The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS. (Book 4)

CHAP. I. That, after Jovianus's death, Valentinianus is Pro∣claimed Emperour, who made his Brother Valens his Colleague in the Empire. And, that Valen∣tinianus was a Catholick, but Valens an A∣rian.

THE Emperour Jovianus having en∣ded his life (as we have declared) at Dadastana, in his own and his Son Varronianus's Consulate, on the seventeenth of February; the Souldiers departing from Galatia, on the seventh day after came to Nicaa in Bythinia, where by a general suffrage they proclaim Valentinianus Emperour, on the five and twentieth of Febru∣ary, a 1.1 in the same Consu∣late. By original extract he was a Pannonian, born at the City Cibalis. Having been entrusted with the leading of an Army, he had given a demonstration of his great skill in * 1.2 Tacticks▪ He was a personage of a large soul, and always appeared supe∣riour † 1.3 to that degree of honour he had arrived at. When therefore they had created him Em∣perour, He went immediately to Constantinople, and thirty days after his being proclaimed, he makes his Brother Valens his Colleague in the Empire. They were both Christians, but they disagreed about the Faith of the Christian Re∣ligion. For Valentinianus had a veneration for the Creed of the Nicene Synod: but Valens, by reason of a prepossession, adhered rather to the Arian opinion. The reason of this his preposses∣sion was, because he had been baptized by Eu∣doxius [Bishop] of Constantinople, a Prelate of the Arian Religion. Both of them entertained a warmth and ardency for that Religion which each adhered to: and yet after they came to the Empire, they differed one from the other very much, in their dispositions. For formerly, in the Reign of Julianus, (when Valentinianus was Tribune of the Souldiers, and Valens had a Mili∣tary employ in the Emperours Guards) each of them gave a demonstration of the zeal they had for their Religion: For being compelled to sa∣crifice, they chose to leave their Military em∣ployments, rather than relinquish Christianity. But, at that time the Emperour Julianus, know∣ing them to be persons usefull to the Publick, re∣moved neither of them from their Military pre∣ferment; nor yet Jovianus, who was his Suc∣cessour in the Empire. But, being afterwards promoted to the Empire, * 1.4 they were at first like to one another, as to their care about the management of the publick affairs; but they dif∣fered (as I have said) about the Christian Re∣ligion, and behaved themselves after a disagreeable manner towards the Christians. For Valentini∣anus did indeed favour such persons as embraced his own sentiments; but he was not in the least troublesome to the Arians. But Valens, desirous to promote the Arians, did most grievously dis∣quiet and disturb those who differed in opinion from them; as the procedure of our History will evidence. At that very time, Liberius presided over the Roman Church: at Alexandria Athanasius [was Bishop] of the Homoöusians; and Lucius of the Arians, whom▪ the Arians had constituted Georgius's successour. Euzoïus presided over the Arians at Antioch. Those of the Homoöusian opinion in that City, were divided into two parties, Paulinus headed the one party, and Me∣litius the other. Cyrillus was again put into pos∣session of the Church at Jerusalem. The Go∣vernment of the Churches at Constantinople was in the hands of Eudoxius, an assertour of the Arian opinion: the Homoöusians kept their as∣semblies in a little Oratory within that City. Those of the Macedonian Heresie, who had b 1.5 dis∣sented from the Acacians at Seleucia, at that time retained their Churches in every City. In this posture were the affairs of the Church at that time.

CHAP. II. That Valentinianus went into the Western parts [of the Empire,] and Valens resided at Con∣stantinople, who, upon the Macedonians ad∣dress to him that a Synod might be convened, granted their request. And that he persecu∣ted the Homoousians.

BUt, the one of the Emperours, to wit, Valentinianus, went forthwith into the Western parts [of the Empire.] For the care of the publick affairs * 1.6 necessarily required his presence there. But Valens, after he had resided a little while at Constantinople, had an address made to him by most of the Bishops of the Ma∣cedonian Heresie, who requested another Synod might be convened, in order to the amendment of the † 1.7 Greed. The Emperour, supposing they embraced the same sentiments with Acacius and Eudoxius, permitted it to be done. And so these persons made it their business to assemble a Sy∣nod in the City Lampsacus. But Valens went with all speed possible towards Antioch in Syria, fea∣ring least the Persians should break the League they had entred into for thirty years in the Reign of Jovianus, and invade the Roman Territories. But the Persians were quiet. Which calm Va∣lens made an ill use of, and raised an irrecon∣cileable War against those who embraced the Ho∣moöusian opinion. He did indeed no harm to Paulinus the Bishop▪ by reason of that persons exemplary and eminent Piety. But he punished Melitius with Exile. He drove all others, who refused to communicate with Euzoïus, from the Churches in Antioch, and subjected them to losses and various punishments. 'Tis said, that he drowned many persons in the River Orontes which runs by that City.

CHAP. III. That, whilst Valens Persecuted those who em∣braced the Homoöusian opinion in the East, there arose a Tyrant at Constantinople, [by name] Procopius. And that at the same time an Earthquake hapned, and an inundation of the Sea, which ruined many Cities.

WHilst Valens did these things in Syria, there arose a Tyrant at Constantinople, by name Procopius. He got together a great force in a short time, and made preparations for an expedition against the Emperour. This being told to the Emperour, put him into a very great Agony, which for a little while represt the fury of his Persecution against the Catholicks. In the interim that the disquietude of a Civil War was with pangs expected, an Earthquake hapning ruined many Cities. The Sea also altered its own boundaries. For, in some places it overflow∣ed so much, that Vessells might Sail, where there was a foot passage before. And it departed from other places in such a manner, that they were found to be dry ground. And this hapned in the first Consulate of the two Emperours.

CHAP. IV. That there being a disturbance in the Secular as well as the Ecclesiastick State of affairs, the Ma∣cedonians, having convened a Synod at Lamp∣sacus, did again confirm the Antiochian Creed, and Anathematized that [published] at Ari∣minum, and did again ratifie the deposition of Acacius and Eudoxius.

THese things hapning to be thus, neither the Civil, nor the Ecclesiastick State of affairs was in a sedate posture. Those therefore who had requested of the Emperour a power of con∣vening a Synod, met at Lampsacus in the same Consulate [which I have even now mentioned.] This was the seventh year from the Synod which had been assembled at Seleucia. Having again confirmed the * 1.8 Antiochian Creed there, to which they had subscribed at Seleucia, they Anathema∣tize that Creed published at Ariminum by those [Bishops] with whom they had heretofore a∣greed in opinion: and again condemned Acacius's and Eudoxius's party, as having been justly de∣posed. Eudoxius Bishop of Constantinople could not in any wise contradict these determinations; for the Civil War, which was imminent, per∣mitted him not to revenge himself of them. Wherefore, Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum and his Adherents, were at that time for some little while the stronger party, in regard they asserted that termed Macedonius's opinion, a 1.9 which before had a very mean repute, but was then rendred more conspicuous and better known in the Synod at Lampsacus. I suppose this Synod to have been the reason, why those termed the Macedo∣niani are so numerous in the Hellespont. For Lampsacus is Scituate in a narrow Bay of the Hellespont. This was the conclusion of the Synod of Lampsacus.

CHAP. V. That, an engagement hapning about a City of Phry∣gia between the Emperour [Valens] and the Tyrant Procopius, the Emperour took the Ty∣rant by the treachery of his Commanders, and put him and them to death, by insticting new and unusual punishments upon them.

ON the year following, wherein G••d••ianus and * 1.10 Dagalaïfus were Consul••, a 1.11 the War was in good earnest begun. For when the Ty∣rant Procopius, having removed from Constan∣tinople, was upon the March with his Army to∣wards the Emperour: Valens, informed thereof, hastens from Antioch, and engages Procopius ••eer a City of Phrygia, the name whereof is Nacolia. In the first encounter he was worsted. But, not long after, he took Procopius alive, Agilo•• and Gomoarius his Commanders having betrayed him▪ upon [all] whom Valens inflicted new and un∣usual punishments. For, disregarding the Oathes

he had bound himself in to the Traitours, b 1.12 he put them to death by cutting them in sunder with Saws. And, having bound each of the Tyrants legs to two trees standing neer one another, which were bowed down, c 1.13 he afterwards permitted the bended trees to erect themselves. By the rise whereof Procopius was torn in sunder. And thus the Tyrant, rent into two pieces, ended his Life.

CHAP. VI. That, after the death of the Tyrant, the Emperour forced those who had been present at the Synod, and all the Christians, to embrace Arius's Opinion.

THe Emperour, having at that time been fortu∣nate and successfull in that action, began im∣mediately to disquiet the Christians, being desirous to bring over all persons to Arianism. But he was in a more especial manner incensed against the Synod which had been convened at Lampsacus, not only because it had deposed the Arian Bi∣shops, but in regard that Draught of the Creed published at Ariminum, had been Anathematized there. Being therefore come to Nicomedia in Bithynia, he sent for Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum to him. This Prelate had more closely adhered to Macedonius's opinion, as I have said be∣fore. Wherefore the Emperour, having con∣vened a Synod of Arian Bishops, compelled E∣leusius to give his assent to their Faith. At first he denied to do it. But when he was threatned with Banishment and Proscription of his Goods, being terrified he gave his assent to the Arian opinion. He repented immediately that he had consented. And returning to Cyzicum, in the presence of all the people he complained of his being forc't, saying, that he had given his assent by compulsion, not voluntarily: he also advised them to seek out for another Bishop, because he had been compelled to renounce his own opi∣nion. But the inhabitants of Cyzicum, by rea∣son of that great love and affection they had for him, refused to be subject to another Bishop, nor would they permit any other [to govern] their Church. They continued therefore under his presidency, and would in no wise recede from their own Heresie.

CHAP. VII. That Eunomius, having ejected Eleusius the Ma∣cedonian, was made Bishop of Cyzicum. And concerning Eunomius's original, and that ha∣ving been * 1.14 Amanuensis to Aëtius [sirnamed] Atheus, he imitated him.

WHen the Bishop of Constantinople heard this, he prefers Eunomius to the Bisho∣prick of Cyzicum, in regard he was a person able by his eloquence to draw [the minds of] the multitude to his own Lure. Upon his arrival at Cyzicum, an Imperial Edict was published, by which order was given, that Eleusius should be ejected, and Eunomius installed. This being done, those of Eleusius's party, having erected an Ora∣tory without the City, celebrated their assem∣blies therein. Let thus much be said concerning Eleusius. We must now give an account of Eu∣nomius. Eunomius had been Amanitensis to Aë∣tius, surnamed Atheus, of whom we have made mention * 1.15 before. Conversing with him, he imi∣tated his Sophistick way of discoursing: addi∣cting himself [to the use of] certain insignifi∣cant and impertinent terms, and was insensible of his framing fallacious arguments in order to the deceiving of himself. Upon this account he was puf't up with pride, and fell into a 1.16 Blasphemy, being in∣deed a follower of Arius's opinion, but was various ways an adversary to the doctrines of truth. He had but a very mean skill in the sacred Scriptures, and was unable to understand their meaning. But he was very full of words, always making a re∣petition of the same things over and over, but could not arrive at the design he had proposed to himself. His seven books which with a great deal of vain labour he wrote upon the Apostles Epistle to the Romans, are a demonstration hereof. For, although he has spent a great many words in the explanation thereof, yet he could in no wise b 1.17 apprehend the scope and design of that Epistle▪ Of the same sort are those other Books of his that be extant. Of which he that should be desirous to make tryal, would find a great scarcity of sense amidst a multitude of words. This Eu∣nomius therefore was by Eudoxius c 1.18 preferred to the Bishoprick of Cyzicum. d 1.19 When he was come thither, by making use of his usual Dia∣lectical art, he amazed his Auditours by his un∣usual expressions, whereupon there arose a di∣sturbance at Cyzicum. [At length] the inha∣bitants of Cyzicum, not able to endure his arro∣gant and haughty manner of expressing himself, drove him from their City. He went to Constan∣tinople, where he made his abode with Eudoxius, and was [reputed a e 1.20 Vacant Bishop. But, that

we may not seem to have said these things upon account of calumny and reproach, hear Eunomius's own words, after what manner he takes the bold∣ness to express himself in his Sophistick and fal∣lacious assertions concerning God. For he says word for word thus. God knows no more than we do concerning his own substance. Nor is that more known to him, and less to us. But, what∣ever we know concerning the divine substance, that is wholly known to God. And on the contrary, whatever he [knows,] the same you will without any difference find in us. These, and many other such like fallacies, Eunomius framed, being insen∣sible [of his own errour.] But how he after∣wards became a Separatist from the Arians, we will in due place relate.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning the Oracle, which was found cut upon a stone, when the Wall of Chalcedon was de∣molished by reason of the Emperour Valens's an∣ger.

BUt, the Emperour gave order, that the Walls of Chalcedon (a City Scituate over against Byzantium,) should be demolished For he had ob∣lieged himself by Oath to do this (after he should have vanquished the Tyrant Procopius,) because the Chalcedonians, siding with the Tyrant, had shamefully a 1.21 railed at and abused him, and had shut their gates upon him as he b 1.22 passed by their City. The Wall therefore was by the Empe∣rours order pulled down. And the stones were conveyed to the publick Baths of Constantinople, which are called c 1.23 Constantianae. There was a Prophecy found, cut on one of the stones, which had for a long time lain concealed, but was then discovered; signifying, that when the City should be furnished with plenty of water, then the Wall should serve for a Bath: and that nu∣merous tribes of Barbarous Nations, having over∣run the Provinces of the Roman Empire, and done a great deal of mischief, at length should them∣selves also be destroyed. Nothing hinders, but we may here insert the Prophecy it self, in favour to such as are studious.

When Nymphs their mystick daunce with watry-feet Shall tread through proud Byzantium's stately street; When Rage the City-wall shall overthrow, Whose Stones to fence a Bathing place shall go. Then Savage Lands shall send forth num'rous swarms, (Shining with Golden locks and burnish't Arms,) Which having Ister's Silver streames o're past, Shall Scythian Fields, and Moesia's Meadows wast: But when, proud with success, they enter Thrace, They'l meet their fate, and find a burial-place.

This was the Prophecy. But it afterwards hapned, that the Aquaeduct built by Valens, fur∣nished the City with plenty of water: and then the Barbarous Nations made an insurrection, as we shall hereafter declare. This prediction, as it fell out, was by some persons taken in another sense. For when that Aquaeduct was brought into the City, d 1.24 Clearchus, being Praefect of the City, built a stately e 1.25 Bath, in that now called Theodosius's Forum: which Bath was named The plentifull water. Upon which account the City celebrated a Festival with great solemnity.

And this is that, say they, which is spoken of in the Prophecy, in these words,

—Their mystick daunce with watry feet Shall tread through proud Byzantium's stately street.

But, what belonged to the completion of this Prophecy hapned sometime afterwards. At that time, when the Walls should have been pulled down, the Constantinopolitans entreated the Emperour to desist from demolishing of them. Also, [some of] the Inhabitants of Nicomedia and Nicaea came from Bithynia to Constantinople, and made the same request. The Emperour, being highly incensed, was with great difficulty induced to ad∣mit of the suppliants Petition. But, that he might perform his Oath [wherein he had bound him∣self,] he gave order, both that the Walls should be pulled down, and also that the breaches made by that demolishment should at the same time be

repaired with other small stones. At this pre∣sent therefore there is to be seen in some parts of the Wall, patches basely wrought up with very mean materials, laid upon vast and prodigions stones, which [patches] were at that time made. Let thus much be said concerning the Wall of Chalcedon.

CHAP. IX. That the Emperour Valens Persecuted the No∣vatians also, who (in like manner as did the Catholicks) embraced the Homoöusian Faith.

BUt the Emperour desisted not from Perse∣cuting those that embraced the Homoöusian opinion: but drove them from Constantinople; and together with them the Novatians also, in regard they owned the same sentiments with them: whose Churches he ordered to be shut up. And gave order, that their Bishop also, by name Agelius, should be punished with Banish∣ment. He was a person, that had presided over their Churches from the times of Constantine, and had led an Apostolick life. For he always went bare foot, and made use of but one coat, obser∣ving the command of the Gospel. But the Em∣perours rage against the Novatians was stopt by a pious and also an Eloquent person, by name Marcianus. He had before born a Military employ in the Imperial Pallace, but was at that time a Presbyter of the Novatian Church, and taught Anastasia and Carosa, Valens's daughters, the Grammar; a 1.26 by whose names the publick Baths which Valens erected at Constantinople, yet standing, [were called.] Out of veneration therefore to this person, the Novatian Churches, which for some small time had been shut up, were opened again. But the Novatians were not per∣fectly free from disturbances caused by the Arians. For they were hated by the Arians, because the Novatians loved and had an extraordinary kind∣ness for the Homoöusians, with whom they a∣greed in opinion. This was the posture of af∣fairs at that time. Further, you are to know, that the war against the Tyrant Procopius was finished in the Consulate of Gratianus and Daga∣laïfus, about the latter end of May.

CHAP. X. That the Emperour Valentinianus begat a son, who bore his Fathers name [to wit, Valenti∣nianus;] he having begat [his son] Gratia∣nus before his being created Emperour.

NOt long after this War, a 1.27 during the same Consulate, a son was born to Valentinianus the Emperour in the Western parts, who had his Fathers name given him. For he had begotten Gratianus long before his [undertaking the Go∣vernment of the] Empire.

CHAP. XI. Concerning a hail of an unusual bigness which fell from heaven, and concerning the Earthquakes in Bithynia, and the Hellespont.

ON the following Consulate, which was Lu∣picinus's and * 1.28 Jovianus's, there fell a hail at Constantinople † 1.29 of a Vast bigness, on the se∣cond of July, which was like stones. Many per∣sons said, that this hail was sent by reason of Gods anger, because the Emperour had banished several of the Sacerdotal Order, in regard they refused to communicate with Eudoxius. A little after this time, during the same Consulate, the Emperour Valentinianus proclaimed his Son Gra∣tianus ‖ 1.30 Augustus, on the twenty fourth of Au∣gust. On the year after, wherein Valentinianus and Valens were the second time Consuls, there hapned an Earthquake in Bithynia, which ruined the City Nicaea, on the eleventh of October. This was the twelfth year after the ruine of * 1.31 Nicome∣dia. Soon after this Earthquake, most part of Germa, a City in the Hellespont, was destroyed by another Earthquake. Notwithstanding these accidents hapned, yet neither was Eudoxius Bi∣shop of the Arians, nor the Emperour Valens, put into any fear. For they desisted not from persecuting those who dissented in opin••on from them. [Moreover,] these Earthquakes seemed to denote the disturbance of the Churches. Where∣fore, many of the Sacerdotal Order (as I have said) were banished. Only Basilius and Gre∣gorius, by a certain dispensation of divine pro∣vidence, suffered not banishment, by reason of their eminent piety. a 1.32 The first of these per∣sons was Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia; and the second [presided over] Nazianzum, a small City near Caesarea. But we shall mention Basi∣lius and Gregorius in the procedure [of our Hi∣story.]

CHAP. XII. That those who embraced Macedonius's Opinion, being reduced into streights by reason of the Emperours violence towards them, sent an Em∣bassage to Liberius [Bishop] of Rome, and subscribed to the Homoöusian Creed.

WHen those who embraced the Homoöu∣sian opinion had at that time been sore∣ly disquieted and put to flight, the Persecutors renewed their rage against the Macedonians. Who, being reduced to great streights by fear rather then force, sent Embassies to one another throughout every City; signifying, that they must of necessity fly, both to the Emperours Brother [Valentinianus,] and also to Liberius Bishop of Rome; and that ['twas more eligible for them] to embrace their Faith, than to com∣municate with Eudoxius's party. a 1.33 They sent therefore Eustathius [Bishop] of Sebastia, (who had been many times deposed,) Silvanus of Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus of Castabali, which is also a City of Cilicia: and gave them order, that they should not dissent from Liberius concer∣ning the Faith, but should enter into communion with the Roman Church, and confirm the Homo∣öusian Creed. These persons, carrying along with them their Letters who had dissented [from Acacius] at Seleucia, arrived at Old Rome. They could not go to the Emperour [Valentinian] himself; for he was engaged in a War with the b 1.34 Sarmatae in the Gallia's. But they delivered their Letters to Liberius. He [at first] whol∣ly refused to admit them: for he said, that they were of the Arian Faction, and could in

no wise be received [into communion] by the Church, in regard they had rejected the Nicene Creed. They made answer, that by a * 1.35 retractation they had acknowledged the Truth, that they had long since renounced the Anomoïan Creed, and had professed that the Son was every way like to the Father; and that the term Homoios differed not in its import from Homoöusios. Having said thus much, Liberius required of them a profession of their opinion in writing. They presented him a Libel, wherein were inserted the Contents of the Nicene Creed. I have not here inserted the Let∣ters written from Smyrna in Asia, and from Pisi∣dia, Isauria, Pamphilia, and Lycia, (in which places they had held Synods,) because of their length. But the Libel, which the Embassadours, sent with Eustathius, delivered to Liberius, runs thus.

TO OUR LORD, BROTHER, AND FELLOW MINISTER LIBERIUS; EUSTATHIUS, THEOPHILUS, AND SIL∣VANUS, GREETING IN THE LORD.

By reason of the mad opinions of Hereticks, who desist not from giving cause of offence to the Ca∣tholick Churches; upon this account [we say] we, [desirous] to deprive them of all opportunity [of giving offence] do approve of and assent to the Synod of Orthodox Bishops which has been con∣vened at Lampsacus, Smyrna, and at several other places: c 2.1 from which Synod We being employed as Le∣gates, do bring a Letter to your Benignity, and to all the Italian and Western Bi∣shops, to hold and keep the Catholick Faith, which ha∣ving been established in the holy Nicene Synod in the Reign of Constantine of Bles∣sed Memory, by three hun∣dred and eighteen Bishops, hath hitherto always con∣tinued intire and unshaken: in which [Creed] the term Homoousios is holily and piously made use of, in op∣position to Arius's perverse doctrine: in like manner We also, d 2.2 together with the foresaid persons, do under our own hands profess, that We have held the same Faith, and do hold, and will keep it to our last breath: and We do condemn Arius, and his impious doctrine, together with his disciples, and those that embrace his sentiments; as also, all the Heresie of Sa∣bellius, the * 2.3 Pa∣tripassians, Mar∣cionistae, Photi∣nians, Marcelliani, and that of Paul of Samosata, and the doctrine of these Here∣ticks, and all those who main∣tain the same Tenets with them; in fine, all the Heresies that are opposite to the foresaid holy Creed, which was piously and Catholickly set forth by the holy Fa∣thers at Nicaea. But in a more especial manner we Anathematize that Draught of the Creed recited at the Ariminum Synod, as being contrary to the foresaid Creed of the holy Synod [convened] at Nicaea. e 2.4 To which (it being brought from Nice [a Town] of Thracia) [the Bishops] subscribed at Constantinople, being over perswaded by fraud and perjury. But, our Creed, and the foresaid persons [confession of Faith] also, from whom we are employed as Legates, is this.

We Believe in one God, the Father Almighty, the Framer of all things visible and invisible: and in one only begotten God, the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God; begotten of the Father, that is, of the substance of the Father, God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God; be∣gotten, not made, of the same substance with the Father, by whom all things were made which are in heaven, and which are on the earth: who, for us men, and for our salvation, descended [from hea∣ven,] became incarnate, and was made man; and suffered, and rose again the third day; and ascen∣ded into the heavens; and shall come to judge the quick and dead. And [we believe] in the holy Spirit. But, those that affirm there was a time when he was not, and that he was not before he was born, and that he was made of things which are not; or those that assert the Son of God existed of another Hypostasis or Substance, or that he is Changeable or mutable; these persons the Catholick and Apostolick Church of God does Anathema∣tize.

I Eustathius Bishop of the City Sebastia, I Theo∣philus, and I Silvanus, Legates of the Synod of Lampsacus, of Smyrna, and of other [Synods,] have Voluntarily and willingly written this con∣fession [of Faith] with our own hands. And, if any person, after the publication of this Creed by Us, shall be desirous of bringing any accusation, either against Us, or those that have sent Us, let him come with Your Holiness's Letters before such Orthodox Bishops as Your Sanctity spall ap∣prove of, and go to Tryal with Us in their pre∣sence. And if any crimination shall be made out, let the Authour thereof be punished.

Liberius ha∣ving bound up and secured the Legates by this Libel, admitted them to communion, and after∣wards dismist them with this Letter.

THE LETTER OF LIBERIUS BISHOP OF ROME, TO THE BISHOPS OF THE MACE∣DONIANI.

To Our dearly beloved Brethren and Fellow-Ministers, Evethius, Cyrillus, Hyperechius, Ura∣nius, Heron, Elpidius, Maximus, Eusebius, Eu∣carpius, Heortasi••s, Neon, Eumathius, Faustinus, Proclinus, Pasinicus, Arsenius, Severus, Didymion, Brittannius, Callicrates, Dalmatius, Aedesius, Eu∣stochius, Ambrosius, Gelonius, Pardalius, Mace∣donius, Paulus, Marcellus, Heraclius, Alexander, Adolius, Marcianus, S••henelus, Johannes, Macer, Charisius, Silvanus, Photinus, Antonius, f 3.1 Any••ho,

Celsus, Euphranor, Milesius, Patricius, Severianus, Eusebius, Eumolpius, Athanasius, Diophantus, Menodorus, Diocles, Chrysampelus, Neon, Eu∣genius, Eustathius, Callicrates, Arsenius, Euge∣nius, Martyrius, Hieracius, Leontius, Philagrius, Lucius, and to all the Orthodox Bishops in the East; Liberius Bishop g 3.2 of Italy, and the Bishops in the West, [wish] health always in the Lord.

Your Letters (Dearly beloved Brethren,) h 3.3 Re∣splendent with the Light of Faith, delivered to Us by Our highly esteemed Brethren, the Bishops, Eustathius, Silvanus, and Theophilus, brought the most wish't-for joy of Peace and Unity to Us: and that most especially upon this account, because they have affirmed and demon∣strated, that Your opinion and Your sentiments are consonant and agreeable, both to Our Slenderness, and also to all [the Bishops] in Italy and in the Western parts. And this we acknowledge to be the Catholick and Apostolick Faith, which i 3.4 from the Ni∣cene Synod hitherto has con∣tinued entire and unshaken. This Creed k 3.5 Your Legates themselves have professed that they do hold and embrace, and being filled with great joy, have wiped out all impressions and [quenched] the remaining sparks of an absurd opinion, and have made a publica∣tion of this Creed, not only in words, but under their own hand-writing. The Copy whereof We have judged ne∣cessary to be annexed to these Letters, that we might not leave the Hereticks any pretext of framing another conspiracy, whereby they should again ex∣cite the Incentives of their own malice, and according to their usage, rekindle the flames of discord. Moreover, Our dearest Brethren, Eustathius, Silvanus, and Theophilus, have professed and acknow∣ledged this also, that both they themselves, and also Your Love, have always had this Creed, and will retain it to the last; to wit, the Creed approved of at Nicaea by three hun∣dred and eighteen Orthodox Bishops: which does contain the perfect Truth, and stops the mouthes, and vanquishes all the shoals of Hereticks. For, not of their own accord, but by divine appointment so great a Company of Bi∣shops was convened against the madness of Arius; as were * 3.6 equal in number to those, by whose as∣sistance Blessed Abraham through faith destroyed so many thousands [of his enemies.] Which faith be∣ing comprehended in the Hypostasis, and in the term Homoousios, does (like a strong and impregnable fortress) beat back and repell all the assaults and mischievous machinations of Arius's perverse opi∣nion. Wherefore, when all the Western Bishops had met at Ariminum, whither the improbity of the Arians had called them together, that either by some kind perswasives, or (which is truest) [by compulsion] of the Secular power, they might de∣stroy, or perversely deny what had with all ima∣ginable caution been inserted into the Creed; their subtilty advantaged them not in the least. For, almost all those persons then convened at Arimi∣num, who had at that time been either enticed into errour, or imposed upon, are now returned to a right mind, have Anathematized that Draught [of the Creed] published by them convened at Ariminum, and have subscribed to that Catholick and Apostolick Creed ratified and established at Nicaea. And having entred into a communion with Us, they are with a greater warmth incensed against Arius's Opinion, and against his disciples. Of which business when the Legates of Your Love perceived an evident proof, they annexed You Your Selves to their own Subscription; and do Ana∣thematize Arius, and what was transacted at Ariminum against the Creed ratified at Nicaea: l 3.7 to which [transactions] You Your Selves, beguiled by perjury, have subscribed. Wherefore, it seemed agree∣able to Us, to write to Your Love, and to give assistance to those, whose requests are just and equitable. More e∣specially, because we are as∣certained by the profession of Your Legates, that the Ea∣stern [Bishops] are come to themselves, and do em∣brace the same Sentiments with the Orthodox Western [Prelates.] We make known this to you also, (least you should be ignorant of it,) that the Blasphemies of the Ari∣minum Synod are now Ana∣thematized, by those who seem to have been damnified at that time by Fraud, and that all persons have unanimously conspired in an agreement to the Nicene Creed. And this ought to be made known to all men by You, that such as have been damnified [in their Faith] * 3.8 by force and Fraud, may now at length return from Here∣tical darkness to the divine light of Catholick Li∣berty. Who (if after this Synod they will not vomit up the poyson of perverse doctrine, † 3.9 renounce all Arius's Blasphemies, and Anathematize them,) may know that they themselves, together with Arius, and his disciples, and the rest of the Serpents, whe∣ther Sabellians, or Patropassians, or what ever other Heresie they are [followers] of, are ex∣cluded from, and are no members of the Church's Assemblies, which admits not illegitimate Sons. God preserve You in safety, Dearly beloved Bre∣thren.

Eustathius and those that accompanied him, having received these Letters, went over into Sicilia: where after they had caused a Synod of Sicilian Bishops to be convened, they made a profession of the Homoöusian Faith in their pre∣sence, and confirmed the Nicene Creed; and ha∣ving received from▪ them Letters written to the

same effect, they returned to the persons by whom they had been sent. Who, upon receipt of Li∣berius's Letter, sent Legates from City to City, to the principal Assertours of the Homoöusian Faith, exhorting them to meet together unani∣mously at Tarsus [a City] of Cilicia, in order to the confirming of the Nicene Creed, and that they might put an end to all manner of con∣tentious disputes, which had since that been rai∣sed. And this had perhaps been effected, had not Eudoxius (a Prelate of the Arian Religion, one who at that time was in great favour with the Emperour) hindred it. Who being more ex∣asperated because of the Synod summoned to meet [at Tarsus,] framed greater mischiefs a∣gainst them. Moreover, that the Macedonians, by sending Legates to Liberius, entred into a Communion with him, and confirmed the Nicene Creed; Sabinus himself has confessed in his Col∣lection of Synodick Actions.

CHAP. XIII. How Eunomius separated himself from Eudoxius, because he adhered to [his Master] Aëtius. And that (a disturbance being raised at Alex∣andria by Eudoxius's means,) Athanasius fled again. And that (when the Populace were tumultuous hereupon,) the Emperour being a∣fraid, by his Letters * 3.10 pacified the Alexandrians, and ordered that Athanasius should be put into quiet possession of his Church again.

ABout the same time Eunomius, being separated from Eudoxius, held his assemblies apart by himself, because, after he had several times entreated him to embrace his Master Aëtius's [opinion,] Eudoxius refused to do that. And yet Eudoxius did not this willingly: (For he re∣jected not Aëtius's opinion; in regard it was the same with his own:) but because all those who embraced the same Sentiments with Eudoxius, a 3.11 declined [Aëtius] as being Heterodox. This was the reason why Eunomius made a separation from Eudoxius. After this manner were these matters transacted at Constantinople. But an b 3.12 Edict of the Praefects of the Praetorium sent thither by Eudoxius's care, disturbed the Church at Alexandria. Where∣fore, Athanasius, afraid of the irrational and mad violence of the multitude, and fearing least he should * 3.13 be look't upon as the oc∣casioner of those mad absurdities which might be committed; hid himself four whole months in his Fathers Monument. But, when the Populace, [vexed] because of his absence, were tumultuous by reason of their love and affection towards him; the Emperour, un∣derstanding that upon this account Alexandria was sorrowfull and sad, signified by his Letters, that Athanasius should securely and without fear continue possest of the Churches. And this was the reason why the Alexandrian Church con∣tinued undisturbed untill the death of Athanasius. But how, when he was dead, those of the Arian faction got possession of the Churches again, we will relate a little after this.

CHAP. XIV. That after the death of Eudoxius at Constantino∣ple, the Arians Ordained Demophilus; but the Orthodox, by [the assistance of] Eustathius of Antioch, [made] Evagrius [Bishop of Constantinople.]

FUrther, the Emperour Valens departed from Constantinople, and a 3.14 hastned towards Antioch again. And being arrived at Nicomedia a City of Bithynia, he made a stop there upon this ac∣count. Eudoxius the chief Prelate of the Arian raction ended his life soon after the Emperours departure [from Constantinople,] in Valentini∣anus's and Valens's third Consulate, having been in possession of the Chair of the Constantinopo∣litane Church b 3.15 Nineteen years. Wherefore, the Arians constituted Demophilus [Bishop] in his room. But the Homoöusians, supposing that a fair opportunity was offered to them, elected one Evagrius, a person that owned the same Creed with them. And c 3.16 Eustathius (who had sometime before been Bishop of Antioch, and had formerly been recalled from exile in Jovianus's Reign,) Ordained him. This Eustathius was at that time present at Constantinople, [to which City he came] with a designe of setling and strengthening those of the Homoöusian Faith; where he continued, absconding himself.

CHAP. XV. That when the Emperour had banished Evagrius and Eustathius, the Arians sorely oppressed and afflicted the Homoöusians.

UPon the doing hereof, the Arians renewed their persecution against the Homoöusians a∣fresh. What had hapned, soon came to the Empe∣rours knowledge, who fearing, least a Sedition, cau∣sed by a contention of the multitude, should ruine the City, sent some Forces from Nicomedia to Con∣stantinople: and gave order, that both persons, as well he that was ordained, as he that had ordained him, should be apprehended, and banished, the one to one place, the other to another. Eustathius therefore was exiled to a 3.17 Bizua a City of Thracia; and Evagrius was conveyed away to another place. These things having been performed after this manner, the Arians, growing more insolent and bold, sorely afflicted the Catholicks: [some∣times] they beat them, [at others] they gave them contumelious language; [some] they shut up in prison, [others] they punished with Pecu∣niary Mulcts; in fine, they practised all sorts of afflictive and most unsufferable mischiefs against them. Which when they were unable to endure, they went to the Emperour, [with a design] to beseech him, that they might, in some measure at least, be freed from the Violence [of the Arians.] But, [although] they had proposed this design to themselves, [yet] they were wholly frustrated of their hope, because they expected to obtain it from him, who had been the Authour of their injurious usage.

CHAP. XVI. Concerning the holy Presbyters who were burnt in a Ship, and concerning the Famine, which by the wrath of God hapned in Phrygia upon that account.

FOr, when some choice pious persons, who were Ecclesiasticks, being eighty in number, (the principal men amongst whom were Urba∣nus, Theodorus, and Menedemus,) were arrived at Nicomedia, and had presented a Supplicatory Libel to the Emperour, informing him of the vio∣lence and calamitous sufferings which were inflicted on them [by the Arians:] the Emperour, highly incensed, concealed his anger, till such time as he had given a secret order to Modestus the Prae∣fect, for the apprehending of these persons, and putting of them to death. The manner of their death was new and unusual; therefore it shall be recorded. The Praefect being afraid, least if he should murder these men in publick, * 3.18 he might raise a tumult of the unthinking crowd against himself, pretends to send them away into banishment. [This news] being received by these persons with a couragiousness of mind, the Praefect orders them to be put aboard a Ship, as if [he designed] they should be carried away and banished: but he commanded the Sea men, that when they came to the middle of the Sea, they should set the Vessel on fire: that so, being de∣stroyed after this manner, they might be depri∣ved of a Burial. Thus therefore it was per∣formed. The Mariners sailed out of the Haven, and being arrived at the middle of the Astacum-Bay, do what they were ordered: and having set the Ship on fire, went aboard another small Vessel which followed them, and so came off. But, a very boysterous Easterly wind hapned to blow, whereby the burning Ship was fiercely driven: in so much that it sailed with a great deal of swiftness; and lasted till it came to a Sea-Port, the name whereof is a 3.19 Dacidizus, where it was wholly consumed together with the men in it. Many have reported, that this [horrid Villany] continued not unpunished. For there hapned so sore a b 3.20 Famine all over Phrygia immediately af∣ter, that many of the Inhabitants were forced to remove out of that Country for some time, and betake themselves, partly to Constantinople, and partly to other Provinces. For Constantinople, although it nourishes a vast multitude of people, yet always abounds with plenty, both because it has all manner of necessaries for provision im∣ported into it from all places by Sea, and also in regard the Euxine-Sea, lying near it, furnishes it with plenty of Bread-corn, as often as it wants.

CHAP. XVII. That the Emperour, arriving at Antioch, did again Persecute those that Embraced the Homoöusian Opinion.

BUt the Emperour Valens, little regarding the calamities caused by the Famine, went to Antioch in Syria. During his residence there, he destroyed such as would not profess Arianism. For although he had perfectly ejected the Em∣bracers of the Homoöusian Opinion out of the Churches of almost all the Eastern Cities; yet he was not satisfied therewith, but did besides inflict various punishments upon them. And he destroyed many more than formerly [had been murdered by him,] by exposing them to diffe∣rent sorts of death; but more especially by drow∣ning them in a River.

CHAP. XVIII. Concerning what was done at Edessa, and the re∣proachfull affront put upon the Praefect, and con∣cerning the Faith, couragiousness, and constancy of those Citizens; and concerning a pious woman.

BUt, we must relate what was done at Edessa [a City] of Mesopotamia. In that City there is a stately and splendid * 3.21 Church [which bears the name] of Thomas the Apostle, where∣in assemblies in order to the performance of the publick duties of Religion are without intermis∣sion convened, by reason of that places sancti∣ty. The Emperour Valens, desirous to view this Church, and being informed that the whole con∣gregation met therein were [followers] of that Heresie which he detested, struck the Praefect with his own hand, (as 'tis said,) because he had not

taken care to have them driven from that place. When the Praefect, after this manner abused, made preparations (though unwillingly) to obey the Emperours rage; (for he was not willing to be the instrument of the murder of so many per∣sons;) he gave them notice secretly, to the in∣tent that no person might be found within that Church. But no body heeded either his advice, or his menaces. For on the day following all persons flock't to the Church. And when the Praefect with a great company of Souldiers hastened to the Oratory, in order to his fulfil∣ling the Emperours rage; a poor woman, leading her own little son by the hand, went with great speed towards the Church, and broke through the a 3.22 ranks of Souldiers which Guarded the Prae∣fect. At which the Prae∣fect being highly displeased, orders the woman to be brought to him. And speaks to her after this manner, Miserable woman! Whi∣ther runnest thou in this * 3.23 undecent manner? She re∣plied, To the same place that others run too. Have you not heard, said he, That the Praefect is going to put to death all persons that shall be found there? I have heard so, answered she, and do therefore make hast, that I may be found there b 3.24: And whither draggest thou that little child, said the Praefect; the woman replied, that he also may be voutsafed the honour of Mar∣tyrdom. Upon hearing hereof, the Praefect made a conjecture of the constancy a••d resolution of the persons assembled [in the Church.] And he went back immediately to the Emperour, and informed him, that all of them were ready to die for their own faith. And declaring withall, that it would be absurd to destroy so many persons in so short a time, he thereby perswaded the Em∣perour, to desist from being enraged. After this manner the Edessens escaped their being de∣stroyed by their own Emperour.

CHAP. XIX. That the Emperour Valens slew many persons, the first letter of whose name was * 3.25 Theta, upon ac∣count of a certain Necromantick- divination, whereby that was foretold.

a 3.26 AT the same time, a certain destructive Dae∣mon abused the Emperours cruelty. For he perswaded some persons to make a strict and over-busie enquiry by a Necromantick divina∣tion, who should succeed Valens in the Empire. To which persons, having made use of a certain Magicall inchantment, the Daemon gave responses, not plain and manifest, but (as he usually does) oblique and ambiguous: by shewing only four Letters, * 3.27 Theta, and Epsilon, and Omicron, and Delta; saying, that his name, who should Reign after Valens, did begin with these Letters; and that his name was compounded. The report of what had been done came to the Emperours ears. But he permitted no•• God (who manages all things in a due and orderly manner) to have the knowledge of things future, and to do what seemed good to him: but, slighting the sanctions of Christianity, for which he supposed himself to have a zeal and ardency, he put many to death, of whom he had a suspicion that they would seize upon the Empire. Therefore, the Theo∣dorus's, the Theodotus's, the Theodosius's and the Theodulus's, and as many as had such like names as these, were deprived of their lives. Amongst whom b 3.28 one Theodosiolus, a person of great Valour and Courage, a descendant of a Noble Family in Spain, was also put to death. And out of a fear of the imminent danger, many per∣sons [at that time] changed their names, deny∣ing those names their Parents had given them, when they were young, in regard they were liable to danger. But, let thus much be said concer∣ning this.

CHAP. XX. Concerning Athanasius's death, and the promotion of Peter [to his See.]

FUrther, you are to know, that as long as Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria lived, the Emperour (upon account of some [over-ru∣ling dispensation] of Gods providence) for∣bore disquieting Alexandria and Egypt, knowing for certain, that there was a numerous multi∣tude of persons there, who favoured Athana∣sius; and for this reason he was afraid, least a sedition being raised at Alexandria, the populace, who are naturally hot and violent, should en∣dammage the publick state of affairs. [More∣over,] Athanasius, after those many Conflicts [He had undergone] upon the Church's ac∣count, departed this life in the second Consulate* 3.29 of Gratianus which he bore with Probus; he governed that Bishoprick amidst many dan∣gers fourty and six years, and left Peter, a pious and eloquent person, to succeed him in his See.

CHAP. XXI. That after Athanasius's death, the Arians by the Emperour Valens's Order, delivered up the Churches in Alexandria to Lucius who had been Ordained by them before, and committed Peter to Prison.

THe Arians therefore took courage immedi∣ately, being rendred insolent by the Em∣perour's Religion; and without delay they give an account hereof to the Emperour, who then resided at Antioch. At the same time also Eu∣zoius (who presided over the professours of A∣rianism at Antioch,) with greediness catches that opportunity so seasonably offered; and makes it his design to procure himself to be sent to Alexandria, to the intent that he might deliver possession of the Churches there to Lucius the Arian. Which was also approved of by the Emperour. And forthwith he went to Alex∣andria, [accompanied] with the Imperial For∣ces. For a 3.30 Magnus, Lord Treasurer to the Em∣perour, went along with him. The Imperial Order was directed to Palladius * 3.31 Praefect of Egypt, and a command was issued forth that the Military Forces there should give their assistance. Wherefore, they apprehended Peter, and con∣fined him to Prison. After they had dispersed the other Ecclesiasticks some into one place, some into another, they seated Lucius in the Episcopal Chair.

CHAP. XXII. That Sabinus the Macedonian Heretick has made no mention of those many mischiefs which hap∣pened at Lucius's installment. But they are re∣corded in a Letter written by Peter; who made his escape, and fled to Damasus [Bishop] of Rome. But the Arians and Lucius were the Authours of many mischievous practises and cruelties against those holy persons who led a Mo∣nastick life in the Solitudes.

MOreover, what mischiefs hapned at Lu∣cius's induction [into the Sea of Alex∣andria,] or what was done against those per∣sons that were ejected, as well in, as without the Courts of Judicature, and how some were sub∣jected to various Tortures, and others were ba∣nished, even after they had been tortured; [of any of these particulars] there is not the least mention made by Sabinus. For, in regard he was a Semi-Arian, he concealed the enormous vil∣lanies of his friends. But Peter has manifestly displaied them to the view of all men, in his own Letters, which he sent about to the Churches every where, after his escape * 3.32 out of Prison. This † 3.33 person, as soon as he could make an escape out of his imprisonment, fled to Damasus Bishop of Rome. But the Arians, although few in num∣ber, notwithstanding were repossessed of the Alex∣andrian Churches. Not long after, an Imperial Edict [came forth, wherein] it was ordered, that [all] the Embracers of the Homoöusian Opinion should be ejected out of Alexandria, and [driven] from all parts of Egypt. And the Governour of Egypt was commanded, with a nu∣merous Army of Souldiers every where to put to flight and chase away those, whom Lucius should order [to be ejected.] At the same time they molested, disturbed, and in a most cruel and hostile manner assaulted the Monasteries in the Desart. For Armed men rush't in upon per∣sons unarmed, who would not stretch forth so much as their hand to strike a stroak; and de∣stroyed them with such cruelty and barbarity, that what they perpetrated against them is in∣expressible.

CHAP. XXIII. A Catalogue of the holy Monks [who lived] in the Desart.

BUt, in regard we have made mention of the Monasteries in Egypt, nothing hinders but we may give an account in short concerning them. The Monasteries in Egypt had their o∣riginal ('tis probable) from very great anti∣quity: but they were enlarged and much in∣creased by a pious man, whose name was Am∣mon. This person, when young, had an aver∣sion for marriage. But when some of his nea∣rest relatives entreated him not to speak reproach∣fully of Matrimony, but that he would mar∣ry a wife; he was prevailed upon, and entred into a Matrimonial state of life. And imme∣diately after he had taken the Virgin out of the * 3.34 Bride-chamber, and with the usual solemnity lead her into his Lodging-room, at length when his friends and acquaintance were gone a∣way, he took the Apostolick Book, read Saint Pauls E∣pistle to the Corinthians, and expounded to his wife the A∣postles admonitions to mar∣ried persons. And making an addition of several par∣ticulars from elsewhere, he informed her, how many burdensome inconveniences do accompany mar∣riage, how full of grief and disquietude the co∣habitation of man and woman is, and what pangs attend a woman great with child; adding with∣all the grief and troubles [which arise] from the breeding up of children. [On the other hand] he added the conveniencies of Chastity, how great a freedom attends a pure life, how unpolluted it is, and void of all uncleanness; and that vir∣ginity places persons in the nearest alliance to God. Having discourst of these and many other such like particulars to his virgin-wife, he per∣swades her, that before they should have any car∣nal knowledge of each other, she would together with him renounce a Secular life. When they had made this agreement between themselves, they retired to the mountain called Nitria. There they lived in a Cottage, and for ▪some short time made use of one Ascetick apartment in common, without the knowledge of any dif∣ference between the Masculine and Feminine Sex, but being (according to the Apostle) one in Christ. Not long after, the new and unpolluted Bride spake these words to Ammon: it is not decent for you (said she,) who with the greatest strict∣ness immaginable do prosess Chastity, to look

upon a woman a 3.35 in so narrow an habitation. Wherefore if you please, we will perform our Ascetick exercises apart. With this compact also both parties were well pleased. And being se∣parated one from the other, they thus spent the remainder of their lives; abstaining from Wine and Oyle, and seeding upon dry b••ead only, which they eat sometimes after one days [fasting,] at others after two, at other times after more. Antonius, who was this Ammon's Cotemporary, saw his soul after his death taken up [into hea∣ven] by Angels, as Athanasius Bishop of Alex∣andria does declare in * 3.36 his Life of Antonius. Moreover, very many persons imitated this Ammon's Life. And by degrees the mountaines of Nitria and Scetis were filled with multitudes of Monks. To write whose lives, would be the Subject of a particular work. But in regard there were amongst them persons of great prety, who were eminent for their Ascetick discipline, lived Apostolick Lives, and did, and said some things that were usefull and worthy to be recor∣ded, I thought it expedient [to select] some few passages out of many, and intermix them with my History, in order to the Readers ad∣vantage. 'Tis reported therefore, that this Am∣mon never saw himself naked, saying, that it was misbecoming a Monk to behold his own naked body. And, being one time desirous to pass a River, he was † 3.37 loath to uncloath himself; but prayed to God, that he might have a passage over without impeding the resolution he had taken: and an angel conveyed him to the other side of the River. Di∣dymus, another Monk, although he lived Ninety years, yet kept company with no man during his whole life. Another, by name Arsenius, would not separate the younger Monks, who had committed an offence, from Communion, but those only that were elderly: for he said, that a young Monk be∣ing excommunicated, becomes ‖ 3.38 contumacious: but an elderly Monk does quickly become sensible of the grief of Excommunication. Pior eat his meat walking. When one asked him why he fed af∣ter that manner; I will not (said he,) go to meat, as to a serious and set work, but as to an incident and by business. To another, que∣stioning him concerning the same thing, he an∣swered; least (says he,) whilst I am eating, my mind should be affected with any bodily plea∣sure. Isidorus said, that it was fourty years since he was sensible of sin in his mind; and that he never consented, either to lust, or anger. Pam∣bos, a man illiterate, went to a person, that by him he might be taught a Psalm. And having heard the first verse of the thirty eighth Psalm, which runs thus, * 3.39 I said I will take heed to my ways that I offend not with my tongue; he refused to hear the second verse, and went away▪ saying, that this one verse was enough for him, in case he could learn it perfectly, and in reality practise and perform it. And when he who had given him the verse to learn, reproved him, because he had not seen him in a whole six months space, he an∣swered; I have not yet truly and indeed learnt the verse of the Psalm. Many years after this, to one of his acquaintance enquiring of him whether he had learnt the verse, his answer was, during the space of these Nineteen years I have scarce lear∣ned to * 3.40 fulfill it effectually. The same person (when one gave him Gold [to be bestowed] for the maintenance of the poor, and said to him, tell the sum which I have given,) replyed, there is no need of telling the money, but of a right and sound disposition of mind. The same ••ambos, upon the entreaty of Athanasius the Bishop, came out of the Desart to Alexandria. And see∣ing a woman-player there, he brake forth into tears. When the persons in pres••nce asked him, why he wept; two things (said he) trouble me; the one is, this womans destruction: the other, because I do not use so much diligence and industry to please God, as she does to delight obscene men. Another of them said, that a Monk, unless he will work, is to be involved in the same con∣demnation with the covetous and rapacious per∣son. Petirus was well furnished with a know∣ledge in Natural Speculations, and frequently ex∣pounded sometimes one thing, at other times an∣other, to such as addressed themselves to him. At every one of his † 3.41 Lectures he made a prayer to God. But, amongst the Monks [who lived] at that time, there were two pious persons who bore the same name. For each of them had the appellation of Macarius. The one was born in The Upper Egypt, the other came from the City Alexandria. Both of them were famous upon several accounts, [to wi••,] for their Ascetick exercises, for their Morals, for their Converse, and for the Miracles wrought by their hands. The Egyptian Macarius wrought so many cures, and drove so numerous a company of devils out of persons possest, that [to relate] what he performed by the grace of God, would require a particular and separate Work. Towards those who came to him, he behaved himself with an austere gravity, tempered with caution and cir∣cumspection. But the Alexandrian Macarius, although he was every way like the Egyptian Macarius, yet he differed from him in this, that he shewed himself chearfull and pleasant towards those who came into his company, and by his courteous behaviour and complaizance induced young men to embrace an Ascetick course of life. Evagrius, Scholar to these Macarius's, having before been a Philosopher in words only, learned [from them] that Philosophy [which consists] in deeds and actions. * 3.42 He having been ordained Deacon by Gregorius Nazian∣zenus at Constantinople, went afterwards with him into Egypt, where he converst with those forementioned persons, and imitated their course of life. Nor were the Miracles wrought by his hands, fewer in number than those perfor∣med by his Masters. The same Evagrius wrote Books of very great use: one whereof has this Title, b 3.43 The Monk, or Concerning Active Virtue: another is entitled, The Gnostick, or to him who is reputed worthy of knowledge. This Book is divided into Fifty Chapters. A third is termed Antirreticus [or The Refutation, being a Col∣lection] from the sacred Scriptures, against the tempting evil spirits; it is divided into eight parts,

according to the number of the eight thoughts. [He wrote] also six hundred Prognostick Pro∣blems: and moreover, two Books in Verse; the one to those Monks [who live] in Monasteries or Covents; the other to the Virgin. How ad∣mirable these Books of his are, they that read them will perceive. It is not unseasonable, as I suppose, to annex- to what has been said before, some few passages recorded by him, concerning the Monks. For he says word for word thus. It is also necessary to make an enquiry into the ways of those Monks, who have heretofore walked * 3.44 uprightly, and to conform [our selves] to the pattern thereof: For many things have been well said and done by them. Amongst which this was the saying of one of them, that a drier, slender, and not irregular sort of diet, joyned with love, will in a short time bring a Monk to a Port void of all inquietude. The same Monk freed one of his brethren from his being disturbed with apparitions in the night, enjoyning him to minister to the sick, whilst he was fasting. And being asked [why he commanded him to do that,] such troubles as these (said he) are composed and extinguished with nothing so easily, as with mercy and compas∣sion. A Philosopher of those times came to An∣tonius the Just, and said unto him, O Father, how can you hold out, being destitute of the com∣fort of Books? Antonius replied, my Book, O Philosopher, is the nature of things made, and 'tis ready at hand as often as I am desirous of reading the Words of God. That aged person the Egyptian Macarius, that chosen vessel, asked me, why by remembring the injuries we receive from men, we destroy that strength and faculty of memory which is in our minds: but by remem∣bring the mischiefs done to us by the devils, we continue unhurt? And when I was doubtfull what answer I should make, and entreated him to ex∣plain the reason hereof to me; the first (said he,) is an affection of the mind, which is contrary to nature: the second is agreeable to nature. I went one time to the holy Father Macarius, at noon-day, when it was very hot, and being most extreamly thirsty, requested some water to drink. His answer to me was, Content your self with the shade; for many persons who are at this time travelling by Land, or making a voyage by Sea, do want [the refreshment of] that. Then, I conferred with him about Abstinence, and he said unto me, Be couragious and confident my Son: For these twenty years compleat, I have not taken my fill either of bread, water, or sleep. For I have eaten my bread by weight; I have drank my water by measure: and I have stollen c 3.45 a little part of a sleep, by leaning my self against a wall. One of the Monks had the news of his Fathers death brought to him. His return to him that told him this, was, forbear spea∣king impiously; for my Fa∣ther is immortal. One of the Brethren was possessour of no∣thing else but the Book of the Gospels: when he had sould that Book, he gave [the money he had for it,] to feed the hungry, and uttered this say∣ing worthy to be recorded, I have sould that Book which saieth, * 3.46 Sell that thou hast and give to the poor. There is an Island about A∣lexandria, scituate at the Northern part of that City, beyond the Lake called Mareotis. Near that Island dwells a Monk d 3.47 of Parembole, a most approved person amongst the Gnosticks, who has declared, that all things practised by the Monks, are done for five reasons, for the sake of God, of Nature, on the account of Custom, of Neces∣sity, and of the work of the hands. It was the usual saying of the same person also, that by nature there was only one virtue, but that in respect of the faculties of the soul it was divided in∣to several Species. For the light of the Sun, said he, is without any figure; but it does usually receive its figure from the windows through which it enters. Another of the Monks was wont to say, I do therefore every way eschew pleasures, that I may * 3.48 prevent the occasions of anger. For I know very well, that anger does always † 3.49 militate for pleasures, and does disquiet my mind, and expell knowledge. One of the aged Monks said, that Cha∣rity knows not how to keep the ‖ 3.50 De∣positum of meat or money. This was another saying of the same person, I do not remember that I was ever twice deceived as to the same thing by the Devil.

These passages are word for word recorded in Evagrius's Book, entitled The Practick. In that Book of his, to which he gave this Title, The Gnostick, he says thus: We have been informed from Gregorius the Just, that the Virtues and their Contemplations are four; Prudence, Fortitude, Temperance, and Justice. And the business of Prudence, he said, was, to contemplate those In∣telligent and holy powers * 3.51 without any reasons. For his doctrine was, that these were manifested by Wisdom: [the property] of Fortitude [as he affirmed,] was, to persist in what was true, although a resistance were made, and † 3.52 not to turn aside towards those things which are not. He made answer, that 'twas the property of Temperance, to receive the Seed from the First [and Great] Husband••an, and to repell him who would * 3.53 Sow over again. [Lastly, he assigned this work] to Justice, to give an account [of things] agreeable to the worth and dignity of every person; [which virtus] does set forth some things obscurely; it gives the knowledge of others by Riddles; and it plainly manifests other some, for the benefit and advan∣tage of the more unskilfull and simple hearers. That Pillar of truth Basilius the Cappadocian said, that that knowledge, which is accidentally pro∣cured from men, is improved by a continual me∣ditation and exercise: but, that infused by the

Grace of God [is increased] by Justice, * 3.54 Pa∣tience, and Mercy. And that the former [sort of knowledge,] 'tis possible, may be received by those who are lyable to disquietude and troubles of mind: but that they only are capable of the latter, who are free from all such disquietude and troubles; who also, during the interim of their being at prayer, do contemplate that proper and peculiar light of their mind, which does illuminate them. Athanasius that holy Luminary of the E∣gyptians, says, that Moses is ordered † 3.55 To place the Table on the North-side. The Gnosticks therefore may know, who it is that blows against them, and let them couragiously endure every temptation; and with a chearfull mind nourish those that come unto them. c 3.56 Serapion the Angel of the Church of the Thmüitae said, that the mind having drank a full draught of spiritual know∣ledge, is [thereby] perfectly cleansed: but, that the parts of the mind inflamed with anger, are cured by Love: and that wicked desires, which flow into [the mind,] are stopt by Abstinence. Exercise your self with a continual meditation upon the Discourses and Reasons which relate to Providence and the Judgment [of God,] (says that great and skilfull Doctor Didymus;) and at∣tempt to bear in mind the Subject of those Reasons and Discourses. For, almost all persons do err in these matters. And the Reasons and Discourses which concern a Judgment, you will find in the dif∣ference of Bodies, and * 3.57 in all parts of the world. But the accounts and dis∣courses which relate to a Providence, [you will discern] in those ways which lead us from vice and igno∣rance, to virtue and knowledge.

Thus much we have taken out of Evagrius's Books and inserted here. There was also another admirable person amongst the Monks, by name Ammonius, who had so little of curiosity in him, that being at Rome with Athanasius, he was de∣sirous of viewing none of those magnificent works in that City; but saw only the Cathedral of Peter and Paul. This Ammonius, when he was to have been forced to take a Bishoprick, fled away, and cut off his own right ear, that by a * 3.58 Mutilation of his body he might avoid being ordained a Bishop. Some time afterwards, E∣vagrius (who was also to have been forc't to [take] a Bishoprick by Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, and had made his escape, without making any mutilation upon his own body;) ac∣cidentally met Ammonius, and in a facetious man∣ner said unto him, That he had done ill to cut off his own ear, and that upon that account he was culpable before God. To whom Ammonius made this return: But do not you think, Evagrius, that you shall be punished, because you have cut out your own tongue, and out of a love to your self, would not make use of that Grace which was bestowed upon you? Moreover, at that time, there were in the Solitudes many other admirable and pious persons, the men ion of whom in this Work of ours would be too long and tedious. Besides, we must of necessity digress from the design we have proposed to our selves, should we give a particular account of the Lives of every one of these persons, and of the Miracles they performed by that eminent Sanctity wherewith they were endued. If any one be desirous of an accurate ac∣count of these men, and would know what actions they performed and did, what sayings they ut∣tered conducive to the profit and advantage of the hearers, and how the wild-beasts were obe∣dient to them: there is a particular Book, ela∣borated* 3.59 by Paladius the Monk, who was Eva∣grius's Scholar; wherein all things appertaining to these persons, are with great accuracy dis∣courst of at large. In which Book [Palladius] makes mention of women also, who followed a course of life like to the foresaid men. Fur∣ther, Evagrius and Palladius flourished a little af∣ter the death of Valens [Augustus.] But we will now return to that place, whence we have di∣gressed.

CHAP. XXIV. Concerning those holy Monks who were ex∣iled; how God (by the Miracles they performed) attracted all persons to him∣self.

WHen therefore the Emperour Valens had by his Edict given order, that as well the Orthodox, in Alexandria, as those in the other parts of Egypt, should be forcibly driven from their habitations; depopulation and ruine forthwith defaced and overthrew all things: whilst some persons were drag'd before the seats of ju∣dicature; others thrown into Prison; and others tortured by other methods. For they inflicted various sorts of punishment upon persons that were great lovers of peace and quietness. After these things were done at Alexandria, in such a manner as Lucius thought good, and when Eu∣zoïus was returned to Antioch, these [two] persons hastned immediately to the Solitudes of Egypt; [I mean] the Commander in chief of the Milice, with a numerous company of Souldiers, and Lucius the Arian. For he himself was not at that time absent, but (without shewing any com∣passion in the least towards the assembly of those holy men,) perpetrated worse barbarities than the Souldiers themselves did. When they ar∣rived at the place, they apprehended the men performing their usual exercises; [to wit,] praying, curing diseases, and casting out devils. But these [wretches,] little regarding God's Miracles, would not permit so much as the usual and solemn prayers to be performed in the Ora∣tories; but drove the holy persons even out of those places. Nor did they acquiess in the do∣ing hereof only, but proceeded on further, and a 3.60 made use of weapons against them. These [cruelties] Rufinus says he was b 3.61 present at and saw, and was a fellow-sufferer with these persons. Wherefore, the words of the Apostle were re∣newed against them. For, they were mocked,

and * 3.62 had triall of Scourgings, they were stript naked, were bound, were stoned, were slain with the Sword, [they were] persons that wandred about in the Solitudes, in Sheep-skins, and Goat∣skins, being destitute, afflicted, tormented, of whom the world was not worthy, they wandred in Deserts, and in Mountaines, and in Dens, and Caves of the earth: † 3.63 notwithstanding they received a Testimony both from their Faith, and from the Works and Cures, which the Grace of God per∣formed by their hands. But (as 'tis probable,) divine Providence permitted these persons to suffer these things, having provided some better thing, that by those miseries which they underwent, others might obtain salvation in God. And this was demonstrated by the Event. When therefore these admirable persons were superiour to all that force and violence used towards them, Lucius, quite out of heart; advices the Commander of the Military Forces, to banish the Fathers of the Monks. These [Fathers of the Monks] were, the Egyptian Macarius, and he of Alex∣andria who bore the same name. These per∣sons therefore were exiled into an Island, where∣in there was no Christian Inhabitant. In that Island there was an [Heathen] Temple, and a Priest in it, whom all the Inhabitants worshipped like a God. But when these pious persons ar∣rived in that Island, all the Daemons there were seized with a fear and trembling. At the same time also, this accident hapned. The Priests daughter, possest on a sudden by a Devil, fell into a rage and overturned all things. She was extreamly unruly, and could by no means be quieted: but cried out with a loud voice, and spake to those pious persons, saying, why are you come to cast us out from hence also? These men therefore did in that place give another de∣monstration of that * 3.64 power of theirs which they had received from the Grace of God. For they drove the Devil out of the Virgin, and [having restored her] to her right mind, delivered her to her Father; whereby they induced both the Priest, and also all the Inhabitants of that Island, to [em∣brace] the Faith of the Christian Religion. Where∣fore, c 3.65 they cast away their Images immediately; changed the Fabrick of their Temple into the form of a Church; received Baptism, and with cheer∣fulness learned all the [Doctrines] of Christiani∣ty. Thus these admirable persons, persecuted up∣on account of the Homoöusian Faith, rendred them∣selves more approved, brought salvation to o∣thers, and made the Faith more firm and strong.

CHAP. XXV. Concerning Didymus, a blind man.

ABout the same times, God produced ano∣ther person, by whose Testimony he thought fit the Faith should be corroborated and confirmed. For Didymus, a man admira∣ble and eloquent, adorned with all sorts of Lear∣ning, flourished at that time. This person being very young, when he had but just learned to read; fell into a distemper of his eyes; where∣with he was sorely troubled, and lost his eye-sight. But God, instead of corporal eyes, gave him those of the mind. For what he could not be instructed in by seeing, he learnt by hearing. For being of an apt and ingenious disposition from his child∣hood, and endued with an excellent wit, he far surpassed even those [a 3.66 ripe-witted children] who had the acutest sight. For he became Ma∣ster of the Rules of Grammar with much ease, and arrived to the knowledge of those of Rheto∣rick with more celerity. Proceeding on from thence to Philosophy, with an admirable facility he learnt Logick, Arithmetick, and Musick; and treasured up within his own mind the other Precepts of the Philosophers, in such a manner, that he could readily dispute against those, who had perfectly learnt those Arts by the benefit of their eyes. Moreover, he was so exactly well∣skilled in the divine Oracles of the Old and New Testament, that he published many discour∣ses upon them: he dictated Three Books con∣cerning the Trinity; and interpreted Origens Books Concerning Principles, setting forth b 3.67 Com∣ments thereupon, wherein he asserts that those Books were incomparably well written, and that their Cavils are frivolous, who accuse Origen, and make it their business to speak reproach∣fully of his Works: for they are not able, says he, to arrive at the knowledge of that Au∣thours perspicacity and prudence. If any per∣son therefore be desirous of knowing Didymus's great Learning, and the fervency of his mind, he may have an account thereof by a perusal of the Books elaborated by him. It's reported, that Antonius [the Monk] discoursed with this Didymus, c 3.68 long before the times of Valens, at such time as he left the desart, and came to Alex∣andria upon account of the Arians; and that perceiving the Learning and knowledge of this person, he spake these words to him; O Didy∣mus! Let not the loss of your bodily eyes trouble you. For you are deprived of such eyes, d 3.69 as the Flies and Gnats can see with. But rejoyce, that you have those eyes, wherewith the Angels see, by which even God himself is discerned, and his Light comprehended. This was the saying of the pious Antonius to Didymus, long before these times [we are treating of.] But at that time, Didymus was look't upon to be the greatest Patron and De∣fender of the genuine Faith, who disputed against the Arians, unravelled their Sophistick Cavills, and confuted their adulterate and fraudulent discourses.

CHAP. XXVI. Concerning Basilius of Caesarea, and Gregorius of Nazianzum.

DIvine Providence set up Didymus indeed as an opponent to the Arians at Alexandria: but [in order to their Confutation] in other Cities,

[it made use of] Basilius Caesariensis, and Gre∣gorius Nazianzenus. Concerning whom I judge it now opportune to give a short account. The memory and same of these two persons, which is still preserved amongst all men, and the Learning contained in the Books written by them, might indeed be sufficient to set forth the praises and commendations of each of them. But, in regard they were persons in an eminent man∣ner usefull to the Church at that time, and were preserved [by God,] as being the Incentives of the [Orthodox] Faith; the Subject of our Hi∣story does of necessity ingage us, in an espe∣ciall manner to make mention of these two men. Should any one therefore be desirous of com∣paring Basilius and Gregorius with one another, and of giving an account of the Life, Morals, and Virtues that were in them; he would be in a great doubt which of them he should prefer be∣fore the other. For they were both equal to one another, whether you respect their [pious and] exact course of Life, or their Learning; I mean as well their Grecian Literature, as their know∣ledge in the sacred Scriptures. For, when very young, they went to Athens, and were the hea∣rers of Himerius and Prohaeresius, the two most eminent Sophistae of those times; afterwards they frequented [the School of]* 3.70 Libanius at Antioch in Syria, and by their industry arri∣ved at the highest accom∣plishments of * 3.71 e∣loquence. And when they were judged worthy to be profes∣sours of eloquence, many persons perswaded them to enter upon the teaching and profession thereof. Others advised them to practise the Law, but they despised both these sorts of Life: and dis∣continuing their studies of eloquence, embraced a Mo∣nastick life. Having there∣fore had a taste of the precepts of Philoso∣phy from him who at that time taught Phi∣losophy at Antioch, not long after they procu∣red Origen's Works, and from them got an in∣sight into the interpretation of the sacred Scri∣ptures. For the great fame of Origen did at that time fill the whole world. When they had with great studiousness exercised themselves in the per∣usal of those Books, they powerfully opposed the Assertours of Arianism. And although the Arians * 3.72 cited Origen's Books, in confirmation (as they supposed) of their own opinion; yet these two persons confuted them, and evidently demonstra∣ted, that they understood not the meaning of Origen. Indeed, the Arians, and their then A∣bettor Eunomius, although they were at that time accounted persons of great eloquence, yet, as often as they engaged in a discourse with Gre∣gorius and Basilius, 'twas made evidently appa∣rent that they were men altogether ignorant and unlearned. Basilius was first promoted to a † 3.73 Diaconate by Meletius Bishop of Antioch; after that, he was preferred to the b 3.74 Bishoprick of his own Country, I mean Caesarea in Cappa∣docia, and undertook the care of the Churches. For being afraid, least the novelty of the Arian opinion should prey upon and devour the Pro∣vinces of Pontus, he went c 3.75 with great hast into those parts. Where he constituted Monasteries, instructed the inhabitants in his own doctrines, and confirmed the minds of those that wavered. d 3.76 Gregorius [being constituted] Bishop of Na∣zianzum a small City in Cappadocia, over which Church his own father had before presided, took the same course that Basilius did. For he also went up and down to the Cities, and corrobora∣ted those that were feeble and dispirited as to the faith. But more especially, he made frequent jour∣neys to Constantinople, and confirmed the Or∣thodox in that City by his Preaching and Dis∣courses. Upon which account, he was soon af∣ter

constituted Bishop over the people at Con∣stantinople, by the suffrage of many Bishops. When therefore what * 3.77 both these persons did, came to the Emperour Valens's ears, he forth∣with ordered e 3.78 Basilius to be brought from Caesa∣rea to Antioch. Immediately therefore he was conveyed thither, and by the Emperours order was set before the Tribunal of the Praefects: f 3.79 when the Praefect put this question to him, why he would not embrace the Emperours Faith; Basilius with a great deal of confidence found fault with the Emperours Religion, and com∣mended the Homoöusian Faith. But when the Praefect threatned him with death, would to God (said Basilius) it might happen to me, to be de∣livered from the bonds of the body upon account of the truth! Then, upon the Praefects admo∣nishing him to inspect and consider the matter more seriously with himself, 'tis reported that Ba∣silius said, I am the same this day that I shall be to morrow: g 3.80 I wish that you would not have changed your self. After this Basilius continued that day in custody. Not long after, it hapned, that Va∣lens's son, a young child, whose name was h 3.81 Ga∣lates, was seized with a sore distemper, in so much that his recovery was despaired of by the Physitians. The Empress Dominica, his mother, did positively affirm to the Emperour, that she had been sorely disquieted with fearfull and hor∣rid visions in her dreams; and that the child was visited with sickness, because of the Bishops in∣jurious usage. The Emperour, taking these things into consideration, sends for Basilius. And to make tryal of him, expresses himself to him after this manner. If your Opinion be true, pray that my son may not dye. If you will believe, O Emperour! (replied Basilius,) as I doe; and if [you will assent that] the Church shall be united, the child shall live. When the Empe∣rour would not consent to that, the will of God therefore be done (said Basilius) concerning the child. After Basilius had spoken these words, [the Emperour] ordered he should be dismist. But the child died not long after. Let thus much be compendiously said concerning these persons. Moreover, each of them wrote and published ma∣ny, and those incomparable Books. Some of which Rufinus says were by * 3.82 him translated into Latine. Basilius had two brothers, Petrus and Gregorius. Petrus imitated Basilius's monastick course of life: but Gregorius [followed] his eloquent way of teaching. He also finished that Book concerning the Six days-work, (which Ba∣silius had taken pains about, and left imperfect) after his Brother's death. And recited a Funeral Oration in [praise of] Meletius Bishop of An∣tioch, at Constantinople. There are also several other Orations of his extant.

CHAP. XXVII. Concerning Gregorius Thaumaturgus.

BUt, in regard some are apt to mistake, be∣cause of the likeness of the name, and by reason of the Books which in their title are a∣scribed to Gregorius, you are to know, that there was another Gregorius of Pontus; who had his original extract at Neocaesarea in Pontus, and was ancienter than these [Gregorius's.] For he was * 3.83 Origen's Scholar. This Gregorius's fame is very great at Athens, at Berytus, over the whole a 3.84 Pontick Dioecesis, and (I had almost said) over the whole world. For having left the Schools at Athens, he went to Berytus, and studied the Civill Law. Where being informed that Origen did interpret the sacred Scriptures at Caesarea, he went in great hast to that City. And having been an hearer of the Magnifick exposi∣tion of the sacred Scriptures, he bad far-well to [his study of] the Roman Laws, and in future became wholly addicted [to Origen.] By whom he was instructed in the true Philosophy, and af∣ter that, his Parents recalling him, he returned into his own country. Where first of all, whilst he was a Laïck, He did many miracles; some∣times healing the diseased; at others driving a∣way devills by * 3.85 Letters; [in fine,] he brought over the professours of Gentilism [to the faith,] not only by his words, but much more by the works he did. He is mentioned also by Pamphilus the Martyr, in the Books he wrote b 3.86 concer∣ning Origen. Whereto is annexed c 3.87 Grego∣rius's Oration, wherein he returned thanks to O∣rigen at his departure from him. There were therefore, that I may speak briefly, [many] Gregorius's. The first is this ancient, Origens Scholar; the second, Nazianzenus; the third, Basilius's Brother. There was also another Gre∣gorius at Alexandria, whom the Arians consti∣tuted Bishop [of that City] during the time of Athanasius's exile. Thus much concerning these persons.

CHAP. XXVIII. Concerning Novatus, and those from him termed Novatians. And, that those Novatians who inhabited Phrygia, altered [the time of cele∣brating] the Festival of Easter, and kept it on the same day the Jews did.

ABout this very time, the Novatians, who in∣habited Phrygia, altered the day of cele∣brating the Feast of Easter. How this was done, I will declare; having first of all told you, upon what account the accurate and exact Canon of their Church does at this present flourish in the Provinces of Phrygia and Pa∣phlagonia. a 3.88 Novatus, a Pres∣byter of the Roman Church, made a separation therefrom, in regard Cornelius the Bi∣shop admitted those Belie∣vers to communion, who had sacrificed in that Persecution, which the Emperour Decius raised against the Churches. Becoming a Separatist therefore upon this account, and being elected to the Bishoprick [of Rome] by such Prelates as embraced the same sentiments with him, he wrote to the Chur∣ches every where, that they should not admit such persons as had sacrificed, to the [sacred] My∣steries: but should exhort them to repentance, and leave the pardoning of their offences to God, who is able, and has power to remit sins. The Inhabitants of every Province having received such Letters as these, gave their judgments of the things therein signified, according to their own * 3.89 dispositions and humours. For whereas No∣vatus had given notice, that those were not to be vouchsafed the participation of the † 3.90 Mysteries, who after Baptism had fallen into [any] deadly sin; the promulgation of this Canon seemed se∣vere and cruel to some: but others admitted of this Rule, as just and equitable, and [of great use] for the establishing a pious and more re∣gular course of life. b 3.91 In the interim that this great controversie was in debate, arrive the Letters of Cornelius Bishop [of Rome,] promising in∣dulgence to those who had sinned after Baptism. Upon these two persons writing thus contrary to one another, and each of them confirming what he asserted by testimony of the sacred Scriptures; c 3.92 every inhabitant of the Provinces betook him∣self to that party, whereto he had before enter∣tained a greater propensity and inclination. For, such persons as delighted in sin, laid hold of the Indulgence then granted, and in future abused it to all manner of impiety. [Moreover,] the people of Phrygia seem to be more sober, and persons of better Moralls, than other Nations. For 'tis very rare that the Phrygians do swear. Indeed, the Scythians and Thracians are very rea∣dy to be overcome with anger and passion; and those who inhabit that Region [which lyes] towards the rising Sun, are more addicted to the serving of their lusts. But the Paphlagonians and Phrygians are not prone to either of these vices. For, neither Cirque-Sports, nor Theatri∣cal-Shews, are at this present * 3.93 esteemed amongst them. On which account, as well these persons, as others who embrace the same Sentiments with them, in my judgment seem to have given their assent to what was then written from Novatus. For, amongst them whoring is reputed a most enormous wickedness. 'Tis apparently known, that the Phrygians and Paphlagonians do live more modestly and temperately, than any other Sect of men what ever. I am of opinion, that it was the very same reason likewise [which prevailed] with those that inhabit the Western parts; who also have followed Novatus's opinion. But, No∣vatus (although he was a Separatist upon ac∣count of an accurate and more strict course of life, yet) made no alteration in [the celebra∣tion of] the Feast of Easter. For he always celebrated that Festival, after the same manner that those in the Western parts did. Now, the Inhabitants of those parts do always keep that Feast after the Aequinox, agreeable to an usage very anciently delivered to them, even from the time that they first embraced Christianity. [Fur∣ther,] this * 3.94 person suffered d 3.95 Martyrdom af∣terwards, [to wit] in the Reign of the Em-Emperour Valerian, who raised a Persecution a∣gainst the Christians. But those in Phrygia who from his name are called Novatians, e 3.96 having an aversion even for that communion they were permitted [to hold with the rest of the Catho∣licks in the celebrating] of this [Festival.] about this time changed the Feast of Easter also.

For, some few (and those in no wise eminent) Bishops of the Novatians in Phrygia, having convened a Synod in the Village Pazum, (at which place are the * 3.97 heads of the River San∣garius,) promulged a Canon, that it should be observed [yearly on what day] the Jews cele∣brated their Feast of unleavened bread, and that together with them the Feast of Easter should be kept. These things were told me by a cer∣tain f 3.98 old man, who said that he was the son of a Presbyter, and was together with his Fa∣ther present at the foresaid Synod. At which Synod, neither Agelius Bishop of the Novatians at Constantinople, was present, nor yet Maximus of Nicaea; neither were the Bishops of Nico∣media, or Cotuaeum at it: although these persons were the chief Regulatours of the Novatian Religion. These things were after this manner transacted at that time. But, not long after, the Church of the Novatians was divided into two parties upon account of this Synod, as we will declare in due place. We must now pass from hence, to [a relation of] what hapned at this very time in the Western parts.

CHAP. XXIX. Concerning Damasus Bishop of Rome, and Ursinus. How, a Disturbance and Sedition hapning in Rome upon their account, there followed a great slaughter of men.

WHilst the Emperour Valentinianus lived in peace and tranquillity, and was vexa∣tious towards no Sect; Damasus succeeded Li∣berius in the Government of the Bishoprick of Rome. a 3.99 Under whom the Church of Rome hap∣ned to be disturbed, upon this account. One Ursinus, a Deacon of the same Church had been a competitor, when the Election of a Bishop was made. But, in regard Damasus was pre∣ferred [before him,] Ursinus, unable to bear the being frustrated of his expectation, made it his business to b 3.100 hold assemblies that were Schis∣matical and separate from the Church; and per∣swades certain mean Bishops to ordain him [clandestinely] in a secret place. And he is ordained, not in a Church, but in an obscure place, in that called c 3.101 Sicinius's Pallace. Upon the doing hereof, a dissention was raised amongst the populace. They disagreed amongst themselves, not upon account of the Faith, or [any] He∣resie, but about this only, [to wit] who ought to be put in possession of the Episcopal Chair. Hereupon there hapned [frequent] conflicts of the multitudes; in so much that many were kil∣led, on account of that variance. For which rea∣son, many persons as well Laïcks, as Ecclesiasticks, were punished by d 3.102 Maximinus the then Praefect [of the City;] and so both Ursinus at that time ceased from [prosecuting] his attempt, and also those who had a mind to be his followers, were quieted.

CHAP. XXX. How (after the death of Auxentius Bishop of Millain,) a Sedition hapning on account of the Election of a Prelate to succeed in that Sea; Ambrosius, President of the Province, going with a Military Force to appease the tumult, was by a general suffrage (the Emperour Va∣len••inianus having given his consent also) pre∣ferred before all persons, and Elected▪ Bishop of that Church.

ABout the same time, there hapned another thing worthy to be recorded, which came to pass at Millain. For, a 3.103 Auxentius Bishop of that Church being dead, who had been or∣dained by the Arians, the Inhabitants of Millain were again disturbed about the Election of a Bi∣shop: and there was a great contention amongst them, some making it their busi∣ness to elect one person, o∣thers another. When a Se∣dition was raised about this matter, the Governour of that Province (a person vested with a Consular dignity, whose name was Ambro∣sius,) fearing least some ab∣surdity might happen in the City, [caused] by that tu∣mult, ran into the Church, in order to his appeasing of the uproar. After that the people upon his coming thi∣ther were quieted, and that he had represt the irrational fury of the multitude by a long and very usefull exhortatory Oration; there hapned on a suddain an unanimous agreement amongst all persons; who cried out, that Am∣brosius deserved the Bishoprick, and all made it their request, that he might be ordained. For, by that means only ['twas said] the people would be united, and embrace a concordant opi∣nion concerning the Faith. In regard therefore, this unanimous consent of the people seemed to the Bishops that were present, to proceed from some divine [order and appointment,] with∣out delay they laid hold of Ambrosius: and ha∣ving baptized him, (for he was then but a Ca∣techumen,) they forthwith went about the pro∣moting of him to the dignity of that Bishoprick. But, because Ambrosius (though he received Baptism with much willingness, yet) refused the Episcopal dignity with all imaginable earnest∣ness; [the Bishops] acquaint the Emperour Valentinianus with what hapned. The Empe∣rour, admiring the unanimous consent of the

people, and acknowledging what had come to pass, to be the work of God, declared to the Bishops, that they ought to obey God, who had commanded he should be ordained: for that he was elected by the suffrage of God, rather than of men. Ambrosius being after this manner con∣stituted [Bishop,] the Inhabitants of Mil∣laine, who had been at variance before, were by his means reduced at that time to unity and concord.

CHAP. XXXI. Concerning Valentinianus's death.

BUt after this, when the Sarmatae made incur∣sions into the Roman Territories, the Em∣perour undertook an expedition against them, at the head of a vast Army. The Barbarians, informed of these great preparations for a War, and being sensible of their own inability to make a resistance, sent an Embassy to the Em∣perour, and requested that they might obtain a Peace upon certain conditions. When the Em∣bassadours were introduced into the Emperours presence, and appeared to him to be * 3.104 vile and despicable fellows, he asked, whether all-the Sar∣matae were such sort of persons. The Embassa∣dours made answer, that the noblest personages of † 3.105 their whole Nation were come to him; where∣upon Valentinianus was highly incensed, and cry∣ing out with a very loud voice, said; that he was very unfortunate to have the Roman Empire de∣volve upon him, when such a Nation of Barba∣rians, so vile and contemptible, was not satisfied to continue in safety within its own limits; but would take up Arms, ‖ 3.106 depopulate the Roman Territories, and audaciously break out into a War. And he tore himself in such a manner by his crying out, that all his Veines were opened, and every one of his Arteries broken. [A vast quantity of] bloud gushing out after this manner, he died in the Castle called Bergition, after Gratianus's third Consulate [which he bore] with Equitius, a∣bout the seventeenth of the month November; when he had lived fifty four years, and reigned thirteen. Valentinianus therefore having ended his life, the Milice in Italy, on the sixth day af∣ter his death, proclaimed his Son (who had the same name with his Father,) Valentinianus (a very young child,) Emperour, in a 3.107 Acincum a City of Italy. The Emperours, informed hereof, were displeased, not because Valentinianus Junior (who was brother to the * 3.108 one Emperour, and the † 3.109 others Nephew) was made Emperour: but in regard he had been proclaimed without either of their being acquain∣ted with it, whom they them∣selves were about to pro∣claim. Notwithstanding, both of them gave their consent to his being made Emperour. After this manner was Valentinianus Junior seated on his own Fa∣thers Throne. Further, you must know, that this Valentinianus was begotten by Valentinianus Senior, of Justina, which woman * 3.110 he married whilest Severa his former wife was living, on this occasion. Justus, Father to Justina, (who heretofore, to wit, in Constantius's Reign, had been Governour of the Province Picenum;) had a Dream, wherein (to his own thinking) he saw himself delivered of the Imperial purple [which he brought forth] out of his right side, this Dream being divulged, at length came to Constantius's hearing also. He guessing at the meaning of the Dream, to wit, that an Empe∣rour should * 3.111 descend from Justus, sent one who dispatcht him. His daughter Justina, bereaved of her Father, for a considerable while continued a Virgin. Some time after, she became known to Severa, wife to the Emperour Valentinianus, and was continually conversant with the Empress. And after a firm familiarity was contracted between them, she bathed her self also together with her. When therefore Severa had seen Justina washing her self, she was † 3.112 wonderfully taken with the Virgins beauteous composure of body, and dis∣coursed concerning her in the Emperours pre∣sence; [saying] that that Virgin, Justus's daughter, was endowed with so admirable a compleatness of body, that she her self, although a woman, was notwithstanding inamoured with her delicate shape. The Emperour treasured up his Wives discourse in his mind, and consulted about his marriage of Justina; yet so as not to divorce Severa, of whom he had begotten Gra∣tianus, and had created him Augustus but a little before. He therefore dictated a b 3.113 Law, and made it publick throughout every City, that any one that would, might have two Lawfull wives. This Law was promulged. And he married Justina, by whom he had Valentinianus Junior, and three daughters, Justa, Grata, and Galla. The two former of which persisted in their re∣solution of continuing Virgins: but Galla was afterwards married to the Emperour * 3.114 Theodosius the Great, of whom he begat a daughter, by name Placidia. For he had Arcadius and Honorius by c 3.115 Flaccilla his former wife. But we shall speak in particular concerning Theodosius, and his sons, in due place.

CHAP. XXXII. Concerning the Philosopher Themistius. And, that Valens, appeased by the Oration he spake to him, did in some measure mitigate his Persecution a∣gainst the Christians.

VAlens, making his Residence at Antioch, continued in the interim undisturbed by forreign Wars. For the Barbarians did on every side contain themselves within their own Terri∣tories. But he * 3.116 Persecuted those who embra∣ced the Homoöusian opinion, in a most grievous manner, and every day invented greater and more acute punishments [to be inflicted] on them. Till such time as the Philosopher Themistius re∣duced his great cruelty to something of a mode∣ration,

by that a 3.117 Speech he spake to him; where∣in the Philosopher advertizes the Emperour, that he ought not to admire at the disagreement of Opinions amongst the Christians. For, that the discrepancy of sentiments amongst them was small, if compared with the multitude and confusion of Opinions amongst the Grecians. For they en∣tertained above three hundred Opinions. [Fur∣ther,] that as touching Opinion there would of necessity arise a wonderfull dissent [from the va∣riety thereof.] And yet, that God is delighted with this difference of Opinion [concerning himself,] to the end that all persons may more highly revere his Majesty, even upon this very account, because 'tis not obvious and easie to have a knowledge of him. The Philosopher having spoken these and such like words as these to the Emperour, he be∣came more mild in future. Notwithstanding, his rage was not hereby perfectly and entirely ap∣peased; but, instead of death, he imposed Exile as a punishment, upon Ecclesiastick persons; till at length, this fury of his also was represt by this accident.

CHAP. XXXIII. How the Goths, under the Reign of Valens, em∣braced Christianity.

THose Barbarians who dwell beyond the Da∣nube, having kindled a Civil War amongst themselves, were divided into two parties: the one of which was headed by Fritigernes, the other by Athanarichus. When 'twas apparent that Athanarichus's party was the stronger, Fri∣tigernes flies to the Romans, and implored their assistance against his Adversary. This is made known to the Emperour Valens: and he orders those Souldiers, who were engarrisoned all over Thracia for the defence of that Country, to assist the Barbarians being at War against the Barba∣rians. And they obtain a Victory over Atha∣narichus beyond the Danube, having * 3.118 routed his Forces. This was the reason, that many of the Barbarians became Christians. For, Friti∣gernes, that he might express his thankfulness to the Emperour for the kindness he had done him, embraced the Emperours Religion, and perswaded those under his command to the same. Where∣fore, many of the Goths are even till this present addicted to Arianisme, having at that time be∣come Adherents to that Heresie upon the Empe∣rours account. At the same time also, Ulfila Bishop of the Goths, invented Gothick Letters, and having translated the sacred Scriptures into the Gothick Language, undertook the instruction of the Barbarians in the divine Oracles. But, in regard Ulfila instructed not only those Barbarians under Fritigernes, but them also who pay'd obedience to Athanarichus, in the Christian Religion; Athanarichus, * 3.119 as if violence were offered to the Religion of his Ancestours, inflicted punish∣ments on many of those who profest Christi∣anity: in so much that at that time [several] Arianizing Barbarians were Martyrs. Indeed, Arius, unable to refute the Opinion of Sabellius the Lybian, fell from the true Faith, and asserted a 3.120 the Son of God to be a new God. But the Barbarians, embracing Christianity with a sim∣plicity of mind, despised this present life in re∣spect of the faith of Christ. Thus far concer∣ning those [Goths] who came over to the Christian Religion.

CHAP. XXXIV. That the Goths vanquished by other Barbarians, fled into the Territories of the Romans, and were received by the Emperour. Which [re∣ception of theirs] was the occasion, both of the destruction of the Roman Empire, and also of the Emperours own overthrow.

BUt, not long after, the Barbarians having en∣tred into a league of friendship with one ano∣ther, were again vanquished by other Barbarians, their neighbours, called the Hunni; and being dri∣ven out of their own Country, they flie into the Roman Territories, promising they would serve the Roman Emperour, and do what ever he should command them. This came to Valens's know∣ledge; who foreseeing nothing, gave order that the Suppliants should have a kind and mercifull reception, shewing himself in this one instance only, mild and compassionate. He assigns there∣fore to them [for their habitation] the parts of Thracia; judging himself to be in a most espe∣cial manner fortunate upon this account. For, it was his sentiment, that he should in future be in possession of a ready and well furnished Army against his Enemies: and he hoped, that the Bar∣barians would be a more terrible Gaurd [to the limits of his Empire] than the Romans. Upon this account, he in future neglected the increa∣sing and filling up of the Roman Milice. He de∣spised those old Souldiers, who in former Wars had fought against his Enemies with much cou∣rage and gallantry: and he a 3.121 put a money-value upon that Militia, which the Inhabitants of Pro∣vinces

were wont Village by Village to contri∣bute and furnish out, ordering his Tribute Col∣lectours to demand eighty * 3.122 Crowns instead of each Souldier, although he had not before in the least lightened or abated their Impositions. This was the original cause of the Roman Empire's being very unfortunate for some small time.

CHAP. XXXV. That the Emperour, by reason of his care and sol∣licitude about a War with the Goths, remitted something of his Persecution against the Chri∣stians.

FOr, the Barbarians having been put into pos∣session of Thracia, and quietly enjoying that Roman Province, could not [with moderation] bear their fortunate success: but enter upon a War against those who had been their Bene∣factours, and subverted all places throughout Thracia and the adjoyning Countries. These things falling out after this manner, came to Valens's hearing, and made him desist from ba∣nishing those that embraced the Homoöusian Opi∣nion. For, being troubled at this news, he left Antioch forthwith, and came to Constantinople. Upon the same account also, the War [he had waged] against the Christians in that City, was finished. Moreover, at the same time Eu∣zoïus, Bishop of the Arian faction at An∣tioch, departed this life, in the fifth Consulate of Valens, and in Valentinianus Juniors's first. And Dorotheus is constituted [Bishop] in his place.

CHAP. XXXVI. That the Saracens also at that time embraced the Faith of Christ, (a woman, by name Mavia, be∣ing their Queen,) and took one Moses, a pious and faithfull person that led a Monastick life, to be their Bishop.

AFter the Emperours departure from An∣tioch, the Saracens, who before had been their Allies, revolted from the Romans at that time; they were led by one Mavia a woman, [the King] her Husband being then dead. All places therefore a 3.123 towards the East, were at that time destroyed by the Saracens. But an Act of Divine providence repress't their fury by this means. A person whose name was Moses, by extract a Saracen, leading a Monastick life in the Solitudes, became exceedingly eminent for his piety, Faith, and Miracles. Mavia, Queen of the Saracens, requested she might have this per∣son to be Bishop over her Nation, [promising] upon this condition to put an end to the War. The Roman Commanders hearing this, supposed it would be gratefull, if a Peace were made upon these terms: and forthwith gave order for the performance hereof with all possible celerity. Moses therefore was seized, and brought from the Solitudes to Alexandria, b 3.124 in order to his being initiated into the Sacerdotal Function. But in regard he was brought before Lucius, who at that time was in possession of the Churches there, he refused Ordination, and exprest himself after this manner to Lucius. Indeed, I account my self unworthy of the Sacerdotal Function; But if this thing be advantagious to the affairs of the pub∣lick, Lucius shall not * 3.125 Ordain me, for his right hand has been filled with bloud. When Lucius told him, that he ought not to give reproachfull language, but should rather learn the points of Religion from him; Moses replied; an account of the points [of Religion] is not now required. For the villanous actions you have committed a∣gainst the Brethren, do sufficiently demonstrate, how Christian-like sentiments you have: For a Christian strikes not, reviles not, does not fight: for a Servant of the Lord ought not to fight. But your facts do loudly cry out, by those who have been exiled, who have been cast to the wild beasts, and who have been committed to the flames. [Moreover,] things seen by the eyes contain a greater and more con∣vincing demonstration, than what is received by hearing. When Moses had said these and such like words as these, his friends carried him to the mountain, that he might receive Ordination from those [Bishops] who lived in Exile there. Moses therefore having been after this manner consecrated at that time, the Saracen War had an end put to it; and for the future Mavia con∣tinued so strict an * 3.126 Alliance with the Romans, that she betrothed her daughter to Victor the Ro∣man Lieutenant General. Thus much concerning the Saracens.

CHAP. XXXVII. That after Valens's departure from Antioch the Or∣thodox in the East (more especially those at Alexandria) took courage; and having ejected Lucius, restored the Churches again to Peter, [who was returned] fortified with the Letters of Damasus Bishop of Rome.

AT the same time that the Emperour Valens left Antioch, those persons in all places who had been persecuted, were mightily encou∣raged, especially the Alexandrians; a 3.127 Peter at that time returning from Rome with the Letters of Damasus the Roman Bishop, whereby the Ho∣moöusian Faith and Peters Ordination were con∣firmed. The populace therefore resuming cou∣rage, turn out Lucius, and substitute Peter in his place. Lucius went immediately on board a ship, and sailed to Constantinople. But Peter, having lived but a little while after this, dyed, and left Timotheus his brother to succeed him in his See.

CHAP. XXXVIII. That the Emperour arriving at the City Constan∣tinople, and being reproach't by the people upon account of the Goths, marches out of the City against the Barbarians. And coming to an in∣gagement with them near Adrianople, a City of Macedonia, is slain by them; after he had lived fifty years, and Reigned sixteen.

[MOreover,] the Emperour Valens coming into Constantinople about the thirtieth of May, in his own sixth and in Valentinianus Junior's second Consulate, finds the people in a ve∣ry sad and dejected condition. For the Barbarians, who had already overrun and ruined Thracia, did now plunder and destroy the very Suburbs of Constantinople; there being then no Forces ready that were fit to make a resistance against them. But when the Barbarians attempted to make nearer approaches, even to the very City walls, the Citizens were grievously troubled thereat; and murmured against the Emperour, as if he himself had brought the Enemy thither, and because he did not forthwith march out a∣gainst them, but deferred the War against the Barbarians. Moreover, when the Cirque Sports were exhibited, all with one consent exclaimed against the Emperour, because he was negligent of the publick affairs. They cried out therefore with a great deal of earnestness, Give us Arms, and we our selves will fight. The Emperour was highly incensed at the hearing of these Exclama∣tions against himself: and about the eleventh of June a 3.128 marches out of the City, threatning that if he returned, he would punish the Constanti∣nopolitans, both for the reproaches they then cast upon him, and also because they had here∣tofore been Abettours of Procopius's Tyranny. Having therefore said, that he would totally de∣molish the City, and * 3.129 Plough it up, he march't out against the Barbarians. Whom he drove a great way from the City; and pursued them as far as Adrianople a City of Thracia, situate in the Frontiers of Macedonia. Ingaging the Bar∣barians at that place, he ended his life on the ninth of August, in the now mentioned Con∣sulate. This was the fourth year of the b 3.130 two hundreth eighty ninth Olympiad. 'Tis reported by some, that he was destroyed by fire, after he had taken refuge in a certain Village, which the Barbarians assaulted and burnt. But others affirm, that having changed his Imperial habit, he ran into the midst of the main body of Foot: and when the Horse attempted a defection, and refused fighting; the Roman Foot were surroun∣ded [by the Barbarians,] and wholly cut off in the ingagement: amongst whom ('tis said) the Emperour lay, but was not known, his Im∣perial habit (whereby it might have been mani∣fested which was he,) being not upon him. He died after the fiftieth year of his age, having Governed the Empire thirteen years with his Brother, and Reigned three years after him. This Book containes [an account of affairs during] the space of sixteen years.

Notes

• a 1.1

  I doubt not, but instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in his Con∣sulate] Socrates wrote [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the same Con∣sulate;] that is, in the Con∣sulate of Jovianus Augustus and Varronianus that noble young Prince, his Son. Vales.
• * 1.2

  That is, in Marshalling of an Army.
• † 1.3

  Or, to his present for∣tune.
• * 1.4

  That is, Valentini∣anus, and Valens.
• b 1.5

  I am of the same mind with Christo∣phorson, who in∣stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, had declared for the Acacians] read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 had dissented from the Aca∣cians.] Which reading I have followed in my Version. The reading may be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 separated from] which is perhaps truest. Nicephorus has altered this passage of Socrates thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, asserting the same things with the Acacians,] which is worst of all. Vales.
• * 1.6

  Or, drew him thither.
• † 1.7

  Or, Faith.
• * 1.8

  This Creed oc∣curs in So∣crates's Eccles. Hi∣stor. Book. 2. chap. 10.
• a 1.9

  Musculus and Chri∣stophorson have ren∣dred these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Paulo antea, a lit∣tle before; as if it had been [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] I am of the opinion; that this place is faulty, and by a small change is thus to be restored: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which before had a very mean repute, but was then ••••ndred more con∣spicuous and better known in the Synod at Lampsacus. He speaks con∣cerning Macedonius's Heresie, which hitherto (says he) had been obscure and unknown: but then, in the Synod of Lampsacus, it be∣came most apparently known. I doubt not but Socrates wrote agree∣able to my emendation. Concerning this Synod of Lampsacus, see Baronius, at the year of Christ, 365. Vales.
• * 1.10

  Or, Da∣galaïphus.
• a 1.11

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiphanius renders it; bella para∣bantur, the War was prepared. Christo∣phorson, following the sense, rather than the words, translates it, Bellum gets c••ptum est, the War was begun to be waged. But, in order to the expressing the significa∣tiveness and propriety of the Greek phrase, it must be rendred, Bel∣la incubuerunt, or, belli vis grassata est; the War was with all dili∣gence taken in hand, or, the force of the War raged. Vales.
• b 1.12

  Ammi∣anus Mar∣cellinus re∣lates no such thing concerning Agilo and Gomoarius Procopius's Captaines. He does indeed affirm, that they revolted to Valens's side, but says not, that they were cut in sunder with Saws. Marcel∣linus gives us this narrative only, (See Amm. Marcellinus, book 26. pag. 328, 329, Edit. Paris. 1636.) that the Tribunes Florentius and Barchalba, after the sight at Nacolia, delivered Procopius bound to Valens. And, that Procopius was immediately beheaded; and Flo∣rentius and Barchalba soon after underwent the same punishment. Therefore, what Socrates relates here concerning Agilo and Gomoä∣rius, and concerning Procopius's being torn in sunder, is false. Phi∣lostorgius also, in his ninth book, relates that Procopius was be∣headed, and that Florentius, who delivered him to Valens, was burnt. Vales.
• c 1.13

  This place is corrupted, as 'tis evident. In my judgment, 'tis thus to be restored: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and we have rendred it accordingly. Vales.
• * 1.14

  Or, No∣tary.
• * 1.15

  See So∣crates, book 2. chap. 35.
• a 1.16

  In the Florentine M. S. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into Blasphemies:] which is con∣firmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version. Vales.
• b 1.17

  The common reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, apprehend the scope, or designe;] in the Florent. M. S. it is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, compre∣hend the designe.] Vales.
• c 1.18

  Socrates has done ill, to place Eunomius's promotion to the Epis∣copate of Cyzicum, in the Reign of Valens Augustus. For Eune∣mius was made Bi∣shop of Cyzicum under the Emperour Constantius, in that Synod of Constantinople, which was held immediately after the Synod of Seleucia, as Philostorgius does in express words affirm, book 5. chap. 3 and Theodoret, book. 2. chap. 27 & 29. Eccles. Histor. which two Authours have recorded Eunomius's affairs with a far greater accuracy, than Socrates has related them. 'Tis certain, that in Valens's Reign, Eunomius was banished by Valens; because he was reported to be a favourer of the Tyrant Procopius, as Philostorgius affirms. So un∣likely is it, that he should have had the Bishoprick of Cyzicum then bestowed upon him. Sozomen has followed Socrates's mistake, in book 6. chap. 8. Eccles. Histor. Vales.
• d 1.19

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] it should undoubtedly be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when he was come thither.] I wonder this was not perceived by Chrystophorson. For Epiphanius might have shown him the true reading, who renders it thus, cum illuc venisset, when he was arrived there. Vales.
• e 1.20

  In Civil and Military offices, some persons were actually em∣ployed in bearing of them; others were Vacantes, [that is, persons that had the title of such an Office, but were not actually concerned in the management of it; we may term them titular Officers:] who in the Code are said to be proecincti honore otiosi cinguli. So some Tribunos are termed Vacantes in Amm. Marcellinus, as I have remark't in my notes on that Historian. After the same manner those Bishops are termed Vacantes by our Socrates, who had the bare name of a Bishop, without a Church, without a Clergy and people, over whom they might preside. Of the same nature almost are those, who now a days are stiled Bi∣shops in Infidel Countries, such a one therefore was Eunomius, when, being driven from Cyzicum, he resided with Eudoxius at Constantinople. Which hapned in Constantius's Empire, not in Valens's Reign, as So∣crates here relates. Further, after Eunomius's expulsion, Eleusius ('tis probable) recovered his See again. Vales.
• a 1.21

  Amm. Marcellinus relates, that Valens laid siege to Chalce∣don, during his War with Pro∣copius. At which siege the Inha∣bitants of that City reviled him from the Walls, and contem∣ptuously stiled him Sabaiarius, Small-bear-drinker. Sabaia (as Marcellinus describes it) was a small sort of Liquour made of Barly, very usually drank in Pannonia. In which Country Valens was born, (see Socrates book 4. chap. 1.) and therefore was, by way of reproach, called Sabaiarius, or Sabia∣rius. That this was the Pannonians usual drink, Dio attests Lib. 49. where he says, that the Pannonians fed upon a very mean diet; that they had very little Wine, of Oyle; and that Barly and Millet was their food and drinke. See Amm. Marcellinus, book 26. pag. 325. Edit. Park. 1636; and Valesius's notes thereon, pag. 324.
• b 1.22

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] it should in my mind be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] as I have exprest it in my Version. But the Chalcedonians, because of that Revolt of theirs, were not only punished with the demolishment of their walls; but had this infamous brand also set upon them, viz. that no Chalcedonian should ever be preferred to any Office. Isidorus Pelusiota (book 1. Epist▪ 485;) does attest this, in these words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Law prohibits the Carthaginians from bearing any Office. On my peril make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chalcedonians. For the Carthaginians have no con∣cern with this place, in regard they were not subjects of the Eastern Empire, concerning which Isidorus here speaks. Vales.
• c 1.23

  Sozomen mentions these Baths, termed Constantianae, in his Eccles. Histor. book 8. chap. 21. They were in the Tenth Ward of the City Constantinople, as we are informed from the old description of that City. Also, Ammianus Marcellinus (book 3.) relates, that Valens built a Bath at Constantinople, of the stones of the walls of Chalcedon. But Cedrenus and Zonaras do affirm, that an Aquaeduct or Conduit, not a Bath, was built of those Stones. Which relations do not contradict one ano∣ther. For an Aquaeduct is necessary for a Bath. It was doubtless a very famous work; whereof mention is made by Themistius, (in Oratione decennali ad Valentem,) and by Gregorius Nazianzenus in his 25^th Oration; who very elegantly terms this Aquaeduct of Valens's, a Sub∣terraneous and Aërial River. So also Themistius, in his Oration en∣titled Ama••orium, or de Regi•• pulchritudine ad Gratianum; the passage wherein I will so much the more willingly annex here, because the Ora∣tion is not yet Printed: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Moreover, in Socrates here, I had rather read Carosi∣anae, than Constantianae. For the Baths called Constantianae were built by the Emperour Constantius, as their name does declare. But the Carosian•• Baths were finished by Valens, and dedicated after Gra∣tianus's third and Aequitius's Consulate, Vindalonius Magnus be∣ing then Pr••sect of Constantinople, as 'tis recorded in Idatius's Fasti, and by the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle. They were named Carosianae from Carosia Valens's daughter, as Sozomen attests, book 6. And they were in the Seventh Ward of the City, as the description of Constantinople declares. Vales.
• d 1.24

  This is the Clear∣chus, who was after∣wards Con∣sul with Richome∣res, in the Empire of Theodosius. Concerning whom Eunapius makes mention, in the Life of Maximus the Philosopher: and says that he had first been Vicarius of Asia in the Procopian War; and was after∣wards made Proconsul of all Asia by Valens, for the eminent service he had done in the War with Procopius. Libanius has very many Epistles written to this Clearchus in his fourth and fifth book; wherein he com∣mends him highly, and intimates that he had a Royal command over Asia. He was Prefect of Constantinople in the Consulate of Modestus and Arinthaeus, as we are informed from the Theodosian Code. Vales.
• e 1.25

  Cedrenus and Z••narus call it a Nymphaeum. But the Nymphaea are not the same with Baths, as 'tis apparent from the description of Constan∣tinople. For the Nymphaea are the Nymph•• Temples, w••tered with plea∣sant Fountains; as I have long since remarkt in my notes on Am. Mar∣cellinus, pag. 46. Vales.
• a 1.26

  'Tis false, what So∣crates here says, that the Anasta∣sian Baths at Constan∣tinople had their name from Ana∣stasia Va∣lens's daughter, and were erected by Valens. They were built by Constantine The Great, and from his Sisters name were called the Anastasian Baths. Amm. Marcellinus tells us thus much, (book 26. pag. 320, Edit. Paris 1636.) Where he describes Procopius's Tyrannick design: his words are these; Idem Procopius diductus in cogitationes varias, Ana∣siasianas Balneas Petit, a Sorore Constantini Cognominatas, the same Procopius, divided into various thoughts, went to the Anastasian Baths, which had their name from Constantines Sister. At which place in Amm. Marcellinus I have long since remark't in my notes thereon, that Anastasia, Constantines Sister, was married to Bassianus Caesar. After my publishing of those my notes on Amm. Marcellinus, there was a noble and Learned person in England, who found fault with this Annota∣tion of mine, and has stifly denyed, that Bassianus was ever created Caesur. Upon what account therefore I was induced to affirm this, I will in short here declare. When the Emperour Constantine (after his conquest of Maxentius) had given his Sister Constantia in marriage to Licinius; quickly after that he returned into the Gallia's, and sent his Brother Constantius to Licinius, entreating him that Bassianus might be created Caesar; to which Bassianus, Anastasia, Constantines other Sister, was married. Sed Licinio talia frustrante, &c. that is, But when Licinius disappointed him as to those things, Bassianus (by the instigation of Senecio his Brother, who was his bosom-friend) takes up Arms against Constantine. Who being apprehended in the very attempt, was by Constantines order convicted and put to death. When Sinicius the Authour of this treachery, was demanded in order to his being punished; Licinius denying that, the agreement betwixt them was bro∣ken. This passage occurs in the excerptione de Vita Constantini, which I heretofore published at the end of Amm. Marcellinus. From which words I draw these conclusions: (1) That Constantine treated with Licinius, in order to Bassianus's being created Caesar. (2) That Bas∣sianus being sollicited by Licinius, did not only conspire against Con∣stantine, but made War also against him. Bassianus therefore must of necessity [be allowed] to have played the Tyrant, and there∣fore, to have by force assumed the Title of Caesar, which Constantine had thoughts of giving him, had Licinius consented. Being moved by these reasons, I have termed Bassianus, Caesar, whom notwithstanding I do acknowledge to have been a Tyrant, and do grant that he never was duely and Lawfully made Caesar. Moreover, in regard the Ana∣stasian Baths were at Constantinople before Procopius's insurrection, (as we have shown from Amm. Marcellinus, it may be evidently concluded from thence, that they were not built by Valens, in re∣gard at that time he was but newly made Emperour. Further, the reading here in Socrates should be thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the publick Baths.] Vales.
• a 1.27

  Socrates is grievously mistaken here. For Valentini∣anus the Younger, who was born in the Consulate of Gratianus and Dagalaïphus, was not Valen∣tinianus's, but Valens Augustus's Son. Idatius does expresly affirm this in his Fasti, in these words: Gratiano Nob. & Dagalaïso Consulibus, &c. In the Consulate of the most noble Gratianus, and Dagalaïsus, Valenti∣nianus the Younger, Son to Valens Augustus, was born, on the fifteenth of the Calends of February. I know indeed, that in Jacobus Sirmon∣dus's Edition of these Fasti, the common reading is, Filius Augusti Valentiniani, the Son of Valentinianus Augustus. But, in that most antient Manuscript belonging to the Colledge of Clermont, from which Sirmondus published these Fasti, I found it in express words written thus, Filius Augusti Valentis, the Son of Valens Augustus. Besides the testimony of these Fasti, it may be made evident by many other argu∣ments, that this Valentinianus the Younger, (who was born in the Consulate of Gratianus and Dagalaïphus, in the year of Our Lord, 366,) was the Son of Valens Augustus. For, this is the very same Valentinianus, as 'tis on all hands agreed, who was afterwards Con∣sul with Victor, in the year of Christ 369; and to whom Themi∣stius spake his Consular-Oration, which is at this day extant under this title: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Now, in this Oration, Themistius frequently calls Valens the Father of this Valentinian, and stiles Gratianus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, his Cousin German by the Fa∣thers side. See pag. 253. in that Oration. Besides. Themistius does affirm (pag. 254,) that the slaughter and overthrow of the Tyrant Procopius was foresignified by God, by the birth of this Valentinian. 'Tis certain, Valentinianus Junior was born when Gratianus and Dagalaïphus were Consuls, on the 15^th of the Calends of February; as 'tis recorded in Idatius's Fasti, and in the Alexandrian Chronicle. In which year the Tyrant Pracopius was vanquished by Valens, on the sixth of the Calends of June, as 'tis affirmed in the same Fasti. But, if Valentinianus Junior had been Son to Valentinianus Senior, his birth had signified nothing to Valens. Further, if this Valentinianus had in reality been Son to Valentinianus Senior, why did he make his resi∣dence in the East? How could he have been sent so long a journey from his Father, being as yet but an Infant? For he accompanied Valens in the Gothick Expedition, as Themistius attests not far from the beginning of this Oration. Lastly, 'tis evident from Themistius's Quinquennalian Oration [i. e. His Oration upon Valens's having ar∣rived at the fifth year of his Empire,] near the close thereof, that Valens had an only Son then when he celebrated his Quinquennalia, that is, in the year of our Lord 368. In regard therefore, the most noble Valentinianus was made Consul in the East on the year fol∣lowing, he can be no other person than Valens's Son. And Themistius, in the close of his Quinquennalian Oration (after he had spoken concerning Valens's only Son,) adds these words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whom I would make an Alexander, and Philosophy shall again boast of such an Issue. And in his Ex••ortatory Oration, which he spake the year after to Valentinianus Junior, he makes an address to the Child almost in the same words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 come [Royal] Babe, sit upon my knees! And a little after: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Plato and Aristotle shall together with my self instruct Thee, by whom the Great Alexander was ••u••ored. From whence 'tis apparent, that it is one and the same person concerning whom Themistius speaks in both places; and therefore that Valenti∣nianus Junior, whom Themistius speaks to in his Ex••ortatory Oration, was the same only Son of Valens. But, this Valentinianus Junior was, by another name, called Galates. For Socrates and Sozomen give him this name. Sozomen (book 6. chap. 16.) does expresly affirm, that Valens had one only Son by [Dominica] his Wife, whose name was Galates. Since therefore, 'tis manifest from what I have just now said, that the most noble Valentinianus was Valens's Son, Valentinianus and Galates must necessarily be one and the same person. I should think▪ that the Child might have the surname of Galates given him, because he was born in Galatia, at such time as Valens was at War with Procopius. Moreover, Socrates's mistake (in which errour he is followed by Sozomen, book 6. chap. 10.) did, in my judgment, proceed from hence; viz. because he confounded the two Junior Valentinians, (one whereof was Son to Valens, the other to Valen∣tinianus Senior,) and made but one person of two. For he thought, that the most noble Valentinianus (who was Consul with Victor) was the same person with that Valentinianus Junior, who, after the death of his Father Valentinianus Senior, Governed the Empire with Gra∣tianus. But we have long since refuted this errour, in our notes on book 30. of Amm. Marcellinus, pag. 413. Vales. Valesius, at the now quoted pag. of his notes on Amm. Marcellinus, does indeed evident∣ly prove that there were two Junior Valentinians; but (contrary to what he affirms here,) he asserts they were both Sons to Valentinianus Senior, whom he there stiles Magnus. See his note.
• * 1.28

  Or▪ Jo∣vinus's.
• † 1.29

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as big as would fill a mans hand.
• ‖ 1.30

  Emperour.
• * 1.31

  Nicome∣dia was de∣stroyed by an Earth∣quake, in the consu∣late of Da∣cianus and Cerealis, a∣bout the 28^th of August. See Socrates, book 2. chap. 39.
• a 1.32

  Basilius was made Bishop of C••sarea in Cappadocia, in the year of Christ 369, as Ba∣ronius has rightly observed. But Socrates seems to make Basilius's promotion to that Bishoprick somewhat ancienter. For, in his ac∣count at this place of those affairs that were transacted in Valentini∣anus's and Valens's second Consulate, which was the year of Christ 368, he does acknowledge that Basilius was then Bishop of Caesarea, and Gre∣gorius of Nazianzum. But, as to Gregorius, Socrates is manifestly mistaken. For he was not at that time made Bishop of Nazian∣zum by Basilius, but of Sasimi: which Bishoprick he notwithstanding never entred upon, as he himself attests in his Epistles. But in his Verses concerning his own Life, he evidently complaines of Basilius, who (when as he had sixty Bishopricks under him,) had preferred him to the Church of a pittifull little Town, although he himself was nothing inferiour to Basilius. Vales.
• a 1.33

  Baronius, at the year of Christ 365, re∣proves So∣crates, be∣cause he places this Embassy of the Mace∣doniani to Liberius Bishop of Rome (the chief of which was Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia,) on the year of Christ 368, in which year Valentinianus and Valens were the second time Consuls. Baro∣nius thinks 'twas sent in the year of Christ 365, and grounds his opini∣on on these two arguments especially. First, Eustathius with his compa∣nions, was sent Embassadour by the Synod of Lampsacus. Now, that Sy∣nod was convened in the year of Christ 365, seven years after the Seleu∣cian Synod, as Socrates attests. 'Tis certain, the Embassadours (in their Libel of Faith which they presented to Liberius,) do expresly profess that they were Legates from the Synod of Lampsacus, and that they brought the Letters of that Synod to Liberius. Secondly, if this Em∣bassy of the Macedoniani were sent on the year of Christ 368, it would not have been sent to Liberius, but to Damasus. For Liberius died on the year of Christ 367, in the Consulate of Lupicinus and Jovinus; and on the same year Damasus entred upon that See. But, the Ma∣cedonian Embassadours presented a Libel of their Faith to Liberius, and from the same Liberius received Letters to the Prelates of their own party, as Socrates relates in this chapter. This Embassy there∣fore was not sent in the year 368. These are Baronius's arguments. But I would rather place this Embassy on the year of Christ 367, and will determine hereof against Baronius, upon this account. Baronius confesses, that Elpidius Presbyter of Rome was sent, together with Eustathius and his companions, to the Illyricum Synod; the Synodick Letter whereof Theodoret has recorded, book 4. chap. 9. Eccles. Histor. But, the Illyricum Synod, at which Elpidius and Eustathius of Sebastia were present, was convened in the year of Christ 367, or 368; as ap∣pears from the inscription of that Letter which the Emperour Valen∣tinianus wrote to the Bishops of Asia, that he might confirm that Sy∣nod. For that Imperial Letter has this title: Valentinianus, Valens and Gratianus, Augusti, to the Bishops, &c. as you may read in Theo∣doret, book 4. chap. 8. Now Gratianus was proclaimed Augustus by his Father, in the Consulate of Lupicinus and Jovinus, on the ninth of the Calends of September, as (besides Socrates) Idatius in his Fasti, and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle, do declare. Therefore, if the Illyricum Synod hapned on the same year whereon the Macedo∣nians Embassy was sent; the Macedonians Embassy must necessarily be placed on the year of Christ 367, in which year Liberius died in the beginning of September. Eustathius therefore might go to Liberius in June, and receive Letters from him in August. Now, I am of opi∣nion, that the Illyricum Synod was held on the same year, in the month of September, which Synod Valentinianus the Emperour confirmed, after Gratianus was created Augustus. Vales.
• b 1.34

  Socrates should have said The Alamanni, rather than the Sarma••••. For at this time Valentinian was detained in the Gallia's, by reason of his War against the Alamanni. Towards the end of his Reign, he went into Illyricum, in order to his engaging in a War against the Sar∣matae. Vales.
• * 1.35

  Or, Re∣pentance.
• c 2.1

  The studious Reader may ob∣serve from this place, that Eusta∣thius, Silvanus, and Theophilus (after they had spoken concer∣ning many Synods, to wit, of that at Lampsacus, of that at Smyrna, and of others held in Lycia, Pam∣phylia, Pisidia, and Isauria,) do now say, that they came as Le∣gates from one Synod, and that they brought the Letters of one Synod. For these are their words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, From which Synod we being employed as Le∣gates, do bring a Letter. The reason why they exprest them∣selves thus, is, because the Smyr∣na Synod, and those other Synods which were held by the Macedo∣nians in Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphy∣lia, and Lycia, had been composed according to the pattern and like∣ness of the Synod at Lam••s••••us, and had exprest their Faith and Doctrine, as being the original Draught. Upon which account, all these Synods are by the Ma∣cedonian Legates taken for one Synod: and the Letters of each of those Synods, which Socrates has a little before told us were brought by those Legates, are ta∣ken for one and the same Letter, because they contained one and the same Doctrine of Faith▪ I made this remark, because in Christophorson's Version all things are here confused and altered: E∣piphanius Scholasticus has rendred this place much better. Vales.
• d 2.2

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] the reading should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] So E∣piphan. Scholast. reads; and accor∣dingly we have rendred it. Vales.
• * 2.3

  See So∣crates, book 2. chap. 19. note (g.)
• e 2.4

  In my judgment▪ it should be thus worded [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.] which we have expressed in our Rendition. For they Anathematize not only that Form of the Creed which had been recited in the Ariminum Coun∣cil, but the Acts also at Nice in Thracia, (See Socrates▪ book 2. chap. 37, neer the close of that chapter,) to which, being brought to Constanti∣nople, the Bishops, induced thereto by sraud, had subscribed, as if they had been the Acts of the Nicene Synod. Vales.
• f 3.1

  In the Florent. and S••or••ian M. SS. this persons name is constantly written thus, Autho. So he is also called in Epiphanius Scholasticus. In Christo∣ph••rson's Version 'tis Aÿtho, with three Syllables▪ Invermet with this name in all my reading. Perhaps it should be A••tho. Vales.
• g 3.2

  The words [of Italy] must be expunged; Epiphan. Scholasticus acknowledges them not: or else it must be thus worded: Liberius Bishop, and the Bishops of Italy, and those in the West, &c. For thus Liberius distinguishes the Bishops of Italy from the rest of the Western Prelates, in the beginning of this his Letter, in these words; both to our slenderness and also to all [the Bishops] in Italy and in the Western parts. Nor is it other∣wise exprest in the Libel of Faith which the Legates presented to Liberius. Vales.
• h 3.3

  It must undoubt∣edly be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] that it may be referred to the fore∣going word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Letters.] And thus Epiphanius Scholasticus, and Langus, Nicephorus's Transla∣tour, read it. It would doubt∣less have been foolish to term antient Bishops 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, persons illu∣minated with the light of Faith; as if they had been some Neo∣phytes, or late Converts to the Faith. Vales.
• i 3.4

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] it would be better thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the Ni∣cene Synod hitherto] So in the Libel of Faith presented to Li∣berius by the Legates: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Which having been e∣stablished in the holy Nicene Sy∣nod—hath hitherto always conti∣nued intire and unshaken. So Musculus and Christophorson read this place. Vales.
• k 3.5

  It should not be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] but [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] that is, your Le∣gates themselves. For Liberius means the Libel of Faith, which the Macedonian Legates had pre∣sented to him. In which Libel the Legates profess, that as well those persons by whom they had been sent did constantly retain that Creed which had heretofore been set forth at Nicaea; as also that they themselves did and al∣ways would observe and keep to the same Creed. Masculus and Christophorson supposed that by these words the Nicene Fathers were meant; than which nothing is more absurd. Langus led them into this mistake, who in his Ver∣sion of Nicephorus has rendred this passage in relation to the Nicene Fathers. Epiphanius Scholasticus (more truly) supposed, that here∣by the Macedonian Legates were meant; which is apparent from his Version. Vales.
• * 3.6

  See Gen. 14. 14. where we find, that the number where with Abraham routed the four Kings forces, was three hundred and eighteen, being all his own servants.
• l 3.7

  The erroneous punctation in Rob. Stephen's Edition deceived Christophorson. For, he renders it thus: Cum jurejurando adhibito subscripsistis, to which [Trans∣actions] You Your Selves by ta∣king an Oath have subscribed. Langus, and (before him) Epi∣phanius Scholasticus have rendered it truer, thus, Quibus vos perju∣r••o capti subscripsistis, to which you, beguiled by perjury, have subscri∣bed. In the Macedonians Libel of Faith, 'tis▪ said in express words, that the Bishops, being imposed upon by Fraud and Per∣jury, had subscribed the Creed set forth at Nice in Thracia. For the Arians. (see note (e.) in this chapter,) after they had drawn up a Form of the Creed in a Synod held at Nice in Thracia, swore that that was the Creed of the Synod of Nicaea. Vales.
• * 3.8

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by impudency and impro∣bity.
• † 3.9

  Or, de∣stroy.
• * 3.10

  Or, inter∣ceded with.
• a 3.11

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term here used) sig∣nifies in this place to decline, or have an aversion for: in which sig∣nification Lucianus uses it in Hermotimo. Langus and Christo∣phorson render it abhorrere, to abhorre. But Epi∣phanius, unacquain∣ted with this signification of the word, has rendred it thus: Sed quoniam omnes unanimes, illius, eum Sectae alterius ••atebantur. But because all those of Eudoxius's Opinion confessed him to be of another Sect. Vales. This term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] occurs 2 Tim. 2. 16. where in our English Version 'tis rendred [to shun.]
• b 3.12

  He means an order of the Prafects of the Praetorium. For 'twas usual, that the Praefect of the Praetorium, as often as he issued out any Edict, should annex the names of the other Praefects of the Praetorium. An instance whereof occurs both in the Gesta purgationis Ceciliani, which are published after the Carthaginian Collation, and also in Theo∣dosius and Valentinianus's Novells. There is a famous evidence of this thing in the antient Writer De Quae••••ion••bu•• veteris ac Novi Testa∣ment. Cap. 97. Vales.
• * 3.13

  Or, bear the blame of, &c.
• a 3.14

  The Em∣perour Va∣lens had gone to∣wards An∣tioch be∣fore. But, hearing of Procopius's defection—whilst he was in his jour∣ney, he was forced to come back▪ as Amm. Marcelli∣nus attests, book 26. Baronius therefore finds fault with Socra∣tes without cause. For Socrates says not, that Valens came to Antioch before, but that he went to∣wards that City; which is certainly most true. But Christophorsons Ver∣sion seems to have been the cause of Baronius's mistake; for he ren∣ders it thus: Imperator Valens denuo Antiochiam ire ma••urans, the Em∣perour Valens hastning to go to Antioch again. Vales.
• b 3.15

  Sozomen's account is truer, who makes Eudoxius to have been Bishop but eleven years. 'Tis certain, Eudoxius thrust himself into the Bishoprick of Constantinople when Eusebius and Hypatius were Consuls, which was the year of Christ 359. He died in the third Consulate of Valentinianus and Valens, in the year of our Lord 370. Wherefore▪ at this place of Socrates (in stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, nine∣teen]) it ought to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, eleven,] which is confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus. Wherefore, Baronius does here also unde∣servedly reprove Socrates; in regard, not Socrates himself, but the Copies of Socrates's History are here false. Concerning Eudoxius's death, consult Philostorgius, book 9. Vales.
• c 3.16

  Sozomen tells us the same story, in his Eccles. Histor. book 6. chap. 13. But Baronius, at the year of Christ 370, reproves both these Historians. For he maintains, that Eustathius Bishop of Antioch was dead long before, in Constantius's Reign. Indeed, Jerome (in his book de Scriptor. Ecclesiast.) does relate; that Eustathius died in exile, and was buried at Trajanople in Thracia, to which place he had been banished. If this be true, Eustathius must necessarily have died in Constantius's Reign. For Julianus, and after him Jovianus, re∣called all the Bishops from exile. It is indeed sca••ce credible, that Eustathius Bishop of Antioch could live to these times. For, in re∣gard he was at the Nicene Council, which was held in the year of Christ 325; we may suppose him to have been then in the forty fifth year of his age. From this year to the third Consulate of Valenti∣nianus and Valens (wherein Eustathius is said to have ordained Eva∣grius at Constantinople) there are five and fourty years. So that Eusta∣thius must necessarily have been ninety years old, if he ordained Evagrius Bishop in this year. Further, I must not omit, what I have been informed of, from Victor Tununensis's Chronicon; to wit, that Eustathius was not interred at Trajanople, as Jerome relates, but at Philippi. For these are his words: Post Consulatum tertium Longini, &c. After Longinus's third Consulate, C••lendio Bishop of Antioch got together the reliques of his predecessour Eustathius, Bishop and Confessour, from Philippi in Macedonia, and with great honour conveyed them to Antioch. Theodorus Lector says the same, in his second book Excerpt. Histor. Eccle∣siast. Baronius does ill, to place this translation of Eustathius's reliques on the year of Christ 482, in regard, as 'tis evident from Victor Tununen∣sis's Chronicon, 'twas performed in the year of our Lord 490, when Lon∣ginus II, and Faustus were Coss. But what Theodorus Lector adds at that place, to wit, that the Eustathians, who before had meetings by them∣selves, were then at length united to the Catholicks, an hundred years after Eustathius's death; is in my judgment false. For, this being sup∣posed, Eustathius would have lived to the year of Christ 390. Vales.
• a 3.17

  This ac∣count disa∣grees both from what we have re∣lated be∣fore (chap. 14. note c.) out of Je∣rome, and also from the relati∣on of The∣odorus Le∣ctor, and Theophanes in his Chro∣nicon. For Jerome says, that even in his age Eusta∣thius lay buried at Trajanople, whither he had been banished. But Theodorus Lector and Theophanes relate, that he was banished to Philippi, and there buried. That Eustathius therefore, who was banished by Valens to Bizua, must necessarily be a different person from Eustathius Bishop of An∣tioch. Bizua is a City of Thracia, heretofore the pallace of the Thra∣cian Astor••s, as Stephanus attests. Eutropius mentions it in his sixth book, where he speaks of Lucius Lucullus, who subdued the Thracian Bessi. Vales.
• * 3.18

  Or, be might raise an irratio∣nal tumult of the mul∣titude, &c.
• a 3.19

  Sozomen (book 6. chap. 14.) tells the same story: where he calls this place Daci∣byza, and says 'tis a Maritime-City of Bithynia. Cedrenus also terms it Daci∣byza. But Theophanes gives it the name of Dacidiza. Vales.
• b 3.20

  Concerning this Famine there is this Record, in the Old Fasti, with Sirmondus has published under the name of Idatius: Valentiniano III, and Valente III, &c. i. e. in the third Con∣sulate of Valentinianus and Valens there was a great Famine in the parts of Phrygia. Vales.
• * 3.21

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; it sometimes signifies a place where the reliques of some Martyr are deposited▪ 'tis plain from what follows, that by it our Au∣thour here means a Church.
• a 3.22

  Rufinus (from whom Socra∣tes borrowed this story) book 2. chap. 5. Eccles. Hist. words this passage thus: Infantem quoque parvulum secum trahentem, cur∣suque rabido, irrupto etiam officii agmine, festinantem. Leading her little child with her, and making such great bast, that she broke through the Praefects Guards. This memorable fact of the woman of Edessa hapned on the year of Christ 371 or 372; as we shall see by and by. Baronius has done ill to place it on the year of our Lord 370. Vales.
• * 3.23

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rufinus (in the book and chapter just now quo∣ted) says, she made such hast, that she would not stay to shat her door, nor dress herself in the usual garb that women appeared in in publick.
• b 3.24

  After these words, there were wanting in Robert Ste∣phens's E∣dition these two whole lines [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, And whither draggest thou that little child▪ said the Praefect, the woman replied, that he also may be voutsafed the honour of Martyrdom] which I have inserted from the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS. Epi∣phanius Scholasticus acknowledges them; and so does Rufinus, from whom Socrates borrowed this story. Moreover, from this place also 'tis evident, that Christophorson had perused no M. S. Copies of So∣crates. Vales.
• * 3.25

  Or. Th.
• a 3.26

  This whole scene of that un∣happy O∣racle, which some Hea∣thens had consulted that they might know who should succeed Valens in the Empire, is at large set forth by Ammianus Marcellinus, in his 29^th book. But, 'tis difficult to assign the year whereon it hapned. Baronius, in his Annalls places it on the year of Christ 370. I am of opinion, that it was acted in the year of our Lord 371, or at the be∣ginning of the year 372. For Valens, in the year of Christ 371, made his entry into Antioch, at the end of Summer, Gratianus II, and Pro∣bus being Consuls, as I have demonstrated in my notes on the foresaid book of Marcellinus, partly from the Laws of the Theodosian Code, and partly from Libanius's book concerning his own Life. Now, that Tragedy and Conspiracy of those wicked wretches against Valens, hapned after his entry into the City Antioch, as 'tis manifest from Marcellinus. Therefore, it must necessarily happen at the close of the year 371, or at least at the beginning of 372. 'Tis certain, Theo∣phanes and Cedrenus do place Valens's entry into Antioch on his eighth year. But, the same Theophanes does ascribe that conspiracy of those impious wretches, who had consulted the Oracle concerning the future Emperour, to Valens's ninth year. Which agrees exactly with our opinion, if we may compute Valens's first year from the Consulate of Jovianus and Varronianus. Vales.
• * 3.27

  Or, Th, E, O, D.
• b 3.28

  In the Sfortian M. S. the reading here is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, another Theodo∣sius.] Epi∣phanius Scholasti∣cus also calls him Theodosius. Who this Theodosius [or, Theodo∣siolus] should be, 'tis uncertain. For I cannot think, it was that Theodosius, (father to Theodosius the Emperour,) of whom Am∣mianus makes frequent mention in his History. For he lived in the West, and was not slain by the fraud and treachery of ma∣levolent persons, till after Valentinianus's death. And yet this Character added by Socrates [a personage of great Valour and Cou∣rage, a descendant of a Noble Family in Spain,] does exactly fi•• him. Vales.
• * 3.29

  Athana∣sius's death.
• a 3.30

  This Magnus is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Comes of the Court-Largesses, in the Let∣ter of Pe∣trus Alex∣andrinus (the person spoken of in this chapter▪) part of which Letter Theodo∣ret has recorded, book 4. chap. 22. Eccles. Histor.
• * 3.31

  In the original he is termed Praefect of Alexandria; which title was sometimes given to the Praefects of Egypt; as it has been ob∣served before.
• * 3.32

  Or, out of his bonds.
• † 3.33

  Peter.
• * 3.34

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or (which has the same import) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifies a Wedding-cham∣ber, Dining-room, or entertaining∣room. See Stephens's Thesaur. Graec. Ling. in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Seventy two Translatours do use this term (at Jo••l 2. 16, and at Psalm 19. 5.) to express the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chuppa; which was a Tabernacle or Ten•• set up on purpose, for the perfor∣mance of the solemnities (usual amongst the Jews) of betrothing between the man and woman.
• a 3.35

  In the o∣riginal 'tis thus wor∣ded, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in so great an house. Chri∣stophorson has rendred it, in tan∣tillo domicilio, in so small an house. But the Greek term will not ad∣mit of this rendition. Where∣fore, I had rather it should be thus worded, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in your dwelling. Vales.
• * 3.36

  See So∣crates book 1. chap. 21.
• † 3.37

  Or, a∣shamed, or, he refused.
• ‖ 3.38

  Or, a contemner.
• * 3.39

  See Psal. 39. v. 1.
• * 3.40

  Or, pra∣ctise.
• † 3.41

  Or, The∣orems, or, Expositions.
• * 3.42

  Evagrius.
• b 3.43

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Monk] Epiphanius Scholasticus in his copy read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Monastick,] as 'tis apparent from his Version. Notwithstanding, Nicephorus (book 11. chap. 42) confirms the common reading. But as to Evagrius's other book here mentioned he words the title of it thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Gnostick, or concerning him who is re∣puted worthy of knowledge. It may also be written (as it is here in Socrates) thus, or to him who is reputed worthy of knowledge: which reading we have followed in our Version. Concerning this Evagrius's books, ••ee Jerome's sentiment, in his Epistle to C••esiphonagainst the Pe∣lagians▪ where he informs us, that Evagrius was an Origenist. Palla∣dius (in Lausia••a) says Evagrius wrote three books. The first of these he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Saint: the second 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Monk; ••he third 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Refutation; which is against the frauds of the Devil. Palladius terms that book of Evagrius's, The Saint, which Socrates here calls The Gnostick. Vales.
• * 3.44

  Or, Rightly.
• c 3.45

  In stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] the reading in the Florentine M. S. and in Nice∣phorus is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a little part of a sleep, or, a nap.] For that sleep, which Macarius took by leaning his head against a wall, was a part of a sleep, rather than a sleep. For he slept but a very little while. Wherefore, he is said to have stollen, rather than to have taken a sleep. Vales.
• * 3.46

  Matth. 19. 21.
• d 3.47

  Transla∣tours have been noto∣riously mis∣taken a•• this place. For Chri∣stophorson renders it thus; in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monachus ex Sect â Gnostico∣rum ••ir spe∣ctatissimus habitavit, in that [Island] dwelt a Monk, a most emi∣nent person of the Sect of the Gno∣sticks. Lan∣gus, Ni∣cephorus's Translatour, has rendred this passage in Evagrius thus: Habitat in eâ Monachus Gnosticorum Ordinis celeberrimus, in that [Island] dwells a most famous Monk of the Order of the Gnosticks. But first, Evagrius does not say, that that Monk dwelt in that Island beyond the Lake Mar••otis; but only, that he dwelt near that Island. For that's the import of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Secondly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [Parembole] does not signifie a Sect, or an Order: nor are the Gnosticks taken in this place for a Sect of Hereticks; but 'tis a sort of Monks, concer∣ning whom Evagrius wrote a book. Parembole therefore is a Village not f••r from Alexandria, near the Lake Mareotis. Atbanasius makes mention of it in his second Apologetick against the Arians, where he produces the Catalogue of Clergy-men, whom Meletius had in the City and within the Territory of Alexandria. After his mentioning of the Presbyters and Deacons of Meletius's party, which he had at Alexandria, he adds these words; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Macarius Presbyter of Parembole. Parembole is also mentioned in the Notitia Imperii Romani, wherein were the Quarters of the second Trajan Legion under the command of the Comes of the Military affairs throughout Egypt. Ptolemaeus also (in Ammoniaca) places Alexander's Parembole near the Lake Ma∣reotis. Here therefore dwelt that Monk, who was so eminent a∣mongst the Gnosticks. Vales.
• * 3.48

  Or, cut off.
• † 3.49

  Or, fight or, strive.
• ‖ 3.50

  Or, that which one is entrusted with to keep.
• * 3.51

  Or, with∣out words.
• † 3.52

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not to in∣trude into, &c. See Collos. 2. 18; where this term occurs.
• * 3.53

  He al∣ludes, I suppose, to the parable of the tares; see Matth. 13. 24, &c.
• * 3.54

  Or, pla∣cability, or, slowness to anger.
• † 3.55

  See Exod, 26. 35.
• c 3.56

  Concer∣ning this Serapion, Jerome (in his book de Scriptor. Eccles.) speaks these words: Scrapio Thmuëos Aegypti Urbis Epis∣copus, qui ob eleganti∣am ingenii Scholasticus dictus est, &c. Sera∣pion Bishop of Thmuis a City of Aegypt, who for the Elegance of his wit was stiled Scholasticus, &c. He died in Constantius's Reign, before the Seleu∣cian Synod, that is, before the year of Christ 359. For in the Seleu∣cian Synod, amongst the Bishops of Acacius's party, Ptolomaeus is reck∣oned Bishop of Thmuis a City of Augustonica, or Augustanica. For Baronius is not to be heeded, who (in his Annotations on the Roman Martyrology,) says, Thmuis was a City in the Province Scethis. Scethis was not the name of a Province, but was it self rather in the Province Augustanica. And yet Marcellinus (book 22.) places Thmuis in (that properly called) Egypt. Vales.
• * 3.57

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, throughout all parts of the world.
• * 3.58

  Or, mai∣ming.
• * 3.59

  ☜
• a 3.60

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 made use of the multi∣tudes] I read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 made use of weapons.] This reading is confirmed by Rufi••••••▪ book 2. chap. 3. Which passage in Rufinus Socrates does here take notice of. Vales.
• b 3.61

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] we read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was present at.] See Rufinus book 2. chap. 4. where his words are these Qua praesens vidi loquor, & corum gesta re••••ro, quorum in passionibus socius esse promerui. I speak what I was present at, and saw; and I relate their actions, of whose sufferings I had the savour to be a Companion. Vales.
• * 3.62

  He al∣ludes to that pas∣sage, at Hebr. 11. 36. 37, 38,
• † 3.63

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, especially when as they recei∣ved a Testi∣mony, or Commenda∣tion, &c.
• * 3.64

  Or, Work.
• c 3.65

  Here there was a whole line wanting, which we have made good from the Floren∣tine and Sfortian M. SS. af∣ter this manner [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they cast away their images [immediately changed] the Fabrick of their Temple into [the form] of a Church.] Epiphan. Scholasticus found this reading in his Copy; as 'tis apparent from his Version. Vales.
• a 3.66

  The word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which we have ren∣dred [ripe∣witted∣children] must be expunged; which seems to have crept in here, out of the fore∣going line. Epiphanius Scholasticus acknow∣ledges it not. For thus he renders it; Qui cum a puero fuisset ingeniosus, vincebat etiam acutae conspicien∣tes, who be∣ing from a boy of an ingenious disposition, excelled e∣ven those who saw with the greatest a∣cuteness. Vales.
• b 3.67

  Concer∣ning these Comments of Didy∣mus's on Origens books 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Jerome speaks, in his 1^st, and 2^d book against Rufinus. Vales.
• c 3.68

  Epipha∣nius Scho∣lasticus, and the o∣ther translatours have rendred this place ill; as if Antonius the Monk had come to Alexandria in the times of Valens Augustus. But, 'tis ma∣nifest, that Antonius died in the Reign of Constantius. Jerome informs us hereof, in his Chronicon, and in his Life of Hilarion. 'Tis uncertain, in what year of Constantius's Empire Antonius left the Solitudes, and came down to Alexandria; whether it was about the beginning of Constan∣tius's Reign, before the ordination of Gregorius the Arian; or rather, after the Synod of Serdica, and Athanasiu••'s second restitution. Vales.
• d 3.69

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the Flyes and Gnats can see with,] in Cedrenus, at the sixth year of Con∣stantius, the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as the Flyes and Gnats can do harm to. Nor did Epiphanius Schola∣sticus find it written otherwise in his Copy, as 'tis apparent from this his Version: quibus & Muscae & Culices nocere possunt, to which the Flyes and Gnats can do harm. And yet Rufinus, (Eccles. Histor. book 2. chap. 7.) out of whom Socrates borrowed this story, defends the common reading, which we have followed in our Version. And Jerome also does confirm this our reading, in his Epistle to Castrutius. Vales.
• * 3.70

  ^a What Socrates says here, is in my opinion false; viz. that Basilius and Gregorius, after they had finished the course of their Learned studies at Athens, were hearers of Libanius the Sophista at Antioch. Gregorius himself does refute this, in his Poem concer∣ning his own Life; where he says, that he was in the thirtieth year of his age when he left Athens, and that his friends would have detained him at A∣thens, that he might be a pro∣fessour of eloquence; (the same is attested by Rufinus, book 2. chap. 9. Eccles. Hist.) but that he fled secretly from thence, and went into his own Country. Vales.
• * 3.71

  Or, Rhe∣torick.
• * 3.72

  Or, quoted.
• † 3.73

  Or, the Office of a Deacon.
• b 3.74

  Baronius says, Ba∣silius was prefered to the Bishoprick of Caesarea, in the year of Christ 369: and this he attempts to prove from Gregorius Nyssenus's testimony. Theo∣phanes and Cedrenus, in his Chronicon, do place the beginning of Ba∣silius's Episcopate, on the ninth year of Valens, which was the year of Christ 371. But the same Authours do affirm, that Basilius was yet but a Presbyter, in the eighth year of Valens. See Theophanes's and Cedrenus's words at the said eighth year of Valens. Gregorius Nazianzenus does confirm the s••me in his Oration de Laudibus Basilii. Where he does attest in express words, that Basilius was yet but a Presbyter only of the Church of Caesarea, at such time as Valens, guarded with a part of Heretical Prelates, undertook an expedition against the Churches of the East, which he hastned to deliver up to the Arians. Moreover, Valens undertook this expedition against the Orthodox on his own third Consulate, that is on the year of Christ 370, as our Socrates does affirm: (compare the 14^th and 17^th chapters of this 4^th book.) Gregorius Nyssenus confirms this, in his first book against Eunomius (who had upbraided Basilius with fear∣fulness and pusillanimity,) where he describes Valens's preparations and expedition against the Churches, in these words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. The Emperour went from Constantinople into the East, p••ft up in his mind with the late successfull and fortunate Actions he had performed against the Bar∣barians. That is, after the War against the Goths, and the League made with them. Which hapned in the year of Christ 369. as Amm. Marcellinus attests. Wherefore, that expedition of Valens's to de∣stroy Gods Churches, hapned in ••ife year of our Lord 370, as I have now said. Now, that Basilius was then no more than a Presbyter, his Brother Gregorius does in the same place inform us. For, he says, that the Prae••ect of the Praetorium, to wit, Modestus, at first made use of flatteries, and promised Basilius a Praesulate and an Ecclesiastick pre∣sidency, provided he would obey the Emperour. Nyss••n's words are these; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Therefore Basilius was not Bishop of Casarea, at such time as Modestus endeavoured to pervert him. Moreover, Modestus first bore the Praefecture of the Praetorium, when Gratianus ••I and Prob••s were Coss. in the year of Christ 371, as I have remarkt in my notes on the 29^th book of Amm. Marcellinus, pag. 380. It may also be proved by another argument, that Basilius was preferred to the Epis∣copate of Caesarea after the year of Christ 370. For Nazianzon in the Funeral Oration which he wrote on him, says that Basilius was but a Presbyter, at such time as that Famine (by far the ••orest of all the Famines that are mentioned to have hapned at any time) hapned in Cappadocia. Now, this is the Famine, which our Socrates mentions in the sixteenth chapter of this book; it hapned in the third Con∣sulate of Valentinianus and Valens. Vales.
• c 3.75

  Grego∣rius Nazi∣anzenus (who is more to be credited in these things) does attest in his Fu∣neral Ora∣tion concer∣ning the praises of Basilius, that Basi∣lius, as yet but a Pres∣byter, went into those parts, with a design to oppose himself against the perfidiousness of the Arians. Vales.
• d 3.76

  Socrates borrowed this out of Rufinus; who (in book 2. chap 9. Eccles. Histor.) writes thus: Gregorius vero apud Nazianzon, &c. But Gregorius, being substituted Bishop in his father's stead, at the Town Nazianzum, faithfully ••ore the storm of the Hereticks. And yet 'tis manifest, that Gregorius was not made Bishop, but Coadjutor only to his own father Gregorius, in the Episcopate of Nazianzum: and upon this condition too, that he should not succeed his father in that Bi∣shoprick; as he himself attests in his Eighth Oration, and in his Poem concerning his own Life. He was first constituted Bishop of Sasimi by Basilius the Great, who had been the first Founder of this Bishoprick, that he might assure that place to his own Church; as Gregorius at∣tests in the Poem concerning his own Life. From thence he was tran∣slated to the Constantinopolitan See, which he quickly left, betook him∣self to Nazianzum, and governed the Bishoptick of that place some while, till such time as, being wearied out with age and diseases, he made choise of his own successour. Jerome's account therefore is true, whose words (in his book De Script. Ecclesiast.) are these: Gregorius primùm Sasimorum, deinde Nazianzenus Episcopus, &c. Gregorius, Bishop first of Sasimi, and afterwards of Nazianzum, &c. And 'tis strange, that although he governed three Bishopricks, yet they were all doubtfull and uncertain. 'Tis plain, that in his Epistles he himself does frequent∣ly deny, that he ever presided over the Episcopate of Sasimi, or ever per∣formed any sacerdotal office there. Neither Jerome his Scholar, nor Rufinus, do ascribe the Constantinopolitan Bishop••ick to him. Lastly, he delivered the Bishoprick of Nazianzum to another, rather than governed it himself. Vales.
• * 3.77

  That is, Basilius and Gre∣gorius.
• e 3.78

  This ac∣count disa∣grees from what the two Gre∣gorius's (to wit, Na∣zianzenus in his fu∣neral ora∣tion, and Nyssenus in his first book a∣gainst Eu∣nomius) do relate con∣cerning Basilius. For they do attest, that Basi∣lius was not brought before Mo∣destus the Praefect of the Praeto∣rium at An∣tioch, but that this was done in the City Caesarea. Sozomen therefore (Eccles. Hist. book. 6. ch. 16.) has truly corrected Socrates's mistake here; where he relates, that Valens came from Antioch to Caesarea, and ordered Basilius should be brought before the Tribunal of the Praefect of the Praetorium. Further, you must observe, that Va∣lens Augustus came to Caesarea twice, and made an attempt to vanquish Basilius: His first journey thither was when Basilius was no more than a Presbyter; which (as we have shown be∣fore) was in the year 370. This is evidently confirmed by Sozo∣men in his sixth book. When he came the second time thither, 'tis not certain. But I conjecture it was on the year of Christ 371, or 372. Which I collect from Modestus's Praefecture, which falls on those years. Nazianzenus distinguishes these two journeys of Valens's, in his twentieth Oration, pag. 346. of his works. Edit. Paris. 1609. Vales.
• f 3.79

  Socrates took this out of Rufinus, book 2. chap. 9. Eccles. Hist. But Gregorius Nyssenus, in his first book against Eunomius, says that Basilius stood before the Tribunal of Modestus the Praefect twice; once when he was Presbyter, and a second time when he was Bishop. But Nazianzen makes no mention of Basilius's former examina∣tion. Vales.
• g 3.80

  In Rufinus (Eccles. Hist. book 2. chap. 9.) this passage is thus worded; utinam te non mutares, I wish you would not have changed your self. In which words Basilius reproves Modestus, because from being a Catholick he was become an Arian, that he might please the Emperour. We are indeed told by Gregorius (in his funeral Ora∣tion) that Modestus was an Arian. Vales.
• h 3.81

  Here Valentinianus Junior is called by another name, as we have observed before, chap. 10. of this book note (a) He was surnamed Galates, because he was born in Galatia. Further, in regard Socrates does here term him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a young child; our opinion (which we have given in before) is very much confirmed; to wit, that these things were done about the year of our Lord 371, or 372. For Valentinianus Junior was born in the year of Christ 366; as we have remarked before: from which year to the year 372, are six years compleat. So Valentinianus Junior, called also Galates, died at six years old. For a child of that age is rightly termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 3.82

  So Rufi∣nus says, book 2. chap. 9. Eccles. Hist.
• * 3.83

  So Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book. 6. chap. 30.
• a 3.84

  At this place I have fol∣lowed Ni∣cephorus's authority; and instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] I have a∣mended it thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Pon∣tick dioe∣cesis;] al∣though our M. SS. co∣pies make no altera∣tion here. See Socrat. book 1. chap. 9. note (s.) Vales.
• * 3.85

  Or, E∣pistles.
• b 3.86

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, con∣cerning O∣rigen,] it would be better thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in de∣fence of O∣rigen;] for he means Pamphilus's Apologetick in defence of Origen: concerning which con∣sult Photius, in his Bibliotheca. Vales.
• c 3.87

  In the Greek, 'tis thus worded: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which Musculus renders thus; Liber Gregorii quo Origenem commendavit, Gregorius's book wherein he has commended Origen. Chri∣stophorson translates it thus: Oratio Gregorii in Crigenis commendati∣onem conscripta, Gregorius's Oration written in praise of Origen. But, I cannot approve of this Version: for that Oration was not written by Gregorius Thaumaturgus in commendation of Origen; but to return thanks to his master, when he left his School. Indeed, Commendatory Letters are termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but there were never any Orationes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, commendatory Orations. Wherefore, I doubt not but it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; although Nicephorus confirms the vulgar reading. Now, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a Valedictory Oration, as we have remar∣ked in our notes on Euseb. Life of Constant. book 3. chap. 21. note (a.) Vales.
• a 3.88

  The Greeks usually term him Novatus, whose right name was Novatianus. Concerning whose Heresie, you may consult Euse∣bius, (Eccles. Hist. book 6. chip. 43,) Epiphanius, the Authour of the questions on the Old and New Testament, and Theodoret. Vales.
• * 3.89

  Or Mo∣ralls.
• † 3.90

  He means the Sacra∣ment of the Lords Sup∣per.
• b 3.91

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] it is doubtless to be thus worded [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.] Que∣stionless, Socrates left it writ∣ten thus; and we have ren∣dred it ac∣cordingly. Vales.
• c 3.92

  The ex∣pression in the origi∣nal is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which Musculus renders thus, sicut fieri solet, as it is usually done; and Christophorson thus; ut moris est, as the manner is. But I cannot approve of these Versions. For the Grecian writers make use of (not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to signifie, as it is usu∣ally done, or, as the manner is. Wherefore, I am rather of opi∣nion, that it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, every inhabitant of the Provinces: so Epiphanius Scholasticus read it. For he renders it thus; Singuli Provincialium, &c. Every Subject of the Provinces. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 has the same import with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which phrase Socrates has made use of a little before, in this chapter; where his words are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Inhabitants of every Province having received such Letters as these. Vales.
• * 3.93

  Or stu∣diously ex∣ercised or, followed.
• * 3.94

  Novatus.
• d 3.95

  The No∣vatians did boast, that the Foun∣der of their Sect was a Martyr; and they wrote a book, the Title whereof was, The Martyrdom of Novatianus. But this book, which was stuft with Lies and Fables, has long since been confuted by Eulogius Bi∣shop of Alexandria, in his sixth book against the Novatians, the Excer∣ptions whereof occur in Photius's Bibliotheca, p. 1621. Edit. David Hoeschel. 1610. Moreover, in those Acts of the Martyrdom of No∣vatianus, Novatianus was not said to have suffered Martyrdom, but only to have been a Confessour of the Faith of Christ. For, the Authour of the Acts. says, that of the eight Presbyters of the Roman Church who were under Macedonius Bishop of Rome, seven offered sacrifice to Idols together with Macedonius, and that only Novatus underwent an egregious Martyrdom of confession. And that toge∣ther with Novatianus three Bishops (almost the only persons of the Western parts) termed it a Martyrdom; to wit, Marcellus and Alexander Bishops of Aquileia, and Agamemnon Bishop of Por∣ta, or rather of Tibur. Who lived apart after that confessi∣on, held assemblies with Novatianus, and avoided their com∣munion who had sacrificed to Idols. A little afterwards they laid their hands on Novatianus, and ordained him Bishop of Rome. Vales.
• e 3.96

  This place is strangely corrupted. Nor is this fault new; but the copies were faulty even in Epiphanius Scholasticus's time; for thus he renders it: Hi vero qui ex eo nomen habuerunt, ejusque fuere participes, &c. But those who had their name from him, and were partakers thereof, &c. How Nicephorus read this passage in Socrates, 'tis uncer∣tain, in regard his Greek Text is at this place defective. But Langus, who had seen a Greek Copy of Nicephorus, renders it thus: Qui vero ejus nomine in Phrygia Censentur, &c. But those who are accounted of his name in Phrygia, when by indulging themselves, they had degenerated from his institutions and communion, at this time altered the Paschal Festival also. I say nothing concerning the other Translatours, in whose Ver∣sions you will find nothing of soundness. I am of opinion, that the place, by a small alteration, is thus to be made good: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That is, having an aversion even for that communion they were permitted [to hold with the rest of the Catholicks in the celebrating] of this [Festival.] There is nothing more plain than this sense. Before Valens's time, the Novatians in Phrygia kept Easter at the same time the rest of the Catholicks did. After that, they began to shun the communion and society of the Catholicks in this matter also. Further, although I do very much ap∣prove of Socrates's judgment, who gives an account why the Phrygians more especially embraced the Novatian Heresie; yet there may ano∣ther reason be given hereof. For, Novatus, or rather Novatianus, was (as 'tis said) by Country a Phrygian: so Philostorgius asserts book 8. Wherefore, 'tis no wonder, that he had many followers of his own opinion in that province. Vales.
• * 3.97

  Or, Fountains.
• f 3.98

  I conje∣cture, that this was long-lived Auxano, a Presby∣ter of the Novatian Church; whose te∣stimony Socrates makes use of, book 1. chap. 10, & 13. But, we must not here omit Nicepho∣rus's words concerning our Socrates: he says thus, book 11. chap. 14; Haec sibi renuntiata esse Socrates qui hoc loco non abhorrere se à Novatianorum institutis palàm prae se fert, à sene quodam scribit, &c. Socrates (who in this place plainly shews himself not to be a detester of the Nova∣tian principles) relates that these things were told him by a cer∣tain old man, &c. Notwithstanding, I am not of Nicephorus's opinion. Vales.
• a 3.99

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, under whom; for that's the reading in the Florent. M. S. and in Nicepho∣rus. Vales.
• b 3.100

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. A very ele∣gant term, to signifie Scismatical assemblies and con∣venticles, who are said to e∣rect one Altar con∣trary to another. Hence comes the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a sort of Schism, concerning which Basilius speaks, in his Canonicall Epistle to Amphylochius, de Baptismo Haereticorum. Vales.
• c 3.101

  Amm. Marcellinus (book 27. pag. 337. Edit. Vales.) calls it Sicininus's Pallace; where, says he, there is a little private assembling place of [the professours of] the Christian Religion; in which [du∣ring the conflicts between Damasus's and Ursinus's parties] there was in one day an hundred and thirty dead bodies found, &c. Read the Hi∣storians following words; from the whole passage 'tis plain, how dis∣orderly the Elections of a Bishop of Rome then were, and at what an height they lived.
• d 3.102

  Socrates borrowed this out of Rufinus, book 2. chap. 10. Eccles. Hist. In that year, whereon Ursinus raised his Schism, Juventius, not Maximinus, was Praefect of the City, as Amm. Marcellinus attests, book 27. pag. 337. But, in regard this Schism lasted many years, 'tis possible that Maximinus (who was Praefect of the Annona,) might take cognizance of this business, and torture some Ecclesiasticks, as Rufinus relates. This Maximinus was Praefect of the Annona, in the seventh year of Valentinian; as Jerome does assert in his Chronicon. Marcellinus speaks much concerning this Maximinus, in his 28^th book. Vales.
• a 3.103

  Socrates has trans∣cribed this following passage, al∣most word for word out of Rufinus's book 2. chap. 11. Eccles, Hist. For, he observes the same order that Ru∣finus does, after Damasus's ordi∣nation forthwith subjoyning Am∣brosius's promotion. But, although Rufinus and Socrates have conjoy∣ned these two Ordinations, as if they had been made at one and the same time; yet there was a great interval of time between each ordination. For Damasus entred upon the Bishoprick of Rome in the Consulate of Lupi∣cinus and Jovinus, on the year of Christ 367. But Ambrosius was promoted to the Episcopate of Mil∣lain in the year of our Lord 374, in the third Consulate of Gra∣tianus which he bore with Equi∣tius; as Baronius has observed from Saint Jerom's Chronicon. Vales.
• * 3.104

  Or, per∣sons un∣worthy of praise.
• † 3.105

  That is, of the whole na∣tion of the Sarmatae.
• ‖ 3.106

  Or, tram∣ple upon.
• a 3.107

  We met with a double mi∣stake here, the one committed by Socrates's Transcribers, the other by Socrates himself. We have corrected the Transcribers errour (who, in stead of Acincum, had made it Aconcam,) from the Au∣thority of the Sfortian and Flo∣rent. M. SS. It will be sufficient only to take notice of Socrates's mistake here; who calls Acin∣cum a City of Italy, whenas it belonged to Pannonia. Vales.
• * 3.108

  That is, To Gratianus.
• † 3.109

  To wit, Valens's brother's son.
• * 3.110

  That is, Valentinia∣nus Senior.
• * 3.111

  Or, should be born of.
• † 3.112

  Or, in love with.
• b 3.113

  There is no mention of this law of Valenti∣nianus's, any where. No, not in Amm. Mar∣cellinus, who has with great accuracy recorded Valentini∣anus's af∣faires. In∣deed such a law as this (in my judgment) is in no wise agreeable to Valentinian, a serious Prince, and a Christian. Therefore, this whole story of Justina's marriag••, is in my opinion, of a credit doubtfull and uncertain. Vales.
• * 3.114

  Or, The∣odosius Se∣nior.
• c 3.115

  Epiphanius Scholasticus calls her (not Placida, but) Flaccilla; which is truest. For so the ancient Coynes term her. But, 'tis strange that Greek writers should so frequently be mistaken in this name. For we have remark't before, that Placitus is by Socrates often used, instead of Flaccillus, who was Bishop of Antioch. Further, this Flac∣cilla was the daughter of that Antonius, who was Consul with Siagrius, as Themistius informs us, in his Gratiarum Actione, to Theodosius, for the peace made with the Goths. Vales.
• * 3.116

  Or, war∣red against.
• a 3.117

  This O∣ration of Themisti∣us's to Va∣lens, is at this time extant, published in Latine by Dudi∣tius. For, what So∣crates says Themistius spoke in that ora∣tion con∣cerning the difference of Philoso∣phick opi∣nions, oc∣curs in Du∣ditius's Version, at pag. 507: the words are these; Artes quidem, quarum magnus in vit••usus & delectatio est, &c. Indeed, those Arts, of which there is great use in this life, and which are very delightfull, had never arrived at such an height and elegancy, had there not been a discrepancy of judgments, and a certain strife amongst the Artists themselves. For, has not Philosophy it self (the Mother of all laudable Arts.) raised from mean and small beginnings, increased by the dissent of Learned men in such a manner, that nothing may seem wanting to its absolute perfection? Further, what S••crates says was spoken by Themistius in that oration, to wit, that God is desirous of this variety of opinions concerning himself, that men may have a greater reverence for the Majesty of his Deity, because the knowledge of his divinity is ••n no wise obvious and easily attainable; occurs in Duditius's Version, at pag. 508: where 'tis thus worded: Quocirca quod à cognitione nostrâ se longissimè removit, &c. Wherefore, in regard he has removed himself at the greatest distance from our knowledge, nor does humble himself to the capacity of our wits; 'tis a sufficient argument, that he does not require one and the same Law and Rule of Religion from all persons, but leaves every man a Licence and faculty of thinking con∣cerning himself, according to his own, not another mans liberty and choice. Whence it also happens, that a greater admiration of the Deity, and a more Religious veneration of his Eternal Majesty, is ingendred in the minds of men. For, it usually comes to pass, that we loath and dis∣regard those things which are readily apparent, and prostrated to every understanding, &c. Vales.
• * 3.118

  ••othē, ha∣ving▪ outed the Enemy.
• * 3.119

  Or, in regard his paternal Religion was adul∣terated.
• a 3.120

  Instead of [the Son of God to be new] which is the vulgar reading; in the Sfort. and Florent. M. SS. the reading is [the Son of God to be a new God;] accordingly we have rendred it. Vales.
• a 3.121

  In the Florent. M. S. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, be reduced into money,] which, if I mistake not, is the truer. Notwithstanding, the common reading (to wit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he put a money-value upon,) is sound, and needs no al∣teration. For Chrysostom uses this term in this sense, in his 67 Homily on Matth. 21. The old Glosses expound 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Adaerat, he values by money. Further, what Socrates remarks here, (to wit, that Valens, instead of supplies of Souldiers, did afterwards exact Gold of his Provinces,) is also related by Amm. Marcellinus, book. 31. pag. 441. which place, because 'tis corrupt even in our Edition, I will here set down, as it ought to be amended: Eruditi•• adulatoribus in majus fortunam principis extollentibus: quod ex ultimis terris tot tiro∣cinia [not, Thracenses nec opinanti offerrent, But] trahens, ci nec opi∣nanti offerret, ut collatis in unum suis & alieniginis viribus, invictum haberet exercitum; & pro militari supplemento quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur, thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus. Vales.
• * 3.122

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they were Gold, and of about a Crown value.
• a 3.123

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, under the East] I read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to∣wards the East.] Vales.
• b 3.124

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ha∣ving been initiated] we read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in order to his being ini∣tiated, &c.] Further, this story concerning Moses's being made Bi∣shop of the Saracens, and concerning the Peace made with them, Socrates has taken out of Rufinus, book 2. chap. 6. Eccles. Hist. but has not observed Rufinus's order. For Rufinus has placed it about the beginning of Lucius's Episcopate, after the persecution of the Edessens, not at the latter end of Valens's Reign. And I had rather follow Rufinus's opinion, than that of Socrates and Sozomen. The motive I have to be of this opinion, is grounded on Socrates's words at the close of this chapter, where he says, that Mavia the Queen, having made a Peace with the Romans, betrothed her daughter to Victor the Roman Lieutenant General. Now, Victor, about the latter end of Valens's Reign, was too old to have any thoughts of marrying a wife. Vales.
• * 3.125

  Or, Lay his hand on me.
• * 3.126

  Or, Peace:
• a 3.127

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Peter being returned,] the reading should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Peter at that time returning:] and the full-point, which is (in some copies) placed be∣fore these words, must be expunged. Epiphanius Scholasticus seems to have followed this reading. Vales.
• a 3.128

  The rea∣ding must be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, marches out;] not [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, passes by.] Moreover, the same days [which Socrates here assignes for Valens's entry into, and march out of, Constantinople,] are recorded in Idatius's Fasti, in these words: Valente VI. & Valentiniano Is. &c. In Valens's sixth and Va∣lentinianus's second Consulate, Valens Augustus entred Constantinople, from the East, on the third of the Calends of June [that is, the thirtieth of May.] And on the same year Valens Augustus went out of the City to the Fort on the third of the Ides [that is, the eleventh] of June. Vales.
• * 3.129

  The Ancients made use of a Plough, both at their de∣molishing, and also at their rai∣sing of a City. See Horace, Carm. Lib. 1. Od. 16.
• b 3.130

  It should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It was usu∣all with Transcri∣bers of books, for brevities sake, to write these words thus. For they wrote 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in∣stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.