The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS. (Book 8)

The PREFACE.

HAving comprized the successions of the Apostles in Seven entire Books, in this Eighth we have thought it requisite to set forth the Affaires of our own Age, (which deserve no trivial descri∣ption,) being a matter most necessary to be derived down to the knowledge of posterity. And our relation shall take its beginning from hence.

CHAP. I. Concerning those things which preceded the Perse∣cution in our days.

a 1.1 HOW great and what manner of glory and freedom the doctrine concerning the adoration of the supream God, declared unto man∣kind by Christ, was dignified with amongst all men, Graecians as well as Barbarians, before the persecution in our times; 'tis beyond our abi∣lities deservedly to declare: but the favours of the Emperours towards those of our Religion may be an evidence hereof; whom they entrusted with the Governments of Provinces, freeing them from their fears of b 1.2 sacrificing, out of the abudant kindness they reserved for our Religion. What need we mention those who were conversant in the Imperial palaces? Or the Emperours themselves? Who permitted their domesticks, together with their c 1.3 wives, children and servants, freely and o∣penly to make profession of their Religion by their words and practises, even before their own faces, and in a manner suffered them to boast of their fearles∣ness and freedom in professing their faith. Whom al∣so they had an high esteem for, and accounted them more acceptable than the rest of their attendants. Such a one was that d 1.4 Doro∣theus, a person who of all men declar'd the heartiest affection too and fidelity in their ser∣vice, upon which account he was more highly valued by them than the Magistrates and most honourable Governours of the Provinces: to whom we will adde the most renowned Gor∣gonius; and as many others as arrived to the same degree of honour with them upon account of the word of God. The same affection, obser∣vancy, and eminent favour you might see vout∣safed to the Prelates of every Church, as well by all

e 1.5 private persons as Governours of Provinces. But now, how should any one be able to describe those numerous f 1.6 congregations; their multi∣tudes, who throughout every City flock't [to embrace the faith of Christ;] and those famous assemblies [of the people] in the Churches? For which reason they were no longer contented with the old Edifices, but erected spa∣tious Churches from the very foundations throughout all the Cities. These [prospe∣rous successes,] increasing in process of time, and be∣ing daily augmented with a growth and greatness, no en∣vy could put a stop to; nei∣ther was any evil spirit able to bewitch them, nor could the treacheries of men pro∣hibit them, as long as the divine and celestial hand [of God] covered and guarded his people, continuing to be worthy of its [protection.] But, after the affairs of our age were through too much liberty changed into looseness and sloth; when some began to envy and revile others, and we were in a manner at wars amongst our selves, [wounding] one another with words as it were with arms and spears; when Prelates dashed against Prelates, and the people raised factions against the people; and when unspeakable hypocrifie and dissimulation had arrived to the height of mischief, then did the divine vengeance, as it takes delight to do, gently begin to visit us (the multitudes [of the faith∣ful] as yet meeting in their assemblies) by de∣grees and with moderation; the persecution being first begun with those brethren who bore arms. But when we became insensible, and entertained not the least thought of propitiating and appeasing the Deity; but, like some Atheistical persons, sup∣posing our affairs to be managed regardlesly and without any inspection, we added impieties to im∣pieties: when they, who seemed our pastours, re∣jecting the sanctions of Religion, were inflamed with mutual contentions, studying nothing else but the augmenting of strifes, menaces, emulation, envy, and mutual hatred, and g 1.7 greedily challenging to themselves the preeminence, as if it were a do∣minion: then forthwith (ac∣cording to the expression ut∣tered by Jeremiah) * 1.8 the Lord covered the daughter of Zion with a cloud in his anger, and cast down from heaven unto the earth the beauty of Israel, and remem∣bred not his footstool in the day of his anger: The Lord hath drowned all the beauty of Israel, and thrown down all his strong holds. And, as it is predicted in the Psalms, † 1.9 He hath made void the covenant of his ser∣vant, and profaned his sanctity in the earth, to wit, by the destruction of the Churches. He hath broken down all his hedges, he hath made his strong holds fear. All the multitudes of the people that pass by the way spoil him; and further, he is a reproach to his neigh∣bours. For he hath exalted the right hand of his en∣emies, and hath turned away the edge of his sword, and hath not assisted him in the war. But he hath put an end to his purification, and hath broken his throne by casting it to the ground. The days of his life hath he shortned, and lastly covered him with ignominy.

CHAP. II. Concerning the Ruine of the Churches.

ALL these [predictions] were a 1.10 fully com∣pleated in our times, when with our own eyes we saw both the houses of prayer thrown down to the ground, even to their very founda∣tions, and also the divine and sacred Scriptures committed to the fire in the midst of the Forum. [When we beheld] some pastours of the Churches basely hiding themselves, some in one place, some in another; others of them ignominiously apprehended, and exposed to the scorn of their enemies. When also, ac∣cording to another prophetick expression * 1.11 con∣tempt was poured upon Princes, and he caused them to wander in the wilderness where there was no way. But 'tis not our [design] to describe those sad calamities which in conclusion befell them: for it is unfit for us to record their mutual dissen∣tions and folly before the persecution. Wherefore we will relate no more concerning them, than whereby we may justifie the divine vengeance. We will not proceed therefore to mention those who were b 1.12 tryed by the per∣secution, nor those who whol∣ly made shipwrack of their salvation, and were volun∣tarily precipitated into the gulfs of the deep: but we will in general insert such passages onely into this our History, as may in the first place be profitable to our own selves, and in the next to posterity. From hence then we will begin briefly to describe the sacred combars of those who were Martyrs for the divine Religion. c 1.13 It was the nineteenth

year of Diocletians Empire, in the moneth d 1.14 Dy∣strus, (which the Romans call March,) when (the festival of the salutiferous passion e 1.15 ap∣proaching) the Imperial Edicts were proposed in all places, giving command that the Churches should be totally destroyed, and the Scriptures consumed by fire; and declaring that those who were elevated to any degree of honour should be rendred infamous; and f 1.16 those that were private persons, if they persisted in a resolution of re∣taining the profession of Christianity, should be deprived of their liberty: such was the first Edict against us. But not long after, other Rescripts arrived; by which command was given, that all the Prelates of the Churches every where should first be put into bonds, and afterwards compelled to sacrifice by all ways imaginable.

CHAP. III. Concerning the various sorts of combats which [the Martyrs] underwent in the time of the Persecution.

FOrthwith therefore many Prelates of Churches, having eudured most severe torments with great alacrity of mind, exhibited spectacles of most illustrious combats. Many others being pre∣possessed with a faintness of mind by reason of their fear, were immediately discouraged at the first attack made against them. Every one of the residue had their courses in various kinds of tor∣tures. One was scourged all over his body with whips: another was rack't with tortures, and had his flesh scraped off with tormenting irons that were intolerable. Under which [torments] some made a lamentable conclusion of their lives; but others accomplished their combat after another manner. One, being forcibly thrust forward by others, and constrained to approach their impure and most nefarious sacrifices, was let goe as if he had sacrificed, although he really did not. Ano∣ther (when he had neither approacht [the Altar,] nor toucht any thing that was execrable, yet be∣cause others said he had sacrificed) silently bore that calumny, and went his way. A third was taken up on their shoulders half dead, and cast forth as if he had been really so: a fourth lying upon the ground, was drawn a great way by the feet, and then accounted amongst them who had done sacrifice. One cried out, and with a loud voice attested, that he denyed to sacrifice: another exclaimed that he was a Christian, adorning him∣self with the confession of that salutary appella∣tion. A third affirmed that he neither had, nor ever would sacrifice. But these being struck on the mouth by the Souldiers with their fists▪ (a great company of whom were placed there as a Guard) filenced, and a 1.17 beaten on the face and cheeks, were by force thrust out. So highly did these enemies of piety every way esteem their being thought to have perfected what they desired▪ But these [proceedings] against the holy Mar∣tyrs did in no wise prove successful to them: whose [admirable courage] should we undertake ac∣curately to set forth, what expressions would be sufficient to compose such a Narrative?

CHAP. IV. Concerning God's illustrious Martyrs; how they fill'd the world with their fame, having been adorned with divers crowns [of Martyrdom] for Re∣ligion.

FOr who should be able to make a relation of those infinite numbers [of Martyrs] who de∣monstrated an admirable alacrity of mind for the worship of the supream God; not onely from that time the persecution was raised against all the [Christians,] but long before, when the times were calm and serene? For some time since, when the [Devil,] a 1.18 who hath received power over this world, was first rouzed as it were out of a profound sleep, and as yet made his attempts against the Churches in a secret and occult manner, after that interval which followed the perfecution under Decius and Valerian: (for he would not set upon us closely and with an open War; but as yet made tryal onely of those who were en∣gaged in the Milice; for he supposed the rest would easily be vanquished, could he first over∣come them:) Then [I say] you might have seen very many of those who were Souldiers most willingly embracing a private life, rather than they would renounce the worship of the Creator of all things. For when the [Roman] b 1.19 General (who he was it matters not) first set upon persecuting the Chri∣stian Souldiers, and began * 1.20 to take a strict view of, and purge those that belonged to the army; permitting

them freely to choose, whether by obeying they would enjoy that degree of honour they were arrived to, or on the contrary be deprived of it, if they refused to comply with the [Emperours] commands: innumerable Souldiers of the King∣dom of Christ, without all delay or hesitancy, pre∣ferred their confession of him, before the apparent glory and prosperity they were possest of. Some few of which (one or two) procured not onely the loss of their preferment, but death also for their pious and resolute stedfastness: * 1.21 the framer of the conspiracy [against our Religion] being at that time moderate, and presumed to proceed to shed the bloud but of very few: the multitude of believers ('tis likely) terrified him, and made him afraid as yet to enter into an open War against them all. But when he prepared himself more manifestly for an engagement, it is impossi∣ble to relate how many and eminent Martyrs of Christ were visible to the inhabitants of all Cities and Countries.

CHAP. V. Concerning what was done at Nicomedia.

IMmediately therefore, upon the publishing of the Edict at Nicomedia against the Churches, a 1.22 one who was no obscure person, but eminently illustrious for secular honour and esteem, moved with a divine zeal, and incited by an ardent faith, took down [the Edict,] which was fixed up in the most open and publick place [of the City,] and b 1.23 tore it, as being impious and most detesta∣ble: [which he did] whilest two of the Em∣perours made their abode in that▪ City; one of which was seniour to the rest, and the other held the fourth place in the Empire. But this person, who was the first of the inhabitants of that City which appeared thus eminent and zealous, having suffered such punishments, as were thought meet to be inflicted on him for such a bold act, perseve∣red in an undisturbedness and tranquility of mind to his very last gasp.

CHAP. VI. Concerning those who were conversant in the Impe∣rial Palaces.

BUt that time produced these divine and glo∣rious Martyrs, (which excelled all that ever were celebrated as admirable and famous for their courage, both among Grecians and Barba∣rians,) Dorotheus, and the other boys that were of the Bed-chamber to the Emperours. Who although they were accounted worthy of the highest station of honour by their masters, and were no less beloved by them than if they had been their own sons; yet they supposed the re∣proaches and tortures for Religion, and those various sorts of deaths devised for them, to be really of greater value than the glory and pleasure of this life. We will here relate what an exit one of them made, and leave the Readers to conjecture from him what befell the rest. In the foremen∣tioned City, one of them was publickly brought forth before the foresaid Emperours; and com∣manded to sacrifice, which when he refused to do, 'twas ordered he should be stript and hoisted up on high, and that his whole body should be lace∣rated with stripes, until he should yield, though against his will, to do what he was commanded: but when he continued immoveable after his suffer∣ing such tortures as these, they mixed salt and vinegar together, and poured it (his bones being now laid bare) upon the putrified parts of his body. When he had undergone these tortures also, then fire and a gridiron was brought forth▪ and the remains of his body were laid on [and broiled,] like flesh dressed to be eaten; not all at one time, but by little and little, that he might not end his life too soon: neither were those per∣sons who laid him on the fire, permitted to leave him, till after so great [tortures,] he should give his consent to perform what he was com∣manded. But, having constantly persevered in his resolution, and gotten the victory, he expired un∣der his very tortures. Such was the Martyrdom of one of those boys who were of the Bed-cham∣ber to the Emperours; being truly worthy of his name: for he was called a 1.24 Peter. The [Martyrdom] of the rest, although not at all inferiour to this, yet shall be omitted, least our dis∣course should be too tedious. Thus much onely we will relate, that Dorotheus and Gorgonius (together with many others that were attendants at the Imperial palace) after va∣rious combats, having finished their lives by being strangled, obtained the rewards of a divine victory. At the same time Anthimus, the then Bishop of the Church of Nicomedia, was beheaded for the te∣stimony of Christ. With whom was joyned a great multitude of Martyrs. For in those days, by what accident I know not, there happened a b 1.25 fire in the Imperial palace at Nicomedia. Which being laid to our charge as the Au∣thours thereof, by a report grounded on a false suspi∣cion; all sorts of persons that were the worshippers of God in that [City] were destroyed by heaps, some with the sword, and others by fire. At which time, report says, both men and women, excited by a divine and unspeakable alacrity, leapt into the fiery pile. The executioners also, having bound another great company in Boats, cast them into the abysses of the Sea. Moreover, the bodies of those who were of the Bed-chamber to the Em∣perours, having been interred with decent fune∣ral obsequies, they who were accounted their ma∣sters, supposed it requisite to dig up again, and cast them into the Sea; least some (as they thought) should look upon them as Gods, and worship them [in after ages,] should they be let alone to rest in their graves. Such were the exploits performed at Nicomedia in the beginning of the persecution. But not long after, when some at∣tempted to possess themselves of the Empire in the region called c 1.26 Melitina, and others in d 1.27 Syria:

an Imperial Edict arrived, [commanding] that all the Governours of Churches every where should be bound and imprisoned. The sight of what was done after that, no expressions are suf∣ficient to describe: when infinite multitudes were every where committed to custody; and the pri∣sons in all places, which in former times had been provided for murderers and robbers of the dead, were then filled with Bishops, Priests, Deacons, Readers and Exorcists: insomuch that there was now no place left therein for those who had been condemned for their crimes. Again, when e 1.28 an∣other Edict followed the former, wherein it was commanded that those who were imprisoned, if they would offer sacrifice, should have their liber∣ty to goe whither they pleased: but if they re∣fused should be cruciated with a thousand tortures: the multitudes of martyrs in every Province can∣not possibly be reckoned up, especially those [who suffered] in Africa, Mauritania, Thebais, and Egypt. Out of Egypt some went into other Citys, and Provinces, and were there adorned with glorious Martyrdoms.

CHAP. VII. Concerning those Egyptians [who suffered] in Phoenicia.

SOme of them, we knew, were famous [for their Martyrdoms] in Palestine; and others in Tyre a City of Phoenicia. Whom any one that had seen, could not but have been astonished at their innumerable stripes; at the courage and constancy of those truly a 1.29 ad∣mirable champions of piety in suffering them; at their combat with wild beasts, accustomed to devour the bloud of mankind, which immediately followed their tortures with scour∣ges; at their encounters in that combat with Leopards, * 1.30 huge wild bears, fierce wild bores, and bulls, which were incited against them with fire and red hot iron; and lastly at the admirable patience of those couragious [Martyrs] in en∣during [the Assaults] of each of those wild beasts. We our selves were present at the per∣formance of these things, when we saw the divine power of our Saviour Jesus Christ (whom the Martyrs then bore witness of) present, and evi∣dently manifesting it self to the Martyrs: [for▪] those ravenous beasts for a long time dared not to touch or approach the bodies of these [Mar∣tyrs] beloved by God. But they turned their fury upon others, to wit, those that were b 1.31 infidells, who instigated and provoked them: but the sacred cham∣pions onely, who stood na∣ked and by the motions of their hands irritated them a∣gainst themselves, (for this they were enjoyned to do,) they did not so much as touch. Sometimes indeed they assailed them; but, as it were by some divine power, they were stopt, and retired back again: which hapning for▪ a long time together, gave occasion of no small ad∣miration to the spectatours; so that because the first beast performed not its assault, a second and a third was let loose upon one and the same Martyr: you would have admired the in∣trepid stedfastness of those sacred persons at the sight of all this, and that firm and immoveable fortitude of mind, which was in young and tender bodies: for you might have seen a youth, who had not yet compleated the twentieth year of his age, standing still without being bound; and (having stretcht forth his hands, in form of a Cross,) in an undisturbed and fearless temper of mind con∣tending with the greatest earnestness in prayers to the divine Majesty, in no wise receding, or re∣moving from the place he stood on; when the Bears and the Leopards, breathing forth rage and death, almost toucht his very flesh with their jaws. But their mouths were (after what manner I know not) bound fast as it were by a divine and unspeakable power, and they ran backward again. After such a manner as this did this person behave himself. Again, you might have seen others (for they were in all five in number) cast to an enrag'd Bull, who tore some of the Infidels that approacht him, tossing them into the air with his horns, and leaving them to be taken up half dead. But when he should have assailed the sacred Mar∣tyrs onely with rage and menaces, he could not approach them; but stamping on the ground with his feet, tossing his horns this way and that way, and breathing forth rage and menaces by reason of his being irritated with red hot irons, he was notwithstanding drawn backward by the assistance of divine providence. When therefore none of them was at all hurt by him, they let loose other wild beasts upon them. In fine, after these various and horrid assaults of the wild

beasts; they were all e 1.32 killed with the sword, and, instead of being buried in the earth, were committed to the surges of the Sea.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning those who [suffered] in Egypt.

SUch was the combat of those Egyptians, who gloriously fought for Religion at Tyre: those [Egyptians] also may be deservedly accounted admirable, who suffered Martyrdom in their own country. Where infinite numbers of men (to∣gether with women and children) contemning this temporal life in respect of our Saviours doctrine, underwent various sorts of death. Some of whom, after their flesh had been torn off with torturing irons, after they had been rackt, most cruelly scourged, and [undergone] infinite other tortures, of different sorts and horrible to be heard, were committed to the fire: others were drowned in the Sea. Othersome chearfully offered their heads to be cut off by the Executioners: some died under their tortures: others were destroyed by famine. Again, others were crucified; some of them according to the usual manner of cru∣cifying malefactours, but others after a more cruel manner, being nailed to the Cross with their heads downwards; and kept alive, until they died by famine on the very Crosses.

CHAP. IX. Concerning those [who suffered] at Thebais.

BUT the pains and tortures, which the Mar∣tyrs underwent at Thebais, surmount all re∣lation; who were torn all over their bodies, un∣till they expired, with [sharp] shells instead of torturing irons. Women were tied by one of their feet, and drawn up on high into the air, with their heads downwards, by certain machines; and their bodies being naked and wholly unco∣vered, were made a most detestable, most cruel, and inhumane spectacle to all that lookt upon them. Again, others being bound to trees and boughs, were killed: For by certain engines they drew together the [two] strongest boughs, and having fastned the Martyrs legs to each of them, they suffered the boughs to return into their na∣tural site, designing [thereby] to pull asunder their members, against whom they had invented these [ways of death:] And all these things were performed, not for a few days, or during some short time, but continued for the space of whole years: sometimes no more than ten, at other times above twenty in number, were destroyed: sometimes not less then thirty; at others neer sixty; and again, at another time, an hundred men, together with very small children and women, were killed in one day, being condemned to various and interchangeable sorts of punishments. We also our selves, being a 1.33 conversant in those places, saw very many [destroyed] together in one day; where∣of some were beheaded; and others underwent the punishment of fire. Insomuch that the Exe∣cutioners sword became blunt, and being rendred unfit for use, was broken; and the Executioners themselves being tired, succeeded one another by turns. At which time also we beheld a most admirable ardour of mind, and a truly divine strength and alacrity in those who believed in the Christ of God. For no sooner was sentence pro∣nounced against the first, but others ran hastily from some other place before the Judges tribunal, and confest themselves to be Christians. They re∣garded not dangers, nor those various sorts of tortures; but with an undisturbed fearlesness made a bold confession of the worship of the su∣pream God; and with joy, laughter and delight received their last sentence of death; in such sort that they sang, and to the very time of their ex∣piration shouted forth hymns and thanksgivings in praise of God the maker of all things: such admirable persons were these. But these in a most especial manner deserved the greatest admi∣ration, who [although] eminent for riches, no∣bility, glory, eloquence and Philosophy; yet preferred the true Religion, and the faith in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ before all these. Of this sort was Philoromus; a person that bore no ordinary office, was the Emperours b 1.34 Rationa∣list at Alexandria; who together with his dignity and Roman honour, being attended with a guard of Souldiers, did daily exercise a judiciary power. Phileas also, Bishop of the Church of the Thmuitae; a person eminent for his discharge of the publick Offices and places of Magistracy in his own country; and famous for his Philoso∣phick studies. These two persons (although they were intreated by very many of their relations and friends, and moreover by c 1.35 personages of ho∣nour, yea notwithstanding the d 1.36 Judge himself besought them to take pitty on themselves, and have compassion on their wives and children, yet) could in no wise be induced by such persons as these, that (out of a desire to preserve their own lives) they should contemn the laws [made] concerning the confession and renunciation of our Saviour. But having stoutly bore up against all the menaces and contumelies of the Judge, with a manly and Philosophick mind, or rather with a pious and religious heart, they were both be∣headed.

CHAP. X. a 1.37 The written informations of Phileas the Martyr concerning what was done at Alexandria.

BUT because we have said that Phileas was a person worthy of great esteem for his Grae∣cian literature, let him be produced as a witness

for himself▪ both to demonstrate what a person he was, and also to relate the Martyrdoms which in his time happened at Alexandria, which he will [declare] more accurately than we can, in these words:

b 1.38 OUT OF PHILEAS'S EPISTLE TO THE THMUITAE.

All these Examples, Prescripts, and good Do∣cuments being deposited for us in the divine and sacred Scriptures, the blessed Martyrs, who were conversant amongst us, without any delay manifestly fixed the eye of their mind upon the supream God, and willingly embracing death upon account of piety, they steadfastly adhered to their calling: for they found that our Lord Jesus Christ had been incarnate for us, that he might abolish all manner of sin, and provide us with assistances for our entrance into life eternal. For * 1.39 he thought it not robbery to be equal with God: but made himself of no repu∣tation, and took the form of a servant: And being found in fashion as a man, he humbled himself unto death, even the death of the Cross. Wherefore the Martyrs (who were c 1.40 full of Christ) zealous∣ly affecting the best gifts, endured all manner of sor∣row, and all sorts of tor∣tures that could be invented, not onely once, but some of them a second time also. And when the Souldiers that were of the guard endeavou∣red with much earnestness [to strike a terrour] into them, not onely by all manner of menaces in words, but by deeds, they were in no wise discouraged in mind, because * 1.41 perfect love casteth out fear. Whose fortitude and courage under each torture what words would be sufficient to relate? For, free leave being granted to all per∣sons that would be injurious towards them, some beat them with clubs, others with rods; other∣some with scourges: again, some scourged them with thongs of leather; others with ropes: And the spectacle of these tortures was vari∣ously enterchanged, and full of malicious cruel∣ty. For some [of the Martyrs] having their hands bound behind them, were hung at an d 1.42 Engin of wood, and e∣very member of their bo∣dies was distended by cer∣tain machines. After that, the Tormentours, by com∣mand [of the Judge,] made use of e 1.43 iron-nailes to torture them with all o∣ver their bodies, which were applied not onely to their sides, as Murtherers are usu∣ally tormented, but also to their bellies, their legs, and to their cheeks. Others, being lifted up, were hung by one hand at a * 1.44 Gallery, the stretching of whose joynts and members was a sharper pain to them than all sorts of tortures. Others were bound face to face to Pillars, their feet not touching the ground; that so their bonds being strained by the heaviness of their bodies, might with stretching be the clo∣ser drawn together: and this they endured not only as long as the Governour talked with them, and was at leisure to hear them; but almost a whole day together: for when he went away [to hear] others, he left f 1.45 Officers, that were impowred by him, to be watchfull over the for∣mer [Martyrs,] whether any one of them, being overcome by the sharpness of his tortures, would seem to abandon his resolution. He also commanded they should be g 1.46 strained with bonds without any commisera∣tion, and afterwards, when they were dead, that they should be thrown on the ground, and drag'd up and down. For they ought not [he said] to take the least care of us; but that all persons should so think of, and behave themselves towards us, as if we were not men. This h 1.47 second torture (after they had beaten us with stripes) our Adversaries invented. There were some also, who after they had been scourged, lay in the i 1.48 stocks, both their feet be∣ing stretched to the fourth hole; in so much that they were forced to lie in the stocks with their bellies upwards, being unable to stand because of their fresh wounds, caused by the stripes, which they had all over their bodies. Others threw themselves upon the ground, where they lay by reason of the innu∣merable wounds made by their tortures; yield∣ing a more miserable spectacle to those that lookt on them, than in the very time of their being tortured; and bearing in their bodies the various and different sorts of tortures invented for them. These things being thus performed, some [of the Martyrs] expired under their tortures, having made the adversary ashamed by their persevering constancy. Others, being half dead, were shut up in prison, where having been sorely afflicted with the smart of their wounds, they ended their lives not many days after. The residue having been refreshed with methods of cure, became more stout and con∣fident by time, and their abode in prison. There∣fore, when afterwards command was given, that they should choose, whether by touching the detestable sacrifices they would free themselves from all molestation, and obtain from them an execrable liberty; or whether, refusing to sacri∣fice, they would receive the sentence of death: without any delay they chearfully proceeded forth to death. For they well knew what was before prescribed to us by the sacred Scriptures: for * 1.49 he (says the word of God) that sacri∣ficeth to other Gods, shall be utterly destroyed. And again, † 1.50 Thou shalt have no other Gods, but me.

Such were the expressions of [Phileas] the Martyr, (a true Philosopher, and also a sincere lover of God,) which he sent to the Brethren of his Church, before his last sentence of condemna∣tion, being yet in prison: whereby he informed them both in what condition he was in; and also exhorted them stifly to retain their piety in Christ after his death, which was now approaching. k 1.51 But what need we spend many words in relating

the conflicts of the divine Martyrs over the whole world (whose new combats were succeeded by other conflicts that were as new;) and especially when as they were assaulted not in an ordinary way, but in an hostile manner?

CHAP. XI. Concerning what was done in Phrygia.

FOr at that time some armed Souldiers invested a whole City of Christians, that was very populous, in a 1.52 Phrygia, and, having set it on fire, burnt the men (together with the women and children) whilst they called upon Christ the su∣pream God. The reason hereof was this, the whole body of inhabitants of that City, the b 1.53 Curator, the c 1.54 Duumvir, together with all the rest who were of the Magistracy, and all the common peo∣ple, professing themselves to be Christians, would in no wise obey those that commanded them to sacrifice to Idols. Another person also, by name d 1.55 Adauctus, (a man descended from a noble fa∣mily in Italy, that had obtained a Roman dignity, a person that had passed through all degrees of honour in the Palace of the Emperours, in so much that he had faithfully discharged the Office of e 1.56 Receiver General, which amongst them is called The f 1.57 Master of the private Revenue, and that of Rationalist; besides all this, he was famous for his virtuous performances in Religion, and for his confessions of the Christ of God,) was adorned with the crown of Martyrdom, having undergone the conflict upon account of Religion, whilst he bore the Office of Rationalist.

CHAP. XII. Concerning many other men and women, who suf∣fered Martyrdom in a various and different manner.

WHat need is there now of mentioning the rest by name, or of recounting the mul∣titude of men, or delineating the various sorts of tortures [endured by] the admirable Martyrs of Christ? Part whereof were beheaded, as it happened to those in Arabia; and part were [killed] by having their legs broken, as it befell those in Cappadocia. Some, being hung up on high by the feet with their heads downwards, (a a 1.58 slow fire having been kindled under them,) were suffocated with the smoak that ascended from the com∣bustible matter set on fire, so it befell those in Mesopota∣mia: others had their noses, the tips of their ears, and their hands cut off, and the other members and parts of their bodies were mangled, as it happened at Alexandria. What need is there of re∣newing the remembrance of what was done at Antioch? where some were broyled on b 1.59 Grid-irons set over the fire, not till they were kil∣led, but that their punish∣ment might be prolonged: others were more ready to thrust their right hands into the fire, than to touch the impious sacrifices. Whereof some, avoiding the being put to the test [whether they would sacrifice,] before they would be apprehended and fall into the hands of those that laid wait for them, threw▪ themselves headlong from the tops of high houses, having accounted death to be a gain, because of the malitiousness of the impious. Also, a certain holy woman, (admirable for her virtuous soul, and [her comely] body, eminently famous, beyond all at Antioch, for riches▪ descent, and reputation,) had educated two daughters (virgins that were emi∣nent for beauty, and in the flower of their age) in the precepts of Religion: when many, moved thereto by envy, used all manner of industry in inquiring out the place where they absconded; and it being at length understood they lived in a forrein country, they were with ▪much diligence summoned to Antioch: after the woman knew, that she and her daughters were now incompassed with the Souldiers nets, perceiving her self and daughters reduced to an inextricable state of perill, she exhorted the virgins, expresly declaring to them the mischiess that would befall them from the Souldiers, and that of all evils, ravishment was the most intollerable, the meances whereof it was un∣lawfull for them to endure even to hear: More∣over, having said, that to yield up their souls to the service of devils, was worse than all sorts of death, and all manner of destruction; there was but one way (she declared) to avoid all these evils, which was to flie to the Lord for refuge. Immediately after these words, having all agreed to embrace the same advice, they adorned their

bodies with a decent dress: when they had gone c 1.60 half their journey, having intreated their guard for a short recess out of the way, and that being granted them, they threw themselves into a River which ran hard by: thus these persons [drowned] themselves. At the same City of Antioch, another pair of virgins, in all points divine, and truly Sisters, emi∣nent for descent, splendid as to estate, in the flower of their age, beautifull in body, chast of mind, pious in their conversations, admirable for their industry, (as if the earth were unable to bear so great [an ornament,]) were, by the command of the wor∣shippers of Demons, cast in∣to the Sea. These things were done amongst those [at An∣tioch.] But 'tis horrid to hear the relation of what o∣thers suffered in Pontus: some had sharp reeds thrust up the fingers of both their hands from the very tops of their nailes: others had mel∣ted l••ad poured upon their backs, even whilst the melted metall boiled, which [ran down and] burnt the most d 1.61 necessary parts of their bodies: again, others without any commiseration endured obscene tortures (which are unfit to be related) in their privy members, and bowels; which those * 1.62 cou∣ragious and just judges in∣vented with much earnestness and labour, demonstrating thereby the acuteness of their wit, as if the very power and strength of wisdom [consisted in such cruell inventions:] and striving continually (as if it had been for rewards in a combat) to outdo one another in finding out new sorts of tortures. These calamities therefore were not ended, till such time as [the Judges,] despairing of making any further addition to these miseries, wearied with slaughters, filled and satiated with the effu∣sion of bloud, betook themselves to the thoughts of clemency and humanity, that in future they might seem to invent no further cruelty against us. For it was unfit (they said) to pollute the Cities with the bloud of their inhabitants, and to defame the government of the Emperours (which was benign and gentle towards all persons) by so e 1.63 superlative a cruelty: but that rather it was fit, that the humanity and bene∣ficence of the Imperial au∣thority should be extended to all persons, and that [the Christians] should not any longer be punished with death, in regard those of our Re∣ligion were exempted from such punishment by the indulgence of the Emperours. At that time therefore f 1.64 command was given to pluck out the eyes [of the Christians] and that they should have one of their legs lamed. For such was their civility towards us, and this seemed to them the most gentle punishment [that could be inflicted] on us. In so much that, upon acount of this lenity used by these impious wretches [to∣wards us,] it is impossible to give in any further account of the multitudes (which indeed are al∣together innumerable) both of them who had their right eyes first thrust out with a sword, and after they had been thus prickt out, their [eye∣holes] were seared with a red-hot iron; and also of those, who had their left legs (as far as the bending of their knees) made useless by being seared with hot irons: after which they were con∣demned to the brazen mines which were in the Province, not so much for the service they could do, as upon account of the affliction and misery they should [endure there.] Besides all these, there were many others, who were assaulted with several sorts of combats, which 'tis not possible to give a catalogue of; for their couragious ex∣ploits do surpass all relation. Therefore, the noble Martyrs of Christ, having obtained great renown over the whole world in these [g 1.65 combats,] did both deservedly amaze every where the specta∣tours of their courage; and also exhibit in them∣selves manifest tokens of the truly divine and h 1.66 in∣explicable power of our Saviour. Indeed, the mention of every particular person of them by name, would be very tedious, if not a thing im∣possible.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning those Prelates of the Church who demon∣strated the sincerity of the Religion they asserted by [the effusion] of their own bloud.

NOw, of those Ecclesiastick Prelates, who suf∣fered Martyrdom in the most eminent Cities, the first that must be commemorated in the monuments of the pious, may be Anthimus, a witness of Christs kingdom, Bishop of Nicomedia, who was beheaded in that City. But, of the a 1.67 Antiochian Martyrs [we will mention] Lucianus a Presbyter of that Church, a person most eminent [for sanctity] throughout his whole life: he at first made a declaration of the celestiall kingdom of Christ in words, and by an Apologetick ora∣tion, at Nicomedia, in the presence of the Emperour; and afterwards he [asserted it] in deeds and reall perfor∣mances. But the most eminent Martyrs in Phaenice (which were most acceptable to God, and Pastours of Christ's flock) were Ty∣rannio Bishop of the Church at Tyre, and Zenobius a Presbyter at Sidon; also Silvanus Bishop of the Churches at Emisa. This [Prelate last named] being, together with some others, cast as food to the wild-beasts at the very City of Emesa, was re∣ceived into the number of the Martyrs. Both the other rendred the doctrine of the divine faith famous at Antioch, by their most patient suffering [of tortures] untill their deaths; [Tyrannio] the Bishop was drowned in the depths of the Sea; and Zenobius (a most incomparable Physitian) died couragiously under the tortures, which were applied to his sides. Amongst the Martyrs of Pa∣lestine, Silvanus Bishop of the Churches at Gaza,

was, together with nine and thirty others, beheaded at the mines of brass, which are in Phaeno. Also Peleus and Nilus, Aegyptian Bishops, together with some others, were burnt to death at the same place. Amongst which number we must in no wise omit the mention of Pamphilus the Presbyter, the most admirable per∣son in our age, and the greatest ornament of the Church at Caesarea: whose fortitude and coura∣gious exploits we b 1.68 will declare at a fit and con∣venient opportunity. [Moreover,] of those who were perfected by a glorious Martyrdom at Alex∣andria, throughout all Egypt, and Thebais, the first to be mentioned is Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, a most divine teacher of the Christian Religion; also, Faustus, c 1.69 Dius, and Ammonius (perfect Martyrs of Christ) who were his Presbyters. Besides, Phileas, Hesychius, Pachumius, and The∣odorus, Bishops of Churches in Egypt. More∣over, there were many other eminent [Martyrs] who have an honourable mention among the Chur∣ches that are in those places and Countries. But our [design] is not to commit to writing the conflicts of all those who suffered for the worship of God over the whole world, nor yet to give in an accurate relation of every accident that be∣fell them; but of those rather, who with their own eyes beheld what was done. Moreover, those [conflicts] our selves were present at, we will commit to the knowledge of posterity in d 1.70 another work: But in this present book I will annex to what has been declared a revocation of what had been practised against us, and the accidents that happened from the very beginning of the perse∣cution, which will be most usefull to the Readers. Therefore, before the war [was denounced] a∣gainst us, (during the time that the Emperours were friendly and peaceable towards us,) e 1.71 how great a felicity and plenty of all that is good the Roman Empire was dignified with, what words can be sufficient to declare? At which time, those, in whose hands the supream power was, having compleated the tenth and twentieth year of their Empire, lead their lives in a firm and continued peace, [spending the time] with festivities, pub∣lick shews, most splendid banquets, and delights. When their Empire was after this sort enlarged without any manner of impediment, and daily aug∣mented with an increase of greatness, on a sudden they revoked the peace with us, and raised a per∣fidious war [against us.] The f 1.72 second year of this war was not compleated, when a new and un∣expected accident subverted the state of affairs al∣most throughout the whole [Roman] Empire. For, g 1.73 He that had the precedency amongst the foresaid Emperours, (having been visited by an unfortunate disease, which drave him into a dis∣ordered and mad temper of mind,) betook himself to a private and Country life, together with that [Emperour] who was the next in dignity to him. These affaires were no sooner transacted after this manner, but the whole Roman Empire was h 1.74 di∣vided into two parts; which, as it has been re∣corded,

was an accident that never happened before. Within some small interval of time, the Emperour Constantius (a person of extraordinary mildness throughout his whole life, most favourable to his subjects, and one that had a singular affection for the divine doctrine [of our Religion,] ended his life according to the common sanction of nature, leaving his own Son Constantine Emperour and Au∣gustus in his stead. And he was the i 1.75 first that was dei∣fied amongst the [Romans,] being after his death vouch∣safed all honours due to an Emperour. He was the mild∣est and most benigne of all the Emperours: and moreover, the onely person of those Princes in our days, that passed over the whole time of his govern∣ment sutably to his Imperial Majesty: he behaved himself with the greatest graciousness and candour ima∣ginable towards all persons, both in other matters; and also was in no wise a confederate in the war raised against us, but preserved those worshippers of God, that lived under his government, free from harm and injuries: and, having neither demolished the fabricks of the Churches, nor attempted any o∣ther new design against us, he obtained an k 1.76 honour∣able and thrice-happy conclusion of his life: be∣ing the onely person [of all the four Emperours] that ended his life in his Imperial government for∣tunately and gloriously, [leaving] his own Son (a most prudent and pious Prince) his successour. Constantinus, Son to this man, being immediately from the very time [of his fathers death] pro∣claimed supream Emperour and Augustus by the Souldiers, (but long before that by the supream God) exhibited himself an emulatour of his fa∣thers piety towards our Religion. Such a person was he: afterwards Licinius, by the common suf∣frage of the Emperours was declared Emperour and Augustus: at which Maximinus was sorely displeased, who untill that time had been honoured onely with the title of Caesar l 1.77 by all men. He therefore, being a person of a most tyrannical disposition, by violence possest himself of that dignity, and was by himself declared Augustus. About that time [Maximianus,] m 1.78 whom we before manifested to have re-assumed the Empire after his resignation of it, being found to have contrived machinations in order to the death of Constantine, ended his life by a most infamous death: he being the n 1.79 first, whose Monuments, Statues, and what ever else of that nature has been usually erected in honour of the Emperours, were abolished, upon account of his being a profane and most impious person.

CHAP. XIV. Concerning the Morals of those that were the ene∣mies of Religion.

MAxentius (Son to this * 1.80 man,) who had possest himself of the government of Rome, at first hypocritically pretended [himself a pro∣fessour of] our faith, that he might thereby please and flatter the people of Rome. Upon this account he commanded his subjects to forbear persecuting the Christians, making a shew of piety, and [be∣ing desirous] to seem benign, and much more mild than the former Governours. But in his practises he manifested himself not to be such a manner of person, as 'twas hoped he would have proved. But, having applied himself to [the com∣mission of] all sorts of impious facts, he omitted no manner of action that was impure and libidinous. He committed adulteries and rapes of all sorts. He parted the husbands [by divorce] from their lawfull wives, whom (when he had by unclean∣ness abused) he most dishonourably sent back again to their husbands. Nor did he make it his busi∣ness to be thus injurious towards obscure persons, and those of mean quality, but towards them especially, who were advanced to the highest place of honour in the Senate of Rome; insulting over the most eminent personages. All persons there∣fore, both the vulgar, and the Magistrates, as well the honourable, as the obscure, standing in great fear of him, were sorely afflicted with his intol∣lerable tyranny. And although they were quiet, and patiently bore the austere servitude [they were opprest with;] yet none could so avoid the bloudy cruelty of the Tyrant. For, one time, upon a very trivial pretence, he delivered the people of Rome to be slain by his a 1.81 own guards. And so innumera∣ble multitudes of the Roman people (not Scythians, nor Barbarians, but his own Ci∣tizens) were killed with spears and all sorts of wea∣pons in the midst of the City. Moreover, 'tis impossible to enumerate how many slaugh∣ters were made of those that were Senatours, to the end their estates might be seized; infinite numbers of them be∣ing put to death at several times for various crimes fra∣med [against them.] At length, as the complement of his impieties, the Tyrant proceeded to [exercise] the delusions of Magick Art: sometimes ripping up wo∣men great with child; o∣ther whiles searching into the bowells of new-born infants; he also killed Lyons, and [performed] some other horrible rites, to call forth the Daemons, and repell the approaching war. For he most undoubtedly presumed, that by these perfor∣mances he should. obtain the victory. Whilst this person therefore tyrannized at Rome, 'tis im∣possible to relate what mischievous acts he per∣petrated, and [how miserably] he enslaved his Subjects: insomuch that they were reduced to such extream penury and want of necessary suste∣nance, as ('tis recorded by those of our times)

never happened at Rome, nor any where else. But Maximinus the Tyrant in the Eastern parts, ha∣ving secretly made a league with Maxentius [the Tyrant] at Rome, as being his brother in wicked∣ness, endeavoured to keep himself concealed for a long time. But being at last detected, he suffered condign punishment. It was wonderfull [to ob∣serve] how near a relation and brother-like affi∣nity in wickedness this man exprest towards the Tyrant at Rome; or rather, how far he exceeded and surpassed him in the perpetration of nefarious facts. For Inchanters and Magicians were by him promoted to the chiefest places of honour: he was exceeding timorous and superstitious, and a migh∣ty favourer of the impostures about Idols and Dae∣mons: without divinations and responses of O∣racles he presumed not to move any thing a nails breadth (as the saying is.) Upon which account he imposed a more cruel and sharper persecution upon us, than the former Emperours had done; commanding that Temples [to the Gods] should be erected in every City, and that those places dedicated to their worship, which by length of time were decayed, should with all diligence be repaired. He [constituted] priests for the Idols in every place and City; and over them he ap∣pointed a b 1.82 chief Priest of every Province, any one of those who had most wor∣thily discharged all the pub∣lick Offices in the Court [or Senate] of the City; and appointed him a milita∣ry guard [consisting of] a set number of troops. [In fine,] he freely bestow∣ed the Governments of Pro∣vinces, and chiefest places of preheminence, on all those that were impudent Sooth∣sayers, as being Religious persons, and most acceptable to the Gods. After this, he proceeded to vex and op∣press, not one City onely, or Country, but all the Pro∣vinces in general that were under his government, with exactions of Gold, Silver, and vast sums of money, with most burthensome c 1.83 im∣posts, and with various sorts of forfeitures succeeding one another. Moreover, depri∣ving the rich of their estates laid up for them by their Ancestours, he bestowed a vast treasure and heaps of money on those about him that were his flatterers. Be∣sides, he was given to ebriety and drunkenness in such an high degree, that in his cups he would rave, and be out of his wits; and in his drunken∣ness he would command such things to be done, as the next day when sober he would repent of. In sottish∣ness and luxury no man was his equal, exhibiting himself the master of debauchery both to his Princes and to his [inferiour] Subjects. He permitted his Souldiers to live effeminate lives, in all manner of deliciousness and intemperance: but he perswaded his Presidents and chief Commanders (who in a manner were his Colleagues in his Tyranny,) to break forth into extortion and covetousness to∣wards those under their jurisdiction. What need we relate those libidinous courses, in which this man indulged himself? or recount their multi∣tudes, which he vitiated by adultery? For he passed through no City [in his journey,] without com∣mitting whoredome with women, and ravishing of virgins. Moreover, these [his practises] succee∣ded according to his desire against all persons, the Christians onely excepted; who, having con∣temned death, despised that his outragious Tyran∣ny. d 1.84 For the men (having endured the fire, the sword, the being * 1.85 fastned [to wooden engines] with nails, the wild beasts, the being drowned in the depths of the Sea, the cutting off their members, the ••earings with hot irons, the pricking and digging out of their eyes, and the being maimed all over their bodies; and, besides all this, famine, the mines, and bonds;) would rather demonstrate their patient suf∣ferance under all [these tortures] for religion, than they would forsake the adoration of God, and worship Idols. Again, the women were not less corroborated by the doctrine of the divine word than the men: some of whom underwent the same combats with the men, and obtained rewards of their fortitude equal to them: others, haled away to be rav••shed, were more ready to part with their lives, than expose their bodies to be defiled. In∣deed, one onely Christian woman, the most emi∣••ent and famous of the Alexandrian women, (when the others had been vitiated by the Ty∣rant,) vanquished the dissolute and incontinent mind of Maximinus by her most valiant courage of mind. She was a woman eminent for riches, descent, and learning; but she preferred chastity before all these. When [the Tyrant] had often solicited this woman [to commit adultery with him,] he was indeed unable to kill her (who was prepared to die,) because his lust was master of his cruelty: but he punished her with exile, and deprived her of her whole estate. Infinite other women, being unable to endure the hearing of the menaces of ravishment, which the Governours of Provinces threatned them with, underwent all sorts of tortures, torments, and capital punishments. But the most admirable person above all these was that woman at Rome, the most noble and truly chastest woman of all those, whom Maxentius (the Tyrant there, whose practises were like Maximinus's) attempted to vitiate. For, as soon as she understood that the Ministers, which the Tyrant made use of for the performance of such [villanies,] had assaulted her house, (now she also was a Christian,) and that her husband, who was Prefect of the City at Rome, had by reason of his fear permitted them to take her and carry her away with them: e 1.86 having requested that a short [time] might be allowed her, as if she would have adorned her body, she went into her Chamber; and, being alone, f 1.87 sheathed a sword in her own breast. Expiring immediately here∣upon,

she left indeed her Co••ps to those that came to conduct her [to the Tyrant;] but by this act of hers (which resounds more than any voice) she has manifested to all men that now are, and shall be in future ages, that the courage of the Christians is the onely thing that is inexpugnable, and which cannot be extirpated by death. Such indeed and so great was the fertility of wickedness, produced at one and the same time; the authours of which were two Tyrants, who had divided the East and West between themselves. And now, what man is he, that, making his researches into the cause of these so great [calamities▪] will be du∣bious in affirming the persecution [raised against us] to have been [the originall of all these miseries?] Especially, [when he considers] that these migh∣ty disturbances [in the Empire] were not termi∣nated; before the Christians had the free and open profession of their Religion restored to them.

CHAP. XV. Concerning what happened to the Gentiles.

INdeed, throughout the whole a 1.88 ten years space of the persecution, there was no intermission of mutual conspiracies and intestine wars amongst them: the Sea was impassible to those that made voyages over it. Neither could any persons arrive at any Haven whatsoever, ••ut they must indu••e all sorts of scourges, be tormented, have their sides torn with nails, and be interrogated, by their un∣dergoing all sorts of tortures, whether they came from the Enemies Country: and at last they un∣derwent the punishment of crucifixion, or were burnt to death. Furthermore, they provided shields, breast-plates, darts, speares, and other such like military instruments. Also, galleys, and weapons for a Sea-fight were every where prepared Nei∣ther did any person expect any thing else but an incursion of the enemy. After all these [cala∣mities] followed a famine and a pestilence; of which we will give a relation at an opportune place and time.

CHAP. XVI. Concerning the change of affaires to a better posture.

a 1.89 SUch were the preparations during the whole time of the persecution; which by the grace of God wholly ceased in the tenth year; begin∣ning to be somewhat remiss, after the eighth year. For, after the divine and celestial grace demon∣strated [it self] in a benigne and propitious in∣spection over us, then the Governours in our times, even those very Princes who had formerly waged wars against those of our Religion, having most miraculously altered their minds, sounded a re∣treat: and extinguished the most ardent flame of the persecution by Reseripts favourable towards us, and by most mild Edicts. But, neither was any hu∣mane cause, nor (which some one might conjecture) was the clemency or humanity of the Emperours, the occasion hereof; no, 'twas far from that. For, from the beginning of the persecution unto that very time, they daily invented more, and more grievous cruelties against us, renewing the tor∣tures [used] towards us by divers machines [made use of] successively, and in a various manner. But the appa••ent inspection of the divine providence it self, which was now reconciled to its people, pursued the authour of these miseries, and was an∣gry at the b 1.90 Ring-leader of the wickedness [com∣mitted] during the whole persecution. For al though these things ought to have come to pass, agreeable to the judgment of the divine [will,] yet * 1.91 Woe (says the Scripture) to that man by whom the offence cometh. Therefore, a punishment sent from God seized him; which, having made its be∣ginning at his very flesh, proceeded even to his soul. For on a sudden an impostume arose upon him c 1.92 about the midst of the privy parts of his body; after that, a d 1.93 Fi••••ula in ano; both these diseases spread incurably and did eat into his in∣most bowels. From them bred an unspeakable multitude of worms, and a most noysome stench proceeded therefrom; [for,] before this disease, the whole mass of flesh upon his body was (by reason of the abundance of food he devoured) grown to an immense fatness: which being then putrified, became an intollerable and most horrid spectacle to those that approach't him. Wherefore some of his Physitians, being alto∣gether unable to endure the exceeding noysome∣ness of the stink [that came from him,] were killed: others of them, when they could admi∣nister no remedy, (the whole fabrick of his body being swelled, and past all hopes of a reco∣very,) were cruelly slain.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning the Retractation of the Emperours.

MOreover, whilest he was strugling with these many and great miseries, he began to be sensible of the villanous acts he had performed towards the worshippers of God: * 1.94 having there∣fore seriously recollected himself, first he made his confession to the supream God. Then, having cal∣led

together the a 1.95 chief Officers of his Palace, he ordered them without any delay to inhibite the persecution of the Christians, and by his decree and Imperial Edict comman∣ded that their Churches should with all expedition be built, wherein they might perform their usual [solem∣nities,] and make supplica∣tions [to God] for the * 1.96 Emperour. Therefore, what he had given order for in words being immediately followed by an actual per∣formance, the Imperial E∣dicts were set forth in every City, containing a revoca∣tion of the [persecution] against us, according to this form following.

EMPEROUR CAESAR GALERIUS VALERIUS MAXIMIANUS, IN∣VICTUS, AUGUSTUS, PONTI∣FEX MAXIMUS, GERMANICUS MAXIMUS, AEGYPTIACUS MAXI∣MUS, THEBAÏCUS MAXIMUS, SARMATICUS MAXIMUS the Fifth time; b 1.97 PERSICUS MAXIMUS, CARPICUS MAXIMUS the Second time, ARMENICUS MAXIMUS the Sixth time, MEDICUS MAXIMUS, AD••AB••NICUS MAXIMUS, c 1.98 TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE XX. d 1.99 EMPEROUR XIX. CONSUL VIII. FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, PROCONSUL. And, EMPEROUR CAESAR FLAVIUS VALERIUS CONSTANTINUS, PIUS, FELIX, INVICTUS, AUGUSTUS: PON∣TIFEX MAXIMUS, e 1.100 TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE V. EMPE∣ROUR V. CONSUL, FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, f 1.101 PROCONSUL. And, EMPEROUR CAESAR VALE∣RIUS LICINIANUS, PIUS, FE∣LIX, INVICTUS, AUGUSTUS; PONTIFEX MAXIMUS; TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE IV. EMPE∣ROUR III. CONSUL, FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, PROCONSUL: To the Subjects of their own Provinces, Greeting.

Amongst other things which we have constituted for the profit and utility of the Republick, it was our desire in the first place, that all things should be redressed according to the ancient Laws, and publick Ordinances of the Romans. And we earnestly en∣deavoured to effect this, that the Christians, who had relinquished the Rites and Usages of their Pa∣rents, should be reduced to a good mind and inten∣tion. For, so great an g 1.102 ar∣rogancy and unadvisedness has (by a considerateness as it were) possest and invaded them, that they would not follow those sanctions of their Ancestours, which even their Parents 'tis likely had before Ratified: but according to their own arbitrement, and as each person had a desire, so they would make Laws, and observe them, and assemble various multitudes, of dif∣ferent factions and dissenting about their opinions. Therefore, when we had published such an Edict, as should [oblige] them to return to the Rites and Ordinances of their Ancestours; many of them having been exposed to imminent dangers, and many having been terrified [with the menaces of punish∣ment,] underwent various sorts of death. But, when many persisted in this madness, and we perceived they did neither exhibite a due worship to the immor∣tal Gods, nor yet to the God of the Christians; having a respect to our humanity and that continued usage by which we have been accustomed to bestow Pardon on all sorts of men: we have thought good that our indul∣gence should most readily be extended in this matter also; that the Christians should again be [tolerated,] and that they may [have licence] to rebuild the houses wherein they used to assemble themselves,

that so [in future they may be forced] to do no∣thing contrary to their discipline. In a particular Rescript we will signifie to our Judges what it shall behov•• them to observe. Wherefore, upon account of this our Indulgence they are obliged to supplicate their God for our safety, that of the Republick, and their own; that so both the Publick State of Affairs may in all respects be continued in an entire and safe posture, and they themselves live undisturbed in their own habitations▪ Th••se words (which we have, according to our ability, translated out of the Roman into the Greek Language,) are thus: now therefore it is an opportune time to take a Prospect of what followed hereupon.

The End of the Eighth Book of the Ecclesiastical History.

Notes

• a 1.1

  In the most anci∣ent Maz. M. S. and in the Editi∣ons of Ru∣finus, the first chap. is begun at these words, How great, &c. Vales.
• b 1.2

  The Maz. and Med. M. SS. retain the true reading of this place; which is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of sacrificing:] the same reading Gruter found in his copies. The Go∣vernours of Provinces were oblieged to sacrifice to the Gods▪ and to the Emperours, and to be present at sacrifices. Upon which account the Christians abstained from the Magistracy, and refused the Government of Provinces, offered them by the Emperours. Vales. The reading in Robert Stephens Edit. is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.]
• c 1.3

  Our Authour means not the Empres∣ses, as Chri∣stophorson supposed; but the wives of the Empe∣rours do∣mesticks. Vales.
• d 1.4

  This Dorotheus was of the Bed-chamber to the Emperour Diocletian, or Galcrius Casar: so Metaphrastes affirms, in the Acts of the Martyrs, Indes, and Domna, Chap. 23. Vales.
• e 1.5

  In the Med. Fu••. Savil. and Maz. M. SS. the reading here is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.] amongst the procuratours, &c. which M. SS. have not these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, observancy and eminent fa∣vour.] But in the Kings M. S. and R. Stephens Edit. the rea∣ding is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by all private men;] in which copies also we have those words, which we said were wanting in the other M. SS. Vales.
• f 1.6

  The term in the original is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] which word S^t Paul uses 2 Thessal. 2. 1. where our translatours render it, our ga∣thering together. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 does properly signifie, to collect persons disperst in divers places into one place. In this sense Dionys. A∣lexandrin. uses it B. 4. Chap. 23. of this history; where he speaks of Quadratus Bishop of the Athe∣nians. Vales.
• g 1.7

  That is, whilst the Bishops were at variance amongst them∣selves concerning preeminence, or about the bounds of their Dio∣cesses. Vales.
• * 1.8

  Lament. 2. 1, 2.
• † 1.9

  Psal. 89. 39, &c. The words of Eusebius in the ori∣ginal here, do not a∣gree with that Copy of the Septuagint printed ac∣cording to the Vatican M. S. at Rome, (which is the com∣mon Septu∣agint we now use,) nor with the original Hebrew; the Learned reader, upon comparing the Texts, will see the difference; we translated out Au∣thours words as we found them in the Greek copy.
• a 1.10

  In the Maz. M. S. the reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, om∣nino, wholly or fully. In the Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens's Edit. 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The former is the better reading. At these words Chap. 2. begins in all our M. SS. and in Rufinus's old copy. Vales.
• * 1.11

  Psal. 107. 40. this quotation seems im∣pertinent, Vales.
• b 1.12

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tryed, ex∣perienced: for this term is used instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^t Paul uses the word, Heb. 4. 15. where our translation renders it tempted. 'Tis a metaphor taken from ships, set upon by Pirates at Sea; as the following words declare: these marine thieves are called Pirates▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• c 1.13

  So says our Euse∣bius, in his Chronicon; and so also the Alexandrian Chronicle: with whom agrees Idatius (in fastis) whose words are these; Diocletiano VIII. & Maxi∣miano VII. his Coss. persecutio Christianorum: i. e. when Diocletian was the eighth time Consul and Maximianus the seventh, the persecution of the Christians began. The same may be concluded from the Acts of Munatius Felix (in Gest. apud Zenophilum Consularem Numidiae.) According to Eusebius's account this was the 305 year from our Blessed Saviours nativity; but, according to the Dionysian Aera▪ which we now make use of, it was the 303. But Baronius (in Annal.) and Petavius (in the second part of his Rationar. Tempor.) affirms that the beginning of this persecution must be placed on the 302 year of Christ; when Constantius IV. and Maximianus IV. Coss. Their opi∣nion is grounded on one onely argument, to wit▪ the Acts of the Coun∣cil of Cirta (a City in Numidia, afterwards called Constantina.) which Council Augustine (in Breviculo Collat.) affirms was convened the year after the persecution began, and after the passion of the Martyrs. Now the Acts of that Council (which Augustine relates in the B. 3. against Cresconius) doe shew, that it was convened Diocletian VIII, and Maxi∣mianus VII, Coss. But this argument is easily answered. For there is a mistake in those Acts of the Council of Cirta; the true reading is, P. C. Diocletiani IX. and Maximiani VIII. This appears evidently ex Bre∣viculo Collat Diei 3. cap. 17. where we meet with these words; Nam Gesta Martyrum quibus ostendebatur tempus persecutionis, Coss. gesta sunt Diocletiano IX. & Maximiano VIII. pridie Idus Februarias: Gesta autem Episcopalia decreti Cirtensis, post eorundem consulatum, 3. Non•••• Martias, &c. This passage cannot be supposed to be false. For Au∣gustine adds there, that the Officers, being commanded by the Judge to see what distance of time there was between the passion of the Mar∣tyrs and the Council of Cirta, were deceived, and through their igno∣rance told him what was false. For whereas the Acts▪ of the Martyrs were thus inscribed [Diocletiano IX. and Maximiano VIII. pridie Idus Febr.] and the Acts of the Council of Cirta, thus [post consulatum Dio∣cletiani novies, & Maximiani octies, 3. Nonas Martias,] the Officers▪ taking [post consulatus] for [consulatus] made answer, that there was onely one moneth between the Acts, both of the Martyrs, and of the Council. But there really was 13 moneths space between them, as Augustinus truly affirms.—There is another argument to evince, that the Council of Cirta was not convened in the eighth Consolate of Diocletian. For whereas that Council was assembled to Ordain a Bishop over the Church of Cirta, (as Augustinus affirms) I desire to know who was Ordained Bishop of that Church by those Bishops con∣vened in that Council? Silvanus was not. For he in this very year was still Sub-deacon to Paul Bishop of Cirta, as 'tis apparent from the Acts of Munatius Felix. Answer perhaps will be made (a•• Baronius does) that Paul was made Bishop of Cirta. But this cannot be true, for the persecution began under Paul, as 'tis evident from the Acts, apud Zenophilum Consularem Numidiae, which are related in Augustine's third book against Cresconius. See the place; and also Augustine's 165 Epistle. Thus much I have said (and could have said a great deal more) to evince that the Council of Cirta was convened 13 moneths af∣ter those Acts of the Martyrs of Africa; and therefore it could not be assembled in the eighth Consulate of Diocletian, and the seventh of Maximian; in which year the persecution began. Vales.
• d 1.14

  The A∣lexandrian Chronicle places the beginning of this persecu∣tion in the same moneth. But our Eusebius (in his B. concerning the Mar∣tyrs of Pa∣testine, which is put as an Appendix to this 8^th book of his Ecclesiastick History) says it began in the moneth Xan∣thicus, which the Romans call April. Vales.
• e 1.15

  Theodoret (in book. 5. chap. 38. of his Ecclesiastick History) affirms, that the Edict for the demolishing of the Churches was pro∣posed on the day of our Lords passion (i. e. Good-friday▪) The Au∣thour of the Alexandrian Chronicle says it came forth on Easter-day; which was on the 25 of March: but Easter-day could not fall on the 25 of March in the 19 year of Diocletian, as Scaliger and Petavius have observed. Eusebius in his Chronicon, says it came forth in March, diebus pasch••. The Greek phrase here imports onely, that Easter was near at hand, when the Edicts were proposed: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Rufinus renders it, dies solennis pascha imminebat, the solemn day of Easter was at hand. In the year of Christ 303 (according to the Dionysian Aera) Easter fell on the 18 day of April, amongst the Eastern Churches. Vales.
• f 1.16

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rufinus and Nicephorus supposed the servants of the Christians were hereby meant. But that cannot be the meaning of this place. For then the Imperial Edict would have been imperfect, providing onely for the apprehension of those who were honoured with any degree of preferment, and of servants, and leaving out the rusticks and ordinary sort of people. Besides, how can servants be said to be deprived of their liberty? Christophorson translates it privatos, private persons. I think he means the Actores and procuratores, who were ser∣vants to the richer sort of men. Zonaras expounds this place very well, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, persons of a private condition. Vales.
• a 1.17

  I suppose he means the plum∣batae (i. e. instruments of torture made with lead) with which they beat the Martyrs on the face and cheek. There is frequent mention of this sort of torture in the sufferings of the Martyrs. Our Authour had said before, that the Martyrs were beaten with the fists▪ of the Souldiers. Here therefore he must mean these Plumbatae: otherwise, what he says is a tautology. Vales.
• a 1.18

  He means the Devil, who is said in the Go∣spel to be the Princo of this world. Vales.
• b 1.19

  His name was Veturius; he was Magister Militum, the Master of the Camp, or Lieutenant-Gene∣ral of the Army: Concerning whom Eusebius in his Chronicon, at the 17 year of Diocletian says thus, Veturius Master of the Camp persecutes the Christian Souldiers; the persecution against us being from that time begun by degrees. Vales.
• * 1.20

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It Imports his doing of the Office of a Judge amongst his Souldiers, exami∣ning the place and order of each of them. The same term occurs book 10. chap. 4. where see note (••.)
• * 1.21

  He means the Devil, not the Ro∣man Gene∣ral, as Chri∣stophorson supposed. Vales.
• a 1.22

  This per∣son is cal∣led John in the Marty∣rology of Usuardus, Ado, Not∣ker, and in the old Ro∣man Mar∣tyrology, at September 7. Vales.
• b 1.23

  The Edicts and Rescripts, of the Em∣perours were writ∣ten in pa∣per. Therefore Nilus, in his 264 Epistle, says it was barely called Charta; but after it had been subscribed by the Emperour, it was called Sacra; which appears also from the Acts of the Council of Chal∣cedon, and from Justinians Novells. Vales.
• a 1.24

  Concerning this Peter, Do∣rotheus, Gorgonius, and the others▪ that were martyred, see the Acts of the suffering of Indes and Domna, at the 26. of December. Vales.
• b 1.25

  There is an illustrious evi∣dence of this fire, which happened at Nicomedia in the first year of the persecution, in the 25 chap. of the Emperour Constantine's O∣ration, ad Caetum Sanctorum. Vales.
• c 1.26

  See B. 5. chap. 5. note (b.) concerning Melitina. There was a City, and a country called by this name in Armenia the less. But I never met with any thing concerning this tyrant, who seized the Empire in that region. Vales.
• d 1.27

  He means Eugenius, who for some little time tyrannized in Syria. Libanius (in his Oration to Theodosius, pag. 411; and in his Antioch. pag. 363.) tells the whole story. Whereto may be annext a pas∣sage of the same Libanius's, out of his Oration to Theodosius, concer∣ning the Sedition at Antioch, pag. 399. There was a Tribune of Se∣leucia, by name, Eugenius, who had the command of 500 Souldiers. These Souldiers were ordered to open the mouth and passage of the Haven. When they had laboured day and night without any inter∣mission; being much displeased at their task, they force their com∣mander (Eugenius) to take the Empire upon him; threatning him with death unless he would give his assent. The Tribune being after this manner compelled, took the purple off the image of one of the gods, and was saluted Emperour. He goes forthwith to Antioch, (which then had no garrison in it) supposing that if he could possess himself of that City, it would much advance his designs: he makes himself master of that place about Sun-setting. But his Souldiers, agreeable to their usual irregularities, destroyed the Country as they marched, and stuft themselves with wine, and good cheer. Which being perceived by the Antiochians, they▪ despising the paucity and drunkenness of the Souldiers, killed them all with stones and wea∣pons of all sorts, (the very women giving their assistance) and their Leader also, as he was going towards the palace: so that about the first watch none of them were left alive. But the Emperour, who ought to have exprest his thankfulness to the Antiochians, ordered the princes of the Antiochensian and Seleucensian. Order should be slain, when as neither of them deserved any punishment. Amongst them the Grandfather of Libanius (a proper comely old man) was killed. All this I met with pag. 411 & 363. Moreover, Libanus (in Orat. ad Theodosium de seditione) tells us, the name of this Tribune of the Seleucensian Souldiers was Eugenius; and the name of the Emperour was Diocletian, whom he calls, by his true name, Diocles. Thus I have given you the name and History of the Tyrant; and the time when this Eugenius made his at∣tempts on the Empire, Eusebius here declares, to wit, when Diocletian was the eighth, and Maximian the seventh time Coss. Vales.
• e 1.28

  This was the third Edict of the Emperours against the Christians. By the first it was or∣dered the Churches should be ruined and the Scri∣ptures burnt; and those who were honoured with any preserment (if they refused to sacrifice) should be deprived of their dignity; the meaner sort were to loose their liberty; see chap. 2. Another Edict soon followed this, that Bishops, Priests and Deacons should be imprisoned, and by all ways compelled to sacrifice. The third Edict comprehended all sorts of Christians, as well those of the Laity, as the Clergy; which Edict was proposed (says Eusebius in the chap. 3. of his book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine) in the second year of the persecution. But this seems rather to have been the fourth Edict: for the second and third concerned the Presbyters onely; by the second 'twas ordered they should be imprisoned, and by the third it was enjoyned, they should by tortures be compelled to sacrifice. Vales.
• a 1.29

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is the reading of the Maz. and Med. M. SS. accordingly we have rendered it of those truly admirable champions, &c. Those champions were termed paradoxi, who had gained many victories. See Peter Faber (in Agonistico) B. 3. pag. 603. Vales.
• * 1.30

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; ur∣sorum im∣manium; so Valesius▪ renders it; and we have tran∣slated it huge, i. e. terrible, outragious wild bears.
• b 1.31

  By [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] the term which here occurs, Nicephorus (B. 7. chap. 7.) thought those were meant, who stood without the Aren•• of the Amphitheatre▪ and incited the wild-beasts by their clamours. But Rufinus sup∣posed that the Arenarii were here spoken of, whose business it was to provoke the boasts: thus he ren∣ders the place; Verùm bestiae illos ipsos qui ad instegandum mittun∣tur, incredibili velocitate discer∣punt, But the beasts tare in pieces those with an incredible swiftness, who are sent in to provoke them. Christophorson thought that as well the Infidells, as those who stood without the arena were here meant. The same term occurs again in this chapter; we have rendred it in both places infidels. Vales.
• e 1.32

  It was the custom, that the confectors (concerning whom see B. 4. chap. 15. note n.) were sent in to slay, or cut the throats of offenders, in the Arena. We must not think these Martyrs were beheaded. Vales.
• a 1.33

  Hence it may be col∣lected that Eusebius lived in Egypt; which is also attested by Theodorus Metochita, (in Collectan.) Where he says, that not onely the Egyptians but also all those who lived in that country, used an intricate and obscure stile in their writing Amongst which he reckons our Eusebius. Vales.
• b 1.34

  That is, the Procu∣ratour, or Receiver general of the Empe∣rours reve∣nues in E∣gypt. For that Office is meant by these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] Vales.
• c 1.35

  The phrase is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the honou∣rable Ma∣gistrates.] But [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] should be expunged: for, as I think, 'tis a Scholion added to explain what went before, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 does not signifie Magistrates, but personages of honour. Besides, no body was stiled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but the judge himself. Vales. See Va∣lesius's note on B. 14. of Amm. Marcellinus.
• d 1.36

  In the Acts of the passion of Phileas this president is called Cul∣cianus: he was President of Thebais, says Epiphanius. Therefore Phileas suffered at Thebais, not at Alexandria, as some think. That which induced them to be of that mind, was a place in Eusebius's fol∣lowing chapter, where he quotes Phileas his Epistle, which he wrote to the Thmuitae from Alexandria, a little before his suffering Martyr∣dom. But, being (as I said) condemned by Culcianus President of Thebais, 'tis manifest that he suffered there. Vales.
• a 1.37

  In the Med. and Maz. M. SS. the title of this chap. is thus▪ [The written informations concerning what was done at Alexandria.] The title of the foregoing chapter is thus written [Phileas the Martyrs relation concerning those who suffered at Thebais.] I doubt not but those words [Phileas the Martyr] be∣long to the title of this chap. 10. For here Eusebius (out of Phileas's Epistle to the Thmuitae) relates the Martyrdoms of the Alexandrians. Vales.
• b 1.38

  These words should be Printed in Capital Letters. In the Kings M. S. they are disjoyned from the Text: In the Med. M. S. they are plac'd in the Margin: but in the Fuk▪ and Savil. M. SS. they are omitted. Vales.
• * 1.39

  Phil. 2. 7, 8.
• c 1.40

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Martyrs full of Christ: so Ignatius Bishop of Antioch, was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. full of God. Vales.
• * 1.41

  1 John. 4. 18.
• d 1.42

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I suppose he means the Eculeus; on which Offenders were hung, and had their sides torn with iron-nailes. Vales.
• e 1.43

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term here) seems to signifie some thing more than iron-nailes. For Hesychius interprets 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a two-edged sword. Note here the cruelty of the Judges; who were not contented with iron-nailes onely, but used knives also, or razours, with which they cut the sides of the Martyrs. Vales.
• * 1.44

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies, a Porch, Gallery, or walking place under-propped with Pillars; in such Philosophers taught and disputed: the Stoicks had their name from hence: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• f 1.45

  He means the Apparitours or Officers, who were under the Praefectus Augustalis; concerning whom Phileas speaks in this Epistle, and calls him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Governour. The name of the Praesectus Augustalis at that time was Hierocles, as Epiphanius says, in Haeres. Melitian. Vales.
• g 1.46

  The phrase in the original is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which to me seems a new and uncouth ex∣pression. Vales.
• h 1.47

  That is, the drag∣ging of the bodies up and down: the first sort of torture was by stripes and scourges; the second was, that they were laid on the ground▪ drag'd about, and so drawn into prison. Vales.
• i 1.48

  See B. 4. Chap. 16. note (c.)
• * 1.49

  Exod. ••2. 20.
• † 1.50

  Exod. 20. 3.
• k 1.51

  After these words Christophorson has inserted many Chapters, out of that Appendix which Robert Stephens has published at the latter end of this Eighth Book. But that Appendix is an entire Book, and separated from this work, to wit, the Ecclesiastick History; in which Eusebius describes the suf∣ferings of the Palestine Martyrs, and especially the passion of his friend Pamphilus. Some studious person added this book to the eighth book of the Ecclesiastick History, because their Subjects were very like; whose Copy the Transcribers afterwards following, placed it in their Copies. In all the M. SS. which I could ever yet see, this book is extant after the end of B. 8. in such manner as Robert Stephens publish't it. Chri∣stophorson therefore did ill, and contrary to the authority of all Copies, to put this book in here, as if it had been part of the Eighth book of the Ecclesiastick History. Musculus was more prudent, who (fol∣lowing Stephens's Edition in his Version) translated the eighth book as he found it in the Greek, and wholly omitted this Appendix: which neither Ru••••nus, nor Nicephorus seem to have found in their Copies. Besides, the Titles of the Chapters of Book 8. (which, as usually, are prefixt before it) were sufficient to have put Christophorson in mind, that this Appendix did in no wise belong to the Eighth Book. Vales.
• a 1.52

  Lactan∣tius tells the same story, in his book 5. Institut. Divi••ar. chap. 11. where he treats con∣cerning the injustice of the Judges, or Rulers of Pro∣vinces, who puni∣shed the Christians: alii (says he) ad oc∣cidendum pr••cipi••es extiterunt, sicut unus in Phrygia, qui univer∣sum popu∣lum cum ip∣so pariter conventiculo concremavit; i. e. others were very hasty to mur∣ther [the Christians] as was one in Phrygia, who burnt all the inhabitants, together with the place they dwelt in, at one and the same time. Vales.
• b 1.53

  The Curator of the City was he, who lookt after the Treasure, and what ever else in generall belonged to the revenue of the City; this is manifest from the Pandects of the Law; he is also called Logista (from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is the term here in the origi∣nal,) in Lege 3. Cod. de modo mulctandi. Hence [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] was used to signifie the performance of the Curators Office, or place. See Valesius's notes on Ammian. Marcellinus, pag. 36.
• c 1.54

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is the term in the original; which the Latines called Magistratus, or Duumvir; 'tis taken in this sense throughout the whole title Cod. Theod. de Decurlonibus: & in Optatus, Lib. 1. &c. in which places (and in many others) Magistratus and Duumvir are promiscuously used. The chief Magistrate amongst the Corinthians, Rhodians, Tarsenses, Ephesians, and Philippians, was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and also amongst the Athenians the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 got the Precedency and chief place, the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being suppressed: See Cicero in Book 5. Epist. 11. ad Atticum. Lastly in all Grecian Cities it was at length customary to call the chief Magistrates Strategi; as 'tis mani∣fest from the old Coyns and marbles. See Valesius's his notes on Amm. Marcellinus, B. 31. pag. 423, 424.
• d 1.55

  In the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill. M. SS. this person's name is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ Adauctus▪ so Rufinus and Cedrenus wrote his name also. This person is mentioned in the Greek Menaeum, on the third of Octo∣ber. There was at the same time another Adauctus, who suffered Martyrdom at Rome, and is mentioned at the seventh of February Vales.
• e 1.56

  He means the Procuratour, or Steward of the Revenue. Rufinus renders this place thus; rationes summarum partium administrans; which is truly translated. Vales.
• f 1.57

  Concerning these Magistrirei privatae, see Leg. 2 and 4, Cod. Theod. De jure fisci. These Officers are usually joyned with the Ratio••alists in the Cod. Theod. See Valesius's notes on Ammian. Marcellin. Book. 15. pag. 78.
• a 1.58

  Such a fire is that, which is made of straw and small sprigs of trees. It is called a slow, or slack fire, to difference it from the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the unquench∣able fire, which we took notice of before. This fire was kindled at some distance, that so the Mar∣tyrs might be choakt with the smoak, rather than burnt. Pio∣nius the Martyr seems to have been killed by such a fire, as his Acts do attest. Seneca (in his third book De Irâ) seems to men∣tion this sort of punishment, in these words, E•• circundati defixis corporibus ignes. Vales.
• b 1.59

  Rufinus translates 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is the term here, grid-irons▪ So also the Old Gloss renders this term. Vales.
• c 1.60

  There may be a double meaning given of these words. For we may either understand that these women had gone one half of their journey; in which sense Nicephorus took the words: or that they stood on a bank which was in the middle of the high∣way. Concerning the Martyr∣dom of these sort of Christian women (who drowned them∣selves for the preservation of their Chastity and Religion,) see S^t August. De Civitat. D••i, book 1. chap. 26. There is extant an encomium of these women in the first Tome of Chrysostome, where the mother is called Domnina, and the daughters Bernice and Prosdoce. The Antiochians, celebrated their Martyrdom on the 20 day after the Feast of the holy Cross; the Greeks placed their Birth-day on Oct. 4. Vales.
• d 1.61

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which Rufinus translates elegantly, us∣que ad loca pudenda quibus natu∣ralis egestio procurari soles. The Grecians call [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that part of the body, which modesty for∣bids to be named. Vales.
• * 1.62

  Ironically spoken.
• e 1.63

  The Med. Maz▪ and Fuk. M. SS. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] superlative. Vales.
• f 1.64

  Rufinus says an Edict of the Emperour was set forth, whereby such a sort of punishment was commanded thenceforth to be in∣flicted on the Christians: But I think this not to be true. For the Magistrates themselves, being overcome by the constancy of the Christians, at length betook themselves to this sort of punish∣ment on their own accord. Vales.
• g 1.65

  You must understand [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, combats▪] for he had spoken concer∣ning these just be∣fore. Chri∣stophorson translated these words ill, thus [at this time;] and from them began a new Chapter. Vales.
• h 1.66

  The term here is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, secret.] It seems to be used for [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, inexplicable;] in which sense Eusebius does frequently use it. But if any one will translate it [secret,] I shall not withstand it. Vales.
• a 1.67

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the martyrs at Antioch] in Niccphorus the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Martyrs of Antioch,] which doubtless is truest. For Lucianus suffered not at Antioch, but at Nicomedia, as Eusebius attests in this place; to whom agree Jerom [in Catalog.] Rufinus, and Nicephorus. The same is confirmed by Lucianus himself in the Epistle he wrote to the Antiochians, when he was (together with some other Mar∣tyrs) in prison at Nicomedia. The last words of this Epistle are ex∣tant in the Alexandrian Chronicle, at the first year of the persecution. Vales.
• b 1.68

  To wit, in the book concerning the Mar∣tyrs of Pa∣lestine, which is placed af∣ter this eighth B. For in that Eusebius at large de∣clares the Martyr∣dom of Pamphilus, as may there be seen. More∣over, from this place it appears, that that book con∣cerning the Martyrs of Palestine was writ∣ten by Eu∣scbius after his Ecclesi∣astick Hi∣story, and after his books con∣cerning the life of Pam∣philus the Martyr. Christophorson (who had inserted that whole Appendix before this chapter) was forced to omit these words of Eusebius here, least Eusebius should seem to have forgot himself. I must indeed confess, that in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, we have declared;] but if that reading be true, Eusebius must mean his books concerning the life of Pam∣philus the Martyr; which (as before we observed) he wrote before his Ecclesiastick History. Vales.
• c 1.69

  In the Maz. & Med. M. SS. this person is called Dius; in Robert Stephens he is named Didius. Vales.
• d 1.70

  He means doubtless his book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine. For no other book but that can be found, wherein Eusebius relates the conflicts of the Martyrs which he himself had seen. The opinion of Christophorson is from this passage further disproved, who supposed the book Concerning the Martyrs of Palestine was part of this eighth book: upon which account, after these words [in another work] he omitted some words, and inserted others, against the authority of all Copies. Turnebus was sensible hereof, and therefore at the margin of his copy he put this Greek Scholion at these words, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. note, that you will meet with this writing immediately after this eighth book. Vales.
• e 1.71

  How great the felicity of the Roman Empire was, in the reign of Diocletian and Maximian, Mamertinus attests in his Genethliacum, about the latter end. Neither did the Romans ever succeed more prosperously in their wars against the Barbarians, than at that time. The Barbarians were in every engagement slain, and the limits of the Roman Empire enlarged. If we read the Histories of those times, we shall find that the affairs of the Empire were never in a better po∣sture; when four Princes, to wit, two Augusti, and as many Caesar's, did each of them severally repell the Barbarians. But although Diocletian and Maximian obtained so many victories over the enemies of the Ro∣man Empire; yet they triumphed but once, a little before they resigned the Empire, as Eutropius and Zonaras do attest. The words of Eutro∣pius are these; uterque una die privato habitu imperii infigne mutavit; Nicomediae Diocletianus, Herculius Mediolani, post triumphum in••lytum, quem Romae ex numerosis gentibus egerant, pompa serculorum illustri, &c. Hieronymus (in his Chronicon) has placed this triumph of Diocletian and Maximian on the eighteenth year of Diocletian. At which place Scaliger (in his Animadversions) remarques, that Hieronymus has committed an Anachronism. For he says, this triumph was performed on the twentieth year of Diocletian, some months before he put off his purple. But Scaliger himself is mistaken rather than Hieronymus. For if Diocletian triumphed in the twentieth year of his Empire, that is some few moneths before he resigned it, it must be said he triumpht about January, in the year of Christ 304, and put off his purple on the Kalends of April of the same year; which time of his Resignation, Idatius declares (in Fastis.) Whence it follows, that he triumpht in winter time, and in the depth of winter travelled from Rome to Ni∣comedia; neither of which is probable. For neither did the Roman Emperours usually triumph in winter; nor was Diocletian (by reason of his age and infirmity of body) able to endure the trouble of so te∣dious a journey Besides, in the nineteenth year of his Empire, in March and April, Diocletian was at Nieomedia; at which time the persecu∣tion against the Christians began, as our Eusebius attests in chap. 5. book 8. He was at Nicomedia also, when the Palace there was burnt; (as Constantine witnesseth in his Oration ad sanctorum coetum, chap. 25.) which fire happened some moneths after the persecution was began. Let us therefore suppose, that that happened in May, is it credible that Diocletian could goe from Nicomedia to Rome, triumph there, return from thence to Nicomedia, put off his purple there, and retire in∣to Dalmatia to lead the rest of his life in retirement there: is it (I say) credible he could do all this within ten moneths space? Be∣sides, the disease, by which Diocletian was for some time put out of his wits, seized him first at Nicomedia, a little after he raised the persecu∣tion, as Constantine relates. Wherefore, 'tis very improbable, that Diocletian, troubled with such a distemper, undertook such a long journey. Further, the Authour of the panegyrick spoken to Maximian and Constantine, does expresly affirm, that Diocletian and Maximian triumphed at Rome some years before the twentieth of Diocletian's Em∣pire; see his words. Scaliger therefore is much mistaken, in saying Diocletian and Maximian triumphed in the twentieth year of Diocle∣tian's Empire: Hieronymus, more truly, placed it on the eighteenth of Diocletian. In which year Idatius (in Fastis) observes, that the Em∣perours gave command by their Edict that Corn should be sold cheap; which seems to have been ordered by them after the triumph, to please the people of Rome. But Cedrenus places this triumph on the seven∣teenth year of Diocletian. Vales.
• f 1.72

  Eusebius had better have said, the first year was scarce com∣pleated. For this Resigna∣tion of the Empire, made by Diocletian and Maxi∣mian, hap∣pened a∣bout the beginning of the second year of the persecution, on the Kalends of April, in the year of Christ 304. the persecution having been begun in the moneth of March of the foregoing year. Whenas therefore Eusebius says [the second year of this war was not compleated,] his meaning must be this [it was the second year current of the persecution:] in this sense that other place of Eusebius (which occurs in chap. 3. of his B. concerning the Martyrs of Palestine, about the end of the chapter,) is to be taken Vales.
• g 1.73

  Christophorson translates these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] thus, primus nostrarum aerumnarum auctor, the first authour of our sorrows; which version is not good: but he seems to have followed Nicephorus herein; who (in B. 7 chap. 16.) writes out this passage of Eusebius; and instead of his words here set down, uses these [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the authour of our mischief.] Vales.
• h 1.74

  For Constantius and Galcrius parted the Empire between them∣selves: which was the first division of the Empire, as Eusebius here asserts. For although there had been more than one Augustus at the same time, yet they governed the Roman Empire together, without making any division of it; thus it was in the Reign of Marcus and Verus. Neither was there any division made of the Empire in the reign of Diocletianus and Herculius Maximianus; when those two Augusti parted neither the provinces, nor the legions. See Eutropius, B. 10. Oro∣sius B. 7. Concerning this division of the Empire (which Rome was much displeased at) Porphyrius (in his Panegyrich to Constantine, written by him in the 15^th year of Constantine's reign,) speaks these words,

  —Laccrata cruentis Imperiis pars fessa poli, divisa gemebat Sceptra, & Ausoniae marebat perdita jura.

  Vales.
• i 1.75

  The meaning of his passage is not, that Constantius was the first Emperour that had the honour to be deified after his death: (for many Emperours, before Constan∣tius, were by the Senate accoun∣ted amongst the number of the divi:) But that, of the four Em∣perours who governed the Em∣pire together (to wit, Diocleti∣anus, Maximianus, Constantius, and Galerius) Constantius was the first that obtained this ho∣nour; because he was the first of them four, that dyed. Vales.
• k 1.76

  In the Kings M. S. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a fertunate end of his life:] but in the Maz Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. the words here are [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an honourable and thrice∣happy con∣clusion of his life.] Vales.
• l 1.77

  In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 honoured with the title of Caesar onely, before (or, otherwise than) all the rest:] which reading is truer than [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by all men.] For, four Augusti at that time governed the affairs of the Roman Empire; to wit, Gale∣rius, Constantinus, Maxentius, and Licinius. But Maximinus was long before made Caesar by Galerius, and continued in that dignity untill Galerius's death. Wherefore, 'tis most true (what Eusebius here saith) that Maximinus was much displeased, because, there being then so many Augusti, he alone had no other title than that of Caesar, when as notwithstanding he had received that title of Caesar, before the other three Princes now mentioned. Vales.
• m 1.78

  These words [whom we before manifested to have re-assumed the Empire, after his resignation of it] are wanting in the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. They are in the Kings M. S. And in the Med. M. S. they are writ∣ten at the margin here, in the same hand in which that M. S. is written. Moreover, although Eusebius here says, he before related, that Maxi∣mianus Herculius re-assumed the Imperial dignity; yet hitherto I can∣not find the place where Eusebius has said this. Vales.
• n 1.79

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the expression here) is to be understood in the same sense with that we explained a little before in this chapter, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the first that was deisied.] See note (i.) in this thirteenth chapter. Vales.
• * 1.80

  To Maxi∣mianus.
• a 1.81

  Aurelius Victor (in the life of Maxentius) says the same; adeo saevus, uti praetorianis caedem vulgi quondam annuerit; he was so cruel, that one time he connived at his Guards for killing the com∣mon people. Constantine, having vanquished Maxentius, did quite put down the Praetorian Cohorts, (i. e. those Souldiers, whose office it was to guard the Emperours body,) upon pretence of this slaughter (here mentioned) they made among the common people; but in reality, that they should not attempt any alterations in the government, nor make Emperours, as they had done Maxentius, whom they proclaimed Augustus. Moreover, Zosimus tells the same story, (here mentioned by our Eusebius) but a little otherwise. For he relates, that when the temple of the God Genius at Rome was accidentally fired, and the people flockt together to quench the fire; a Souldier, who derided this God of the Gentiles, was killed by the common peo∣ple; upon which there immedi∣ately happened so great an up∣roar amongst the Souldiers, that the whole City had been destroy∣ed, had not Maxentius intervened, Vales.
• b 1.82

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; So our Authour words it in the Greek. They were called S••cer∣dotes [i. e. chief Priests] by the Gentiles, who had the Temples of a whole Province under their care: but the Flamines [the Priests] were those, who in every Town and City took care of the performance of their Religious Rites. (See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcellinus, Book 28. pag. 375. Moreover, Maximi∣nus must not be supposed to have been the first that instituted these chief Priests of the Provinces: for there were such Priests long be∣fore his time. But Maximinus increased their honour, and al∣lowed them a guard, i. e. Lictors and Apparitors. th••se chief Priests of the Provinces were made out of the body of the Curiales, (i. e. those that were of the Court, or Senate in every City; see Vale∣sius's notes on Amm. Marcell. B. 28. p. 374.) who had before born all publick Offices, and dis∣charged them worthily. This place [of high Priest of a Pro∣vince] was accounted so ho∣nourable, that he that bore it took place of the Magistrates, or Duumviri. See the Gesta purgat. Caeciliani, B. 9. chap. 4. These high Priests had the power of entring into the secretum of the Judges, and of being assessours with them, as appears from the Acts of Theodorus the Martyr at November 9.
• c 1.83

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Musculus tran∣slates it Statutis, Laws: Christo∣phorson, manda••is, commands: Vale∣sius, indictionibus, imposts or taxes. Our Eusebius uses the same term at chap. 8. B. 10. Where, speaking of Licinius, he says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. he invented several sorts of Taxes against his Subjects. See book 10. chap. 8. note (d.)
• d 1.84

  See Eusebius's oration concer∣ning the praises of Constantine, c. 7. where this passage is repeated al∣most in the same words. Vales.
• * 1.85

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the Greek: Valesius renders it Clavorum suffixiones▪ the being fast∣ned with nails; perhaps our Au∣thour means crucifixion.
• e 1.86

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the expression in the Greek. Some words seem to be wanting, which may be thus supplied [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, having requested a short space of time for a recess.] Eusebius used the same phrase before, when he spake of the Antiochian woman, who with the two Virgins leapt into the River. Vales.
• f 1.87

  At the margin of the Maz. and Savill M. SS. I found this Scholion written, for the explication of these words: [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. How does this man admire those women, who were the authours of their own deaths? And yes the Judgment of the Church is, not to record them amongst the number of the Martyrs, who have been their own executioners. For 'tis [an argument] of fear, rather than courage, by death to prevent the dread of punishment. But [the Church looks upon those as Martyrs,] who suppose nothing to be dreadfull upon account of the confession of Christ; but with alacrity suffer all [tortures,] that a Tyrannick and devilish subtilty can produce [against them.] The Authour of this Scholion has made a true remark, to wit, that the Church approves not of self∣murder; when men, out of a fear of death, or through desperation lay violent hands on themselves. But as often as they are d••iven to do that by the instinct of the divine spirit, which ••arely happens; then the Church approves and admires that act▪ but proposes it not for imitation. See what S^t Augustine thought concerning this matter, in his first Book. De civitate Dei, chap. 26. Vales.
• a 1.88

  The per∣secution began in the year of Christ 303; when Dio∣cletian was in his 8^th, an Maxi∣mian in his 7^th, con∣sulate. It ended in the year of Christ 312; then, when Constan∣tine, ha∣ving con∣quered Maxentius, sent letters to Maximi∣nus Empe∣rour of the East, to procure liberty for the Christians; as our Eusebius relates in Book 9. Therefore the persecution lasted ten years, as 'tis here af∣firmed. And so the years are noted in the M. S. copies of Eusebius's Chronicon, as Pontacus has observed. Epiphanius therefore is mista∣ken; who (in his Book De ponder. & Mensur.) says this persecu∣tion lasted twelve years. See the following chapter, where our Au∣thour relates, that the persecution ceased on the tenth year. Vales.
• a 1.89

  At these words we began the 16^th cha∣pter, agre∣able to the Maz▪ and Fuk▪ M. SS. But in the Med▪ M. S. (which Rob. Ste∣phens fol∣lowed, in the distin∣ction of the chapters) there is no new cha∣pter began here. Vales.
• b 1.90

  He means Maximia∣nus Galeri∣us, as 'tis apparent from the following words: for he was the Authour of the perse∣cution rai∣sed against the Chri∣stians. Ru∣finus in the 1••^th cha∣pter of this book speaks thus con∣cerning; G••lerius; Ille verò, qui ••i se∣cundus ••n honore, post∣m••dum eti∣am in pri∣mis succes∣sor ••uit, qui & in cen∣tor ac ••ig∣nif••r nostra persecuti∣onis extiterat, &c. i. e. But he, who was the next in honour to him, after∣wards succeeded him in the first and chiefest place; who also was the in∣cendiary and first beginner of our persecution, &c. Cedrenus attests the same. Vales.
• * 1.91

  Matth. 18. 7.
• c 1.92

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He means his genitals; which Victor (in his Epitomo) does confirm: Galerius Maximianus (says he) consumptis genitalibus defecit.
• d 1.93

  The phrase in the Greek is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which, being literally rendred, imports thus much, an ulcer in the fundamens full of holes like a spunge.
• * 1.94

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This expression Musculus renders thus, ad semetipsum reversus, being come to himself: Christophorson thus, mentem igitur recolligens, & tanquam rediens ad se, recollecting therefore his mind, and returning as it were to himself: Valesius thus, totâ mentis aci•• in semet ipsum con∣versâ, the whole sharpness of his mind being turned upon himself.
• a 1.95

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which words Rufinus renders very well, thus. Convocatis his qui in officio publico parc••ant; having called together those who served in any publick office. Eusebius usually means, by this phrase, the Grandees of the Palace, whom Amm. Mar∣cellinus does commonly term, aulae summates, & Imperatoris proximos, the chief Court officers, and those necrest to the Emperour. Vales.
• * 1.96

  In the original 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the Imperial Palace: But Nicephorus reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for the Emperour. Vales.
• b 1.97

  We find that the Persians were but once con∣quered by Galerius, which was in the year of Christ 297; as 'tis affir∣med in Fa∣stis Idatii, and in the Alexandri∣an Chro∣nicle. The same is confirmed by Liba∣nius, in his oration in∣titled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; where he relates that the Per∣sians, after that great defeat they received from the Romans under the conduct of Galerius▪ spent fourty years in preparations to make amends for that overthrow; and that, a little before the death of Constantine the Great, they entred upon a war with the Romans. Indeed, from that year of Christ we mentioned (i. e. Anno 297) to the year wherein Constantine dyed, there are fourty years. Therefore, Eusebius's Chronicle must be cor∣rected, in which this Persian victory is placed on the seventeenth year of Diocletian; whereas it should be placed on his thirteenth year; as it is in the Edition of Arnaldus Pontacus. Seeing therefore we can find no other victory that Maximianus obtained over the Persians, this place ought to be pointed (as it is in Nicephorus, and as we have done in our translation) after this manner: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Sarmaticus Maximus the Fifth time; Per∣sicus Maximus. In Rufinus's old copy, there is at this place no distin∣ction by points; but 'tis thus, Sarmaticus quinquies Persicus bis Carpi∣cus Sexies Armenicus Medorum & Adiabenorum Victor.
• c 1.98

  Rufinus▪ renders this passage thus, Tribuniciae potestatis vicies, having been Tribune of the people twenty times. This is the reading in the M. SS. From this place we may perceive, that Galerius was made Caesar, and Colleague in the Tribunician power (or, Tribune of the people) at the same time; since in this Edict he accounts the years of his Tribunician power from that time when he was proclaimed Caesar. Now, he was made Caesar in the year of Christ 291, on the Calends of March. Moreover, he put forth this Edict in favour of the Christians, in the year of Christ 311, in his eighth Consulate, as the in∣scription of the Edict declares: whence it followes, that this Edict was written before the Calends of March. For from that time Galerius began his Tribunician Power. Vales.
• d 1.99

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; i. e. Emperour the Nineteenth time: for that's the reading in the most ancient copy of Rufinus. Christophor∣son translated this term ill, thus, Dictator. He knew not what was the import of the word Imperator. Imperator signifies one thing in the titles of the Emperours, when 'tis put in the First place like a Pronoun; but it imports another thing, when 'tis subjoyned to the rest of the titles. For the word [Emperour] put in the Second place, denotes the victory of the Emperours, and shews how often they were stiled Emperours by the Army, after they had obtained a victory; so Dio ••••forms us. Vales.
• e 1.100

  In all copies, there is an omission of the number of times that Con∣stantine had born the office of Tribune of the people, when this Edict came forth. I have added the figure [V] which denotes the Fifth time of his bearing the Tribune-ship: which addition is grounded upon a most certain conjecture. Vales.
• f 1.101

  After this word [Proconsul,] (in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil M. SS. and in Nicephorus) there are these following words [And, Emperour Caesar Valerius Licinianus, Pius▪ Faelix, Invictus, Augastus, Pontifex Maximus; Tribune of the people IV. Emperour III. Consul, Father of his Country, Proconsul: To the Subjects of their own Provinces Greeting.] Which passage, although it occurs not in Ruffinus, yet is of good authority. And first▪ as to Licinius's Tribunician Power, the same must be thought of that which was of Galerius's, to wit, that it is to be begun from the time of his being made Caesar. Now, Licinius was made Caesar in the year of Christ 308, on the third of the Ides of November, as it appears in the Fasti of Idatius. Therefore, the ••ourth year of Licinius's Tribunician Power began in the year of Christ 311, on the third of the Ides of November. But this disagrees with what we noted before, when we treated concerning the Tribunician Power of Galerius. Wherefore one of these places must necessarily be false. For if it were then the fourth year of Licinius's Tribunician Power, it was the twenty first of Galerius's. On the contrary, if this were the twentieth year of Galerius's being Tribune of the people, it was but the third year of Licinius's bearing that dignity. As to the consulate of Licinius, there is mention thereof in the Fasti of Prosp••rus, Cas∣siodorus, and Victorius; where he is placed Consul with Maximianus Augustus Cos. VIII. In my notes on Amm. Marcellinus, I had remarked, that Licinius was made Augustus by Galerius, a little before Gale∣rius's death; which I collected from hence, because in this Edict, we now speak of, Gallerius had made no mention of Licinius's being his Colleague: but since in our M. SS. and in Nicephorus Licinius is stiled Augustus in this Edict of Galerius, that conjecture of ours is wholly destroyed. Vales.
• g 1.102

  In the Fuk. Savil, Maz. and Med. M. SS. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, So great an arrogancy and unadvisedness—has possest and in∣vaded them.] Vales. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which Valesius here renders arrogantia, arrogancy) is by Democrates (in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.) defined to be speaking all, and no•• enduring to hear any body else. D^r Hammond has given a large account of the significantions of this word, in his note on Rom. 1. v. 29.