius renders these words: Prasiniani, the green∣coloured∣faction.
• † 1.182

  Justinian.
• a 1.183

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In∣stead of the Verb [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, easily be∣lieving,] which undoubtedly is corrupted, Nicephorus makes use of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, disbelieving. And, instead of Eustochius Bishop of Jeru∣salem, the same Nicephorus has Sallustius. Sallustius was indeed Bi∣shop of Jerusalem in the Reign of Anastasius Augustus. But Eu∣stochius governed the same Bishoprick about the beginning of Ju∣stinus Junior's Empire, as Theophanes attests in his Chronicon. Vales.
• † 1.184

  Or, Ren∣dred the Deity Pro∣pitious.
• a 1.185

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Doubtless it must be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the reading is in Nicephorus, book. 17. chap. 22. Vales.
• b 1.186

  The Laicks were wont to bow their heads, not only before the Bishops and Presbyters, but before the Monks also, to receive their Blessing. An illustrious instance of which is extant in Sozomen, book 8. chap. 13. Vales.
• * 1.187

  Or, Was not in the least for∣warded.
• c 1.188

  Concer∣ning this Earth∣quake, the Authour of Antoninus Martyr's Itinerarium speaks in these words: Inde Veni∣mus in par∣tes Syriae, ubi requi∣escit sanctus Leontius, &c; Thence we came into the parts of Syria, where Saint Leontius rests, which City, together with other Cities, was ruined by an Earthquake in the time of the Emperour Justinian. From thence we came to Byblus, which City also, with all things that were therein, was destroyed. From thence we came into the City Triari, which was likewise ruined. Thence we came into the most splendid City Beryto, wherein there was lately a study of Learning; which was also ruined, as we were told by the Bishop of the City, to whom the persons were known, except the strangers who peri∣shed there. Further, that City wherein Saint Leontius rests, is Tripoly, as I have remarked before, book 3. chap. 33. note (c.) This Earth∣quake hapned on the twenty fourth year of Justinian's Reign, as Ce∣drenus writes in his Chronicon, and Theophanes pag. 192. What those Au∣thors relate concerning Botry a City of Phoenice, is memorable, viz that in that City there was an Haven made by that Earthquake, (there having been no Port there before,) the Promontory which was cal∣led Litho-prosopon being removed. But in Theophanes 'tis written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By which fault in the writing the Translatour was induced to render it Bostra; which is a very gross mistake; in regard Bostra is a Mid-Land-City of Arabia. The name of this City is in my judgment to be restored in Antoninus Martyr's Itinerary, at that place which I have quoted above. For, instead of the City Triari, it must be written Botry. Vales.
• a 1.189

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Who would not ad∣mire, that three Learned men should have been mistaken in the Rendition of this place? Johannes Langus translates it thus: illins enim Eccleslae cense∣batur, for he was reckoned of that Church. And Musculus renders it almost in the same manner. But Christophorson has translated it worst of all, thus: ab eâ siqui∣dem Ecclesiâ Presbyter fuerat ordi∣natus, for he had been ordained Presbyter by that Church. These persons thought that these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, this Thomas] were here to be understood; whereas we are to understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, this annuall stipend, or Alms, which was wont yearly to be distributed out of the Revenues of the Church of Antioch to the Monastery of the Abbot Thomas. Vales.
• * 1.190

  Steward.
• † 1.191

  Or, Give.
• b 1.192

  Johannes Moschus, in his Limo∣narium Chap. 88, says this Thomas dy∣ed in the Church of Saint Euphemia which was in the Daphnensian Suburb. Therefore the Church of the Blessed Euphemia was near the Hospitall, where∣in strangers were entertained: in such manner as we now adays see Churches joyned to Hospitalls and Spi••••les. Further, Johan∣nes Moschus says, that this Thomas was the Apocrysarius, that is, the Procurator, of his own Monastery. For, those were termed Apocrysarii, who managed the affairs of Monasteries and Churches, as Justinian informs us in his sixth Novell. Vales.
• c 1.193

  Moschus in the fore∣cited cha∣pter, calls the Bishop of Antioch, (not Ephrae∣mius, but) Domninus, who suc∣ceeded E∣phraemius. Nicephorus Patriarch of Constan∣tinople terms this person Domnus. Vales.
• * 1.194

  Or, Most holy.
• † 1.195

  Or, Turn our course.
• * 1.196

  Present, or, opposite.
• * 1.197

  Book 4. Chap. 11.
• a 1.198

  We have taken notice of this mistake of Evagrius's above, at chap. 11, note c;) which Ni∣cephorus has also corrected. But Nicephorus himself, whilst he a∣mends Evagrius's errour, has committed another. For he re∣lates, that Menas was ordained by Pope Agatho; whereas he was ordained by Agapetus in the place of Anthimus, as 'tis agreed a∣mongst all persons. Vales.
• b 1.199

  Nicephorus Callistus (Book 17. Chap. 25.) attests, that this Cu∣stome, (viz. that the Particles of the Sacred Eucharist which re∣mained, were at Constantinople distributed amongst the Boyes to be eaten;) continued even in his age; and he writes, that he himself, whilst he was a Boy and was frequently conversant in the Churches, partook of those parts. Vales.
• * 1.200

  Or, Glass∣worker.
• † 1.201

  Or, Taken.
• * 1.202

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• † 1.203

  Or, Tea∣ring her∣self with weepings.
• ‖ 1.204

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, en∣lightned.
• c 1.205

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Johan∣nes Langus renders this place thus: Pu∣erum cum matre di∣vino Rege∣nerationis Lavacro adhibuit, deoque dicavit; He admitted the Boy with his mother to the divine Laver of Regeneration, and Dedicated [them] to God. But Musculus and Christophorson have translated it far worse. For Musculus terms it, servavit, he kept, or, preserved. But Christo∣phorson has rendred it thus: puerum cum matre Lavacro Regenera∣tionis tingendos decernit, He Decreed the boy with his mother to be Baptized in the Laver of Regeneration. I doubt not but the place is thus to be rendred: Puerum simul ac matrem Regenerationis Lavacro initiatos Clero adscripsit, He enrolled the boy and his mother, having been initiated in the Laver of Regeneration, amongst the Clergy. Which must be understood in this manner, that the Emperour ordered that Boy to be reckoned amongst the Readers of the Church; but, com∣manded his mother to be ordained a Deaconness. Vales.
• d 1.206

  In this Suburb of the City Constantinople, punishments were here∣tofore usually inflicted on Criminalls, as I have already intimated in my Notes on Book 28. Amm. Marcell. pag. 362. Whereto add a pas∣sage of Saint Jerome out of his Commentaries on Matt. 26^th, which runs thus: Extra urbem enim & foras portam loca sunt in quibus trun∣cantur capita damnatorum, & Calvariae, id est, Decollatorum sumpsere nomen. Vales.
• * 1.207

  Or, Not as yet.
• a 1.208

  In∣deed, ma∣ny Monks severed themselves from his commu∣nion, because he was thought to assert Origen's opinions. One of their number was the Abbot Elias, who was also called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Johannes Moschus relates in the ninteenth Chapter of his Limonarium. And yet Theophanes, in his Chronicon pag. 205, says Macarius was ejected out of his See 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, by subornation, fraud and calumny. But Theophanes relates that in a place wholly unfit and in∣congruous, to wit, in the Empire of Justinus Junior. Now, Macarius was ordained Bishop of Jerusalem on the year of Christ 546; and ha∣ving after two years been expelled out of his See, Eustochius was sub∣stituted in his room on the year of Christ 548, as Baronius relates. Nevertheless, Victor Thunonensis differs herefrom, in his Chronicon. For he attributes eight years of Episcopate to Macarius, and says that Eustochius, was ordained whilst he survived, on the year before the Fifth Synod, that is on the year of Christ 552: and my Sentiment is, that this is truer. Vales.
• † 1.209

  Chap. 11.
• b 1.210

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The same is the reading in Nice∣phorus also, book. 17. chap. 26. But I do not think it can be said in Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I write therefore, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is understood. Vales.
• a 1.211

  This New Laura is mentioned in the Life of Saint Euthymius. Concer∣ning this matter Theophanes (though in an unfit place, to wit, in the Affairs of Justinas Junior,] writes thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c; But Eustochius removing to Jerusalem, out of that hatred he bore to Apollinaris, Agatho and Macarius, ejected those Monks of the New Laura, as Origenists: And on this account he himself was also [after∣wards] ejected, and Macarius was again restored to his own Chair. Baronius thinks indeed, that Macarius was restored to his own See, a little before Eustochius's ordination; and then, that Eustochius had obtained the See of Jerusalem again, because by his Legates he was present at the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod on the year of Christ 553; as 'tis sufficiently manifest from our Evagrius, and from the Acts of the foresaid Synod. But Baronius was widely mistaken. For Macarius (Eustochius being ejected,) was restored to his own See long after the Fifth Synod, in Justinian's Thirty seventh year, on the Twenty fourth year after Basillus's Consulate; as Victor Thunonensis relates in his Chronicon, who lived in those very times, and could not be ignorant of that. Vales.
• * 1.212

  Theo∣dorus's
• † 1.213

  Or, All impiety.
• b 1.214

  Cyrillus Scythopo∣litanus has composed an illu∣strous E∣logy of this Conon, in the Life of Saint Saba, about the end, in these words. Qui Cassia∣nus cùm de∣cimum men∣sem impl••s∣set in ad∣ministrati∣one, &c. Which Cassianus, when he had compleated his tenth month in his Administration, departed out of this life; after which the Monks commit the Praesecture to Conon. They command, but God, I suppose, moved the minds of the Monks to this. Now, he was a person highly eminent for true Sentiments, all manner of Virtue, and good Actions: who also made use of great care and diligence in his Prefecture. For he both re∣collected those Fathers which had departed from thence, being ejected by the Origenists; and likewise erected and as it were renewed the Laura, which by those frequent Tumults and Wars of Hereticks, was now brought to its knees. Johannes Moschus speaks of the same Conon Governour of Saint Saba's Laura, in chap. 42; where he intimates, that he was an acquaintance of Eustochius's Bishop of Jerusalem. Vales.
• * 1.215

  Or, [a∣mongst those] of the Soli∣tude.
• c 1.216

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, superinduces the Cause of Theodorus. Liberatus relates the same in his Breviary, chap. 24. Yet Libcratus says nothing concerning Rufus and Conon the Abbots sent by Eusto∣chius to Constantinople. On the other hand Evagrius makes no men∣tion of that condemnation of Origen, which had been made by the Em∣perour Justinian by the endeavour of Pelagius Apochrysiarius of the Ro∣man See; to which condemnation all the Patriarchs had subscribed, to wit, Zoilus of Alexandria, Ephraemius of Antioch, Petrus of Jeru∣salem; as Liberatus writes in the foregoing chapter: now, that hapned on the year of Christ 538, as Baronius relates. But that Embassie of Conon, Rusus, and the other Palestine Monks, was sent by Eustochius to Constantinople on the year of Christ 551. For on that year Apol∣linaris was put into the place of Zoilus Bishop of Alexandria, as Ba∣ronius affirms. But Eustochius, out of his hatred chiefly to Apollinaris Bishop of Alexandria, ejected the Monks of the Now Laura out of their Monasterie, as being Origenists; agreeable to what we have related above out of Theophanes. Vales.
• d 1.217

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, was Apo∣crisiarius to the Bishop of Amasia. For as well the Patri∣archs, as the Bishops of the grea∣ter Chur∣ches, had their Apo∣crisiarii or Responsa∣les, who managed Ecclesia∣stick affairs in the Em∣perour's Pallace. Which thing had been in use from the times of Constan∣tine the Great, as Hincmarus tells us in Epist. 14. Ad Proce∣res Regni. Monaste∣ries had likewise their Apo∣crisiarii in the Impe∣rial City, who performed the same Office; as I have abserved above. There is mention of these Apocrisiarii in Justinian's Sixth Novell. See more in Pithoeus's Glossary ad Novellas Juliani Antecessoris, and in Rosueydus's O••omasticon ad Vitas Patrum. Vales.
• * 1.218

  Euty∣chius.
• e 1.219

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Johannes Langus understood these words concerning Eutychius's Ordination. For he has rendred them thus: [see Niceph. book 17, chap. 27.] Porro Vigilius etiamsi ei Scripto interveniente, cum Eutychio conveniret; assidere tamen illi no∣luit; Further, although Vigilius agreed with Eutychius, approaching [or, interceding with] him by a Letter; yet he would not sit together with him. But this Rendition is contrary to the meaning of Eva∣grius, and of Nicephorus himself. For Evagrius says only this; that Vigilius gave his consent indeed to those matters which were transacted in the Synod; but would not be present at it. And the same thing is confirmed by the Acts of the Fifth Constantinopolitan Synod, pag. 112. From which Acts we are informed, that Pope Vigilius who was then at Constantinople (although he had been frequently asked, both by the Emperour Justinian, and also by all the Bishops convened in that City, that he would come to the Councill, and had himself promised that by his Letter; yet) would never come to the Synod. Further, that writing, whereby Eva∣grius says Vgilius had consented to the determination of the Synod, is nothing else but Vigilius's Constitution, which Baronius has pub∣lished at the year of Christ 553; or else, the Letter of Pope Vi∣gilius, which Petrus de Marca first set forth in Greek, together with a most Learned dissertation, which it would be worth while to read. Vales.
• † 1.220

  Or, Cha∣pters.
• f 1.221

  This sen∣tence is ex∣tant in the Eighth Col∣lation of the Fifth Synod, pag. 112. Vales.
• g 1.222

  These fourteen Capitula, or Expositions of the true Faith, are extant pag. 115, and 116, Synod. 5. Constantinop. Vales.
• † 1.223

  Or, Unblameable.
• h 1.224

  In the Acts of the Fifth Con∣stantinopo∣litane Sy∣nod which have come to our hands in the Latine tongue, there is no∣thing of those things ex∣tant which Evagrius subjoyns here, to wit, con∣cerning the condemna∣tion of O∣rigen, Evagrius and Didymus. Therefore Baronius with good cause thought that those Acts were maimed and imperfect. Nicephorus affirms these things to have been done against Origen and his fol∣lowers in the Second Convention: but Theophanes and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle relate, that the Fifth Synod was princi∣pally and most especially convened against the errours of Origen, Evagrius, and Didymus; but in the second plate against the Tria Ca∣pitula. Vales.
• * 1.225

  Or, Sim∣plicity.
• † 1.226

  Or, Opi∣nions.
• i 1.227

  These words are taken out of the Emperour Justinian's Letter to the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod; part of which Letter is re∣corded by Cedrenus in his Chronicon. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, In regard therefore it has been told us, that there are certain Monks at Jerusalem who were followers of Pythagoras, Plato, and Origen; We were of opinion, that care ought [to be taken] and enquiry made about these persons, least by their Paganish [or, Graecian,] and Manichaean errour they should perfectly ruine many persons. The same occurs in the Emperour Justinian's Let∣ter to Menas, concerning the Errours of Grigen. Vales.
• k 1.228

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I cannot ap∣prove of Christo∣phorson's transla∣tion, who turns these words thus: Qui animum no∣bilitatis an∣tiquae participem tenes, who possess a mind partaker of Ancient Nobility. Johannes Langus and Musculus have rendred it better. Langus, in this manner; Qui animum obtines caelestis participem generositatis, who have a mind partaker of a celestial generosity. And Musculus, thus; Animum supernae nobilitatis sortite Christianissime Imperator. You who have gotten a mind of Supernall Nobility, Most Christian Empe∣rour! Vales.
• * 1.229

  Or, Chapters.
• l 1.230

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Nicephorus 'tis written truer, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; nor am I of opinion that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a Greek word. To my best remembrance I have noted the same fault some where before this. But the place comes not at present into my mind. Vales.
• m 1.231

  As far as may be gathered from these words of Evagrius, this Theo∣dorus the Cappadocian was one of the Monks of the New Laura, which was near the City Jerusalem. This therefore is the Theodorus, follower of Nonnus the Origenist, who being afterward made Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, openly undertook the patronage of the Origenists, as Cyrillus Scythopolitanus relates in the Life of Saint Saba. Further, whereas this Theodorus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia acted the chief parts, as I may say, in the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod, as may be seen from its Acts, how is he now accused in the same Synod as an Origenist? We may therefore not without Cause conjecture, that these things which Evagrius, Theophanes, and Cedrenus say were done in the Fifth Synod against Origen, were long after that Synod added to it, on account of the likeness of their Subject: but, were not done in that Synod. So also, the Acts of the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod under Menas, against Anthimus and Zoaras, were wont to be joyned to this Fifth Oecumenicall Synod, as Photius attests in his Bib∣liotheca. The same thing may also be proved by what Evagrius sub∣joyns. For he says, that many impious expressions gathered out of the Books of Evagrius, Didymus, and Theodorus Mopsuestenus, were related to that Synod. Now, if these things had been done in the Fifth Constan∣tinopolitane Synod, as Evagrius says, it would have been altogether super∣fluous and unusefull, to repeat those expressions of Theodorus, which had so often been rekoned up and condemned in the abovesaid Synod. My Sentiment therefore is, that these things were acted against Origen in another Constantinopolitane Synod on the year of Christ 538; then, when certain Monks of Jerusalem, who were favoured by Pelagius a Deacon of the Roman Church, and by Menas Bishop of Constantinople, presented a Libell to Justinian, containing certain Heads collected out of Origen's Books; and requesting of the Emperour, that those Heads might be condemned; as Liberatus tells us chap. 23. of his Breviary. See Baronius at the year of Christ 538. Moreover, our conjecture is fully confirmed by what Evagrius writes a little before this; viz. that into those things done against Origen was inserted the Emperour Justinian's Letter to Pope Vigilius concerning the errours of Origen. These matters therefore were not transacted in the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod on the year of Christ 553. For on that year Vigilius was at Constantinople; nor was there any need that Justinian should treat with him by Letters. Wherefore these things were done against Origen long before, to wit, then when Justinian, having re∣ceived the Libell of those Palestine Monks, wrote a Letter to Menas Bishop of Constantinople concerning the errours of Origen; giving him order, that when he had assembled the Bishops that were present in the Imperial City, and the Abbots of Monasteries, he should con∣demn those errours. This Letter of Justinian's is extant in Greek and Latine, published at the end of the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod. In a place altogether forreign and unfit. For it belongs not to the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod which was celebrated on the year of Christ 553, but to another Constantinopolitane Synod, which by the Emperour Justinian's order had been convened on the year of Christ 538. There∣fore Baronius has rightly placed that Letter of Justinian at that year I have mentioned. Now at the close of his Letter Justinian affirms in express words, that he had also written a Letter to Vigilius Bishop of Rome upon the same Subject. For thus he says. Haec porro eadem Scripsimus non modo ad Sanctitatem tuam, &c; Moreover, we have writ∣ten the very same things not only to your Sanctity, but to the most Holy and most Blessed Vigilius also Pope and Patriarch of the Seniour Rome, and to all the other most Holy Bishops and Patriarchs, of Alexandria, Theopolis, and Jerusalem, that they might both take care of this matter, and also that these things may come to an end. Lastly, those Anathe∣matisms which Nicephorus says were thrown against Origen's opinions in the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod, occur in the self same words in Justinian's Letter to Menas, which was written long before the Fifth Synod, on the year of Christ 538; as Baronius informs us from Liberatus. The same also may be proved from the Letter which Gregory the Great wrote to the Four Patriarchs in the beginning of his Episcopate. For, although he does expresly profess in that Letter, that with Veneration he gives Reception to the Fifth Constantinopoli∣tane Synod, in which Letter some writings of Ibas, Theodorus, and Theo∣doret are condemned; yet he says not one word concerning Origen's condemnation. Which certainly he would not have omitted, if Origen had been condemned in that Synod. Vales.
• n 1.232

  These things are written carelessly enough by Evagrius, who has disguised the Cause of Eutychius's deposition, least he should in any wise offend the Me∣mory of the Emperour Justinian. If any one be desirous of reading a compleat Narrative of this matter, 'tis extant in Surius in the Life of the Blessed Patriarch Eutychius, elegantly written by his disciple Eu∣stathius, and in Nicephorus Book 17, Chap. 29. Baronius says that was done on the year of Christ 564, which was the Emperour Justinian's last year. Vales.
• o 1.233

  This is Johannes Scholasticus who has a Collection of Canons Ex∣tant. Victor Thunonensis in his Chronicon, gives us this account of his ordination: Anno 39. Imperii sui Justinianus Eutychium Constan∣tinopolitanum Episcopum, &c. In the 39^th year of his Empire Justinian sends into Exile Eutychius Bishop of Constantinople, a Condemner of the three Heads, and of Evagrius the Hermite a Deacon, and of Didy∣mus the Monk an Alexandrian Confessour, whose praises we have produced above from the authority of illustrious men; and in his room makes Jo∣hannes Bishop a like [assertour] of the same Errour. Vales.
• p 1.234

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the excellent Florentine Manuscript I found it written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, both here and in the following Chapter. Theo∣phanes makes mention of this Mannour or Village, in his Chronicon pag. 151; where he writes concerning Alamundarus's irruption into Syria; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (says he,) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that is, And he burnt the outward parts of Chalcis, and [ruined] the Mannour [or, Possession] Sirmium, and the Cynegick Region. In the Greek, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chal∣cedon, I have mended it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chalcis. Vales.
• * 1.235

  Or, Be∣ing perver∣ted from the right opi∣nion.
• † 1.236

  Or, Tur∣ned aside.
• * 1.237

  Or, The King's way.
• a 1.238

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with un∣speakable Hedges. In Nicepho∣rus 'tis truer written, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with Hedges not to be broken. Which writing the Tellerian Manuscript confirms. Vales.
• b 1.239

  Evagrius mistakes. For Jo∣hannes succeeded not Vigilius, but Pelagius was his successour. After whose death, Johannes Ju∣nior undertook the Episcopate of the Church of Rome, on the year of Christ 560. Vales.
• c 1.240

  This place is chiefly to be taken notice of against the Sentiment of Baronius, who be∣lieved Macarius was restored to his own See before the Fifth Con∣stantinopolitane Synod. But this passage of Evagrius refutes Baronius's opinion; Evagrius informing us here, that Macarius's Restitution was made long before that Synod. To Evagrius agrees Victor Thu∣nonensis in his Chronicon, in these words: Anno. 37. Imperii Justi∣niani, &c. On the 37^th year of Justinian's Empire, Eustochius Bi∣shop of Jerusalem who had been ordained whilst Macarius was alive, it ejected: and Macarius is again put into his own See. But Theophanes, in his Chronicon, places Macarius's Restitution on the times of Justinus Junior, as I have observed above. Vales.
• * 1.241

  Justinian.
• † 1.242

  Or, Af∣fections.
• * 1.243

  Or, Observe.
• † 1.244

  Or, Make an excur∣sion.
• * 1.245

  Or, Mixt.
• † 1.246

  Or, Di∣rected his discourse by reason.
• a 1.247

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Nicephorus and the Tellerian Manuscript it is truer written, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, if he could ruine this [Tower.] For so the Rules of Grammer require it should be 'Tis a Metaphor drawn from Machines used in Sieges, wherewith Cities are wont to be assaulted. Further, concerning the constancy of this Anastasius Sinaïta in defending the true Faith against the Heresie of the Aphthartodocitae, Eustathius writes also in the Life of the Blessed Eutychius Patriarch of Constantinople. Vales.
• * 1.248

  Or, Divine.
• † 1.249

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, anoin∣ted himself.
• * 1.250

  Galat. 1. 8, 9.
• ‖ 1.251

  Or, Lookt on.
• b 1.252

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 'Tis strange that three Transla∣tours, Lan∣gus, Mus∣culus, and Christo∣phorson, should all mistake in the Rendition of one word. The Grae∣cians termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Valedictory, or, Farwell Orations, and have handed down to us the peculiar method of Those Orations, as I have remarked in My Notes upon Eusebius's Life of Constantine, book 3. chap. 21, note (a.) Vales.
• * 1.253

  Or, Sen∣tences.
• c 1.254

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^r Henry Savil at the margin of his copy has mended it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For so the Rules of Gram∣mar require it should be. But I have observed that the Rules of Grammar are sometimes despised by our Evagrius. Nicephorus, when he wrote out this passage of Evagrius, instead of the Conjunctive Particle, substituted a Praeposition, in this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.