The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE NINTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS. (Book 9)

CHAP. I. Concerning the counterfeited Cessation [of the Per∣secution.]

THIS Revocation contained in the Imperial Edict a 1.1 mentioned before, was published in all parts of Asia, and b 1.2 throughout the Adjacent Pro∣vinces. After which publications thus made; Maximin, the Eastern Tyrant, (a person as im∣pious as ever breathed, and a most deadly enemy to the worship of the supream God;) being in no wise pleased with these Rescripts, instead of the forementioned Edict, issues out a verbal Order only to those Governours within his Jurisdiction, that they should stop the persecution against us. For, in regard he durst not in any wise oppose the Decree of his superiours, * 1.3 having concealed the forementioned Edict, and taken such care, as that it should not be publickly proposed in the Pro∣vinces under his Jurisdiction; he gives order by word of mouth only to those Governours under him, that they should put a stop to the persecu∣tion against us; of which Order they inform one another by Letters. For Sabinus, who was then honoured with the Prefecture of the Prae∣torium (the chiefest Office c 1.4 among them) in a Latine Epistle to the Governours of the Provinces declared the d 1.5 Emperour's pleasure;

the contents of which Letter we have thus tran∣slated:

The Majesty of our most sacred Lords the Em∣perours, by their earnest and most devout care, have long since determined to render the minds of all men conformable to the true and holy Rule of living; that by this means they who seem to have embra∣ced usages different from those of the Romanes, might be induced to exhibite due worship to the im∣mortal Gods. But the obstinate and most untracta∣ble perverseness of some mens minds was arrived at such an height, that neither could the justice of the [Imperial] Decree prevaile with them to recede from their own resolutions, nor the imminent punish∣ment annexed strike any terrour into them. Since therefore it might have happened, that upon this account many would have precipitated themselves into danger; the sacred Majesty of our Lords the most puissant Emperours, (according to their in∣nate clemency) judging it disagreeable to their own most sacred Intent, that upon this occasion men should be surrounded with such great danger; en∣joyned our * 1.6 devotedness to write to your Prudence: that if evidence be brought against any Christian for his fol∣lowing that way of worship observed amongst those of his own Religion, you should se∣cure him and set him free from all danger and molesta∣tion, and that you should con∣demn▪ none to be punished up∣on account of this pretence. For since it has been manifestly evidenced that during so long a tract of time they could by no means be perswaded to desist from their perverse stubborness; your Prudence therefore is enjoyned to write to the Curators, to the Magistrates, and to the Presidents of the Villages [belonging to] every City, that they may under∣stand, that for the future they are not to take any further care concerning c 1.7 this affair.

Hereupon, all the Gover∣nours of Provinces, sup∣posing that the Letter writ∣ten to them [by Sabinus] contained [Maximin's] true and genuine meaning, did by their Letters com∣municate the Emperour's pleasure to the Curators, Magistrates, and Pre∣sidents of the Villages. Nor did they urge these things to them by Letters only, but much more by such deeds, as that the Princes command might thereby be put in execution; bringing forth, and setting at liberty those prisoners which they had in hold for Confession of the faith of God; and also releasing them who had been ad∣judged to the punishment of working in the Mines. For they supposed that this would in reallity be wellpleasing to the * 1.8 Emperour, but herein they were mistaken. These things being thus finished, on a sudden (like some bright shi∣ning light which darts forth its rays after a thick darksome night,) you might have seen Churches gathered together throughout every City; full assemblies; and the usual f 1.9 solemn services per∣formed at these meetings. All the Infidels were not a little astonished at these things, wondring at so great and unexpected an alteration of affairs, and crying out, that the God of the Christians was the great and only true God. Also, those of our Religion, who had faithfully and manfully strove in the Combat of Persecution, ob∣tained great confidence and freedom amongst all men. But as many as through weakness of faith had made shipwrack of their souls, with much earnestness ran to seek for a remedie; begging and praying for an assisting right hand from them that were strong, and supplicating God to be merciful to them. Moreover, soon after this, the Noble Champions of Religion, released from their servitude in labouring in the Mines returned to their own Countries; and being glad and jocund, travelling through the Cities, were fil∣led with an inexpressible joy, and a confidence unutterable. Thus did numerous companies of persons that were Christians perform their jour∣nies, lauding God with Hymns and Psalmes in the midst of the High-ways and Market-places. And you might now have seen those, (who but lately had been in bonds, groaning under most severe punishments, and driven from their own Coun∣tries) with joyful and pleasant countenances pos∣sessing their own habitations again: in so much that they, who formerly▪ [threatned to] mur∣ther and destroy us, when they saw this miracle which did so far surpass all mens expectation, re∣joyced with us at what had happened.

CHAP. II. Concerning the change of affairs which did after∣wards ensue.

BUT the Tyrant (who as we said before, Ruled in the Eastern parts) no longer able to endure these things, (he being a professed E∣nemy to goodness, and one who laid wait to in∣snare all good men) suffered not this state of affaires to continue a 1.10 the space of six months complete. But, inventing all the ways ima∣ginable to subvert the Peace, first he attempted (upon some pretence or other) to hinder us from assembling in the * 1.11 Coemiteria. Afterwards b 1.12 he sends an Embasie to himself against us, ha∣ving sollicited the Antiochians, by the means of some impious persons, that they should petition to obtain this from him (under the notion of the greatest favour,) to wit, that he would im∣power them to suffer no Christians to dwell a∣mongst them: he also excited the Inhabitants of other Cities to do the like. The chief of all these was one Theotecnus, an Antiochian; a turbulent person, an impostor, and a wicked man, (whose nature was not answerable to his † 1.13 name;) he was at that time c 1.14 Curator of Antioch.

CHAP. III. Concerning an Image newly made at Antioch.

WHen this [Theotecnus] therefore had several ways made his attacks against us, and had taken all imaginable care to hunt those of our Religion out of their Coverts, (as if they had been Thieves and Malefactours,) and had invented all the ways and methods of calumniating and accusing us, and had been the occasion of put∣ting many men to death: at last he erects an Image of a 1.15 Jupiter Philius, and b 1.16 consecrates it with Magick charmes. And, having invented and instituted, in honour of it, impure ceremo∣nies, execrable initiations, and most detestable expiations; he gave the Emperour himself a de∣monstration of the imposture of his Oracles, by which he effected what he had undertaken. Moreover, this man to please the Emperour by his flattery, stirreth up the Daemon against the Christians; feigning that God commanded, that the Christians (as being his enemies) should be banished the City, and all the Countries adjoyning to the City.

CHAP. IV. Concerning the Decrees [of the Cities] against the Christians.

WHen Theotocnus, (the first person that acted against us) had had this desired success, all the other Magistrates, inhabiting the Cities under Maximin's Jurisdiction, hastned to establish the same Decree; also, the Governours of Provinces, perceiving that this was acceptable to the Emperour, prompted those that lived within their district, to do the same thing: Moreover, when the Tyrant had by his Rescript most willingly assented to their Ordinances, the flame of Per∣secution was again kindled afresh against us. At length, Priests of the Images were constituted in every City; and moreover, such men as had been most eminent in State employments and had acquitted themselves honourably in the publick Offices they had born, were by a 1.17 Maximin him∣self created chief Priests. These men were very diligent and earnest about the worship of their Gods. For, (that I may speak briefly) the great superstition of this Emperor had such an influence as well upon the Governours, as the private per∣sons within the limits of his Government, that it induced them all to act any thing against us in compliance to him: and they thought, that to murther us, and to invent some new mischievous stratagems against us, was the most grateful ac∣knowledgement they could pay for the favours they expected to receive from him.

CHAP. V. Concerning the forged Acts

HAving therefore forged some a 1.18 Acts of Pilate concerning our Saviour, which were stuffed with all manner of Blasphemie against Christ; by [Maximin] the Emperour's order they send them throughout all his Dominions; commanding by their Letters that these Records should be posted up in all places, both in the Country and in the Cities; and that such as were School-masters should give them to their Scho∣lars in stead of their lessons, and make them study them, that so they might have them im∣printed on their memories. Whilst these things were done after this manner, the chief Com∣mander in the Army at Damascus a City of Phoenicia (whom the Romans call a Captain) having haled some infamous women out of the Market-place, compelled them by threatning them with tortures, to b 1.19 testifie by subscribing the said publick Records, that they were formerly Christians; and that they were conscious to their profane practices; and that in their very Chur∣ches they performed obscene and lascivious acti∣ons; and what ever else he would have them say that might bring a scandal upon our Religion. The testimonies of these women he inserted into the said Acts, and sent them to the Emperour. By whose order these very Records were published in every City, and in all other places.

CHAP. VI. Concerning them that suffered Martyrdom in those Times.

BUt not long after, this Captain was his own Executioner, suffering a condign punish∣ment for his malicious wickedness. And now

banishments and most horrid Persecutions were a fresh raised against us; the Presidents in every Pro∣vince renewing their cruel insurrections against us: in so much that some of the most eminent asserters of the divine faith were apprehended, and without any commiseration had the sentence of death pro∣nounc't against them. Three of them having professed themselves Christians, were cast to the wild beasts and devoured by them at Emesa, a City of Phoenicia: amongst them there was a Bishop, one a 1.20 Silvanus, a very old man, who had born that Office forty years compleat. At the same time also, b 1.21 Peter, that most eminent Prelate of the Alexandrian Church, (the chiefest ornament and glory of the Bishops, both for his virtuous life, and his study and knowledge in the sacred Scriptures) being apprehended for no crime at all, was beheaded (contrary to every bodies expectation) by Maximins order on a sud∣den, and without any specious pretence. Like∣wise many other Aegyptian Bishops suffered the same death that he did. c 1.22 Lucianus also, Presbyter of the Church at Antioch, a very pious man, much famed for his continency, and his knowledge in the sacred Scriptures, was brought to the City of Nicomedia, d 1.23 where the Emperour then kept his Court; and after he had made his Apology, in defence of that Doctrine which he asserted, before the President he was committed to prison and murthered. In fine, Maximin, that professed Enemy of all virtue, did in a short time load us with such burthens of afflictions, that this latter storm of Persecution raised by him seemed to us far more grievous then the former.

CHAP. VII. Concerning the Edict against us, which was [in∣graven on Brazen plates and] hung up on the Pillars.

MOreover, in the midst of every City (a 1.24 which was never seen before) the Decrees of Cities, and also the Imperial Edicts against us were ingraven on Brazen plates and proposed to open view. And the boyes in the Schooles had nothing in their mouths * 1.25 all day long but Jesus and Pilate, and the Acts which were forged to disgrace us. I judge it pertinent to insert here this very Rescript of Maximin's, which was ingraven on plates of Brass: both that the proud and arrogant insolency of this mans hatred towards God may be manifested: and also that it may hence be made apparent, that divine justice (which hates the impious, and keeps a continual watch against them) did within a very short time pursue and overtake him: by which Divine justice he was inforced to alter his senti∣ments soon after concerning us, and to confirm them by his Edicts in writing. But these are the Contents of his Rescript.

A COPY OF THE TRANSLATION OF MAXIMIN'S RESCRIPT IN ANSWER TO THE DECREES OF THE CITIES AGAINST US, TRANSCRIBED FROM A BRAZEN PLATE AT TYRE.

Now at length the infirm Confidence of mans mind, having shaken off and dispersed the cloud and mist of errour (which heretofore invested the senses of men, not so much wicked as wretched, being involved in the fatal night of ignorance,) may discern, that it is undoubtedly governed and strengthened by the indulgent providence of the im∣mortal Gods. It is incredible to express how grate∣full, how pleasing and acceptable a thing it was to us, that you gave such a proof of your Pious resolu∣tion towards the Gods. Indeed, before this time no person was insensible of the observancy and reli∣gious worship you shewed towards the immortal Gods; b 1.26 for your faith is made known to them not in bare and empty words, but by un∣interrupted and miraculous eminent Acts, upon which account your City may deser∣vedly be stiled the Seat and Mansion of the immortal Gods. For it is manifestly evident by many instances, that She flourisheth by the c 1.27 Arrival and presence▪ of the celestial Deities in Her: But lo! Now your City (care∣less of all its own particular concerns, and having no re∣gard to the Petitions, which in times past it did usually make [to us] for the welfare of its affairs,) when it was sensible that the Promoters of that accursed

vanity did begin to creep again, and [perceived] that (like fire which is carelessely left and raked up,) it brake forth into violent flames, the brands thereof being rekindled, immediately without the least de∣lay made its address to our piety, as to the Metro∣polis of all Religion, petitioning for a redress and an assistance. 'Tis evident that the Gods have in∣stilled into your minds this wholesome advice upon account of your constant and faithful perseverance in your Religion. For the most High and Mighty Jupiter, (who presides over your most famous City, and preserveth your Country Gods▪ your wives and children, your families and houses from all manner of destruction and ruine) hath breathed into your minds this salutary resolution; whence he hath evidenced and plainly demonstrated, what an excel∣lent, noble, and comfortable thing it is, to adore him, and to approach the sacred Ceremonies of the immortal Gods with a due observancy and venera∣tion. For what man can there be found so foolish and so void of all reason, who perceives not that it comes to pass by the favourable care of the Gods towards us, that neither the Earth does deny to restore the seeds committed to it, frustrating the hopes of the husbandmen with vain expectations, or that the aspect of impious War is not d 1.28 immoveably fixed on the earth; or that mens bodies are not hurried away to the grave being tainted by an in∣fection in the temperature of the Air: or that the Sea, tossed with the blasts of tempestuous winds does not swell and overflow: or that storms breaking forth on a sudden and unexpectedly do not raise a destructive tempest: or lastly, that the Earth (the nurse and mother of all things,) shaken by an horrid trembling arising from its own inter∣nal caverns, e 1.29 does not raise vast hills out of its own bowels; or that the mountains which lie upon it are not swallowed up by its unexpected scissures and rents. There is no man but knowes that all these calamities, (yea far more horrid than these) have happened heretofore. And all these evills fell upon us, because of that pernitious errour and most vain folly of those wicked men, at such time as it a∣bounded in their souls, and burthened the whole earth al∣most with shame and confu∣sion: After the interposition of some words, he continues. Let men now look into the open fields and see the flouri∣shing corn, waving its weigh∣ty ears; let them view the Medows gloriously bedecked with flowers and grass caused by the seasonable springing showers: Let them consider the constitution of the aire how temperate and calm it is again become. In future let all men rejoyce for that by your Piety, by your sacrifices and Religious worship, the fury of that most Potent and strong God Mars is appeased; and for this reason, let them se∣curely solace themselves in the quiet enjoyment of a most prosperous and serene Peace. And, as many as have deserted that blind errour, and wholly relinquished those impertinent wandrings, by returning to a right and sound temper of mind, let them rejoyce the more upon that ac∣count; in regard, (being delivered as it were from a storm unforeseen, and from a fatal disease,) they shall in future reap the sweet enjoyments of an happy life. But if any shall willfully persist in that their execrable vanity and errour, let them be ba∣nished and driven far from your City and its vi∣cinage (according to your request:) that by this means your City, being (agreeable to your com∣mendable diligence in this affair) freed from all pollution and impiety, may wholly devote it self (ac∣cording to its natural inclination) to attend upon the sacrifices and worship of the immortal Gods with all due veneration. Now, that you may be sensible how acceptable your address in this case was to us, and how ready and forward our mind is voluntarily to comply with and reward good desires even with∣out any decrees, or supplication; we permit your devotedness to ask the greatest favour you have a mind to, upon account of this your Religious at∣tempt. And now therefore make it your business to ask this and have it granted. For you shall obtain it without any delay. And this great boon granted to your City shall endure throughout all ages, both as a testimony of your most Religious Piety towards the immortal Gods; and shall also be an evidence to your children and descendants, that for this your good course and resolution of life you have received due rewards from our Gracious Goodness.

This Rescript against us was fixed up on the Pillars throughout every Province, and did ut∣terly exclude us from all hopes of safety, as far as it lay in humane power to do. In so much that (according to that divine oracle) * 1.30 Even the elect themselves, were it possible, would have been of∣fended at these things. But now, when all ex∣pectation [of assistance from above] was amongst most of us in a manner expired and extinct; while they, who were commissioned to publish the aforesaid Edict against us, were in some Coun∣tries yet on their journey; God the Protector of his own Church, (repressing the outragious insolence of the Tyrant against us, by stopping his mouth as it were;) did on a sudden demonstrate his celestial assistance in defence of us.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning what afterward hapned, in the time of the Wars, of the Famine, and of the Pesti∣lence.

* 1.31 FOR Showers and Rains which would then have been seasonable (it being Winter) withheld their wonted streams from the Earth: upon which hapned a Famine not so much as thought of or expected, which was followed by a Pestilence. There raged also another violent disease, (it was an Ulcer, which was properly call'd a Carbuncle, upon account of its violent bur∣ning.) This Ulcer spread it self over all the parts of the body, and was very fatal and dan∣gerous to them that were afflicted with it. And because its chief seat was for the most part longest about the eyes, it blinded a great many men, women, and children. Besides all these (ala∣mities, the Tyrant did now ingage in a War a∣gainst the Armenians, who had been old friends and Allies of the Romans. This * 1.32 person hated by God, endeavoured to compell these men (who were also Christians, very studious and industri∣ous about the service of God,) to sacrifice to Idols and Daemons, and so rendred them foes

instead of being friends, and bitter enemies in∣stead of confederates. All these calamities there∣fore, hapning on a sudden at one and the same time, did curb and confute the arrogant boasting of the insolent Tyrant against God; who had impudently bragg'd that in regard of his care in worshipping Idols, and persecuting us, neither War nor Famine, nor Pestilence, had happened in his Reign. Therefore all these Calamities coming to pass together, and at the same instant were as Prologues and forerunners of his immi∣nent ruine. Both he and his Armies suffered much in the expedition against the Armeni∣ans: And the residue, who inhabited the Cities under his Government, were miserably oppressed with the Plague and Famine: so that one mea∣sure of wheat was sold for two thousand five hundred * 1.33 Attick drachms. Innumerable were they that died in the Cities, but more in the Countries and Villages; so that now the † 1.34 Cen∣sor's Tables which were formerly filled with the names of Countrey men, wanted but little of one continued blot; allmost all persons being de∣stroyed either by the want of sustenance, or the Pestilential disease: some did not refuse to sell to the wealthier sort, even those things which were most dear to them, for a little morsel of food. Others selling their estates by parcels, were reduced to the greatest want and extremity. Other-some chewed in pieces little handfulls of grass which they had plucked up, and making no distinction, but eating poisonous herbs together therewith, which corrupted the healthful consti∣tution of their bodies, they perished. Also in every City divers women of good families, being reduced through want to shameless necessity, came forth to begg in the Market-place: their modest countenances and neatness of dress were an evi∣dence of their gentile education: some were pined away and dryed up like the Ghosts of per∣sons departed, so that they went reeling and tottering this way and that way, and being not able to stand, fell down in the midst of the streets, and lying stretched out upon the ground with their faces downward, they craved that even the least morsel of bread might be given them: and at their very last gasp cried out, that they were hungry; being only strong enough to utter this most doleful expression. But others that seemed to be rich, astonished at the multitude of beg∣gars, when they had given away a great deal, af∣terwards became uncompassionate and inexor∣able, expecting that they themselves should ere∣long suffer the same extremities with those that now begged of them. So that now, the dead car∣kasses which lay in the midst of the Market∣places and by streets naked and unburied for many days, were a most lamentable spectacle to the beholders. Moreover, some were devoured by doggs, upon which account those that survived, betook themselves to killing of doggs; being a∣fraid least they should run mad, and devour them who were yet alive. Neither did the Plague more leisurely destroy whole households and fa∣milies; but more especially those whom the Fa∣mine could not dispatch, because they were fur∣nished with great store of provision. Therefore the rich Presidents of Provinces, the Prefects, and a great many that were of the Magistracy, (as if the Famine had purposely reserved them to be devoured by the Pestilential distemper) suffered an accute and sudden death. All places, by-lanes, the Markets, and streets, were full of lamentations. There was nothing to be seen but mournful songs at burials, a 1.35 together with their usuall pipes and other funeral-musick. Thus death fighting with the two forementioned weapons, to wit, the Pestilence, and the Famine, did in a short time destroy whole families; In so much that you might have seen two or three dead bodies carried out of the same house together to the b 1.36 grave. Such were the rewards of Maximin's arrogance, and of the Decrees which the Cities issued out against us. During these sad times all the Heathens had evi∣dent demonstrations of the care and piety of the Christians exhibited towards all men: for only they (amidst so many and great calamities on all sides) in reality declared their true compassion, and good nature: some of them imployed them∣selves, every day in taking care of and in burying the dead (for vast numbers died whose funerals no body took care of.) Others gathered together into one body all those in the City who lay un∣der the pressures of the Famine, and distributed bread to them all. So that, when the fame of this action was divulged amongst all men; they all glorified the God of the Christians, and did ac∣knowledge them to be pious, and the only true worshippers of God, being convinced sufficiently by their works. Affaires being in this posture, God the great and celestial defender of the Chri∣stians, (having by the aforesaid calamities mani∣fested his wrath and indignation against all men, because of their barbarous cruelties shown to∣wards us,) did again restore to us the gracious and glorious splendour of his Providence; darting forth upon us (involved in the thick∣est darkness) the most miraculous light of his peace: and made it apparent to all men, that God himself was always the Overseer and in∣spectour of our affaires; who does sometimes indeed chastise and correct his people with the scourges of affliction: but after sufficient cha∣stisement, he does again shew himself gracious and merciful to those that confide in him.

CHAP. IX. a 1.37 Concerning the death of the Tyrants, and what expressions they used before their deaths.

CONSTANTINE therefore (who, as we said before, was an Emperour born of an Emperour, the Pious son of a most Religious, sober, and prudent Father b 1.38) and Licinius (who was next to him in Authority, both honoured for their Wisdom and Piety;) two most Pious [Emperours] having been encouraged by God the supream King and Saviour of all men, against

two most impious Tyrants, and engaging them in a lawful War, (God assisting them;) Maxen∣tius was most miraculously vanquished at Rome by Constantine; and Maximin the Eastern Tyrant, not long surviving Maxentius, dyed a most igno∣minious death, being conquered by Licinius, who had not yet done any extra∣vagant action. Moreover, Constantine the former of these two (who was the chiefest person, both in re∣spect of honour, place, and degree in the Empire) took compassion upon those who were oppressed with Tyran∣ny at Rome; and having by prayers humbly called upon the God of Heaven, and his Word Jesus Christ the Sa∣viour of all men, to be his helper, he marcheth with his whole Army in vindication of the antient Liberties of the Romans. Now Max∣entius, confiding more in his Magick devices, than in the love and favour of his Sub∣jects, durst not so much as stir out of the City gates; but with an innumerable host of Souldiers, and with Ambushes, he fortified all Places, Towns, and Cities whatsoever about Rome, and within the compass of all Italy, which were under the pressures of his Tyranny: the Emperour [Constantine] depended upon divine assistance, and having attacked the Tyrant's first, second, and third Battalion, and with ease routed them all, he made himself a passage through the greatest part of Italy, and was now come up to the very gates of Rome. But least he should be constrained to assault all the Romans for the Ty∣rant's sake only, God himself drew the Tyrant (as it were with cords) a great way out of the Gates: and did effectually confirm the truth of the miracles he wrought in times past against the wicked (recorded in the everlasting monuments of the sacred Scriptures, which though they are accounted fabulous by some and not credited, are nevertheless believed by the faithful) to all in general, Believers as well as Infidels, who saw this miracle we are about to relate. For as God in the days of Moses and the old Reli∣gious Nation of the Hebrews, overwhelmed the Chariots and forces of Pharaoh in the Sea; and drowned his c 1.39 chosen Ca∣ptaines in the Red Sea, and covered them with the waves: after the very same manner Maxentius with the Souldiers and guards that were about him were cast into the deep like a stone; at such time as he fled be∣fore the divine power, which did always assist Constan∣tine's Armes, and designed to pass a River that was in the way before him: over which he laid a very artifi∣cial bridge made of Boats joyned together, and so became instrumental to his own destruction. Upon which account these words may be pertinently spoken concerning him; * 1.40 He hath graven and digged up a pit, and is fallen himself into the destruction that he hath made. His travel shall come upon his own head, and his wickedness shall fall on his own pate. The joynings therefore of the bridge laid over the River being after this manner separated, the passage began to sink; and the Boats together with the men in them descended on a sudden to the bottom of the River. Thus, this most impious Tyrant in the first place, and after him his Guards (according to what was foretold in the sacred Scriptures) sunk down like lead into the deep waters. So that [Constantine's Souldiers] who at that time by divine assistance obtained the victory, in such sort as the Israelites heretofore did who were lead by Moses that eminent servant of the Lord, d 1.41 ought in all reason to have sung and repeated the same expressions (though not in words exactly the same, yet in reality) that they heretofore did against that impious▪ Tyrant [Pha∣raoh,] after this manner: * 1.42 Let us sing unto the Lord, for he hath triumphed glori∣ously; the horse and the rider hath he thrown into the Sea. The Lord is my helper and defender, e 1.43 he is become my salvation, And again: who i. like unto thee, O Lord, a∣mongst the Gods: who is like unto thee? Glorious art thou amongst the Saints, won∣derful in glory, working mi∣racles. When Constantine had in reality sung these Hymns, and Songs like unto, and of the same sort with, these, in praise of Almighty God Governour of all things, and Authour of victory, he entred Rome with all trium∣phant Pomp and Splendour: and immediately the whole Senate, f 1.44 those that were of the Equestrian Order, and all the people of Rome, together with their wives and chil∣dren, received him (with a joy in their countenances which proceeded from their very hearts) as a Redeemer, a Saviour, a publick Father, and Benefactour, and with acclamations, and a glad∣ness insatiable. But he, pos∣sessing a piety towards God that was naturally implanted on him, was not in the least elevated in mind at these po∣pular acclamations, nor puffed up with these com∣mendations, but being sufficiently sensible of the divine assistance in this his enterprise, he pre∣sently gave command, that the Trophy of our Saviour's passion should be put g 1.45 into the hand of a Statue erected to him. And when they had erected his Statue in the most publick place of all Rome, holding in its right hand the salutary sign of the Cross, he commanded an inscription to be

Engraven upon the basis of it in Latine, contai∣ning these very words:

BY THIS SAVING SIGN WHICH IS THE COGNIZANCE OF TRUE VALOUR, I HAVE DELIVERED AND FREED YOUR CITY FROM THE SLAVISH YOAK OF THE TYRANT, AND HAVE SET AT LIBERTY THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF ROME, AND RESTORED THEM TO THEIR ANTIENT SPLENDOUR AND DIGNITY.

After this, Constantine the Emperour and Lici∣nius his Collegue, (who was not then faln into that extravagant madness which afterwards de∣praved his intellectuals) having both together worshipped and reconciled themselves to God the author of all the good which had hapned to them, did with an unanimous accord and consent enact a most compleat and full Law in behalf of the Christians. And they sent a relation of the miracles which God had done for them, and an account of their victory over the Tyrant, together with this their law, to Maximin who as yet was Emperour in the Eastern parts, and pretended friendship towards them. But he, like a Tyrant, was discontented and dejected at this news: yet being afterwards unwilling to seem to yield to others, and also out of fear to them who had con∣firmed the Edict, daring not h 1.46 to suppress and conceal it, he directs this his first Rescript in be∣half of the Christians, to his Ministers, as it were of his own accord and by his own authority, though he was forced to it; Wherein with much artifice he feigneth concerning himself such things as were never done by him.

A Copy of the Translation of Maximin the Tyrant's Rescript.

i 1.47 JOVIUS MAXIMINUS AUGUS∣TUS, to SABINUS. I suppose it well known to your Gravity, and to all men, that our Lords and Fathers Diocletian and Maximian (when they perceived that almost all men, deserting the Religious wor∣ship of the Gods, joyned and applied themselves to the Sect of the Christians,) did right∣ly and duly decree, that all those persons who had Apo∣statized from the wor∣ship and service of their Gods, should be re-called to the worship of the Gods by a publick punishment and chastisement. But when with an happy Omen I first came into these k 1.48 Eastern Pro∣vinces, and found that very many men (who might be serviceable to the Republick) were exil'd and confin'd by the Judges, for the reason afore∣said, to certain places appoin∣ted them; I gave a charge to all the Judges, that none of them should for the future treat the Subjects of their Provinces so barbarously; but that they should rather re∣gain them to the service of the Gods by courteous per∣swasives and kind exhorta∣tions. During the time there∣fore that our Commands were, according to our Injunction, strictly observed, it happened that there was not one in all our Eastern Provinces either confin'd, or injured: but, in regard no trouble or disquie∣tude happened to them, they were the rather reduc'd to the worship of the Gods. After this, in l 1.49 the last year, when I successfully made a journey to Nicomedia, and there abode, the Citizens of that City came to me with the Images of their Gods, beg∣ging of me with much earnestness that those sort of men might by no means be permitted to inhabite a∣mongst them. But in regard I understood that a great many men of that Religion liv'd in those parts, I gave them this answer: that I was very well plea∣sed with, and thankful to them for, their address, but did not perceive that that was the desire of all men in general. If therefore, any do persist in the [Christians] superstition, every one of them may have his free liberty; to choose what pleases him; and if they will embrace the service of the Gods, they also may do that. I thought it requisite to return a kind reply to the Nicomedians, as well as to the other Cities, who with much importunity had presented me with the same Petition, to wit, that no Christian might dwell in their Cities; m 1.50 for so the preceding Emperours (as I observed) had always done; and it now so plea∣sed the Gods, (by whom all men are preserved, and the publick state of affairs con∣tinued in a sedate posture,) that I should grant that earnest address of theirs which they presented me with con∣cerning the divine worship of their Gods. Wherefore although I have very fre∣quently before this time, as well by Rescripts as n 1.51 Com∣mands, ordered your devo∣tedness, that the Presidents of Provinces should not be rigid or severe in their pro∣ceedings against those with∣in their districts, who are studious about the observa∣tion of the Rites and u∣sages of the Christian Re∣ligion; but that they pa∣tiently tollerate and with mo∣deration comply with them:

yet, least they should suffer any affronts or mo∣lestations, from the o 1.52 Beneficiarii, or any others, I thought it agreeable and opportune to remind your Gravity by th••se Letters, that you should rather win the Subjects of our Provinces to embrace the wor∣ship of the Gods, by flatterings and exhortations. Wherefore if any shall voluntarily take upon him to embrace and acknowledge the worship of the Gods, it is convenient that you should receive and treat such persons with the greatest kindness imaginable. But if any chuse to adhere to their own Religion, you are to permit them to take their Liberty. It is therefore required, that your devotedness observe what you are hereby injoyned; and that no person be impowered to injure, or exercise violence towards any of the Subjects of our Provinces: since it is rather convenient (as we said before) to re-call our Subjects to the worship of the Gods by fair words and kind exhortations. Moreover, that this In∣junction of Ours may come to the knowledge of all our Subjects, let it be your care to p 1.53 publish this Our Order by an Edict proposed by you.

When Maximin had issued out this Precept (be∣ing necessitated to it, and having not done it of his own accord) for all this he was not lookt upon by all men to mean unfeignedly, or worthy to be confided in, because formerly (after the like Indulgence) he had demonstrated himself to be of a mutable and perfidious disposition. None therefore of our Religion durst either q 1.54 meet together in their Ecclesiastick assemblies, or shew themselves in publick; for the Rescript did not in express words allow of this; it only contained an order that we should be preserved secure from violence and abuses: but it permitted us not either to celebrate our assemblies, or to build Churches, or to perform any of those solemnities usual with us: although Constantine and Licinius, the Pa∣trons of Peace and Piety, r 1.55 had by their Letters acquainted him, that they had both permitted us to doe these things, and also had granted the same to all under their Government by their Rescripts and Decrees. But the most impious Tyrant was resolv'd not to yield thus, till such time as, ha∣ving been prosecuted by divine justice, he was at length forced to it, whether he would or no.

CHAP. X. Concerning the Victory [obtained] by the Pious Emperours.

THis was the reason which a 1.56 did press him on every hand. When he was no longer able to support the weight of the Government, which was unworthily confer'd upon him, but through want of a moderate prudence of mind, such as is required in a Prince, did insolently and unde∣cently manage publick concerns; and more∣over, was vainly puffed up with haughtiness of spirit, even against his Collegues in the Empire, who were far his superi∣ours in Birth, Education, desert, prudence, and (which is the chiefest accomplish∣ment of all) in humility and piety towards the only true God. Through confi∣dence and insolency he ar∣rived to such a degree of audaciousness, as to b 1.57 chal∣lenge the Precedency, and placed his name first in all Titles and Honours. Then c 1.58 his madness breaking forth into utter desparation, ha∣ving violated the league which he had made with Licinius, he raised a bloudy and implacable War. Af∣terwards in a short time he * 1.59 put all things into con∣fusion, and every City into a strange consterna∣tion; and having gathered together all his forces being a very great Army, he marched forth to fight a∣gainst Licinius; being ex∣traordinarily puffed up in mind with a confidence of the assistance of Daemons which he supposed to be Gods, and with his innumerable Army of men. But when he came to engage in a Battel, he was destitute of divine care and protection; and the victory was by the one, only and su∣pream God given to Licinius. First of all his d 1.60 Foot forces were routed, in which he did most con∣fide; then his Guards de∣serted him, revolting to Li∣cinius the Conquerour, and he forthwith, unhappy wretch, threw off his Royal Robes, (which did not become him,) and timerously, ignobly and unmanfully shrowded him∣self amongst the crowd [of common Souldiers.] Af∣terwards he fled; and (be∣ing very sollicitous about making provision for his own safety) hid himself in the fields and villages, hardly escaping the Enemies hands; by which he did truely veri∣fie those firm, unerring, and divine▪ Oracles which say; There is no king that can be saved by the multitude* 1.61

of an host, neither is any mighty man delivered by his great strength. A horse is counted but a vain thing to save a man, neither shall he deliver any man* 1.62 by his great strength. Behold the eyes of the Lord are upon them that fear him, upon them that put their trust in his mercy; to deliver their souls from death. Thus therefore did the Tyrant re∣turn with disgrace into his own Provinces; and first of all in a mad passion he destroyed many Priests and Prophets belonging to those Gods he had formerly admir'd, (by whose Oracles he had been excited to engage himself in this War) as Cheats, Impostor's, and also, betrayers of his own safety. Then, when he had given thanks and praise to the God of the Christians, and had enacted a full, perfect and most compleat Law for their Liberty, he was forthwith struck with a mortal distemper, and (without the least de∣lay allowed him) finished his life. Now this was the Law which he published.

* 1.63 A Copy of the Tyrants Decree in behalf of the Christians, translated out of Latine into Greek.

EMPEROUR CAESAR CAÏUS VALERIUS MAXIMINUS GER∣MANICUS, SARMATICUS, PIUS, FELIX, INVICTUS AU∣GUSTUS. We are confident no man can be ignorant, but that every one does know and is fully satisfied (if he does recollect himself and reflect upon what is done,) that at all times and by all means We do consult the utility of the Subjects of our Provinces, and do willingly grant them such things as may prove most advantagious to them in general, all that may be most condusive to their common good and profit, whatever is agreeable to the advantage of the publick, and is most grate∣ful to the minds of every one of them in particular. At such time therefore as it came to Our knowledge, that (upon occasion of a Law made by Our Parents, their most sacred [Majesties] Diocletian and Maximian, whereby it was Decreed that the As∣semblies of the Christians should be utterly abo∣lished) many Extortions and Rapines were com∣mitted by the * 1.64 Beneficiarii, and that these abuses of our Subjects, (whose peace and quiet is our chiefest care) increased exceedingly, their e∣states being [upon this pretence] wasted: by Our * 1.65 Letters written the last year to Our Presidents of every Province, we Decreed: that if any one had a desire to follow that Sect, or adhere to the Pre∣scripts of that Religion, he might without impedi∣ment persist in his resolution, and not be hindred or prohibited by any man: and that every one should freely do what pleas'd him best without the least fear or suspition. But it could not now escape our knowledge that some of Our Judges did f 1.66 misap∣prehend Our Commands, and caused Our Subjects to distrust and doubt of our Decrees, and made them more slow and fearful in their accesses to those Re∣ligious performances which they approved of as best: Now therefore that all jealousies, ambiguities, and fears may for the future be removed, we have De∣creed that this Our Edict be published; whereby all men may know, that they who desire to follow this Sect and Religion, are allowed by this Our Gracious Indulgence to apply themselves to that Religion which they have usually followed, in such a manner as is acceptable, and pleasing to every one of them. We do also permit them to rebuild their Oratories. Moreover, that this Our Indul∣gence may appear the larger and more compre∣hensive, it has pleased us to make this Sanction; that if any houses or estates (which formerly be∣longed to and were in possession of the Christians) are by the Decree of Our Parents devolved to the Right of the Exchequer, or are seized upon by any City, or sould, or g 1.67 bestowed upon any one as a gra∣tuity: We have Decreed that they shall all be restored to the antient tenure and possession of the Christians; that so all men may hereby be sensible of our Piety and providence in this concern.

These are the expressions of the Tyrant, which came from him not a full year after those Edicts he had published against the Christians [en∣graven on plates of Brass and] fix't up on the Pillars. And now he, who but a little before looked upon us as impious, Atheistical Persons, and the very pest of mankind, (in so much that we were not permitted to dwell in any City, Coun∣trey, or even in the deserts,) this very person [I say] made and published Laws and Decrees in favour of the Christians. And they, who but lately were destroyed by fire and sword, and were devoured and torn by beasts and birds in the very presence of this Tyrant; they, who underwent all sorts of punishments, tortures and death, in a most miserable manner, like Atheists and irreligious persons, even these men are now acknowledged by this very Tyrant to profess Re∣ligion, and are permitted to rebuild their Ora∣tories; nay further, the Tyrant himself does ac∣knowledge and attest that they ought to be par∣takers of some Rights and Priviledges. More∣over, when he made this publick acknowledg∣ment, (as if he had hereby obtained some favour) for this very reason, his sufferings were less cala∣mitous than he deserved they should be, [for] being smitten by God with a sudden stroak, he died in the second Engagement [that happened in] that War. But he ended his life not like those Martial Generals, who (after they had often demeaned themselves gallantly in the field in defence of their honour and their friends) happened couragiously to undergo a glorious death. But he (like an impious person, and a Rebel against his Creatour,) whilst his Army stood in the field drawn up in Battalia, staying at home and hiding himself, suffered a condign punishment, being smitten by God with a sud∣den blow over his body. For, being tortured with grievous and most acute paines, he fell upon his face on the ground, and was destroyed by

want of food, all his flesh being melted away by an invisible fire sent upon him from heaven. In so much that, when his flesh was wholly w••sted away, the entire shape and figure of his former beauty quite disappeared; his parched bones (which lookt like a skeleton that had been long dried) being all that was left of him. So that those about him judged his body to be nothing else but the grave of his soul buried in a body already dead and wholly putrified. And when the violent heat of his distemper scorched him with a greater vehemency even to the very mar∣row of his bones, h 1.68 his eyes leaped out of his head, and, having deserted their proper station, left him blind. After all this he yet drew his breath, and having given thanks, and made his Confession to the Lord, he called for Death. At last, acknowledging these his sufferings due for his contempt and presumption against Christ, he gave up the Ghost.

CHAP. XI. Concerning the final Destruction of the Enemies of Religion.

MAximin therefore being thus taken out of the world, (who was the only Enemy of Religion that hitherto surviv'd, and declared himself the worst of them all;) the Churches by the grace of God Almighty were rebuilt and raised from the very foundation, and the Gospel of Christ darting forth its beams of light to the great glory of the all-ruling Deity, enjoyed greater liberty than it formerly had. But the wicked, and the Enemies of Religion were clouded with the highest disgrace and greatest shame im∣maginable. For first of all Maximin himself was proclaimed by the Empe∣rours a * 1.69 publick Enemy, and was termed in the pub∣lick Edicts which were fixed upon Pillars, a most im∣pious, detestable Tyrant, superlatively odious to God. Also the Pictures which were placed in every City in ho∣nour of him and his chil∣dren, were some of them broke in pieces and thrown down from on high to the very ground; and others were defaced, having their visages black∣ned with dark colours. In like manner, all the Statues which had been erected in honour of him were also thrown down, broken in pieces, and exposed as subjects of derision and scorn to all those that would abuse and insult over them. After this the other Enemies of Religion were divested of all their dignities. Moreover, all Maximin's party, more especially those whom he had preferred to places of the greatest power in the Provinces within his Empire (who to flat∣ter him had been insolently abusive towards our Religion) were put to death. One of this num∣ber was b 1.70 Picentius, a person that was a great favourite of his, highly esteemed by him, and his dearest intimado: whom he created Consul a second and a third time, and also made him c 1.71 Prefect and Rationalist. Another was one d 1.72 Culcianus, who had born all Offices of dignity in the Magistracy and in the Government of Pro∣vinces; he also was famous for his innumerable Massacres of the Christians in Aegypt. There were a great many more beside these, by whose endeavours most especially the barbarous Tyranny of Maximin was maintained and extended. Fur∣ther, Divine vengeance required justice to be exe∣cuted upon c 1.73 Theotecnus, being in no wise for∣getful of his practises against the Christians. For he was look's upon as a deserving and successful person upon account of his consecration of the Image at Antioch, and besides, the Emperour Maximin conferred on him the Presidency of a Province. But when Licinius came to Antioch, and was resolved to make inquisition for the Im∣postours, [amongst others] he tortured the Priests and Prophets of the New contrived Image, enquiring of them how they palliated and put a mask upon their Imposture: when they could no longer conceal the truth, being by their tortures compelled [to disclose it] they de∣clared, that the imposture of the whole Mystery was compos'd by the cunning of Theotecnus:

when therefore Licinius had inflicted condign punishment on them all; he gave order that Theotecnus himself should first be executed, and afterwards the rest of his Associates that were conscious to, and accomplices in the Cheat, having first suffered innumerable tortures. To all these were added Maximin's Sons, whom he had now made Colleagues with himself in the Empire, and partakers of the Pictures, and Inscriptions dedicated to his honour. In fine, all the Ty∣rants relations, (who but just before had made their proud boasts, and insolently exercised au∣thority over all men,) most ignominiously under∣went the same sufferings with those persons fore∣mentioned, for they received not instruction, nor did they know, or understand this season∣able admonition uttered in the holy Scriptures; O put not your trust in Princes, nor in the* 1.74 children of men, for there is no health in them. The breath of man shall go forth, and he shall re∣turn again to his earth: in that day shall all their thoughts perish. Thus therefore the impious be∣ing like filth wiped away [from off the earth,] the Empire, which by right belonged only to Constantine and Licinius continued firm, and un∣obnoxious to Envy. These persons (after they had first of all cleansed the world from all im∣piety) being sensible of those great benefits they had received from God, did sufficiently demon∣strate their love of vertue and of the Deity, their piety, and gratitude towards God, by the Laws they made in favour of the Christians.

The End of the Ninth Book of the Ecclesiastical History.

Notes

• a 1.1

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term here used) must be ta∣ken for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as is frequent in our Au∣thor. We have this revocation of the Em∣perour's Decree in the 8^th book of this Histo∣ry, at the latter end. Vales.
• b 1.2

  By these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Chri∣stoph. understands all the Provinces of Asi••; but Rufinus thinks Pontus, Bithynia, Galatia and the rest of the Provinces bordering on every side are meant, which were under the Emperour Galcrius's Go∣vernment: excepting only the Eastern Provinces, over which Maximinus Caesar was Ruler. Vales.
• * 1.3

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, we have translated having concealed: the Phrase is borrowed from the Attick Lawyers; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with them signifies that Court where matters of small importance were adjusted, to wit, not exceeding one drachm. The Judges of this Court were the Undecemviri; This Court stood in an obscure place of the City, and hence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is in Demosthenes, and here also in our Authour, us'd metaphorically, for privily.
• c 1.4

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with them] the reading in Nicephorus is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with him,] shewing, that Sabinus was Prefect of the Praetorium to Maximin. But our Copies do all agree in the former reading, that is [with them,] in the plural number; which is the truest. For, although Sabinus bore the Prefecture of the Praetorium (which we may call the Office of Lord-chief-justice, or of Lieutenant General under the Emperour, to govern Provinces in Civil Causes; See Pancirol. in Notitiam Imper. Orient. c. 5.) under Maximinus Caesar in the East; yet because he was made Praefect by Galerius, therefore he is stiled the Praefect of the Emperours, meaning Galerius and Maximinus. For the Caesars had not the power of crea∣ting Praefects; but they were made by the Augusti, as may be shown from many places in Amm. Marcellinus. Hence 'tis, that Sabinus in his Edict (which Eusebius does here insert) always speaks of the Emperours in the plural number, to let the Governours of particular Provinces understand, that that was the command of the Emperours, to wit, Galerius, Constantinus, Licinius, and Maximinus. Also, by these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] may be meant the Governours of those Provinces which were under Maximin's jurisdiction: for Eusebius speaks of them in the foregoing sentence. Indeed, this exposition seems most natural to me; but then we must render [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not with, but amongst them; which rendition the Greek will bear. Vales.
• d 1.5

  Rufinus translates this place thus; Sed, Sabinus, &c. But Sabinus, who at that time was chief of the Provinces; and inserted the forementioned Imperial Edict, thereby manifesting to all men that which Maximin had attempted to conceal. But Rufinus has not expressed Eusebius's mea∣ning in this rendition of his words. For Sabinus did not set Galerius the Emperour's decree before his own order, as it was usual for the Prefects of the Praetorium to do; in regard Maximin had made i•• his business, that that Imperial constitution should be concealed from those Provinces under his Government. For he was highly displeased at Galerius's Rescript; both in regard the Christians (whom he had hitherto most barbarously persecuted,) were delivered from his butcheries; and also because his name was not prefix't before the foresaid decree. For, after Galcrius's and Constantine's name, Lici∣nius's was set before the Rescript: but Maximin's name, (he being as yet but Caesar only) was not there. Therefore, partly for shame, partly out of indignation, Maximin suppressed that Edict. But S••binus (in this Epistle of his to the Presidents of the provinces) makes very little mention of this Constitution, because he would not displease Maximin. Further, by the word [Emperour] Christophorson thought Maximin was meant. But I like Rufinus's Version better, who sup∣posed Galerius to be understood thereby; and besides, Eusebius usually calls Maximin by the name of Tyrant, not Caesar. Vales.
• * 1.6

  I suppose, these are the terms of honour, which these great Of∣ficers had given to them in all addresses; and which they them∣selves also made use of, when they mentioned themselves in any Letters they wrote to others: the words in the Greek are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which Valesius renders de∣votio; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by him translated Solertia.
• c 1.7

  I doubt not but in∣stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, this decree] it ought to be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, this affair.] which a∣mendment Nicephorus confirms B. 7. Chap. 24. who has exprest this place thus, that they should not trouble themselves any further about the Christians. Vales.
• * 1.8

  To Maximin.
• f 1.9

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as∣semblies, is here used instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 solemn ser∣vices. Dio∣nysius A∣lexandr. used this term in the same sense, as we noted before. There was a twofold Synaxis; one of the Prayers; the other of the Sa∣craments. Athanasius mentions the former, in his Apo∣logy to Con∣stantius. Vales.
• a 1.10

  Maximi∣nus Gale∣rius did not live long after he had made that De∣cree for the Peace and Liberty of the Chri∣stians, but within a few months after, dyed of a wound which had festered. See the Ap∣pendix to the eighth book of this History. When Maximinus Caesar heard of his death, he renewed the Persecution against the Christians, and pro∣claimed himself Augustus; whereas he was only Caesar before, and was compelled to obey the commands of Galerius Augustus. Vales.
• * 1.11

  See Book 7. Chap. 11. note (f.)
• b 1.12

  What is meant by this elegant passage [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] neither Christoph▪ nor Musculus understood: the mea∣ning of it is this: Maximin sent underhand some cunning men to sollicit the Antiochians, to send Embassadours to his Court, to request of him, that they might have liberty to drive out all Christians from amongst them. Hence Maximin who did underhand procure this Embassy, may well be said to have sent this Embassy to himself, and he himself to have been the Embassadour, this transposition of words is frequent and familiar in Eusebius. Vales.
• † 1.13

  The import of Theotecnus in the Greek, is, the Son of God.
• c 1.14

  See Book. 8. Chap. 11. note (b.)
• a 1.15

  This Temple of Jupiter Philius at Antioch is mentioned by Julia∣nus, in Mi∣sopogone, and by Li∣banius (if I mistake not) in Antiochico. Vales.
• b 1.16

  The Ce∣remonies of the Gentiles, used in the erection and consecration of Images to their Gods, were various. For Jupiter Ctesius was consecrated with one sort of Rites, Herceus with another, and Philius with a third sort. Jupiter Ctesius, whose Image they kept in their store-houses, was con∣secrated with a little tub. Anticlides (in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, in his B. De Ritubus Sacris, apud Athenaeum B. 11. Cap. 6.) relates the Ceremonies of Consecration. Jupiter Herceus was consecrated with Pots: See Aristophanes in Danaidibus. After the same manner were those Images Consecrated, which they erected to Mercury, and other Gods: and this they termed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to Consecrate with Pots. In these Pots they boyled all sorts of purse, of which they offered sacrifice to those Gods they Consecrated, in memory of the food eaten in Old times, and of the frugality of the Ancients. But when they designed to be at greater cost in treating their God, then they killed a sacrifice at the erection of his Image; which they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to Consecrate with a slain sacrifice. See Aristophanes (in Irene) and his Scholiast, pag. 693. See Suidas also, in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Besides these Ceremonies, they used sometimes Magical Consecrations; So Theotecnus did here, in the Dedication of an Image to Jupiter Philius. Vales.
• a 1.17

  By 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are meant Sa∣cerdotes Provinciarum. Concerning whom see B. 8. chap. 14. note (b.) A Sacerdos Provinciae was created by the votes of the Decuriones, i. e. the Senators, or Aldermen of the City. Now those men especially were advanced to this dignity, who had with honour acquitted them∣selves in the discharge of all Offices belonging to the Court; as we may see in God. Theod. Tit. De Decurionibus. Eusebius here takes notice of it as a thing new and unusual, that Maximinus himself should elect the Sacerdotes Provinciae. Vales.
• a 1.18

  Concer∣ning the falseness of these Acts, see what Eusebius has re∣markt B. 1. chap. 9. These Acts are men∣tioned in Act. Praesi∣dial. Tara∣chi, probi, & Andro∣nici, cap. 9. where Maximus the Presi∣dent says these words, Wretch, knowest thou not, that that Christ, whom thou callest upon, was a man committed to custody by Pontius Pilate, and punished by him; the Acts of whose passion are extant? Moreover, these Acta Praefidialia Tarachi, &c. were performed when Diociesian was Consul the fourth time, and Maximian the third, as the inscription of the first interro∣gatory sheweth. Whence 'tis plain, that these Acts of Pilate were forged long before the persecution; the contrary to which Eusebius affirms in this place. But, that I may freely speak my sense, the in∣scription of these Acta praefidialia is in my judgment false; and it should be corrected thus, when Diocletian was Consul the ninth time, and Maximian the eighth: For (1) there is, in those Acts, mention of the Imperial command, whereby 'twas ordered that all men should sacrifice to the Gods. Now this command was issued out on the nine∣teenth year of Diocletian's Empire. (2) In the ninth chapter these words occur. The President said, you curse the Princes, who have secured a lasting and continued Peace. Andronicus said▪ I have cursed the Plague, and the bloud thirsty, which destroy the world. That expression [concerning the securing a lasting and continued Peace] cannot agree with the fourth Consulate of Diocletian; for at that time the Barba∣rians attacked the Roman Empire on every side. Besides, I can't see how Diocletian and Maximian can be termed, Blood thirsty, till after the 19^th year of Diocletian, when the Persecution began. Lastly, which is another argument, Eusebius affirms, that these Acts of Pilate were forged in the time of this persecution. Vales.
• b 1.19

  Rufinus has rendred the Greek phrase here (which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) thus, act is profiteri, to attest the truth of the said Acts by signing of them: for an evidence may be given both by word of mouth, and in writing also. Vales.
• a 1.20

  This Sil∣vanus is a different person from that Silvanus which Eu∣sebius men∣tions in his book con∣cerning the Martyrs of Palestine, chap. the last. For this was Bishop of Emesa▪ the other was Bishop of Gaza. The first was beheaded in the Mines at Palestine with 39 other Mar∣tyrs; in the eighth year of the Persecution. But this Silvanus was cast to the wild beasts at Emesa, on the ninth year of the Persecution. Concerning this man's Martyrdom Eusebius has said something before, in his eighth book, although not in its proper place; see B. 8. Chap. 13. Vales.
• b 1.21

  Eusebius mentioned this man's Martyrdom before in the eighth book chap. 13. but not in its proper place. For the eighth book does not go beyond the eighth year of the Persecution. But Peter Bishop of Alexandria was Martyr'd in the ninth year of the Persecution (which Eusebius expresly affirmeth in the end of the seventh book) upon the seventh of the Calends of December, as we read in the Excerpta Chrono∣logica published by Scaliger. Usuardus says the same; and so does Ado, and the old Roman Martyrology. The Greeks celebrate his birth day on the 14^th of November. The Acts of his Passion are extant in a M. S. in Greek, which the Reverend Father Franciscus Combesisius has, and will shortly publish, with many other things. Vales.
• c 1.22

  Eusebius has mentioned this man's Martyrdom at book 8. chap. 13. though not in its due place. But here he remarks the time more distinctly, wherein Peter and Lucianus suffered; to wit, under Maximin; not in the Reign of Galerius Maximianus, as Baro∣nius would have us believe, at the year of Christ 311. cap. 3. Also, Baronius is mistaken in placing the Martyrdom of Peter Bishop of Alexandria on the year of Christ 310. for he suffered in the year of our Lord 311, on the ninth year current of the Persecution. Ba∣ronius's errour arose from his beginning the Persecution a year too soon; which mistake we have sufficiently confuted before, at book 8. chap. 2. note (c.) Moreover, in regard Lucianus's Martyrdom hap∣pened under Maximin, the Martyrdom of Anthimus Bishop of Ni∣comedia should, in my judgment, be placed under Maximin also. Indeed, Anthimus suffered a little before Lucianus, as Lucianus in∣forms us in his Epistle to the Antiochians▪ which I made mention of in Book 8. chap. 13. note (a.) we may also make the same conclusion from the Acts of Lucianus the Martyr; where, instead of Maximinus, we read Maximianus, which is a common errour in the Greeks. Vales.
• d 1.23

  When Galerius was dead, Maximinus took possession of Asia and Bithynia; which Provinces (together with Illyricum, and Thracia) were governed by Galerius. For Galerius kept these Provinces for himself, as Eutropius informs us; the same is asserted by the old Au∣thour of the Excerptions, which I published at the end of my Amm. Marcelinus. Maximinus therefore made his abode at Nicomedia, which was the chief City of Bithynia; where the Emperours had a pallace ever since Diocletions time. Further, the following words do evidently manifest, that by the term [Emperour] Maximinus must be meant. Wherefore I wonder at Baronius, for asserting that Lucianus suffered under Galerius, not under Maximin; when as Eu∣sebius, contemporary with Lucianus, affirms he was killed by Maxi∣min. Vales.
• a 1.24

  Any man may justly wonder why Euse∣bius should affirm here, that this was never seen before. Were the Decrees of the Cities, or the E∣dicts of the Empe∣rours, ne∣ver publi∣shed be∣fore now? This can∣not be de∣nyed: nor is it de∣nyed by our Eusebius. But that which he asserts to have never been seen be∣fore, is, the ingraving of these Edicts upon plates of Brass. For (as we observed before, Book 8. chap. 5. note b.) the Imperial Edicts were written on paper. Vales.
• * 1.25

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, all day long; so Rufinus and Langus render it: Christophorson and Musculus translate it, quotidie, daily. Vales.
• b 1.26

  Christoph. and Muscu∣lus thought that this clause ought to be referred to Deos (the Gods:) but we make it to be referred to the Tyri∣ans them∣selves. Maximin does attempt to blacken the faith of the Christians by these words; he calls it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a faith of bare words: as if the Christian faith had nothing in it but words▪ and were void of all reality. Vales.
• c 1.27

  The antients believed, that on set days the Gods descended into those Cities for which they had a kindness: hence it is that the inhabitants of Delos and Mi∣letum solemnized the coming of Apollo: and the Argivi, the ad∣vent of Diana. This coming of the Gods we find mentioned up and down in the Poets, as in Virgil. Hence it is, that upon old Coins and in the Calendar, we find writ∣ten A••ventu•• Impp. Vales.
• d 1.28

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He aludes to that Aspect of the Planets called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which term is used concerning the Planets, when they seem to move neither backward, nor forward in their Epicycles; but are statio∣nary. Vales.
• e 1.29

  In the Greek Text the term is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, parts [not] in sunder] but it should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, does [not] raise vast hills out of its own bowells.] For two sorts of Earthquakes (contrary to each other) are here spoken of by Maximin; to wit, (1) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which (as Amm. Marcellinus describes them book 17. pag. 98. E∣dit. Paris. 1636) humum mole∣stius suscitantes sursum propellunt immanissimas moles, raise the ground after an horrid manner, and drive forth vast quantities of earth: (2) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which (according to Amm. Marcellin. description, loc. citat.) gran∣diori motu patefactis subito vora∣trinis, terrarum partes absorbent, having on a sudden made vast scissures in the ground by a most violent motion, swallow up parts of the earth. See Valesius's notes on these words of Amm. Marcelli∣nus; pag. 142. Maximin means here that earthquake which af∣flicted the City of Tyre, in that year before Diocletian's Persecu∣tion, as our Eusebius relates in his Chronicon. Vales.
• * 1.30

  He al∣ludes to Matth. 24. 24.
• * 1.31

  The most ancient Maz. M. S. begins the chap. 8. at these words; to which a∣grees the Fuk. M. S. and Ru∣finus. Vales.
• * 1.32

  Maximin.
• * 1.33

  See B. 1. Chap. 8. note (b.)
• † 1.34

  See B. 1. Chap. 5. note (b.)
• a 1.35

  It was customary amongst the Hea∣thens to at∣tend their dead to the grave with musick upon pipes, and singing of mournful songs: in this Cere∣mony were imployed certain old Women, called prae∣ficae and siticine••; see our notes upon the 14^th book of Amm. Marcell. Wherefore Christoph. mistakes who instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.] reads [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.] as if this were the sence; there was nothing now to be seen, but mournful cryes, in∣stead of their pipes, &c. thus he erroneous∣ly tran∣slates the place. But all our M. SS. and Nicepho. keep to the com∣mon reading. Vales.
• b 1.36

  By what is here related concerning the burial of the dead, we may gather that the custom of burning dead bodies was at that time wholly disused amongst the Romans. But, when this custom was first abolish'd 'tis difficult to determine. The Romans seem to have taken up this custom of burying in graves from the Jews, and Chri∣stians: concerning which we have a place very observable in Macro∣bius: for (says he in his Saturnal. B. 7. Cap. 7.) although in our days the custom of burning the dead is antiquated and disannulled: yet History teacheth us that in those days when they burned the dead, they pay'd great respect and honour to them. Vales.
• a 1.37

  In all our M. SS. the Titles of the Cha∣pters are transpos'd; that which ought to be the Title of the tenth Chapter is given to the ninth, and on the contrary that which ought to be prefixt to the ninth is set before the tenth. This mistake we had corrected in our translation, but because we would do nothing without the Authority of the M. SS. we did therefore choose rather to follow the mistake, resting satisfied in having advertised the Reader of the mistake. Vales.
• b 1.38

  After these words, in the most antient Maz. and Med. M. SS. follows this clause [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. And Licinius (who was next to him in Autho∣rity, both honoured for their wise∣dom and piety;) two most pious [Emperours] having been encou∣raged by God the supream King and Saviour of all men against two most impious Tyrants, &c.] which we have here inserted, judging it to be genuine and penned by Eu∣sebius himself, as 'tis apparent from what follows. For in the end of the period Licinius is men∣tioned as well as Constantine: whence 'tis plain, that Eusebius had spoken of both of them at the beginning of the period. But the Transcriber designedly expunged Licinius's name here, upon ac∣count of the impieties he com∣mitted afterwards. The Fuk. and Savill M. SS. does also agree with the Maz. and Med. M. SS. in in∣serting this clause here. Vales.
• c 1.39

  These words occur at Exod. 15. 4. The phrase in the Hebrew is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which the Septuagint translation renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; our English translation, his chosen Ca∣ptains. Expositours differ in their explications of these words. Va∣lesius thinks the Vulgar transla∣tion is truest; 'tis there rendred ternos ex curribus pugnantes, that is, The Three fighting out of the Chariots. The true import of the Hebrew is, The valiantest, or (as the Caldeo renders) the fai∣rest, Captaines; called The Three or Third, from their being the third sort of Governours in the Kingdom of Egypt. See Ains∣worth. Exod. 14. 7. and 15. 4.
• * 1.40

  Psal. 7. 17. 18.
• d 1.41

  I mislike Christophorson's Ver∣sion of these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which he translates [canere potuisset, could have sung:] he ought rather to have rendred it [cecinerit, should have sung:] For Eu∣sebius says, that Constantine did sing so, though not in exact words, yet really and truly. Vales.
• * 1.42

  Exod. 15. 1, 2, 11.
• e 1.43

  In the Maz. and Savil. M. SS. this place is thus written [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Lord my helper and defender is become my salvation:] which reading is confirmed by Rufinus's Version, who translates it thus [Adjutor & protector meus, & factus est mihi in salutem:] This passage occurs at Exod. 15. 2; where the Roman Edition of the Septua∣gint has not these two words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which I wonder at: for I am very certain that Eusebius made use of the Septua∣gint translation. Vales.
• f 1.44

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Greeks call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 whom the Latines call [Perfectissimi, most Perfect] This Title Perfectissimi was appropi∣ated to them of the Ordinis E∣questris, or Roman Knights; as Clarissimi was a title peculiar to them of the Senatorian Order. The Emperour's Prefects and Treasurers, who were always Knights, had the title of Per∣fectissimi given them. This dig∣nity or title in antient inscripti∣ons is signified by these Cha∣racters P. V. (i. e.) Vir. Per∣fectissimus: see Gruter, pag. 1098; and my notes on Amm. Marcell. p. 202. Vales.
• g 1.45

  Instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we chose to Read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, over, or into the hand: which Rufinus confirms and explains thus, Vexillum Dominicae crucis in dexter•• suâ jub••s depingi. Vales.
• h 1.46

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (though otherwise rendred by some tran∣slatours) signifies the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a phrase before used in the first chapter of this ninth book. The import of it is seponere, occultare; to conceal, or sup∣press the Edict, as Maximin did before in the first Chapter of this ninth book, when Galerius's Rescript was sent him. But when Constantine and Licinius, after the overthrow of Maxentius, sent their Decree to him in favour of the Christians; he durst not conceal it metu superio∣rum, fearing them, as being his superiours. Vales.
• i 1.47

  Diocletian was the first that assumed to himself this sirname, Jovius; as his Col∣legue Maximian did that of Her∣culius. Aferwards when Constan∣tius and Galerius were created Caesar's, Galerius, by marrying Diocletian's daughter, and living with him in the East, came to be called Caesar Jovius; and Con∣stantius, by marrying Herculius's daughter in law; and living with him in the Western parts, was called Caesar Herculius. Af∣terwards when Galerius died, Maximin, who was by him crea∣ted Caesar, assumed to himself the sirname of Jovius; which Eusebius here takes notice of. See the Chronicon Alexandrian. Vales.
• k 1.48

  Under the name of the East, Egypt also is contained. For the Government hereof was committed to Maximinus Caesar. For Maximimus (after he was made Caesar by Galerius) re∣ceived the jurisdiction over all those Provinces, which Diocle∣tian had reserved to himself. And hence it came to pass, that Egypt was reckoned amongst the Eastern Provinces a long while after. So Amm. Marcellinus (B. 14. where he recounts the Provinces of the East,) reckons Egypt and Mesopotamia amongst them. Further, Egypt was originally under the Comes of the East, as we are informed from an antient inscription; the Contents where∣of are these; M. MAECIO MEMMIO FURIO BALBURIO CAECILI∣ANO PLACIDO C. V. COMITI ORIENTIS. AEGYPTI. MESOPO∣TAMIAE. CONSULI ORDINARIO, &c. Vales.
• l 1.49

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the year past, (i. e.) the year of Christ 311. when Maximian was the eighth time Consul, for in this very year (wherein Galerius died, Maximin seized upon Bi∣thynia, which Galerius (together with Illyricum and Thrace) had reserved for himself. Vales.
• m 1.50

  This place is very intricate and obscure: and first, there is a difficulty in these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which some translated propterea quòd, because, but the ad∣verb [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] may be rendred ità, so, and then this is the mea∣ning of the place. (viz.) I re∣turn'd a kind reply to the Nicome∣dians, which the Emperours my pre∣decessours always were careful to do. The next difficulty is in these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it therefore pleased the Gods, &c.] But we ra∣ther read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and it now so pleased the Gods, &c. By this means [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is fitly oppos'd to the preceding words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the antient Empe∣rours. &c.] according to this e∣mendation we have translated the place. Vales.
• n 1.51

  Maximin does here make a distinction betwixt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Letters and Commands. Letters or Rescripts were sent by the Emperours to the Magistrates or Presidents into their Provinces when they were absent from Court: Mandata or Commands were given them by the Emperour when they were with him, before they went to their Provinces, all which commands were bound up in a short Libel. And this was one of the chief of their charges given them (to wit,) that they should be careful of their health. The Civilians speak much concerning these mandata Principum. Vales.
• o 1.52

  Those Souldiers were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Be∣neficiarii, that were promoted by the favour of the Tri∣bune; they were pri∣viledged from seve∣ral Duties and Mili∣tary hard∣ships (as says Ver∣getius.) Vales.
• p 1.53

  It was usual that the Prae∣sects of the Praetorium should, immediately upon Receipt of the Em∣perour's Law, publish it to the Subjects by their Edict. Sometimes they did promulge the Emperours Law before their own Edict; sometimes they Proclaimed their own Edict, and only mentioned in it the Emperour's Law. Thus did Sabinus, in the next chapter of this ninth book. But Rufinus says that he Proclaimed the Emperour's Law before his own Edict. True it is, we must confess, that the Emperours Laws were published before the Edicts of the Presidents most commonly. Of this we have a notable instance in the Con∣ference at Carthage, where after the Reading of the Emperour's Letter to Marcellinus the Tribune and the Notarius, Marcellinus's Edict was read. We must suppose the same thing concerning the Emperour's Rescripts: which were always placed before the Edicts of the Magi∣strates. So did Himerius Rationalist of Egypt, in his Epistle to the Governour of Marcot••; which Athanasius has related in his Apo∣logy. Vales.
• q 1.54

  By 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 us'd in this place, we must not understand a Council of Bishops, but an Ec∣clesiastick Congrega∣tion, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is some∣times us'd in that sence, and Niceph. in this place uses [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. to meet together in their assemblies] instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which word I greatly approve of as explaining the place. Vales.
• r 1.55

  These words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Musculus and Christoph. render thus; Maximino, ut ista concederet, scripserant, they had written to Maximin that he should grant it. But I think Eusebius's meaning was otherwise, (to wit,) Constantine and Licinius wrote to Maximin that they had given free liberty to the Christians to exercise their Religion▪ to celebrate their assemblies, and to build Churches, &c. For it seems unlikely and some thing arrogant, that Constantine and Licinius should command Maximin, their Collegue, to grant these Priviledges to the Christians. Vales.
• a 1.56

  I won∣der Tran∣slatours did not under∣stand the force of this word. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. to sur∣round] when as the Common Lexicons do sufficiently explain it▪ More∣over, the old Maz. M. S. does here begin this chapter, and I am not a little glad that my conjecture is confirm'd by its authority. For before I had procured that M. S. I be∣gun this tenth chapter at the next period, The King's and Fuk. M. SS. do agree with the Maz. Vales.
• b 1.57

  By these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is meant, to place his name first in all Titles of Laws and Decrees. Also, in all inscri∣ptions on publick works, Statues and Images, Maximin plac'd his name before his Collegues, Con∣stantine and Licinius: although they were Augusti before him. But Maximin challenged the first place, because he was created Caesar before them. Vales.
• c 1.58

  Niceph. changes these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 exten∣ding his pride to utter madness] which rendition is not amiss. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, in Chrysostome, taken for pride in many places. Vales.
• * 1.59

  In all our M. SS. 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and we translate according∣ly the term. Vales.
• d 1.60

  By [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] the term here us'd, Eusebius means Maxi∣min's Foot forces. Of all Histo∣rians only Zosimus mentions any thing of this Battel between Maximin and Licinius in Illyri∣cum; in his second book: he says, that Licinius at first suf∣fered some loss; but afterwards, renewing the fight, he put Maxi∣min to flight, who fled towards the East, thinking to raise a new Army. This relation does well agree with this of Eusebius here, for he says that Maximin having lost his Army fled into his part of the Empire, that is, into the East. This Battel therefore was fought in Europe; in the year of Christ 313. Constantine and Licinius be∣ing the third time Consuls; as Sigonius well observes in his third book De Occidentali Im∣perio. Vales.
• * 1.61

  Psal. 33. 16.
• * 1.62

  Psal. 33. 17, 18, 19.
• * 1.63

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. A Copy of the Ver∣sion, &c.
• * 1.64

  See the foregoing chapter. note (e.)
• * 1.65

  He means his Rescript to Sabinus Prefect of the Preto∣rium; which Eusebius has inser∣ted at the foregoing Chap. B. 9. Maximin says 'twas written in the year past, or the last year, i. e. in the year of Christ 312. Constantine and Licinius being both then in their second Consulate. Whence it follows that this last Edict of Maximin was written in the year of Christ 313; Constantine and Licinius being the third time Consuls. Further, these are the prin∣cipal differences between the Emperours Rescripts and Edicts. (1.) Their Rescripts had their names annext to whom they were sent; the Edicts spoke to all men in general. (2.) The Edicts were publickly proposed; the Rescripts were given to those to whom they were sent; as may be seen from Gest. Purgat. Cecilian. p. 28 nor was it usual to publish them, unless this word was expresly added in the end of the Rescript, proponatur, Let it be published. Lastly, in their Rescripts the name of the Emperour was prefixt only with some few of his Titles: but in their Edicts, none of their Titles were omitted, but all were carefully and proudly mentioned. Vales.
• f 1.66

  This word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is by Langus rendered malè accepisse, misapprehended, misinterpreted: which Version I approve of: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in its genuin sense signifies malè interpretari. But Musculus (and Christoph. in imitation of him) translates it, neglig••re to neglect, pro nihilo habere, not to value: which is not so well. The Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 disregarded] which words seem to have been written in the margin as a Scholion at first; but afterward crept into the Text. Vales.
• g 1.67

  That is by the Em∣perours, who us'd to give those E∣states which fell to the Exchequer to those that begged them. See the Code, in the Title De petitionibus. Vales.
• h 1.68

  Chryso∣stome at∣tests the same, in his Oration concerning Saint Ba∣bylas a∣gainst the Gentiles; in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The eye-balls of one of them leapt out of his eye holes of their own accord, while he was yet alive; this was Maximin: The other ran mad. Diocletian was the Emperour that was distracted; which is attested by Eusebius, and by Constantine. We have also an account of Maximins blindness, in Epiphanius's piece De Ponderib. Vales.
• * 1.69

  Though in the common E∣ditions the term here is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] yet we read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For Eusebius here means, that Maximin was proclaimed a Common Enemy. This was done very solemnly, by the Decree of the Senate, as the Compilers of the Historia Augusta inform us in many places, and especially where they treat of Maximin. Vales.
• b 1.70

  Him whom the Greeks name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we have ter∣med Pi∣centius: that there was a Sy∣cophant of this name in the time of Con∣stantine, Zosimus at∣testeth in the end of his second book. Cer∣tain we are that those persons whom the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the La∣tines term Picentes. Vales.
• c 1.71

  He seems to mean the Pre∣fect of the Praetorium. For the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is never used but to denote either the Prefect of the Praetorium, or the Prefect of the City. Besides, whenas Eusebius affirms that Picentius was advanced to great honour and made Consul twice by Maximin, it would be absurd for him to say, that he was made Rationalist by him, that being a place of small honour in respect of the Prefecture of the Praetorium. But, there are these arguments to con••ute this opinion: (1.) by these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Eusebius does always mean the Rationalist, as we have frequently observed before. (2.) Sabinus was Prefect of the Praetorium to Maximin (as we noted before) in the year of Christ, 311, and 312. Neither (3.) is the dignity of the Rationalists Office to be lookt upon as mean and low. For even Macrianus (he that seized on the Empire in the times of Gallienus) bore that Office: and Eusebius himself (book 8. chap. 9.) calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, no mean Office; speaking of Philoromus the Martyr. But that which Eusebius says, to wit, that Picentius was made Consul thrice by Maximin, is very intricate and difficult to be made out. We have observed be∣fore, that after Galerius's death, Maximin took upon himself the Title of Augustus, in the year of Christ 311. Therefore, before this time, when he was Caesar only, he could not make Picentius Consul. For the Augusti only had a right of creating the Consuls. Therefore, after Galerius's death, Maximin declared himself and Picentius Consuls in that very year. On the year following Maximin and Picentius bore their second Consulate in the East, when Constantine and Licinius were the second time Consuls in the West. But in Italy and Africa Maxentius was the fourth time Consul alone. Then, on the year after, which was the 313 year of Christ, the same Maximin and Picentius were Consuls the third time in the East, as is evidently collected from this famous passage in Eusebius For 'tis improbable that Maximin should give a third Consulate to another, and not declare himself Consul once. Indeed, in the Alexandrian Chronicle, Galerius Maxi∣minus is put Consul with Maximianus being in his eighth Consulate, which is the year of Christ 311. Although in that Chronicle he is called Galerius Maximus. We therefore are the first that have taken notice, that Maximin bore three Consulates. Whence it may be ga∣thered that Maximin was Augustus about two years, having before been Caesar seven years, and that he lived till the 313 year of Christ, which we have also demonstrated from his Rescripts. Wherefore I wonder how so notorious a mistake should creep into Eusebius's Chronicon, as to place Maximin's death before Maxentius's: It seems to have been committed by Saint Jerome; for he added many things of his own to Eusebius's Chronicon. Vales.
• d 1.72

  He was President of Thebaïs, as Epiphanius attests in his 68 Heres▪ which is the Heresie of the Mel••tiani, where he is called [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Culcïanus;] but it should be Culcianus as 'tis evident from this place in Eusebius. Yet Rufinus translates it Quintianus: in Nicephorus 'tis Lucianus; both names are false. For this President was called Cul∣cianus, as (besides Eusebius) the Acts of Phileas the Martyr's pas∣sion do affirm. Vales.
• c 1.73

  Eusebius speaks of this Theotecnus before, in this ninth book. Ce∣drenus asserts that this Theotecnus perswaded Galerius Maximianus to raise a persecution against the Christians. But he is mistaken, in that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 takes Galerius Maximianus for Galerius Maximinus, which is a common errour amongst the modern Greek Authours. Vales.
• * 1.74

  Psal. 146. 2, 3,