The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning Licinius's exorbitancies which after∣wards ensued, and concerning his death.

SUch [gifts] therefore did the Divine and celestial Grace of our Saviours presence be∣stow upon us: and such an exuberance of pro∣sperous successes was procured to all men by rea∣son of the peace [restored] to us. This was the posture of our affairs, we spent the time in joy and publick festivities. But this spectacle was intollerable to the malice of the Devil, that hater of all goodness, and industrious Patron of mischief. Nor were the calamitous misfor∣tunes which befell the forementioned Tyrants sufficient to instill a sober considerateness into Licinius, who being honoured with a prosperous and successfull Government, and with the second place of dignity, that next to Constantine the Great, and innobled with an affinity contracted by marriage, and with a neer relation to a most August family, relinquished the imitation of good men; and became a zealous emulatour of the improbity and wickedness of impious Tyrants.

And he made choice of following their Councels, whose calamitous end himself had beheld with his own eyes, rather than to continue in the friendship and affection of the best of Princes. For being stimulated with Envie against his great Benefactour, he raised a most impious and ne∣farious war against him, in no wise revering the Laws of nature, forgetful of all oathes, affinity, and leagues. For Constantine, like a most curteous Em∣perour, that he might shew him the most convin∣cing tokens of his sincere kindness, envied him not his own affinity, nor did he deny him the il∣lustrious marriage of his Sister: but vouchsafed to make him partaker of the a 1.1 Nobility he derived from his Ancestours, and [com∣municated to him] his own antient lineage and Imperial blood; he also allowed him to enjoy an Authority over all the Roman Empire, as being his kinsman and col∣league in the Empire; nor had he given him a less portion of the Roman Provinces to Rule over and Govern, [than he reserved to himself.] But on the other hand, [Licinius] acted quite contrary hereto, daily inventing all kinds of stra∣tagems against him that was his Better, devising all ways how to insnare him, that with mischiefs he might reward his Benefactour. At first there∣fore attempting to conceal his treacheries, he counterfeited a friendship, and having several times assailed [Constantine] by guile and de∣ceit, he hoped to have easily obtained what he expected. But God was [Constantin's] Friend, Guardian, and Protectour: he brought to light and detected the intregues which were clancular∣ly and secretly contrived against him. So power∣full a strength is that great Armour of Godliness [endowed with,] that it is both prevalent to repulse the enemy, and has also a power sufficient for its own preservation. With this Armour our most pious Emperour being fortified, escaped the many intricate snares of that accursed Man. Licinius therefore, perceiving that his secret Plots did not succeed according to his expecta∣tion, (because God discovered all his deceit and treachery to his beloved Emperour,) and know∣ing that he could lie no longer concealed, raiseth open war. But in that he determined to war against Constantine, he likewise resolved to Mar∣shal an army against Almighty God, whom he knew Constantine worshipped. Afterwards he be∣gun secretly and by little and little to attack those pious men who lived under his Government, who never intended the least molestation to his Do∣minions. And this he did [in regard] he was miserably induced thereto, being blinded by his innate malice. Therefore he did not set before his eyes the Examples of those who had been Persecutors of the Christians before him; nor yet of those whose destroyer and punisher he himself had been appointed, because of the height of those Impieties, to which they were arrived: but, declining from the way of sober and right reason, or rather running perfectly mad, he re∣solved upon engaging with God himself (be∣cause he was Constantin's Assistant,) instead of [Constantine] who was assisted by him. And first of all he banished all Christians out of his family, leaving himself destitute (miserable wretch!) of their prayers to God for him; it being their commonly receiv'd Doctrine that prayer should be made for all men. He after∣wards gave command that all the Officers in the b 1.2 Civil Milice should be disbanded and tur∣ned out of their military preferments, except they were willing to sacrifice to Devils. But these are but small things, if compared with his greater villanies, which ensued. To what end should we recount all and every par∣ticular fact, which this man, hated of God, committed? how he, who was the great∣est law breaker invented im∣pious laws? For he made an Order, that no one should charitably relieve the poor distressed Prisoners with meat, nor show the least compassion to those, who through hunger pined a∣way in their fetters: that is, that there should no good man live, and that they who were led by [the dictates of] nature it self to have compassion on their neigh∣bours, should be incapable of doing them any good. And this was clearly the most impudent, and cruel of of all laws, by far surpassing all that mildness and cle∣mency implanted by nature: to which Law also there was a penalty annexed, that they who shewed compassion up∣on the [criminals] should suffer the like afflictions with those towards whom they shew'd mercy: and that such as charitably ministered to those in bonds and con∣fined to prison, should suffer the same punish∣ment with them. Such were Licinius's Ordi∣nances. What need we reckon up his innovations concerning marriages, or his new laws about c 1.3 dying persons; whereby he presumptuously abrogated the ancient, good and wisely establi∣shed Roman Laws, and instead of them intro∣duced certain barbarous and inhumane ordinances, truly unjust and illegal? he also invented several sorts of d 1.4 Taxes to the great oppression of the Subjects of his Provinces; and all sorts of ex∣actions of Gold and Silver; e 1.5 surveying of lands; and that cursed way of getting lucre from Coun∣trey

men which were not alive, but long since dead. Besides these things, why should we reckon up the f 1.6 proscriptions of innocent men which he, the Enemy of mankind, was the Inventer of? and the Imprisonments of men g 1.7 nobly descended, and of an honourable repute? Whose youthfull wives he forced from them by vio∣lence, and delivered them to some of his impure slaves, that they might be most injuriously vitiated? What need we number the married Women, Virgins, and Maids, whom in his h 1.8 decrepid age he abus'd, to the fulfilling of his own soul's insatiable lust? What need is there [I say] of en∣larging upon these things, whenas the exorbitant gros∣ness of his last actions e∣vinceth his first to be trivial and almost nothing? In fine, he arrived to such an heighth of madness, that [he made an at∣tempt] upon the Bishops: and looking upon them (in regard they were the servants of Al∣mighty God) to be enemies to his practises; (but [daring not] as yet to use open violence, fearing his superiour,) he privily and craftily plotted against them: and by the treacheries of his Presidents destroyed the eminentest of them. The manner how he murthered them is strange, and such as was never before heard of. But his Actions at Amasia and the rest of the Cities of Pontus do far exceed the most superlative cruel∣ty. Where some of Gods Churches were again thrown down from their vast height to the very ground, and others were shut up, least any of those that did usually frequent them should meet there, and render a due worship to God. For he did not suppose that prayers were offered up for him, being perswaded to entertain such thoughts as these by a consciousness of his own impieties. But he was of opinion that all we did was in behalf of the Pious Emperour, and to render God favourable to him. Upon which account he resolved to assail us with his utmost rage. Therefore, those Presidents that were his flat∣terers, being fully perswaded that this would be grateful to the Tyrant, [inflicted] the same punishment upon some Bishops that they usually imposed upon Malefactours. So that harmless and innocent men were haled away, and without the least pretext punished like murtherers. But others of them underwent a new kind of death, having their bodies cut with a sword (as Butchers do meat) into a great many pieces; and after this barbarous and most horrid spectacle, they were thrown into the depths of the Sea to be made food for the fishes. After this therefore, the worshippers of God betook themselves to flight; and the Fields, the Deserts, the Woods, and Mountains were the receptacles of Christ's servants. When the impious Tyrant had suc∣ceeded thus prosperously in these his attempts, he afterwards entertained some thoughts of rai∣sing a general Persecution against all the Chri∣stians. And he had undoubtedly been master of his desire, nor could there have been any ob∣stacle to hinder him from effecting of it, had not God the Protectour of his own servants, (that he might prevent what would immediately have ensued,) caused Constantine his servant sud∣denly to appear as a Saviour and a great Light to all that were in a thick darkness and an obscure night, conducting him with a mighty Arm into these parts.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Here we follow that emen∣dation of this place which is set at the Margin of Turnebus's M. S. who instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 affi∣nity] in this place reads. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nobility.] For Constantine was extracted from a Royal descent; he derived his pedigree from Claudius the Emperour. Vales.
• b 1.2

  The best Comment upon this place is the 54^th chap. of book 1. of Constantin's Life. The Mili∣tia amongst the Roman's was two∣fold: the Militia Castrensis, or, the Militia imploy'd in all Martial Af∣faires; and the Militia civilis (which in Theodosius's Code, is called the Militia Cohortalis, the militia im∣ploy'd in Civil Affaires. Those that were listed into this Militia Cohor∣talis, were by the Latines common∣ly call'd Officiales, or Apparitores: and by the Greeks generally 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. See Themist. 1. Orat. pag. 38. Chrysost. Homily 1. upon the first Epist. to Corinth. pag. 8. and pag. 10. Moreover [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] by Chrysost. Hom. 1. upon Saint Matthew is us'd for Apparitoris Of∣ficio fungi, to execute an Appari∣tours Office. But the Greeks (sometimes for distinction's sake of the Militia Castrensis) called these Apparitores, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, City Apparitours. So Eu∣sebius in the place above quoted; and Themistius, in his 17^th Orat. pag. 457. makes use of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which has the same import with [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] here in Eusebius, (i. e.) the Apparitours of the Presidents and Prefects of the Praetorium, who gathered the Tributes, which be∣longed to the Treasury. Vales.
• c 1.3

  This pas∣sage 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is by Christoph. and Langu•• render'd mortuos, the dead: but I cannot admit of this ver∣sion. What Law this of Licinius's was, 'tis difficult to resolve. It seems to have belonged to the Testaments of Dying people: it was abrogated by Con∣stantine after Licinius was overcome by him. Vales.
• d 1.4

  Eusebius uses this terme [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which occurs here, at book 8. chap. 14. (see note c. there) where he treats concerning Maximinus the Eastern Tyrant: but in his first book De vita Constant: he terms it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (i. e.) ways of getting money. The Ancient Greeks us'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this sence. There is extant a book of Xenophon's entitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The modern Latine Authours call these taxes, tituli. Vales.
• e 1.5

  The phrase here us'd (viz.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is very well rendred by Langus, iteratae agrorum mensiones, the re-measuring of Lands. This Version Rufinus confirm's, who renders it census innovare, to renew the Census, or the prizing of every mans Estate. This Census could not be renewed without the remeasuring of Land. For the Census amongst the Romans consisted of two things, (i. e.) the mea∣suring of Lands, and the numbering of the People, as I have elsewhere noted. We have the testimony of Aurel. Vict. and of Victor's Epitome in confirmation of what Eusebius says concerning Licinius's avarice. But what Eusebius says concerning Licinius's exactions, and oppressions of his Subjects, is confuted by the Testimony of two ancient Authors, (viz.) Aurel. Victor and Libanius: Victor says of Licinius that he was, Agraribus plane ac rusticantibus, quia ab eo genere ortus altusque erat, satis utilis, i. e. To the common sort of people and Rusticks, because he was extracted from and maintained by that sort of men, He was useful enough. Libanius in his Oration Pro Templis Gentilium, says 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that the Cities flourished under him (viz.) Licinius. Vales.
• f 1.6

  I doubt not, but instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] we should read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, proscriptions:] for in the first book, De vita Constant. cap. 55. (where Eusebius repeats all these passages almost in the same words) instead of this term, he uses this phrase [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, punishments of exile.] Vales.
• g 1.7

  Christoph translates the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used, Patricios, erroneously, as we before signi∣fied. They were termed nobiles, who were descended from those that had born any Office in Rome, or in the Towns incorporate. Vales.
• h 1.8

  But Licinius died in the Sixtieth year of his age, as Vi∣ctor affirms in his Epitome. Wherefore Eusebius, like an O∣ratour, aggravates the matter here. Vales.