The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS'S BOOK Concerning the MARTYRS of PALESTINE.

a 1.1 In one Copy, we also found these following Chapters at the End of the Eighth Book.

IT was the Ninteenth year of Diocletians Em∣pire, the moneth Xanthicus, which the Ro∣mans call April; (Flavianus being Governour of the Province of Palestine;) in which year, [to wit,] when the Feast of the Salutary Passion was near at hand, the Edicts on a sudden were every where set forth, commanding the Churches to be pulled down to the ground, and the Scriptures to be consumed with fire; and ordering, that such as were promoted to honours should be de∣graded, and that the ordinary sort of people, if they persisted in a resolution of retaining the pro∣fession of Christianity, should be deprived of their liberty. Such was the vehemency of the first Edict against us. But not long after, other Re∣scripts were brought, wherein order was given, that all Prelates of the Churches every where, should first be put in bonds; and afterwards com∣pelled by all ways imaginable to offer sacrifice.

CHAP. I. Concerning Procopius, Alphaeus, and Zacchaeus, Martyrs.

a 1.2 PRocopius therefore, the first of the Martyrs of Palestine, b 1.3 before he had experienced a con∣finement in prison, was c 1.4 immediately upon his very first Arrival brought before the Presidents Seat of Judicature: and being commanded to offer sacrifice to those [by the Gentiles] stiled Gods, he said that he knew but one onely God, to whom sa∣crifice was to be offered, according to that manner which he himself had appointed. But when he was bidden to sacrifice to the four Emperours, ha∣ving uttered a sentence which was in no wise plea∣sing to them (that which he said, was these words of the Poet [Homer;] It is not good [to have] many Lords, let there be one Lord, one King) he

was forthwith beheaded, d 1.5 on the eighth day of the moneth e 1.6 Desius, that is (as the Romans stile it) before the seventh of the Ides of June, on the f 1.7 fourth day of the week. This was the * 1.8 first Martyrdom that was consummated at Cae∣sarea in Palestine: but after him, very many Pre∣lates of Churches in that Province, having at the same City chearfully undergone most grievous tortures, exhibited to the Spectatours a relation of illustrious Combats. But others, dis-spirited by reason of their fear, were immediately discou∣raged at the very first attaque made against them. Every one of the rest underwent various and inter∣changeable sorts of tortures: one was scourged with innumerable stripes, another was racked, had the flesh of his sides scraped off with iron nails, and was loaded with an insupportable burthen of

bonds, by reason of which some happened to have [the sinews] of their hands weakened and made feeble. Nevertheless they all endured whatever befell them agreeable to the secret judgment of God. For one being taken by the hand by some others, who led him to the Altar and thrust the impure and detestable sacrifice into his right hand, was dismissed, as if he had sacrificed. Another, who had not in any wise touched [the sacrifice,] yet when others affirmed that he had sacrificed, went silently away. A third, taken up half dead, was cast forth as if he had been so really, and being loosed from his bonds, was computed amongst their number who had offered sacrifice. A fourth, crying out, and making protestation that he would not perform what he was enjoyned by them to do, was stricken on the mouth, and being silenced by a great company of persons purposely appointed upon that account, was forcibly thrust out, al∣though he had not sacrificed. * 1.9 So highly did they every way esteem their being thought to have perfected what they desired! Of all these there∣fore, who were so numerous, onely Alphaeus and * 1.10 Zacchaeus obtained the crown of holy Martyr∣dom. Who, after they were scourged, and had had their flesh scraped off with torturing irons, when they had endured most grievous bonds and cruciating pains therein, after various other tor∣tures they were put into the stocks, where for four and twenty hours space their feet were distended to the fourth hole, and having confest that there was but one only God, and one King Jesus Christ, as if they had uttered something that was blasphe∣mous and impious, they underwent the same sort of punishment with the first Martyr [Procopius,] and were beheaded on the seventeenth day of the month Dius, which day amongst the Romans is be∣fore the fifteenth of the Calends of December.

CHAP. II. Concerning Romanus the Martyr.

MOreover, what was done about a 1.11 Romanus on the very same day at Antioch, does worthily deserve to be commemorated: for he, being born in Palestine, was a b 1.12 Deacon and c 1.13 Exorcist in the Church of Caesarea: coming to Antioch at that very time when the Churches were demolished; and having seen many d 1.14 men, wo∣men, and children flocking in crouds to the Tem∣ples of the Idolls, and offering sacrifice, he judged the sight thereof to be a thing intollerable, and being incited by a zeal for the divine worship, he drew near; and crying out with a loud voice, [began] to rebuke them. Being forthwith apprehended upon account of this his boldness, he demonstrated himself (if ever any other per∣son did) to be a most couragious witness of the Truth. For, when the Judge had condemned him to be burnt to death, having gladly received his sentence of condemnation with a cheerfull countenance and a mind most couragiously dispo∣sed, he was led to execution. Then, being bound to the stake, and the combustible matter being laid together, whilst the officers, that were about to kindle the fire, waited for the determination of the e 1.15 Emperour who was then present, he cryed out, where is the fire [provided] for me? When he had said this, he was by command brought before the Emperour, in order to his being punished with a new sort of punishment, [to wit,] the cutting out of his tongue. Ha∣ving most couragiously endured this punishment, he gave a real demonstration to all men, that the divine power is always present with those who undergo any sort of torture whatsoever for Reli∣gion, which does mitigate their pains, and corro∣borate them with an alacrity of mind. This couragious person therefore being sensible of the newness of his punishment, was in no wise terri∣fied, but willingly put forth his tongue, and with a most ready alacrity produced it to those who cut it out. After which punishment he was put into bonds, and being for a long time afflicted in prison, in conclusion (when the f 1.16 twentieth year

of the Emperours Reign was come, wherein, g 1.17 according to the usual indulgence, liberty was publickly proclaimed to all persons in all places that were in bonds,) he onely, lying in the stocks, and having both his feet distended to the distance of five holes, was strangled, and (according to his desire) was adorned with [the Crown of] Martyrdom. This person being a Palestinian, although he suffered [Martyrdom] without the limits of his own Country, yet deserves to be reckoned amongst the Martyrs of Palestine. These things were after this manner performed in the first year of the Persecution, when it raged against the Prelates onely of the Church.

CHAP. III. Concerning Timotheus, Agapius, Thecla, and eight other Martyrs.

AFterwards, in the second year, when the rage of the Persecution against us was become more violent and sharp, Urbanus being at that time Governour of the Province, the Imperial Edicts having been then first brought, wherein it was by a general command ordered, that all persons in all places and Cities whatsoever should publickly offer sacrifice and incense to the Idols; Timotheus un∣derwent innumerable tortures at Gaza, a City of Palestine: after all which he was consumed by a remiss and slow fire, and having exhibited a most genuine proof of his sincere piety towards God, by a patient sufferance under all his torments, he ob∣tained the Crown belonging to the sacred and vi∣ctorious Champions of Religion. Agapius also, and that Thecla a 1.18 who lived in our times, having (together with the foresaid Timotheus) gi∣ven a demonstration of their most undaunted courage and stedfastness of mind, were condemned to be devoured by wild beasts. Who is he that would not have wondred at the sight of what followed hereupon, or that would not have been astonished at the hearing a relation thereof? For, when the Heathens cele∣brated their publick Festi∣vals, and [exhibited] their usual shews; there was a great report, that b 1.19 together with those others whom they had a mighty esteem for, the [Christians] also, lately condemned, were to be ex∣posed to a combat with the wild beasts [in the Am∣phitheatre.] This report therefore being increased and spread every where, six youths, whereof one was born in Pontus▪ by name Timolaus, another born at Tripolis a City of Phoe∣nicia whose name was Dionysius, the third was Sub-deacon of the Diospolitane Church▪ his name Romulus; besides the two Egyptians▪ c 1.20 Pausis and Alexander; and another Alexander, name∣sake to the former, born at Gaza: [these six young men, I say,] having first bound their hands together, that they might thereby manifest their great readiness and alacrity to [undergo] Mar∣tyrdom, ran in great hast to Urbanus, as he was going to the Amphitheatre, and confest themselves to be Christians: and, by their being prepared to [endure] all sorts of tortures, they demonstra∣ted, that those who make their boast in the worship of the supream God, can in no wise be terrified at the furious assaults of the wild beasts. The Pre∣sident himself, and those who stood round him, having been forthwith struck with no small amaze∣ment, [these Confessours] were [ordered to be] shut up in prison. Not many days after two others being added to their number, (one whereof, by name Agapius, having before them undergone horrid and various sorts of tortures, had formerly [been signallized] for several confessions: the other ministred bodily neces∣saries to them, his name Dionysius) all these, being now made up eight in number, were behea∣ded on one and the same day at Caesarea, [to wit] on the twenty fourth day of the month Dystrus, which precedes the ninth of the Calends of April. At the same time happened a change of the Em∣perours, he that had the precedency of all the rest and the next to him in place, [having left off their Imperial attire] put themselves into a private habit: and the affairs of the Empire be∣gan to be in an ill posture. The Roman Empire being soon after divided, there brake out an im∣placable war between [the Romans] themselves: neither could the divisions, and (which were the consequences thereof) the tumults be made up and appeased, before the Christians throughout the whole Roman Empire had a peace ratified and fir∣med to them. For, as soon as that peace (like light after a cloudy and most darksome night,) darted forth its rays upon all men, the publick affairs of the Roman Empire were again restored to their pristine stability, amity, and peace∣ableness; all persons recovering that mutual friendliness which had been derived down to them from their Ancestours. But we will give an ex∣acter account of these matters at a more oppor∣tune place and time. Now we are to prosecute the subsequent series of our narration.

CHAP. IV. Concerning Apphianus the Martyr.

MAximinus Caesar, a 1.21 from the very time of his coming to the Empire, (as if he would demonstrate to all men the tokens of his innate hatred against God, and of his own impiety▪) attempted a more violent persecution against those of our Religion, than the preceding Emperours

[had done.] When therefore no small inquie∣tude was impendent on all persons, and they were dispersed some in one place some in another, every one making it his chief business to avoid the dan∣ger, and all the Provinces were involved in a most terrible commotion, what expressions can be suf∣ficient for us deservedly to set forth, the divine love, and the bold and free confession of God, made by that blessed and truly innocent Lamb, Apphianus the Martyr, who exhibited an admirable example of piety towards the only God, in the sight of all the inhabitants of Caesarea, b 1.22 before the Gates of that City, when he had not fully completed the twentieth year of his age? Indeed, whilst he resided at Berytus, where he had formerly spent much time upon account of [furnishing himself with] c 1.23 secular literature, (for he had his descent from very rich parents:) 'tis wonder∣full to relate how, during his continuance in that City, he subdued youthfull lusts: and having in no wise been de∣bauch't in his moralls, either by the vigour and youthful∣ness of his body, or the socie∣ty of his young companions, he became a lover of tempe∣rance; leading an orderly, chast, and Religious life, ac∣cording to the d 1.24 prescripts of Christianity, and framing his converse [agreeable there∣to.] If it be [supposed] convenient that we should mention his Country, and commend it, because it pro∣duced so couragious a cham∣pion of piety; we will most readily do it. If any one therefore knows e 1.25 Pagas, a City of no mean note in Lycia; there this young man was born. After his return from his studies at Berytus, (his father being promoted to the chiefest place of ho∣nour in his own Country,) he was unable to endure the converse of his father, and those that were his relations, because they refused to live according to the san∣ctions of Religion: but having been inspired as it were by a divine spirit, and (by reason of his innate desire after Philosophy, or rather after the divine and true wisedom) making small account of the reputed glory of this life, and contemning the delights of the body, he secretly withdrew himself from his relations: and being not at all sollicitous about a daily provision for his sub∣sistance, because of his hope and faith in God, he was led by the hand [as it were] to the City of Caesarea, by the divine spirit, where a crown of Martyrdom for Religion awaited him. Being f 1.26 conversant there with us, having in a short time made a great proficiency by rea∣ding the sacred Scriptures, and furnished himself with courage of mind by congru∣ous exercises of a strict and severe abstinence; at length he made such a glorious con∣clusion of his life, as who∣ever saw could not but be astonished thereat; and he that shall hear the bare re∣lation of it, cannot but de∣servedly admire his confi∣dence, his fearlesness, his continued earnestness and constancy of mind, and a∣bove all the boldness of his attempt, which g 1.27 contains most evident signs of a zeal for Religion, and of a spirit more than humane. For when Maximinus renewed the insolencies practised to∣wards us, in the third year of our persecution [under Diocletian,] and when the Tyrants Edicts were first sent abroad over all the Pro∣vinces, [ordering] the Go∣vernours to make it their chief care and business, that all the inhabitants in every City should publickly offer sacrifice; and when the Cri∣ers had made proclamation over all the City Caesarea, that the men, together with the women and children, should by the Gover∣nours order go to the Temples of the Idols; and moreover when the Tribunes of the Souldiers had summoned every particular person by name our of a written roll; (all the [Christians] every where being put into confusion by this unspeakable storm of afflictions) this foresaid person, (having com∣municated to no body what he was about to do, it being unknown to us who lived in the same house with him, and even to the whole military guard that stood round the Governour,) fearlesly approach't Urbanus, as he was offering sacrifice; and, having with an intrepid mind catch't hold on his right hand, stopt him immediately from sacri∣ficing. Then, with a divine gravity and confi∣dence of mind he prudently advised and exhorted him to desist from that erroneous way [of wor∣ship.] For 'tis absurd [said he] to relinquish [the worship] of the one and only true God, and offer sacrifice to Idols and Daemons. This the young man attempted, induced thereto ('tis very probable) by a divine power, which openly pro∣claimed

as it were by this fact, that the Christians (to wit, those who are truly such) are so far from being withdrawn from the worship of the supream God, which they have once imbided, that they are not only above menaces and (which are the con∣sequences thereof) tortures, but also become more confident and fearless in their confessions, with a couragious and intrepid voice freely set forth the truth, and (if it were possible) perswade their persecutours to relinquish their ignorance, and ac∣knowledge him who is the only true God. After this, the young man, of whom we speak, was im∣mediately (as it was likely [to happen]) torn by the Presidents guards, in such sort as if they had been savage beasts, because of the audacious fact he had committed; and having most coura∣giously indured an infinite number of stripes all over his body, was forthwith committed to prison. Where after he had lain a night and a day with both his feet distended in the stocks, on the day following he was brought before the Judge. Then being compelled to offer sacrifice, he demonstra∣ted an invincible constancy of mind in undergoing all sorts of pains and horrid tortures; his sides being not once, nor twice, but many times fur∣rowed to his very bones and entrails: and he re∣ceived so many blows in his face and neck, that they who before had been very well acquainted with him, did not now know him, because his face was so much swell'd. But, when he yielded not at [the suffering of] so many and great tortures, the tor∣mentours by the [Presidents] order wrap't up his feet in flax wetted in oyl, and kindled a fire under them. The pains which the blessed [Mar∣tyr] was put to thereby, are in my judgment inexpressible. For the fire, having consumed his flesh, penetrated to his very bones: in so much that the whole moysture of his body being melted like wax, was distilled, and descended by drops. But being not overcome even by these tortures, (al∣though the adversaries were vanquished, and in a manner wearied out, because of his miraculous fortitude,) he was again put into bonds. On the third day after he was brought before the Judge, and having professed [that he continued in] the same resolution of mind, although he was already half dead, yet he was drowned in the depths of the Sea. What happened immediately hereupon, if we relate it, will, by those who saw it not, be dis∣believed as incredible. But although we know assuredly this will so fall out, yet we can in no wise forbear to deliver a full narration hereof to poste∣rity, because all the inhabitants of Caesarea in a man∣ner were witnesses of what came to pass. Indeed there was no person [of Caesarea,] of what age soever, that was not present at this stupendious spectacle. After therefore they had cast this truly sacred and thrice blessed person into the most un∣fathomable abysses (as they supposed) which were in the midst of the Sea, on a sudden there hap∣pened an unusual noise and shaking, which made the Sea and h 1.28 Air about the earth tremble in such a manner, that the very Earth and City were sha∣ken by that motion. And at that very moment wherein this wonderfull and sudden Earth-quake happened, the dead body of the divine Martyr was cast up by the Sea (as being unable to con∣taine it) before the gates of the City. Such was the Exit, which the admirable Apphianus made, on Friday the second day of the month Xanthicus, which is before the fourth of the Nones of April.

CHAP. V. Concerning Ulpianus and Aedesius Martyrs.

AT the same time, and almost on the same days, a young man in the City of Tyre, by name Ulpianus, after he had been cruelly scourged and endured most grievous stripes, * 1.29 was sown up in the raw hide of an Oxe, together with a Dog and a venemous Serpent, and cast into the Sea: a 1.30 Wherefore we thought it agreeable to make mention of this person at [this place wherein we have related] the Martyrdom of Apphia∣nus. Some small time after this, Aedesius, brother (not only in respect of God, but by a bodily affinity also,) by the b 1.31 fathers side to Apphi∣anus, after [he had made] very many confessions, and for a long time had been cru∣ciated in bonds; after he had been condemned to the mines in Palestine by the Presidents Sentence; and after he had, under all these [tortures,] led a life continually like a Philosopher, in a Philoso∣phick habit; (for he had ac∣quired far more learning than his brother, in that he had applied his mind wholly to Philosophick literature.) at length, when, at the City of Alexandria, he saw the Judge (who was then examining the Christians) most extra∣vagantly insulting over, and enraged against them; one while putting various and most reproachful abuses up∣on grave men; at another, delivering women most emi∣nent for their chastity, and •• Virgins that had devoted 〈…〉〈…〉mselves to God, to Pan∣〈…〉〈…〉rs, that they might be de∣filed* 1.32 with all sorts of obsce∣nity: he attempted the same fact that his brother had done. For, because what was thus performed seemed to him intolerable, with a valiant boldness he ap∣proach't the d 1.33 Judge, and ha∣ving by his words and deeds surrounded him with shame

and ignominy, and after that, most couragiously endured various sorts of tortures, he was thrown into the Sea, and ended his life after the same man∣ner that his brother did. These things happened thus to Aedesius, although (as I said before) some small time after.

CHAP. VI. Concerning the Martyr Agapius.

MOreover, in the fourth year of the Perse∣cution against us, on the twentieth day of the month Dius, (which is before the twelfth of the Calends of December,) being Friday, such [a Martyrdom] was performed in the same City of Caesarea, as worthily deserves to be recorded in writing, Maximinus the Tyrant being himself pre∣sent, and exhibiting publick shews to the people because of his Birth-day. Whereas it was an an∣cient custom, that (if at any time) in the pre∣sence of the Emperours, splendid shews and such as were more pleasing to the mind should be exhi∣bited to the spectatours, (new and strange specta∣cles, such as were different from the usuall sights [being at such a time procured, which consisted] partly of beasts brought out of India, Aethiopia, or some other place; and partly of men, who, having before accustomed themselves to certain a 1.34 Artificial exercises of their bodies, entertained the spe∣ctatours with sights that cre∣ated in them a wonderfull delight and pleasure;) then also, because the Emperour himself [was at the charge of] exhibiting those shews, something that was magni∣ficent, and more wonderfull than usual, must necessarily be made use of in those sights. What therefore was this? A Martyr of our Religion was brought forth, to combat for the only true worship of God. His name was Agapius, the b 1.35 Second of that name: the first (as we manife∣sted a little before) was, together with Thecla, con∣demned to be devoured 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the wild-beasts. He there∣fore (having before that time been c 1.36 thrice [brought] out of Prison, [wherein he had been confined now three years,] and often times d 1.37 led in pomp about the Stadium with those that were Male∣factours; the Judge, after various menaces, putting him off to other combats, either out of compassion to him, or because he had hopes that he would alter his resolu∣tion,) was then produced, (the Emperour himself be∣ing there present,) being re∣served as it were on set pur∣pose for that opportunity, that that saying of our Savi∣our's (which by his divine knowledge he foretold his disciples) might be accom∣plished in him, that they should be brought before Kings for their testimony of him. He is therefore brought into the midst of the Stadium, together with a certain criminal; who was said to be guilty of murthering his master. After this, he who had killed his master, being exposed to the wild-beasts, obtained mercy and compassion [from the Em∣perour,] almost after the same manner that Ba∣rabbas did in our Saviour's time. At this, the whole Amphitheatre resounded with Shouts and Accla∣mations of joy, because the Emperour had out of his compassion saved a bloudy murtherer, and vouchsafed him honour and liberty. But this champion of Religion is first called for by the Tyrant; after which, having, with the promise of liberty, desired him to renounce the profession [of Christianity,] he professed with a loud voice▪ that (not for any crime but) upon account of the worship of the framer of all things, with ala∣crity and pleasure, he would couragiously under∣goe what [punishments] soever should be in∣flicted on him. And, having said thus, he annexed deeds to his words, ran to meet a Bear which was let loose against him, and most willingly of∣fered himself to be devoured by that beast. After the beast had torn him, having some breath left in him, he was carried back to Prison; where, af∣ter he had lived one day, on that following, stones were hanged at his feet, and he was drowned in the midst of the Sea. Such was the Martyrdom of Agapius.

CHAP. VII. Concerning the Virgin Theodosia, and concerning Domninus, and Auxentius, Martyrs.

MOreover, the fifth year of the persecution being now current, on the second day of the month Xanthicus, which is before the fourth of the Nones of April, a 1.38 on the very Lords day, the day of our Saviour's Resurrection, and also at Caesarea, Theodosia, a Virgin born at Tyre, one that was a believer and a most modest maid, not eighteen years old compleat, approach't some prisoners, (who were Confessours of the Kingdom of Christ, and sate before the b 1.39 Prae∣torium,) both to salute them amicably, and also (as 'tis probable) to request them that they would be mindfull of her when they came to the Lord. Having done this, as if she had committed some nefarious and impious fact, the Souldiers lay hold of her, and carry her before the President. He, in re∣gard he was a furious per∣son and one of a most cruel temper of mind, [ordered] that she should be cruciated with sharp and most horrid tortures, and that her sides and breasts [should be furrowed] to her very bones; [after this] breath being still left in her, having with a pleasant and chearfull countenance undergone all these tortures, by the Presidents command she was drowned in the Sea. After he had done with her, he went upon [the examination of] the other Confessours, all whom he condemned to the Brazen Mines at Phenos in Palestine. Furthermore, on the fifth day of the month Dius, that is (according to the Roman account) on the Nones of November, in the same City, to wit, Caesarea, the said Presi∣dent condemned Silvanus (who then was a Pres∣byter and a Confessor, but some small time after

was honoured with a Bishoprick, and happened to finish his life by Martyrdom) and some others that were his companions (after they had given demonstration of a most resolute courage and con∣stancy in behalf of Religion) to labour in the same mines of Brass; having first given order, that the flexures of their * 1.40 feet should be seared with a red hot iron, and so rendred infirm and useless. At the same time that this sentence was pronounced against them, he condemned Domninus (a man very famous for innumerable other con∣fessions, who for his singular freedom [in speak∣ing] was much taken notice of by all persons throughout Palestine) to be burnt alive. After he [had been thus punished,] the same Judge, (a crafty inventour of mischief, and one that stu∣died new devices and designes [to extirpate] the doctrine of Christ,) found out such sorts of pu∣nishments for the worshippers of God, as were never heard of before. He condemned three [and compelled them] to c 1.41 fight with one another in such a sort as the Champions usually did: Auxentius, a ve∣nerable and holy old man, was by him condemned to be de∣voured by the wild beasts. Again, he [gave order] that some, who were arrived to the compleat age and stature of men, should be cut and made Eunuchs, and then condemned them to the same Mines. He shut up others in Prison, after they had undergone the sharpest tortures. Amongst which number was Pamphilus, my dea∣rest companion, a person that was the most emi∣nent of all the Martyrs in our age for his singular virtue and piety: Urbanus first made tryall of his skill in Rhetorick and Philosophick literature, after that he compelled him to offer sacrifice; which when the Martyr refused to do, and [Ur∣banus] perceived that he despised his menaces, he was exceedingly exasperated, and gave order that he should be tormented with the acutest sorts of torture. Moreover, this most enraged * 1.42 man, (being in a manner satiated with the flesh of the Martyrs sides, which he [had caused to be torn off] with torturing irons, whereof he made a con∣tinued and reiterated use, pertinaciously desiring thereby to get the victory [over the Martyr] having after all these tortures, procured nothing but shame and ignominy for himself,) at length ordered him to be cast into Prison amongst the other Confessours therein confined. But, what sort of punishment this person (who after so fierce a manner insulted over the Martyrs of Christ,) was to expect, would be inflicted on him at the divine Tribunal, for his cruelty towards the Saints, is easily known from those beginnings [thereof which he underwent] in this life. Immediately after those audacious cruelties which he had practised towards Pamphilus, the divine vengeance forthwith seized him, whilst he was as yet possest of the Government. Which on a sudden, in one nights space, stript him (who but the day before sate as Judge upon a lofty Tribunal, was attended with a Military Guard, governed the whole Pro∣vince of Palestine; who also was companion to the Tyrant himself, for he was his chief favourite, and did usually eat at the same table with him) of all these great places and preferments, and re∣duced him to a disconsolate and helpless condition; clouded him with ignominy and shame in the sight of those very persons, who had formerly admired him as their Governour; proposed him to the whole Nation, over which he had been Ruler, as a miserable and dis-spirited wretch, pouring forth effeminate intreaties and supplications; and lastly, constituted Maximinus himself (of whose favour he had in former times bragged and boasted, having been dearly beloved by him by reason of the cruelties he practised towards us Christians) his inexorable and most severe Judge in the very City of Caesarea. For, after many reproaches, which he suffered upon account of those crimes, of which he was convict, the Emperour himself pronounc't sentence of death against him. But thus much we have said by the by. There may happen a seasonable opportunity, wherein we shall be more at leisure to relate the exits and calami∣tous deaths, by which those impious wretches, (especially Maximinus and those about him who were his advisers,) that were the greatest sticklers in the Persecution against 〈◊〉〈◊〉, finished their lives.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning other Confessours, and concerning the Martyrdom of Valentina and Paul.

WHen the storm [of persecution] had now without any intermission raged against us untill the sixth year, [there was] a very great number that were Confessours of the divine Re∣ligion, who a 1.43 heretofore had lived in Thebaïs, at Porphy∣rites, a place that had its ap∣pellation from the name of the Marble dug out there: of which [company] an hundred men, (wanting three,) together with their wives and very small chil∣dren, were sent to the Pre∣sident of Palestine. Con∣cerning all which persons, after they had made their confession of God [the Framer] of all things, and of Christ, Firmilianus the President (who was sent thither as successour to Urbanus,) gave order, agreeable to the Em∣perours command, that they should have those very sinews of their left legs, by which they bent their knees, ••eared in two with red-hot-irons; and that their right eyes, together with the membranes and balls thereof should be first cut out with swords, and after that [their eye-holes:] ••eared even to the very bottome with red-hot-irons. Af∣ter which, he ordered they should be sent to work in the Mines that were in the Province, that they might be worn out there with labours, and mi∣series. Nor did we behold these persons only undergoing such punishments, but those Palesti∣nians also; (who, as we manifested a little be∣fore, were condemned to practise the Champions exercises, in order to their being made fit to en∣gage in the Gladiatours Combats;) because they would not endure, either to receive those Provi∣sions which were allowed them out of the Imperial treasury, or to practise such exercises as were ne∣cessary to render them accomplish't Combatants. For which reason they were brought not only be∣fore the b 1.44 Procuratours, but Maximinus him∣self: and, having given a demonstration of their

invincible constancy in the confession [of Christ,] and of their couragiousness in enduring famine and scourges, they suffered the same punishments with the forementioned persons; some other Confessours in the City of Caesarea being added to their number. Soon after these, others were taken at the City Gaza, c 1.45 who were Assem∣bled to hear the sacred Scri∣ptures read, some of whom suffered the same tortures in their feet and eyes with the forementioned persons; but others of them under-went more acute and horrid tor∣ments in the sides of their bodies. One of which num∣ber, as to her Sex a woman, but a person of a masculine and couragious temper of mind, unable to endure the menaces of ravish∣ment; having uttered some expressions against the Tyrant, (because he committed the Govern∣ment [of Provinces] to such cruel Judges,) was first scourged: then, being hung up a great heighth on [an Engin of] wood, she was tor∣tured in the sides of her body. But when the of∣ficers, appointed for that purpose, did, by the Judges order, apply their tortures to her with a most continued and exquisite vehemency, ano∣ther woman, who (like the former) had taken upon her the vow of virginity, (as to the com∣posure of her body she was indeed no very taking object, and her aspect was despicable, but she was endowed with a couragious temper of mind, and was corroborated with a valour above her Sex, and far excelled those Championesses amongst the Grecians so much famed for their freedom in speaking;) being unable to endure the sight of those merciless, cruel, and inhumane practises, cried out with a loud voice to the Judge, out of the midst of the crowd, How long will you thus unmercifully torture my Sister? The Judge, highly exasperated by that expression, forthwith gave command the woman should be laid hold on. She was then haled forth before him: and * 1.46 having assu∣med to herself our Saviours venerable appellation, first she was sollicited by kind words to offer sa∣crifice: which when she refused to do, they drew her by force before the Altar: But she, behaving her self like her self, retained her former alacrity of mind, with an intrepid and undaunted foot trampled upon the Altar, and overturned that, to∣gether with d 1.47 what lay upon it. Upon which ac∣count the Judge, enraged like a Savage beast, first gave order, that she should suffer more and grea∣ter tortures in her sides, than any one had before undergone: [for] he seemed in a manner de∣sirous to gorge himself with her raw flesh. But when his rage was satiated, he ordered they should both (namely this last with her whom she called sister) be fastned together, and condemned them to be burnt to death; the e 1.48 former of these per∣sons, 'tis said, was born in the Country of the Gazites: you must understand that the other, well known to most men by the name of Valentina, had her original extract at Caesarea. But with what expressions can I deservedly set forth that Martyrdom (which followed immediately here∣upon,) wherewith the thrice-blessed Paul was adorned? This person, having had sentence of death pronounced against him at that very interim these Virgins were condemned, when he was to be put to death, entreated the Executioner (who stood ready to cut off his head) to allow him a short space of time. Having obtained his request, with a clear and audible voice he first prayed for all those who were professours of the Christian Religion, beseeching God, that he would be re∣conciled to them, and quickly bestow on them liberty and security: then he supplicated for the Jews access to God by [the faith of] Christ: after this, he proceeded in an orderly method, putting up the same petitions even for the Samari∣tans; and besought God for the Heathens, that they, now entangled in errour and an ignorance of God, might arrive to an acknowledgment of him, and undertake the [profession of] the true Religion; neither did he [in his petitions] omit to mention the promiscuous crowd that surroun∣ded him. After all these (O the great and ineffa∣ble patience and mildness of his mind!) he be∣sought the supream God for the very Judge by whom he had been condemned to die, for the Emperours, and also for the Executioner (who stood ready to strike off his head,) both in the hearing of him himself, and of all those also that were present, beseeching [God] that the sin they committed [by taking away his life] might not be imputed to them. Having with a loud voice made these petitions, and melted almost all that were present into compassion and tears, because he was unjustly put to death, f 1.49 nevertheless he made himself ready, and, yielding his naked neck to be cut asunder by the sword, he was crowned with divine Martyrdom, on the twenty fifth day of the month Panemus, that is, before the eighth of the Calends of August. Such was the exit of these [Martyrs.] Not long after, an hundred and thirty Champions, of the same country, to wit, Egypt, admirable for their confession of Christ, having by Maximinus's order undergone the same calamitous [tortures] in their eyes and feet with those formerly mentioned who suffered in Egypt, were condemned and sent away, part of them to the forementioned Mines in Pale∣stine, and part to those in the Province of Cilicia.

CHAP. IX. That the Persecution was afresh renewed: and concerning Antoninus, Zebina, Germanus, and other Martyrs.

NOw, after such Valiant Exploits as these, performed by Christ's noble Martyrs; when the flame of Persecution was somewhat abated, and, as it were, extinguished by their sacred bloud; when those in Thebaïs (condem∣ned for [their confession of] Christ to labour in the Mines there,) were permitted to enjoy rest and liberty; and when we hoped to see some few calme and serene days: then did * 1.50 He (who had gotten the power of persecuting) reassume his rage against the Christians, upon what account or by what impulse, I know not. For, on a sudden, Maximinus's Edicts against us were sent to all places throughout every

Province: and the Presidents and a 1.51 Prefect of the Praetorium by injunctions, Letters, and Publick Or∣ders excited the * 1.52 Curators in every City, the Magistrates, and b 1.53 Tabularii to put in Execution the Imperial Edict, c 1.54 which contained an Order, that the decayed Idol-Tem∣ples should with all diligence be repaired; that all persons, men, women, servants and young children should be compelled to do sacrifice, and by all means imaginable for∣ced to eat part of the flesh which had been offered; that the provisions exposed to sale in the Markets should be de∣filed with such things as had been sacrificed; and that some should be ordered to sit and watch before the [Publick] Baths, to the end they might pollute such as came to cleanse themselves therein, with the execrable sacrifices. Whilst these things were after this manner put in execution, the anxieties of the Christians, as it was likely, were renewed and in∣creased: yea, the Gentiles that were unbelievers [look't upon] what was done to be intollerable, and condemned these barbarities, as absurd and too outragious: for, e∣ven to them such actions seemed abominable and odi∣ous. When [therefore] such a fierce storm [of persecution] was impendent on all persons every where, the divine power of our Saviour did again infuse so great a courage and confidence into his Champions, that, when no body induced or urged them to it, they contemned these high menaces of their Adversaries. Wherefore, three believers with a joynt consent rush in upon the President then offering sacrifice to Idols, and call out to him to desist from his errour: for there is [said they] no other God, but He that is the Framer and Maker of all things. Being hereupon ask't who they were, they boldly profest them∣selves to be Christians: at which Firmilianus was highly exasperated, and passed sentence of death upon them, d 1.55 without inflicting on them any previous tortures. One of these was a Presbyter, by name e 1.56 Antoninus; the name of the second was Zebinas, by Country an Eleutheropolitane; the third was called Germanus. On the thirteenth day of the month Dius, that is, on the Ides of November, all this was done to these persons. On the same day they had a fellow-traveller ad∣ded to their number, a woman of Scythopolis, by name f 1.57 Ennathas, who was adorned with the g 1.58 Badge of Virginity. She had not in∣deed done what the former [three] did, but was car∣ried by force and set before the Judge. Therefore, af∣ter she had been scourged and most grosly abused; (all which injurious usages were audaciously per∣petrated, without any order from the superiour Magistracy, by one of the Tribunes in the neigh∣bourhood, called Maxys, a man worse than his name, one indeed that was stout and of an undaunted courage, but as to his Morals, in all respects very impious, of a cruel disposition, and odious to all his acquaintance. This fellow stript the blessed virgin stark naked, (in such a manner that she was covered only from her loyns down to her feet, but the rest of her body was bare;) led her round the City Caesarea, and look't upon it as a piece of gallantry to drag her through all the Market∣places in the City, and scourge her) after [I say] she had endured so many stripes, having given a demonstration of her most undaunted courage and constancy of mind before the Presidents Tri∣bunal, the Judge commanded she should be burnt alive. This * 1.59 Man improved his inhumanity and rage, shown towards Gods worshippers, to the heighth, and transgrest even the Laws of Nature, for he was not ashamed of denying burial to the dead bodies of those sacred persons. Upon which account he gave order, that the dead bodies (which were exposed in the open Air, to be devoured by wild-beasts,) should be carefully guarded night and day: and you might have seen for many days together no small number of men, busily obeying this beastly and barbarous order: some of whom (as if this had been a matter of high concern and moment) watched on a Tower, that the dead might not be stolen away. Also, the wild-beasts, dogs, and fowls that preyed on flesh, scattered here and there pieces of mens bodies: and the whole City was strewed all over with mens bowels and bones. So that, nothing did ever seem more cruel and horrid, even to those who before had been our enemies; all persons bewailing not so much their calamitous condition towards whom these things were done, as the abuse that was put upon themselves, and on manking in general. For, even to the very gates [of the City] such a spe∣ctacle was proposed to publick view, as surpassed all the bounds of expression, and exceeded any the most tragical relation; [to wit] the flesh of mens bodies, which were devoured not in one place, but lay scattered every where. Yea, some affirmed they saw limbs of men, whole bodies, and pieces of bowels even within the City. After these [horrid butcheries] had been practised for many days together, there happened this miracle. The weather was fair, the air clear, and the whole face of heaven most serene and bright; when, on a sudden, from all the columns, which under prop't the publick Galleries throughout the City, there fell many drops, in the form of tears: and the Market-places and streets, (no moisture having faln from the Air,) were wet and besprinkled with water which came from an unknown place. In so much that a report was immediately spread

amongst all people, that the earth, unable to bear the horrid impieties then committed, did shed tears in an inexplicable manner; and that the stones and senseless matter wept at what was done, to reprove the barbarous and unmercifull disposi∣tions of men. This thing will, I doubt not, be lookt upon as fabulous and a ridiculous story by succeeding generations: but they did not account it such, who had the certainty thereof confirmed to them by the authority of those times in which it happened.

CHAP. X. Concerning Peter the Asceta, Asclepius the Mar∣cionite, and other Martyrs.

ON the fourteenth day of the following month, called Apellaeus, which is before the nineteenth of the Calends of January, some other Egyptians, (going to minister to the Con∣fessours in Cilicia) were apprehended by those persons, that were set at the gates [of the City] to examine such as passed by: part of whom re∣ceived the same sentence with those they were going to minister to, having their eyes and feet rendred useless. But three of them were put into bonds at the City Ascalon, where after they had given an admirable demonstration of their courage, they finished their lives by a different sort of Mar∣tyrdom. One of them, by name Ares, was burnt to death: the other two, whose names were a 1.60 Probus and Elias, were beheaded. On the ele∣venth day of the month Audynaeus, which is before the third of the Ides of January, b 1.61 Peter the Asceta, called also Apselamus, (who came from Aneas a village that lies near to Eleutheropolis,) being refined by fire like the purest gold, exhibited an illustrious proof of his faith in God's Christ, at the City Caesarea. For when the Judge and those about him intreated him earnestly to be compassionate towards himself, and take pity upon his own youthfullness and vigour; he con∣temned [their exhortations,] and preferred his confidence in the supream God before all things, yea even life it selfe. Together with this person [suffered] one Asclepius, (reported to have been a Bishop of the Sect of the Marcio∣nites, out of a zeal to piety, (as he thought,) but such an one as was not according to know∣ledge,) and finished his life in the same fiery pile. These things were performed after this manner.

CHAP. XI. Concerning Pamphilus, and twelve other Mar∣tyrs.

a 1.62 THe time now calls upon me to Record that great and famous spectacle, which they [ex∣hibited] who were perfected by Martyrdom to∣gether with Pamphilus, [a person] whose name and memory I have a great ho∣nour and high esteem for. They were in all twelve, being vouchsafed a b 1.63 Prophe∣tick, or rather Apostolick, grace, and equall to them in number, Pamphilus was their Principal, the only person a∣mongst them that was ador∣ned with the honour of a Presbytership in the Church at Caesarea: c 1.64 A man emi∣nent for all manner of vir∣tue, even throughout his whole life; [whether we consider] his renunciation and contempt of the world; or the liberal contributions [he made] of his goods to those that were necessitous; or his disregard of worldly preferments and expectati∣ons; or lastly, his Philoso∣phick, severe, and Ascetick course of life. But, he was most especially eminent, even beyond all men in our times, for his earnest and unweari∣ed studies in the sacred Scri∣ptures, for his indefatigable assiduity about those things he proposed to himself to do, and for the good offices he did to his relations and all other persons that made their addresses to him. This per∣sons other virtues and egregious performances, which require a larger relation, we have already comprized in three books, being a peculiar work which we wrote concerning his Life. If therefore any are desirous of knowing these things more fully, we remit them thither; at present d 1.65 let us prosecute our subsequent narration concerning the Martyrs. The second person, after Pamphilus, that entred the combat, was Valens, a e 1.66 Deacon of Aelia, honourable for his holy gray hairs, and as to his aspect a venerable old man; better skilled in the sacred Scriptures than any of the rest. For he had imprinted them in his memory so perfectly, f 1.67 that no difference could be discerned between his reading out of a book, and repeating by heart, whole pages of any part of Sacred Writ. The third person, famous amongst them, was Paul, born at the City Jamnia, a man very fervent and zealous in acting, and filled with a warmth and ardour of spirit: before his Martyrdom, he had been en∣gaged in the combat of confession, having endured the fearing [of his flesh] with red hot irons. After these persons had spent two years time in prison, the arrival of some other Egyptian bre∣thren was the occasion of their Martyrdom, who

also suffered with them. These Egyptians had accompanied the Confessours sent into Cilicia, to the Mines there. As they were returning to their own country, at the entrance of the gates of Cae∣sarea they were examined (in the same manner with those before mentioned) by the guard (men of a barbarous disposition) who they were, and whence they came; and, having concealed no∣thing of the truth, as if they had been Malefactours taken in the very act, they were put into bonds. They were five in number; and when they were brought before the Tyrant, and had spoken boldly and freely in his presence, they were forthwith com∣mitted to prison. The next day (which was the 19^th of the month Peritius, according to the Roman ac∣count before the 14^th of the Calends of March,) order was given, that they, together with Pamphilus and his forementioned companions, should be brought before the Judge. In the first place, he made tryal of the Egyptians invincible constancy, by all sorts of tor∣ments, and various and new in∣vented engines [of torture.] When g 1.68 he had made use of these cruelties towards the chief of these persons, first he asked him who he was. After he had heard him give himself the name of some Prophet in∣stead of his proper name; (for they made it their business to call themselves by names diffe∣rent from those given them by their Parents, which were perhaps the names of Idols; therefore you might have heard them name themselves Elias, Jere∣miah, Isaiah, Samuel, or Daniel, representing not only by their actions, but by their proper names also, the true and genuine Israel h 1.69 of God, which [consists] of those that are i 1.70 inwardly Jews.) After [I say] Fir∣milianus had heard the Mar∣tyr give himself such a name, being wholly unacquainted with the powerfull import thereof, in the second place he enquired, what Country∣man he was: the Martyr expressed himself in this his second reply agreeable to his former answer, and said, Je∣rusalem was his Country; meaning that Jerusalem, of which Paul speaks—* 1.71 But Je∣rusalem which is above, is free, which is the mother of us all: and [in another place,] † 1.72 Ye are come to mount Sion, and un∣to the City of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem: the Martyr meant this [Jerusalem.] But the Judge, having his mind depressed with low and terrene thoughts, was extraordinarily inquisitive what City this was, and in what Country it lay. Then he applied tortures, that he might [force him thereby to] confess the truth. But he, having both his hands wrested behind his back, and his feet broken with certain new Engines [of torture,] stifly affirmed, that he spoke true. Again, being after this often asked, what City that he spoke of was, and where it lay, he replied, that that was their Country only, who were Gods worship∣pers. For none but they should enter it; and it was scituate Eastward, and towards the rising Sun. After this manner did the Martyr Philo∣sophize again, agreeable to his own sentiments, wholly disregarding those that on all sides were tormenting of him: but, as if he had had neither flesh nor body, seemed to be altogether insensible of his tortures. But the Judge, doubtful and per∣plexed in his mind, was in a great rage, supposing that the Christians were about erecting a City that would be an enemy, and in an hostile manner op∣pose the Romans. Upon which account he was very diligent in his enquiries about it, and in searching out that country in the East spoken of [by the Martyr.] But when he perceived that the young man (after he had torn him with in∣numerable stripes, and inflicted on him tortures of all sorts,) was immutable and firmly persisted in what he had said before, he passed sentence of death upon him. Thus were the tragick [cruelties,] used towards this Martyr, concluded: and when he had practised the like Preface of tortures upon the rest, he destroyed them by the same sort of death. Being then wearied out, and perceiving that he did in vain inflict tortures upon these men, k 1.73 when his desires were satiated, he passed to Pam∣philus and his companions. And [although] he had by experience found, that in de∣fence of their faith they had before demonstrated an ala∣crity of mind not to be van∣quished by tortures; [yet] he again asked them, whe∣ther they would now be obe∣dient to the Imperial com∣mands; and when he could get nothing out of any one of them, besides that last confession which is made in Martyrdom, he condemned them to undergo the same punishment with the fore∣mentioned Martyrs. These things being finished, a youth, l 1.74 one that belonged to Pamphilus's family, (in regard he had been educated under the genuine discipline and converse of so eminent a person;) as soon as he un∣derstood that sentence [was pronounc't] against his ma∣ster, called aloud out of the midst of the crowd, and re∣quested that their dead-bodies might be interred. But [the Judge, (who deserves not to be called a man] but a wild beast, or any creature else [that can be thought] more fierce than a wild beast) shewed no compassion to∣wards his youthful years; and, having found, upon his bare asking the young man that he confessed himself a Christian; swelled with rage, as if he had been wounded by some dart, ordered the torturers to make use of their utmost force against him. But after he saw, that he refused to be obedient to his commands in offering sacrifice, he ordered that his flesh (as if it had not been the body of a man, but either stones, or wood, or some such senseless thing) should without any intermission be torn even to his very bones and inmost re∣cesses of his bowells. Which being performed for a long time together, the Judge perceived his attempts were vain; [for although] his body was mangled all over with the tortures, [yet]

he continued silent, and was as insensible of pain, as if he had in a manner been lifeless. [Never∣theless] the Judge, still persevering in his merci∣less and inhumane cruelty, immediately condem∣ned him to be burnt (in the same habit he was in) by m 1.75 a slow fire. And thus this person (although he was the last that entred the combat, yet) prevented his master after the flesh, in that he obtained his depar∣ture out of this life before him; those, who were bu∣sied about [vanquishing] the former Martyrs, hitherto making some delays. You might therefore have seen Prophyrius [for that was his name,] in quality like a valorous champion who had been conquerour in all manner of exercises belon∣ging to the Sacred games, proceeding forth to his death after he had suffered so great tortures, with a body co∣vered all over with dust, but with a chearful countenance, and a mind full of joy and confidence: he was most truly filled with the divine spirit; and, being clad in a * 1.76 Philoso∣phick habit, (having only a garment wrapt about him, in fashion like unto a ⁿ cloak,) with a calm and sedate mind he gave commands to those of his acquaintance, and dispatcht whatever he had a mind to do; retaining the serenity of his countenance, even when he was at the very stake. Moreover, when the pile, which lay at a sufficient distance, was kindled round about him, with his mouth he attracted the flame on every side of him: and after this one expression, which he uttered when the flame began to touch him, [to wit,] invoaking Jesus the Son of God to be his helper, he most couragiously continued silent even to the very last gasp. Such was Porphyrius's combat: whose consummation Seleucus a Confessour that had formerly been a Souldier, having related to Pamphilus; as being the conveyer of such a mes∣sage, he was immediately vouchsafed to be joyned in the same lot with the Martyrs. For he had no sooner related Porphyrius's death, and saluted one of the Martyrs with a kiss, but some of the Soul∣diers seize him, and carry him before the Pre∣sident. Who, as if he resolved to hasten Seleucus, that he might be Prophyrius's companion in his journey to heaven, forthwith ordered he should un∣dergo a capital punishment. This [Seleucus] was born in Cappadocia, but had attained no mean degree of honour amongst the choisest young men that belonged to the Roman Milice. For he far excelled his fellow Souldiers in the o 1.77 fitness of his age for Military services, in strength and stature of body, and in valour: in so much that, his aspect was much dis∣courst of amongst all men, and the shape of his whole body greatly admired, upon account both of his stature and comeliness. About the beginning of the persecution, he was eminent∣ly famous for his enduring stripes in the combat of confession: but after he had left off his Mi∣litary course of life, he became a zealous emula∣tour of those that were p 1.78 Ascetae in their studies and exercises of piety; and, like a father, and a patron, demonstrated himself to be an Overseer as it were, and an helper of desolate orphans and widows that were destitute of assistance, and of those that were reduced to poverty and sickness. Wherefore, by God (who is more delighted with such [performances] as these, than with the smoak and bloud of sacrifices) he was deservedly accounted worthy of that admirable and high calling, [to wit] Mar∣tyrdom. This was the tenth Champion, who, after the others before mentioned, en∣ded his life on the very same day; whereon (as it is pro∣bable) the great gate of hea∣ven was opened by the Mar∣tyrdom of Pamphilus, (su∣table to the worth of that person,) which gave both him, and his companions, an easie entrance into the Ce∣lestial Kingdom. Also, The∣odulus (a venerable and pious old man, be∣longing to the Presidents own family, for whom Firmilianus had a greater esteem than for all his other domesticks; partly upon account of his age, having seen his children to the third ge∣neration; and partly in respect of the singular affection and conscionable fidelity, which he had continually retained towards him;) having fol∣lowed Seleucus's steps, and performed the same things that he did, was brought before his master, against whom he was more exasperated than a∣gainst any of the former [Martyrs;] and being forthwith put upon a Cross, he underwent the same sort of Martyrdom our Saviour suffered. Moreover, one being yet wanting, who might render the number of the foresaid Martyrs com∣pleatly twelve, Julianus intervened to make up their number. At that very interim he was coming from a remote Country, and had not entred the City; but, being informed [of the slaughter] of the Martyrs, ran immediately (in the same habit he had on) out of the road, to see that spectacle. When he saw the dead bodies of those holy persons lying upon the ground, being filled with an extraordinary joy, he em∣braced every one of them, and kissed them all. Whilst he was doing this, the [Souldiers] that were the instruments to commit those murders, apprehend him, and bring him to Firmilianus. He, doing herein what was agreeable to his [u∣sual cruelty,] ordered that this person also should be consumed by a slow fire. Thus was Julianus also accounted worthy [to receive] the crown of Martyrdom, leaping for joy, and being ex∣ceeding glad; and with a loud voice giving great thanks to the Lord, who had vouchsafed him so great an honour. This Julianus was by country a Cappadocian; as to his morals, he was eminent∣ly pious and circumspect, and famous for his most genuine and sincere faith: he was very active and diligent in all things, being inspired by the holy Ghost. Such was the file [of Martyrs,] who were vouchsafed to arrive at Martyrdom in com∣pany with Pamphilus. The holy, and truly sacred bodies of these persons were, by the impious Pre∣sidents order, watched for the space of four days, and as many nights, and exposed to be devoured

by beasts that prey on flesh. But when (as it miraculously happened) no wild beast, or fowl, or dog approached them [during that time,] at last (divine providence so ordering the mat∣ter,) they were taken away whole and untorn; and, having been allowed such funeral rites as be∣fitted them▪ received the usual interment. Whilst the discourse concerning the [Presidents] surious rage against these persons was yet rise in all mens mouthes, Adrianus and Eubulus (arriving, from that Country called Manganaea, at Cae∣sarea, to give a visit to the rest of the Confes∣sours,) were examined also at the gate of the City, for what reason they came thither. And, having confessed the truth, they were brought before Firmilianus: he (as he had usually done before) was in no wise dilatory in his proceedings towards them also; but, after he had furrowed their sides with many tortures, condemned them to be devoured by wild-beasts. Therefore, after two days space, on the fifth of the month Dystrus, (that is, before the third of the Nones of March,) the day whereon the nativity of the q 1.79 publick Genius (as the Heathens account it) is cele∣brated at Caesarea, Adrianus was cast to a Lion; after which a sword was thrust through his body, and so he ended his life. On the next day after save one, that is, on the very Nones of March, which is the seventh of the month Dystrus, Eu∣bulus (after the Judge had entreated him with much earnestness, that by offering sacrifice he would procure for himself that which they ac∣count liberty,) preferring a glorious death for his Religion before this transitory life, (when he had been exposed to the wild beasts, and been made a sacrifice after the same manner with the former Martyr,) was the last that closed up the Combats of the Martyrs at Caesarea. Moreover, it will be worthy our recording here, how divine providence soon after punished these impious Pre∣sidents, together with the Tyrants themselves. For Firmilianus, who had been so reproachfully out∣ragious against Christ's Martyrs, having with some others been adjudged to undergo a capital punishment, was beheaded. And these were the Martyrdoms, accomplished at Caesarea, during the whole time of the persecution.

CHAP. XII. Concerning the Prelates of the Churches.

BUt, what happened to be done in relation to the Prelates of Churches, a 1.80 during this in∣terval of time, and afterwards; how, instead of being continued Pastours of Christ's rational flock, which they had not rightly and duly go∣verned, divine justice, judging them as it were fit for such Offices, condemned them to be imployed in looking after b 1.81 Camels, a brutish sort of crea∣tures, whose bodies are naturally crooked and mis-shapen; and how it adjudged them to be keepers of the Emperours horses; also, what and how great injuries, dishonours, and tortures they suffered from such as during those times were the Emperours Procuratours, and Governours of Provinces, upon account of the sacred vessels and treasures belonging to the Church; moreover, the ambitious desires of many, the inconsiderate and illegal ordinations, and the schismes amongst the c 1.82 Confessours themselves; besides, what those modern raisers of disturbances with much earnest∣ness attempted against the remaines of the Church, introducing innovations successively one after ano∣ther, being without intermission authours of evils even in the midst of the calamities caused by the persecution, and heaping mischiefs upon mischiefs: all this [I say] I think fit to omit, a relation hereof being in my judgment inconvenient, and which (as I said in the d 1.83 beginning of this book) I do altogether dislike, and am resolved to avoid. Supposing it therefore to be most accommodate for an history concerning the admirable Martyrs, to speak, write, and instill into the ears of be∣lievers what ever is of importance to, and com∣mendable in, our Religion, and those passages which are virtuous and praiseworthy, I thought good to adorn the close of this book with [a re∣lation of] that peace, which afterwards appeared to us from heaven.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning Silvanus, John, and thirty nine other Martyrs.

THe seventh year of the persecution against us was now compleated; and our affairs, (having by little and little obtained some thing of a tendency towards a quiet posture by an abate∣ment of their heats who had been our malicious detractours,) proceeded on to the eighth year, when no small number of Confessours were ga∣thered together about the Brass mines in Palestine, and enjoyed their liberty to such a degree, that they erected buildings to make Churches of: [But] the Governour of the Province (a cruel and wicked person, as he manifested himself to be, upon account of what he did against the Martyrs) making a journey thither, and being informed of

their way of living in that place, acquainted the Emperour therewith, writing what he judged sutable to calumniate them. Afterwards, the Governour of the Mines came thither, and (as if he had had an Imperial order so to do,) ha∣ving separated that company of Confessours, al∣lotted Cyprus to be the place of habitation for some of them, and Libanus for others. He dispersed others of them in several places throughout Pale∣stine, and gave order they should all be wearied out with various sorts of laborious employments. Then he pick't out four, which seemed to be the most eminent persons amongst them, and sent them to the commander in chief of the Military forces in those parts. Two of these were Aegyptian Bishops, by name Peleus and Nilus; the third was a a 1.84 Presbyter; and the fourth was Patermuthius, a person signally renowned a∣monst all men upon account of his sedulity in doing all men good offices. This Commander, having asked these men to renounce their Religion, and not obtain∣ing his request, ordered they should be burnt to death. Again, there were others at the same place, (who were allotted a particular country to inhabit in by themselves,) to wit, such of the Confessours, as either by reason of their age, or the mangling of their members, or because of other bodily in∣firmities, were freed from doing service in those laborious employments. The principal among these was Silvanus, b 1.85 a Bi∣shop born at Gaza, a per∣son that demonstrated him∣self to be a truly religious and most genuine example of the Christian profession. This man, after he had been signally eminent in all sorts of conflicts [undergone up∣on account] of confession, from the very first day (as I may say) of the perse∣cution, and during the whole time it lasted, was reserved for this opportunity, that he might in the last place seal up (as it were) all the Combats [of the Martyrs] in Palestine. Many Egy∣ptians were with him; amongst whom there was one * 1.86 John, who for strength of memory far sur∣passed all men of our age. This man had been deprived of his eye-sight before. Nevertheless, in the conflicts of confession (wherein he got great renown) when one of his feet (after the same manner that others were served) was ren∣dred useless by being seared with red hot irons, his eyes also (although he could not then see) were burnt out with searing irons: to such an height of cruelty and inhumanity had the merciless and incompassionate Executioners then arrived in their carriage [towards the Christians!] 'Tis needless to extol this man for his morals, and the Philosophick life he lead, especially since he was not so admirable upon that account, as for his strength of memory; [for] he had whole books of the sacred Scriptures written (not on tables of stone, as the divine Apostle says, nor on parch∣ments, or paper, which are devoured by moths and time, but) on the fleshly tables of his heart, that is on his bright soul, [which were legible] to the most clear eye of his mind. In so much that, when ever he pleased, he could produce out of his mouth, as it were out of a treasury of Learning, sometimes the books of the Law and those of the Prophets, another while the Histo∣rical parts of Scripture, and again at other times the Evangelick and Apostolick writings. I was, I confess, amazed, when I first saw this man standing in the midst of a numerous Ecclesiastick congregation, and repeating some parts of the divine Scripture. For as long as I could only hear his voice, I supposed him to have read what is usually rehearsed in such assemblies. But when I approached very neer, and saw plainly what was done, to wit, all the rest [in the assembly] standing round and having their eye-sight clear and perfect, and him making use of the eyes of his understanding only, in reality delivering oracles like some Prophet, and far surpassing those that were sound and healthy in body; I could not for∣bear praising and glorifying of God. And I thought that I really beheld a firm and most evi∣dent instance to perswade me to believe, that he is to be accounted truly a man, (not who appears so to be by the external shape of his body, but) who is such in respect of his mind and under∣standing. For although this person had a mangled and deformed body, yet he demonstrated the strength of his internal faculties to be great and most powerful. Moreover, God himself vouchsafed to allot these forementioned persons (who, living in a place apart by themselves, spent their time according to the usual manner in prayers, fastings, and in the performance of other severe exercises of Religion,) a blessed and salutary death; reaching out to them his propi∣tious right hand. But * 1.87 that malicious enemy of all goodness, unable to endure them any longer, in regard they were carefully armed against him with their continual prayers to God, resolved to have them killed and removed from off the earth, as being troublesome to him. Which God per∣mitted him to attempt and perform; both that he should not be hindred from ••oing mischief, agree∣able to his own mind and purpose; and that they might at length receive the rewards of their va∣rious combats. Thus therefore nine and thirty persons were beheaded on one and the same day, by an order from the most impious Maximin. These were the Martyrdomes perpetrated in Pa∣lestine during the space of ten years, and such was the persecution in our days; which, having been began from those times wherein the Churches were demolished, was much increased in the times succeeding by the Governours insolencies. Amidst which, their various and different combats who were Religious Champions, made an innumerable company of Martyrs throughout every Province; to wit, in Libya, and throughout all Egypt, Syria, and all those Provinces, which reach from the East round to the Country of Illyricum. For those regions scituate beyond these now men∣tioned, that is, all Italy, Sicily, France, and those which lie towards the Sun-setting, Spain, Mauri∣tania, and Africa, having not indured the rage of the persecution full out the space of the two first years, were vouchsafed a sudden visitation from God, and [obtained] peace: divine Provi∣dence taking compassion on the simplicity and faith of those men. Further, an accident (a parallel to which the Records from the very first beginning of the Roman Empire cannot shew) happened now first in these our days, contrary to

all expectation. For, during the persecution in our times, the Empire was divided into two parts. Those brethren which were inhabitants of the one part, that just now mentioned, en∣joyed peace: but such as dwelt in the other part of the Empire, endured innumerable conflicts [renewed against them] successively. But when divine grace gave some indications of its candid and compassionate visitation of us, then those very Governours of ours (who before had been raisers of the wars waged against us in our days,) having most miraculously altered their minds, sounded a retreat; extinguishing the flame of persecution kindled against us, by Rescripts pub∣lished in favour to us, and by mild Edicts. c 1.88 'Tis requisite, that we Record their retractation.

The End of Eusebius Pamphilus's Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Before I had lookt into any of the M. SS. I thought these words were ad∣ded by Rob. Ste∣phens, who in some copies had found these two Sup∣plements of the 8^th Book. But when I had perceived that the same words occurred in all the M. SS. I was easily induced to believe, that all those M. SS. were transcribed from one and the same Copy. Moreover, this 2^d Supplement is nothing else but Eusebius's Book concer∣ning the Martyrs of Palestine; which appears from the words at the end of this Supplement. For in the Maz▪ and Med. M. SS. these words occur there▪ '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. the End of Eusebius Pamphilus's [book] concerning tho Martyrs of Palestine. Vales.
• a 1.2

  The same Relation is in the Acts of the passion of Procopius the Martyr, which be∣gin thus, The first of the Martyrs that appeared in Palestine was Pro∣copius, &c. From whence 'tis evident, that those Acts were tran∣slated out of the Greek Copy of Eusebius into Latine. To make this more manifestly apparent, it will in no wise be unusefull, to insert here the entire Acts. For many things worth our knowledge are contained in them, which neither Baronius nor Molanus happened to have a sight of▪ We have transcribed them from a most ancient M. S. belonging to the Musciacensian Monastery, which is now in the hands of that lear∣ned person Claudius Joly Canon of the Church at Paris. Their Con∣tents are these;

  The Passion of S. Procopius the Martyr, who suffered under Fabianus the President, on the fourth of the Nones of August.

  The first of the Martyrs that appeared in Palestine was Procopius: a person [full] of celestial grace, who before his Martyrdom ordered his life so, as that from his very childhood he applied his mind to chastity, and a virtuous converse. He so macerated his body, that 'twas judged to be almost dead. But he comforted his mind with such divine words, that he infused strength and courage into his body, by this refection of his mind. Bread and water was his food and drink: he fed onely on these: which he would forsake for two, or three, sometimes for seven days together, and then return to that his food again. Also, a meditation on divine expressions had bound up his mind so fast, that he continued indefatigable in it night and day. He made himself an high example of courtesie and meekness, looking on himself to be inferiour to others, so great was his studiousness in divine matters: he had also attained to a competency in external accomplishments. His original extract he had at Aelia [i. e. Jerusalem;] but by converse and habitation he was a Scythopolitan. He served in three Offices in that Church; one was that of a Reader, another consisted in his interpretation of the Syrian Tongue; and the third was an im∣position of hands, to cast out devils. And when he (together with his companions) was sent from Scythopolis to Caesarea, he was led from the very Gates to the President▪ and before he had experienced the miseries of imprisonment and bonds, he was upon his very first Arrival commanded by Flavianus the President, to offer sacrifice to the Gods. But with a loud voice he attested that there was not a multiplicity of Gods, but one Maker and Framer of all things. The President, smitten with that ex∣pression of his, and being wounded in his own conscience, assented to what he said. And, betaking himself to other arguments, [perswaded him] to sacrifice at least but to the Emperours. But the holy Martyr of God, despising what he said, repeated that passage of Homer—It is not good [to have] many Lords, let there be one Lord, one King. Which words being heard, it being supposed that he spoke something that was of ill consequence to the Emperours, by the Presidents command he was led to execution; and being beheaded, had an entrance into a celestial life, or found a compendious way into heaven, on the seventh day of Desius, that is, the moneth July, which amongst the Romans is called the Nones of July, in the first year of the Persecution against us. This was the first Martyrdom that was consummated in Caesarea, our Lord Jesus Christ Reigning, to whom be honour and glory for ever and ever, Amen. These Acts are also extant in two M. SS. belonging to the Library of Saint Germans. Vales.
• b 1.3

  The foregoing Acts of the passion of Saint Procopius render this passage almost word for word, thus; Priusquam carceris vel vinculorum experiretur angustias, before he had experienced the miseries of imprison∣ment and bonds. By which words the cruelty of the Judge is signified. For the Roman Presidents were wont first to imprison those offenders that were apprehended and brought before them, and to interrogate them afterwards at their leisure. Vales.
• c 1.4

  The foregoing Acts word this passage thus; in ipso ingressu suo •• Judice Flaviano ut Diis sacrificaret impellitur; i. e. he was upon his very first arrival, commanded by Flavianus the President, to offer sacrifice to the Gods. Many things are here omitted in the Greek Text of Euse∣bius, which must be made prefect by those Acts in Latine (the tran∣slation whereof we have before inserted.) For when Eusebius had here said expresly, that Procopius upon his first arrival was brought before the Judge, he adds nothing concerning the place from whence he came, where he was apprehended, or to what place he was brought: nothing of which ought to have been omitted. Besides, Eusebius does accu∣rately relate the descent and country of other Martyrs mentioned in this book; and if any of them had attained any degree of Ecclesiastick honour, he does usually take notice of that also. But of this person (who was the chief, and Leader of all the Palestine Martyrs) we see no such remarks made. This, 'tis probable, was not the fault of Euse∣bius, but of his Excribers. For, in the Latine Acts, which, as we be∣fore evidenced, were translated out of Eusebius, all these circumstances are manifestly declared. See the translation of the Latine Acts, in note (a.) in this chapter. Vales.
• d 1.5

  The La∣tine Copies of these Acts doe vary a little here: in Claudius Joly's Copy (the translation of which you have in note (a.) in this chapter,) the words are, Defii Septima Julii mensi••, quae nonas Julias dicitur apud Latinos, i. e. on the seventh day of Desius [that is the] moneth July, which amongst the Romans is called the Nones of July: in the two M. S. Copies belonging to the Library of S. Germans, the reading is thus, Dies erat Septima Julii mensis, quae 7. Idus Julii dicitur apud Latinos, i. e. it was the seventh day of the Month July, which amongst the Ro∣mans is called the seventh of the Ides of July. In the greek Text of our Eusebius here, the words are these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on the eighth day of the moneth Desius, that is (as the Romans stile it) before the seventh of the Ides of June. By these words in the Latine Copies of the M. SS. in Saint Germans Library, the title before Claudius Joly's Copy of these Acts is to be amended, where 'tis said Procopius suffered on the fourth of the Nones of August. Notwithstanding, in all the Martyrologies, the Martyrdom of Procopius is set on the eighth of the Ides of July. The Greeks also celebrate the memory of the great Martyr Procopius on the same day, as may be seen in their Menaeum. But that Procopius is a different person from ours, although he was born at Jerusalem, and suffered at the same time almost, and in the same City, that our Pro∣copius did. For our Procopius was a Reader, and an-Exorcist, as Eu∣sebius attests. But the other was a Captain of Egypt. The first Pro∣copius was a Christian from his Childhood, the second was at first a worshipper of Daemons. Our Procopius was beheaded, having suffered no tortures, and so obtained the Crown of Martyrdom by a most com∣pendious and easie kind of death. The other Procopius suffered a tedious and most cruel Martyrdom, having undergone most horrid tor∣tures under two Presidents of Palestine, Justus and Flavianus. Upon which account he is reckoned by the Greeks amongst the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Great Martyrs: See book 6. chap. 32. note (b.) Lastly, our Procopius was taken at Scythopolis, brought to Caesarea in Palestine, and there beheaded. The other was apprehended in Egypt, and Martyred in Caesarea a City of Phoenicia (which was also called Paneas) if we may believe Simcon Metaphrastes. Vales.
• e 1.6

  It is, I perceive, taken for granted amongst all men, that the months of the Syro-Macedonians were wholly the same with the Julian months, from that time when Julius Caesar publisht his year. For Scaliger and our Petavius do in many places affirm this; and the only difference (as they say) was, that the Syro-Macedonians began their year from October. But, there are many things which make me dissent from their opinion. For first, Bede (in his Ephemeris, and in his book De ratione Temporum) says, that the months of the Greeks be∣gan from Apellaeus, which answers to December. But Marcus (in his Life of Porphyrius Bishop of Gaza) attests, that those of Gaza began their year from the month Dius. For these are his words at pag, 1090. Primo mense qui ab eis vocatur Dios, deinde etiam secundo, qui dicitur Apellaeos; i. e. in the first month which they call Dius, then also in the second which is termed Apellaeus. The Emperour Julianus (in An∣tiochico) confirms this, where he expresly says that Lous was the tenth month amongst the Syrians. Now, if they began their year from Octo∣ber, then Lous (which answers to August) would not have been the tenth, but the eleventh month. The same is manifested by Julianus (in Misopogone, pag. 70.) in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ i. e. The Calends of the Syrians were come, and Caesar goes to the Temple of Ju∣piter Philius again. Then came the Calends of January (For, in my notes on book 23. of Ammian. Marcellinus, pag. 252, I have shown that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was the same with the Calends of January.) and Caesar goes to the Temple of the God Genius. (Concerning the Temple of this God Genius at Antioch, See Evagrius's Hist. book 1. chap. 16.) Then passing by the ominous day, he renews his vows in the Temple of Jupiter Philius according to the custome of his Ancestours. Seeing therefore Julianus attests, that the New Moon of the Syrians year did a little precede the Calends of January; it is manifest that the beginning of the Roman and Syrian year was not the same. But, it may be plainly collected from the same place of Julian, that Dius was the first month of the year amongst the Antiochians: For Julian says, that on the Calends of the first month of the Syrians, he went to the Temple of Jupiter, to sacrifice, because their first month was sacred to Jupiter, and received its name from him. For it was called Dius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from Jupiter: and the first month was rightly called after his name, who was thought to be the principal cause, and origine of all things. Now, if October were the first month of the Syrian year, that passage in Julian would have been impertinent. For, when the Antiochians would deride Julian, for his assiduity in worship∣ing the Gods, they produce this example thereof [The Calends of the Syrians were come, and Caesar goes to the Temple of Jupiter Phi∣lius again: then came the Calends of January, and Caesar goes to the Temple of the God Genius.] There must therefore necessarily be some little space of time between the Calends of the Syrians, and the Romans, that so Julian might deservedly be derided by the Antiochians for his too frequent offering of sacrifice. It is therefore necessary, that either Apellaeus must have been the first month amongst the Syrians, (which is Bede's opinion,) or else Dius. Thus far concerning the beginning of the Syro-Macedonian year; which we have demonstrated to be dif∣ferent from the beginning of the Julian year. We will now inquire in∣to the Syro-Macedonian months, and see whether they began and ended at the same time that the Roman months did. Indeed, this place in Eusebius does plainly shew, that the beginning of the months amongst the Syrians and Romans was not the same: for it makes the eighth day of the month Desius to be the same with the seventh of the month June. Therefore the Syrian month Desius began one day before the Roman month June. Moreover, Marcus (in the life of Porphyrius) affirms, that the months of the inhabitants of Gaza preceded the Roman months five days. His words are these, Pluit autem Domi∣nus, &c. Our Lord sent a continued rain from the eighth day of the month Audynaeus to the tenth. Now Audynaeus amongst the Romans is January. For their months precede the Roman months five days. But on the eleventh day we celebrated the Feast of the Epiphany, praising God. From which words 'tis apparent, that the beginning of the months amongst those of Gaza was almost the same with the beginning of them amongst the Egyptians. Further, Epiphanius (in his book De Pon∣derib. chap. 20.) makes the sixteenth day of May the same with the twenty third of the Grecian month Artemisius. The form of the months amongst the Tyrians was different from this; they made use of the Macedonian account of the months. For, in the Acts at Tyre (which are related in the ninth Action of the Council of Chalcedon) the tenth day of the month Peritius is confounded with the twenty fifth of February: and in the fifth Action Concil. Constantinop. sub▪ Mena, the twenty eighth day of the Tyrian month Lous is said to have been the sixteenth day of the Roman month September. From all this it may be concluded, that the account of the whole year, and of the months, was not of one and the same form amongst the Syrians. For those of Gaza computed them after one way, those of Tyre after another, and those of Caesarea after a third manner. But, I am fully perswaded, that the Caesareans used months, wholly composed according to the Julian form. For, in all places of this book of Eusebius's, concerning the Martyres of Palestine, wherever mention is made of the Macedonian months amongst the Caesarians, (the mention whereof does frequently occur in it;) the days of those months do always agree with the days of the Roman months; excepting this only place in this first Chapter. Therefore, I think, that the reading in the Text of Eusebius here should be thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, on the seventh day of the month Desius. Vales.
• f 1.7

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that is, on the fourth feria, or, (to render it word for word) on the fourth day of the Sabbath, or, of the week. For the ancient Christians having received a set account of the seven days of the week from the Jews, named them as they did. Therefore they called them the first of the Sabbath, the second of the Sabbath, &c. See Tertullian in his Book De jejuniis. Sometimes they called them feriae: Feria is the same with Sabbath. Therefore, as the Jews termed the week-days the first, the second, the third of the Sabbath; and so on to the Seventh∣day, which they called the Sabbath: so the antient Christians termed them the first, second, and third feria, &c. making an alteration only in this, that they did not keep the Sabbath-day holy, as did the Jews; but observed their Sabbath 〈…〉〈…〉 the first day of the Sabbath▪ which they also called Sunday, or The Lord's Day. So Isidorus in his Book, De Na∣tura Rerum, Chap. 3. Bede (in his Book De Ratione Temporum) says the week-days were called feriae, because the Clergy-men, by the decree of Pope Sylvester, were ordered to keep every day holy. But this opinion cannot be true; for the days of the week were called feriae long before Pope Sylvester's time, as Tertullian informs us. Moreover, not only the Christians, but the Gentiles also received the computation of the week from the Jews, as Josephus informs us, in the close of his se∣cond book against Apion. But the Gentiles called the days of the week by the names of the seven Planets; which names continue still in use amongst most Nations, being as it were certain reliques of the ancient errour of the Gentiles. See Tertullian in his Book Ad Nationes. Vales. The Ecclesiastical year of old began at Easter, the first week whereof was all Holyday, the days being distinguished by prima, secunda, tertia, &c. added unto feria. From thence the days of any other week began to be called feria prima, secunda, &c. See M^r Jo. Gregory of Oxford, in his Tract De Aeris & Epochis, Chap. 5. The original of the names, which we in England give to the days of the week, may be seen in Verstegan's Antiquities, pag. 68, &c. Edit. Antwerp. 1605.
• * 1.8

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, we render primum Martyrium, the first Martyr∣dom: so the Latine Acts render it▪ whence it appears, the Transla∣tor thereof did read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.9

  See B. 8. Chap. 3.
• * 1.10

  He was a Deacon of the Church of Gadara; Concer∣ning whom we have this passage in the M••∣••ologi•• at the 18^th of Novem∣ber: The commemo∣ration of the holy Martyrs Michaeus, Zacchaeus, Deacon of Gadara, and Alphaeus. The blessed Zacchaeus was led before the tribunal, having an heavy iron-chain about his neck. Vales.
• a 1.11

  The Greeks, in their Me∣naeum, make men∣tion of two Romanus's, both Martyrs; the one, they say, was condemned by Asclepiades the Praefect at Antioch, in the Reign of Galerius: the other was a Deacon of Caesarea (concerning whom Eusebius here speaks) who, as they affirm, suffered under Diocletian. But, in as much as they confess, that both of them suffered on one and the same day, (for they affirm that both of them had their tongues cut out, that they both spoke after they were cut out, and that both of them were afterwards strangled in pri∣son,) 'tis plain, that the Greeks mistake in their making of them two distinct Martyrs. I wonder that this opinion of theirs should please Baronius in his notes on the Martyrologie. If there were two Martyrs called by the same name, to wit, Romanus, and if they both suffered Martyrdom on the same day at Antioch, why does Eusebius mention but one here? It will perhaps be answered, that Eusebius was resolved to speak of the Martyrs of Palestine onely in this book, and therefore that he onely mentioned Romanus the Deacon, because he was a Palesti∣nian. But Eusebius has made mention of this Martyr in another place, to wit, in his second Book concerning the Resurrection and Ascension of Christ, where he acknowledges but one Romanus who was Martyred at Antioch. Vales.
• b 1.12

  Amongst the Primitive Christians, especially in the smaller Towns, because the Clergy were few in number, one and the same Clergy-man performed two or three Offices. Hence 'tis, that in the Acts of Pro∣copius the Martyr, (which we related before) Procopius is said to have born three Offices at the same time in the Church of Scythopolis, to wit, the Office of a Reader, of an Interpreter, and of an Exorcist. After the same manner therefore Romanus was both a Deacon, and also an ••xorcist in the Church of Caesarea. See Vetus Author Question. Veter. & Novi Testament, ch. 101. Vales.
• c 1.13

  There was in for∣mer times a twofold use of the Exorcists in the Church. For their business was to cleanse both those possessed with de∣vils, and also the Catechu∣mens; who were exor∣cized more than once. For after every ex∣amination in their Catechism, they were brought to the Exor∣cist ungirt and with their Shoes off, that they might be purged by him. See Cyril. Hierosoly∣mit. in pro∣catechesi ad Illuminan∣dos; and Chrysostom, in his first Homily ad Illuminan∣dos, in his first Tome. Vales.
• d 1.14

  Many of these persons had re∣nounced Christ, as Eusebius declares in his second Sermon concerning the Resurrection; where he speaks of the tortures inflicted on Romanus, which he mentions not here. Vales.
• e 1.15

  I suppose he means Galcrius Caesar: for Diocletian made his abode then at Nicomedia. The Caesars, like Apparitours and Officers, went all over the bounds of their own district. Indeed, in that year when the persecution begun, Diocletian lived (together with Ga∣lerius) at Nicomedia, in April, as Eusebius attests in his eighth book. Also, a little after the persecution began, when the Imperial Palace a•• Nicomedia was burnt by Lightning, Diocletian was at that City, as Constantine informs us in his Oration Ad Caetum Sanctorum. Wherefore he could not be at Antioch, when Romanus was condemned to be burnt; which happened about the beginning of the Persecution. For Ro∣manus was strangled on the 15^th of the Calends of December, after he had lain in prison some months, as Eusebius here attests. Vales.
• f 1.16

  This place is in an especial manner to be taken notice of, because it most evidently declares the year wherein Diocletian's Pesecution be∣gan. For Eusebius says, that in the first year of the Persecution the Emperours Vicennalia (i. e. the Festivals for his having arrived to the twentieth year of his Reign) were kept; which can only fall on that year, wherein Diocletian was the eighth time Consul, and Maxi∣mian the seventh. For, in this year (which was the year of Christ 303.) Diocletian's twentieth year was begun at the fifteenth of the Calends of October; that being the first of Diocletian's Reign, Carinus II. and Numerianus Coss. in the year of Christ 284; as 'tis set forth in the Alexandrian Chronicle. But, there arises no small difficulty from what Eusebius here says, to wit, that Romanus suffered Martyrdom on the 17^th day of November, when Diocletians Vicennnlia were kept. Whence it seemes to follow, that the first day of Diocletian's Reign must have been in the month of November, and not in September, as the Alexandrian Chronicle attests. Wherefore, 'tis necessary, that either in our Eusebius, or else in the Alexandrian Chronicle, the name of the month should be mistaken. Unless we say, that Diocletians Vicennalia were kept at Antioch not on the same day which was the first of his Empire, but a little later. Eusebius indeed says (in his Chronicon) that Constantines Vicennalia were kept at Nicomedia, and in the fol∣lowing year celebrated at Rome.
• g 1.17

  It was usual a∣mongst the Romans, that, on the fifth and tenth years of their Em∣perours Reigns, offenders who were guilty of less noto∣rious crimes should be discharged from their imprisonment; the Emperours Edict being set forth for that purpose, which they called an Indulgence. See the Cod. Theodos. tit. de indulgentiis criminum. Vales.
• a 1.18

  These words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who lived in our times] are, not without reason, added by Euse∣bius. For by them ▪it was his in∣tent to manifest, that this Thecla should be distinguished from the other Thecla who was companion to S^t Paul the Apostle. In the Menaeum, at the 19^th of August, this Thecla is called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Byzietis; the meaning whereof I know not. For this Thecla here spoken of was a Palestinian, not born at Bizua a City of Thrace. Yet, it may be, this Thecla was a Thracian▪ for neither were all those, whose Martyrdoms Eu∣sebius here relates, Palestinians; nor does he in this book, treat of the Martyrs of Palestine, but of those who suffered Martyr∣dom in Palestine. Vales.
• b 1.19

  The reading here is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; our rendition whereof is, together with those others whom they had a great esteem for. Christophorson read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but took it in the neuter gender; for thus he has rendred it; inter alia quae magnopere ip••is in optatis erant ad contemplandum, amongst other things, which they had a great de∣sire to be spectatours of. I suppose it to be spoken in the masculine gender; and that he means those more eminent Bestiarii, who amongst the Grecians were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the stoutest and strongest sort of men, who let themselves out to combat with the wild beasts before the people in the Amphitheatre. Such a one was he, whom the people in the Amphitheatre at Constantinople called for, in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which words Cassio∣dorus (Histor. Tripart, Lib. 2.) thus renders, crudeli bestiae artifex parabolus componatur. Vales.
• c 1.20

  In the Maz. and Med. M. SS. his name is Päesis. In the Greek Me∣n••logy, (which Canisius published) at the 15^th of March, instead of Päesis, he is called Pub∣lius▪ Vales.
• a 1.21

  Christo∣phorson ha•• rendred this place ill; thus he tran∣slates it▪ Maximinus Caesar, who by his own power and strength had possest himself of the Empire: as if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is the Greek term here, signified by his own power and strength. Indeed, Maximinus proclaimed him∣self Augustus, as our Eusebius relates in Chap. 13. Book 8. But he was made Caesar by Galerius Maximianus. Moreover, Eusebius speaks here of Maximinus▪ whilst he was only Caesar, and of the time when he had that title first conferred on him, to wit, in the second year current of the perfecution, immediately after the resignation of Diocletianus, and Herculius. The import therefore of Eusebi••••'s words is this, that Maximinus, as soon as he was made Caesar, shewed a proof of his impiety, by a most cruel persecution of the Christians. Wherefore [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] must be rendred [from the very time.] Now, Maximinus was made Caesar in the year of Christ 304, on the Calends of April, as Idatius (in fastis) declares: which agrees very well with the account here given by our Eusebius. For he re••ates that Maximi∣nus (after the Resignation of Diocletian) was created Caesar in the second year of the persecution; immediately after which promotion (that he might shew his power) he renewed the persecution against the Christians. But this must not be understood of that very year, wherein Maximinus was made Caesar: for during that year (affairs being then in confusion, and Galerius scarce well setled in the Empire) Maximinus was quiet. Therefore Eusebius mentions no Martyrdoms in Palestine during that year. But in the year following, which was the third of the persecution, Maximinus set forth his Edicts against the Christians, and renewed the persecution, as Eusebius expresly relates in this chapter. Vales.
• b 1.22

  It is sufficiently apparent that the Greek Text is here cor∣rupted; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being put instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; where∣fore we have rendred it before the gates, &c. Eusebius confirms this correction hereafter in this cha∣pter, where he says, that the dead body of Apphianus, which had been cast into the Sea, swam to the Caesarian shore, hard by the gates of the City. Vales.
• c 1.23

  He means the Civill Law, and the Latine tongue, the know∣ledge whereof was necessary for those that bore Offices in the Magistracy. At Berytus there was a School for Civil Law as many have taken notice from Gregory Thaumaturgus, Eunapius, Non∣nus, and others. Hence 'tis, that Eusebius adds the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, secular, or mundane litera∣ture. Gregorius Nazianzenus (in carm. Nicobuli ad filium) calls Berytus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A famous City of Phoenicia, the seat of the A••sonian Laws. In the Menolo∣gies of the Greeks, at the second of April, Amphianus, with his brother Aedesius, is mentioned to have been instructed in the Christian Religion by Pamphilus the Martyr, at Berytus. Vales.
• d 1.24

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which we have rendred, according to the prescripts of Christianity: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to be put for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, congruous or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 agreeable: which way of expression is frequently used by Eusebius. Vales.
• e 1.25

  In the Med. M. S. this City is called Arpagas; in the Maz. M. S. Arapagas; in the Fuk. M. S. Harpagas; but in the margin notice is given that it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with an asperate. I ne∣ver met with any thing concer∣ning Aragas, a City of Lycia; A∣raxa, a City of Lycia is mentio∣ned by P••olemaeus and Stephanus. And, in the Constantinopolitan Council, amongst the Bishops of the Province of Lycia, who subscribed to that Synod, the last that is recounted is Theanthinus Araxenus: also in the Synod of Chalcedon there is mention of Leontius Bishop of the Araxi. In the Menaeum of the Greeks, Amphianus is said to have been born in Lydia. Vales.
• f 1.26

  Symeon Metaphrastes, who professes he transcribed the Mar∣tyrdom of Apphianus (or, as he calls him, Amphianus) out of Eusebius, has altered this pas∣sage, thus, And having been conver∣sant with us in divine studies, and instructed in the sacred Scriptures by the great Martyr Pamphilus, he obtained no mean habit of virtue; by which he opened a passage for himself, whereby he procured the crown of Martyrdom. But Euse∣bius attests here, that Apphianus was not instructed in the sacred Scriptures by Pamphilus the Mar∣tyr, but by himself: which, as I judge, is the truest account. For our Eusebius was a person much learneder than Pamphilus. But the Menaea of the Greeks, and the Menology set forth by Cani∣sius, agree with Symeon Metaphra∣stes: excepting only in this, which Metaphrastes relates, that Apphi∣anus (after he was returned from his studies at Berytus,) when he came to Caesarea, was there in∣structed by Pamphilus. But in the Menaea, and in the Menology, Apphianus (with his brother Ae∣desius) is said to have been in∣structed by Pamphilus at Berytus; no mention being made of Euse∣bius. So carefull were the latter Grecians, that the blessed Martyr should not be said to have been instructed by Eusebius Pamphilus, who, as they perswaded them∣selves, was an Heretick. Vales.
• g 1.27

  The reading I judge, should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] which contains most evident signs: for it referrs to the foregoing word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, attempt.] Vales.
• h 1.28

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the phrase in the origi∣nal; Me∣taphrastes thought the shore was meant by these words; and therefore renders it circumstans littus. But the Greeks by this expression do usually mean the Air that surrounds the Earth. Vales.
• * 1.29

  This was the punishment, which the Romans inflicted on Parricides. In Seneca's age (see his 5^th Book, Controver. 4. at the latter end) only Serpents were put into the leathern sack (which they termed Culeus) with the Ma∣lefactor; afterwards they sowed up an Ape and a Cock with him, and at last a Dog. The offender was first whip't with rods till the bloud came, then sown up after this manner. See Coel. Rhod. B. 11. Chap. 21. The Grecians had a way of putting Criminals to death, by drowning them in the Sea, which they termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but they made use of a leaden vessell only, into which they put the Malefactor; as ap∣pears from Athenaeus, B 14; his words are these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Patroclus therefore, Ptolemie's Governour in the Isle Caunus, took him, and put him into a Leaden vessell, and carried him to the Sea, and drowned him. Neither was this accounted amongst the heaviest sorts of punishment by the Grecians, as appears from Polybius, B. 2.
• a 1.30

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. that is, Although Ulpianus suffered not in Palestine, but in Phoenicia, yet because he suffered Martyrdom at the same time, and died by the same sort of punishment that Apph••a∣nus had inflicted on him, we judged it not unfit to make mention of him here. It is therefore apparent from these words, that Eusebius in this book designed to give an account of the Martyrs of the Province of Palestine only. Vales.
• b 1.31

  In the Greek Menaeum, at the second day of April, Aedesius is stiled Apphianus's brother by the mothers side. Vales.
• * 1.32

  ^c In the Med. Fuk. and Maz. M. SS. the term is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, one entire word; which, in my judgment is the better reading. Eusebius does usually call those Christian Virgins by this name, who spontaneously had devoted their virginity to God. Such per∣sons the Latines called devotae. For so Ausonius and others term them. Vales.
• d 1.33

  The explication of this place is to be had from the Menaeum of the Greeks; where Aedesius is said to have struck Hierocles Prefect of Egypt (in the interim of his raging against the Christians) with his fist. The words there are these; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; i. e. But Aedesius, who was [condemned] to work in the mines of Brass, having seen (at Alexandria in Egypt) Hierocles the President punishing the Christians, he accounted him a despicable person, and struck the President with own hand. Wherefore, in this place of Eusebius, the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 denotes the blows given to the President; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 imports the reproachful language which Aedesius gave him. Both which are intimated by Eusebius in these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by his words and deeds. Epiphanius and Lactantius mention this Hierocles, Prefect of Egypt, who was famous for the great slaughter he made amongst the Christians. This was the Hi••rocles, against whom our Eusebius wrote a book. Vales.
• a 1.34

  He means the Pantomimi, Mimicks that used antick, filthy, and obscene gestures; the Pegma∣tarii, those that managed the Ma∣chines and Images in their Plaies; the Contigeri, Pole-carriers; and Funambuli, Rope-dancers; and such other Artists, which were made use of by those that were at the charge to exhibit shews to the people. See Claudianus in his book, De Consulatu Theodori. Vales.
• b 1.35

  At first I thought the reading here should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the second year: for so Eusebius had said above in Chap. 3. But the vulgar reading [to wit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the second of that name) is best, for he is called Agapius the Second, to distinguish him from the former Agapius, who had suffered two years before; concerning whom Eusebius speaks in the said third Chapter. Vales.
• c 1.36

  This place is corrupted, and imperfect. Christophorson reads [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, brought out of Prison,] which reading is not amiss. But I think there is a whole line omitted here; which I thus make up 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] [Brought] out of Prison [wherein he had been con∣fined now three years.] Agapius was cast into Prison at the begin∣ning of the second year of the Per∣secution. Therefore, this was the third year of his confinement. Vales.
• d 1.37

  Concerning this custom of leading the Criminals about the Stadium, see book. 5. chap. 1. z.)
• a 1.38

  In the M. S. Acts of the pas∣sion of The∣odosia, she is said to have suf∣fered not on Easter-day, but only, on a Sunday. Vales.
• b 1.39

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; so the Greek words it. Christophorson renders it, ante tribunal considen∣tibus, sate before the tribunal: which version I do not approve of. I have rendred it, before the Praetorium; i. e. before the palace of the President. For those pri∣soners stood before his Palace, waiting, until the President (be∣fore whom they were to be brought) came forth to the tri∣bunal. This rendition is con∣firmed by the following words. Vales.
• * 1.40

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, flexures of their feet; that's the import of the Greek: Valesius renders it, pedum jun∣ctur••, the joynts of their feet.
• c 1.41

  See the following chapter; from whence we are informed, that those who were condemned to such combats, were delivered to the Procurators of Caesar, who caused them to practise and exer∣cise daily, that so at last they might be fit to engage in a combat. Vales.
• * 1.42

  ••rbanus.
• a 1.43

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, heretofore, must be referred to the verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lived; not to the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, had its appellation] as Christophorson thought; who ren∣ders this place thus; in loco Por∣phyrite appellato, qui jam ante•• ex ven•• lapidis qu•• ibi nascitur, nomen d••xerat; i. e. in a place called Porphyrites, which had be∣fore, gotten its name from a vein of stone, which is there dug out. Vales.
• b 1.44

  He means, as I judge, the Procuratours of the company of the Gladiatours, and of the morning Ex∣ercises; of whom there is frequent mention in▪ the old Inscriptions. For the Gladiatours, that were maintained by stipends paid out of the Imperial Exchequer, were committed to their care, and they gave them their allowances out of the Treasury. Vales.
• c 1.45

  Christophorson supposed these persons to be Priests and Dea∣cons, who had convened the peo∣ple to hear the sacred Scriptures read: which at that time they were compelled to do in private houses. For, their Churches and Oratories being then demolished, the Christians had only private∣houses to Assemble themselves in. Vales.
• * 1.46

  That is, having ac∣knowled∣ged her self to be a Christian.
• d 1.47

  He means the Frankin∣cense, &c. Vales.
• e 1.48

  This Vir∣gins name is wanting here: But we will sup∣ply this de∣fect, from the Greci∣an Menology; where this passage occurs, at the 15^th of July: on the same day, the Holy Martyrs, Valentina and Thea, which were Egyptians, being brought to the City Dio Caesarea before Firmilianus the Judge, made confession of Christs Name, who is our God; after which, their left feet being burnt, and their right eyes pulled out, they were killed with a sword, and their bodies burnt. But this account disagrees with our Eu∣sebius's relation here. For he says, the one was born at Gaza, the other at Caesarea: and he makes no mention of the burning of their feet, or of the pulling out their right eyes. Vales.
• f 1.49

  In the Fuk. & Sa∣vil M. SS. instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, neverthe∣less he made him∣self ready] the read∣ing is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. as the usual manner was, &c.] which reading, in my judg∣ment, is not to be despised. Mention is made of this Paul's Martyr∣dom, in the Menology, at the fifteenth of July. Vales.
• * 1.50

  The Devil.
• a 1.51

  I judge, he means the Praefect of the Prae∣torium: for at that time they took care of Military matters. Indeed, Eusebius's fol∣lowing words are a sufficient evi∣dence, that the Praefect of the Praetorium is meant here: for he speaks of the injunctions, and pub∣lick orders given to the Curators, Magistrates, and Tabularii of e∣very City: which Orders were issued out by the Praefect of the Praetorium only; as might be made appear from several places. See Book 9. Chap. 1. & 9. where Eusebius speaks of Sabinus Prae∣fect of the Praetorium to Maxi∣min.
• * 1.52

  See Book. Chap. 11. note (b.)
• b 1.53

  These Officers had in their custody the publick Tables, or Rolls of the Cities, and look't after the accounts of the Tribute. They were first called Numerarii: afterwards Valens made a Law, that they should be called Tabu∣larii. See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcell. Book. 28. pag. 348.
• c 1.54

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] as it is in Robert Stephens's Copy; in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill: M. SS. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which contained an Order that, &c.] which is the better reading: for Eusebius here re∣lates the Contents of Maximin's Edict. Vales.
• d 1.55

  Eusebius notes this, as a thing new, and unusual; not that he designed to praise Fir∣milianus the Presi∣dents cle∣mency, be∣cause he did not torture the Mar∣tyrs; but he would hereby shew the precipitan∣cy and rage of the man; in regard he commanded, the Martyrs (who had provoked and confuted him) should be immediately led away to be put to death, without suffer∣ring any tortures before their execution; as the common usage was. For the Roman Judges did usually torture the Christian Martyrs before they dispatch't them, to the end those valiant Champions might not finish their lives by too easie a death. Nor was this usually done to the Martyrs only; but generally as often as any hainous offenders were brought to examination, they were first tortured. And although the guilty person confes't the fact, yet did not the Judge presently order him to be releas't from his tortures; but continued to inquire out the consequences: for example, how often he had done the fact, with what weapons, and in what places: then he questioned him about his companions and accomplices. See Tertullian, in his book Ad Na∣tiones; and in his Apologetick, chap. 2. Vales.
• e 1.56

  In the Greeks Menology, this man is called Antonius, where (be∣sides Zebinas and Germanus) there is a fourth companion of theirs named, to wit, Nicephorus. For the 12^th day of November this passage occurs: the birth-day of the holy Martyrs Antonius and his fellows, who were [put to death] in the times of Maximinus. Antonius was an old man; Nicephorus, Zebinas, and Germanus were in the flower of their age. They were taken at Caesarea and after they had boldly con∣fessed Christ, were slain. Here you see, the Authour of the Menology has rendred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an old man, not a Presbyter. Vales.
• f 1.57

  In the Greek Menology she is called Manatho▪ Vales.
• g 1.58

  Eusebius means a little Mitre of purple-coloured-wool; which was the badge of profes't Virgi∣nity, as Optatus informs us, in his sixth book. Vales.
• * 1.59

  The Pre∣sident.
• a 1.60

  In the Greek this mans name is Promus: but, I sup∣pose, it should be Probus. For I ne∣ver met with such a proper name as Promus. This mi∣stake a∣rose from hence; in ancient M. SS. Be∣ta is usual∣ly written like My. In the Fuk. and Savil M. SS. 'tis Probus. Vales.
• b 1.61

  Mention is made of this person in the Greek Menea, at the 14^th of October; although Eusebius says he suffered on the 3^d of the Ides of January. In the Meneum he is called Auselamus: But, in the Menology Anselamus is, by a mistake, put for Auselamus, or Abseldmus: the import of the passage there is this: On the same day is the com∣memoration of the holy Martyr Petrus Anselamus of Eleutheropolis, who being in the flower of his age, and of a vigorous mind, behaved himself most admirably in the conflicts he underwent for Religion; and, having despised earthly things, was by sire offered up as a victim well pleasing to God, in the sixth year of Diocletian's and Maximian's Empire. In which passage, this is observable, that the sixth year of Diocletian's Empire is put for the sixth year of the persecution. Vales.
• a 1.62

  Symeon Metaphra∣stes has transcribed this whole relation of the Mar∣tyrdom of Pamphilus and his com∣panions, out of our Eusebius; adding some things, and altering others, as he usually does. But he seems to have been furnished with more perfect copies of Eusebius, than those we now have which will manifestly appear to the Rea∣der; who may meet with Meta∣phrastes's account hereof in that Latine version of him, which Li∣pomanus and Surius put forth▪ Tome the third, a•• the first of June; pag. 139. Edit. Venet. Anno. 1581. Vales.
• b 1.63

  He means the Minor Pro∣phets, who were twelve in num∣ber: this passage is more clearly exprest in Metaphrastes, thus: It is worth our while to admire the number of the men, which represents a certain Prophetick and Apostolick grace. For, it happened that they were in all twelve; of the same number with the Patriarchs, Pro∣phets and Apostles, as we are in∣formed. Vales.
• c 1.64

  This passage also is more per∣fect in Metaphrastes, after this man∣ner: He was Pamphilus, a man tru∣ly pious, loving and friendly to∣wards all men, really demonstrating the truth of his name; [the import of Pamphilus, is, friend to all men:] the ornament of the Church at Cae∣sarea, &c. See Lipomanus and Su∣rius's version of Metaphrastes, a•• the fore-cited place. Vales.
• d 1.65

  In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. 'tis [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, let us pro∣secute] in the Impara∣tive mood. Moreover, hence we may make this mani∣fest col∣lection, to wit, that this Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine was Euse∣bius's own work, writ∣ten by him after his Books con∣cerning Pamphilus's Life, and after his Ecclesiastick History. Vales.
• e 1.66

  There may be a double meaning given of these words. For the import of them may be, either that Aelia was Valens's country, or that he was a Deacon of the Church of Aelia. Symeon Metaphrastes followed this latter sence, as appears from his words. The like am∣biguity I took notice of before, book 5. chap. 1. note (o) where we spoke concerning Sanctus a Deacon of Vienna. Vales.
• f 1.67

  'Tis easily discernable, that the Greek Text is here corrupted; I suppose it may be thus amended; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which reading we have followed in our version; and it agrees with Symeon Metaphrastes's interpretation, as 'tis evident from Gentianus Hervetus's translation in Lipomanus's Edition at the month of February; see note (a) in this chapter. But Hervetus has rendred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to get by heart; whereas that term signifies, to recite by heart, as we observed before. Vales.
• g 1.68

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term here used) seems to be taken passive∣••y, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For Eusc∣bius's meaning is, that Firmili∣anus the Judge was well versed in passing such sentences, and in ex∣tracting examinations by tortures. But, because the same term is taken in an active sense hereafter in this chapter, it ought also to be taken so here. By the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Eusebius means, the scourges and tortures. Vales.
• h 1.69

  These words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of God] are wanting in the Med. M. S. Eu∣sebius's meaning is, that those Aegypti∣ans who gave themselves the names of Israelites, or Jews, did both by their actions and names represent the true and genuine Israel, and those Jews, who were inwardly such. Vales.
• i 1.70

  Eusebius alludes to that pas∣sage in S^t Paul, (Rom. 2. 28, 29.) where the Apostle makes two sorts of Jews: some that were Jews 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, outwardly; others that were such 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, inwardly: the former, as he af∣firms, are not truly Jews, because they observed the bodily ceremo∣nies only of the Law: the latter are really Jews; whose Circumci∣sion is that of the heart, in the Spirit, and not in the Letter. See Origen, Chap. 1. Philocal. Vales.
• * 1.71

  Galat. 4. 26.
• † 1.72

  Heb. 12. 22.
• k 1.73

  Eusebius seems to mean Fir∣milianus's desire of knowing from the Egyptian Martyrs, where that Jerusalem was, which they called their Country. Whence we may make this remark by the by, that 'tis sufficiently evident, (as we observed before, Book 4. Chap. 6. note e.) there was no City upon earth at that time called Jerusa∣lem. Otherwise Firmillanus Presi∣dent of Palestine, would never have been so earnest in his enquiries of the Martyrs, where Jerusalem was scituated. But, the Greek term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] cannot, I think, be taken in that sense I have menti∣oned. Indeed, this place is ob∣scure, and (if I mistake not) faulty. Therefore Symeon Meta∣phrastes, when he transcribed this passage from Eusebius, on set pur∣pose omitted these words. Vales.
• l 1.74

  At this place Symeon Meta∣phrastes adds some words, which deserve to be set down here. Nondum autem dictum, &c. [The Judge] had scarce made an end of speaking, when a young man, be∣longing to Pamphilus's family, called out at some distance; and, coming out of the midst of the crowd into the presence of those who sate round in the place of Ju∣dicature, requested that their bodies might be interred. This was the B. Porphyrius, one of Pamphi∣lus's own breeding, not full eigh∣teen years old, [a youth] well skilled in the Art of writing; but one that concealed these praises by his modest behaviour, in regard he had been educated under so eminent a person. Vales.
• m 1.75

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a fire at a distance] Christophorson seemes to have read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a slow, or remiss fire: see his translation. Hervetus also has rendred it thus, pronuntiat sen∣tentiam ut tradatur molli & lento igni, he pronounc't sentence upon him, that he should be set into [and consumed by] a soft and gentle fire. The same is confirmed by Eusebius's following words: for he says, that Porphyrius was ••ast∣ned to a stake, and that the pile, which lay round him, but at some distance, was kindled; that so the Martyr might be consumed by a slack fire. We read of the same sort of punishment in the passion of Pionius, and of other Martyrs. Eusebius uses [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in the same sense hereafter, where he mentions Julianus. Further, we must take notice that both Porphyrius and Julianus were Ca∣techumens; as Metaphrastes in∣forms us. Vales.
• * 1.76

  See B. 6. Chap. 19. note (p.) ⁿ This gar∣ment is in the Greek termed '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; see its descri∣ption in A. Gellius, Book 7. Chap. 12.
• o 1.77

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the original, it peculiarly imports that age, which is fit for warfare; which Livy stiles Militarem aet••∣t••m, the Military age; begin∣ning from the seventeenth year of a mans age, says Plutarch (in Graccho.)
• p 1.78

  Christo∣phorson judged a∣miss, in that he supposed by the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Monks were meant. For, at that time there were no Monks; or, if there were any they differed much from the Ascetae. For Monks (as their name, Mo∣nachi, denotes) affected soli∣tude: but the Ascetae did con∣verse publickly in the Cities. Whosoever therefore lived a more strict and severe course of life according to the pre∣cepts of the Gospel, and left all they had, upon God's ac∣count, were termed Ascetae▪ thus one Peter is called Asceta, and a Virgin is termed Ascetria, before in this book of Eusebius: should any one term these Monks, doubtless he would be much mi∣staken. S^t Jerom says expresly, that there was no Monk in Pale∣stine before Hilarion. But Peter, the Asceta, lived in Palestine long before Hilarion's time. Vales.
• q 1.79

  In times past all Ci∣ties had their Ge∣nius's, in honour of which Temples were e∣rected, which they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Mar∣cus (in the life of Por∣phyrius) mentions the Tyche∣um of Ga∣za: and there was a Tycheum at Alexan∣dria, men∣tioned in ••od. Theod. and in Li∣banius's de∣scriptions lately pub∣lished by the Lear∣ned Leo Allatius. Also the Temple of the Genius at Antiochia is mentioned by Julian in Misopog. which passage we cited before. The Genius of Caesarea in Cappadocia had its Temple; concerning which see Gregor. Naz. in his first Invective against Julian, pag. 91. and in his 19^th Oration pag. 309. The Genius was a tutelar God, that (as the Heathens thought) had undertaken the particular protection of any City, or Town. Vales.
• a 1.80

  These words are very ob∣scure. Christo∣phorson thought they were to be understood concerning the time of the persecution; I am not of his mind. For Eusebius speaks concerning what hap∣pened, when the fury of the persecution was in some measure abated. Therefore [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] signifies postea, afterwards; according to Eusebius's usual way of expressing himself, both in other places, and also hereafter in this chapter. The following words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] denote the whole interval of time from the beginning of the persecution to its seventh year, as Eusebius informs us in the follow∣ing chapter. Vales.
• b 1.81

  It was a sort of pu∣nishment amongst the Ro∣mans, that free-men (i. e. those that were free of Rome) should be condem∣ned to look after the Emperours horses and camels, and to such like offices. This em∣ployment was called Camelasia, and it is reckoned amongst the person∣all offices, in the Pan∣dects (Tit. de muner. & Honor.) Although in that place of the Pan∣dects, the Emperours Camels are not spoken of, but those Camels are meant belonging to every City, which were used to fetch wood and other burthens; as ap∣pears from the 18^th Law, in the said Title. But Eusebius does here speak of the Emperours Horses and Camels, to the feeding whereof some Bishops were condemned. Now, there is a great difference between these two Offices. For the former was a civil Office, to which the Decurions of the white Order were promoted, as 'tis said in the fore∣quoted Law. But the latter was a penal servitude, to which crimi∣nals were condemned, as may be collected from Eusebius's words here. Moreover, these Camelarii (keepers of Camels) were under his care and dispose, that was the Comes rei privatae, (i. e. the Trea∣surer of the Privy purse to the Emperour; see Vales. notes on Amm. Marcell. Book 22. pag. 207.) under whom were the Masters of the flocks, and of the stables; as appears from the Notitia Imperii Romani. See the Acts of Marcellus the Pope. Vales.
• c 1.82

  He means the Schism between Meletius Lycopolitanus and Peter Bishop of Alexandria; concerning which see Athanasius and Epipha∣nius. He means also Donatus's Schisme in Africa, against Caecilianus the Bishop. Vales.
• d 1.83

  The place Eusebius here speaks of is not to be found in this book. Whence 'tis apparent, that this book, concerning the Martyrs of Pale∣stine, is imperfect. Any body may perceive that the beginning of it is wanting. But this defect may be made up from chap. 2. book 8. of the Ecclesiastick History, where Eusebius says that, which he men∣tions here, as spoken of before by himself. Vales.
• a 1.84

  His name was Helias; who, together with Patermuthius, was burnt to death; as 'tis recorded in the Greek Menaea, at the 17^th of September. Photius mentions Patermuthius, in his Bitblioth. chap. 118; where he speaks of the Books written by Pamphilus the Martyr, during his impri∣sonment, in defence of Origen. Vales.
• b 1.85

  By these words Eusebius seems to declare, that this Sil∣vanus was not Bishop of Gaza: for Eusebius only says that Sil∣vanus was born at Gaza, and made Bishop over those Chri∣stians that wrought in the Mines in Palestine. The Greeks (in their Menaea, at the 14^th of Octo∣ber) seem to have taken these words of Eusebius in this sense. For they say that Silvanus was Presbyter of the Church at Gaza; and, after he had suffered most accute tortures at Casarea, was condemned to the Mines, where the Office of a Bishop was conserred on him by the Christians. So the Menaea. But Eusebius (in book 8. chap. 13.) does expresly call him Bishop of Gaza. Vales.
• * 1.86

  This John is mentioned in the Me∣naeum, at the twen∣tieth of September. Vales.
• * 1.87

  The De∣vil.
• c 1.88

  The con∣clusion of this book is wanting; to wit, the Retractation, of the Emperours or Galerius Maximianus's Edict, ordering a stop to be put to the persecution. But this defect may be easily made up from the last chapter of the eighth Book of the Ecclesiastick History. Vales.