The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

CHAP. I. Concerning Julianus, his Extract, and Education. And how, upon his being made Emperour, he revolted to Gentilism.

THE Emperour Constantius ended his life on the confines of Cilicia, about the third of November, in the Con∣sulate of Taurus and Florentius. Du∣ring the same persons Consulate, Julianus arriving from the Western parts a 1.1 about the eleventh of December next ensuing, made his entry into Constantinople, where he was proclaimed Emperour. Now, whereas 'tis our design to say something concerning the Emperour Julianus, a person fam'd for his eloquence; let none of those who were his Inti∣mado's, expect we should do it in a pompous and ma∣jestick stile, as if it were ne∣cessary, that a caracter of so eminent a person should in every particular correspond with his greatness of whom 'tis given. But, the compo∣sure of an History of the Christian Religion being our business, we will continue our making use of a low, plain, and mean stile for perspicuities sake. And this we promised [to do] at the beginning. Being therefore to speak concerning him, his Extract, Education, and how he came to the Empire: in order to our performing hereof, we must begin a little higher. Constantinus, he who gave Byzantium his own name, had two brothers begotten by the same father, but not born of the same mother. The name of the one was Dalmatius, the other was called Constantius. Dalmatius had a son who bore his own name. Constantius begat two sons, Gallus and Julianus. After the death of [Con∣stantine] the Builder of Constantinople, when the Souldiers had murthered Dalmatius the younger, at that time these * 1.2 two also being Orphans, wanted but little of falling into the same danger with Dalmatius: had not a distemper which seemed to be mortal delivered Gallus [from their violence:] and the tenderness of Julianus's age (for he was not then eight years old com∣pleat) protected him. But, after the Emperours rage against them was mollified, Gallus frequen∣ted the Schools at Ephesus in Ionia, in which Coun∣try they had large possessions left them by their Ancestours. And Julianus being grown up, was an auditour in the Schools at Constantinople; going into the Pallace (where there were then Schools) in a private habit, and was tutored by Macedonius the Eunuch. b 1.3 Nicocles the Laconian taught him the Grammar; he had for his Rhetorick▪master Ecebolius the Sophista, who was at that time a Christian. For the Emperour Constantius took great care, least by his being an hearer of a Pagan-master, he should revolt to the superstition [of the Gen∣tiles:] For Julianus was at first a Christian. Upon his making a great progress in Literature, a rumour [be∣gan] to be spread amongst the peop'e, that he was fit to Govern the Roman Empire. Which report being more openly di∣vulged, much disturbed the Emperours mind. Wherefore, he removed him from the * 1.4 Great City to Nicomedia, ordering him not to frequent [the School] of Libanius the Syrian-Sophista. For at that time Libanius, having been expelled Constantinople by the School-masters, had opened a School at Nicomedia. Wherefore, he vented his gall against the School-masters, in an c 1.5 Oration which he wrote against them. But Julianus was forbidden to go to him, because▪ Libanius was as to his Religion a Pagan. Nevertheless, being a great admirer of Libanius's Orations, He pro∣cured them privately, and perused them fre∣quently and studiously. When he had made a great proficiency in Rhetorick, there came to Nicomedia, Maximus the Philosopher, not

d 1.6 Maximus of Byzantium, Euclid's Father, but Maximus the Ephesian, whom the Emperour Va∣lentinianus ordered to be slain afterwards, as being a practicer of Magick. But this hapned a long while after. At that time, his coming to Nico∣media was occasioned by nothing else but Juli∣anus's fame, which induced him to go thither. Juli∣anus having had a taste of Philosophick Literature from him, began forthwith to imitate his Masters Religi∣on, who also instilled into his mind a desire of the Em∣pire. When the Emperour was made acquainted with these things, Julianus being betwixt hope and fear, be∣came very desirous of avoi∣ding suspicion, and he who had before been a sincere Christian, then began to act the hypocrite. Being there∣fore shaved to the very skin, he pretended to lead a mo∣nastick life. Privately he imployed himself a∣bout the study of Philosophy: but in publick, he read the sacred Writings of the Christians. More∣over, he was made a Reader in the Church of Nicomedia: and by this specious pretext he a∣voided the Emperours fury. All this he did out of fear. But [in the interim] he receded not from his hope, but told many of his friends, that those would be happy times, when he should be possest of the Empire. Whilst his affairs were in this posture, his brother Gallus was created Caesar, and in his journey into the East came to Nicomedia, to give him a visit. Not long after this Gallus was slain, immediately upon which the Emperour grew suspicious of Julianus. Wherefore he ordered a guard should be set upon him. But as soon as he could get an op∣portunity of slipping away from his Keepers, he removed from place to place, and by that means made his escape. At length the Emperours wife Eusebia, having found him out during his ab∣sconding, perswades the Emperour to do him no harm, but to allow him a liberty of going to Athens, to study Philosophy. From whence (that I may be brief) the Emperour sent for him, and created him Caesar. After which he married him to his sister Helena, and sent him into the Gallia's against the Barbarians. For the Barbarians (whom the Emperour Constantius had a little before hired to be his Auxiliaries a∣gainst Magnentius,) having been imployed in no service against the Tyrant, fell to destroying the Roman Cities. And in regard Julianus was as yet but young, he ordered him not to enter upon any thing of action without the advice of the Commanders of the Army. Who having received so large a commission, grew negligent in their management of affairs, upon which ac∣count the Barbarians increased in strength; Ju∣lianus permitted the Commanders to spend their time in Luxury and drinking: but he made the Souldiers more couragious, by promising a set reward to him who should kill a Barbarian. This was the original cause, whereby both the Barbarians Forces were diminished, and also he himself was rendred more acceptable to the Soul∣diers. There is a report, that as he was entring into a Town, a e 1.7 Crown, with which they [usually] adorn the Cities, being hung up by Ropes between two Pillars, fell down upon his head and fitted it exactly, at which all that were present gave a shout. For by this sign [it seemed] to be portended, that he should be Em∣perour. There are those who say, that Constantius there∣fore sent him against the Barbarians, that he might perish there, in an engage∣ment with them. But I know not whether they who re∣port this, speak the truth. For should he have framed such a design against him, after he had joyned him in marriage to his own sister, it would have been no other then a conspiracy a∣gainst himself. But let every one judge of this matter according to his own pleasure. More∣over, upon Julianus's making a complaint to the Emperour of the slothfullness of his Military Officers, there was another Commander sent to him, exactly agreeable to Julianus's courage. Having got such an Assistant, he made a bold attack upon the Barbarians. They dispatcht a∣way an Embassadour to him, informing him, that they were ordered by the Emperours Letters to March into the Roman Territories, and the Let∣ters were produced to him. But he clapt their Embassadour into prison; and having engaged their forces, routed them totally▪ He also took the King of the Barbarians prisoner, and sent him to Constantius. Upon this fortunate success, he is proclaimed Emperour by the Souldiers. But because they wanted an Imperial Crown, one of his guards took the Chain which he wore a∣bout his own neck, and put it upon Julianus's head. After this manner therefore Julianus came to be Emperour. But what he did afterwards, let the hearers judge, whether or no they became a Philosopher. For he neither sent an Embas∣sage to Constantius, nor did he shew him that Reverence which was due to him, as being his Benefactour, but managed all affairs according to his own arbitrement. He changed the Go∣vernours of Provinces; and reproacht Constan∣tius in every City, by reciting in publick his Let∣ters sent to the Barbarians. Whereupon [those inhabitants] revolted from Constantius, and came over to him. At that time, he manifestly pull'd off his mask of Christianity. For he went from City to City, opened the Heathen Temples, of∣fered sacrifice to Idols, and termed himself the * 1.8 Pontifex Maximus. And such as professed Gentilism celebrated their heathenish Festivals [after their own manner.] By these proceedings of his he f 1.9 takes an occasion of raising a Civil War against Constantius. And, as far as in him lay, [he took care] that all those calamities should have hapned, which are the consequents of a War. For this Philosophers desire could not have been g 1.10 fulfilled without much bloud-shed.

But God the Arbiter of his own Councils, re∣pressed the * 1.11 Impetus of one of these two An∣tagonists without any † 1.12 damage to the Republick. For when Julianus arrived amongst the Thraci∣ans, news was brought him, that Constantius was dead. And thus the Roman Empire at that time escaped a Civil War. But Julianus having made his entry into Constantinople, began immediately to consider with himself, after what manner he might win the favour of the people, and procure their benevolence towards himself. He makes use therefore of this Artifice. He very well un∣derstood, that Constantius was odious to all such as embraced the Homoousian opinion, both be∣cause he had driven them from their Churches, and also in regard he had proscribed and banished the Bishops belonging to them. He assuredly knew also, that the Heathens were sorely vexed, because they were prohibited sacrificing to their Gods: and that they were very desirous of get∣ting an opportunity, wherein their Temples might be opened, and they have a liberty of offering sacrifices to their Idols. He was sensible, that for these reasons both those sorts of people had privately rancoured minds against his predeces∣sour [Constantius.] He also found, that all people in general highly resented the violence of the Eunuches, and the ra∣pines h 1.13 of Eusebius the prin∣cipal person of the Bed∣chamber to him. He there∣fore treated them all with a great deal of craft and sub∣tlety. With some he dis∣sembled: others he oblieged by kindnesses, being a great affectour of vain glory. But He made it evident to all in general how he was affected towards the superstition [of the Heathens.] And first, that he might make Constantius odious for his cruelty towards his Subjects, and render him infamous amongst the Vulgar, he commanded that the exiled Bishops should be recalled; and restored to them their estates which had been confiscated. Then, he is∣sued out an Order to his Confidents, that the Heathen Temples should be forthwith opened. He also ordered, that such persons as had been injured by the Eunuches, should be repossessed of their goods which were unjustly taken from them. He punished Eusebius the principal person of the Imperial Bed-chamber with death, not only because many persons had been wronged by him, but also in regard he was assured that his brother Gallus had been murthered upon account of his calumny [against him.] He took care that Constantius's body should be honoured with an Imperial Funeral. He expelled the Eunuches, Barbers, and Cooks out of his Pallace. The Eunuches, because he had lost his Wife, after whose death he resolved not to marry any other. The Cooks, in regard he fed upon a very slen∣der and mean diet. And the Barbers, because, said he, one is sufficient for a great many. For these reasons he put these sorts of men out [of the Pallace.] Most of the Notaries he reduced to their former condition, and ordered that the rest should be allowed a salary befitting a No∣tary. He also retrenched the i 1.14 publick way of conveyance of necessaries for [publick] uses: for example, [the use] of Mules, Oxen, and Asses; and permitted horses only to serve for such pub∣lick conveniences. These Acts of his are com∣mended by some few persons: but most men dis∣commend them, because the grandeur and mag∣nificence of the Imperial riches being lost, which creates an admiration in the minds of the Vul∣gar, he thereby rendred the dignity of an Em∣perour despicable and obnoxious to contempt. Moreover, he sate up all night, composing Ora∣tions, which he recited at his going into the Se∣nate-house. For he was the first and only Em∣perour since Julius Caesar's times, that made Speeches in the Senate-house. He had an high esteem for such as were studious about [any part of] Literature: but more especially for those who professed Philosophy. Wherefore, the report hereof brought such as were preten∣ders to this sort of Learning from all parts to the Pallace, who wore their * 1.15 Palliums, and were most of them more conspicuous for their garb, than their Learning. But they were all trouble∣some to the Christians, being persons that were Impostours, and who always owned the same Religion with the Emperour. He himself also was so excessively vain glorious, that he reviled all his predecessours in the Empire, in a book he composed, which he entitled The Caesars. The same proud temper of mind excited him to write Books against the Christians also. His expul∣sion of the Cooks and Barbers was an act [be∣fitting] a Philosopher indeed, but not an Em∣perour. But in his reproaching and reviling [of others,] he did neither like a Philosopher, nor an Emperour. For both those sorts of persons are to be [of a temper of mind] superiour to all detraction and envy. An Emperour may in∣deed be a Philosopher, in what bears a respect to modesty and temperance. But a Philosopher, should he imitate an Emperour in all things, would transgress his Rules. Let thus much be cursorily said concerning the Emperour Julianus, his Extract, Education, and dispo∣sition, and after what manner he came to the Empire.

Notes

• a 1.1

  We have the same account in Idatius's Fasti: Tauro & Florentio. his Coss. &c. in the Con∣sulate of Taurus and Florentius, Constantius Augustus died at Mop∣sucrinae in the confines of Cilicia a Province of Phaenicia, on the third of November. And Julianus made his entry into Constantinople on the eleventh of December. But, what Socrates adds, to wit, that Julian was proclaimed Emperour in that City, must be so understood, not as i•• that were the first time of his being saluted Emperour. For he had been proclaimed Emperour in the Gallia's a long while before, whilst Constantius was alive. But, upon his entry into Constantinople, he was declared Emperour by the senate and Constantinopolitans, and ••ook possession of the Em∣pire of the East. Vales.
• * 1.2

  That is, Gallus and Julianus.
• b 1.3

  There are several Epistles of Libanius's extant, written to this Nicocles; particularly the seventh Epistle of his fourth book, where∣in Libanius excuses the insolency of a Citizen of Antioch, who had abused him: amongst other pas∣sages he says, that the fault of one Citizen was not to be ascri∣bed to the whole City. For in a City containing an hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, 'tis not to be wondred at, if one bad Citi∣zen be ••ound: wheras; neither in your Sparta (which yet has Ly∣curgus for its Law-giver) all are alike good and generous. Vales.
• * 1.4

  That is, Constanti∣nople.
• c 1.5

  This O∣ration of Libanius's Against the School-ma∣sters is not (to my knowledge) now ex∣tant. Vales.
• d 1.6

  Maximus of Epirus, or the Phi∣losopher of Bizantium is mentio∣ned by Sui∣das: he wrote concerning insoluble Questions, and concerning num∣bers; as also a Comment upon A∣ristotle, which he dedicated to Julianus the Emperour, his Scho∣lar. Now, if this be true, Ju∣lianus had two Maximus's his ma∣sters in Philosophy, the one an Epirote, or a Byzantine; the o∣ther an Ephesian. There is ex∣tant an Elogue of Maximus the Ephesian in Libanius's fourty first Epistle of his fifth book, his words are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. and the Philosophy, which he received from Maximus the Improver of Philosophy whilst be lived, and its Extinguisher when he died. Vales.
• e 1.7

  Epipha∣nius Scho∣lasticus renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which is the term here) a Crown of Laurel, with which the Cities were usually a∣dorned. Indeed, the Provinces of the Roman Empire were wont to be represented in this habit, wearing Crowns like Towers up∣on their heads; as may be seen in the Notitia Imperii Romani. Yet any one may conjecture, that this place should be thus worded: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with which the Cities adorn the Emperours. Vales.
• * 1.8

  Or, Chief Priest.
• f 1.9

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which is the phrase here in the original) is by Epipha∣nius Scholasticus rendred thus; quaesitâ occasione, he took an occasion, &c. But there may be another rendition of these words, thus: By doing hereof, he raised a Civil War against Constantius, having undertaken an expedition against him. Vales.
• g 1.10

  The term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must signifie here, to be fulfilled, compleated, or perfected, Epiphanius Scholasticus therefore renders it thus: non enim fine multo sanguine studium ejus Philosophi poterat adimpleri, i. e. for the desire of this Philosopher could not have been accomplished without much bloud. Musculus's Version (which is declarari, could not have been declared) and also Christophorson's (which is, intetnosci, could not have been discerned) are in my judgment absurd. Vales.
• * 1.11

  Or, Force.
• † 1.12

  Or, with∣out the da∣mage of others.
• h 1.13

  Translatours perceived not that this place was faulty. I doubt not but Socrates wrote thus: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the ra∣pines of Eusebius the principal per∣son of the Bed chamber to him.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies the Pro∣vost, or chief Officer of the sacred Bed-chamber, which Office Euse∣bius then bore. Socrates does frequently use this word in this sense; as we may see in his se∣cond book chap. 2. Vales.
• i 1.14

  Gregory Nazian∣zen, in his former Invective against Julian, does confess also that the publick way, or manner of travelling and conveying of necessaries from place to place, was well rectified by Julian. For Constantius had impaired it much, by allowing the Bishops every where the use there∣of, that they might come to the Synods 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by him. But, what regulations Julianus made in this matter, 'tis hard to determine. And yet we may conjecture from Socrates's words, that the way of travelling by Chariots (which was also called the Cursus Clavularis,) was put down by him, and that travelling on Horse-back (upon Horses provided for publick uses) remained only in use. Johannes Lydus has treated at large de publico Cursu, in his book de Men∣sibus. Vales.
• * 1.15

  See Eu∣sebius's Ec∣cles. Hist. book 6. chap. 19. note (p.)